NAWSA Subject File Philippines Suffrage Assoc. A GROUP OF ACTRESSES The March of Women BY CHRISTABEL OSBORN JUNE has been a month of spectacles and processions. In the retrospect there rises up in our minds, as we look back, a blurred memory of London overwhelmed by huge, confused crowds, by a ceaseless tangle of traffic, by a deluge of staring, wondering faces; then on particular days a sudden clearance of the main streets, a startling pause in the rush and bustle, the eternal to-and-fro movement of a great business city, a forcible massing up of huge throngs on pavements too small for them; then the slow, spectacular advance of some gorgeous pageant, a flaring splash of brilliant colour in our dull, grey streets, a sudden concentration of eager eyes, a moment of tension, and then the rushing sound of a cheer. The pageant has passed; the massed crowds have gazed their fill; the ranks suddenly break and scatter; the show is over. That is the popular thought. To the masses of the people these great processions are a show and little else; the writers and the speakers, in the Press and on the platform, may assure us that they are full of a deep inner significance, that in them we see historic links that bind the present with the great days of the past, but to the crowd all this is but "a tale of little meaning though the words are strong." There is a pageantry that belongs to the King when he goes out to show himself to his subjects, just as there is a pageantry when the Lord Mayor goes to the Law Courts; both provide for the 329 330 THE LADY'S REALM mass of the people an occasion for holiday making; neither a reason for thought. Yet there was one June procession, and that not a State one, so strange and so novel that, perhaps, a little of its inner significance did penetrate the popular mind - the Great March of the Women. Even while they stared, a puzzled wonder surely filled the minds of some of the onlookers. What have we come out into the streets of London to see? they may well have asked themselves. A woman? Even 40,000 women? A woman is a commonplace object enough—we can see a woman any day; indeed, any number of women. We come out into the streets and stand weary hours to see a King or a Queen or a successful general, or — occasionally—a great statesman; an individual who is singular, unique, who stands out above the level mediocre mass by reason of birth, or high position, or startling actions, or, sometimes, high character. But in the Women's Procession no individual was the centre of interest; the pageant had no climax; it was the rank and file who were the attraction. True, there were leaders present whose names are household words in the movement and have even gained a wider fame; true, in many of the groups there were women whose names are widely known in the worlds literature, art and science, but, then, what tiny worlds these are compared to the great Philistine world outside; those distinguished names were as nothing to the crowds who thronged the street, either utterly unknown, or if known, utterly uncared for. To that crowd the attraction lay, not in the presence of any individual woman, however distinguished; but rather in the great mass of the women themselves; it was the unknown who had suddenly become the known, the insignificant who by their numbers had suddenly gained significance. That was the most striking part of the great procession. Who remembers in looking back on the great struggles of the past, the "crowd untold, Of men by the cause they served unknown"; the leaders have their names in history; their honour is eternal, but the army is ignored and its sacrifices forgotten. In the Women's Procession, that "crowd untold" was suddenly revealed; for once their presence was visible, not to be denied, their THE MARCH OF THE WOMEN 331 BOADICEA. existence was demonstrated, and their importance made clear; it was not the leaders who counted, but rather the force they led; the countless thousands who are daily sacrificing time and patience, wealth and labour, while their names remain obscure, their sacrifices almost unheeded, whose hearts are given to a cause in a purity of fervour which has no thought of recognition or acknowledgement. The March of the Women! To the thoughtful of the onlookers, those words in themselves announced a strange new phenomenon. Has there ever been such a great women's march before? Once, indeed, on a grey, wet and dreary October morning, more than a century ago, there was a great march of women, an epoch-making march of wild women, maddened by famine and the spectacle of their starving children. That march, too marked the sudden rising up of the unknown multitude, of the unseen forces of a vast population hitherto completely ignored. Few are the names which survive of those who took part in the wild rush of the women from Paris to Versailles on the 5th of October, 1789; yet that march of the leaderless and the unknown has left an ineffaceable imprint in history. So, perhaps, the Women's March of June 17th, 1911, will make its mark in history. We are too near to judge its significance accurately. In itself, it presents a strange contrast to that earlier event; not so much the fact that it was peaceful and beautiful and, as some will say, womanly; while the other was hideous and furious, a nightmare of frenzied passion; but in its motive. The one was roused by a mad revolt against physical suffering and misery; the other, by a passion, an 332 THE LADY'S REALM enthusiasm for an abstract conception of political freedom. And there are some who will urge that the one cause is easy to understand, while the other is difficult ; but we hope not many. For no one need despair of humanity as long as the great spiritual ideas of truth and faith and freedom can command their martyrs. Sad if the ideas are false or the causes mistaken ; but the sacrifices are not lost ; for man can only attain true greatness when he rises above the material. And as the Women's pageant passed, that great White Pageant, flecked with brilliant colour, with its triumphal cars, with its badges and its banners, like an army going forth conquering and to conquer, it was impossible not to recognise that its ideals, whether true or false, have had the power to call out the highest qualities in those inspired by them. For, 700 strong, in their white robes and bearing their silver arrows, is advancing, under their stately banner bearing the motto, " From Prison to Citizenship," the Pageant of Prisoners. Truly, this political faith has had its martyrs, who have not only found in the shameful police court dock, in the narrow prison cell, " a temple of honour," but who have faced that more cruel martyrdom, the agony of soul which attends the rending of all inborn and who have gone out into the wilderness like the ascetics of old. But, perhaps to some an even more striking proof of the force of this new crusade is its wonderful uniting power. There has been no need for a " Press of Women," as there was when material want was the driving force. The women who poured out ot the alleys and courts of the poorest quarters of Paris on that cold October morning long ago, " pressed " the richer women whom hunger had not touched into their ranks ; they forced the dainty carriage ladies to join their march and walk with them in rain and mud. But in the Suffrage cause the carriage lady has long ago descended into the dust of the highway ; she has taken her share in the burden and the heat of the day ; she has broken down all class barriers. To the wondering spectator of the Suffrage procession this harmont and union of different classes stood out clear and prominent. There the titled women of leisure mingled with the toiling women workers and the workers of every grade had found a level platform on which their distinctions were forgotten. There in friendly contact were the sweated tailoresses and sempstresses of the East End who earn their I3/4d. an hour side by side with the textile women workers of Lancashire, who hold in their hands the prosperity of a great staple industry ; the professional women, the teachers, the hospital nurses, the doctors the writers, the artists, the actresses ; the women who have studied, through and read, and women who can act and dance and sing ; old and young, the matron and the maiden, the idlers and the workers, all were there met together, united by one common feeling, in one common aspiration. The procession was a living demonstration of the oneness of womanhood from the highest to the lowest all the world over. For in its ranks were representatives of the Britains beyond Seas and of nearly every civilised country. It marked a great revolution--that was the observer's first and natural reflection. Women have finally come forth from the protected obscurity of the home into the broad light of day in the public streets ; always they have been a hidden force ; now suddenly they have become an acknowledged force. True enough ; but by no means the whole truth. For those with eyes to see the procession marked not so much a revolution, as a stage in evolution, the definite manifestation of a simple and gradual change that may have appeared as if in a vision to the far-seeing many generations ago. For we in this country are proud of the long unbroken development of our history and our constitution ; there have been outbreaks, violence, even revolution, but there is no yawning gulf separating the past from the present ; the old foundations have never been rent up ; all our institutions have their roots deep in the past. And that revolutionary March of the Women, as it has been called, after all had its roots deep in the past, too. The organisers of the Procession realised that, even if the THE MARCH OF THE WOMEN 333 onlookers did not. That was the true significance of the Historical Pageant. The Queens from Boadicea to Victoria who marched by in their stately robes reminded us what great recognition women have had in the national life. Indeed, it is striking how deep cut in English history, for good or evil, are the names of her Queens. And not only in English history. In the Empire Pageant were walking several women with complexions tanned by a hotter sun than ours, their heads veiled by graceful, falling draperies, their dresses touched here and there with rich Oriental colours. They were the representatives of our great Eastern dependency, for even behind the high walls and THE LONG PROCESSION PASSING THROUGH TRAFALGAR SQUARE. heavy curtains that shut in the zenana the spirit has penetrated of this strange new crusade. Strange, indeed, was their presence, and yet, after all, not so strange ; for always in Oriental history woman has played a powerful part, and by strange methods in those despotic countries women without birth or rank or wealth, mere slaves and chattels whose lives were at the mercy of their masters, have yet wielded sceptres and controlled empires by the force of their inborn capacity alone. Yes ; the figures in that historic pageant furnish surely the most curious demonstration how the very powers which through all the ages tradition has declared woman does not possess, or possessing ought not to exercise, have at intervals blazed into prominence. The barriers have never succeeded in wholly barring the way. Women, who have been excluded from political power, yet have produced great rulers. Women have been denied admission to even the lowliest office in the Church, and yet as we recall the great religious movements of the world, how readily the names of women rise up in the mind. As we watch the dignified passage of the Abbess Hilda and her nuns, we remember that she was the forerunner of women like St. Teresa of Spain, of St. Katharine of Siena, of Mere Angelique ; and, stranger still, we recall how in these days when new, mysterious creeds are being daily offered to a perplexed and doubting world, it is women who are their founders and their prophets and who number their converts by thousands. 334 THE LADY'S REALM The presence of the Freewoman, the Women Burgesses, the Women Governors of castles with the voteless women of a later date are a reminder that this movement is to some extent one to gain back what has been lost rather than to grasp something entirely new. In the same way the strong phalanx of women in the academic robes walking proudly under their collegiate banners, are not so entirely a modern development as we are sometimes inclined to fancy. Knowledge was by no means such a fountain sealed to the women of an earlier day as it was during that dismal depressing period, known as Early Victorian, a period of reaction when women were trained to a general incapacity alike 'intellectual and domestic ; and the great god " gentility' condemned equally the woman who was learned in a dead language and the woman who was skilled in her kitchen. So, under certain other aspects, the changes are not in essence as revolutionary as they at first sight appear. Just as steam and machinery have taken men away from the country and have massed them in factory towns, but where under different conditions they are engaged in much the same industries, so with the women. As the women clerks and typists pass, we remember that if modern haste has given birth to the typewriter, yet in the days even of the Abbess Hilda women were often copiers of manuscripts and keepers of records of the time. The women textile workers of Lancashire are but the descendants of the women who spun and wove in every home ; those women earned their living in truth and, in fact, just as much as the worker who now draws her weekly wages. Women, to a large extent, have always been the nurses ; if we go back sufficiently far, we find that they have often been the doctors ; they have always been the teachers ; they have followed most of the arts and crafts. It is not women's work that has greatly altered as the conditions under which it is done ; and there, indeed, the changes have been revolutionary. The old time was better, some will say. Possibly, but nothing can be more futile than to strive to bring it back. And one doubts if even the greatest " laudator temporis acti " really wants it back. He may long for the charming spectacle of a woman sitting at her spinning wheel at every fireside, instead of women by the hundred toiling in the whirr and rush of a spinning shed ; but he also wants to keep the railway, the telephone, and the motor car as well. Where all is changing his ideal is that woman is yet to remain unchanged ; like a Lady of Shalott, she is to watch the rushing tide of life and the slow advance of progress, of civilisation as a vision reflected before her in a mirror, without ever coming into actual contact with it. The dust of the streets is never to soil her garments ; she is always to be like the Queen of Love and Beauty at the medieval tournaments, who watched in perfect tranquility and security the knights who contended for her praise in the arena below. And yet through all the ages women have been workers ; they have Rlulifines Boyd ACT NO. 1582 THE ELECTION LAW ENACTED JANUARY 9, 1907 PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION MANILA BUREAU OF PRINTING 1907 51092 CONTENTS.1 SECTION ... Page 1. Short title ... 5 2. Definitions and general provisions ... 5 3. Elections ... 5 4. Vacancies and special elections ... 8 5. The Philippine Assembly ... 10 6. Compensation and expenses of Delegates to the Assembly ... 12 7. Division into districts, and representation ... 12 8. Election precincts ... 17 9. Designation and arrangement of polling places ... 17 10. Liquors, cockfighting, and booths in vicinity ... 19 11. Notices of special elections ... 19 12. Qualifications of officers ... 19 13. Qualifications of voters ... 21 14. Disqualifications ... 21 15. Inspectors of election ... 22 16. Preservation of order by inspectors ... 24 17. Registry of voters ... 25 18. Registry of special elections ... 28 19. Pay of inspectors and expenses of election ... 29 20. Official ballots ... 29 21. Conduct of elections ... 31 22. Voting ... 33 23. Challenges ... 34 24. Counting of votes ; announcement of results ... 35 25. Canvas by provincial board ... 38 26. Canvas by municipal council ... 40 27. Election contests ... 40 28. Corrupt practices ... 41 29. Penalties upon officers ... 41 30. General penalties ... 43 31. Jurisdiction of courts ... 47 32. Repealing section ... 48 33. Date Act shall take effect ... 48 1 General index, page 50. 3 [No. 1582.] AN ACT TO PROVIDE FOR THE HOLDING OF ELECTIONS IN THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, FOR THE ORGANIZATION OF THE PHILIPPINE ASSEMBLY, AND FOR OTHER PURPOSES. By authority of the United States, be it enacted by the Philippine Commission, that: Section 1. Short title.--This Act shall be known as the Election Law. Sec. 2. Definitions and general provisions.--Terms used in this Act and in Acts of amendatory thereof and supplementary thereto shall have the meaning and be construed as follows, unless some other meaning is plainly apparent from the language or context, or unless such construction is inconsistent with the manifest intent of the legislators : The terms "board of inspectors" or "the board," when used herein shall mean the board of inspectors of election and the poll clerk. The board of inspectors of election and the poll clerk. The board of inspectors shall act through its chairman upon a majority vote of the members, the poll clerk having neither voice nor vote in its proceedings. Whenever in this Act a provincial board, or a municipal council, is charged with the doing of an act, the same shall be deemed to include the Municipal Board of the city of Manila so as to charge it with doing the corresponding act with respect to elections required to be held in said city. Whenever a municipal secretary or provincial treasurer is charged herein with the doing of an act the same shall be deemed to include the secretary of the Municipal Board of the city of Manila so as to charge him with doing the corresponding act with respect to elections required to be held in said city. Sec. 3. Elections.--In all the municipalities in the provinces entitled to send Delegates to the Philippine Assembly and in the city of Manila, which is deemed and hereby declared to be a province 5 6 within the meaning of section seven of the Act of Congress of July first, nineteen hundred and two, an election to elect such Delegates shall be held upon the thirtieth day of July, nineteen hundred and seven. The Delegates elected at such election shall take office upon the convening of the Philippine Assembly and shall hold office until their successors are elected and qualified. Subsequent elections for such Delegates shall be held on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November of nineteen hundred and nine of each odd-numbered year thereafter, and the Delegates elected at such election and shall hold office for two years or until their successors are elected and qualified. In all the municipalities in the provinces entitled to elect governors, an election for provincial governor and third member of the provincial board shall be held on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November of nineteen hundred and seven, and upon the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November of each odd-numbered year thereafter. The provincial governors and third members elected at the elections in nineteen hundred and seven shall hold office from the first Monday in March, nineteen hundred and eight, until and including the thirty-first day of December, nineteen hundred and nine, or until their successors shall have been duly elected and qualified for office, and provincial governors and third members thereafter elected shall take office on the first of January next succeeding their election. In all municipalities of the Philippine Islands an election shall be held on the first Tuesday after the first Monday of November of nineteen hundred and seven, to elect municipal presidents and vice-presidents. The officers then elected shall take office on the first Monday of January following their election and shall hold office until the first day of January, nineteen hundred and ten, or until their successors are elected or appointed and qualified. Elections for municipal president and vice-president shall be held on the first Tuesday after the first Monday of each odd-numbered year thereafter and the officers elected shall take office on the first of January following their election and shall serve for two years or until their successors are elected or appointed and qualified. In all the municipalities of the Philippine Islands an election for councilors shall be held on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November of nineteen hundred and seven to elect 7 successors to those councilors whose terms of office as fixed by law expire on the first Monday of January, nineteen hundred and eight. The councilors elected at such election shall take office on the first Monday of January, nineteen hundred and eight, and shall hold office until the first day of January, nineteen hundred and twelve, and until their successors are elected or appointed and qualified. An election shall be held on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November of nineteen hundred and eleven and of every fourth year thereafter to elect the successors of said councilors, and the persons elected at such elections shall take office on the first day of January following their election and shall hold office for four years and until their successors are elected or appointed and qualified. Those municipal councilors elected in nineteen hundred and six or two years under the provisions of Act Numbered Eighty-two shall hold office until the first day of January, nineteen hundred and ten and until their successors are elected or appointed and qualified. An election shall be held on the first Tuesday after the first Monday of November, nineteen hundred and nine, and every fourth year thereafter to elect their successors. The persons elected at such elections shall take office on the first day of January following their election and shall hold office for four years or until their successors are elected or appointed and qualified. So much of this Act as provides for elections of delegates to the Philippine Assembly shall apply to the townships of Bulalacao, Calapan, Caluya Island, Lubang Island, Mamburao, Naujan, Pinamalayan, and Sablayan in Mindoro and in the townships of Cagayancillo, Coron, Cuyo, Puerto Princesa, and Taytay in Palawan, and the township of San Quintin in Ilocos Sur, which are hereby declared to be municipalities and containing a sufficient proportion of civilized people, for the purpose of electing delegates to the Philippine Assembly, and for no other purpose. The provincial board of the province in which said townships are situated shall perform the duties devolved by this Act upon municipal councils with respect to such elections for Delegate to the Philippine Assembly and shall perform them sufficiently in advance of the times herein prescribed that the rights of the people or the times in which acts or duties are herein required or permitted to be done shall not be abridged. In said townships at said elections the duties herein devolved upon municipal secretaries shall be done by 8 the township secretary. The expense of such elections shall be borne by the townships in which they are held. The Governor-General, with the consent of the Philippine Commission, postpone, for such time as may be deemed necessary, any municipal or provincial election, when in the exercise of his reasonable discretion the presence of ladronism or analagous cause, or of sedition or rebellion or analgous cause, or of public calamity or epidemic, shall render such action conducive to the public interest. In all elections held under this Act a plurality of the votes legally cast shall elect. Sec. 4. Vacancies and special elections-- Whenever a vacancy shall occur in an elective provincial office the Governor-General shall appoint a suitable person to fill the vacancy for the unexpired term and until the election and qualification of a successor. Whenever a vacancy shall occur in an elective municipal office the same shall be filled by appointment by the provincial board and the office so appointed shall serve until the first of January following the next general election. If said next general election be on ein the middle of the term of office the successor shall be elected for the unexpired term. Upon the failure to elect any Delegate at any election at which the office is authorized to be filled, or upon the death or disqualification of a person elected a Delegate before the beginning of his official term, the Governor-General shall make proclamation of a special election to fill such office for the unexpired term, specifying the district in which the election is to be held, and the date thereof, which shall not be less than forty nor more than ninety days, reckoned from the date of proclamation. Except in the case of a failure to elect as hereinbefore provided a special, a spcial election shall not be held to fill a vacancy in the office of a Delegate to the Assembly, unless such vacancy occur on or before the day February of the last year of the term of office, or unless occurring thereafter and a special session of the Assembly be called to meet before the next general election. Whenever a new municipality shall be created the Governor-General shall call a special election, to be held not more than three months after such call, by the qualified voters of such new municipality unless a general election is to be held within said three months or unless otherwise provided in the Act creating the same. 9 At such election a president, vice-president, and the number of councilors appropriate to a municipality of its class, shall be chosen ; of the number of councilors to be elected, the one-half receiving the smaller number of votes shall be declared elected for a term which shall expire on January first following the general election next after the election at which they were chosen ; the one-half receiving the larger number of votes shall be declared elected for a term two years longer. In case such division can not be made by reason of a tie between two or more candidates, the term of office of the tied candidates shall be determined by lot in the manner prescribed in section twenty-six of this Act. The terms of office of the president and vice-president shall expire on the first of January of nineteen hundred and eight, nineteen hundred and ten, nineteen hundred and twelve, or any second year thereafter, as the case may be. The successors of all such officers shall be elected at the general election preceding the expiration of their terms of office. Such new municipality shall come into existence as a separate corporate organization upon the qualification of the newly elected president and vice-president and a majority of the newly elected council. The officers of the old municipality or municipalities who are residing in the territory comprising the new municipality shall, unless an entire barrio or barrios are included in the district so separated, hold their offices until their successors are elected and qualified. For the first election in new municipalities the provincial board shall divide the new territory into election precincts and shall appoint the necessary inspectors of election and poll clerks and a suitable person to perform the duties of municipal secretary with respect to such election, all of whom shall act until their successors are chosen and qualified as hereinbefore provided, and shall designate the necessary polling places and provide the supplies for such election, the expense of all of which shall be payable by the new municipality. The boards of inspectors so appointed shall meet and register the qualified voters as hereinafter provided, and the election shall proceed under the provisions of this Act, the necessary funds therefor being advanced by the province and afterwards collected from the new municipality. For such first election the provincial board shall act as a board of canvassers. Whenever a provincial or municipal election shall have resulted in a failure to legally elect one or more officers and a special election shall have been called and held thereafter for the office or offices to be filled and shall have resulted in a failure to legally elect one or more of such officers, the Governor-General, by and with the consent of the Philippine Commission, shall appoint a citizen of the Philippine Islands or of the United States to fill any such unfilled provincial office, and the provincial board, by and with the consent of the Governor-General, shall appoint a duly qualified elector of the municipality to fill any such unfilled municipal office. An officer so appointed shall hold office for the term for which the office should have been filled by election. Sec.5. The Philippine Assembly- The Phillippine Assembly shall consist of eighty-one members, appointed among the provinces as follows: Albay, three Ambos Camarines, three Antique, one Bataan, one Batangas, three Bohol, three Bulacán, two Cagayán, two Cápiz, three Cavite, one Cebú, seven Ilocos Norte, two Ilocos Sur, three Iloilo, five Isabela, one La Laguna, two La Unión, two Leyte, four Manila, two Mindoro, one Misamis, two Nueva Ecija, one Occidental Negros, three Oriental Negros, two Palawan, one Pampanga, two Pangasinán, five Rizal, two Romblón, one Samar, three Sorsogón, two Surigao, one Tárlac, two Tayabas, two Zambales, one When another province not hereinbefore included be added to the foregoing the Delegate or Delegates appointed to it shall be in addition to the number eighty-one, and such representation shall be in the ratio of one for every ninety thousand of population and one for an additional major fraction thereof. If at any time any change shall be made in the boundaries of the provinces at present existing or any new province shall be created, a readustment of the apportionment of Delegates of all provinces affected by such change of boundaries or by the creation of such new provinces shall be made on the basis of the original adjustment herein provided for: Provided, however, That at no time shall the total number of Delegates exceed one hundred. In case any such new province shall be entitled to more than one Delegate it shall be divided into as many districts as it is entitled to Delegates. Said districts shall be composed of contiguous and compact territory as near as may be and contain as nearly as practicable an equal number of inhabitants. Members of the Philippine Legislature, in all cases except treason, breach of the peace, and felony which, for the purposes of this Act, shall be considered a crime punishable by death or imprisonment for four years or more, shall be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of the Legislature, and in going to and in returning from the same; and for any speech or debate in either house they shall not be questioned in any other place. No Delegate to the Philippine Assembly shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the Government of the Philippine Islands which shall have been created or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such time; and no person holding any office under the Government of the Philippine Islands shall be a member of said Assembly during his continuance in office. 12 Sec. 6. Compensation and expenses of Delegates to the Assembly.-- Unless otherwise provided by law each Delegate shall receive twenty pesos per day for each day of actual sitting of the Assembly, and shall also receive his actual and necessary expenses for transportation and subsistence en route of himself only, from his residence to Manila and return, once for each session he actually attends. No other compensation or expense shall be paid to any Delegate. The Assembly shall choose a Recorder to the Philippine Assembly who until otherwise provided by law shall receive twenty pesos for each day of the session and for such additional days as may be authorized by resolution of the Assembly for the purpose of completing the records of the session. Such additional clerks, stenographers, pages, and other subordinate employees to serve while the Assembly is in session as may be necessary shall be appointed by the Assembly at salaries, not to exceed that of the Recorder, as may be by it fixed, the whole sum for such purpose not to exceed twenty-five thousand pesos for the first session. The Executive Secretary shall be the custodian of the records of the Legislature. Stationery for the use of the Assembly shall be provided by the Director of Printing to the extent of not exceeding five thousand pesos for the first session. Sec. 7. Division into districts, and representation.--Each district for which provision is hereinafter made shall be entitled to elect one Delegate to the Assembly: Provided, however, That the whole number elected from any province shall not exceed the number prescribed for that province in section five of this Act. The provinces hereinbefore mentioned as being entitled to elect more than one Delegate are hereby divided into Assembly districts, as follows: Albay: First District--Composed of the municipalities of Bacacay, Libog, Malilipot, Malinao, Tabaco, and Tivi. Second District-- Composed of the municipalities of Albay, Bató, Calolbon, Daraga, Legaspi, Manito, Pandan, Rapu-Rapu, Viga, and Virac. Third District--Composed of the municipalities of Camalig, Guinobatan, Jovellar, Libon, Ligao, Oas, and Polangui. Ambos Camarines: First District--Composed of the municipalities of Capalonga, Daet, Gainza, Indan, Labo, Libmanan, Lupi, 13 Mambulao, Milaor, Minalabac, Pamplona, Paracale, Pasacao, Ragay, San Fernando, San Vicente, and Sipocot. Second District-- Composed of the municipalities of Baao, Bato, Bula, Calabanga, Iriga, Magarao, Nabua, Nueva Cáceres, and Pili. Third District-- Composed of the municipalities of Buhi, Caramoan, Goa, Lagonoy, Sagnay, San José, Siruma, Tigaon, and Tinambac. Batangas: First District--Composed of the municipalities of Balayan, Calaca, Lemery, Nasugbu, Taal, Talisay, and Tanauan. Second District--Composed of the municipalities of Batangas, Bauan, Cuenca, and Ibaan. Third District--Composed of the municipalities of Lipa, Loboo, Rosario, San José, San Juan de Bocboc, and Santo Tomás. Bohol : First District---Composed of the municipalities of Antequera, Baclayon, Calape, Corella, Cortés, Dauis, Loon, Maribojoc, Panglao, and Tagbilaran. Second District---Composed of the municipalities of Alburquerque, Balilihan, Batuan, Bilar, Cármen, Dimiao, Inabanga, Loay, Loboc, Sevilla, and Tubigon. Third District--Composed of the municipalities of Anda, Candijay, Duero, García-Hernandez, Guindulman, Jagna, Jetafe, Mabini, Sierra- Bullones, Talibon, Ubay, and Valencia. Bulacan: First District--Composed of the municipalities of Bulacan, Calumpit, Hagonoy, Malolos, Paombong, and Quingua. Second District--Composed of the municipalities of Angat, Baliuag, Bocaue, Meycauyan, Polo, San Miguel, and Santa María. Cagayan: First District--Composed of the municipalities of Alcalá, Amulung, Aparri, Baggao, Basco, Calayan, Camalaniugan, Gattaran, Iguig, Lal-lo, Peña Blanca, and Tuguegarao. Second District--Composed of the municipalities of Abulug, Clavería, Enrile, Mauanan, Pamplona, Piat, Sánchez-Mira, Santo Niño, Solana, and Tuao. Capiz: First District--Composed of the municipalities of Capiz, Dao, Panay, Panitan, Pilar, and Pontevedra. Second District-- Composed of the municipalities of Dumalag, Dumarao, Iuisan, Jamindan, Mambusao, New Washington, Sapáin, Sigma, and Tapas. Third District--Composed of the municipalities of Buruanga, Calibo, Ibajay, Libacao, Malinao, Nabas, and Taft. Cebu: First District---Composed of the municipalities of Bogo, Borbon, Cármen, Catmon, Danao, Pilar, San Francisco, Tabogon, and Tudela. Second District--Composed of the municipalities of Cebú, Liloan, Mandaue, and Opon. Third District--- Composed of the municipalities of Carcar, Minglanilla, Naga, San Fernando, and Talisay. Fourt District-Composed of the municipalities of Argao, Dalaguete, and Sibonga. Fifth District-Composed of the municipalities of Algeria, Badian, Boljo-on, Ginatilan, malabuyoc, Moalbual, Oslob, Samboan. Sixth District-Composed of the municipalities of Alguinsan, Barili, Dumanjug, Pinamungajan, and Toledo. Seventh District-Composed of the municipalities of Asturias, Balamban, Bantayan, Daan-Bantayan, Medellin, San Remigio, and Tuburan. Ilocos Norte: First District- Composed of the municipalities of Bacarra, Bangui, Laoag (exclusive of the barrio of San Nicolas), Pasuquin, Piddig, and San Miguel, Second District-Composed of the municipalities of Badoc, Batac, Dingras, Paoay, and the barrio of San Nicolas, Laoag. Ilocos Sur: First District- Composed of the municipalities of Cabugao, Lapog, Magsingal, Santo Domingo, Sinait, and Vigan. Second District-Composed of the municipalities of Candon, Narvacan, Santa Cruz, Santa Lucía, Santa María, Santiago, and Tagudin. Third District- Composed othe municipalities of Bangued, Bucay, Dolores, La Paz, Pilar, San Quintin (township), and Santa. Iloilo: First District- Composed of the municipalities of Guimbal, Miagao, Oton, and Tigbauan. Second District- Composed of the municipalities of Arevalo, Buenavista, and Iloilo. Third District- Composed of the municipalities of Cabatuan, Leon, and Santa Barbara. Fourth District- Composed of the municipalities of Barotac Nuevo, Janiuay, and Pototan. Fifth District - Composed of the municipalities of Balasan, Banate, Passi, and Sara. La Laguna: First District- Composed of the municipalities of Biñan, Cabuyao, Calamba, Calauan, Los Baños, Pila, San Pablo, San Pedro Tunasan, and Santa Rosa. Second District - Composed of the municipalities of Lilio, Luisiana, Lumban, Mabitac, Magdalena, Majayjjay, Nagcarlan, Paete, Pagsanjan, Pangil, Santa Cruz, and Siniloan. La Unión: First District- Composed of the municipalities of Bacnotan, Balaoan, Bangar, Luna, San Fernando, and San Juan. Second District- Composed of the municipalities of Agoo, Aringay, Bauang, Naguilian, Santo Thomas, and Tubao. Leyte: First District- Composed of the municipalities of Almería, Baybay, Caibiran, Leyte, Mérida, Naval, Ormoe, Palompon, and San Isidro. Second District - Composed of the municipalities of Bató, Cabalian, Hilongos, Hindang, Inopacan, Liloan, Maasin, Malitbog, Matalom, San Ricardo, and Sogod. Third District - Composed of the municipalities of Abuyog, Buarugo, Barauen, Carigara, Dagami, Hinunanga, and Jaro. Fourth District - Composed of the municipalities of Alangalang, Babatungon, Dulag, Palo, Tacloban, Tanauan, and Tolosa. Manila: First District - Composed of the districts of Binondo, Intramuros, San Nicolas, and Tondo. Second District - Composed of the districts of Ermita, Malate, Paco, Pandacan, Quiapo, Sampaloe, San Miguel, Santa Ana, and Santa Cruz. Misamis: First District - Composed of the municipalities of Balingasag, Mambajao, Tagoloan, and Talisayan. Second District - Composed of the municipalities of Cagayan, Initao, Jiménez, Langaran, Misamis, and Oroquieta. Occidental Negros: First District - Composed of the municipalities of Cádiz, Escalante, Manapla, Sagay, San Cárlos, Saravia, Silay, and Victorias. Second District - Composed of the municipalities of Bacolod, Bago, La Carlota, Murcia, Talisay, and Valladolid. Third District - Composed of the municipalities of Binalbagan, Cauayan, Ilog, Isabela, Jimamaylan, Jinigaran, and Pontevedra. Oriental Negros: First District - Composed of the municipalities of Ayuquitan, Bais, Dumaguete, Guiljungan, Tanjay, and Tayasan. Second District - Composed of the municipalities of Bacón, Dauin, Lazi, Larena, Luzuriaga, Siaton, Siquijor, and Tolong. Pampanga: First District - Composed of the municipalities of Angeles, Bacolor, Floridablanca, Guagua, Lubao, Macabebe, Porac, and Santa Rita. Second District - Composed of the municipalities of Apalit, Arayat, Candaba, Mabalacat, Magalan, Mexico, San Fernando, and San Luis. Pangasinan: First District - Composed of the municipalities of Agno, Aguilar, Alaminos, Anda, Bani, Bolinao, Infanta, Lingayen, Salasa, San Isidro, and Sual. Second District - Composed of the municipalities of Binmaley, Dagupan, Mangatarem, San Carlos, and Urbiztondo. Third District - Composed of the municipalities of Alava, Bayambang, Calasiao, Malaasiqui, Mangaldan, San Fabián, and Santa Barbara. Fourth District - Composed of the municipalities of Alcalá, Bautista, Binalonan, Manaoag, Pozorrubio, San Jacinto, Urdaneta, and Villasis. Fifth District - Composed of 16 the municipalities of Asingan, Balungao, Natividad, Rosales, San Manuel, San Nicolas, San Quintin, Santa María, Tayug, and Umingan. Rizal: First District—Composed of the municipalities of Caloocan, Malabon, Navotas, Parañaque, Passay, San Felipe Neri, San Pedro Macáti, and Taguig. Second District—Composed of the municipalities of Antipolo, Binangonan, Mariquina, Morong, Pasig, Pililla, San Mateo, Tanay, and Taytay. Samar: First District—Composed of the municipalities of Allen, Bobón, Calbayog, Capul, Catarman, Catubig, Laoang, Lavezares, Oquendo, Palapag, Pambujan, and San Antonio. Second District— Composed of the municipalities of Almagro, Basey, Calbiga, Catbalogan, Gándara, Santa Rita, Santo Niño, Tarangnan, Villareal, Wright, and Zumarraga. Third District—Composed of the municipalities of Balangiga, Borongan, Dolores, Guiuan, Llorente, Oras, San Julián, Sulat, and Taft. Sorsogon: First District—Composed of the municipalities of Bacon, Barcelona, Bulusan, Casiguran, Castilla, Gubat, Irosin, Juban, Matnog, Prieto-Diaz, Santa Magdalena, and Sorsogon. Second District—Composed of the municipalities of Aroroy, Bulan, Cataingan, Dimasalang, Donsol, Magallanes, Mandaon, Masbate, Milagros, Mobo, Pilar, Placer, Pulanduta, San Fernando, San Jacinto, San Pascual, and Uson. Tarlac: First District—Composed of the municipalities of Camiling, Moncada, Paniqui, and Pura. Second District—Composed of the municipalities of Bamban, Capas, Concepción, La Paz, Tarlac, and Victoria. Tayabas: First District—Composed of the municipalities of Atimonan, Baler, Infanta, Lucban, Lucena, Mauban, Pagbilao, Polillo, Sampaloc, Sariaya, Tayabas, and Tiaon. Second District— Composed of the municipalities of Alabat, Boac, Calauag, Catanauan, Gasan, Guinayangan, Gumacá, Lopez, Mulanay, Pitogo, Santa Cruz, and Torrijos. The provincial boards of each of the above-named provinces, within ten weeks after the passage of this Act, shall cause to be prepared and filed with the Executive Secretary an outline map or plan of each of the Assembly districts within such province, showing the location and names of the municipalities, or portions thereof, included in each district. A copy of the said map or 17 plan shall also be posted and kept posted in at least three conspicuous public places in each municipality and barrio thereof composing each district, at least ninety days prior to every general election. SEC. 8. Election precincts.—Each municipality shall have at least one election precinct. The municipal council in each municipality containing more than four hundred voters shall, at least sixty days before the first election held under the provisions of this Act, divide the municipality into precincts in such manner that the same, so far as practicable, shall be composed of contiguous and compact territory, and shall contain not to exceed four hundred voters: Provided, however, That wherever any barrio or barrios of any municipality are made a part of a district in which the rest of the municipality is not included, the municipal council of the said municipality shall define the precincts of said barrio or barrios. If at any election the number of voters registered in any election precinct shall exceed four hundred, the municipal council shall, at least four months before the following election, redistrict said municipality as above provided. Maps or plans plainly showing the boundaries of the precinct shall be posted and kept posted at the polling place or places and at two other conspicuous public places in each precinct for at least forty-five days before each election, and the plans of all the precincts of the municipality shall be kept posted at the municipal building for the same number of days before each election. Notice and plan of such redivision shall be filed with the provincial treasurer. SEC. 9. Designation and arrangement of polling places.—At least sixty days before each general election the municipal council in each municipality in which such elections are to be held shall designate in each election precinct a place, as centrally located with respect to the residences of the voters as is practicable, where the elections and the meetings of the board of inspectors for registration hereinafter provided for shall be held during the year. Each such place so designated shall, if practicable, be a room upon the lower floor, of reasonable size, sufficient to admit and comfortably accommodate twenty electors at one time outside the guard rails. No liquors shall be sold or cockfights held in any building so designated from the time of designation until the day after election. If for any cause a place so designated shall thereafter and before election 51092—2 18 be destroyed or for any cause can not be used, the municipal council shall forthwith meet and designate some other suitable place for holding such registry and election. Not more than one polling place shall be in the same room, and not more than two polling places shall be in the same building. The municipal council shall provide for each polling place at each election the necessary ballot and other boxes, guard rail, booths, stationary and supplies necessary for the lawful conduct of each registration and election thereat; shall preserve the same when not in use and shall deliver all such ballot or other boxes for each polling place at the opening of the polls of each election. Whenever the municipal council shall be unable to procure suitable places, or whenever it shall be more economical so to do, such council may provide temporary or portable structures adequate to the purpose, and shall take such measures as are proper and necessary for the storing thereof and reërection of the same at the following election. Such structures may be erected in any public street or plaza, but not so as to block traffic thereon. No building owned or inhabited by any person who is a candidate for any office for which votes are to be cast in any precinct shall be used as a polling place for that precinct. There shall be in each polling place during each election a sufficient number of voting booths not less than one for every fifty voters in the election precinct. Each such booth shall be at least one meter square, shall have four sides inclosed, each at least two meters high, and the one in front shall open and shut as a door swinging outward and shall extend to within fifty centimeters of the floor. Each such booth shall contain a shelf which shall be thirty centimeters wide extending across one side of the booth at a convenient height for writing, and shall be kept furnished with indelible pencils to enable the voters to conveniently prepare their ballots for voting. Each booth shall be kept clearly lighted, while the polls are open and until the canvass is completed, by artificial lights if necessary. A guard rail shall be placed at each polling place at least two meters from the ballot boxes and from the booths, and no ballot box or booth shall be placed within two meters of such rail, and each guard rail shall be provided with an entrance and exit, the one separate from the other. The arrangement of the polling place shall be such that the booths can only be reached by passing within the guard rail, and that the booths, ballot boxes, election officers, and every part of the polling place, except the 19 inside of the booths, shall be in plain view of the election officers and of persons just outside the guard rail. Such booths shall be so arranged that there shall be no access thereto except by the door in the front of said booth. A printed copy of this Act, in English and Spanish, shall be hung and kept in a conspicuous available position in every polling place on all registration days and on election day and may be consulted by any voter or person offering to register. SEC. 10. Liquors, cockfighting, and booths in vicinity. - No intoxicating liquors shall be sold or dispensed within thirty meters of any polling place on any registration day nor within one hundred and fifty meters of any polling place on any election day during the hours for voting; nor shall any temporary booths, tents, or shelters of any kind of the sale or display of any wares, merchandise, or refreshments, solid or liquid, or for any other purpose whatsoever, be erected or maintained on said days within said distances during the hours aforesaid; nor shall any cockfight be held in any municipality upon any election day. SEC. 11. Notices of special elections. - The Executive Secretary, upon the filing in his office of the Governor-General's proclamation ordering a special election, shall forthwith make and transmit to the treasurer of each province a notice under his hand and official seal, stating the day upon which such election shall be held and stating each office to be voted for at such election by the electors of the political division affected. If any such officer is to be elected to fill a vacancy, the notice shall so state and shall state the term for which such office is to be filled. The provincial treasurer upon the receipt of such notice shall forthwith file and record the same in his office and cause a copy thereof to be mailed to the secretary of each municipality affected. Each municipal secretary upon receipt thereof shall forthwith file and record the same and shall cause at least three copies thereof to be posted in three conspicuous public places in each election precinct of such municipality and one copy thereof at the municipal building. SEC. 12. Qualifications of officers. - A Delegate to the Philippine Assembly must be at the time of his election a qualified elector of the district from which he may be chosen, owing allegiance to the United States, and not less than twenty-five years of age. Provincial governors and third members of provincial boards must be at the time of the election qualified electors in the province; 20 they must have been bona fide residents therein for at least one year prior to the date of their election; must owe allegiance to the United States, and must be not less than twenty-five years of age: Provided, however, That the provisions of this section shall not apply to those persons or cases where the Governor-General shall appoint a provincial governor or third member of a provincial board under the existing provisions of law. An elective municipal officer must have been, at the time of the election, a qualified voter and resident in the municipality for at least one year, owing allegiance to the United States; he must be not less than twenty-three years of age, and be able to read and write intelligently either Spanish, English, or the local dialect: Provided, That a person ineligible for office by reason of nonpayment of taxes who is elected to any office may remove such ineligibility by the payment of the taxes before the date fixed by law for assuming office, but not afterwards. Unless fully pardoned, no person who has been convicted of a crime which is punishable by imprisonment for two years or more shall hold any public office, and no person disqualified from holding public office by the sentence of a court or under the provisions of Act Numbered Eleven hundred and twenty-six shall be eligible to hold public office during the term of his disqualification. The official acts of a person who is elected and assumes office when ineligible thereto shall not be invalid, but such office shall be vacated in the manner following immediately upon discovery of such ineligibility: Any member of a provincial board or other person who has information that the provincial governor or third member is ineligible shall at once report the matter to the Governor-General who shall order an investigation by such officer or officers as he may appoint for the purpose, giving the governor-elect or third member elect, as the case may be, opportunity to present evidence in his behalf, and upon the report thereof shall declare the office vacant, or dismiss the proceedings, as the facts may warrant. Any councilor or other municipal officer or other person who has information that a municipal officer is ineligible shall immediately report the matter to the municipal council which shall hold an investigation giving the officer opportunity to present the evidence in his favor. The council shall declare the office vacant or dismiss 21 the proceedings as the facts may warrant. A record of the proceedings and evidence shall be kept and forwarded to the provincial board which, within thirty days, shall affirm or reverse the action of the council. SEC. 13. Qualifications of voters. - Every male person twenty- three years of age or over who has had a legal residence for a period of six months immediately preceding the election in the municipality in which he exercises the suffrage, and who is not a citizen or subject of any foreign power, and who is comprised within one of the following three classes - (a) Those who, prior to the thirteenth of August, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight, held the office of municipal captain, gobernadorcillo, alcalde, lieutenant, cabeza de barangay, or member of any ayuntamiento; (b) Those who own real property to the value of five hundred pesos, or who annually pay thirty pesos or more of the established taxes; (c) Those who speak, read, and write English or Spanish - shall be entitled to vote at all elections: Provided, That officers, soldiers, sailors, or marines of the Army or Navy of the United States shall not be considered as having acquired legal residence within the meaning of this section by reason of their having been stationed in the municipalities for the required six months. SEC. 14. Disqualifications. - The following persons shall be disqualified from voting: (a) Any person who is delinquent in the payment of public taxes assessed since August thirteenth, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight; (b) Any person who has been deprived of the right to vote by the sentence of a court of competent jurisdiction since August thirteenth, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight; (c) Any person who has taken and violated the oath of allegiance to the United States; (d) Any person who, on the first day of May, nineteen hundred and one, or thereafter, was in arms in the Philippine Islands against the authority or sovereignty of the United States, whether such person be an officer, soldier, or civilian; (e) Any person who, since the last day of March, nineteen hundred and one, has made or hereafter shall make contribution of 22 money or other valuable thing in aid of any person or organization against the authority or sovereignty of the United States, or who shall demand or receive contribution from others, or who shall make any contribution to any person or organization hostile to or in arms against the authority or sovereignty of the United States, for the purpose of securing any protection, immunity, or benefit; (f) Any person who, since the last day of March, nineteen hundred and one, has or hereafter shall in any manner whatsoever give aid and comfort to any person or organization in said Islands in opposition to or in arms against the authority or sovereignty of the United States; (g) Insane or feeble-minded persons: Provided, That the provisions of the subsection (d) shall not apply to those persons who surrendered in Cebu to Brigadier-General Hughes or to those who were on October thirty-first, nineteen hundred and one, inhabitants of the town of Pilar in the Province of Sorsogon: And provided further, That the provisions of subsections (d), (e), and (f) shall not apply to acts done prior to the surrender by persons who surrendered to Brigadier-General Samuel Sumner in the Province of La Laguna in the month of June, nineteen hundred and one: And provided further, That the disqualifications prescribed in the foregoing subsections (d), (e), and (f) shall not apply to persons who have received the benefits of an amnesty and have not since committed any of the acts set forth in said subsections. SEC. 15. Inspectors of election.--It shall be the duty of the municipal council in each municipality wherein an election is to be held to appoint on the first Tuesday of June of the year nineteen hundred and seven and on the first Tuesday of September in each year thereafter during which a regular election is to be held three inspectors of election and one poll clerk for each election precinct therein who shall hold office for two years from said Tuesday. Should there be in such municipality one or more political parties or branches thereof which shall have polled thirty per centum or over of the votes cast at the preceding general election, then two of the said inspectors shall belong to the party which polled the largest number of votes in said municipality at the said preceding election and the other inspector shall belong to the party which polled the next largest number of votes at said election: Provided, however, That at the first election held under this law appointments 23 of inspectors and poll clerks may be made without regard to political parties. Said inspectors shall be ineligible to be elected or appointed to any other office during their term of office. No person who holds any public office, or is a candidate for public office, shall be eligible to appointment as inspector or poll clerk, or serve as such after he becomes a candidate. All persons appointed inspectors of election or poll clerks shall be qualified electors of their respective precincts, of good character, not convicted of an offense involving moral turpitude and able to read, write, and speak either English, Spanish, or the local dialect understandingly. The persons so appointed shall be notified and shall each take and subscribe before the municipal secretary the following oath of office within twenty days after the date of the notice of appointment: PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, Municipality of .............................. } ss. OATH OF INSPECTOR I, ........................................................................., do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully and fairly perform the duties of inspector of election for the ............ Precinct of ................................ to the best of my knowledge, understanding and ability; that I recognize and accept the supreme authority of the United States of America in these Islands and will maintain true faith and allegiance to the United States of America; that I will support the Government and laws of the United States of America and of the Philippine Islands; that I will honestly and justly administer my duties according to the election law without prejudice or favor toward any person, candidate, party, society, or religious sect, and that I take this oath freely and without evasion or mental reservation whatsoever. So help me God. (In case of affirmation the words "So help me God" should be stricken out.) ................................................................ (Signature.) Sworn to before me this ........ day of ............................, 190.... ................................................................ (Signature of officer administering oath.) 24 Whoever shall be appointed and sworn into office as inspector of election or poll clerk shall receive a certificate of appointment from the municipal president in such form as he shall prescribe, specifying the election precinct, the name of the person appointed and the date of the expiration of his term of office. In case of a vacancy in the office of inspector of election or poll clerk the same shall be filled for the remainder of the term by the municipal council. Before otherwise entering upon their duties the inspectors of each precinct shall meet and appoint one of their number chairman, or, if a majority shall not agree upon such appointment they shall draw lots for such position. If at the time of any meeting of the inspectors there shall be a vacancy in the office of any inspector or poll clerk, or if any inspector shall be absent from any such meeting, except as provided in section seventeen of this Act, the inspector or inspectors present shall appoint a qualified elector of the precinct who, in case of an inspector, shall be a member of the same political party as the absent inspector, to fill such vacancy until such absent officer shall appear or the vacancy be filled as hereinabove provided. If at any such time the offices of inspectors are all vacant, or if no inspector shall appear within one hour after the time fixed by law for the opening of such meeting the qualified electors of the precinct present, not less than ten, may designate three qualified voters of the precinct to fill such vacancies, or to act in the place of such inspectors respectively until the absent inspectors respectively appear or their vacancies are filled by the council as hereinabove provided. In case of the filling of vacancies by the inspectors, or by the qualified voters of the precinct, the inspectors so appointed shall take the oath before the chairman of the board, or if he be not present shall administer it among themselves, and such oaths shall be forwarded forthwith to the municipal secretary for filing. SEC. 16. Preservation of order by inspectors. - All meetings of the board of inspectors shall be public. The said board and each individual member thereof, shall have full authority to preserve peace and good order at such meetings and around the polls, and to keep the access thereto open and unobstructed, and to enforce obedience to their lawful commands during their meetings. The said board may appoint one or more electors to communicate their orders and directions and to assist in the performance of their 25 duties in this section enjoined. If any person shall refuse to obey the lawful command of the inspectors, or by disorderly conduct, in their presence or hearing, shall interrupt or disturb their proceedings, they may make an order in writing directing any peace officer to take the person so offending into custody and detain him until the adjournment of that meeting; but such order shall not be so executed as to prevent the person so taken into custody from exercising his right to vote at such election. Such order shall be executed by any peace officer to whom the same shall be delivered; but if none shall be present, by any other person deputed by such board in writing. SEC. 17. Registry of voters. - The board of inspectors for each election precinct in which an election is to be held shall hold four meetings for the registry of voters at the place designated therefor before each general election, on the sixth Friday, sixth Saturday and the fifth Friday and fifth Saturday before the election. The said inspectors shall also meet upon the Saturday next before election for the purpose of correcting this list, by adding names thereto or striking names therefrom in accordance with the orders of the constituted authorities, as hereinafter provided, and to number and complete the list. Each meeting except the last shall begin at seven o'clock in the morning and continue until seven o'clock in the evening with not more than one intermission of one hour and a half. The inspectors of each election precinct shall prepare at such meetings a list of the names and residences of the persons qualified to vote in such precinct at such election who present themselves for registration, which, when finally completed, shall be the register of the voters of the precinct for such election. Such lists shall be arranged in columns. In the first column there shall be entered, at the time of the completion of the registry, a number, opposite the name of each person registered, beginning with one and continuing in consecutive order to the end of the list. In the second column shall be placed the surname used generally by such persons in alphabetical order; in the third column the respective Christian names of such persons; in the fourth column the respective numbers of the cedulas of such persons for the calendar year in which the election is held; in the fifth column the respective residences of such persons by street and number or, if there be none, by a brief description of the locality thereof. At each meeting, except the last, a space shall be left after each set of surnames beginning with the same letter sufficient for the addition thereto at subsequent meetings of surnames beginning with the same letter. Before any such names are added at any such subsequent meeting there shall be written "added at the second meeting," "added at third meeting" or "added at fourth meeting," as the case may be. Before any name is placed upon the list the the applicant for registration must first exhibit to the inspectors his cedula for the calendar year in which the election is held or, should he be exempt from having one by reason of age, such fact shall be noted in the fourth column of the list. The following oath shall also be administered to and subscribed by each applicant before entering his name upon : Philippine Islands, Municipality of ....... }88. Elector's Oath. I, ...., do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I am a male resident of the municipality of ..., in the Province of ...., residing at ...., and on the date of the forthcoming election I will be .... years of age, and should I present myself to vote I will have resided in said municipality continuously for the period of six months immediately preceding the said election; that I am not a citizen or subject of any foreign power; that I have read or (or heard read) sections thirteen and fourteen of the election law, and that I have the qualifications of a voter, and none of the disqualification, prescribed in said sections; that I am not delinquent in the payment of any public taxes assessed against or due from me since August thirteenth, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight, in any part of the Philippine Islands; furthermore, that I recognize and accept the supreme authority of the United States of America in the Philippine Islands, and that I will maintain faith and allegiance thereto; that I will obey the laws, legal orders, and decrees duly promulgated by its authority; and that I impose upon myself this obligation voluntarily and without mental reservation or purpose of evasion. So help me God. (In case of affirmation, the words "So help me God" should be stricken out.) Subscribed and sworn to (or affirmed) before me this ...... day of ....., 190.... (Inspector of election, ..... election precinct, municipality of ....) Such oath may be administered by any one of the inspectors, but only at a meeting and in presence of the board. Upon completion of the lists by the board of inspectors all such oaths so taken shall be filed with the municipal secretary who shall retain them until the completion of the registry lists and filing of the oaths for the next general election. At the close of each meeting for the registry of voters in the inspectors shall append to each of the lists their certificate that the list as it then appears is a true and correct list of the names and residences in such precinct of all persons who have personally appeared before the board and who have requested that their names be placed thereon and who are qualified at the forthcoming election. One copy of such list, so certified, shall be deposited temporarily in the office of the municipal secretary on the Monday following the second and fourth meetings to be open to the inspection of the public until the next meeting, or until election day, as the case may be, and the other copies shall be retained by the inspectors who shall permit their inspection by qualified voters of the precinct from eight o'clock in the morning to five o'clock in the afternoon on all days except Sundays and legal holidays. Any person who applies for registration, or who is registered, may, at any of the first four meetings of the board, be challenged by any inspector or any qualified elector of the precinct; the board shall thereupon examine him and take such other evidence as shall to it seem necessary with respect to his qualifications and disqualifications and shall at the conclusion of such examination order his name to be placed upon the list, or stricken therefrom, as the facts warrant. The board of inspectors shall have the same powers to subpœna witnesses and compel their attendance and testimony as is now possessed by justices of the peace under the Code of Civil Procedure, but the fees of such witnesses and the service of process shall be paid in advance by the party in whose behalf they are supœneaed. All such questions shall be heard and decided without delay. At the determination of the question the board shall, if 28 requested, issue to either party a brief certificate and statement of its action in the matter and of the evidence upon which such action is based. Either party thereto, or any person who has been refused registration, may thereupon apply to the provincial board of the province or to the judge of the Court of First Instance in the judicial district or any contiguous district, if any such judge is more accessible than the judge in the district, which board or judge is hereby given jurisdiction in the premises, for an order directing said board of inspectors to take the action deemed proper. Such application shall be made by filing with said provincial board, or with said judge, a copy of the certificate and statement aforesaid and of proof of service of a notice of such application upon a member of the board of inspectors, which notice shall state the time and place and tribunal to which such application will be made. The tribunal with which such notice is first filed shall have exclusive jurisdiction in determining the matter. Such application may be accompanied by affidavits in support thereof; but copies of all such affidavits shall be served upon the board of inspectors or party in interest with the notice of application and may be rebutted by affidavits to be filed by the board of inspectors or the opposing party. Upon such applications the board of inspectors may be represented by the provincial fiscal, or it may delegate one of its members to appear upon the hearing, and in that case the necessary traveling expenses of such member, not to exceed the amount allowed the provincial officials in that province, shall be paid by the municipality. During the absence of such inspector the poll clerk shall sit with the board for the purpose of preparing the list of the absent inspector. At the meeting of the bard on the Saturday preceding election it shall be the duty of each inspector to make in the registry list opposite the name of each person added or stricken off the list a note of the date of the order and of the name of the tribunal which issued it. No name shall be added to or stricken from the list at the last meeting except in pursuance of such orders. No person shall vote at any general or special election held under the provisions of this Act unless his name appears upon the list of voters as completed by the board of inspectors. SEC. 18. Registry for special elections. - At special elections there shall be only one meeting for registry, which shall be ten days before the day designated for such special election, and the register 29 of voters for the last preceding general election, to which shall be added at such meeting, or to which shall have been added at previous similar meetings, the names of such persons as present themselves who are known or proven to be entitled to vote at such special election, shall be the register of voters for the same. SEC. 19. Pay of inspectors and expenses of election. - Each inspector of election shall receive pay for each day of actual service at meetings of the board except the meeting on the Saturday before election and shall receive two days' pay for election day. Each poll clerk shall receive pay for each day of his service during the absence of a member and two days' pay for election day. The rate of pay shall be fixed by the municipal council but shall not be less than two nor more than five pesos per day and shall not be changed during the term of office of the inspectors or of the clerk. The pay of election boards and the expense of stationary, ballots, and all other expenses of election shall be paid out of the treasury of the municipality in which the election is held. SEC. 20. Official ballots. - Official ballots shall be provided at public expense for every election held under this Act. There shall be at each polling place but one form of ballot, which shall be of ordinary white printing paper in shape a strip one hundred and fourteen millimeters wide and three hundred and four millimeters long, and contain a printed heading of the title of each office to be voted for and the number of candidates for which the voter may vote, with a corresponding number of spaces underneath the title. Such titles shall be printed both in Spanish and English in ten point (long primer) roman type and at the top of the ballot shall appear in eight point (brevier) gothic type both in English and Spanish the legend "Do not make any mark on this ballot or write anything thereon but the names of the candidates you vote for. Any violation of this instruction will invalidate the ballot." The ballots shall be folded three times toward the top, so that they shall be one hundred and fourteen by thirty-eight millimeters when folded. Upon the upper outside fold there shall be printed in type which shall be discretionary with the Director of Printing, but which shall be uniform throughout the Islands, the words "Official Ballot," a representation of the Coat of Arms of the Philippine Islands, the election precinct in which the particular ballot is intended to be used, and the date of the election, such ballots to be in substantially the following form: 30 [REVERSE.] OFFICIAL BALLOT FIRST PRECINCT OF MANILA [Date of election.] [Fecha de la elección.] | <-- 38 mm --> | (Folded.) [OBVERSE.] OFFICIAL BALLOT. Do not make any mark on this ballot or write anything thereon but the names of the candidates you vote for.. Any violation of this instruction will invalidate the ballot. No se escriban en esta papeleta sino los nombres de los candidatos por queines V. vota ni si haga en ella marca alguna. Cualquier infracción de esta orden invalidará la papeleta. DELEGATE TO THE PHILIPPINE ASSEMBLY. DIPUTADO Á LA ASAMBLEA FILIPINA. (Vote for one.) (Vote por uno.) PROVINCIAL GOVERNOR. GOVERNADOR PROVINCIAL. (Vote for one.) (Vote por uno.) THIRD MEMBER OF THE PROVINCIAL BOARD. TERCER VOCAL DE LA JUNTA PROVINCIAL. (Vote for one.) (Vote por uno.) MUNICIPAL PRESIDENT. PRESIDENTE MUNICIPAL. (Vote for one.) (Vote por uno.) MUNICIPAL VICE-PRESIDENT. VICE-PRESIDENTE MUNICIPAL. (Vote for one.) (Vote por uno.) MUNICIPAL COUNCILORS. CONCEJALES MUNICIPALES. (Vote for ...... (Vote por ......) |<-- 304 mm -->| |<--114 mm -->| 31 No other ballot than the official ballot shall be used or counted, except that in case of failure to receive the ballots, or their destruction at such time as shall render it impracticable to procure from the Director of Printing a new supply, the provincial board or, if there be not time therefor, then the municipal council, shall procure from any available source another set which shall be as nearly like those prescribed in this section as circumstances will permit and which shall be uniform within each election precinct. For each election precinct at least thirty sample ballots printed upon colored paper but in other respects like the official ballots shall be furnished the board of inspectors for posting and use in demonstrating how to fill out and fold the official ballots properly. Five of such sample ballots shall be posted in public places within the precinct, including one at the polling place. In such demonstration the names of actual candidates shall not be written on such ballots nor shall such ballots be used for voting nor counted. The ballots shall be furnished by the Director of Printing at the expense of the municipality upon requisition therefor by the provincial treasurer in the usual form, which requisition shall be for such a number of ballots for each voting precinct as will provide one and one-half as many ballots as there were persons registered in the precinct at the last preceding election and ten per centum additional. In the case of newly-formed precincts the requisition shall be for a number of ballots in like proportion to the estimated number of qualified voters in the precinct as adopted by the council under section eight hereof. The requisitions shall be forwarded at least two and one-half months before the date of the election. They shall also specify what offices are to be filled in each precinct. In the case of special elections the Executive Secretary shall require the Director of Printing to furnish the requisite ballots in the same quantities as were requisitioned for the last regular election and the cost of furnishing the same shall be a charge against the municipality to which furnished. Sec. 21. Conduct of elections.—At all elections held under the provisions of this Act the polls shall be open from seven o'clock in the morning until five in the afternoon, during which period not more than one member of the board of inspectors shall be absent at one time, and then for not to exceed twenty minutes at one time. The inspectors of election and poll clerks shall meet 32 one-half hour before the time fixed for the opening of the polls at the place designated, and shall then and there have the ballot box, box for spoiled ballots, the ballots and all other supplies provided by law. At the opening of the polls the ballot box and box for spoiled ballots shall be opened by the chairman, emptied and exhibited to all the members and other voters present, and, being empty, shall be closed, locked, and a seal placed over the lock, and the boxes shall be kept closed and sealed until the polls are closed, when the ballot box shall be opened to count the votes: Provided, however, That when necessary to make room for more ballots the chairman may open the box in the presence of all the board and press down the ballots with his hands without removing any therefrom; he shall then close, lock and seal the box, as hereinbefore provided. In case of the destruction of the boxes or the failure to deliver them at the polling place, the board of inspectors shall immediately provide other boxes or receptacles as nearly as possible adequate for the purpose for which intended. From the time the polls are opened until the votes are counted, and the result announced as hereinafter provided, no person other than members of the board of inspectors, or necessary police, Constabulary, or other peace officer who may be present at the request of the board to execute its orders, or to serve the process of a court, or to act as messenger, and voters receiving or depositing their ballots, shall be allowed within the guard rail in the polling place, nor shall any be or remain within thirty meters of the polls. No persons, other than voters while waiting to vote or voting, shall congregate or remain within the distance of thirty meters of the polling place, nor shall any person solicit votes or do any electioneering within such distance: Provided, however, That during the counting of the votes by the board, a number of qualified voters of the precinct, not to exceed six, who shall represent as evenly as possible the opposing candidates voted for, and be named by such candidates, shall be allowed within the polling place, but not within the guard rail, as watchers. Such watchers shall be allowed to freely witness the count and to hear the proceedings of the board and to take notes of what they see and hear, but shall not touch the ballots nor converse with the inspectors nor any of them, nor with each other in such manner as to interfere with or interrupt the proceedings. No member of the board or election 33 officer shall, before the announcement of the result, make any statement of the number of ballots cast, the number of votes given for any person, the name of any person who has voted or who has not voted, or of any other fact tending to show the state of the polls, nor shall he make any statement at any time, except as a witness before a court, tending to show how any person voted. SEC. 22. Voting. - While the polls are open the voters who are entitled to vote and who have not already voted at that election may enter within the guard rail of the polling place in such order that, besides the persons lawfully in such place for purposes other than voting, there shall not be within said place at any one time more than twice as many voters as there are voting booths therein. Upon entering the voter shall give to one of the inspectors his name and residence together with such other information concerning himself as should appear on the registry list and may be requested of him by any of the inspectors. Said inspector shall then distinctly announce the voter's name and residence in a tone loud enough to be plainly heard throughout the polling place. If such person to be entitled to vote and be not challenged, or, if challenged and the same be decided in his favor, the poll clerk shall deliver to him one ballot correctly folded. No person other than an inspector or poll clerk shall deliver to any person any official ballot, and no inspector shall deliver or permit to be delivered any official ballot to any person other than a voter at the time of voting, as herein provided, nor more than one ballot to such voter at one time. The voter on receiving his ballot shall forthwith retire alone to one of the empty polling booths and shall there prepare his ballot by writing in the proper space for each office the name of the person for whom he desires to vote. A voter otherwise qualified who declares that he can not write, or that from blindness or other physical disability he is unable to prepare his ballot, may make an oath to the effect that he is so disabled and the nature of his disability and that he desires one or two of the inspectors names by him to assist him in the preparation of such ballot. The board shall keep a record of all such oaths taken which shall show the name or names of the inspector or inspectors assisting the voter and file the same with the municipal secretary with the other records of the board after the election. The inspector or inspectors so named as aforesaid shall retire with the voter and prepare his 51092 - 3 34 ballot according to his wishes. The information thus obtained shall be regarded as a privileged communication. No voter shall be allowed to occupy a booth already occupied by another voter, or to occupy a booth more than eight minutes in case there are voters waiting to occupy booths, or to speak or converse with anyone other than as herein provided while within the polling place. It shall be unlawful to erase any printing from the ballot or to add any distinguishing feature thereto, or to intentionally tear or deface the same, or to make any mark thereon other than the names of the candidates voted for. If a voter shall soil or deface a ballot so that it can not lawfully be used, he shall surrender the same to the poll clerk, who shall, if necessary, give him, one at a time, not to exceed two more. Each ballot given to a voter shall be announced to the inspectors and a record thereof kept opposite the name of the voter in the registry list in a column provided for that purpose. Each spoiled ballot, as soon as returned, and without opening, shall be distinctly marked "spoiled" on the indorsement fold thereof and immediately placed in a ballot box similar to the official ballot box, which shall be plainly marked "spoiled ballots," together with the name of the municipality and number of the election precinct in which used, which shall be used for no other purpose and which shall be kept locked, and at the close of election be sealed up and delivered to the municipal secretary. No ballot, spoiled or otherwise, shall be taken from the polling place, except as hereinafter provided. After properly preparing his ballot, the voter shall immediately return to the poll clerk, who shall again announce his name and residence, and the chairman of the board shall receive the ballot and without exposing the contents, shall deposit it in the ballot box in the presence and view of the voter. The fact that he has voted shall be recorded by placing a mark opposite the voter's name on each of the registry lists in a column provided for that purpose. The voter shall then depart. SEC. 23. Challenges. - Any qualified voter of the election precinct, if he believes that any person who is not registered is offering or attempting to vote, or to vote in the name of another, or to vote illegally in any manner, may challenge the vote of such person, or otherwise satisfy itself that he is or is not a registered voter in said 35 precinct. For the purpose of receiving and counting the vote it shall be sufficient if the person challenged shall prove that he is the identical person duly registered as hereinbefore provided; but the reception and counting of the vote shall not be conclusive upon any court of the legality of the registration or voting in an action against such person for illegal registration or voting. If the person so offering to vote shall be challenged, the following additional oath shall be administered by one of the inspectors: "You do swear (or affirm) that you have not received or offered, do not expect to receive, have not paid, offered or promised to pay, contributed, offered or promised to contribute to another, to be paid or used, any money or other valuable thing or consideration as a compensation or reward for the giving or withholding of a vote at this election, and have not made any promise to influence the giving or withholding of any such vote; and that you have not made, or become directly or indirectly interested in any bet or wager depending upon the result of this election." The inspectors of election shall keep a minute of their proceedings in respect to the challenging and administering of oaths to persons offering to vote, in which shall be entered, by one of them, the name of every person who shall be challenged, specifying in each case whether either of the oaths herein prescribed were taken. At the close of the election, at each polling place, the inspectors thereat shall add to such minutes a certificate to the effect that the same are all such minutes as to all persons challenged at such election, and shall file the same with the registry lists and statements of result as hereinafter provided. SEC. 24. Counting of votes; announcement of results. - As soon as the polls of an election are closed the board of inspectors shall publicly count the votes and ascertain the result, and not adjourn or postpone the count until it shall be fully completed. They shall first compare the registry lists and ascertain the number of persons who have voted as shown thereon. They shall then open the ballot box of unspoiled ballots and count the ballots found therein without unfolding them or exposing their contents, except so far as to ascertain that each ballot is single, and shall compare the number of ballots found in the box with the number shown by the registry lists to have been deposited therein. If the ballots found in the box shall be more than the number of ballots so shown to 36 have been voted, the ballots shall all be replaced, without being unfolded, in the box from which they were taken and shall be thoroughly mingled therein and one of the inspectors designated by the board shall, without seeing the same and with his back to the box, publicly draw out as many ballots as shall be equal to such excess, and without unfolding them place them in a package which shall be then and there securely sealed and marked "excess ballots," together with the signatures of the inspectors, which package shall be returned in the box with the other ballots and shall not be opened except as hereinafter provided. If in the course of the abovementioned count two or more ballots shall be found folded together in such manner that they must have been so folded before being placed in the box, then they shall be removed therefrom and counted as a portion of the excess number hereinbefore mentioned. In case ballots marked "spoiled" are found in the ballot box they shall be placed with the spoiled ballots. The ballots shall then be opened and examined for marked ballots, and if any such be found they shall be placed in a package securely sealed and inscribed "marked ballots" together with the signatures of the inspectors and be returned in the same manner as provided for excess ballots. Marked ballots shall in no case be counted, and a majority vote of the board shall be sufficient to determine whether any ballot is marked or not. In case any ballot or ballots shall be objected to by any inspector as marked and the board shall decide against such objection, such ballot or ballots shall be counted but shall be marked upon the indorsement fold in such manner as not to obliterate the feature objected to, with the words, "objected to by (adding the name of the objecting inspector) as marked," and all such ballots, after the count, shall be placed in another separate package and returned in all respects as herein provided for marked ballots. No ballot that is not an official ballot shall be counted, except such as are voted in accordance with the provisions of section twenty. The board shall then proceed to count the votes in manner following: The ballots shall be arranged in piles in front of the chairman, who shall take them one by one and read therefrom, in the order in which they appear thereon, the names of the persons voted for, and as soon as read shall hand them to one of the other inspectors, who shall be previously selected for that purpose by the board and 37 shall be of the political party opposite to the chairman, if two parties are represented on the board, who shall verify the reading of the chairman. The other inspector and the clerk shall keep tally sheets upon forms which shall be prepared by the Executive Secretary for the purpose and furnished by the Director of Printing, on which they shall record as read, the names of all persons voted for for each office and of the number of votes received by each. At the conclusion of the count the totals shall be verified by the chairman and the other inspector, and in case of disagreement a recount shall be made for such offices as may be necessary. The tally sheets shall not be changed or destroyed and shall be returned with the ballots in the ballot box. All counting shall be made in plain view of the watchers. Upon the completion of the count the inspectors shall make and sign a written statement thereof in quadruplicate, showing the date of the election, the name of the municipality and the number of the precinct in which it was held, the whole number of ballots cast for each person for each office, the whole number of ballots rejected as marked, and the whole number objected to because marked but not rejected, writing out at length in words and at the end thereof a certificate signed by the inspectors to the effect that the statement is in all respects correct. Every such statement shall be made upon a single sheet of paper, or if not so made, each sheet thereof shall be signed at the end thereof by the inspectors. Forthwith thereafter one copy thereof shall be filed with the municipal secretary, one shall be securely sealed and forwarded by the board by mail or special messenger to the provincial board, and one shall be securely sealed and forwarded by the board to the Executive Secretary. The ballots, together with the packages hereinbefore referred to, shall be returned to the ballot box, which shall be securely locked and sealed and returned to the municipal secretary together with such statements. The spoiled ballots shall be returned to the spoiled-ballot box, if removed therefrom, and such box, similarly locked and sealed, shall be likewise returned. The unused ballots shall all be placed in a sealed package, marked with the date of the election, name of the municipality and the number of the district, and similarly returned. Upon the completion of such count and of the statements of the result thereof, the chairman of the board of inspectors shall make public oral proclamation of the whole number of votes cast at 38 such election at such polling place for all candidates, by name, for each office. The statements, ballot boxes and unused ballots shall be returned to the municipal secretary immediately upon the completion of the count, if practicable, and the municipal secretary shall keep his office open until midnight of each election day for the purpose of receiving the same and shall provide, at the expense of the municipality, facilities therefor. If by reason of the length of time required for the count, or the distance to the secretary's office, it shall be impracticable to return the same before midnight, they shall be retained by the chairman of the board and delivered unchanged and with the seals unbroken to the said secretary as early thereafter as practicable. The municipal secretary shall retain the same unopened in his possession until the final decision of any election contest, and in any event for six months, subject to the order of a court of competent jurisdiction or other officer specially authorized by law to open and count the same. SEC. 25. Canvass by provincial board. - In case statements from all precincts are not filed the day after election, the municipal secretary shall notify the members of the delinquent boards of inspectors to file the same. All statements shall be sent to the provincial treasurer by mail, if the mails are reasonably regular and expeditious for the purposes of this section, or by special messenger at the expense of the municipality, if they are not. Delayed statements shall be forwarded as fast as received. The provincial board shall meet as a board of canvassers not later than the twenty-fifth or, if that be a holiday, the twenty-sixth day of November, and the provincial treasurer shall then produce before it all such statements filed with or delivered to him. If any statements be missing the board, by special messenger or otherwise, shall obtain such missing statements and shall direct the fiscal to prosecute the persons responsible for the delay, if any, under section twenty-nine of this Act. The board shall also examine the statements on file, and if it clearly appears that material matters of form are omitted, such statements shall be returned for correction to the board of inspectors by special messenger or in such manner as may be expeditious. Such statements may not, however, be returned for a recount. As soon as all statements are before it, the board of canvassers shall proceed to a canvass of all the votes 39 cast in the province for Delegates to the Assembly or for provincial officers, and upon completion thereof shall make one statement of all votes cast for each candidate for the Assembly in each Assembly district, and one statement of all the votes, if any, cast for provincial officers. Upon the completion of such statements the board shall determine therefrom what person has been elected to the Assembly from each Assembly district, and what person has been elected to the provincial offices. All such determinations shall be reduced to writing, in duplicate, and signed by the members of the board or a majority of them, and sealed with the provincial seal. One copy thereof shall be filed with the provincial treasurer, one forthwith with the Executive Secretary, and a certified copy thereof shall also forthwith be delivered to each election candidate. Upon the filing of said certificate in the office of the Executive Secretary, the Governor-General shall confirm the election of each of the candidates so certified unless there be a contest pending and undetermined in the courts, in which case he he shall withhold confirmation with respect to any person involved in such contest until a certified copy of the decision of the court shall have been filed with the Executive Secretary. The Governor-General may refuse to confirm the election of any person as provincial governor if there is reasonable ground to suspect his loyalty to the constituted authorities, and may refuse to confirm the election of a third member of the provincial board as provided in Act Numbered Fifteen hundred and forty-five. In case of refusal to confirm any provincial officer a special election to fill the office shall be called and held as provided in section four hereof, and at such special election a person whose confirmation was so refused shall be ineligible and no vote shall be counted or canvassed for him. In case the board of canvassers shall decide that an election for Delegate to the Assembly results in a tie it shall certify its decision, together with the statements and all papers upon which the same is based, to the Assembly, which shall have jurisdiction of the matter thereafter; in case the board of canvassers shall decide that an election for provincial governor results in a tie it shall similarly certify the matter to the Philippine Commission, which shall have jurisdiction to declare either of the tied candidates elected or to order a special election, as it may decide: Provided, however, That nothing in this sentence contained shall bar the right of any candidate to contest an election as hereinafter provided. 40 SEC. 26. Canvass by municipal council. - Immediately after the election the municipal council shall meet in special session and shall proceed to act as a municipal board of canvassers. The secretary shall produce before it the statements filed with him and the council shall canvass the votes cast for each municipal office in the same manner as hereinbefore provided for the provincial board, and to that end shall have the same powers. The municipal board of canvassers shall not have the power to recount the votes or to inspect any of them, but shall proceed upon the statements rendered, as corrected, if corrections are necessary. Its determinations shall be reduced to writing in triplicate, signed by the members, or a majority of them, and one copy shall be filed in the municipal secretary's office, one with the provincial treasurer and one with Executive Secretary immediately on completion of the canvass. In case the canvass results in a tie for any municipal office the tied candidates shall draw lots in the presence of the board of canvassers, and the successful candidate shall be declared elected. SEC. 27. Election contests. - The Assembly shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its members. Contests in all elections for the determination of which provision has not been made otherwise shall be heard by the Court of First Instance having jurisdiction in the judicial district in which the election was held, upon motion by any candidate voted for at such election, which motion must be made within two weeks after the election, and such court shall have exclusive and final jurisdiction and shall forthwith cause the registry lists and all ballots used at such election to be brought before it and examined, and to appoint the necessary officers therefor and to fix their compensation, which shall be payable in the first instance out of the provincial treasury, and to issue its mandamus directed to the boards of canvassers to correct its canvass in accordance with the facts as found. If in any case the court shall determine that no person was lawfully elected it shall forthwith so certify to the Governor-General, who shall order a special election to fill the office or offices in question as hereinbefore provided. Before the court shall entertain any such motion the party making it shall give a bond in an amount to be fixed by the court with two sureties satisfactory to it, conditioned that he will pay all expenses and costs incident to such motion, or shall deposit cash in court in lieu of such bond. If the party paying such expenses and costs 41 shall be successful they shall be taxed by the court and entered and be collectible as a judgment against the defeated party. All proceedings under this section shall be upon motion with notice of not to exceed twenty days to all candidates voted for and not upon pleadings or by action, and shall be heard and determined by the court in the judicial district in which the election was held regardless of whether said court be at the time holding a regular or stated term. In such proceedings the registry list as finally corrected by the board of inspectors shall be conclusive as to who was entitled to vote at such election. The clerk of the court in which any such contest is instituted shall give immediate notice of its institution and also of the determination thereof to the Executive Secretary. SEC. 28. Corrupt practices. - No person, in order to aid or promote his own election as a candidate for public office, shall promise, directly or indirectly, to secure or assist in securing the appointment, nomination or election of any other person to a public position or employment or to any position of honor, trust or emolument. No person shall pay any money in the name of any candidate, falsely representing that he is doing so at the request of the candidate. No person shall solicit, demand, ask, or invite from any person who is a candidate for any election, any payment of money or valuable thing or promise of payment of money or valuable thing to be used in such election. SEC. 29. Penalties upon officers. - Any inspector or poll clerk who knowingly enters upon any registry or poll list or causes or allows to be entered thereon the name of any person as a voter in a district who is not a voter thereof, and any inspector of election who refuses or willfully votes to refuse or willfully neglects to enter the name of any qualified applicant for registration upon the registry list, or who knowingly prevents or seeks to prevent the registration of any legally qualified voter, or who is guilty of any fraud or corrupt conduct in the duties of his office, shall be punished by imprisonment for not less than one month nor more than one year, or by a fine of not less than two hundred pesos nor more than five hundred pesos, or both, in the discretion of the court. Any member of any board of registration, board of inspectors, or board of canvassers who knowingly makes any false count of 42 ballots or votes, or who willfully makes or signs a false statement or declaration of the result of a ballot, vote, or election, or who willfully refuses to receive any ballot offered by a person qualified to vote at such election, or who willfully alters, defaces, or destroys any ballot cast, or voting or registry list used thereat, or who willfully makes any false count or canvass, or who willfully declines or fails to perform any duty or obligation imposed by this Act, shall be punished by imprisonment for not less than one month nor more than one year, or by a fine of not less than two hundred pesos nor more than five hundred pesos, or both, in the discretion of the court. Any election officer who, before the public declaration of the result of a vote at an election, as herein provided, makes any statement of the number of ballots cast, of the number of votes given for any person, of the name of any person who has voted, of the name of any person who has not voted, or any other fact tending to show the state of the polls, shall be punished by imprisonment for not more than thirty days or by a fine of not more than two hundred pesos, or both, in the discretion of the court. Any officer of election who before the ballots are opened for counting reads or examines, or permits to be read or examined, the names written upon the ballot of any voter, unless such ballot shall have been prepared by him in accordance with the provisions of this Act, shall be punished by imprisonment for not more than thirty days or by a fine of not more than two hundred pesos, or both, in the discretion of the court. Any municipal secretary or other officer having custody thereof who examines or permits to be examined, except as prescribed by law, any ballots returned to him by the board of inspectors, shall be punished by a fine of not more than five hundred pesos. Any officer having custody of any such ballots who shall willfully destroy or mutilate the same, or permit the destruction or mutilation thereof, except as prescribed by law, shall be punished by imprisonment for not less than one month nor more than two years, or by a fine of not less than one hundred pesos nor more than one thousand pesos, or both, in the discretion of the court. Any person who knowing that he is disqualified assumes any office shall be punished by a fine of not less than five hundred pesos nor more than one thousand pesos. No public officer shall offer himself as a candidate for election, nor shall he be eligible during the time that he holds said public 43 office to election, at any municipal, provincial or assembly election, except for reelection to the position which he may be holding, and no judge of the Court of First Instance, justice of the peace, provincial fiscal, or officer or employee of the Bureau of Constabulary or of the Bureau of Education shall aid any candidate or influence in any manner or take any part in any municipal, provincial, or Assembly election under penalty of being deprived of his office and being disqualified to hold any public office whatever for a term of five years: Provided, however, That the foregoing provisions shall not be construed to deprive any person otherwise qualified of the right to vote at any election. SEC. 30. General penalties. - Whoever at any election votes or attempts to vote, knowing that he is not entitled so to do, or votes or attempts to vote under any name other than his own, or more than once in his own name, or casts or attempts to cast more than one ballot, or willfully places any distinguishing mark upon a ballot or makes any false statement as to his ability to fill out his ballot, or willfully allows his ballot to be seen by any person, except as prescribed by law, or willfully gives any false answer to any election officer touching any matter which is lawfully the subject of official inquiry, shall be punished by imprisonment for not less than one month nor more than two years, or by a fine of not less than one hundred pesos nor more than one thousand pesos, or both, in the discretion of the court. Any person who shall offer, directly or indirectly, to any member of the board of inspectors or any other election officer, or any member of the board of inspectors or any other election officer who whall, directly or indirectly, accept or agree to accept any money, goods or chattels, or any bank note, bank bill, bond, promissory note, due- bill, bill of exchange, draft, order or certificate, or any security for the payment of money or goods or chattels, or any deed in writing containing a conveyance of land or containing a transfer of any interest in real estate, or any valuable contract in force, or any other property or reward whatsoever, in consideration that such member of the board of inspectors or such election officer, as the case may be, will vote affirmatively or negatively or that he will not vote, or that he will use his interest or influence on any question, action, resolution, or other matter or proceeding pending before the board of inspectors or before any election officer, shall be removed from office, and both he and the person making such offer 44 as aforesaid shall be punished by imprisonment for not less than three months nor more than five years, or by a fine of not less than two hundred pesos nor more than two thousand pesos, or both, in the discretion of the court. Any person who shall offer directly or indirectly to any voter, or any person who shall directly or indirectly accept or agree to accept, any money, goods or chattels, or any bank note, bank bill, bond, promissory note, duebill, bill of exchange, draft, order or certificate, or any security for the payment of money or goods or chattels, or any deed in writing containing a conveyance of land or containing a transfer of any interest in real estate or any valuable contract in force, or any other property or reward whatsoever in consideration that such person shall give or withhold any vote at any election, or who shall make any promise to influence the giving or withholding of any such vote, or who shall make or become directly or indirectly interested in any bet or wager depending upon the result of any election, shall be punished by imprisonment for not less than three months nor more than five years, or by a fine of not less than two hundred pesos nor more than two thousand pesos, or both, in the direction of the court. Any person who knowingly takes or subscribes any false oath, affidavit or affirmation before any election officer, or before any court or other officer in relation to any material fact in any registration or election proceeding, shall be punished by imprisonment for not less than three months nor more than five years, or by a fine of not less than two hundred pesos nor more than two thousand pesos, or both, in the discretion of the court. Any person, who, being challenged, shall refuse to take the oath or affirmation prescribed in section twenty-three of this Act, and shall cast his ballot, shall be punished by a fine of not more than two hundred pesos, or by imprisonment for not more than six months, or both, in the discretion of the court. Any person who causes or attempts to cause his name to be registered, knowing that he is not a qualified voter in the district in which he registers, or who attempts to register, and any person who falsely represents himself as some other person to any election officer or board of registry, or who willfully gives a false answer relative to any matter relating to the registration of a voter or to the right of any person to vote, or who willfully aids or abets any 45 other person in doing any of the acts above mentioned, shall be punished by imprisonment for not less than one month nor more than one year, or by a fine of not less than one hundred pesos nor more than five hundred pesos, or both, in the discretion of the court. Any person who refuses to obey the lawful orders or directions of an election officer or member of a board of registry, or inspector, or who interrupts or disturbs the proceedings of any election or registry board at any registration or election, shall be punished by imprisonment for not more than one month or a fine of not more than two hundred pesos, or both, in the discretion of the court. Any person who intentionally writes, prints, posts, or distributes, or causes to be written, printed, posted, or distributed, any circular or poster which is designed or tends to injure or defeat any candidate for election to any public office, by criticising his personal character or political action, unless there appears upon such circular or poster in a conspicuous place the name of the writer who is responsible therefor, with residence and the street and number thereof, if any, and any person who writes, prints, publishes, or utters, or causes to be written, printed, published, or uttered, or aids and abets the printing, publication, or uttering of any anonymous or unsigned or fictitiously signed letter, communication or publication not disclosing the name of the author, criticising or reflecting upon the personal character, conduct, or honor of any candidate for election, and any person who, knowingly, delivers or aids in the deliver of any such letter or communication, shall be punished by imprisonment for not more than three months, or by a fine of not more than two hundred pesos, or both, in the discretion of the court. Any person who willfully or maliciously injures or destroys or secretes or carries away a ballot box, registry list, poll list, statement, ballot, stationary or other supplies furnished at any election, shall be punished by imprisonment for not more than one year, or a fine of not more than five hundred pesos, or both, in the discretion of the court. Any person who willfully prevents any board of registry or of inspectors, or any other officer or person charged with a duty under the terms of this Act, or hinders or molests such board, officer, or person from doing any such duty, or who aids or abets in preventing, hindering, or molesting such board, officer, or person from doing any such duty, shall be punished by imprisonment for not less than 46 thirty days nor more than one year, or by a fine of not less than two hundred pesos nor more than five hundred pesos, or both, in the discretion of the court. Any person who prints or distributes, or causes to be printed or distributed, a ballot at an election, except as hereinbefore provided, shall be punished by imprisonment for not less than thirty days nor more than one year, or by a fine of not less than two hundred pesos nor more than five hundred pesos, or both, in the discretion of the court. Any person who willfully and without lawful authority obstructs or delays a voter while on his way to the polling place where he is entitled to vote, or while he is voting or attempting to vote, or aids or assists in any such obstruction or delay, and any person who interferes or attempts to interfere with a voter while he is marking his ballot or is within the space inclosed by the guard rail, or endeavors to induce a voter, before he has voted, to show how he marks or has marked his ballot, and any person who willfully obstructs the voting at an election, and any person who places a distinguishing mark on a ballot not cast by himself, except as hereinbefore authorized, shall be punished by imprisonment for not more than three months, or by a fine of not more than one hundred pesos, or both, in the discretion of the court. Any person who, with intent to defraud, alters a ballot cast at an election or, with such intent, deposits a ballot in the ballot box used at an election, or in an envelope provided by law for the preservation of ballots cast at an election or, with such intent, removes a ballot from any such ballot box or envelope, shall be punished by imprisonment for not less than one month nor more than one year, or by a fine of not less than one hundred nor more than five hundred pesos, or both, in the discretion of the court. Any person who removes a ballot from the space inclosed by the guard rail before the close of the polls shall be punished by imprisonment for not more than three months or by a fine of not more than one hundred pesos, or both, in the discretion of the court. Any person who influences or attempts to influence a voter to give or to withhold his vote at an election by threatening to discharge such voter from his employment or to reduce his wages, or by promising to give him employment at higher wages, and any person who discharges any voter from his employment or reduces his wages 47 for giving or withholding his vote at an election, shall be punished by imprisonment for not less than thirty days nor more than one year, or by a fine of not less than two hundred pesos nor more than five hundred pesos, or both, in the discretion of the court. Any person who, by any manner of threat or intimidation, induces a voter to give or withhold a vote shall be punished by imprisonment for not less than thirty days nor more than one year, or by a fine of not less than two hundred pesos nor more than five hundred pesos, or both, in the discretion of the court. Any person who violates the provisions of section twenty-eight shall be punished by imprisonment for not less than thirty days nor more than one year, or by a fine of not less than two hundred pesos nor more than five hundred pesos, or both, in the discretion of the court. Any person who, by any wrongful means, shall prevent or attempt to prevent any voter from freely and fully exercising his right to vote, or shall induce or procure any voter to refuse or neglect to exercise his right, or shall so induce or procure any person to enter upon the registry list the name of any person, or shall so induce or procure the receiving of the vote of any person not legally qualified, or shall so induce or procure any officer to give any certificate, document, or evidence in relation thereto, or shall so induce any officer in any manner to violate or to neglect his duty with respect to any election, shall be punished by imprisonment for not less than thirty days nor more than one year, or by a fine of not less than two hundred pesos nor more than five hundred pesos, or both, in the discretion of the court. Any person who, being disqualified for an office for any reason other than nonpayment of taxes, publicly announces his candidacy for any elective office, shall be punished by a fine of not less than two hundred pesos nor more than five hundred pesos. Whenever any person shall be convicted of an offense under this Act the fine and costs imposed, if any, shall be extinguished by imprisonment at the rate of one day's imprisonment for each two pesos of fine or costs remaining unpaid. SEC. 31. Jurisdiction of courts. - Courts of First Instance shall have exclusive original jurisdiction to issue process or conduct preliminary investigations and shall have entire jurisdiction in any criminal action or proceeding arising under this Act. 48 SEC. 32. Repealing section.--Acts Numbered Seventy-eight, One hundred and six, Three hundred and forty-three, Seven hundred and eighty-two, sections six, seven, eight, nine, ten, eleven, twelve, fourteen, twenty-two, ninety-one, ninety-two, ninety-three, ninety-four, and subsections (a) and (b) of section thirteen of Act Num-bered Eighty-two, section four and the first two sentences of section twenty-one of Act Numbered Eighty-three, section six of Act Num-bered Four hundred and twenty-four, and all Acts and parts of Acts amendatory of the Acts and sections herein enumerated or in any way in conflict with the provisions of this Act are hereby repealed: Provided, however, That the repeal of an amendment shall not be construed to revive the amended statute nor shall any statute be deemed revived by this repeal. SEC. 33. This act shall take effect on the fifteenth day of January, nineteen hundred and seven: Provided, That it shall not apply to elections for provincial governors to be held in the Prov-inces of Cavite and Isabela for the present year, in which provinces the said elections shall be conducted under the laws existing at the time of the passage of this Act. Enacted, January 9, 1907. INDEX. Page. Act in effect when 48 Assembly: Apportionment of membership 10,11 Districts-- Divisions of provinces 12-16 Map of plan of 16, 17 Election of delegates 5, 6 Membership 10 Recorder and clerks, compensation 12 Readjustment of apportionment of Delegates 11 Records of, custodian 12 Stationary 12 Ballots. (See Official ballots.) Ballots and ballot boxes 31, 32 Board of inspectors, defined 5 Candidates for offices, corrupt practices 41 Canvass by municipal council 40 Canvass by provincial board 38, 39 Cavite, Province of, election for provincial governor, 1906, held under prior laws 48 Challenges 34, 35 Cockfighting 19 Conduct of elections: Ballots and ballot boxes 31, 32 Counting of votes 32 Polls open, when 31 Confirmations of elections by Governor-General 39 Contests 39-41 Corrupt practices 41 Councilors, municipal: Election of 6, 7 Election precincts 17 Terms of office 9 Canvass by 40 Rate of pay of election officers fixed by 29 51092------4 49 50 Page. Counting of votes 32, 35-38 Announcement of result 37 Ballot box, disposition of 37 Completion 37 Spoiled ballots, disposition of 37 Tally sheets 37 Unused ballots, disposal of 37 Verification of totals 37 Written statements by inspectors 37 Courts, jurisdiction of 47 Definitions and general provisions 5 Delegates to Assembly 10 Appointment to civil office, limitation upon 11 Compensation and expenses 12 Election of 5, 6 Privileged from arrest, exception 11 Qualifications 19, 20 Disqualifications from voting 21, 22 Districts, Assembly, division of provinces into 12-16 Election precincts 17 Elections 5-8 Booths 18 Conduct of 31-33 Funds for holding 9, 29 Polling places 17, 18 Special. (See Special elections.) Qualifications and disqualifications from voting 21, 22 Qualifications of officers 19, 20 Elector's oath 26 Executive Secretary: Custodian of Assembly records 12 Special elections, notice to treasurer 19 First Instance, Courts of: Appeals from action by inspectors of elections 28 Contest heard by 40 Governor-General: Confirmation of elections 39 Postponement of municipal and provincial elections 8 Special elections called by 8 Governors, provincial: Elections 6 Qualifications for officer 19, 20 Ilocos Sur, Province of, San Quintin, election for Delegate to Assembly 7 Inspectors of election: Appeals from action by 28 Appointment and duties 22-25 51 Inspectors of election--Continued Page. Certificate of appointment 24 Chairman 24 Challenges 27 Administration of oath 34, 35 Conduct of elections 31-33 Counting of votes 35-38 Elector's oath, administration 26, 27 Expenses of election, payment 29 Oath of office 23 Official ballots 29-31 Pay of 29 Posting of sample ballots 31 Preservation of order 24, 25 Registry of voters 25-28 Vacancies 24 Voting 33, 34 Witness, subpoena of 27 Isabela, Province of, election for provincial governor, 1906, held under prior laws 48 Jurisdiction of courts 47 Liquors, sale prohibited near polling places 19 Lots, drawing 40 Manila, Municipal Board of, duties 5 Mindoro, Province of, townships, election of Delegate to Assembly 7 Municipalities, division into election precincts 17 Oaths, electors 26 Oaths of office, inspectors of elections and poll clerks 23 Officers, municipal, qualifications for office 20 Officers, provincial, special elections 39 Official ballots 29-31 Failure to receive 31 Form of 30 Requisitions for 31 Sample ballots, posting 31 Palawan, Province of, townships, election of Delegate to Assembly 7 Penalties: Ballot box, destruction or carrying away 45 Ballots-- False count 41, 42 Fraudulent alteration, etc 46 Illegal printing or distribution 46 Removal before closing of polls 46 Betting on results 44 Bribery 43, 44 Corrupt practices 47 Disorder 45 Employers' interference with voters 46 52 Penalties--Continued Page. Extinguishment of fine, rate 47 Hindering of officers 45 Ineligibility to office 42, 43 Libel 45 Mutilation of ballots 42 Oath-- False 44 Refusal to take 44 Officers 42, 42 Persons disqualified for office announcing candidacy 47 Registration, false 44 Threats 46, 47 Usurpation of office 42 Voters, interference with 46, 47 Voters, fraudulent 8 Plurality of votes 8 Poll clerks: Appointment and duties 22-25 Certificates of appointment 24 Duties 31-33 Oaths of office 23 Pay of 29 Vacancies 24 Polling places: Booths 18 Copy of Act posted in 19 Designation and arrangement 17 Liquors, cockfighting, and booths in vicinity 19 Postponement of municipal and provincial elections 8 Presidents, municipal: Elections of 6 Terms of office 9 Provincial boards: Appeals from action by inspectors of elections 28 Appointments to fill vacancies 8 Canvass by 38, 39 Election of third members 6 Qualifications for office 19, 20 Plan of Assembly districts 16, 17 Qualifications of officers 19, 20 Qualifications of voters 21 Recorder of Assembly 12 Registry of voters 25-28 Repeal clause 48 Short title 5 53 Page. Special elections 8-10, 40 Notice of 19 Provincial officers 39 Registry for 28, 29 Tally sheets 37 Tie vote 39, 40 Townships, certain, election of Delegates to Assembly 7 Vacancies 8-10 Vice-presidents, municipal: Elections of 6 Terms of office 9 Votes, counting of 35-38 Voters: Registry of 25-28 Qualifications and disqualifications 21, 22 Voting 33, 34 Spoiled ballots 34 THE PHILIPPINES TO AMERICA The Filipino people would not be just to themselves if at this moment, when their political separation from the sovereign country in being proposed, they should fail to express in the clearest and most emphatic manner the sentiments and purposes that inspire their action. They therefore deem it their duty to affirm: That independence, instead of destroying or weakening, will strengthen the bonds of friendship and appreciation created by the gratitude of the Filipino people, not only for the final measure of complete justice and humanity that they confidently expect, but for all the previous disinterested work so splendidly preformed for the benefit of the Philippines by so many faithful sons of America; that this gratitude will be the first fundamental factor in the future relations between the United States and the Philippine Islands; that in the present state of the international affairs the Filipino people merely aspire to become another conscious and direct instrument for the progress of liberty and civilization; that in the tranquil course of their years of constitutional development they will maintain, for all people inhabiting their hospitable land, the essence and benefit of democratic institutions; that they will continue to associate, in so far as this will be acceptable and their strength will permit, in the work of reconstruction, justice, and peace carried on by the United States in continuation of those other undertakings, the high purpose of which was the cause, according to President Wilson, "of the magnificent cooperation during the war between the American and Filipino peoples"; and, finally, that in thus preserving their best traditions and institutions in the new situation which will strengthen and perfect them, the Filipino people will continue to make this country, as heretofore, a safe place of law and order, justice and liberty, where Americans and foreigners, as well as Nationals, may live peacefully in the pursuit of happiness and prosperity, and safe in the enjoyment of their property as well as of their rights and their liberty.—Statement of the Commission of Independence of the Philippine Congress. 3 Cocoanut trees on the beach; a typical scene of the Philippines. Geographical Location and Area of the Philippines The Philippine Archipelago lies north of the Dutch and British Island of Borneo and the Dutch Island of the Celebes, south of the Japanese Island of Formosa and east of French Indo-China, the British colony of Hongkong, and the southern provinces of the Republic of China. It runs from five degrees north latitude to twenty-two degrees north latitude, and is entirely in the tropics. Authorities have stated that an isosceles triangle, approximately 500 miles on its base and 1,000 miles on the sides, would enclose all except the Sulu group of coral islands. Within this figure, there are 3,141 islands, in sizes from the tiny islet, inhabited only by strange tropical birds, to Luzon, with its millions of peoples. Luzon has an area greater than the entire state of Pennsylvania. The total land area of the Philippine Archipelago is 120,000 square miles. This is in excess of the combined area of the states of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Delaware. It is 7,000 square miles larger than Great Britain. Luzon, in the north has 46,969 square miles. Mindanao has approximately 36,292 square miles. Ten islands, Luzon, Mindanao, Samar, Negros, Cabu, Pansy, Leyte, Bohol, Mindoro, and Masbate, contain more than 10,000 square miles each, or 6,400,000 acres. Twenty of the islands have between 100 and 1,000 square miles each. Seventy-three of the islands contain between 10 and 100 square miles each, 262 islands between 1 and 10 square miles, and 2,775 islands, seven-eighths of all, contain less than one square mile each. The Philippine Islands have a mildly tropical climate. The nights are cool and sunstrokes are unknown. The temperature record for the past thirty years shows an average of 80°. The record death rate per 1,000 whites in Manila for 1917 was 8.8 as compared with 16.5 for New York, 15 for San Francisco, 14 for Chicago, 18 for Glasgow, and 22 for Belfast. 5 The Luneta, Manila. One of the delightful features of Manila life is the band concert given by the Constabulary band every evening on the Luneta. Population A census was taken early this year (1919), and while the complete reports have not yet been finished, the official estimate cabled to the War Department by the Director of the Census is as follows: Christian population 10,000,000 Non-Christian population 500,000 Total 10,500,000 Of this population over 1,750,000 males are qualified voters. Native Civilization Prior to Spanish Occupation The Philippines were discovered by Magellan in 1521. In 1565 the Spaniards made the first permanent settlement at Cebu. In 1570 they occupied Manila and were in control of the islands until 1898, the year of American occupation. "The inhabitants of the Philippines possessed a culture of their own prior to the coming of the Spaniards to the islands. Those along the coasts were the most advanced in civilization. Their material wealth was considerable. The chief occupations were agriculture, fishing, weaving, some manufacturing, and trade both inter-island and with the mainland, generally in the form of barter. They were expert navigators. They used standards weights and measures. The year was divided into twelve lunar months. They had a peculiar phonetic alphabet, wrote upon leaves, and had a primitive literature. The majority of the people are said to have been able to read and write." (Justice George A. Malcolm, "The Government of the Philippine Islands," pp. 27 and 28). "The inhabitants of these islands were by no means savages, 6 University Hall, of the University of the Philippines. entirely unreclaimed from barbarism before the Spanish advent in the sixteenth century. They had a culture of their own." (John Foreman, an English scholar.) "They had already reached a considerable degree of civilization at the time of the Spanish conquest." (Ferdinand Blumentritt, an Austrian professor.) "Upon the arrival of the Spaniards, they found the ancestors of the present-day Filipinos in possession of considerable culture, which is somewhat comparable to that of some of the mountain peoples of today." (Dr. James A. Robertson, an American scholar.) "The Filipino people, even in pre-historic times, had already shown high intelligence and moral virtues and intelligence clearly manifested in their legislation, which, taking into consideration the circumstances and the epoch in which it was framed, was certainly as wise, as prudent, and as humane as those of the nations then at the head of civilization." (Judge Romualdez, a Filipino scholar.) Schools During the Spanish Regime As early as 1866, out of a population of 4,000,000 people, there were 841 schools for boys and 833 for girls. In 1892, eight years before coming of the Americans, there were 2,137 schools. There were also, during the Spanish regime, colleges and universities where professional training was given. The colleges were: University of Santo Tomas, Manila, established in 1611 (twenty-five years older than Harvard); San Juan de Letran, Municipal Anthenaeum, Normal School, College of San Jose, the Nautical School, the School of Commercial Accounting, the Academy of Painting and Drawing, and many other private schools, fourteen of which were in Manila, while others in the provinces must also be reckoned. There were seminaries in Manila, Nueva-Segovia, Cebu, Jaro and Nueve-Caceres, where all branches of secondary instruction were Typical Scene on the Pangasinan Road. taught in addition to those which constituted the studies for the priesthood. (Data from the American Census of 1903.) Progress of the Filipinos During the Spanish Regime The famous French explorer of the Pacific, La Perouse, who was in Manila in 1787, wrote: "Three million people inhabit these different islands, and that of Luzon contains nearly a third of them. These people seemed to me no way inferior to those of Europe; they cultivate the soil with intelligence, they are carpenters, cabinetmakers, smiths, jewelers, weavers, masons, etc. I have gone through their villages and I have found them kind, hospitable, and affable." (Voyage de la Perouse autour du Monde," Paris, 1797, 11, p. 347.) Coming down nearly a generation later, the Englishman Crawfurd, the historian of the Indian Archipelago, who lived at the court of the Sultan of Java as British Resident, said: "It is remarkable that the Indian administration of one of the worst governments of Europe, and that in which the general principles of legislation and good government are least understood,—one, too, which has never been skillfully executed, should, upon the whole, have proved the least injurious to the happiness and prosperity of the native inhabitants of the country. This, undoubtedly, has been the character of the Spanish connection with the Philippines, with all its vices, follies, and illiberalities; and the present condition of these islands affords an unquestionable proof of the fact. Almost every other country of the (Malay or Indian) Archipelago is, at this day, in point of wealth, power, and civilization, in a worse state than when Europeans connected themselves with them three centuries back. The Philippines alone have improved in civilization, wealth, and 8 populousness." ("History of the Indian Archipelago," etc., by John Crawfurd, F. R. S. Edinburgh, 1820, Vol. ii, pp. 447, 448.) The German naturalist Jagor, who visited the Islands in 1859- 1860, wrote: "Assuming the truth of the above sketch of pre-Christian culture, which has been put together only with the help of defective linguistic sources, and comparing it with the present, we find, as a result, a considerable progress, for which the Philippines are indebted to the Spaniards." ("Travels in the Philippines," Eng. Ed., p. 151.) The Austrian professor, Ferdinand Blumentritt, wrote in La Solidaridad of October 15, 1899, to this effect: "If the general condition of the civilization of the Tagalos, Pampangos, Bicoles, Bisayans, Ilocanos, Cagayanes, and Sambales is compared to the European constitutional countries of Servia, Roumania, Bulgaria and Greece, the Spanish-Filipino civilization of the said Indian districts is greater and of larger extent than of those countries." Finally, writing from historical perspective, the foremost American scholar on the Philippines gives the following résumé of the results of the Spanish administration: "The Spaniards did influence the Filipinos profoundly, and on the whole for the better. There are ways, indeed, in which their record as a colonizing power in the Philippines stands today unique in all the world for its benevolent achievement and its substantial accomplishment of net progress. We do not need to gloss over the defects of Spain; we do not need to condone the backward and halting policy which at last turned the Filipinos against Spanish rule, nor to regret the final outcome of events, in order to do Spain justice. But we must do full justice to her actual achievements, if not as ruler, at any rate as teacher and missionary, in order to put the Filipinos of today in their proper category." (Le Roy: "Philippine Life in Town and Country," 1905, p. 6, 7.) The Philippine Republic of 1898 as Viewed by Some American Officials John Barrett, now director of the Pan-American Union, saw the Philippine Republic in operation, and described it as follows: "It is a government which has practically been administering the affairs of that great island, 'Luzon,' since the American possession of Manila, which is certainly better than the former administration. It had a properly formed Cabinet and Congress, the members of which, in appearance and manners, would compare favorably with the Japanese statesmen." Admiral Dewey, after studying Philippine conditions during the Spanish-American War, spoke of the Filipinos as follows: "In my opinion, these people are far more superior in intelligence and more capable of self-government than the natives of Cuba. I am familiar with both races." General Merritt, on his arrival in Paris in October, 1898, was reported as saying: "The Filipinos impressed me very favorably. I think great injustice has been done to the native population. . . . They are more capable of self-government than, I think, the Cubans are. They are considered to be good Catholics. They have lawyers, doctors, the men of kindred professions, who stand well in the community, and bear favorable comparison to those of other countries. They are dignified, courteous and reserved." General Merritt states in his report (Vol. I, Part 2, War Department 9 Ayuntamiento Building, Manila, where the offices of the Central Government of the Philippines are located. ment report for 1898) that Aguinaldo had "proclaimed an independent government, republican in form, with himself as President, and at the time of my arrival in the Islands the entire edifice of executive and legislative departments had been accomplished, at least on paper." General Anderson says: "We held Manila and Cavite. The rest of the island was held not by the Spaniards, but by the Filipinos. On the other islands, the Spaniards were confined to two or three fortified towns." ("Our Rule in the Philippines," 170, No. Am. Rev., Feb., 1900, p. 281.) "His (Aguinaldo's) success was not in the least astonishing, as after the various islands had driven out the few remaining and discouraged soldiers of their openly declared enemy, they naturally turned to Luzon for some form of central government, the islands of the south being well aware of their inability to maintain successful separate and distinct political establishments. The crude one in process of formation in central Luzon offered itself through its visiting agents and was accepted in part (notwithstanding race animosities and divergent business interests), and very probably because no other alternative was offered. The eight months of opportunity given the ambitious Tagalo by the hold on Spain which the United States maintained was sufficient also for him to send his troops and designing men into the distant provinces and hold the unarmed natives in subjection while he imposed military authority, and thus in December, 1898, we find in Northern and Southeastern Luzon, in Mindoro, Samar, Leyte, Panay, and even on the coast of Mindanao and in some of the smaller islands, the aggressive Tagalo present in person, and, whether civilian or soldier, supreme in authority." 10 (Report of General Otis, August 21, 1899, quoted in Harper's "History of the War in the Philippines," pp. 99, 100.) "It is little short of marvellous how rapidly the insurrection has gained ground in this short time, and how extensive and successful the operations of the army have been. The insurgents managed in a very few weeks to besiege and capture numerous small Spanish positions in the provinces, and they completely overran the whole Island of Luzon, together with seven adjacent islands." (F. D. Millet: "The Filipino Republic," September 16, 1898, printed in Harper's "History of the War in the Philippines," pp. 65, 66.) "By December, 1898, the revolutionary government was in control of almost the entire archipelago." (McKinley: "Island Possessions of the United States," p. 234.) "The revolutionary government was universally recognized throughout the islands, except in Manila and seaports still held by the Spanish." (Edwin Wildman: "Aguinaldo--A Narrative of Filipino Ambitions," p. 142.) Albert G. Robinson, the Philippines correspondent for the New York Evening Post, during portions of 1899 and 1900, expresses the opinion that "the Philippine Islands, with the exception of the besieged city of Manila, were virtually in the hands of the Filipinos." And again to the same effect that "it is now known that at the time of the arrival of the American army in Manila in June, 1898, almost the entire area of the Philippines, practically all with the exception of one or two of the larger coast cities, was in the hands of the insurgents. Not only were they in control of the country; they were administering its political affairs as well. This they continued to do for the greater part of the island throughout the following year, practically until the autumn of 1899. Up to that time the territory occupied by the forces of the United States in the Island of Luzon was confined to a very limited area in the vicinity of Manila, with a filamentary extension northward for some fifty or sixty miles along the Manila-Dagupan railway. Very much the same condition obtained on the other islands. One thing is certain: although greatly disturbed by the conditions of war, this territory was under some form of governmental administration." Finally quoting a letter of his, dated September 27, 1899, to the New York Evening Post, he states: "There is one point which I think is not generally known to the American people, but which is a very strong factor in the question of Filipino self-government, both now and in any future position. In the West Indies the greater number of offices and official positions were filled by Spaniards, either native-born or from the Peninsula. In the Philippines the percentage of available Spaniards for minor positions was vastly less that that shown in the West Indian colonies. The result was that while the more prominent and more profitable offices in the Philippines were filled by Spaniards, many of the minor offices in the larger cities and most of those in the country were held by Filipinos. Therefore, when the Filipino party assumed the government for those districts which the Spaniards evacuated, the Filipinos had a system of government in which Filipinos held most of the positions, already established for their purposes. It was but necessary to change its head and its name. Instead of being dominated by the agents of Alfonso XIII, por la gracia de Dios y de la Contitucion Rey catolico de Espana, the same machinery was set in motion and controlled first by the dictatorial government and then by the Philippine revolutionary government, under the constitution proclaimed on June 23, 1898. 11 Library, Philippine School of Arts and Trades, Manila. The Philippine public schools own 1,200 school libraries, all of which are open to the public. This fact simplified matters for the Filipinos and gave them the ground upon which they make their assertion of maintaining a successful administration in those provinces which they occupied." (Robinson: "The Philippines: The War and the People," pp. 48, 282, 403, 303.) Leonard Sargent, a naval cadet, and W. B. Wilcox, paymaster of the Navy, after traveling over the Island of Luzon, at that time wrote a report of their trip, which was referred by Admiral Dewey to the Navy Department with the indorsement that it was "the most complete information obtainable." Mr. Sargent remarked: "Although this government has never been recognized, and in all probability will go out of existence without recognition, yet, it cannot be denied that, in a region occupied by many millions of inhabitants, for nearly six months, it stood alone between anarchy and order. "As a tribute to the efficiency of Aguinaldo's government and to the law-abiding character of his subjects, I offer the fact that Mr. Wilcox and I pursued our journey throughout in perfect security, and returned to Manila with only the most pleasing recollections of the quiet and orderly life which we found the natives to be leading under the new regime." President Taft on Filipino Character and Capacity Speaking of the Filipinos, Mr. Taft said, in his special report to the President of the United States, in 1908: "The friars left the people a Christian people—that is, a people with western ideals. They looked toward Rome, and Europe, and America . . . It is the only Malay or oriental race that is Christian. 12 They were not like the Mohammedan or Buddhist, who despise western civilization as inferior . . . They learn easily and the most striking fact in our whole experience in the Philippines is the eagerness with which the common Filipino agricultural laborer sends his children to school to learn English. There is no real difference between the educated and ignorant Filipino that cannot be overcome by the education of one generation. They are a capable people in the sense that they can be given a normal intellectual development by the same kind of education that is given in our common school system." During the Philippines Committee hearings conducted by the American Senate (1914) Mr. Taft said: "The word 'tribe' gives an erroneous impression. There is no tribal relation among them. There is a racial solidarity among the Filipino people, undoubtedly. They are homogeneous. I cannot tell the difference between an Ilocano and a Tagalog, or a Visayan. The Ilocanos, it would seem to me, have something of an admixture of the Japanese blood; the Tagalogs have rather more of the Chinese; and it seems to me that the Visayans had still more. But to me all the Filipinos were alike." Mr. Taft is of the opinion that the Filipinos are better prepared for self-government than the Cubans. "In the Philippines the ultimate prospect for self-government is better than in Cuba for the reason that the economic conditions are better adapted to building up an intelligent middle class because there is a much greater division of land among the people." (Phil. Committee Hearings, 1914, p. 383.) The American Colonies in 1776 and the Philippines of Today "Let him who scoffs at the impossibility of Philippine progress without even awaiting events make a comparison between the United States, when she adopted her Constitution, and the Philippines if she be permitted to ratify hers. In 1790 the number of inhabitants in the United States was under four million. The Philippines have double this. Of the American inhabitants, nearly one-fifth were negroes. The Philippines have nowhere near this proportion of non-Christians. Of the American inhabitants, the ancestors of eight-tenths were probably English and a homogeneous part of the community. Of the Filipinos, at least as large a percentage are of one race. Of the Americans, the intellect of the people was little developed. The graduating classes of all the colleges in 1789 counted up to about 170. The graduating classes of one university in the Philippines exceed this number. In economic conditions the United States were little advanced, although the country abounded in natural resources. The same statement can be written for the Philippines." (Justice Geo. A. Malcolm: "Government of the Philipine Islands," pp. 250.) In ante-Revolutionary days, members of the British House of Lords and House of Commons held no very flattering views of American ambitions and capacity. They were termed "egregious cowards." Their manners and ways of living were ridiculed. It was prophesied that if Great Britain abandoned the colonies, they must soon sue for succor or be overrun by every small state. A philippic by an Englishman in 1820 reads: "Since the period of their separation, a far greater proportion of their statesmen and artists and political writers have been for- 13 -eigners than ever occurred before in the history of any civilized and educated people. During the thirty or forty years of their independence, they have done absolutely nothing for the Sciences, for the Arts, for Literature, or even for statesman-like studies of Politics or Political Economy. Confining ourselves to our own country, and to the period that has elapsed since they had an independent existence, we would ask: Where are their Foxes, their Burkes, their Sheridans, their Windhams, their Horners, their Wilberforces?—where their Arkwrights, their Watts, their Davys?— their Robertsons, Blairs, Smiths, Stewarts, Paleys and Malthuses? —their Porsons, Parrs, Burneys, or Bloomfields?—their Scotts, Campbells, Byrons, Moores, or Crabbes?—their Siddonses, Kembles, Keans, or O'Neils?—their Wilkies, Laurences, Chantrys?—or their parallels to the hundred other names that have spread themselves over the world from our little island in the course of the last thirty years, and blest or delighted mankind by their works, inventions, or examples? In so far as we know, there is no such parallel to be produced from the whole annals of this self-adulating race. In the four quarters of the globe, who reads an American book? or goes to an American play? or looks at an American picture or statue? What does the world yet owe to American physicians or surgeons? What new substances have their chemists discovered? or what old ones have they analyzed? What new constellations have been discovered by the telescopes of Americans?—what have they done in the mathematics? Who drinks out of American glasses? or eats from America plates? or wears American coats or gowns? or sleeps in American blankets? Finally, under which of the old tyrannical governments of Europe is every sixth man a slave, whim his fellow-creatures may buy and sell and torture?" (Rev. Sydney Smith: "Who Reads an American Book," Vol. xxxiii, Edinburgh Review, January, 1820, pp. 78-80, printed in Hart: "American History Told by Contemporaries," Vol. iii, pp. 512-514. See also Mrs. Frances Milton Trollope, "Domestic Manners of the Americans," sec. ed., 1832, Vol. i, pp. 48-188.) "No true American would concur with these biased assertions. But remembering—ponder the present greatness of the Republic— and ponder the black pictures which the misanthropic have drawn of these isles. No false hopes should be aroused by Filipinos from the foregoing parallel. At least it is interesting as preaching charity and as showing possibilities." (Justice George A. Malcolm, "Government of the Philippine Islands." pp. 250, 251, 252.) The Philippine Independence Movement After the armed opposition to the United States was put down the Filipino people began a peaceful campaign for independence. At first this movement was not an organized one, because in the early years of American occupation a law had been passed by the Philippine Commission prohibiting all agitation for independence. The only political party which could very well exist under these conditions was the Federal party, which advocated statehood and permanent annexation to the United States. This party, however, soon saw the unpopularity of its stand, for it could not find supporters either in the Philippines or in the United States, and so as soon as conditions permitted the advocacy of separation, it left out the statehood plan and advocated independence after a period of preparation. In the meanwhile a strong independence party had been formed called 14 The two most prominent Filipino leaders, Manuel L. Quezon, President of the Philippine Senate, and Sergio Osmena, Speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives. the Nationalist party, and at the first national election to the Philippine Assembly in 1907 this party obtained popular favor, for out of the eighty representatives elected there were only fifteen members of the old Federal party—this notwithstanding the fact that the Federal party had changed its platform and advocated independence. If there were any doubt as to the attitude of the Filipino people on independence, this was dispelled by the attitude of the Philippine Assembly, the first national representative body to be convoked following American occupation. At the end of the first session this representative body unanimously ratified the closing address of Speaker Osmena on the question of independence. The Speaker, in part, had said: "Permit me, gentlemen of the Chamber, to declare solemnly before God and before the world, upon my conscience as a deputy and representative of my compatriots, and under my responsibility as President of this Chamber, that we believe the people desire independence, and that we believe ourselves capable of leading an orderly existence, efficient both in internal and external affairs, as a member of the free and civilized nations." By virtue of the Organic Act of the Philippines passed by Congress in 1902, the Philippine Assembly was allowed to send a representative to Washington to voice the aspirations of the Filipino people. In 1907 the Hon. Pablo Ocampo was sent to Washington as Resident Commissioner, who, in pursuance of the mandate of the Assembly, advocated the independence of the Philippines. His successor, the 15 Hon. Manuel L. Quezon, who was Resident Commissioner from 1909 to 1916, continued with great vim and vigor the campaign for independence in the United States. In 1911 the Democratic Party, which had advocated independence, secured control of the House, and the following year the Chairman of the Committee on Insular Affairs reported a bill providing for a qualified independence for eight years and for complete independence in 1921. In 1914 a bill was passed by the House of Representatives providing for independence as soon as a stable government could be established in the islands. The bill, however, was crowded out of the calendar in the Senate and failed to be passed. The independence movement was constantly gaining ground, and two years afterwards, in February, 1916, when Congress again took up the Philippine question, the Senate passed the so-called Clarke Amendment, which would grant the Philippines independence within four years, although the time might be extended upon the advice of the President to Congress. The Clarke Amendment had the support of the Filipino people. It was contended in the House of Representatives, however, that it would be unwise to set a definite date for independence, for nobody knew what the contingency would be at the time. What the House did was simply to repass the bill it had passed in 1914, promising in its preamble that the Philippines should be granted their independence "as soon as a stable government could be established therein." The Senate receded from its position and passed the House bill, which thus became the formal pledge of the American nation to the Filipino people. In the meanwhile the independence movement in the Philippines was constantly growing. A group separated itself from the Nationalist party, believing that the party did not work hard enough for independence, and this group called itself the Third party. The old Federal party had been converted into the Progressive party, and was now advocating early independence. The two opposing parties were soon merged into one party called the Democratic party, charging the Nationalist party of being unfaithful to the people and not doing all it could for the independence of the Philippines. It advocated a more radical measure for the Philippines, and was reluctant in accepting the Jones law, which simply promised independence as soon as a stable government could be established in the islands. President Wilson had given the Filipino people a larger amount of autonomy through the appointment in 1913 of a majority of Filipinos in the Upper House, or Philippine Commission, and this step gave the Filipinos virtual autonomous powers in their domestic affairs. The Jones law, which promised independence, ratified this presidential step and gave the Filipinos a completely elective legislature composed of a Senate and House of Representatives, and practically gave them control of the Executive Departments. Today there are only two Americans in the political departments of the Philippine Government. From the passage of the Jones law in 1916 to the ending of hostilities in Europe, the Filipino people refrained from all agitation in favor of independence. Their reason was American's entry in the war. (See "Filipino Loyalty During the War," page 29.) The "Declaration of Purposes" of the Philippine Legislature Now that the war is ended and the task of international reconstruction has begun, the Filipino people believe that the time has 16 The Philippine Mission to the Untied States. Photograph taken on steps of State, War, and Navy Bldg., Washington, D. C., April 4, 1919, following presentation of the independence resolutions of the Philippine legislature to Secretary of War Baker. Front row, left to right: Dionisio Jakosalem, Secretary of Commerce and Communications; Rafael Palma, Secretary of the Interior and Vice-Chairman of the Mission; Newton D. Baker, Secretary of War of the United States; Manuel L. Quezon, President of the Philippine Senate and Chairman of the Philippine Mission; General Peyton C. March, Chief of Staff of the United States Army; Tomas Earnshaw, prominent Manila business man; General Frank McIntyre, Chief of the Bureau of Insular Affairs, and Francis Burton Harrison, Governor-General of the Philippine Islands. come for the final solution of the Philippine independence problem. They claim that the condition which the United States required precedent to the recognition of their independence — the establishment of a stable government — is already fulfilled. On November 1, 1918, the Philippine Legislature passed a concurrent resolution creating a "Commission of Independence" to be composed of the presiding officers of both houses of the Legislature and other members of the Legislature, for the purpose of considering and reporting to the Legislature: " (a) Ways and means of negotiation now for the granting and recognition of the independence of the Philippines. " (b) External guarantees of the stability and permanence of said independence as well as of territorial integrity. " (e) Ways and means of organizing in a speedy, effectual and orderly manner a constitutional and democratic internal government." One of the first actions of the Commission of Independence was to recommend the sending of a special Philippine Mission to the United States. This recommendation was approved by the Philippine Legislature in Joint Resolution No. 11, and forty prominent Filipinos representing both houses of the Legislature, commercial, industrial, agricultural and labor interests, presided over by Senate President Manuel L. Quezon as chairman, and Secretary of the Interior Palma as vice-chairman, were sent to the United States. The opposition party was represented by its president, Hon. Emiliano T. Tirona. On March 7, 1918, the Philippine Legislature passed a Declaration of Purposes which would serve as instructions or guides to the Commission of Independence and the Philippine Mission to the United States. The Declaration of Purposes, in part, reads thus: Declaration of Purposes "The Philippine question has reached such a stage that a full and final exchange of views between the United States of America and the Philippine Islands has become necessary. We need not repeat the declarations respecting the national aspirations of the Filipino people. Such declarations have been made from time to time in the most frank and solemn manner by the constitutional representatives of the Philippine nation and are a matter of permanent record in public documents covering more than a decade of persistent efforts, particularly during the last three years. America, on her part, has been sufficiently explicit in her purposes from the beginning of her occupation of the Philippines. "In submitting the Philippine question to the Government and people of the United States, the Commission of Independence will find it unnecessary to refer to the national acerbity of the situation, or to the anxiety of our people which two decades of occupation have only served to accentuate. The steadfastness of our position is not due to mere sentiment, but to the justice of our cause, sanctified by the laws of God and nature not only, but admitted in the promises solemnly made by the United States and accepted by the Philippines. Although attention should respectfully be invited to the fact that the Filipino people have never renounced their independence, not even in the moments of the greatest adversity brought about by the enforced or voluntary submission of their own leaders, yet the Commission of Independence in dwelling upon 18 One of the 4,000 school gardens cultivated by pupils enrolled in the public schools of the Philippine Islands. the promises made, will unreservedly, and with the deepest gratitude, recognize that they were made freely and generously to a small and powerless people after they had suffered defeat in the field of battle. The deliberate attitude of our country, in reposing confidence in those promises and laboring peacefully in pursuance thereof, must also be asserted. Thus, after the rupture of relations occasioned by three years of war, during which the right of the Filipinos to their independence was disputed, unsuccessfully so far as they were concerned, violence gave way to harmony, and hostility to cooperation; and thanks to the growing influence of the new conditions of peace, Americans and Filipinos, who a short time ago fought each other and stained the Philippine soil with blood, undertook jointly together, on the basis of a friendly undertaking, a magnificent labor which has been carried on with the orderly progress of liberty and self-government. "Now, in applying the principles enunciated in documents and utterances on the Philippines to the conditions now existing in the islands, the Commission of Independence will find the following facts: "That there exist at a present in the Philippine Islands the conditions of order and government which America has for nearly a century and a half required in all cases in which she has recognized the independence of a country or the establishment of a new government. "That there exist likewise in the Philippines all of the conditions of stability and guarantees for law and order that Cuba had to establish to the satisfaction of America in order to obtain her independence, or to preserve it, during the military occupation of 1898⁠— 1902 and during the intervention of 1906⁠— 1909, respectively. "That the 'preparation for independence' and the 'stable government' required by President Wilson and the Congress of the United States, respectively, contain no new requisite not included in any of the cases above cited.⁠ "That these prerequisites for Philippine independence are the 19 A glimpse of the court of the General Hospital, Manila. same as those virtually or expressly established by the Republican administrations that preceded President Wilson's administration. "That during the entire time that the Filipino people have been with America, they have been living in the confidence that the American occupation was only temporary and that its final aim was not aggrandizement or conquest, but the peace, welfare, and liberty of the Filipino people. "That this faith in the promises of America was a cardinal factor not only in the cooperation between Americans and Filipinos during the years of peace, but also in the cooperation between Americans and Filipinos during the late war. "That the condition of thorough development of the internal affairs of the country and the present international atmosphere of justice, liberty, and security for all peoples are the most propitious for the fulfillment by America of her promises and for her redemption of the pledges she has made before the world. "In the light of these facts and considerations, the Filipino people are confident that it will be possible to arrive at a satisfactory final decision, as we deal no longer with a disputed question, but are merely endeavoring to agree upon the final adjustment of a matter with regard to which, according to President Wilson's words, there exists, so far as fundamentals are concerned, 'a perfect harmony of ideals and feelings' between the governments of the United States and of the Philippine Islands, which harmony has brought about 'that real friendship and mutual support which is the foundation of all sound political policy' (November 29, 1918). "Therefore, so far as it is humanly possible to judge and say, we can see only one aim for the Commission of Independence⁠—independence; and we can give only one instruction⁠—to get it. Thus America, in adding to another glory to her banner by establishing the first 20 really democratic republic in the East, will apply a second time, generously and freely, the same measure of humanity and justice that she applied in the case of Cuba, which is but a logical and natural sequence of the immortal principles of the Declaration of Independence. This Declaration, which belongs to all humanity, has now as much force as it had in the days when America proclaimed it. America will thus vindicate the memory of President McKinley, to whom 'the forcible annexation' of people meant 'criminal aggression' and who, upon taking over the Philippines 'for high duty in the interest of their inhabitants and for humanity and civilization,' solemnly said: 'Our sacrifices were with this high motive. We want to improve the condition of the inhabitants, securing them peace, liberty, and the pursuit of their highest good.' "Thus, finally, America will carry out the efforts and assurances of President Wilson when, upon the signing of the armistice, he said to the Filipinos: 'I hope and believe that the future holds brighter hope for the states which have heretofore been the prey of great powers and will realize for all the world the offers of justice and peace which have prompted the magnificent cooperation of the present war' (November 29, 1918). "The Filipinos will thus have a better opportunity to demonstrate how deeply rooted is their gratitude for America when, after her voluntary withdrawal from these Islands, we preserve here the immortal spirit of her democratic institutions and associate with her in her future enterprises of justice and peace in carrying to the darkest corners of the earth, the quickening flame of justice, democracy, and liberty." In addition to the instructions of the Philippine Legislature the Commission of Independence cabled the Philippine Mission in the United States further instructions, which read in part as follows: "The Philippine Mission will please convey to the Government of the United States the frankest assurances of the good-will, friendship, and gratitude of the Filipino people, and submit with as much respect as confidence the question of Philippine Independence with a view to its final settlement. "Now that the war is over and the world is engaged in applying in the concrete the principles that have come out triumphant from it; now that the Filipino people have passed the tests to which their capacity has been submitted, can it be deemed inopportune or ill-advised for them to submit the pending question to the United States, or even to any other competent tribunal of the world for its final adjustment? The problem being so varied in its aspects, the Filipino people will welcome an opportunity to discuss the terms of the concession of independence and the scope of the covenants necessary for the guaranty, safety, and stability of the new state and for the establishment and maintenance of such external relations, especially with America, as may be equitable and beneficial and as the circumstances may demand." President Wilson on Self-Determination for Small Nations "We are glad . . . to fight . . . for the rights of nations, great and small, and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and obedience . . . for democracy, 21 for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations." - (President Wilson, April 3, 1917.) "said . . . small and weak states had as much right to their sovereignty and independence as large and strong states." - (President Wilson, May 30, 1916.) "This war had its roots in the disregard of the rights of small nations." - (President Wilson, February 11, 1918.) "Every people should be left free to determine its own polity, its own way of development, unhindered, unthreatened, unafraid, the little along with the great and powerful." - (President Wilson, January 22, 1915.) "Peace should rest upon the rights of people, not the rights of the government -- the rights of people great and small weak or powerful, their equal rights to freedom and security and self-government and to participation upon fair terms in the economic opportunities of the world." - (President Wilson, August 27, 1917.) ". . . What we demand . . . is that the world be made safe . . . for every peace-loving nation which like our own wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression." - (President Wilson, January 8, 1918.) "Let us stand by the little nations that need to be stood by." (President Wilson, October 19, 1916.) President Wilson Says Independence "Almost in Sight" The Philippine Mission had intended to see President Wilson, but on account of his hurried trip to Europe he delegated Secretary of War Baker, who had supervision of Philippine affairs, ot meet the Philippine Mission. On April 4, 1919, the Secretary of War read to the Mission a letter to him from President Wilson in which the President said, in part: "Though unable to meet the commission, the Filipino people shall not be absent from my thoughts. Not the least important labor of the conference which now requires my attention is that of making the pathway of the weaker people of the world less perilous-- a labor which should be, and doubtless is, of deep and abiding interest to the Filipino people. "I am sorry that I cannot look into the faces of the gentlemen of this Mission from the Philippine Islands and tell them all that I have in mind and heart as I think of the patient labor, with the end almost in sight, undertaken by the American and Filipino people for their permanent benefit. I know, however, that your sentiments are mine in this regard and that you will translate truly to them my own feelings." After reading the above Secretary Baker gave his sentiments on the Philippine question, which are also the President's own sentiments, according to the above letter. Mr. Baker, in part, said: "I know that I express the feeling of the President-- I certainly express my own feeling; I think I express the prevailing feeling in the United States-- when I say that we believe the time has substantially come, if not quite come, when the Philippine Islands can be allowed to sever the mere formal political tie remaining and become an . independent people." 22 America's Philippine Policy as Declared by the Presidents of the United States In President McKinley's instructions to the first Philippine Commission, on the 20th of January, 1899, he expressed the hope that these commissioners would be received as bearers of the "the richest blessings of a liberating rather than a conquering nation." In his message to Congress in the same year, among other things concerning the Philippines, he said: "The Philippines are ours, not to exploit, but to develop, to civilize, to educate, to train in the science of self-government. This is the path of duty which we must follow or be recreant to a mighty trust committed to us." President Taft, while civil governor of the Philippine Islands, on the 17th of December, 1903, said: "From the beginning to the end of the state papers which were circulated in these Islands as authoritative expressions of the Executive, the motto that 'the Philippines are for the Filipinos' and that the Government of the United States is here for the purpose of preserving the 'Philippines for the Filipinos,' for their benefit, for their elevation, for their civilization, again and again and again appear . . . Whether an autonomy or independence or quasi independence shall ultimately follow in these Islands ought to depend solely on the question: Is it best for the Filipino people and their welfare?" In 1908, after the Philippine Assembly had been opened, President Roosevelt, in his message, said: "I trust that within a generation the time will arrive when the Filipinos can decide for themselves whether it is well for them to become independent or to continue under the protection of a strong and disinterested power, able to guarantee to the Islands order at home and protection from foreign invasion." When Mr. Taft was Secretary of War, in April, 1904, in the course of a speech upon the Philippines, he said: "When they have learned the principles of successful popular self-government from a gradually enlarged experience therein, we can discuss the question whether independence is what they desire and grant it, or whether they prefer the retention of a closer association with the country which, by its guidance, has unselfishly led them on to better conditions." In opening the Philippine Assembly on the 16th of October, 1907, Mr. Taft, then Secretary of War, said: "The policy looks to the improvement of the people, both industrially and in self- governing capacity. As this policy of extending control continues, it must logically reduce and finally end the sovereignty of the United States in the Islands, unless it shall seem wise to the American and the Filipino peoples, on account of mutually beneficial trade relations and possible advantages to the Islands in their foreign relations, that the bond shall not be completely severed." President Wilson, in a message to the Filipino people delivered by Governor Harrison in Manila, October 6, 1913, said: "We regard ourselves as trustees acting not for the advantage of the United States but for the benefit of the people of the Philippine Islands. Every step we take will be taken with a view to the ultimate independence of the Islands and as a preparation for that independence." And in his message to Congress, December 2, 1913, he said: "By their counsel and experience, rather than by our own, we shall learn how best to serve them and how soon it will be possible and wise to withdraw our supervision." 23 America's Philippine Policy as Declared by the Congress of the United States "An Act to declare the purpose of the people of the United States as to the future political status of the people of the Philippine Islands, and to provide a more autonomous government for those Islands. "Whereas, it was never the intention of the people of the United States in the incipiency of the War with Spain to make it a war of conquest or for territorial aggrandizement; and "Whereas it is, as it has always been the purpose of the people of the United States to withdraw their sovereignty over the Philippine Islands and to recognize their independence as soon as a stable government can be established therein; and "Whereas, for the speedy accomplishment of such purpose it is desirable to place in the hands of the given Philippines as large a control of their domestic affairs as can be given them without in the meantime impairing the exercise of the rights of sovereignty by the people of the United States, in order that, by the use and exercise of popular franchise and governmental powers, they may be the better prepared to fully assume the responsibilities and enjoy all the privileges if complete independence. Therefore..." (From the Jones law passed by the American Congress on August 29, 1916.) The Jones law is, in the words of its author, the late Representative Jones, "the everlasting covenant of a great and generous people, speaking through their accredited representatives, that they (the Filipinos) shall in due time enjoy the incomparable blessings of liberty and freedom..." "Henceforward," said the foremost spokesman of the Filipino people, Speaker Sergio Osmena, in accepting the Jones law on their behalf, "we can look upon the American flag not as the symbol of an imposed government but as the emblem of a nation whose temporary guidance over the Filipino people will serve as an instrumentality for the most speedy assumption of responsibility of an independent life." Ex-President Roosevelt on Keeping Promises to the Filipino People In an article published in Everybody's Magazine for January, 1915, Mr. Roosevelt said: "The first and most important thing for us as a people to do in order to prepare ourselves for self-defense is to get clearly in our minds just what our policy is to be, and to insist that our public servants shall make their words and their deeds correspond. For example, the present administration was elected on the explicit promise that the Philippines which can only be justified on the theory that their independence is to come in the immediate future. I believe that we have rendered incalculable service to the Philippines, and that what we have there done has shown in the most striking manner the extreme mischief that would have followed if in 1898 and in subsequent years we had failed to do our duty in consequence of following the advice of Mr. Bryan and the pacifists or anti-imperialists of that day. "But this good has been to the Philippines themselves. The 24 only good that has come to us as a nation has been the good that springs from knowledge that a great deed has been worthily performed. Personally, I think it is a fine and high thing for a nation to have done such a deed with such a purpose. But we cannot taint it with bad faith. If we act so that the natives understand us to have made a definite promise, then we should live up to that promise. The Philippines, from a military standpoint, are a source of weakness to us. The present administration has promised explicitly to let them go, and by its actions has rendered it difficult to hold them against any serious foreign foe. These being the circumstances, the Islands should at an early moment be given their independence without any guarantee whatever by us and without our retaining any foothold in them." In his Autobiography, pp. 543-545, Mr. Roosevelt writes: "As regards the Philippines my belief was that we should train them for self-government as rapidly as possible, and then leave them free to decide their own fate. I did not believe in setting the time-limit within which we would give them independence, because I did not believe it wise to try to forecast how soon they would be fit for self- government; and once having made the promise I would have felt that it was imperative to keep it . . . The time will come when it will be wise to take their own judgment as to whether they (the Filipinos) wish to continue their association with America or not. . . . If after due time the Filipinos decide that they do not wish to be thus governed, then I trust that we will leave." The Present Government of the Philippines There is now a stable government in the Philippines. This is the verdict of the representatives of the American Government in the Islands. The assertion is supported by facts. Our present government, to quote Mr. Root's admonition to the Cuban people when they were establishing a stable government, is "a government based upon the peaceful suffrage of the people, representing the entire people and holding their power from the people, and subject to the limitations and safeguards which the experience of a constitutional government has shown to be necessary to the preservation of individual rights." Our central, provincial and municipal governments rest upon the peaceful suffrages of the Filipino people. The Insular Government contains a complete governmental machinery, recognized and supported by the people. The active and governing part of that machinery is already in the hands of the Filipinos. There is a Council of State selected from the representatives of the people, which advises the Governor-General on all public matters, prepares the budget, determines the policy of the different departments of the government, and recommends measures to the Legislature. While the Governor presides over the Council, the next highest position is the Vice-President of the Council, occupied by a Filipino. There is an elective Legislature, composed of the House of Representatives and a Senate, chosen by the qualified voters of the Islands. It has general legislative powers within the limitations of the Jones law. In that Legislature the non-Christian people are also represented by nine appointed members. We have a judicial system based on the sound American principle of an independent judiciary. Our laws and our courts are more modern and up to date than any in the Far East. Our codes are based 26 A Snapshot of the woman's section of a Manila Liberty Loan Parade. on Spanish and American laws, taking in the conciseness, symmetry, and philosophic beauty of Spanish substantive law, together with the justice, practicability, and efficiency of American procedure. Our present government is "subject to the limitations and safeguards which the experience of a constitutional government has shown to be necessary to the preservation of individual rights." The Philippine Government has been subject to such limitations and safeguards since 1900, when President McKinley, in his instructions to the second Philippine Commission, set down as inviolable rules the fundamental provisions of the American Bill of Rights. Those provisions, with little modification, were later included in the Organic Act of 1902, and again restated in the Jones law of 1916. For nearly twenty years, therefore, the Philippine Government has been subject to constitutional limitations and safeguards. They have become imbedded in the political life of the people, and no matter what political change may occur in the Philippines, they will hardly find any material alteration. It is a "stable government," as America has used that phrase in 27 recognizing the new governments of South America, and more especially in withdrawing her military occupation from Cuba. A stable government has meant, in American international law, especially in her relations with Cuba, a government elected and supported by the people themselves. We have such a government today in the Philippine Islands. In the words of Secretary of War Baker, who has departmental supervision of the Philippines, "the functions of government have been taken over by the people of the Islands themselves, leaving only the tenuous connection of the Governor-General." The Governor-General may leave tomorrow, and no institutional change will be necessary to continue the work of government. There is a stable governmental machinery set up and supported by the entire people and representing the entire people to which the governmental powers can be transferred. (For further discussion of the government established in the Philippines and its accomplishments see Kalaw, "Self-Government in the Philippines," Century Company, 1919.) Filipino Loyalty During the War During the Great War America took away from the Islands practically every white soldier, and the keeping of peace and order was left in the hands of Filipinos. These have been kept as never before. The American flag became more firmly planted on Philippine soil because it has rested on the confidence and affection of the people. The Filipinos responded to this confidence shown them by the Government of the United States by offering the service of 25,000 men themselves. Their division was ready to go to France when the armistice was signed. The Filipino people contributed a submarine and destroyer to the fleet of the United States, and six thousand of their men are now serving in the United States Navy as volunteers. Four thousand Filipinos in Hawaii, who could have claimed exemption from the draft under the citizenship clause of the draft law, insisted on being enrolled under the Stars and Stripes. Not a word was heard from Filipino lips during the war on their claim to independence, believing that such an attitude might embarrass the United States. "With fine self-restraint," says Secretary of War, Baker, "the Filipino people refrained from active discussion of this question, deeming it inopportune at the time, and threw all of their resources into the common scale with the people of the United States." With the limited resources of the Philippines, poor as the Filipino people are compared with the United States, they have voluntarily given half a million dollars to Red Cross funds and subscribed nearly $20,000,000 to Liberty Bonds. Their allotment to the Third Liberty Loan was only $3,000,000, but they subscribed $4,625,000. Their allotment to the Fourth Liberty Loan was $6,000,000, but they subscribed $12,123,000. "No other American territory," says Governor-General Harrison, "has been more loyal to the United States than the Philippines." President Wilson has also acknowledged this loyalty of the Filipinos during the war and publicly declared that the association of the Philippine Islands with the United States was a perfect harmony of ideals and feeling and a real friendship and mutual support. "The people of the United States," he said, "have taken the greatest pride in the loyalty and support of the Filipino people." 28 Harrison Bridge, a beautiful structure spanning the Barruro River in La Union Province. Governor General Harrison on Filipino Capacity "The Filipinos today are enjoying the right of self-determination. I have always been in complete accord with most of the American citizens on this question of liberty, but it was only after a good many years that I became convinced of the entire practicability of giving them complete independence. "Gentlemen, they have acted with the greatest moderation and the greatest self restraint, and with the greatest respect for the American flag. During the war, the talk of independence which has been the subject of discourse by every schoolboy who arose on every occasion when he was given a chance for many years past, was stilled. It was not because the people had lost interest in independence, but it was because the Filipino people thought it was not respectful to the United States to raise the question of independence at a time when the United States was engaged in the greatest struggle in the course of history." (From the speech of Governor General Francis Burton Harrison, before the Merchant's Association of New York, April 17, 1919.) At the dinner given the Philippine Mission by the Merchant's Association of New York, Governor Harrison said: "There are about 1,000 municipalities in the Philippines, all of whom are governed by elective Filipino officials. There are about forty-two Provinces in the Islands, likewise governed by Filipinos. There are two elective Houses of the Legislature composed entirely of Filipinos. The Bench is composed almost entirely of Filipinos. Out of seven members in the Cabinet, six are Filipinos, and most of the heads of the Executive Departments of the Government 29 Capitol building of the province of La Laguna, a type of the beautiful and serviceable provincial capitol buildings that are appearing in the Philippines. are Filipinos today. It is true that there are still some 700 Americans in the Philippines, but for the most part they are teachers, professors and scientists, and to my mind a class of men who would be desired by the Filipinos even if they had complete independence. "That presents a picture of practical autonomy. It has been going on for the last two and a half years, or ever since the recent charter has been given us by Congress, and in my opinion, during those two and a half years the Filipinos, having been given an opportunity, have satisfactorily demonstrated the fat that they have already established and are maintaining the stable form of government which is prescribed in the preamble to the Jones bill as a prerequisite to their independence." Speaking at the Knickerbocker Club in New York, he said: "By temperament, by experience, by financial ability, in every way the ten millions of Filipinos are entitled to be free from every government except of their own choice. They are intelligent enough to decide for themselves. "I have found the native Filipino official to be honest, efficient and as capable of administering executive positions as any men I have met anywhere in the world. "They have leaders like Speaker Osmena, of the House of Representatives, and President Quezon, of the Senate, who would adorn any office. "The Philippines are away ahead of the United States in successful government ownership and operation of public utilities. "The government took hold of the steam railways and made them pay a profit of 1,000,000 [pesos] a year more than under private ownership. "It took hold of the highways, and we have 7,000 miles of the best macadamized roads in the world. The Manila city government is 30 A mountain of salt at the salt springs of Salinas, province of Nuevo Vizcaya. about to take over the street railways and the gas and electric plants, while the territorial government is arranging for ownership and control of the coal supply." Acting Governor Yeater on the Philippine Congress "The capacity for initiative and the constructive spirit evidenced by the Legislature, the first organized under the Jones law, is worthy of great commendation. Its capacity to investigate government problems and to act expeditiously, but with due caution, is certainly unprecedented in history, considering that for three centuries this people had practically no political rights and were debarred from the benefits of education. American legislative practice and procedure has always been examined, and, with few exceptions, followed. As indicative, however, of their independent frame of mind, it may be noted that a single legislative committee has had charge of both appropriations and ways and means since 1907, and under the provisions of the Jones law has adopted substantially the basic principles of the English budget system, instead of maintaining a rigorous application of the theory of the separation of governmental powers as far as the legislative and executive departments are concerned, the latter directed by an American. This Legislature has given to the secretaries of the various departments the right to appear before either house to defend publicly the measures proposed by the executive, or to oppose measures originated in such houses. "Finally, as one of the representatives in these Islands of the United States, I wish to attest the patriotism of the Filipinos and their loyal attachment to the United States Government. This Legislature, which has just terminated its sessions, has acted with judgment and prudence, and in what it has done and left undone during its term now drawing to a close, and should be credited for the wisdom with which it has guided and directed the Filipino people 31 A modern method of transporting sugar cane in the Philippines. in the paths of order and tranquility during these recent years of almost universal turmoil and unrest. Perfect peace has prevailed here, and all provincial and municipal governments' instrumentalities of force have had no function to perform. (Acting Governor Yeater to the War Department, February 10, 1919.) Some Outstanding Accomplishments of the Filipino-Con-ducted Government The internal improvements so happily begun by the Americans have been given greater impetus. At the end of 1914, when the Executive and the Upper House of the Legislature were controlled by Americans, there were only 2,317 kilometers of first-class macadamized roads, but at the end of 1918, after four years of Philippine autonomy, this was more than doubled. In 1913, at the time of Governor-General Forbes, whose main achievement was the improvement of public works, the government did not spend over 3,000,000 pesos, or $1,500,000, a year for public improvements. The appropriation for 1919 for public works alone is 17,000,000 pesos, or $8,500,000. A system of government has been evolved whereby an efficient cooperation between the Executive and Legislature is effected and responsible leadership assured. A Council of State has been established composed of members of the cabinet and legislative leaders, with a Filipino Vice-President, which formulates the administrative policy of the government and recommends measures to the legislature. The Philippine Legislature also established a budget system which has been considered by all a success. There are now 675,000 pupils attending 4,700 public schools, as against 440,000 pupils and 3,000 schools in 1912. The Philippine Legislature has recently voted $15,000,000 for free public school education, which will give the rudiments of education to every school child of the Philippines. The same Legislature established the largest bank west of Chicago, whose resources have jumped in three years from $10,000,000 to $125,000,000. 32 A class in a public school in the Philippine Islands. The government supports 4,700 schools, with a teaching force of 12,303 teachers providing instruction for 675,000 pupils. Seventy Per Cent Are Literate Seventy per cent of the Filipino people above ten years of age can read and write. This percentage of literacy is almost as high as some of the States of the Union and is higher than in any country of South America, higher than the literacy of the Spanish people, unquestionably above that of any of the new countries recognized in Europe, and over that of Greece, Italy, Portugal, Romania and Servia. (From the census estimate cabled by Director of the Philippine Census to the War Department.) Division of Property There are a million and a half farms in the Philippines, and 96 per cent of these farms are owned by Filipinos. In other words, out of the ten million Christmas Filipinos, eight million of them at least live on their own farms, with houses of their own, independent of any absentee landlord or foreign master. Ninety-one per cent is in the hands of foreigners. (Facts cabled by Acting Governor-General Charles Emmett Yeater to the War Department from the recent census estimates.) Recent Economic Progress The Philippines import cotton, iron, steel, rice, milk, flour, paper, leather, dairy products, automobiles, coal, fibers, vegetables, textiles, oils, chemicals, drugs, dyes, medicines, meat products, instru- Girls' Dormitory, Philippine Normal School, Manila. mental apparatus, tobacco, soap, manufactures of wood, books, printed matter, glass, cocoa, etc. It exports ham, sugar, cocoanut oil, tobacco, foreign merchandise, fats, lumber, pearl buttons, cocoanuts, etc. The total foreign commerce in 1913 was $107,685,742 with a balance against her of $5,500,000, while last year, 1918, her foreign commerce reached $234,281,747 with a balance of trade in her favor of $37,083,324, or an increase of $133,196,005 of the 1918 trade over that of 1913, an increase of 131 per cent from 1913 to 1918. With respect to our monetary circulation, we had in 1913, or a year before the war, $25,348,626, or $2.76 per capita, while at present we have in circulation $66,301,484, or $6.74 per capita. Our total bonded indebtedness amounts only to $26,000,000, of which more than $4,000,000 has already been set aside to pay it. Taxation in the Philippines was $2.14 per capita in 1913 as compared with $2.68 per capita in 1917. The Philippine National Bank is an incontrovertible evidence of the great financial progress of the country. It was organized with resources amounting to $5,900,000 on May 25, 1916, and gradually rose to $14,650,000 on July 15, 1916; $25,350,000 on December 31, 1916; $49,017,500 on June 30, 1917; $69,138,000 on December 31, 1917; $105,471,000 on June 30, 1918; and $124,399,039.04 on December 31, 1918. As a true sign of the notable development which up to this time has been shown in the commerce of our country are the 3,065 domestic corporations and partnerships organized in the Islands during the last few years with a capital aggregating 452,192,197.43 pesos, not to mention ninety-five large American and a considerable number of world-famed foreign concerns with enormous additional capital also having agencies and branches in the Islands. "The imports of the Philippines in 1918 amounted to 197,198,423 pesos, of which 59.7 per cent, consisting principally of cotton, iron, 34 Boys attending the 16 provisional trade schools of the Philippines receive practical vocational training. steel and oil, came from the United States. The exports for the same year amounted to 271,365,671 pesos, of which 66.1 per cent, consisting principally of copra, hemp, and sugar, came to the United States. "Only from hemp, copra and sugar, exported from the Philippines in 1917, the United States received 82,338,515 pesos. "None of the other nations in the world has taken of the foreign trade of the Philippines more than 10 per cent, but the United States alone took 63 per cent." (Data supplied by the Hon. Dionisio Jakosalem, Secretary of Commerce and Communications of the Philippine Government.) Growth of Schools During the Six Years of Philippine Autonomy The Philippine public school system is one of the largest under the American flag, and it is growing. Between 1912 and 1918 the total number of children in school increased from 440,000 to 675,000, a gain of 54 per cent in six years. The larger number of pupils attended 4,700 schools, the smaller 3,000, which means that, in 1918, 1,700 more communities enjoyed educational privileges than in 1912. During the same period the number of intermediate pupils grew to 67,000, a gain of 160 per cent; and the number of high school students reached 16,000, a gain of 220 per cent. And the Philippines have no compulsory attendance law! "The Filipino educational system has attracted the attention of thinking men in the Orient and has merited the condemnation and commendation of men, scholarly men, from the West. Just to cite one authority, Dr. Paul Monroe, of Columbia University, probably the greatest living authority on the history of education today, after a sojourn of several weeks in the Philippine Islands and after a thorough investigation of educational conditions in the Philippines, 35 Ifuago igorrot rice terraces, which are among the most remarkable of their kind in the world. It is estimated there are 12,121 miles of 8-foot stone walls in the Ifugao terraces, which is approximately half the distance around the world. These terraces are skillfully irrigated by water brought in troughs along the precipitous mountain sides over long distances. left the Islands, leaving, for the benefit of educational authorities, a report replete with constructive suggestions. He closed that report in the following words, which I quote: " 'It seems probable to an observer that greater educational progress has been made in the Philippine Islands in ten or twelve years than in any similar period or in any place in the history of education.' " (From the speech of the Assistant Director of Education before the Merchants' Association of New York, April 17, 1919.) Establishment of Universal Free Education "The most important measure (passed by the all-Philippine Legislature) in my judgement, is that by which over 30,000,000 pesos were appropriated for the extension of universal free education to all the children of the islands. This act is of prime importance, not only because it provides funds for a term of years sufficient to extend a primary education of seven grades to all the children of school age, but also because it enables the Bureau of Education to prepare and carry into execution a complete and systematic development of the existing excellent educational plan, which lacked only extension over the entire field. Further more, it is a means of incalculable value for the welfare of the Filipino people, since it will banish illiteracy, establish permanently English as the common language of the land, afford a firm foundation for democratic institutions, and insure order and stability to the insular government. "The adoption of this thoroughly American educational measure 36 Types of Filipino women. will tend greatly to lift the moral responsibility incumbent on the United States to secure a firm and orderly government, and aside from the differences of opinion which may have existed among American statesmen in the past, it has been advocated by all Americans from the beginning of the occupation that universal free education of the masses should be an essential characteristic of our national policy in the Philippines. Inasmuch as when Congress considered paragraph 2, the acts of July 1 and 19, and of August 29, 1916, much discussion was had about the political capacity of the Philippines, I feel that I discharge a duty of conscience to call your attention to the fact that this enlightened measure was passed by the legislative department of the government, which, as you know, is composed entirely of Filipinos. By this law of universal free education the all-Philippine Legislature in the past two years has provided for doubling the quantity of the educational work effected in almost two decades of previous American occupation. Under the financial support previously given, it was necessary to turn away from the doors of the schoolhouse one-half of all the children of the Islands. In five years all the children of the land will receive educational advantages. Besides this, the salaries of all municipal teachers will be increased 30 per cent. (From a cable report of Acting Governor Yeater to the War Department, dated February 10, 1919.) The Non-Christian Peoples of the Philippines According to the census estimate of 1918, out of the population of 10,500,000 Filipinos, there are 500,000 inhabitants who belong to the so-called non-Christian tribes. The most numerous of these non-Christian people are the Moros, who inhabit the Sulu Archipelago and certain parts of Mindanao. The Mountain Province and Nueva Vizcaya, in Luzon, contain also non-Christian people. Unlike the backward peoples in other parts of the globe, the non-Christian peoples of the Philippines, have always received humanitarian treatment from the American Government as well as from their Christian brothers. From 1913 to 1916 the non-Christian peoples were under the exclusive control and jurisdiction of the Philippine Commission composed of a majority of Filipinos. Since the passage of the Jones law in 1916, the Philippine Legislature, composed entirely of Filipinos, assumed legislative control of the non-Christian tribes. Since 1913, therefore, the representatives of the Christian Filipinos have dictated the policy pursued toward their non-Christian brothers. Upon the establishment of the Bureau of non-Christian tribes by section 22 of the Jones law, the Philippine Legislature on February 20, 1917, enacted Act No. 2674 providing for the operation of said bureau. That law defines in a clear and unequivocal term the policy of the Government towards the non-Christian people as follows: ". . . . to foster by all adequate means and in a systematic, rapid and complete manner the moral, material, economic, social and political development of the regions inhabited by non-Christian Filipinos, always having in view the aim of rendering permanent the mutual intelligence between and complete fusion of all the Christian and non-Christian elements populating the provinces of the Archipelago." Our policy towards the non-Christian peoples is pronounced by all unbiased observers a decided success. It is an unprecedented treatment of the non-Christian peoples by their more civilized fel- 38 THE PHILIPPINES, TREASURE HOUSE OF THE TROPICS, MANILA, PEARL OF THE ORIENT MANILA HOTEL PAGSANJAN GORGE AND FALLS PHILIPPINE FACTS Number of islands, over 3,000. Area, Estimated, 115,026 square miles. Population, estimated, 8,400,000. Land under cultivation, estimated, 5,500,000 acres. Arable public land, awaiting cultivation and subject to lease at 10c. per acre per year 7,000,000. Climate, Mildly tropical; nights cool; sunstroke unknown. Average temperature for 26 years: minimum 72° and maximum 92°, with but one case of the thermometer reaching 100. Average annual rainfall at Manila for 45 years. 77 inches, mostly from May to November; droughts rate and of small extent; many pleasant intervals between the rains. Recorded death-rate per 1,000 among whites in Manila (1911) 12.21; New York, 16.52; San Francisco, 15.00; Chicago, 14.06; Glasgow, 17.95; Belfast, 22.3. Finances, 1911: Revenue, $12,722,760; Current expenses, $10,350,978; Expenditures from revenue for permanent public improvements, $3,643,135. All expenses of civil government paid out of the local revenues without any contribution from the treasury of the United States. Per capita tax collected for all purposes, less and $2.50. GROWTH OF COMMERCE EXPORTS. IMPORTS. IMPORTS FROM U.S. Average of 5 most prosperous Amount. Pct. years before 1898. . . . . $23,792,372 $19,583,682 $906,708 4.5 Fiscal year 1911. . . . . . . $38,788,629 $49,833,722 $19,818,841 44. EXPORTS, 1911: COMMODITY. QUANTITY. VALUE. Manila hemp (of which the Island have a natural monopoly). . . . . . . . . . . . . 165,649 metric tons. $16,141,340 Copra (of which the Islands are world's greatest producers) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115,602 " " 9,899,457 Sugar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149,376 " " 8,014,366 Leaf Tobacco . . . . . . . . . . . . 12,162 " " 1,794,480 Cigars . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132,217,000 1,700,712 Cigarettes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33,662,000 36,132 Hand-woven hats . . . . . . . . . 1,025,596 307,987 MINOR PRODUCTS AND INDUSTRIES:-- Agricultural - tropical fruits, nuts, spices, coffee, chocolate, and cotton. Forest - rattans, tan-barks, dye-woods, gum copal, and gutta-percha. Marine - fish, tortoise-shell, pearls, and sponges. Manufactures susceptible of profitable development - paper-making from bamboo and hemp, rope-making, sugar-refining, cocoanut oil making, and silk manufacture. PUBLIC WORKS:- Rail-Roads:- Constructed since 1898, about. . . . . 450 miles At present in operation, about . . . . . . . . . . . . 575 " At present under construction . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 " Definitely planned in addition . . . . . . . . . . . . . 460 " Population now served, over . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,000,000 Roads. - First-class macadamized roads . . . . . . . . 1,000 " Second-class lightly surfaced roads . . . . . . . . . 664 " Bridges. - Total bridges and culverts of steel and concrete. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3,499 Total expenditure on roads and bridges (1911) over $2,250,000 Average monthly enrollment of pupils in the public schools: In 1902, about. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150,000 In 1911. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 446,889 SHIPPING FACILITIES:- Vessels from foreign ports entering Manila Bay, (1911). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 948 Representing a total tonnage of. . . . . . . . . . . 1,865,196 Total number of coastwide ships for moving the Islands' crops, 522 of which. . . . . . . . . . . . 168 are steamers. Total tonnage of coastwise shipping entered (1911) 1,301,714 THE PORT OF MANILA: Is dredged to a depth of 30 feet, has two piers 550 by 75 feet and 650 by 110 feet, respectively, with another planned to be 750 by 160 feet. MANILA'S NEW HOTEL:: - One of the largest and finest in the Orient; equipped after the latest and best models in the United States; accommodation for tourists unexcelled. When the United States took over the Philippine Archipelago from Spain, to most of our 90,000,000 of people the Islands were merely a dot on the map, and it is only within the last few years that even Americans who tour the Orient have begun to discover that these 3000 islands have the greatest charm of scenery, hold more of interest to the traveler, have greater natural wealth and therefore offer as profitable a field for investment as any other land between the western coast of the United States and its eastern boundary measured around five-sixths of the globe's circumference. Weather reports for more than two score years prove that Manila and the region round about have one of the best climates in the tropics. Only once in 22 years has the thermometer registered 100 degrees, and while the sun is warm in the middle of the day, the nights are cool and frequently necessitate blankets. This is in the lowlands, and as one attains greater elevation in the mountains, the nights grow colder until, at the higher levels of the Benguet range, ice often forms on the streams. Health conditions are wonderfully improved under American sanitary methods and the death rate of the European and American colony is lower than in any other large city of the world, although this statement should be qualified by saying that the bulk of the white population is of an age when the expectancy of life is greatest. As Manila is the chief city of the Islands in point of size and wealth, is the capital and generally the first port that the traveler will see, a summary of its attractions will be given before passing to consideration of the islands as a whole. The city is on the shore of Manila bay, a circular body of water some thirty miles across, at whose gateway stands Corregidor, the Gibraltar of the Orient and probably the strongest fortified place in the world. Manila's harbor proper lies behind a breakwater, one and one half nautical miles long with an immense anchorage space. Two wharves, one 650 feet long, have been outgrown by the rapidly increasing commerce of the past few years and a third wharf, to be 750 by 160 feet, is now planned for immediate construction. As the harbor is some 30 feet deep, large passenger and freight steamers go to the wharves, where baggage is inspected and stamped by the customs, whose officials are most lenient with bona fide tourists, firearms alone being prohibited from entry except under heavy cash bond. Other dutiable articles such as tobacco, spirits and curios may be stored at slight cost. Not far from the wharves, are seen the walls of old Manila, begun in 1591, at a point near Fort Santiago. These massive relics of the Spanish conquest period are from 30 to 50 feet thick and surround a city whose antique charm is heightened by the historic memories it enfolds. Here in the Augustinian church is the tomb of Legaspi, the soldier captain who conquered the islands discovered by Magellan on the first voyage that circled the globe. Monuments to Magellan and Legaspi, Del Cano, the navigator, and Urdaneta, the priest, to Charles IV who gave vaccination to the islands, and to the Archibishop Benavides who founded the oldest college now under the American flag, are in or near the Walled City whose gates alone with their doubly protected entrances, marked with quaint commemorative tablets, are well worth seeing. The Walled City is only one of three coexisting Manilas. The city such as it was before the Spaniard came exists to-day in the groups of bamboo huts thatched with nipa palm that fringe the beaches and the rivers. These huts raised high above the ground are of practically the same pattern as those from which Raja Lacandola and his men rushed out to man their flimsy stockade against the Spaniards under Salcedo. The Walled City is the second of the Manilas and it was not through fear of the natives that this task of three centuries was undertaken. In those days the yellow peril was a concrete menace. In 1574 a band of pirates came sailing from China under one Li-Ma-Hong, made landing on the beach south of the city and were almost successful in wresting the stockade from the Spaniard who had then held it scarcely three years. This and rumor of other invasions led to the construction of Fort Santiago near the mouth of the Pasig River, and from this as a starting point the wall was gradually extended to surround the city. The circuit of its battlements is a little more than two miles, and it is probably the best example of a mediaeval walled city now standing. It is practically in the shape the last Spanish engineer left it and only a short section along the river bank has been removed. The moat, however, breeding place for fever and pestilence, has been filled and parked and in its sunken gardens the younger generation now plays football and baseball. One of the bastions near the Luneta side has been turned into an aquarium beneath whose pergola crown are galleries faced with plate glass containing many hundred specimens of the painted fish and brilliant sea monsters with which the island waters teem. 1 Santa Cruz Church, Manila. Santa Lucia Gate to Walled City. 2 A carriage drive around the Muralla, or street just inside the walls, should be made by every sightseer since the curving roadway is continually presenting new and curious architectural glimpses to the traveler. There are relics of a by gone day whose romances, deeds of valor and of hate, and all their goodly company have left but a name here and there from which the intense life of this once greatest stronghold of Spain in the Orient can be but vaguely conjectured. In the walled city are several churches of more than passing interest. The Agustinian on Calle Palacio, with its barrel shaped roof and buttressed walls, is the oldest in Manilla. It was begun in 1599 under the plans of Antonia Herrera, nephew of the famous builder of the Escorial. Here are the tombs of Legaspi and Salcedo, his nephew, and of many other captains and crusaders. In Calle Arzobispo is the Jesuit Church of St. Ignatius, whose interior of carved wood is most remarkable. From floor to roof, it is most artistically done. "The ceiling is a lacework of paneling, the columns and arches are woven about with exquisite tracery of leaf and scroll and the figure work is natural and lifelike" is the verdict of an artist visitor. The pulpit, whose ascending spiral presents scenes from scripture, and the marble altar, with a replica of the Da Vinci Last Supper in its front panel, are exquisitely carved, but not more carefully done than the smallest rose in the garlands that deck the sanctuary rail. Enthusiastic visitors of an artistic turn have declared that to see this church alone is worth the journey to Manila, and have wondered that its fame has not spread further abroad. The Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception, which faces on Plaza McKinley, is on the site of earlier cathedral structures, and was begun in 1864. Its Roman Byzantine architecture and great size make it remarkable aside from its indirect lighting system, which gives the sanctuary the effect of being bathed in strong sunlight. This is the first application of modern lighting methods to a church in the orient. Other churches of greater of less interest are the Dominican, a Gothic pile close to the gap in the wall near the river; the Recoletos on Calle Cabildo, which, with its curiously shaped corner tower, is the second oldest in the city, and the Franciscan, whose treasures include some good paintings and the "St. Francis of Tears" statue which is reputed to have extended its carved hands and wept on an occasion. Near the Cathedral, at the right hand of the Plaza McKinley, is the Ayuntamiento, where the Philippine Legislature and the Governor General have offices. Here is a statue of Magellans' navigator, Del Cano, and the marble hall where the Assembly or Filipino lower house, holds its sessions. This hall contains an allegorical painting of America enlightening the Filipino race. Across the Plaza, whose center is occupied by a monument to Charles IV, whom Napoleon deposed, is what at first sight appears to be the ruins of a huge building, but on closer inspection proves to be a foundation whose massive courses still await a superstructure. The entrance to Fort Santiago on the continuation of Calle Palacio is remarkable for the wooden lintel tablet showing a Spanish knight riding rough shod over the Moors. Here are the offices of the United States Army in the Philippines and in steel safes are stored the originals of the detailed topographical survey maps of the interior of the Islands made by the engineer corps and said to be the most beautiful specimens of the modern cartographer's art. This survey, now covering only parts of Luzon, is to be extended to every region of strategical importance. A walk around the walls of the fortress which are honeycombed with passages, blocked up and forgotten should be of interest. Other points of interest in the Walled City are the Ateneo, a Jesuit college whose museum contains a most complete collection of tropical shells, the San Juan de Dios college, the University of Santo Tomas, just entering upon its fourth century, and the College of Santa Isabel, founded for the orphan daughters of Spanish officers in 1594 and therefore the oldest school on American soil. Various bureaus of the Government and the Philippine Library are housed in buildings of the Walled City pending the construction of the government centre. Before passing to the modern city of steel and concrete which is being built under American stimulus, a word regarding the condition of the oldest city as found by the United States troops may not be amiss for purposes of contrast. Sanitation was practically unknown and the water supply, until the early eighties, was drawn from courtyard wells. The streets now are cleaner than the average American city and the water supply, from a watershed of 100 square miles thirty miles away in the mountains, is as pure as any in the Islands excepting the artesian well supplies. Street lights were few and far between in Spanish times and the gracefully bent grills and iron barred windows were a necessity against thieves. Now the city is one of the safest after nightfall in the world, because of its excellent police system. To see how the Filipino lived before the Spaniard came, one need only Benguet Road to Summer Capital at Baguio. drive through the Tondo district with its miles of native huts, or visit some other of the outlying "barrios." The new city that American enterprise is constructing may be forecasted by a visit to the Luneta, a circular drive, flanked by the new hotel and the Elks and Army and Navy clubs. This style of concrete and steel construction is followed in the Young Men's Christian Association building on Calle Concepcion, the Filipino Normal School on Taft Ave, where will be located other buildings of the University of the Philippines, the General Hospital, said to be the latest word in caring for the sick, also on Taft Ave., the new Medical College on Calle Herran, and several others of similar materials and design. Outside the walls are two drives worthy of more than passing mention and the beginning of a third which will be one of the most beautiful avenues in the 4 Coconut Avenue on Island of Jolo world. An existing avenue, the Bagumbayan (meaning in Tagalog-- at the edge of town), makes a circuit of more than half the Walled City. With its double row of acacias and fire trees, and its location between the green of the now filled in moat and the Botanical Garden, it is a superb city street. The Malecon which once skirted the seawall and which connects the Luneta and the Anda circle near the mouth of the Pasig, has a double row of coconut palms now near the bearing stage. Some of the most interesting portions of the old wall can be seen from this driveway. But the great road that is to be and which has been definitely begun is the seventeen mile crescent shaped boulevard to run from Manila to Cavite, off which Dewey encountered and sunk the Spanish fleet. This roadway will be doubly parked and have rows of palms on either side. Its course will lie along the seabeach and, already, the remote prospect of its speedy completion has led to 5 Rest House in Mountain Province Paco Cemetery with Circle of Niches the construction of many handsome residences four miles from the city. It will be built upon land reclaimed from the sea by pumping the bottom of the buy inside retaining walls which are now complete almost to the city limits 6 Lumbering in Philippines. Iron Furnace at Angat. Manila should be the Mecca of the motorist. Nowhere else in the tropics are centered so many beautiful roads and, with the recent opening of the highway to Los Baños, which bridges a former gap, the automobilist can make a round trip journey of almost 200 miles from Manila to Lucena and to Antimonan on the Pacific ocean side of Luzon. Length is not the most compelling factor in this road system, nor does its main attraction lie in the perfection of surface, equalled only by the great motor highways of France, though both contribute. The chief charm is the diversity of country and the many places of interest along its course. Pasay, with its polo field and new residence district, Parañaque, home of the embroiderers, with its ancient buttressed church, Las Piñas church which houses the only bamboo organ in the world, Los Baños, now famed 300 years for its hot baths which boil out from under Mount Maquiling, and San Pablo, in the heart of the Luzon coconut country, are some of the many quaint and beautiful towns. Aside from these the whole countryside teems with interest with its rice and sugar fields, its banana, mango and coconut groves, and the many vistas of mountain and lake which it affords make it one of the most interesting motor drives in the world. Another auto trip from Manila, of great scenic interest, is that to Montalban where are located the headworks and dam of the new water system. This passes Fort McKinley, the largest military post in the world, the ancient town of Pasig with its ornate church and crooked bridge; San Mateo, where General Lawton was killed, and traverses the Mariquina valley, a stretch of absolutely level land from two to ten miles wide, girt in by mountains, to the gorge at Montalban where a limestone cliff 1,500 feet high, seems to have been set up on edge and cleft with some giant ax or hammer of Thor. Between its walls brawls the Mariquina river part of whose flow is impounded by the dam and shunted off through thirty miles of pipe to Manila. Huge boulders, fifty feet square and weighing up to tens of thousands of tons are scattered through the gorge, their tops pitted with deep holes ground by smaller stones under the rush of the spring freshets. The trip to this gorge should be timed to reach it at five o'clock when the shadows begin to empurple the distant hills and the bamboos glow like gold. A detour through Fort McKinley which has many miles of superb roadways affording views of the valley toward the lake, is well worth while, and short stop at the Guadalupe convent near the Fort, burned during the insurrection that followed the Spanish War, affords a view of the largest ruin in the Philippines and one which well shows the stability 7 Mayon Volcano, one of most perfect cones in world. Moro House on shore of Sulu Sea. 8 General Hospital at Manila with which the Spaniards built the strongholds of their religious campaign, planned to endure forever. In the Mariquina valley this road branches, the right hand leading to Antipolo, a curious old town whose church contains the famous statue of Nuestra Senora de la Paz y Buen Viaje (Lady of Peace and Good Voyages) concerning which some historians have embellished their otherwise accurate pages of stories of seven trips by sea in which this statue stilled tempests and of its disappearance to be found 40 years later in an antipolo (breadfruit) tree from which the town takes its name. The facts are otherwise, but the statue has been venerated since 1672 when it was placed in its present home and has been given several hundred thousand dollars worth of gem decked robes and a silver shrine that in itself is worth the seeing. The North Road from Manila, through Caloocan, whose church was a target for Dewey's gunners, to Bulacan province is another interesting trip of some fifty miles. By it can be reached Obando where childless women go in May to pray and where dances of dervish order attract the curious to this fiesta. Continuing through the villages of Polo, and Meycauayan, the road reaches Malolos, or by turning to the North near Bocaue, one can reach San Miguel de Mayumo and the famous Sibul Springs whose virtues draw thither many afflicted with stomach troubles. Near Sibul are some remarkable caves and not far away, at the town of Angat, is a famous deposit of iron ore from which most of the native style ploughshares used in the islands are made in a crude foundry managed by a woman. The north road, the south road and that through the Mariquina are over battle fields bathed with the blood of American soldiers and of their Spanish and Filipino opponents. This sanguinary circle surrounds the whole country side of Manila much as did the cordon of blockhouses built by the Spaniard hem in the city. The history of these campaigns is a fertile field for the historian. Such are the trips by road-- and the roads are pronounced to be among the best in the world by every traveler. Most of these points of interest can also be reached by rail and some, that to Los Baños, for instance, also by water, but with auto hire so reasonable as it is here, it has seemed best to dwell at length on this means of seeing the country as it affords a more untrammeled view than train or trolley. Yet not all famous places near Manila can be reached in this fashion, for the most beautiful of all, the celebrated gorge and falls of Pagsanjan, are not yet accessible by rail, although the steam road is pushing steadily into their vicinity. The trip to this gorge, whose walls tower three hundred feet above a body of water less than 100 feet wide, should be made, one way at least, by boat up the Pasig river and across the Laguna de Bay, a fresh water lake about 12 feet deep and covering 200 square miles. The river trip brings the traveler close to the homes of the Filipinos and affords many curious sights. The return trip by native pony cart 9 Country Road Scene in Philippines. Magallanes Monument. Hemp Plantation. 10 Provincial Building - La Laguna. from Pagsanjan to Santa Cruz brings one to the railroad for the ride of some 50 miles to Manila through a rich agricultural country. Baguio, the summer capital of the Philippines, 5,000 feet above sea level, affords an objective point for a journey over one of the most remarkable roads in the world. This Benguet road follows the course of the Bued river which it crosses many times in its winding way up the mountains. Its location amid the pines and its altitude give the dweller in the plains a chance to visit the temperate zone without going out of the tropics. It is only a short day's journey by rail and automobile from Manila. Its accommodations for travelers are excellent and as it is the starting point for some most interesting trips into the country of the hill tribes, a week or two can be passed to advantage in Baguio and vicinity. Baguio is destined to become the great resort for all those in this part of the Orient who desire a change of temperature during the hot season. In Baguio one sleeps under heavy blankets during the greater part of the year and its climate, coupled with its beautiful mountain scenery, gives it a double charm to tempt and hold the traveler. Manila is by no means the only interesting city in the Islands nor has it a monopoly of scenery, for the visitor. Cebu, Iloilo and Zamboanga, or Jolo where the Sultan of Sulu maintains his by no means comic opera court in a walled city whose defenses are still necessary, and a hundred other smaller towns might be mentioned as worthy the traveler's time. As for scenery, the voyager on any of the inter-island lines is apt to be surfeited with it before his journey is ended. Inland seas surpassing the celebrated Japanese one are traversed by the dozen each differing in most aspects from all others. Malampaya sound, where 50 pound fish lie in wait to tire out the arm of the angler; Bacuit bay with its thousand feet cubes of limestone, scattered as though some giant child had been learning an alphabet of the stone age and left his blocks where they lay; San Pablo bay where empties the most remarkable underground river in the world, navigable for two miles, with gothic groined arch ceiling, huge stalactites and delicate traceries of limestone, the whole guarded by a castellated cliff near its entrance—all these await the traveler of time and means who has tired of the well trod tourist track and wants fresh scenes and experiences rather than gaping at buildings that he had seen in picture or reality a hundred times before. 11 Type of Provincial Bridge. The artist has not yet discovered the Philippines, whose cities with their churches and time stained walls, peopled with brightly clad natives form a magnificent motive for the watercolorist, and whose mountains, lakes and waterfalls, to say nothing of the grandest marine views and most magnificent sunsets the world affords, await the painter in oils. When some Turner yet unknown shall exhibit a series of Philippine sunsets in their settings of tropical seas and feathery clad mountains, he will reap instant fame and the woods and beaches, the plazas and market places of these islands will fill up with artists. In view of the many places of interest within easy reach by modern means of transportation, the visitor who can see only the region near Manila should put in two days of every three of his stay in the environs and one in the city. By the time he has traversed a few score miles of fertile valley lands supporting a dense agricultural population as well as feeding the adjoining towns and cities, he will begin to sense the wonderful possibilities of these islands when modern methods are added to their great fertility of soil. The lands he will see are for the most part occupied, although upwards of 7,000,000 acres of virgin valleys are awaiting the plough. Agriculture is the backbone of the country and practically all of its $40,000,000 of exports are natural products worked up only into such form as will enable them to be shipped. This exportation of raw materials is an economic crime that is needless since only capital is necessary to turn them into finished products and double the wealth of the country without making even the two proverbial blades of grass grow. The main exports are hemp, copra, sugar and tobacco, in that order. The Islands are the only true hemp lands in the world for here alone does this plant reach its full strength and length of fiber. Exports of hemp from June 1910 to June 1911 inclusive, were $16,000,000. Only $41,000 of cordage and $500,000 of knotted hemp, the latter to be further manufactured were exported. The Islands lead the world in exports of copra, and 115,000 tons, worth nearly $10,000,000, were shipped in the last fiscal year. Only a few gallons of coconut oil are shown in the export reports. Sugar to the amount of $8,000,000 was sent away to be refined, when the application of modern methods would have raised the output some 25 per cent or 35,000 tons which was lost in the grinding, and raised the grade from 82 to 96, the two losses in amount and quality penalizing the planter at least $4,000,000. Tobacco is manufactured into cigars and cigarettes but leaf tobacco exports were about $100,000 more than the $1,700,000 worth of cigars that were shipped. Another seeming economic crime is the importation of rice, but the natives 12 Picture, on upper right hand, shows entrance to wonderful under ground river on Island of Palawan. It has been explored by boat for two miles. Above shows Taal Volcano in eruption and below are a hat maker and a rice huller. answer that they could not sell the $40,000,000 of exports if they put all their time into puttering about in the mud of the rice fields. As no one compels them to plant rice by hand this plea does not jibe with the $9,000,000 of rice coming in 13 Cebu Baseball Team, Winner of Philippine Scholastic Pennant. and the millions of acres of vacant rice lands. With modern machinery, one man could do the work of fifty in the rice field—but modern machinery costs money which the native has not, his purchasing capacity averaging about $5 gold for the 8,400,000 of people, admittedly underestimated. The needs of the Philippines in capital and men to make the money work to advantage are legion, but nowhere else in the world is capital given so munificent rewards. The ordinary bank rate of interest on secured notes is seven per cent, and for mortgage loans on improved city property about ten percent. Business opportunities in transportation, public utilities and manufacturing stare one in the face at every turn, and all they ask is money to turn out the dividends to ten and twenty per cent. Even government enterprises managed without the spur of personal enrichment, greatest of motive powers in business, will make twelve to fifteen per cent a year. To the prospective investor who says that these are only opportunities, not assets, the reply can be made that the Philippines with 25,000,000 acres of virgin timberlands have an asset which in this day of rapidly vanishing forests say, "Come and gather", and the woods are among the most beautiful cabinet materials in the world. Rubber, gums and rattan, dyestuffs and tanning barks are here for the gathering, and were it not that the ease with which the Filipino can satisfy his creature wants takes away all initiative, these islands would produce a hundred times their present export traffic. To agriculture and forestry must be added the mines, deposits of gold and copper, coal and iron and many other economic minerals and non metallic substances including vast stores of the materials for manufacture of cement, now imported to the value of $600,000 a year. Practically every river bed in the islands carries some gold and great placer beds of extraordinary richness are now beginning to be dredged. Such is a hurried survey of the Philippines, which nature has endowed with every element to delight the traveler and recompense the investor to such an overwhelming extent that one must needs lay out a path and follow it either in sight-seeing or in development of resources since every turn of the road opens up a new and unlimited vista of pleasure or profit. For detailed information regarding country, climate, resources, etc., address the Publicity Committee or the Manila Merchants' Association, Manila, P. I. 14 Hemp Stripping By Hand in Philippines Anda Monument near Mouth of Pasig River, Manila. 15 BUREAU OF PUBLIC WORKS EXPENDITURES. (Two pesos (₱) equal $1.00 gold.) 16 CASH EXPENDED JULY 1, 1910 TO JUNE 30, 1911 BUREAU EQUIPMENT ₱260,000 GENERAL OFFICE ₱410,000 ALL OTHER WORK ₱370,000 ARTESIAN WELL WORK ₱340,000 IRRIGATION WORK ₱830,000 BUILDING WORK ₱2,710,000 BRIDGE WORK ₱1,060,000 ROAD WORK ₱3,180,000 ₱9,160,000 TOTAL BUREAU OF PUBLIC WORKS RECORD FOR GOVERNMENT OFFICES AND SCHOOLS ONE YEAR OF BUILDING CONSTRUCTION AND REPAIR EXPENDED ₱ 2,710,000 158 NEW BUILDINGS COMPLETED ADDRESS ALL INQUIRIES TO THE PUBLICITY COMMITTEE OR MANILA MERCHANTS' ASSOCIATION LEGASPI-URDANETA MONUMENT, MANILA THERE IS ONLY ONE WAY FOR US TO HAVE WOMAN SUFFRAGE VOTE FOR IT AT THE PLEBISCITE 300,000 VOTES PMORSOLO WOMAN SUFFRAGE CALENDAR 1936 ARTICLE V of the CONSTITUTION "Suffrage may be exercised by male citizens of the Philippine Islands not otherwise disqualified by law who are twenty-one years of age or over and are able to read and write and who shall have resided in the Philippine Islands for one year and in the municipality wherein they propose to vote for at least six months preceding the elections. The National Assembly shall extend the right of suffrage to women if in a plebiscite which shall be held for that purpose within two years after the adoption of the Constitution, not less than three hundred thousand women possessing the necessary qualifications shall vote affirmatively on the question." The first sentence of Article V of the Constitution disenfranchised the Filipino women who had been granted the right to vote by a law signed by former Governor General Murphy on December 7, 1933. Its second sentence places entirely in the hands of our women the power to re-enfranchise themselves and extend that right to their descendants. Any woman who does not vote affirmatively in this decisive plebiscite will hinder the forward march of our women. 300,000 votes seem an appalling figure. But, if each of the 200,000 women who voted for the approval of the Constitution could secure another to vote for suffrage, we shall go over the top. We must meet this challenge triumphantly. PILAR HIDALGO LIM 1936 JANUARY 1936 Sun. Mon. Tues. Wed. Thur. Fri. Sat. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 Women have been endowed by nature and experience with sympathy and a strong sense of duty, and have given ample proof of their capacity for unerring appraisal and energetic action in the treatment of problems involving personal and human relationships. It would be an act of wisdom and fairness to bring the rich contribution of their clear vision and fine moral judgment to bear on these problems, by extending to them at this time the full right of suffrage. Governor General FRANK MURPHY The work done by the women and their attitude toward public affairs justifies me in recommending that suffrage be granted to women to the same extent and under the same conditions as men. Governor General LEONARD WOOD Before I came to the Islands, I had known of the fine position held by the Philippine women. Now that I am here and have met them, I know why. It would be impossible to deny anything to such competent and efficient citizens. Governor General THEODORE ROOSEVELT Jr. "Comparatively unnoticed in the United States but marking an epoch in the history of the Far East is the extension of the right to vote to the women of the Philippine Islands. "Women are now eligible to vote under the same provisions as men. Their increased participation in public life should have interesting results both in insular affairs and in Philippine relations with the United States. "Throughout the Orient also the effects of this reform promise to be considerable." Editorial, San Francisco Cal-Bulletin "An enormous number of women have been called into service within the field of health, care of maternity, children, old people and dependents of every kind. Women are building strong, well thought out, constructive programs concerning public welfare and are thus using their vote to do what has always been acknowledged as the specific work of women." Mrs. CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT The Filipino women do not expect to find in the exercise of suffrage a panacea for all social and economic evils. But they do hold that they should not be denied this opportunity to share in the responsibilities of building up the Filipino nation. SOFIA DE VEYRA Women who have not equal suffrage in their native country, are half slave and half free. In the Philippines, at present, women are merely inhabitants, not citizens. BESSIE A. DWYER 1936 FEBRUARY 1936 Sun. Mon. Tues. Wed. Thur. Fri. Sat. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 It is my firm conviction that women in the commonwealth can fill their proper place in the home very acceptably and, at the same time, take an interest and even an active part in the affairs of the world outside the home. There is no more reason why women should know little about and do nothing in public affairs than there is for men to neglect and fail to participate in the problems of the home. A well balanced and zealous interest in both the home and politics by men and women is desirable. MARGUERITE MURPHY TEAHAN I believe in the capacity and fitness of the Filipino women to exercise intelligently the right to vote. They must prove their fitness by voting affirmatively at the woman suffrage plebiscite. AMPARO FERNANDEZ GONZALES It is imperative that women should enjoy woman suffrage so that they can exert all the more effectively and efficiently their patriotic efforts, their moralizing and stabilizing influence in the new order of our national life. INES S. VILLA Women of the Philippines, vote at the woman suffrage plebiscite to affirm your desire to share in the up-building of our country; to emancipate our women; to realize real democracy here in Rizal's Pearl of the Oriental Seas. EMILIA MALABANAN It is our duty when the day of the woman suffrage plebiscite comes to vote and vote affirmatively. All women are enjoined to vote as a civic duty. Every vote will be a distinct contribution to the well-being of our country. CONCEPCION F. DE RODRIGUEZ. I do not think that the women of the Philippines will reject woman suffrage at the plebiscite provided for by the Constitution. They should understand that with their vote they can influence the laws of the land. They should realize that the woman who does not enjoy political rights is not in a position to defend her civil rights. CAROLINA O. PALMA 1936 MARCH 1936 Sun. Mon. Tues. Wed. Thur. Fri. Sat. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 If you could give the vote to women and they never used it for political power at all, it would be a most important thing to give it to them, because it just makes the difference between being an independent human being and a parasite. Woman has as much interest as man in controlling the government, in legislature and in voting taxes. That means that she has the right to political suffrage. I have never seen an argument against woman suffrage that was not flimsy. Men are much disposed to exaggerate the difficulties of voting intelligently, when they talk of women voting. If our mothers are not fit to vote they ought to stop bearing sons. The masculine gender;--this qualifies for voting. The feminine gender;--this disqualifies for voting. How ridiculous! Sex is elemental, inherent in all people and should never be deemed ground of qualification or disqualification to vote any more than the height or weight of persons. Men are good humoredly contemptuous of woman as she is, and fiercely scornful if she attempts to be otherwise. A good government must allow all its citizens to have a hand in its functions. Why, then, should women be denied the vote? It cannot be assumed that they are incapable, for they have proven successful in all fields they have entered, in business and in the professions. PURA V. KALAW Let us vote in favor of woman suffrage in the coming plebiscite and prove to the rest of the world that in these Oriental isles dwells an enlightened and emancipated womanhood. ENCARNACION ALZONA 1936 APRIL 1936 Sun. Mon. Tues. Wed. Thur. Fri. Sat. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 Two heads in council, two beside the hearth, Two in the tangled business of the world, Two in the liberal offices of life, Two plummets dropped for one to sound the abyss Of science, and the secrets of the mind. A woman that is content to wash stockings and make Johnny cake and bring up her boys faultless as to buttons, who never has a thought beyond the meal tub, and whose morality is so small as to be confined to a single house, is an undergrown woman, and will spend the first thousand years after death in coming to that state in which she ought to have been before she died. Would men but generously snap our chains, and be content with rational fellowship instead of slavish obedience, they would find us more observant daughters, more affectional sisters, more faithful wives, more reasonable mothers, in a word better citizens. Not unless women were absolute and could make laws to govern men could men fully comprehend the inconsistent, and anomalous situation of women before many laws that confront them. We are to make our suffrage worthy of the best and highest womanhood by insisting upon honesty and nobility in our politics, by providing that a mother is a better mother when she is also a free citizen, that home and society belong inseparably together and form a barrier for the greatness of a nation, where within its walls there reigns a queen as well as a king with as large a share in the state. Women of the Philippines, work for the success of the woman suffrage plebiscite because I firmly believe that your vote will strengthen the government of your country. LAURA LINDLEY-SHUMAN La humanidad tiene dos factores que se completan mutuamente: el hombre y la mujer, el negar al uno el privilegio de colaborar con el otro sería ir en contra de los mismos designios de la Providencia divina, sería retardar el progreso de la humanidad. Yo creo, pues, que todas las mujeres filipinas que quieren el bien y la emancipación completa de nuestro pueblo deben trabajar por el sufragio femenino. ROSA SEVILLA DE ALVERO 1936 MAY 1936 Sun. Mon. Tues. Wed. Thur. Fri. Sat. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 The destiny of the world to-day lies in the hearts and brains of her women. The world cannot travel upward faster than the feet of her women are climbing the path of progress. Put us back if you can, veil us in harems, make us beasts of burden, take from us knowledge, and humanity will go back to the dark ages. Had the counsels of women been more sought after and attended to many of the lamentable blunders that men have made in the treatment of children would have been avoided. The honest, earnest man stand and work The woman also, otherwise she drops At once below the dignity of man Accepting serfdom. Free men freely work. The proper sphere of all human beings is the largest and highest which they are able to attain to, and what this is cannot be ascertained without complete liberty of choice. I have no superstition about the ballot. I do not suppose it would immediately right all the wrongs of women any more than it has righted all those of man-- but what one political agency has righted so many? It is not empire but equality and friendship that women desire. We do not wish to reign over the men but over ourselves. Without women, nothing is possible, neither military courage or art or poetry, or music or philosophy or even religion. God is truly seen only through them. That we do not have woman suffrage in the Philippines indicates that women in this country are still considered objects of luxury and pleasure by men. To show that we are not indifferent to such a deplorable state of affairs, let us go to the polls on the plebiscite day and vote for woman suffrage. CONCHA C. APACIBLE I believe that the time has come when the Filipino women should take a more active part in building the Filipino nation. It, behooves each and everyone of us to abandon that indifferent attitude heretofore shown by us towards public affairs. To accomplish this it is essential that we be enfranchised and I urge every qualified Filipino woman voter to cast an affirmative vote at the coming woman suffrage plebiscite. NATIVIDAD ALMEDA LOPEZ 1936 JUNE 1936 Sun. Mon. Tues. Wed. Thur. Fri. Sat. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 If men represent us so perfectly, then We still want the ballot to represent men. -- It is grotesque to claim that a great many women are not better trained and more intelligent for the use of the ballot than millions of men, especially women who own property should have a voice in the affairs of the community and the laws which affect property. -- Shut out from colleges she is to educate a soul; excluded from politics, she is to train voters and legislators. -- A hundred men make an encampment. One woman makes a home. -- In the administration of a State, neither a woman as a woman nor a man as a man has any special functions, but the gifts are equally diffused in both sexes. -- I believe in the rights of woman just as much as I do in those of man, and, indeed a little more... She can do the best work in her home if she has healthy outside interests and occupations in addition. -- In all times in all countries laws have ever been more or less oppressive for women because they have been dictated, promulgated and sanctioned by men. Let us vote "Yes" at the woman suffrage plebiscite: If its effect is good we will have rendered a signal service to posterity: if it is harmful, we can, at any time, have the law repealed. But if we keep silent or vote "No", we forever close to Filipino women the door of full citizenship. JOSEFA JARA MARTINEZ The National Convention has decreed that a plebiscite should be taken of woman suffrage. Un reasoning pessimism and fatalism so marked among our people should not destroy a blessing which is destined to bring much happiness, equality and freedom to our future generations. URSULA UICHANGCO 1936 JULY 1936 Sufrage is neither a manly act, nor yet a womanly act, but the act of a human being, who, as a part of the people, has an inherent right to express or refuse consent to the form of government under which he or she lives; because it is, and must ever continue to be a self-evident truth that the government derives its just powers from the consent of the governed men and women from no other source under heaven. I believe in woman suffrage because women are as integral a part of the commonwealth as men, and have equal social rights, and the first of all social rights is the right of self-government. What is better than Wisdom? Women. And what is better than a good woman? Nothing. Nothing since the coming of Christ ever promised so much for the ultimate good of the human race as the intellectual, moral and political emancipation of women. Are women less concerned than men in having clean streets, decent sewers, untainted milk, good schools, charities properly administered, hospitals put on a proper footing? Yet we cannot have to do with any of these things without taking part in politics, pure and simple. A woman risks her life whenever a soldier is born into the world. For years she does picket duty by his cradle. Later on, she is quartermaster, and gathers his rations. And when that boy grows to a The consciousness that the policy and administration in our government are wholly in the hands of the Filipinos should make every woman feel that she too has an important part to play in the political life of her people. It is every woman's duty to answer the call for the woman suffrage plebiscite. ASUNCION A. PEREZ Whether the Philippines will continue to be half slave and half free, is left to us, women, to decide. Here is a chance for Filipino womanhood to vinvicate itself. Let us not fail to answer this challenge to our patriotism and sense of responsibility. ISABEL ARTACHO OCAMPO man, shall he say to his mother, "If you want to vote you must first go and kill somebody?" It is a coward's argument. Politics governs even the purity of the milk supply. It is not "outside the home," but inside the baby. The half-angel, half idiot period is over in the woman's world. She is fighting her way into every sphere of human activity. Sooner or later men will be compelled to treat with her as a co-worker, and they cannot begin better than by admitting her right to be a co-voter. The worth of men is in proportion to the respect they have for their mothers. A man thinks he knows, -- but a woman knows better. Man has his will--but woman has her way. Many instances may be cited of the discrimination against women that pervades our laws, and they illustrate vividly the truth of the saying "the only means men have devised for getting what they want is the ballot." Men and women will never get together on a sane lasting basis of mutual interest, understanding and respect as life partners until women become economic entities. In short there can be no real marriage worthy of the name and a help to civilization save on a basis of political, social and economic equality. The fact that woman suffrage was withdrawn from the women even before they had a chance to show what they could do with the ballot should be sufficient to inspire them to vindicate themselves at the woman suffrage plebiscite to be held soon. Any qualified woman voter who does not vote for her right should consider herself a traitor to the cause of women. JOSEFA LLANES ESCODA During the transition years prior to the establishment of the Philippine republic wherein the capacity and willingness of the Filipino people for self-government are put to the test, the womanpower of the country should be utilized. It is, therefore, the responsibility of every qualified Filipino woman to vote for women suffrage at the coming plebiscite. BELEN E. GUTIERREZ There is no position woman has not filled, no danger she has not encountered, no emergency in all life's tangled trials and temptations she has not shared with man, and with him conquered. The value of the suffrage to any class is largely symbolic like the granting of independence to a country. Women contribute to the wealth of the country just as men do and they feel that the time has come when they should be recognized as human beings in the state. It is not because woman is so far above man that we claim her right in this matter. It is because she is the other half of mankind, and society is imperfect and will remain so until she takes her proper place in the labors of the world. If a pair of scissors be broken in two you have it riveted together, not because you concede superiority to the other half, but simply because it takes two halves to make a whole. It is only by legislation that the roots of great evils can be touched at all. And on this ground, women place the demand for political emancipation as a matter of DUTY. I cannot understand how other women can drag at the skirts of their sisters and be carried as a dead weight into the land which for us, as for them is the promised land of political freedom. The three hundred thousand affirmative votes required by the Constitution for the granting of suffrage to Filipino women must be obtained in the coming plebiscite. Woman suffrage will develop personal discipline, civic efficiency, civic conscience—virtues demanded by the new government. FRANCISCA TIRONA DE BENITEZ The drive for the plebiscite will strengthen the political consciousness of the women and will afford them richer experience that will stand them in good stead when they actually play their part in our future elections. PAZ POLICARPIO MENDEZ 1936 OCTOBER 1936 Sun. Mon. Tues. Wed. Thur. Fri. Sat. If there is no good to be gained by the power to vote, why were men enfranchised? If there is good to be gained by it, then women as the other half of humanity are also entitled to suffrage. What can concern the community at large which does not concern woman and what can concern woman which does not concern the community at large? The strongest reason for giving women the vote is that many are apathetic and indifferent about it. Women ought to be compelled to have everything necessary for making them good citizens. If the right of suffrage inheres in men simply and solely because they are part of the people, the same right also inheres in women simply and solely because they are part of the people. If I am asked what do women want the ballot for, I answer the question with another, What do men want it for? Someone must step into our institutions to inspect, to enforce cleanliness, order, virtue. This purpose must be backed up by the strong arm of power, by the sanction of the law, and that law must have upon it the stamp of woman’s intellect. Women should rally to the woman suffrage plebiscite because their record in the field of our various national endeavours is a reliable index that as voters they will render more efficient service. ALICIA SYQUIA QUIRINO Progress is only possible when there are the least restraints. With civil disabilities that are theirs, women and their daughters’ daughters will have to totter along the path to achievement and drag with them their sons and their nation. The women will determine the destiny of their posterity at the plebiscite. GERONIMA T. PECSON 1936 NOVEMBER 1936 Sun. Mon. Tues. Wed. Thur. Fri. Sat. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 Any woman who is at least 21 years old and able to read and write is qualified to vote at the Woman Suffrage Plebiscite Quotas needed to insure the PROVINCES success of the plebiscite Abra . . . . . . . . .. 3,542 Masbate . . . . . . . .. 3,638 Agusan . . . . . . . .. 2,890 Mindoro . . . . . . . .. --- Albay . . . . . . . .. 12,730 Misamis Occ. . .. 3,987 Antique . . . . . . . .. 4,494 Misamis Or. . . .. 5,029 Bataan . . . . . . . .. 5,079 Negros Occ. . . .. 16,297 Batanes . . . . . . . .. 659 Negros Or. . . .. 7,219 Batangas . . . . . .. 19,079 Nueva Ecija . . .. 14,417 Bohol . . . . . . . .. 16,685 Nueva Vizcaya . 3,191 Bulacan . . . . . .. 16,826 Palawan . . . . . . . .. --- Cagayan . . . . . . . .. 9,712 Pampanga . . . . . . . .. 15,791 Camarines Norte 3,221 Panagasinan . . . . 28,550 Camarines Sur . . 9,788 Rizal . . . . . . . .. 16,815 Capiz . . . . . . . .. 6,532 Romblon . . . . . . . .. 2,028 Cavite . . . . . . . .. 11,422 Samar . . . . . . . .. 11,811 Cebu . . . . . . . .. 24,367 Sorsogon . . . . . . . .. 8,468 Davao . . . . . . . .. 4,808 Surigao . . . . . . . .. 5,011 Ilocos Norte . . .. 10,325 Tarlac . . . . . . . ..7,133 Ilocos Sur . . . . . . . .. 9,765 Tayabas . . . . . . . .. 11,993 Iloilo . . . . . . . .. 21,746 Zambales . . . . . . . .. 4,493 Isabela . . . . . . . .. 6,880 Zamboanga . . . . . . . .. --- Laguna . . . . . . . .. 12,852 City of Baguio .. 628 La Union . . . . . . . .. 8,945 City of Manila .. 13,237 Leyte . . . . . . . .. 22,323 Marinduque . . .. 3,999 Total . . . . . . . .. 422,738 The Filipino women must stand together in order to secure woman suffrage. Division is most fatal for our cause. ROSARIO OCAMPO The women of the Philippines are among the most favored of women. Through years of struggle, sometimes in vain, women of the world over have sought to obtain the rights of citizens; while the Filipino woman is now given the opportunity to gain full citizenship by the simple and dignified method of casting her vote for it. Will she lightly cast aside this privilege of citizenship? Or will she join that international circle of women who are not content to serve only their own families but wish also to give of their best to that larger family of the community and the nation? ANNE GUTHIRE 1936 DECEMBER 1936 Sun. Mon. Tues. Wed. Thurs. Fri. Sat. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 Published by the GENERAL COUNCIL OF WOMEN, an organization composed of representatives of different women organizations. Headquarters 1132 California, Manila. SPEECH DELIVERED BY HIS EXCELLENCY, THE PRESIDENT, ON THE OCCASION OF HIS SIGNING THE WOMAN SUFFRAGE BILL AT MALACAÑAN AT 6:00 P.M. ON SEPTEMBER 30, 1936. Ladies and Gentlemen: I HAVE signed the Woman Suffrage Plebiscite bill not only to perform a constitutional duty but to help further the cause in which for many years past I have been deeply interested. The first bill ever passed by any of the two Houses of our Legislature granting women the right to vote, was introduced at my own suggestion many years ago. Subsequently, however, my interest in woman suffrage subsided; but today, bearing in mind the mandate of our constitution, I deem it my duty to express publicly that I am in favor of woman suffrage. If suffrage is given to our women merely to determine which party or what candidates should be in power, the question of whether our women will or will not take active part in our elections is not a very important one. I have stated once, and I am stating it again, that I do not believe the exercise by our women of the right to vote to be of any vital significance in the improvement of politics in the Philippines. In the government which has been established here through the provisions of our Constitution, it is essential, nay, it is imperative, that the right to vote be granted to Filipino women if they are not to be treated as slaves. Under our Constitution this government has the power to exact compulsory service from every citizen of the Philippines, men or women, whether in time of peace or in time of war. Are the women of the Philippines to be deprived of the right to say whether or not they shall be compelled to render service to their government? If a law is passed by our Assembly compelling our women to render service to the government before they are allowed to vote, it would be tantamount to treating them as mere slaves. The state today is practically all-embracing in its powers, invading even the home, and regulating every kind of relationship, not only between the citizens, and the government, but between individual citizens themselves. This being so, once more I ask our men: Are you going to deprive our women of the opportunity to say how their lives are going to be regulated, and is it fair for us to presume that men must always speak in this country for women? I know of families where the only representative of the male sex is the father or the husband, the rest of the family being women. The father is not expected to live as long as his children. Once the father is dead, or once the husband has passed away, who will represent the family in the eyes of the law? It is not true that to grant our women the vote would be to impose upon them a tremendous obligation which they may not perform except at the cost of their domestic duties. How many among men are making politics their daily interest? Is it not true that even among those who are actively interested in politics, politics takes only a very insignificant part of their time, say, once every two or three years? Is it logical then to suppose that once women are given the right to vote they will have, nothing else to do except to play golf, forget their husbands, and disregard their children? If the Constitution of the Philippines did not give the National Assembly a time limit to grant our women the right to vote, perhaps I would not have taken the interest that I am now taking in this measure. But under the provisions of the Constitution, if the Filipino women fail to take advantage of the opportunity now given them, they never will perhaps have the right of suffrage. In any event, it will be very long before they will have the right to vote and since it is evident that these women, who have taken active interest in winning the ballot for their sex, are not going to give up their fight, no matter how small their number, the result is simply that we will have this question always before us and it will be more and more urgent as the years go by. The best thing, therefore, for everybody to do is to settle this question now and for all time. My advice to men, especially when they are provincial governors who, whether they like it or not, will have something to do with the President of the Philippines, is that they better lay their hands off the plebiscite and allow the women a free and untramelled expression of their will on whether or not there is to be woman suffrage in our country. To the women I want to say this: This is your opportunity to secure all the rights and privileges that the women of other countries enjoy. The opportunity is not yours to mix in politics every day, attend meetings and make a lot of noise which is unbecoming to ladies. What I mean is, that this is your opportunity to wield a very important weapon in defense of your right to secure for yourselves and those who will follow you, the well-being and happiness that you and they deserve. Do not always depend upon what men may or may not do. I am signing this bill because I hate to think that in the future, when I am dead, my daughters will receive orders from the Government of the Philippines on matters affecting their families, their lives, their happiness, and yet will not have any say at all on those matters. It is possible that there will not be 300,000 women who will go to the polls next year to affirm their desire that women be given the right to vote. If that should be the case, then the fault will be theirs and theirs alone. As for me, I have done my duty by my wife, by my children, and by all the Filipino women. I wish you, women of my country, success in your efforts to secure for yourselves the right which is yours so that you may take active part in the affairs of your government. AN ACT TO PROVIDE FOR THE HOLDING OF A PLEBISCITE ON THE QUESTION OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE Be it enacted by the National Assembly of the Philippines: SECTION 1. Pursuant to the provisions of Article V of the Constitution, there shall be held a plebiscite on Friday, April thirty, nineteen hundred and thirty-seven, on the question of woman suffrage. On said date all qualified women, as hereinafter provided, may vote either in favor or against the granting of such suffrage. Said Article V of the Constitution shall be published in the Official Gazette, in English and in Spanish, for three consecutive issues at least fifteen days prior to said election, and the said Article V shall be posted in conspicuous place in each municipal and provincial office building and in each polling place not later than the twenty-second day of April, nineteen hundred and thirty-seven, and shall remain posted therein continually until after the termination of the plebiscite. At least ten copies of the said Article V of the Constitution, in English and in Spanish, shall be kept at each polling place available for examination by the qualified electors during the plebiscite. Whenever practicable, copies in the principal native languages, as may be determined by the Secretary of the Interior, shall also be kept in each polling place. SEC. 2. Every female citizen of the Philippines, twenty-one years of age, or over, who shall have been a resident of the Philippines for one year and of the municipality wherein she proposes to vote for at least six months next preceding the plebiscite and who possesses the qualifications required by existing law for male voters, but without the disqualifications therein specified, is entitled to vote in said plebiscite. SEC. 3. The provisions of the Election Law regarding the holding of a special election, in so far as said provisions are not in conflict herewith, are hereby declared applicable to the plebiscite provided for in this Act. Four watchers shall be appointed for each polling place in every municipality by the women's club organized therein, or in default of any women's organization, by the National Federation of Women's Club. The same number of watchers shall be allowed to groups or organizations opposed to woman suffrage. SEC. 4. In specially organized provinces, whenever necessary, the provincial boards shall, under the supervision of the Secretary of the Interior, provide for the formation of election precincts in every municipality or municipal district, shall designate the proper polling places, and shall appoint election inspectors and poll clerks with their respective substitutes. SEC. 5. The election precincts shall remain as now established, and the polling places shall be the same unless municipal council or board concerned shall designate a different place on or before April first, nineteen hundred and thirty-seven. SEC. 6. The existing boards or election inspectors shall meet, for the registration of voters, for the purposes of this Act on April tenth and seventeenth, nineteen hundred and thirty-seven, between the hours of seven in the morning and seven in the afternoon: Provided, however, That if upon the stroke of seven o'clock in the evening on either of the two days designated for registration and the revision of the list there still remain women who desire to be registered, the election inspectors shall make a list of those present at said hour within a radius of thirty meters from the polling place and shall hand each of them a consecutively numbered card, and upon presentation of said card, the registration of said women shall be permitted after seven o'clock in the evening. Before registering any female voter, the board of election inspectors shall require each registrant to fill out and sign, under oath before said board of election inspectors, an identification card, showing her name in full; her age on her last birthday; her civil status; her citizenship; length of residence in the municipality where she proposes to vote; and whether she is able to read and write any native language, Spanish or English. Printed forms for this purpose shall be furnished each registrant. Each election inspector and poll clerk shall receive two pesos for each day of actual service rendered by him as required by this Act. Women possessing the qualifications of a male voter may be appointed poll clerks for the plebiscite. SEC. 7. All judicial proceedings for the inclusion or exclusion of voters shall be free of charge and shall be filed not later than the twenty-third day of April, nineteen hundred and thirty-seven, and shall be finally decided on or before the twenty-sixth day of April, nineteen hundred and thirty-seven. The board of election inspectors shall hold its last meeting on April (2) twenty-eight, nineteen hundred and thirty-seven, for the purpose specified in section four hundred and thirty-nine of the Election Law. SEC. 8. The ballots to be used in the plebiscite shall be printed in English and in Spanish and shall conform to the following from: (Commonwealth seal) OFFICIAL BALLOT BALOTA OFICIAL THE QUESTION OF WOMAN SUFRAGE is submitted in this plebiscite to the female citizens of the Philippines, in order that they may vote either in favor or against the granting of such suffrage, pursuant to the provisions of Article V of the Constitution which reads as follows: "SECTION 1. Suffrage may be exercised by male citizens of the Philippines not otherwise disqualified by law, who are twenty-one years of age or over and are able to read and write, and who shall have resided in the Philippines for one year in the municipality wherein they propose to vote for at least six months preceding the election. The National Assembly shall extend the right of suffrage to women, if in a plebiscite which shall be held for that purpose within two years after the adoption of this Constitution, not less than three hundred thousand women possessing the necessary qualifications shall vote affirmatively on the question." If you are in favor of woman suffrage answer "Yes," and if you are against, answer "No" in the corresponding square. LA CUESTION DEL SUFRAGIO FEMENINO se somete en este plebiscito a las ciudadanas de Filipinas para que ellas voten, bien a favor o en contra del otorgamiento de dicho sufragio, por virtud de las disposiciones del Capítulo V de la Constitución que se lee como sigue: "ARTICULO 1. Podrá ejercitar el sufragio todo ciudadano filipino que tenga veintiún años de edad o más, sepa leer y escribir, haya residido en Filipinas un año, y seis meses, por lo menos, en el municipio en que se proponga votar antes de la fecha de elección, y que do otro modo no esté incapacitado por la ley. La Asamblea Nacional otorgará, sin embargo, a la mujer el derecho de sufragio, siempre que, en un plebiscito que se convocará al efecto, dentro de dos años depués de adoptada esta Constitución, trescientos mil mujeres cuando menos, que poseyeren las necesarias calificaciones, voten afirmativamente sobre la cuestión." Si está en favor del otoragamiento de dicho sufragio, escriba la palabra "Si" en el encasillado en blanco después de la pregunta si está en contra, escriba la palabra "No." Are you in favor of granting suffrage to women? ¿Está Vd. en favor de la concesión del sufragio a las mujeres? (3) SEC. 9. The boards of inspectors shall prepare only three copies of the returns of the plebiscite in their respective polling places on a form to be prescribed by the Secretary of the Interior. One copy shall be deposited in the ballot box for the valid ballots and the two copies shall be delivered to the proper municipal treasurer, who shall immediately forward, by registered mail, one copy to the Secretary of the National Assembly and the other copy to the Secretary of the Interior. The Bureau of Posts shall accept and transmit without delay and free of charge all plebiscite returns and any official report or telegram connected therewith. SEC. 10. A count of the votes cast according to the returns of the board of inspectors will be made by the National Assembly. If the result shows that not less than three hundred thousand women have voted affirmatively on the question, all women who possess the qualifications specified in section two hereof will be entitled to vote in any election which may be held thereafter. In such case, the registration list of the plebiscite may be used in any subsequent election, until revised according to law. SEC. 11. The sum of one hundred and fifty thousand pesos, or so much thereof as may be necessary, is hereby appropriated out of any funds in the National Treasury, not otherwise appropriatd, for the payment, subject to the approval of the Secretary of the Interior, of the expenses incurred in connection with the holding of the plebiscite provided for in this Act. SEC. 12. This Act shall take effect upon its approval. Approved, (4) The Twenty-First Anniversary of the First Metting for Woman Suffrage Held at the Manila Hotel On October 28,1918 (*? of a meeting of early w????? for Womans Suffrage at M??? can?n in 1919 ? ? ?*) The First Suffragettes Will Be Celebrated at the Villamor Hall on Taft Avenue On Saturday, October 28, 1939 Under the Auspices of the League of Women Voters of the Philippines Invitation and Souvenir Program PHILIPPE CHARITY SWEEPSTAKES BUY YOUR TICKETS TODAY, WIN A PRIZE NEXT CHRISTMAS Draw and Races, December 17, 1939. ₱1,462,500 in PRIZE MONEY on a sale basis of ₱2,500,000 CHRISTMAS PRIZES 2 First Prizes at ₱150,00 2 Second " " 60,000 2 Third " " 25,000 AND THOUSANDS OF OTHER SMALLER PRIZES Tickets sold in the Philippines bear serial letters A, B, D, G, H, J, K, L, M, N, Q, R, S, T and U. Tickets sold abroad bear serial letters V, W, X, Y and Z, and if sold in the Philippines are null and void. Be an authorized re-seller and win big prizes, besides the two (2) tickets given free for each booklet sold. SAVE A LIFE AND WIN A PRIZE Cut and Send Philippine Charity Sweepstakes P. O. Box 141, Manila, Philippines Enclosed you will find pesos for { tickets } at { booklets } the price of ₱2.02 per ticket or ₱20.24 per booklet, for the CHRISTMAS DRAW. HIS EXCELLENCY, PRESIDENT MANUEL L. QUEZON Principal Speaker at the Celebration 3 Officers of the League of Women Voters President ..... Pura Villanueva Kalaw Vice-President ..... Flora A. Ylagan Secretary ..... Josefa Jara Martinez Treasurer ..... Asuncion A. Perez Members of the Board of Directors Ramona T. Alano Rosa S. Alvero Paz M. Guazon Belen E. Gutierrez Isabel A. Ocampo (acting) Maria C. Luna Virginia P. Macaraig Crispina M. Meer Paz P. Mendez Beatriz Ronquillo Salud F. Unson Concepcion M. Henarez (on leave) Committee on the Celebration Chairman ..... Ramona T. Alano Member ..... Virginia P. Macaraig " ..... Isabel A. Ocampo " ..... Asuncion A. Perez " ..... Beatriz P. Ronquillo 4 Filipinas Present at the First Meeting and Honorees at this Celebration: Concepcion Apacible Rosa Sevilla Alvero Encarnacion Alzona Timotea Lichauco Cuyugan (who presided) Pura Villanueva Kalaw Natividad Almeda Lopez Carolina Ocampo Palma Concepcion Felix Rodriguez Teresa de Vamenta Americans Present at the First Meeting and Honorees at this Celebration: Bessie Dwyer Elizabeth Wrentmore Harrison Margaret Wrentmore 5 Compliments of BACHRACH MOTOR COMPANY Compliments of CEBU PORTLAND CEMENT MESSAGE I wish to congratulate the women leaders and all their sympathizers for their success in finally bringing about the enfranchisement of women in the Philippines. This is one of the greatest steps in the advancement of democracy in our country, and should be hailed by all the women in the Orient as an accomplishment that all of them should be proud of. Coincident with their satisfaction for having won their cause, our women should be conscious of the great responsibility that the right of suffrage has placed upon their shoulders. I hope they will not disappoint their champions by the manner in which they should exercise such right. Judged by the traditional qualities of our women, their dignity, honesty, sense of justice and morality, their spirit of self-abnegation and nobility of ideals, the country can rightfully expect that their participation in the affairs of our government, through the use of the ballot, will have a sobering and stabilizing influence upon the entire public service. This is a challenge to the leadership of the women's suffrage movement. I know every Filipino woman from the home, from the factory and from the field will respond to the call of duty and live up to the expectations of our people. JOSE YULO Speaker 7 Compliments of Pampanga Sugar Mills and the Calamba Sugar Estate 8 MESSAGE Much courage was required by those women who, twenty-one years ago, initiated the first movement looking towards the eventual granting of suffrage to Filipino women. The first years of their struggle were hard and bitter and yet it was because of the persistency and sacrifices shown by these leaders that their efforts were finally crowned with success. The fine record which women in the Philippines have established since they were granted suffrage rights is a fitting tribute to those leaders who had the vision and the courage to fight so earnestly and so unselfishly for an ideal. MANUEL ROXAS Secretary of Finance 9 Compliments of Philippine Long Distance Telephone Company MENSAJE Es propio y es oportuno que las mujeres filipinas celebren hoy el 21.o aniversario del Movimiento por el Sufragio Femenino, porque los últimos acontecimientos políticos requieren más que nunca una expresión clara y terminante de la voluntad del pueblo entero. La concesión del voto a la mujer fué el fruto de una labor constante de años, y puede considerarse una de las más grandes conquistas democráticas en la historia política de nuestro país. Hoy día nuestros hombres y mujeres marchan a la par, y el derecho del sufragio también les impone por igual la responsabilidad de señalar a los caudillos del país el camino que nos habrá de conducir a la meta final de nuestras aspiraciones. Quiero, sin embargo, llamar la atención de las líderes filipinas al hecho de que la proporción de mujeres que han hecho uso de su voto en las últimas elecciones es muy reducida. Estoy seguro de que una campaña intensa en todo el país dirigida por las distinguidas damas que encabezaron el movimiento sufragista dará por resultado un mayor registro de electores en el archipiélago y un mayor número de ellas que acudan a las urnas en el día de las elecciones. Esto debería ser uno de los objetivos inmediatos de nuestras líderes femeninas, y espero que al conseguirlo, nuestras mujeres obtendrán igualmente mayor participación en el manejo de los negocios públicos. BENIGNO S. AQUINO Secretario de Agricultura y Comercio 11 COMPLIMENTS of COMPAÑIA MARITIMA 12 MESSAGE It is with extreme pleasure that I congratulate the leaders of women suffrage in the Philippines, under whose inspired efforts the women have taken their just place in the direction of the political affairs of our country. At first, many were not very enthusiastic to enfranchise our women, but the trend of events has indicated more clearly the need of their participation in our Government. The right given them to vote and be voted upon is a guarantee that political activities in the Philippines will be conducted on an elevated plane. Their unerring intuition of what is right insures the conscientious protection of life and property and the proper execution of the laws of the nation. Their idealism, which is a cherished household word, is a Gibraltar which will safeguard our country from the onrush of anarchy and political disruption. May I express the hope that the women of our land will continue to be the salt of our social and political life, their loving hands holding high the radiant torch of Democracy and Social Justice. QUINTIN PAREDES Floor Leader 13 PROGRAMME MRS. RAMONA T. ALANO, Presiding 1. OVERTURE ..... U. P. Band "Indian Dawn," Zmetnick Cadet Captain Pedro Bautista, Conducting 2. OPENING REMARKS ..... Mrs. Ramona T. Alano Chairman, Committee on the Celebration 3. TWO MINUTES SPEECHES ..... Mrs. Pilar H. Lim President, Federation of Woman's Clubs Mrs. Paz P. Mendez President, Philippine Association of University Women 4. VOCAL SOLO ..... Miss Fely Morales Jose V. Carreon at the Piano 5. TWO MINUTES SPEECHES ..... Atty. Jose Adeva Civil Liberties Union Mr. Gil Puyat Vice-President, Manila Rotary Club 6. VIOLIN SOLO ..... Mrs. Veneranda Acayan Carreon Jose V. Carreon at the Piano 7. TWO MINUTES SPEECHES ..... Mrs. Pura Villanueva Kalaw President, League of Women Voters Mrs. Asuncion A. Perez Treasurer, League of Women Voters 8. VOCAL SOLO ...... Mrs. Consuelo Salazar Perez "Aurora Ko," Santiago Bernardino Custodio at the Piano 9. INTRODUCTION OF THE PRINCIPAL SPEAKER .... Mrs. Ramona T. Alano 10. ADDRESS .... His Excellency, President Manuel L. Quezon 11. "National Emblem" .... U. P. Band Cadet Captain Pedro Bautista, Conducting 14 15 FOR THE HOME KEEPS HANDS LOVELY . . . . WHILE DUSTING CLEANING & POLISHING DUSTEX TISSUE TREATED WITH HAND CREAM SOFT TOUGH DURABLE cellulose SPONGE By DuPont For the bath & cleaning CARS WINDOWS DISHES THE PEN OF THE FUTURE IS THE PEN WITH A PAST The first and largest pen maker in America invites you to try the Esterbrook Fountain Pen. No matter how you write, one of the twenty different points will bring new joy to your writing + Buy one today from your local dealer. GENTLY PRICED TO SAVE YOU MONEY PRACTICAL SMOOTH BEAUTIFUL SINCE 1858 Esterbrook J. P. Heilbronn Co. 233 Calle David Manila 16 MESSAGE The granting of woman suffrage is a landmark in our history and it is only fitting and proper that the anniversary of the launching of the movement for the political emancipation of women should be celebrated. Woman suffrage has been a blessing to the country. Much more of the advantages to the political life of the country that was promised by its advocates has been realized than the dangers presaged by its enemies. Woman suffrage has been a stabilizing and not a disturbing factor. It has broadened the base of our democracy, and already our women are holding elective positions of responsibility, besides voting. They have a better understanding of, and greater interest in problems of social welfare than most men, and their contribution in this respect has been considerable. As we contemplate our gains because of this triumph of the suffrage movement, our hearts can only turn in reverence to those who under difficult circumstances and facing great odds pioneered the movement. May their memory forever be treasured in the hearts of all lovers of democracy. JOSE ROMERO Assemblyman 17 Compliments of HAMILTON-BROWN QUALITY APPAREL 109 Escolta 111 Manila Compliments of HEACOCK'S INTERESTS Manila : Cebu : Iloilo : Davao : Baguio 18 MESSAGE The celebration of the twenty-first anniversary of the first movement on woman's suffrage offers a most fitting occasion for congratulating the women of the Philippines for the success of their labors and for the capacity they have shown in the exercise of the new political right they have acquired not until after many years of persistent effort. This concession granted the women of this country is not only a step forward in our experiment for self-government but also constitutes a strong argument in favor of our preparation for complete independence. The right of suffrage has been exercised with credit by the women of this country during the past elections. We trust that their interest in the exercise of this acquired right will grow with the years and that they will live up to the expectation of all. JUAN POSADAS Mayor 19 Compliments of BOTICA BOIE 95 ESCOLTA Agents for NOLE-KALOS Perfumes and Lotions 20 MESSAGE When the first believers in woman suffrage boldly declared their firm determination to wage a fight for their political and civic rights, many were the unflattering remarks and comments that came to their ears. Little did they think that twenty-one years later, with most of them still alive, they would see their opinions vindicated. At the meeting, my personal concern at the moment was not so much to enjoy my rights as to enable my children and their children to enjoy theirs. And yet today, I stand as one of the emancipated, no longer feeling discriminated against, no longer afraid of what the future will hold for the members of my sex. The scars and bruises received from the many Legislative Assemblies that denied us the vote today seemed wiped away and forgotten. The wounded feminine pride we hid at the many rebuffs we received is now healed and invisible. We must be forgiven a feeling of elation during this celebration. We are but human, and women, and the victory is still sweet to our taste. Our only prayer is that we may know how to use our privileges for the best, for our God and our Country. PURA VILLANUEV'A KALAW President, League of Women Voters 21 Our Best Wishes for the Success of the League of Women Voters Dr. Miguel Argüelles Laboratorio Argüelles, Inc. Serums, Vaccines, etc. Analyses 800 Raon Tel. 2-10-61 Compliments of Madrigal & Company 22 GREETINGS TO MY COUNTRYWOMEN: In celebrating the twenty- first anniversary of the first campaign for Women Suffrage, initiated by a group of very courageous and civic-spirited women, we cannot help but feel very proud of our women leaders. To the honor of those who are still alive, we dedicate this humble program, and to the memory of those who have since gone Beyond, we offer in our hearts a silent by fervent prayer. Indeed, we have more reasons for rejoicing now in view of the fact that we are enjoying the results of their efforts. Ambitions such as theirs, at that time, were nothing more than dreams and almost next to impossible of accomplishment. Yet, once again, time has proven to us that for a just cause, the biggest obstacles can be overcome by persistency and constant labor. Let us not then ignore the opportunities and privileges given to us by the granting of the right of suffrage to women. Let us take advantage of the use of our votes and cast them conscientiously every time we are required to do so. But let me earnestly appeal to you that in the performance of these duties we have acquired with the rights of suffrage, we must endeavor to use our own convictions and best judgment to help better our government. In so doing, we may make ourselves deserving of the confidence of our people, and our country, worthy of the respect of other nations. Please remember this proverb: "The hands that rock the cradle are the hands that rule the world." Mrs. RAMONA T. ALANO Chairman, Committee on the Celebration 23 Help The Abiertas House of Friendship Compliments of a Friend Compliments of Mme. E. KOLLERMAN'S French School of Costume Designing and Dressmaking 2 Nebraska, cor. San Luis Telephone 5-62-69 Compliments of C A R M E L O & BAUERMANN, Inc. Lithographers, Printers, Bookbinders and Box Makers 2057 Azcarraga, Manila Phone 2-32-51 Compliments of EL ORIENTE Fabrica de Tabacos, Inc. The Manila Cigar 24 THE FIRST MEETING FOR WOMAN SUFFRAGE Twenty-one years ago a memorable woman suffrage meeting took place at the roof-garden of the Manila Hotel, organized by a distinguished group of Filipino women, These leaders took upon themselves the arduous task of persuading women to attend the meeting. They had to approach women individually and to cajole and coax them, often times receiving an evasive reply or a vague promise which was rarely fulfilled. On account of the difficulty of overcoming the indifference and passivity of the women, holding a meeting was not a simple and easy matter. It required tact, perseverance, and industry on the part of the organizers. Invited by the well-known and talented suffragist Mrs. Pura Villanueva Kalaw, I attended that meeting, properly chaperoned by the assistant dean of Normal Hall where I was then residing. I may say in passing that twenty years ago young ladies must have a chaperon when appearing in pubic even if they were instructors at the University of the Philippines as I was then. As I stepped out of the elevator which took me to the roof-garden, I felt slightly nervous, for it was to be my debut in a suffrage meeting. I was anticipating a large assembly as it had been announced as a mass meeting. Instead I found a small group of women and to the end of the meeting the gathering remained small. With the mere exception of one speaker all endorsed the proposal to grant the suffrage to women. I remember vividly a good looking woman, whose name I no longer recall, who represent the factory working women, She began her speech by asking the audience to excuse the poverty of her language, for she was not accustomed to speak in public and ended it by offering the support of working women to the suffrage cause. At the request of Mrs. Pura Villanueva Kalaw, I also spoke very briefly, reiterating my honest conviction that the women of the Philippines should be enfranchised. All the speakers expressed their views with remarkable restraint, not for lack of enthusiasm on their part but for their innate modesty, which is a trait of the true Filipino woman. As I recall that suffrage meeting, I am filled with admiration for its organizers and pioneer suffragists Mesdames Kalaw, Alvero, Palma, Calderon, Lichauco, Vamenta and Almeda, valiant women whose indomitable spirit urged them to espouse a righteous though unpopular cause, exposing themselves to ridicule and vexation from the opponents of woman suffrage. Through their vision, labors and sacrifices we are now enjoying the sacred right of suffrage. Dra. ENCARNACION ALZONA Professor of History, University of the Philippines 25 SYNOPSIS OF THE STRUGGLE OF WOMEN FOR POLITICAL EMANCIPATION The Philippine constitution in its article V provides for the exercise of suffrage of male citizens of the Philippines not otherwise disqualified by law, and possessing all the necessary qualifications. With it was incorporated the promise of the extension of the same privilege to the Filipino Women, if in a plebiscite which shall be held for that purpose within two years after the adoption of the constitutions, not less than 300,000 women possessing the necessary qualification shall vote affirmatively on the question. The Filipino Women took the challenge of the Magna Charta and led by the women who formed the General Council of Women, and other leaders, rallied to the polls to bring the cause of women to a triumphant close. It would be however be interesting to note that the struggle started several decades ago when in the year 1909 a Woman's Magazine "Philipinas", edited by Miss Constancia Poblete came out openly for the women's right to join political parties. However it took an American lady in the person of Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt together with Dr. Aletta Jacobs of Holland to formally organize a club. The Philippine Assembly itself in the person of then representative Melecio Severino of Negros Occidental presented the first bill on Woman's Suffrage which was never acted upon. Marino Jesus Cuenco present Secretary of Public Works and Communications in 1916 presented the next bill. In 1919 Senators Pedro Ma. Sison, Vicente Ilustre and Taedoro Sandiko presented Woman's Suffrage Bills. Inspite of the work of then Senate President Quezon, the bill failed to pass through the House of Representatives. The first meeting for Woman's Suffrage was held at the Manila Hotel on October 28, 1918, and a written and more representatives endorsement by the women of the cause was made at a convention of the Federation of Women's Club in 1921 when it was formally endorsed by a narrow majority in favor of the suffrage. On February 1923 the National League of Filipino Women was organized with Dra. Paz Mendoza Guazon as the first President which aimed at the political enlightenment of women. In 1931 a pulbic hearing was held in the House of Representatives on the subject of Woman's Suffrage. Prominent women spoke in defense of the bill but it was not two years later when in November 6, 1933 the bill sponsored by Senator Zulveta was sponsored to take effect until after the general election in 1934. The joy of the women over their triumph however died soon when during the Constitutional Convention, the Delegates provided for a rider in Article V. It proved however a challenge to the women populace to declare to the world at large they are all for suffrage which they successfully proved at the plebiscite. To enumerate one by one the names of the women whose lives have been devoted to the cause would be impossible but it would be noteworthy to mention some of these outstanding suffrage workers. They are Judge Natividad Almeda Lopez, Doña Pura V. Kalaw, Mrs. Concepcion Felix Rodriguez, Mrs. Concepcion Apacible, Doña Rosa Sevilla de Alvero, Dra. Encarnacion Alzona, Miss Constancia Poblete, Mrs. Aurora Aragon Quezon, Mrs. Sofia de Veyra, Mrs. Pilar Hidalgo Lim, Mrs. Josefa Llanes Escoda, Mrs. Asuncion A Perez, Mrs. Josefa Jara Martinez, Mrs. Mariano H. de Joya and thousands of other unknown names to whom the future female populace of the country owe this privilege of working side by side with men in the affairs of state. JOSEFINA RODIL PHODACA Field Secretary, League of Women Voters 26 Tune in Every Thursday Afternoon on Station KZRH Heacock's at 4:30 o'clock for the Weekly Broadcast of The League of Women Voters of the Philippines You'll get the view . . . WITHOUT THE GLARE POLAROID* DAY GLASSES Your own eyes can see—instantly—the dramatic difference between Polaroid Day Glasses and any other sunglasses. Even the finest of the usual sunglasses darken everything equally—the things you want to see and the glare you don't. Polaroid Day Glasses greatly darken the glare but darken the view only a little. They give you the view without the glare. See a demonstration of this miraculous new scientific light control at: *T. M. REG. U. S. PAT. OFF. Now it is light conditioning! POLAROID DESK LAMPS Clear, glareless illumination by polarized light. For Extensive Desk Work at Night. Especially Adapted for Students, Professionals, Employees And All Who Work Under Artificial Light. Polaroid Protects Your Eyes From Strain! THE STATES SALES CO., INC. 470 Dasmariñas Carmelo & Bauermann, Inc. ARGUMENTS AGAINST PHILLIPINE INDEPENDENCE AND THEIR ANSWERS WASHINGTON, D. C. SEPTEMBER, 1919 ADMINISTRATION BUILDING — UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES ARGUMENTS AGAINST PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENCE AND THEIR ANSWERS BY JOSE P. MELENCIO PHILIPPINE ISLANDS With an Introduction by CONRADO BENITEZ Dean of the College of Liberal Arts, University of the Philippines PUBLISHED BY THE PHILIPPINE PRESS BUREAU Munsey Building Washington, D. C. SEPTEMBER, 1919 MOORE'S PRINTCRAFT SHOP: WASHINGTON, D. C. 4 CONTENTS A. INTRODUCTION (by Conrado Benitez) Page 7 B. THE ARGUMENTS STATED AND ANSWERED. I. The Filipinos are neither savages nor semi-savages 10 Percentage of non-Christian peoples 10 Literacy today 10 Treatment of the non-Christian population 11 Pre-Spanish civilization of the Filipinos 12 Advancement during the Spanish regime 12 Filipinos are ready for independence 13 Philippine government is autonomous 14 II. The Filipinos are a homogenous people 15 The word "tribe" a misnomer 15 A common language exists 15 No regional antagonisms 16 Absence of caste 16 III. The Filipino people are one in their demand for independence 17 Composition of the Philippine Mission 17 Filipino attitude towards freedom 18 IV. The Japanese bugaboo 19 A scarecrow 19 Assurances from Japan 19 Attitude of Oriental peoples toward the Japanese 20 The sanest course for Japan to take 21 The League of Nations 22 V. Will America be imperialistic? 22 America's right to take the Philippines 23 America's promise of independence 23 The Philippines never an integral part of America 24 America's Far Eastern interests and Philippine independence are compatible 24 C. THERE IS A STABLE GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES TODAY. The only condition precedent to the granting of Philippine independence 25 Structure of the present Philippine government 25 The islands are self-supporting 26 D. LET US HAVE FAIR PLAY. The Philippines have been misrepresented 27 The Philippines today and the United States in 1776 28 E. CONCLUSION. Desire for an international personality 29 America generous but unseeing 29 Grounds for retention refuted 30 5 INTRODUCTION IT HAS been the privilege of the undersigned to have read almost all of the editorials and newspaper articles about the Philippines published in the United States since the arrival of the Philippine mission last March, and, as a part of the work in the Philippine Press Bureau, it has been his duty to write to those editors whose views were clearly based on misinformation. There were, however, so many of this type of editors that it became well-nigh impossible to write to them all, and to send them the same kind of data which had been already sent to many others. Hence, the necessity of gathering and classifying the arguments advanced, and answering them wholesale in one single publication. This Mr. Jose P. Melencio, graduate of the University of the Philippines, and member of the Philippine bar, has successfully done. With the publication of our weekly printed press bulletin, sent to all the important newspapers of the United States, and the Philippines, we are now enabled to challenge the truth of many gratuitous assumptions concerning the Filipinos - statements which heretofore had not been questioned because of the absence of Philippine publicity agencies in this country. But our press bulletins reach only newspaper men. On the other hand, the newly awakened interest in the Philippines, and in the Far East generally, has created a big demand for Philippine materials on the part of libraries, colleges, and schools. Already several state departments of education, and colleges have adopted the Philippine problem as a topic for debate. Other institutions, both religious and educational, keep asking for important data. To meet this demand, the Philippine Press Bureau is now in a position to furnish the minimum amount of information which an American citizen should possess before he can intelligently pass judgment upon a vital American problem: the redemption of America's pledge to the Filipino people. CONRADO BENITEZ. Washington, D.C. September 29, 1919. 7 "The destiny of the Philippine Islands is not to be a state or territory of the United States of America, but a daughter republic of ours - a new birth of liberty on the other side of the Pacific, which shall animate and energize those lovely islands of the tropical seas, and, rearing its head aloft, stand as a monument of progress and a beacon of hope to all the oppressed and benighted millions of the Asiatic continent." - Jacob Gould Schurman. "We ought to give the Filipinos their independence, even if we have to guarantee it to them. But, by neutralization treaties with the other great powers similar to those which safeguard the integrity and independence of Switzerland today, whereby the other powers would agree not to seize the islands after we give them their independence, the Philippines can be made as permanently neutral territory in Asiatic politics as Switzerland is today in European politics." - James H. Blount. "Once the United States decide to give the Philippines their freedom, the Japanese government will be the first to sign an agreement for their neutralization." - Premier Hara of Japan. 8 ARGUMENTS AGAINST PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENCE AND THEIR ANSWERS The Arguments Stated Seasoned now and then with caustic and insulting phrases, there are five arguments against Philippine independence that are habitually adduced in this country whenever the question crops up for discussion. These arguments are: FIRST. That the Filipinos, if not actually semi- savages, are still fresh from that stage of human development denominated "savagery," and that, therefore, they are not fit to paddle their canoe of state. SECOND. That the Filipinos are a heterogeneous conglomeration of tribal groups, hopelessly differing from one another not only in language but also in customs and aspirations; and that, if given independence, they will be "cutting each other's throats." THIRD. That the bulk of the inhabitants do not desire independence. FOURTH. That at the portals of those beautiful isles, there stands the frightful figure of Japan ready at the first opportunity to seize the archipelago in its iron claw. FIFTH. The promise to haul down the American flag from the Philippines must be withdrawn - the American Republic must be preserved. The first three of these arguments are the result of ignorance or of misrepresentations of things Philippine. The fourth is based on pure surmise, and calculated to be a scarecrow. The fifth smacks of imperialism. The following answers are submitted for the unbiased consideration of this commonwealth: 9 I. THE FILIPINOS ARE NEITHER SAVAGES NOR SEMI- SAVAGES. It is not true that the Filipino people are savages. Neither is it true that they are semi-savages. It is admitted that there are about 500,000 non-Christian peoples in the archipelago, who used to be in a stage of savagery, dressed in scanty garments, indulging in head-hunting at times, and dwelling in the mountains with only the bow and arrow as their venerable companions. But the days of head-hunting are gone. The mountain tribes as well as the Moros of Mindanao are fast being won over to the ways of civilization and of Americanism. Schools, hospitals and religious centers have been instituted among them. Many of them have been Christianized. They actually enter into trade transactions with the rest f the natives. Percentage of Non-Christian Peoples But the significant fact is, that they constitute but a small fraction of the entire population of the islands, which is 10,500,000. There are ten million Christian Filipinos. They have been Christians for 333 years. Forty-five per cent of the entire population of ten years of age and over were literate before the Americans came. They have been educated in the schools which Spain had the kindness to establish among them. The foremost Spanish University in Manila is a quarter of a century older than Harvard. The founders of the short-lived Philippine Republic were, and many of the leaders of today are, products of Spanish schools. The system of teaching pursued was mediaeval to be sure. But the Filipinos made the best of it, and we were fairly well transformed into Mediaeval Europeans long before the implementation of America's sovereignty. Literacy Today The percentage of literacy now is 70 per cent. It is higher than the percentage in Italy, Greece, Roumania; higher than in most countries whose independence has recently been recognized by the associated powers. The non-Christian peoples of the Philippines have always been accorded just treatment by the Christian population. Now they have representatives in each of the Houses of the 10 Treatment of the non-Christian Population. Philippine Legislature. There is a Moro Senator, two Moro Representatives, and one Igorot. The Mohammedan religion is respected by the rest of the archipelago, resulting in a closer relation between the Moros of Mindanao and the Christians of Luzon and the Visayas. The following passage in a speech of a Moslem third member of the sub-province of Zamboanga is significant: "He who thinks that it is impossible for the Moslem and the Filipino to live together in peace and participate together in the government is foolish and lacks wisdom." The summer capital of the Philippine Islands (Baguio) is located in the heart of the mountains of Northern Luzon where Igorots abound. Daily, multitudes of them can be seen coming down from their homes among the pine trees, bringing the products of their plantations to the market, buying of the Christian Filipinos whatever objects attract their taste, and otherwise mingling peacefully with the visitors from the lowlands. Daily, they can be seen serving as waiters in hotels, employed as messengers and salesmen in stores, or acting as guides through the fastnesses of the mountains. In recognition of their civic virtue, the charter of the city provides that there shall be an advisory council to be composed of Igorots. Igorots play baseball and tennis; they send their children to school. Many of them are intermediate graduates, and many more are in the high schools. One Igorot is about to receive his degree of Doctor of Medicine in the University of the Philippines. Those who are Christians bear American names (such as Clapp, Irving, etc.), and are proud of it. It will surely be a question of only a decade or so when the non-Christian peoples of the Philippines will be completely won over to the ways and manners of civilized races. Being immuned from Mediaeval influences, and being reared exclusively under the ambient air of Americanism, they are destined to be a vigorous element in the ensuing processes of Philippine nationalism. There is one thing that the Filipino people have regretted ever since their association with America began. It is, that Americans, the great bulk of them, have always thought that twenty years ago the people of the islands were still in the 11 Pre-Spanish Civilization of the Filipinos paleolithic stage of human development, and that it was only when the Americans came that the processes of Filipino regeneration commenced. We humbly retort that the Filipino people were possessed of a civilization of their own even before the Spaniards came. This is not stated by way of self-laudation. It is the opinion of foreign writers, who, unbiased, have delved into the records of the centuries and have reproduced their discoveries in print. The following quotations are submitted: "The inhabitants of the Philippines possessed a culture of their own prior to the coming of the Spaniards to the islands. Those along the coasts were the most advanced in civilization. Their material wealth was considerable. The chief occupations were agriculture, fishing, weaving, some manufacturing, and trade both inter-island and with the mainland, generally in the form of barter. They were expert navigators. They used standard weights and measures. The year was divided into twelve lunar months. They had a peculiar phonetic alphabet, wrote upon leaves, and had a primitive literature. The majority of the people are said to have been able to read and write." (Justice George A. Malcolm, "The Government of the Philippine Islands," pp. 27 and 28.) "The inhabitants of the islands were by no means savages, entirely unreclaimed from barbarism before the Spanish advent in the sixteenth century. They had a culture of their own." (John Foreman, an English scholar.) "They had already reach a considerable degree of civilization at the time of the Spanish conquest." (Ferdinand Blumentritt, an Austrian professor.) "Upon the arrival of the Spaniards, they found the ancestors of the present-day Filipinos in possession of considerable culture which is somewhat comparable to that of some of the mountain peoples of today." (Dr. James A. Robertson, an American scholar.) Advancement During the Spanish Regime Three centuries of Spanish domination, despite its vices and illiberalities, had improved the condition and extended the attainment and culture of the inhabitants of the Philippines. Let foreign writers again speak: "Three million people inhabit these different islands, and that of Luzon contains nearly a third of them. These people seemed to me no way inferior to those of Europe; they cultivate the soil with intelligence; they are carpenters, cabinet-makers, smiths, jewelers, 12 weavers, masons, etc. I have gone through their villages and I have found them kind, hospitable, and affable." ("Voyage de la Perouse, author du Monde," Paris, 1797, II, p. 347.) "If the general condition of the civilization of the Tagalos, Pampangos, Bicoles, Bisayans, Ilocanos, Cagayanes, and Sambales is compared to the European constitutional countries of Servia, Roumania, Bulgaria and Greece, the Spanish-Filipino civilization of the said Indian districts is greater and of larger extent than of those countries." (Ferdinand Blumentritt, in La Solidaridad of October 15, 1899.) "* * * the Spanish rule was generally a mild one, partaking of a patriarchal character. * * * The governors and the governed married, mingled socially and worshipped together. * * * Latin civilization was implanted. This found its principal avenues through the results of Christianity; the unifying influences of a central administration; modern laws; education, although not universal; freedom for women far in advanced of other Oriental countries; the introduction of other staple products; and contact with the outer world." (Justice George A. Malcolm, The Government of the Philippine Islands, pp. 102-103.) THE FILIPINOS ARE READY FOR INDEPENDENCE. But, then, it is said that, despite their own civilization, despite the progress they have accumulated through the years, despite their magnificent response to America's approach - despite all this, it is said that the Filipinos are not fit to be the directors of their own affairs. America has preferred to give credence to the haphazard statements of travelers and to the sweeping assertions of multicolored interests. The opinions of her own governmental representatives - that of Admiral Dewey, those of the governors that were, and that of the actual incumbent - opinions were expressed in their official capacity and under their official responsibility attesting to the capacity of the Filipino people to set up an independent nation - have all been discounted. It is easy to understand, however, why advocates of retention should harp upon, and ever and anon blazon out to the world, the unfitness of the Filipinos for self-government. We say it is easy to understand, because it is the only ground on which prolonged sovereignty over the Philippines can possibly be justified. In the words of Mr. Blount, "ever since Mr. McKinley took the Philippines, it has been the awkward but inexorable duty of the defenders of 13 that good man's fame to deprecate Filipino capacity for self government." The Philippine Government Is Autonomous The Filipinos submit that, tested by their showing of the last twenty years, their capacity for an independent national status cannot be challenged. All of the provincial governors who are the chief executives of the provinces, are now Filipinos, except the governors of the provinces of Cotabato, Lanao and Sulu, in the department of Mindanao and Sulu. Of the forty-six provincial treasurers, who are the chief financial officers, only seven are Americans. There are thirty Filipino district engineers and thirteen Americans. There are about 1,000 municipalities in the Philippines all of which are governed by elective Filipino officials. There are about forty-five provinces likewise governed by Filipinos. There are two elective houses of the legislature composed entirely of Filipinos and elected by direct popular suffrage. Out of seven members in the Cabinet six are Filipinos, and most of the heads of the executive departments of the government are Filipinos. The Insular Treasurer is a Filipino. Almost all of the teachers of the primary schools are Filipinos. Ninety-eight per cent of the teachers in the intermediate schools are Filipinos. And of the teaching force in the secondary schools, 44 per cent are Filipinos. Of the 350 supervising teachers 86 per cent are Filipinos and the majority of the academic and industrial supervisors are also Filipinos. There are six Filipino division super intendents of schools, and both the assistant director of education and the undersecretary of public instruction are Filipinos. About 50 per cent of the instructors and professors in the University of the Philippines are Filipinos. The local administration of justice is entirely in the hands of Filipinos, with the exception of sixteen American ex-officio justices of the peace. Of the twenty-six District Judges of First Instance, nineteen are Filipinos and seven are Americans. There are four Filipinos and five American Justices in the Supreme Court. The Chief Justice has always been a Filipino. That is how autonomous our institutions are. And that is the autonomy which the Filipinos want converted into genuine sovereignty. We desire an international personality. We can never 14 hope to be a virile nation or race unless we are left alone to stand the battering of the times. The question of our fitness for self- government is for us to determine. WE KNOW THAT WE ARE FIT. II. THE FILIPINOS ARE A HOMOGENEOUS PEOPLE. Word "Tribe" a Misnomer Secondly, it is not true that the inhabitants of the Philippines are a heterogeneous mass of more or less antagonistic tribes ready to spring upon each other's throat as soon as they are set free. The outstanding fact is, that despite the distances from one island to another, we are a remarkably homogeneous people. In the words of Mr. Taft, "the word 'tribe' gives an erroneous impression. There is no tribal relation among them. There is a racial solidarity among the Filipino people, undoubtedly. They are homogeneous. I cannot tell the difference between an Ilocano and a Tagalog, or a Visayan. The Ilocanos, it would seem to me, have something of an admixture of the Japanese blood; the Tagalogs have rather more the Chinese; and it seems to me that the Visayans had still more. But to me all the Filipinos were alike." A Common Language Exists From the mountain tops of Luzon to the southernmost point of Mindanao the peoples have similar features and color; their ways and manners are very much the same; their style of living and their customs are very much alike; and they are being educated along identical lines. True, they speak many languages; for that topography has been responsible. But they have always had a common medium of social and governmental intercourse. It used to be the Spanish language. It is now fast being supplanted by the English. And English is well-nigh the exclusive social and official language of the archipelago. The system of education is so conceived and executed as to conduce to that end inevitably American methods and standard of living, American history and ideals, are being daily brought home to the children. All which makes for a strong nationality, for a virile spirit of nationalism that will be more potent as the days go by. 15 No Regional Antagonisms There exists no antagonism whatever between the various peoples of the Philippines. The national legislature is composed of men from all "tribes." All groups enjoy equal civic rights. Sectional riots have never transpired. The test for a governmental position is not a sectional test: it is individual mettle and capacity. The President of the Philippine Senate is a Tagalo. The Speaker of the House of Representatives is a Visayan. The Attorney General is an Ilocano. The President of the University is an Ilocano. And so on in gradation. Everywhere in the government, the Tagalo words side by side with the Visayan, Ilocano or Bicolano. No cleavage between the "tribes" can be shown to exist, and no cleavage has ever existed. Absence of Caste Likewise, aristocracy and caste are absent in the social and political structure of the Philippines. The Four Hundred, in its popular acceptation, finds no counterpart there. The wealth of the islands is evenly distributed. There is an unusual division of land among the people, giving rise to an intelligent middle class. There are no big industrial combines such as America has, which are often accused of tampering with legislation. Our leaders rise to power, not through money or pull. They rise through grit and intellectual alertness. Many of the foremost men in the islands today have come from the humblest families dwelling in unpretentious nipa homes. The spirit of our institutions is identical with America's spirit - the spirit of equal opportunity to all. It is the spirit that makes men free. And what is remarkable - we need not give instructions in a hundred per cent Philippinism. We need no apostles to preach that kind of a gospel. We are not confronted with the stupendous task of making every citizen a hundred per cent Filipino. We have no anarchists in our midst. No bolsheviks. No I. W. Ws. A Filipino, however hyphenated he be, loves his flag, which, by law, he is not permitted to display. He loves his country. He does not think of disrupting her. He would fight, bleed and die for her. But, then, it is prophesied that if independence is granted, "the people will quarrel, there will be rival factions, and neither will 16 have the mental balance to accept results that are adverse." So be it. But we answer: Was not America's civil war the great disruption that promptly solidified her national structure, until today she is the mightiest commonwealth on the face of the globe? III. THE FILIPINO PEOPLE ARE ONE IN THEIR DEMAND FOR INDEPENDENCE. Composition of the Philippine Mission It is not true that the Filipinos as a whole do not want independence. All statements to the contrary are calculated to defeat the present campaign for independence, for reasons more or less personal. The mission that recently visited this country, for example, has been attacked as non--representative of the will of the masses and that it was composed of a coterie of politicians dominated solely by a desire to attain personal distinction. The facts about that mission are as clear as day. It was composed of members of both Houses of the Philippine Legislature and of representatives of the commercial, labor and agricultural interests of the islands. Both parties of the Philippines were likewise represented. The mission was created by the so-called Commission of Independence, which, in turn, was created by the Philippine Legislature and is a permanent body enjoined to consider and report to the Legislature: (a) Ways and means of negotiating now for the granting and recognition of the independence of the Philippines; (b) external guarantees of the stability and permanence of said independence as well as of territorial integrity; (c) ways and means of organizing in a speedy, effectual and orderly manner a constitutional and democratic internal government. The sending of the mission had the sanction of the Legislature, as is evident from Concurrent Resolution No. 11 passed by that body. That sanction was supplemented by a "Declaration of Purposes" which was drawn up by the same Legislature for the guidance of both the Commission of Independence and the Philippine mission to this country. In that "Declaration of Purposes" the Legislature expressly says: "Therefore, as far as it is humanly possible to judge and say, we can see only one aim for the Commission of Independence: Independence; and we can give only one instruction: To get it." Now, it must be conceded that all representative governments are based on the principle that the constituted delegates of the 17 people are the true spokesmen of their desires. This is the very essence of the system of popular representation. That being the case, it is not understood how any man acquainted with republican institutions can assert that the action taken by the Philippine Legislature does not reflect the real desires of the Filipino people. But that is not all. As soon as the sending of the Philippine mission was approved by the Philippine Legislature, the 1,000 municipalities of the islands as well as the various associations throughout the archipelago flooded Manila with resolutions unanimously ratifying the step taken. Organs of public opinion, in their editorial columns as well as in their special articles, were also emphatic in their approval of the sending of the mission to this country. The manifestation at the pier when the mission sailed was an eloquent and graphic testimony of the popular sentiment with regard to independence. These facts, coupled with the further fact that the Philippine mission came over at the expense of the Filipino people, conclusively show that the Filipino people endorse the purposes for which the mission had come. If the movement for independence fails at this time, other missions will be sent in the future to raise with more vigor the Philippine cry for that ideal. Filipino Attitude Towards Freedom It is indeed idle to speak of the Filipinos as not desiring their freedom when history records that they fought for that freedom before the Americans came. They had established a republic before America set foot on Philippine soil. They resisted America's coming by force of arms during all the time that America had not specifically proclaimed her real colonial policy. It was only when America announced that she came to the Philippines, not for the purpose of exploiting the islands, but for the purpose of lifting them to the level of modern civilization that the Filipinos consented to be under America's control for the time being. Today especially when imperialism has already been dislodged from the throne-rooms of empires and when freedom is the tide and passion of the time, it is a bagatelle to say that our people do not want independence. Our desire for independence is not the mere wild prank of a raw, unbalanced populace; it is a national movement to consummate a dearly cherished national ideal. It will not do to dismiss our plea with an icy smile. 18 IV. THE JAPANESE BUGABOO. A Scarecrow Statements that Japan covets the Philippines are based on sheer surmise. No facts have been cited to support them. The papers would have it understood that Japan will just lay its claws on the Philippines, reason or no reason. By some such statements the American people were scarecrowed a few years ago not with respect to the Philippines but with respect to America herself. It was said that Japan desired to invade America; that America, unprotected as she was, was an easy prey. Years have passed since then, and the prophecy was not fulfilled. Will the prophecy be fulfilled in the case of the Philippines? The Filipinos think otherwise, and their opinion is based on the considerations that follow: The flow of Japanese immigrants into the Philippines is neglible as compared with the flow into the United States, California and Hawaii specially. Today, there are only about 10,000 Japanese in the Philippines. If it was the intention of Japan's diplomacy to absorb the islands through pacific methods, an unlimited number of her subjects would have been sent to the country year in and year out. Be that as it may, the United States today is not giving the Philippines protection against that system of conquest. The Philippine Legislature, for example, enacted a law limiting the ownership of Philippine lands to Americans and Filipinos, but that law required the approval of the President, and the State Department decided to recommend that it be vetoed; so the law had to be withdrawn. Assurances From Japan Japan has repeatedly belied her intention to colonize the islands. Count Okuma, while premier of Japan, has explicitly said: "Japan has no ulterior motive, no desire to secure more territory, no thought of depriving China or any other people of anything they now possess." Dr. T. Masao, the President of the recent Parliamentary Mission that visited Manila, has assured the islands thus: "Japan and the Philippines are the best of friends. There is no ground, no basis, no foundation for quarrel and suspicion. You are rich in natural resources. Your country is immensely wealthy in raw products. Japan is eminently a manufacturing country. We are rich in finished products. There is every reason 19 to be gained by mutual friendly and peaceful co-operation." The present Premier of Japan has likewise stated in his official capacity that Japan has not intention to take over the Philippines for colonial purposes, and that the Japanese government will be the first to sign an agreement for the neutralization of the archipelago. To the same effect was Baron Uchida's assurance. The Filipinos see no reason why these utterances should be distrusted. On the contrary, we are aware that the spirit of Bushido is incrusted in the consciousness of Japan - she respects her given word. And at times we are even led to think that if at all Japan poses as the champion of the Orient, with now and then an outpouring of hostility against the Occident, it is because all East has ever painfully suffered from the racial prejudice of the West. Attitude of Oriental Peoples Toward the Japanese Then there is the general attitude of Oriental peoples towards the Japanese to be considered. Japan's designs on China have been exposed before the powers in the peace conference. The Chinese, as a bulk, have never liked the Japanese by reason of the many concessions that have been wrung from China by the Japanese government, under the guise of "spheres of influence." These spheres of influence are in fact and import a shattering of Chinese territorial integrity, an absorption of China's most fertile spots, such as her regions of coal supply, her iron mines, and the like. The more Japan encroaches upon the mainland of China, the more will the Chinese feel that their destiny as a nation is doomed and the more they will dislike the Japanese as a people. The case of Shantung has intensified that dislike. And if ever China awakes from her lethargy, Japan will have to account for all the alleged affronts. Korea is actually in revolution against her Japanese rulers. The spirit of nationalism is surging in this land of 18,000,000 people. Hatred against the Japanese is manifested on every side. Actual force has been necessary to quell disturbances. Freedom is the cry there. Russia, which is a country of astounding magnitude, lies in the north of Japan. The results of the Russo-Japanese war are still painfully fresh in the minds of the Russians. The day may 20 yet come when the Russians will attempt to wrench from the Japanese that part of Russian territory known as Manchuria which might and the tide of battle have thrown into the hands of the Japanese. Japan, therefore, is surrounded by peoples not bound to her by ties of blood or national interests, peoples who look upon her international acts with open fear and suspicion, peoples who have never been willing to be subject peoples, peoples who are awake to the modern principles of government and of international relations. To add to that array of unwilling nationalities another unwilling nationality like the Philippines would be to throw the whole East into a camp always antagonistic to pretensions of domination on the part of Japan. In the course of time, the potency of the antagonism will be irresistible. The Filipinos will never condescend to look up to the Japanese as their rulers. The reason is plain: Their custom and manners, their religion and their ideals are glaringly different from, if not antagonistic to, those of the Japanese. Japan, of course, might indulge in the hazardous act of killing every Filipino - of wiping the entire race out of the globe, a cold-blooded deed. But would she in the light of Germany's experience? Strategically also, it would be unwise for Japan to add to her already scattered territory a group of islands numbering about 3,000, because all of these must needs be protected and fortified if Japan is to remain secure in her foothold. The Sanest Course for Japan to Take Viewed from all these aspects, the sanest course for Japan to take with regard to the East is to court the friendship of all Oriental peoples. This is the sanest course notwithstanding the Ishii-Lansing agreement or any other gentlemen's agreement that might exist or be negotiated. To pose as the Master of the Orient will be hazardous for Japan in the extreme. The staunchest opposition will come from the Philippines. Other nationalities of the Far East will follow suit, for the nations there are attuned to the new era of progressive humanity. The Filipinos would be glad to be a friend to Japan 21 commercially and internationally. They would contribute their mite in the regeneration of the East. But they will never countenance Japanese domination over them: they will never consent to be a footstool of the Nipponese Empire. The League of Nations But all these considerations aside, it would seem that all hobgoblins concerning the Japanese menace should vanish in the face of the new order of things in the world. Reference is made to the new international instrumentality which has just been instituted by the powers and denominated the League of Nations. This is the most promising creation of the age. The old order of perpetual conquest and dominion-seeking has been blotted out. The peoples of the world are war-weary. "Never again!" is their plaintive cry. That might is right is a discarded pet phrase of the militant world. The rights of small nationalities have been vindicated and safeguarded. The Parliament of Man and the Federation of the World of which Tennyson had sung is well- nigh a reality. We Filipinos are not pinning our faith, however, on the machinery or efficacy of the League of Nations. If the world is to remain donned in armors of steel and iron, we, too, could equip land and naval forces. We confidently believe we could turn out fighters that can approximate, if not equal, other soldiers of the world in valor and skill. We, too, can fortify our islands. We are aware that despite their numerousness, they have a unique military advantage - a physical strategic unity. In the words of Messrs. Davis, Frye and Reid, "there is hardly a single island in the group from which you cannot shoot across to one or more of the others - scarcely another archipelago in the world in which the islands are crowded as closely together and so interdependent." (Cited in Blount, " The American Occupation of the Philippines," p. 133.) V. WILL AMERICA BE IMPERIALISTIC? The traditional policy of America is against colonial expansion. From the foundation of this Republic to the present day, the American people have adhered to that policy. When, therefore, we hear American statesmen today crying in vigorous language that the promise of independence to the Philippines should be withdrawn lest the American republic disintegrate, we are tempted 22 to suspect that some Americans are resolved to override their country's traditions. America's Right to Take the Islands The Philippines fell under America's domination by the stroke of chance. The taking of the islands was not an inevitable result of the war to liberate Cuba. America herself was startled when Dewey cabled the unexpected news that the American flag had been hoisted on Philippine soil. That America had no right to take the Philippines may be proved beyond question. Mr. James H. Blount has done that admirably in his book, "American Occupation of the Philippines." We shall not rehearse the circumstances here, because it will only be reviving the gloomy discord of the past. America's Promise of Independence The people of this country know that the Filipinos have always been desirous of being free. The resistance to America's coming is the eloquent proof of the sentiment in the Philippines with regard to freedom. Ever since the implantation of American sovereignty the spirit of nationalism has been vigorously asserting itself in the archipelago. The clamor for independence has been insistent. It became acute somewhere in 1916, and the Jones Bill was passed by the United States Congress, which announced in unequivocal terms that America will unrivet the shackles of political bondage and give the long- awaited independence as soon as a stable government is established by the Filipinos. The Filipino people firmly believe that this declaration by the duly constituted representatives of the American nation will not be a mere scrap of paper, to be shriveled to ashes at the whim of imperialistic souls. It will not do to contend, as one writer has contended, that the preamble of the Jones Law of August 29, 1916, containing that declaration, is not an integral part of the law itself and that, therefore, it may be flung aside by succeeding Congresses if they so choose. Despite that fact, if fact it be fairly and logically, the promise to grant independence is there, clear and unmistakable. It is in black and white. It is a ratification of the policies enunciated by the Presidents of America, from McKinley down. To repudiate the promise, as was ponderously trumpeted some time ago, is the most crass injustice that can be perpetrated by America upon a people whose only national fault, in the words of Andrew Car- 23 negie, "is that they believe in the American Declaration of Independence." The Philippines Never an Integral Part of America The Philippines have never been an integral part of the American republic. America's Constitution did not follow her flag in the islands. The Filipinos have never been American citizens as the Porto Ricans have been. The twenty million dollars paid Spain by the United States was not a purchase price of the islands and their people. The amount was paid: First, as a salve to Spain's feelings; second, as an assumption of Spain's debt for pacific improvements, existing then in the form of bonds bearing 6 per cent interest; and third, because America preferred to pay the sum rather than indulge anew in the costly luxury of war. (Vide, "The Americans in the Philippines," by Le Roy, p. 124, note; also pp. 369-370; "The Government of the Philippine Islands," by Geo. A. Malcolm, pp. 178 and 179; pp. 193-194, note.) If the Philippines are not, thus, an integral part of America, it is not seen how it can be averred that if the islands be given their status as a sovereign nation, the American republic would disintegrate. One thing should not be overlooked: the sooner independence is granted to the Filipinos the stronger will be the ties that bind them to the American commonwealth and to the American people; the more the granting is delayed the more will the Filipinos suspect that America is bent on the perpetual retention of the archipelago and the denial of the righteous claims of Philippine nationalism. That would be astoundingly disappointing to the Filipinos whose love for freedom is inborn. Admiration for America might dwindle as a consequence, and trade relations between America and the Philippines might suffer impairment. America's Eastern Interests and Philippine Independence Are Compatible The granting of independence to the islands should not necessarily jeopardize America's interests in the Eastern hemisphere. The attitude of the Filipino people with regard to the matter seems to be this: If America desires coaling stations in the Philippines, she may have them as well under a Philippine republic. If America desires to make Manila her threshhold to the trade of the rapidly unfolding East, she shall have the privilege under a government by the Filipinos. If America must have military and naval bases in the 24 archipelago - if she must have an "easternmost frontier," as one American editor has expressed it - she will also have that. The proposition of the Filipinos today is to have America recognize now the independence of the Philippines, under terms to be negotiated upon by duly appointed representatives of the Americans on one part and of the Filipinos on the other. The Filipinos owe to America much of what they and their country are today, and is not selfish - much less, unreasonable - for Americans to insist that any political arrangement affecting the status of the islands shall definitely and adequately safeguard the needs of America's commerce. THERE IS A STABLE GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES TODAY. The Only Condition Precedent to the Granting of Philippine Independence There is only one condition precedent to the granting of Philippine independence. And that is, that as soon as a stable government has been established in the islands, independence will be granted. There is today a stable government in the Philippines. It is a government elected by the peaceful suffrages of the people, supported by the people, capable of maintaining order and of fulfilling its international obligations. It is patterned after republican institutions. It has the necessary checks and balances. It is run on the party system. We have a legislature which is composed entirely of Filipinos, and elected by direct popular suffrage. We have a Council of State which is an advisory body to the governor general. It determines the policy of the different departments of the government and recommends measures to the Legislature. We are more progressive than many countries of the world in fiscal legislation; we have adopted the budget system of government appropriation and expenditures, and this has systematized our finances. Structure of Present Philippine Government Our government is divided into several departments, much in the same way that the United States Government is divided. At the head of each department is a Secretary. And the department secretaries constitute the Cabinet, the members of which might appear or might 25 be summoned before the legislature to account for their acts. They are thus directly responsible not only to the chief executive of the islands, but also to the representatives of the people. The whole archipelago is divided into provinces; they correspond to the states of the American Union. Each province is divided into municipalities; these correspond to the counties of the United States. At the head of each province is a governor; the legislative body is Provincial Board. The executive of each municipality is a president; the legislative body is a municipal council. The governors, the presidents and the members of the local legislative bodies are all elected by direct popular suffrage. Such in skeleton is our system of government. It has been functioning without a hitch ever since its adoption. It combines the fine traits of American institutions and the virile attribute of the English system of governmental finance. Above all, it has been honest. And it is self-supporting. It has established peace and order throughout the archipelago. It has undertaken numerous public works. It has made education universal and free. It has improved the sanitation of the islands. It has encouraged agricultural and industrial enterprises. It has extended credit. The Islands Are Self-Supporting It is not a fact, as many Americans assert, that the islands are a financial burden to the United States. The Insular Treasury has always had sufficient funds with which to meet all the expenses of the Insular Government, and a surplus besides. No United States dollar has ever been expended in the sanitation, education, and public works of the archipelago. What America has done was to furnish the brains, the enterprise, and the example with which to hasten the material and intellectual development of the Filipino nation. The financial part of the undertaking was borne by the Filipinos through a representative system of taxation. America, it is true, has a standing army in the Philippines which is paid from the United States Treasury. But the existence and maintainance of that standing army are incident upon the taking over and retention of the islands. Clearly, if America must continue holding a territorial possession, she necessarily must have forces and fortifications with which to challenge aggressive designs on the part of any other power. 26 LET US HAVE FAIR PLAY We protest against the insidious tactics of some American writers who, in the haste to cripple the Filipino plea for independence, invariably decorate their magazine and newspaper articles with pictures of the backward, scantily dressed, peoples of the Philippines. We call that foul play. For those people are by no means representative of the bulk of Filipinos. They constitute the decided minority - one-twentieth of the total population of the archipelago. They inhabit the mountains and do not meddle with the affairs below. It is not fair to predicate Filipino capacity for self-government on the looks, attire and backwardness of those mountain people. They are to the Philippines what the Indians are to America - no more, no less. The 10,000,000 Christian Filipinos are doing their best to educate, Christianize and otherwise bring them within the fold of modern civilization. We do not seek to exterminate or exploit them. We do not confine them in reservations. We are approaching them in the most friendly way. And they are responding eagerly. Islands Have Been Misrepresented So, too, by press materials cunningly arrayed and cunningly written, actual conditions in the Philippines have been twisted. Our manners and mode of living have been ridiculed. We have been misrepresented beyond forgetting. Our defects have been exaggerated. And our virtues and attainments have been misantrophically brushed aside. We would request the writers who are antagonistic to the Philippine ideal to once in a while favor our cause with pictures and descriptions of the conditions of today - not of the conditions of two decades ago - in the regions where modernity has had its touch. To American eyes, it may be true that we are crude in unnumbered ways, that our proletariat are oftentimes destitute of the means by which they could enjoy the modern comforts of life, that our standard of living is very far behind that of America, that we have traits that are not very Occidental. But these are no arguments against our ability to govern ourselves. Neither should they be made a deterrent to the granting of our complete independence. For we are advanced in thought and ideas; we realize the advantages and, unbaffled, we practice the ways of 27 modern republicanism; we have the poise, the intelligence and the aplomb that are essential in a democracy. The Philippines Today and the United States in 1776 "Let him who scoffs at the impossibility of Philippine progress without even awaiting events make a comparison between the United States when she adopted her Constitution, and the Philippines if she be permitted to ratify hers. In 1790 the number of inhabitants in the United States was under four million. The Philippines have double this. Of the American inhabitants, nearly one- fifth were negroes. The Philippines have nowhere near this proportion of non-Christians. Of the American inhabitants, the ancestors of eight-tenths were probably English and a homogenous part of the community. Of the Filipinos, at least as large a percentage are of one race. Of the Americans, the intellect of the people was little developed. The graduating classes of all the colleges in 1789 counted up to about 170. The graduating classes of one university in the Philippines exceed this number. In economic conditions the United States were little advanced, although the country abounded in natural resources. The same statement can be written for the Philippines." (Justice Geo. A. Malcolm: "Government of the Philippine Islands," p. 250.) CONCLUSION We wish to write across the consciousness of America that the Filipinos are a nation moved by an intense desire to be free; that we are a people with a feeling and a sense of dignity, and as such resent the numerous insults repeatedly hurled against us; that it is not fair that we be invariably and indiscriminately pictured as savages, neither is it just that our defects should be exaggerated and our virtues ignored, whenever we press our claims to sovereignty. The burning desire of the Filipinos is to have an international personality. They long for a more dignified place in the sisterhood of the nations. They believe that too long a dependence on 28 Desire for an International Personality America would only stultify their initiative and their latent energies as a people. Clearly, they cannot hope to be a strong nation or race unless left alone to face the vicissitudes of time. They are perfectly willing to take a chance. It is a manly attitude and should not be discouraged. It should command instead the admiration of this stalwart republic. Certainly it deserves the encouragement and support of true Americans. America Generous But Unseeing Signs of impatience for the long-awaited freedom are already visible in the Philippines. The people feel that justice delayed is justice denied. America, indeed, has been generous but unseeing. She has chosen to listen - unconsciously, let us hope - to the incantations of bigoted interests with regard to the capacity and attainment of the Filipinos, and not to the testimony of her duly appointed representatives. And the Filipinos properly inquire: Of what use are America's official representatives in the Philippines if their opinions and recommendations are to be discarded as soon as uttered? There is Governor General Harrison, for example, and there is Vice Governor Yeater. They have repeatedly made statements substantiating the claims of the Filipinos that they are ready for their badge of sovereignty. Governor General Harrison personally appeared before Congress the other day. Under his responsibility as representative of the American people in the Philippines he stated that the Filipino people are ready for an independent status as a nation. What was the result? A portion of America smiled. A portion said that the official did not know what he was talking about. A portion stated that the Governor was playing politics and riding for a fall. A portion is asking: "Is it possible that the Filipinos have advanced so far?" The limit of jaunty indifference was reached when the joint committee which heard the presentation of the Philippine case pigeonholed the plea for independence, to be resurrected time alone knows when! We repeat our query: Of what use are America's official representatives in the Philippines if they are not to be believed? Retention of the islands is sought to be justified on many grounds. Fear of aggression on the part of Japan is one of them. Magnified with a thousand doleful phrases, this is the ground that 29 Grounds for Retention Refuted has been repeatedly pushed to the forefront to scare the Filipinos. But in thus hesitating to turn the islands loose, because Japan might gobble them up, does not America, to quote the Charleston (S. C.) American, "openly confess that she has failed to make the world safe for democracy?" Is the world to understand, then, that America dares not challenge the power that dares lift its finger to defile the magnificent colonial handiwork that is the Philippines? Shall democracy be ever cowed in front dynastic imperialism? Then, it is said that the Philippines are being held as a trust to civilization; that the trust is a sacred trust; that it must be fulfilled before the islands could be allowed to go to shift for themselves. Pray, tell us who shall decide whether the sacred trust has been executed or not? Will it be the imperialists who would cling to their outworn creed even though the heavens fall? Will it be the commercial interests of the land whose deity is the Dollar? Will it be the exigencies of politics? If any of these be the case, then Philippine independence will never come to pass. For plead for it as best we can, any of those as the judge will just be standing by "as unheeding as the Nile." Finally, we are told that this is not the time for talking independence, that the world is in a state of flux, that it is unsafe to let us embark in the turbulent tides of international affairs. And yet other small nationalities of the world were given their freedom even before the smoke of battle had died away. They are nations, too, that are sandwiched between dynasties and peoples born and reared beneath the dogmas of haughty militarism. And America, in all her present greatness, rejoices to behold the scene, because it was her job! Shall there be exceptions, then, in international justice? Must America sympathize only with the cause of Ireland or only with the cause of Poland, or of the Czecho-Slovaks? How long will the shot heard around the world be turning back against the principle which propelled it? The Filipinos cannot but wonder! 30 PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENCE MEMORIAL OF THE PHILIPPINE MISSION, ASKING THAT IMMEDIATE INDEPENDENCE BE GRANTED THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS The Filipino people respectfully submit the following propositions: 1. That as defined and established in the act of Congress of August 29, 1916, the purpose of the Government of the United States is to withdraw its sovereignty over the Philippine Islands as soon as a stable government can be established therein. 2. That in accordance with the terms and provisions of said law the people of the Philippines have organized a government that has been in operation for nearly three years and which has offered complete evidence that conditions are ripe for the establishment of an independent government that will be fully capable of maintaining law and order, administer justice, promote the welfare of all the inhabitants of the islands, and discharge as well its international obligations. 3. That the Filipino people desire their independence at this time, and along with that independence they confidently hope to preserve the bonds of good understanding and friendship which bind them to the United States, and to foster the free development of commercial relations between the two countries. REMARKS OF HON. JAIME C. DE VEYRA OF THE PHILIPPINES IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, June 11, 1919 Washington 1919 122370 - 19489 REMARKS OF HON. JAIME C. DE VEYRA. Mr. DE VEYRA. Mr. Speaker, under the leave granted to me to extend my remarks in the RECORD, I include a memorial of the Philippine Mission addressed to the Congress of the United States. The memorial is as follows: To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States: The undersigned, members of the Philippine mission, pursuant to the instructions received from the Philippine Legislature and in accordance with the wishes of the Filipino people, beg to submit hereby to the Congress of the United States of America a formal petition that the independence of the Philippine Islands be granted at this time. It is confidently hoped and believed that the Congress will not suffer this opportunity to pass by at a time when the whole world is so anxious to see international relations established upon newer and more solid foundations of universal justice and liberty. America has constituted herself and has justly been recognized as the champion of the rights of humanity in the last World War, and due in a great measure to her heroic efforts and generous aid mankind has been saved from the thraldom of greed and oppression, and the rights of small and weaker nations to exist side by side with the great powers vindicated. The recognition of the independence of the Philippines at this time will constitute an object lesson to the whole world in respect of the lofty and altruistic aims which have prompted America to take part in the great war, for it will furnish a practical application of her doctrine of self-determination. For the first time in the history of colonial relations a subject and alien race comes to ask the severance of their political connection with the sovereign nation without recounting any act of injustice, but rather with a feeling of gratitude and affection. Our plea for independence is based not on the injustice which might be found in the forcible subjection of the Filipinos, but on the justice of our claim that the national sovereignty of our people be fully recognized, in order that we may freely fulfill our own mission and contribute to the spread and establishment of democracy and Christian institutions in the Far East. With this end in view, we respectfully submit the following propositions: 1. That as defined and established in the act of Congress of August 29, 1916, the purpose of the Government of the United States is to withdraw its sovereignty over the 122370-19489 3 4 Philippine Islands as soon as a stable government can be established therein. 2. That in accordance with the terms and provisions of said law the people of the Philippines have organized a government that has been in operation for nearly three years and which has offered complete evidence that conditions are ripe for the establishment of an independent government that will be fully capable of maintaining law and order, administer justice, promote the welfare of all the inhabitants of the islands, and discharge as well its international obligations. 3. That the Filipino people desire their independence at this time, and along with that independence they confidently hope to preserve the bonds of good understanding and friendship which bind them to the United States, and to foster the free development of commercial relations between the two countries. I. AMERICA'S PHILIPPINE POLICY HAS BEEN CONSISTENT. The act of Congress of August 29, 1916, entitled "An act to declare the purpose of the people of the United States as to the future political status of the people of the Philippine Islands and to provide a more autonomous government for those islands," said in its preamble: Whereas it was never the intention of the people of the United States in the incipiency of the War with Spain to make it a war of conquest or for territorial aggrandizement; and Whereas it is, as it always been, the purpose of the people of the United States to withdraw their sovereignty over the Philippine Islands and to recognize their independence as soon as a stable government can be established therein; and Whereas for the speedy accomplishment of such purpose it is desirable to place in the hands of the people of the Philippines as large a control of their domestic affairs as can be given them without, in the meantime, impairing the exercise of the rights of sovereignty by the people of the United States in order that, by the use and exercise of popular franchise and governmental powers, they may be the better prepared to fully assume the responsibilities and enjoy all the privileges of complete independence, etc. The statements contained in the above preamble have had the effect of ratifying and giving concrete form to the declarations which, ever since the advent of American sovereignty in the Philippines up to the enactment of said law, the Presidents of the United States and their representatives have been making concerning America's aim and policy in the islands. President McKinley, at the beginning of the Spanish-American War, said: Forcible annexation can not be thought of; that, according to the American code of morals, is criminal aggression. In President McKinley's instructions to the first Philippine Commission, on the 20th of January, 1899, he expressed the hope that these commissioners would be received as bearers of "the richest blessings of a liberating rather than a conquering Nation." In his message to Congress in the same year, among other things concerning the Philippines, he said: We shall continue, as we have begun, to open the schools and the churches, to set the courts in operation, to foster industry and trade 122370-19489 5 and agriculture, and in every way in our power to make these people whom Providence has brought within our jurisdiction feel that it is their liberty and not our power, their welfare and not our gain, we are seeking to enhance. And again he said: The Philippines are ours, not to exploit but to develop, to civilize, to educate, to train in the science of self-government. This is the path of duty which we must follow or be recreant to a mighty trust committed to us. Upon another occasion he said: We accepted the Philippines from high duty in the interest of their inhabitants, and for humanity and civilization. Our sacrifices were with this high motive. We want to improve the condition of the inhabitants, securing them peace, liberty, and the pursuit of their highest good. In his message to Congress in the following year he said: The fortune of war has thrown upon this Nation an unsought trust which should be unselfishly discharged, and devolved upon this Government a moral as well as material responsibility toward those millions whom we have freed from an oppressive yoke. I have on another occasion called the Filipinos "the wards of the Nation." Our obligation as guardian was not lightly assumed; it must not be otherwise than honestly fulfilled, aiming, first of all, to benefit those who have come under our fostering care. It is our duty so to treat them that our flag may be no less beloved in the mountains of Luzon and the fertile zenes of Mindanao and Negros than it is at home; that there, as here, it shall be the revered symbol of liberty, enlightenment, and progress in every avenue of development. The Filipinos are a race quick to learn and to profit by knowledge. In his instructions to the second Philippine commission he made the following observations: In all forms of Government and administrative provisions which they are authorized to prescribe, the commission should bear in mind that the Government which they are establishing is designed not for our satisfaction or for the expression of our theoretical views but for the happiness, peace, and prosperity of the people of the Philippine Islands. President Taft, while Civil Governor of the Philippine Islands, on the 17th of December, 1903, said: From the beginning to the end of the State papers which were circulated in these islands as authoritative expressions of the Executive, the motto that "the Philippines are for the Filipinos," and that the Government of the United States is here for the purpose of preserving the "Philippines for the Filipinos" for their benefit, for their elevation, for their civilization, again and again appear. And upon the same occasion, and in response to a particularly vicious newspaper attack which was then being made upon him by the American papers published in the islands, he said: Some of our young lions of the local press have spoken of the "childish slogan," "The Philippines for the Filipinos." It is unnecessary to comment on the adjective used, but it is sufficient to say that, whether childish or not, the principle makes up the web and woof of the policy of the United States with respect to these islands, as it has been authoritatively declared by two Presidents of the United States - for President Roosevelt has followed sedulously the policy of President McKinley - and by the interpretation of the supreme popular will, the Congress of the United States. He points out that the actions of the President, as well as his instructions, have been expressly approved and ratified by an act of Congress. President Roosevelt, in his message to Congress of December 6, 1904, said: We are endeavoring to develop the natives themselves so that they shall taken an ever-increasing share in their own government, and as far as is prudent we are already admitting their representatives to a governmental equality with our own. * * * If they show that they are capable of electing a legislature which in its turn is capable of taking 122370 - 19489 6 a sane and efficient part in the actual work of government, they can rest assured that a full and increasing measure of recognition will be given them. And in 1906 he said: We are constantly increasing the measure of liberty accorded the islanders, and next spring, if conditions warrant, we shall take a great stride forward in testing their capacity for self-government by summoning the first Filipino legislative assembly; and the way in which they stand this test will largely determine whether the self-government thus granted will be increased or decreased; for if we have erred at all in the Philippines it has been in proceeding too rapidly in the direction of granting a large measure of self-government. When Mr. Taft was Secretary of War, in the course of a special report upon the Philippines, he said: When they have learned the principles of successful popular self-government from a gradually enlarged experience therein we can discuss the question whether independence is what they desire and grant it or whether they prefer the retention of a close association with the country which, by its guidance, has unselfishly led them on to better conditions. In a special report made by Secretary Taft on the Philippines and their political future, with special reference to the policy which had been pursued there, he said: The conditions in the islands to-day vindicate and justify that policy. It necessarily involves in its ultimate conclusion as the steps toward self-government become greater and greater the ultimate independence of the islands, although, of course, if both the United States and the islands were to continue a governmental relation between them like that between England and Australia, there would be nothing inconsistent with the present policy in such a result. Further on he says: Thus far the policy of the Philippines has worked. It has been attacked on the ground that we have gone too fast, that we have given the natives too much power. The meeting of the assembly and the conservative tone of that body thus far disclosed makes for our view rather than that of our opponents. In 1908, after the inauguration of the Philippine Assembly, President Roosevelt in his message to Congress said: Real progress toward self-government is being made in the Philippine Islands. And in referring to the Philippine Assembly, he said: Hitherto this Philippine Legislature has acted with moderation and self-restraint, and has seemed in practical fashion to realize the eternal truth that there must always be government, and that the only way in which any body of individuals can escape the necessity of being governed by outsiders is to show that they are able to restrain themselves, to keep down wrongdoing and disorder. The Filipino people, through their officials, are therefore making real steps in the direction of self-government. I hope and believe that these steps mark the beginning of a course, which will continue till the Filipinos become fit to decide for themselves whether they desire to be an independent nation. In a special message to Congress on January 27, 1908, transmitting a special report made by Secretary Taft on the Philippines, he said: But no great civilized power has ever managed with such wisdom and disinterestedness the affairs of a people committed by the accident of war to its hands. Save only our attitude toward Cuba, I question whether there is a brighter page in the annals of international dealings between the strong and the weak than the page which tells of our doings in the Philippines. Further on he says: The islanders have made real advances in a hopeful direction, and they have opened well with the new Philippine Assembly; they have yet a long way to travel before they will be fit for complete self-government, and for deciding, as it will then be their duty to do, whether this self-government shall be accompanied by complete independence. 122370-19489 7 Former Governor General James F. Smith, in an article entitled "The Philippines as I saw them," published in the Sunset Magazine of December, 1911, said: The holding of the Philippines, not for selfish exploitation but as a sacred trust for the benefit of those residing in them, the establishment of a government, not for our satisfaction or for the expression of our theoretical views but for the happiness, peace, and prosperity of the Filipino people, the evolution of a government by Americans assisted by Filipinos, into a government of Filipinos assisted by Americans, and the education and preparation of the people for popular self-government was the broad policy of President McKinley, of President Roosevelt, of Governor Taft, of Governor General Wright, of Governor General Ide, and of all their successors. It is the policy to-day, and its continuance will, I believe, bring the Filipino race happy and contented to the realization of its hopes and ideal rarely attained, rarely enjoyed, save through blood and tears. After Secretary Taft was elected President, in a message to Congress, delivered on December 6, 1912, he said: We should * * * endeavor to secure for the Filipinos economic independence and to fit them for complete self-government, with the power to decide eventually, according to their own largest good, whether such self-government shall be accompanied by independence. Secretary Stimson, in his annual report of 1912, said: The policy of the United States was definitely and materially declared in the instructions of President McKinley to the Philippine Commission of April 7, 1900, and it has never been departed from since. It is contained in every step of the consistent progress of our insular government. President McKinley's statement was expressly and affirmatively confirmed by the Congress of the United States in the organic act for the Philippine Government of July 1, 1902. Briefly, this policy may be expressed as having for its sole object the preparation of the Philippine people for popular self-government in their own interest and in the interest of the United States * * * The postponement of the question of independence for the islands has been deliberately made, not for promoting our interests, but solely in order to enable that momentous question to be determined intelligently by the Philippine people in the light of their own highest interest. On the 1st of March, 1913, President Taft adverted to the Democratic platform with reference to the Philippines and quoted that portion of it which referred to the purpose of the United States to "recognize the independence of the Philippine Islands as soon as a stable government can be established, and said that this was "an affirmation of policy only slightly differing from that repeatedly announced by this and preceding Republican administrations." Governor General W. Cameron Forbes, in his farewell speech before leaving the islands, made the statement "that the platforms of both parties reached the same general conclusion in regard to the granting of independence when a stable government should be established." He subsequently, in a published speech in this country, corrected this statement to the extent of substituting the word "policies" for the word "platforms." Upon the present administration coming into authority here, the President authorized Governor General Harrison, in his opening address, to make the following statement: We regard ourselves as trustees, acting, not for the advantage of the United States but for the benefit of the Philippine Islands. Every step we take will be taken with a view to the ultimate independence of the islands and as a preparation for that independence, and we hope to move toward that end as rapidly as the safety and the permanent interests of the islands will permit. After each step taken experience will guide us to the next. The administration will take one step at once, and it will give to the native citizens of the islands a majority in the appointive commission, and thus in the upper as well as in the lower house of the legislature a majority representation will be 122370-19489 8 secured to the. We do this in the confident hope and expectation that immediate proof will be given in the action of the commission under the new arrangement of the political capacity of those native citizens who have already come forward to represent and to lead their people in affairs. President Wilson, in his message to Congress delivered on December 2, 1913, said: *** Porto Rico, Hawaii, the Philippines are ours, indeed but not ours to so what we please with. Such territories, once regarded as mere possessions, are no longer to be selfishly exploited; they are part of the domain of public conscience and of serviceable and enlightened statesmanship. We must administer them for the people who live in them and with the same sense of responsibility to them as toward our own people in our domestic affairs. No doubt we shall successfully enough bind Porto Rico and the Hawaiian Islands to ourselves by ties of justice and interest and affection, but the performance of our duty toward the Philippines is a more difficult and debatable matter. We can satisfy the obligations of generous justice toward the people of Porto Rico by giving them the ample and familiar rights and privileges accorded our own citizens in our own Territories and our obligations toward the people of Hawaii by perfecting the provisions for self-government already granted them, but in the Philippines we must go further. We must hold steadily in view their ultimate independence, and we must move toward the time of that independence as steadily as the way can be cleared and the foundations thoughtfully and permanently laid. Acting under the authority conferred upon the President by Congress, I have already accorded the people of the islands a majority in both houses of their legislative body by appointing five instead of four native citizens to the membership of the commission. I believe that in this way we shall make proof of their capacity in counsel and their sense of responsibility in the exercise of political power, and that the success of this step will be sure to clear our view for the steps which are to follow. Step by step we should extend and perfect the system of self-government in the islands, making test of them and modifying them as experience discloses their successes and their failures; so that we should more and more put under the control of the native citizens of the archipelago the essential instruments of their life, their local instrumentalities of government, their schools, all the common interests of their communities, and so by counsel and experience set up a government which all the world will see to be suitable to a people whose affairs are under their control. At last, I hope and believe, we are beginning to gain the confidence of the Filipino people. By their counsel and experience, rather than by our own, we shall learn how best to serve them and how soon it will be possible and wise to withdraw our supervision. Let us once find the path and set out with firm and confident tread upon it and we shall not wander from it nor linger upon it. In another message to Congress, delivered on December 8, 1914, he said: There is another great piece of legislation which awaits and should receive the sanction of the Senate: I mean the bill which gives a larger measure of self-government to the people of the Philippines. How better, in this time of anxious questioning and perplexed policy, cold we show our confidence in the principles of liberty as the source as well as the expression of life, how better could we demonstrate our own self-possession and steadfastness in the courses of justice and disinterestedness than by thus going calmly forward to fulfill our promises to a dependent people, who will now look more anxiously than ever to see whether we have indeed the liberality, the unselfishness, the courage, the faith we have boasted and professed. I can not believe that the Senate will let this great measure of constructive justice await the action of another Congress. Its passage would nobly crown the record of these two years of memorable labor. And in his message to Congress delivered on December 7, 1915, he said: There is another matter which seems to me to be very intimately associated with the question of national safety and preparation for defense. That is our policy toward the Philippines and the people of Porto Rico. Our treatment of them and their attitude toward us are manifestly of the first consequence in the development of our duties in the world and in getting a free hand to perform those duties. We must be free from every unnecessary burden or embarrassment, and there 122370---19486 9 is no better way to be clear of embarrassment than to fulfill our promises and promote the interests of those dependent on us to the utmost. Bills for the alteration and reform of the government of the Philippines and for the rendering fuller political justice to the people of Porto Rico were submitted to the Sixty-third Congress. They will be submitted also to you. I need not particularize their details. You are most of you already familiar with them. But I do recommend them to your early adoption with the sincere conviction that there are few measures you could adopt which would more serviceably clear the way for the great policies by which we wish to make good, now and always, our right to lead in enterprises of peace and good will and economic and political freedom. In the January, 1915, number of Everybody's Magazine ex-President Roosevelt indorsed this contention and said: If we act so that the natives understand us to have made a definite promise, then we should live up to that promise. The Philippines, from a military standpoint, are a source of weakness to us. The present administration has promised explicitly to let them go, and by its action has rendered it difficult to hold them against any serious foreign foe. These being the circumstances, the islands should at an early moment be given their independence, without any guaranty whatever by us and without our retaining any foothold in them. As stated at the outset, all of the preceding statements were finally adopted or ratified by the Congress by the passage on August 29, 1916, of the law generally known as the Jones law. In view of the documents above quoted, of the official statements made by the constitutional representatives of the American people, and of the steps taken in accordance with those statements, the policy of the United States in the Philippines appears to be clearly defined, namely, that it has never been nor is it the purpose of the United States to retain possession of the Philippine Islands for exploitation and self-aggrandizement, but rather for the welfare, education, and liberty of their inhabitants; that the government therein established is designed not for the satisfaction or for the expression of the theoretical views of the American people, but the training of the Filipinos in the science of self-government by means of gradual participation in the administration of their own affairs; that when the Filipinos shall have learned the principles of popular self-government, then it is for them to decided whether they should be independent or remain under the sovereignty of the United States; and finally, that it is the purpose of the Government of the United States to grant the Filipinos their complete independence as as soon as a stable government can be established in the islands. As has been indicated, President McKinley originally outlined this policy, which Mr. Taft so happily summed up in his immortal phrased, "the Philippines for the Filipinos." Such a policy has been faithfully observed by his successors in office and carried on by the present administration to such an extent that the Filipinos have been afforded an opportunity to show that they are in fact able to exercise the duties and powers of a popular, complete self-government. In view of the foregoing considerations there remains nothing to be determined, in accordance with the avowed policy of the United States above adverted to, but the following points: 1. Whether the Filipinos have met the requirements prescribed in the act of Congress of August 29, 1916; that is to say, whether they have shown that they are sufficiently prepared to establish an independent, stable government. 2. Whether the Filipinos prefer independence to any other political status or condition. 122370---19489 10. II. THERE EXISTS A STABLE GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES. This chapter is devoted to an account of the work done by the Filipinos ever since they have been allowed to take an active part in the affairs of their government, and particularly after the establishment of the autonomous government authorized by the Jones law, with a view of showing that conditions in the islands are ripe for the establishment of a stable, independent government. For a better understanding of the subject, it will be necessary to divide this chapter into various sections and to limit ourselves to the treatment of those fundamental elements which constitute the foundation of a popular self-government and insure its stability and development. REORGANIZATION OF THE INSULAR GOVERNMENT. The enactment of the Jones law, in so far as it gave the Filipinos a greater autonomy in the administration of their public affairs, has put to a test the degree of political training acquired by the Filipinos under American methods as well as their ability in the organization of an efficient national government. From a study of the manner in which the Filipinos effected the reorganization of the insular government previously existing, the principles followed by them, the difficulties which they had to overcome, and the results aimed at and attained by such reorganization, we may form an adequate judgement as to whether they possess or not the required capacity for independence. This was not the first time in which the Filipinos attempted the establishment of a national government. They have had experience along that line when the revolutionary congress at Malalos drafted a constitution for the short-lived Philippine Republic under the leadership of Aguinaldo and proceeded to establish a government in accordance with the terms of that constitution. We find, however, this difference: Whereas at that time they had complete freedom of action and could adopt a model which seemed to them most satisfactory, in the reorganization of the insular government their action was circumscribed by the fundamental rules prescribed by the Jones law. This law is, in fact, a constitution granted by an alien people for the government of another of different race and with different civilization, inhabiting a territory 10,000 miles away. Notwithstanding the difficulties which thus obtained and the restrictions to which they were subjected, the Filipinos faced restrictions to which they were subjected, the Filipinos faced the task with courage, and reorganized the central government in such a way that it resulted, not in a mere copy of the presidential form of government of the United States but in a system more in harmony with the tendencies and reforms advocated by eminent American authorities on constitutional systems. Under the system adopted by the Filipinos, the members of the cabinet are responsible for their official conduct, not only to the Governor General but also to the Philippine Legislature. The reorganization act provides that the secretaries of department may be called upon by any of the two houses of the 122370—19489 11 legislature concerning any matter affecting their respective departments, and they are legally bound to appear before such houses for the purpose of reporting on matters pertaining to their departments. In this manner it was made possible not only to impose upon the members of the executive department a certain degree of responsibility to the popular branch of the government and, indirectly, to the people; but also a greater harmony was thereby established between those two branches of the government. In this manner also the Governor General, who is an American, and is the person authorized by law to appoint the members of the cabinet and other higher officers of the government, finds it necessary to consult the representatives of the people with regard to the appointments made by him. The consent of the senate, therefore, is a real check to any arbitrary act of the executive. In order to insure better harmony between the executive and the legislative departments of the government, there has also been created a body known as the council of state, the duties of which are to aid and advise the governor general on public matters. This body is composed of the governor general, the presidents of both houses of the legislature, the members of the cabinet, and such other members as the governor general may appoint. The constitution of the council of state promises to solve the problem of responsible leadership in our government. It may not only avoid violent conflicts which might occur between the executive and the legislative branches of the government, but it also enables the people to fix the responsibility for the conduct and the administration of public affairs. The council of state has also the advantage of permitting the governor general to look to it for counsel concerning local and international matters of vital importance to the country. There can be no question as to the usefulness of the council of state, and the role which it plays in matters concerning the government gives to the latter that unity of action which is at once harmonious, effective, and responsible—an element so necessary and essential to the regular and orderly course of public affairs. Among the reforms made by the legislature after the passage of the Jones law was the adoption of a budget system in the financial operations of the government. The adoption of this system has cured the deficiencies arising out of a lack of systematic plan in the expenditure of public funds. Under the former system, which was quite analogous to the one still obtaining in the United States, there was no fixed responsibility for the preparation and submission of appropriation bills. Each bureau of the government prepared its estimates and sent the same to the legislature through the executive secretary. The executive secretary had neither the power of revision nor of coordination, but his task was confined to the compilation of all the estimates, and to the transmission of the same in their original form to the legislature. Under such a system each bureau, without taking into account the needs of the other bureaus, merely tried to ask for and obtain the most it could 122370—19480 12 possibly obtain and its success or lack of success in this respect depended on whether or not it had the sympathy of, or could exercise a greater or less influence on, the members of the legislature. The result of this system was a costly bureaucracy and an unnecessary duplication in the work and activities of the government. All of these deficiencies were cured by the introduction of the budget system, and its results have more than justified its adoption. The secretary of finance is charged with the duty of preparing the budget after the estimates have been approved by the different secretaries of department. The budget is then submitted to the cabinet for discussion and adoption and once approved it is ordered printed and then submitted to legislature for its action. Under this system it is not only possible to know and carry out a systematic plan in the expenditure of public funds, but effective and united action on the part of the cabinet is also insure. The expenses of the different departments are coordinated and simplified and a proper distribution of appropriations among them is affected. Through this system the public enjoys the unusual advantage of knowing in whole and in detail the different purposes to which the money which they pay in taxes and imposts is devoted. In practice the system has resulted in materially reducing the number of appropriation bills for each year, which, in 1916, when the former system was in vogue, amounted to 37 laws. It is generally admitted that the adoption of the budget system marks a decided improvement over the old system and is considered as one of the greatest achievements of the Filipino people. It has placed the Philippines to use the words of Governor General Harrison, "among the foremost progressive nations in fiscal legislation." The speaker of the house of representatives, Hon. Sergio Osmena, has clearly explained the scope and object of the reorganization of the insular government in the following terms: This legislature, the first organized under the auspices of the new law and inaugurated on October 16, 1916, is imbued jointly with the new impulses of liberty and democracy, with the highest sense of order and responsibility. Thus it has respected established institutions and retained government practice in so far as compatible with the changes necessary. It has equally shunned the influence of unsafe reforms adopted in a foolhardy manner and the puerile timidity that hinders all constructive work, and the country has assumed the plenitude of the powers recognized by law. The examination of the structure of the government authorized by the Jones act has been calm and minute. It has been compared with that of the governments of other countries. Entering without hesitancy upon the vast field of theory and practice of the best governments of the world, the Filipino Nation has had an opportunity to make new use of its old maturity of judgment, of its acknowledged self-control, adjusting the flights of its mind anxious of innovations to the constitutional limitations and the real needs of our own life and conditions. One of the points brought up concerned the relations of the executive to the legislature. The scope of these relations under the presidential régime and of those generally found under the parliamentary system has been investigated. Neither of these two systems has been adopted definitely; but though recognizing that the organic law retains certain notable features of the presidential régime, the Filipinos have not given up the idea of improving and perfecting the system implanted by the law referred to. Within the bounds of the existing constitutional limitations certain touches have been given to our political institutions which give them a character all their own. In the first place, the executive departments have been reorganized. In lieu of the system of indefinite tenure of the departmental officers 122370—19489 13 formerly in vogue, the theory of periodical changes has been adopted. Every three years the atmosphere of the executive department is to be renewed at the same time when the personnel of the legislature changes in accordance with the results of the last general election. And once the democratic influence of the government is thus assured, the legislature throws its doors open to the department secretaries who, instead of privately going to the office of the various committees, may if they so prefer demand the right to be heard publicly in the session hall of either house. This first step has not been taken without a conscientious consideration of the basic principles of the American Government system upon which the United States Congress has modeled ours. Ostensibly the Philippine Legislature, which has approved the departmental reorganization law, has started out with the purpose of coordinating and harmonizing the powers of the State, instead of separating and scattering them. In speaking of the budget system, he further says: It inaugurates a régime of publicity and places each power of the State within its own sphere of responsibility. It puts the finances of the government on an approved commercial basis and joins the direct examination of the necessities of the country with the authority and duty to disburse the public funds in an economic and efficient manner. It makes the department heads more responsible to the legislature and the people. It frustrates any attempt to establish a vicious kind of legislation not demanded by public interest known elsewhere as log-rolling and pork barrel. It maintains the legislature in a sphere of dignity and control, while it stays the hand of an arbitrary chief executive ready to make improper use of the veto power. But what is more important than all this. It preserves fresh and pure the constitutional intelligence between the several powers of the State and between the government and the people; it prevents the useless expenditure of energy by disagreement and friction, preserves stability, and prepares the organs of the government to be constantly ready for orderly, prompt, and efficient action. THE PROGRESS OF LOCAL GOVERNMENTS. The municipal and provincial governments, constituting as they do political units of the Philippine Government, furnish positive proofs of the political capacity of the Filipino people, inasmuch as these governments, the success of which is manifest, are controlled by Filipinos. From the beginning it was deemed advisable to place the management of municipal affairs in the hands of officials chosen by the people of the municipalities concerned. The growing notable success of local governments has made imperative the adoption of all measures which safeguard and increase the autonomy exercised by such governments. Provincial officers, which were originally appointive, were made elective. The provincial board, which constitutes the legislative body of the Province, was formerly composed of an elective provincial governor, an appointive provincial treasurer, and an elective third member. By virtue of act No. 2501 of the Philippine Legislature, approved February 5, 1915, the provincial treasurer ceased to be a member of the provincial board, and the Governor General was authorized to appoint a new member from among the municipal residents in the Province. Inasmuch as municipal presidents are elected by popular vote, it is clear that the object of this law was to grant greater autonomy to provincial governments by eliminating from the provincial board the only nonelective member. Act No. 2586 of the Philippine Legislature, approved February, 1916, went even further in the extension of popular control over provincial governments by providing that the appointive members of the provincial board shall be elected by popular vote. These liberal reforms have reached not only the regularly organized Provinces 122370—19489 14 but also the few so-called special Provinces. In 1915 the office of the third member of the provincial boards of Mindoro, Palawan, and Batanes was made elective, and in 1916 the office of the provincial governor of Mindoro was likewise made elective. This year a law was passed by the Philippine Legislature making elective the office of the provincial governor of Palawan. Inasmuch as all of the important offices of the municipal and provincial governments are elective, and the higher and direct supervision of the same is wholly intrusted to Filipino officials, the orderly and progressive march of such governments constitutes a practical demonstration of the capacity and efficiency of the government established by the Filipino people in accordance with the Jones law. At the present time all of the provincial governors, who are the chief executives of the Provinces, are Filipinos, except the governors of the Provinces of Cotabato, Lanao, and Sulu, in the department of Mindanao and Sulu. Of the 46 provincial treasurers, who are chief financial officers, 38 are Filipinos, and only 1 is American. There are 30 Filipino district engineers and 13 Americans. In the municipalities, with the exception of 16 American ex-officio justices of the peace, the local administration of justice is entirely intrusted to the Filipinos. The supervision and control over the Provinces and municipalities formerly exercised by the Governor General, through the executive secretary, has now passed to the secretary of the interior, who acts in that respect through the chief of the executive bureau. Both officers are Filipinos. In order to promote the free and ample exercise of local autonomy, the secretary of the interior and the executive bureau have adopted the policy of not interfering with the affairs of local governments, except in cases where such intervention is made absolutely necessary. Nor has progress been made along political lines alone; but Provinces and municipalities also have improved economically. In 1913 the revenues of the municipalities, towns, and settlements amounted to 7,152,541 pesos; in 1917 these revenues went up to 11,401,983 pesos. In 1913 the total expenses of operation of all municipalities, towns, and settlements aggregated 5,869,454 pesos, while in 1917 the amount totaled 8,695,535 pesos. As a result of the great progress attained by municipalities along political and economic lines, there have been constructed great public improvements, such as roads, provincial and municipal buildings, school buildings, bridges, and so forth. The Provinces and municipalities have also effectively contributed to the organization of a system of provincial and municipal sanitation, the construction of wharves, docks, piers, artesian wells, parks, and monuments, and so forth. PUBLIC LAW AND ORDER The first natural requisite of every well-organized political society is the maintenance of public law and order. Ever since the establishment of the Philippine Assembly the general condition of order and peace throughout the Philippines has continually been improving to the extent that it can now be safely stated that the Philippines is one of those countries of the world where life and liberty are enjoyed with the greatest 122370-19489 15 order and safety. By temperment the Filipino people are peaceful and abhor tumult and disorder. Perfect order and peace prevail throughout the Archipelago, including the Territory of Mindanao and Sulu. The maintenance of public order in territories inhabited by Moros has always been a problem of grave concern to many. When for the first time an attempt was made to place a person from civil life at the head of the government of Mindanao and Sulu it was believed that public order would be endangered. No disturbance has, however, occurred, and the normal life of the inhabitants was not altered. Moros and Christians came into a more friendly union than ever before and realized better than at any other time the ties which united them as countrymen. Thanks to this good understanding, it was possible and easy to withdraw the American troops in 1917, when the United States found it necessary to take part in the Great War. American soldiers were replaced by Filipino soldiers of the Philippine Constabulary, the latter even less in number, without producing the least disorder. Col. Ole Woloe, chief of the constabulary of the department of Mindanao and Sulu, in a memorandum submitted to the Secretary of the Interior under date of November 23, 1918, says, among other things: For the last four years the number of grave crimes occurring in the Province of Zamboanga have been less than those in the department's most advanced Christian Province for the same period. For the years 1908-9 outlaws were reported killed, captured, and wounded; for 1910-11, 28; for 1912-13, 40; for 1914, 23; for 1915, 1; and for 1916-17, none. This great change from a spirit of outlawry and piracy, coming down from the Spanish regime, to peace and industry was brought about almost entirely by the sympathetic attitude and friend interest of the department government toward the Moros and Pagan tribes of the Province. Force without limit had been used for 300 years, but apparently with little, if any, permanent results. The Moro is no more the blood-thirsty, religious fanatic of a few years ago, but is aiding us to a remarkable degree in maintaining law and order. In fact, out success in dealing with Moro outlaws has been due almost entirely to the loyal support and aid we have received from the great majority of the inhabitants of the districts affected. The Moro is industrious and a good farmer to the extent of his agricultural knowledge. He is beginning to see the advantages of education, to have respect for his Christian brother, and be more tolerant in his religious views. He is, however, proud of his history and loyal to his religion, but commerce and education are rapidly widening his horizon. Contrary to the prediction of the calamity howlers, the Christian Filipino officers of the constabulary have succeeded completely in winning the respect and confidence of the Moro. This testimony of an American officer is an eloquent proof of the success of our policy with regard to the non-Christian tribes. As to the rest of the islands an even more perfect peace prevails. When we bear in mind that the world was in a state of war and what an auspicious occasion such a condition offers to agitations of all kinds, the fact that peace and order remained undisturbed in the islands is certainly indicative of the peaceful and loyal spirit of the Filipino people. The Filipinos did not only place all their modest energies and resources at the service of America, but with the spirit of a real and active community of ideals and interests they resolutely assumed the international responsibilities of that nation in the Philippines. It may not be out of place to state here that the American flag during all that period of world crisis and commotion waived peacefully over the Philippines, not because it was 122370-19489 16 supported by a military power, for that was withdrawn, but because of the loyal and vigilant attitude of the Filipinos. No longer is any band of outlaws found in any part of the Archipelago. Neither is it easy for such a band to organize without being detected by the Philippine constabulary and immediately suppressed. The development of agriculture and commerce will naturally induce every citizen to devote himself to a legitimate occupation, instead of indulging in the dangerous pursuits of outlawry and pillage. From the experience of these years and the naturally orderly and peaceful temperament of the Filipinos everything points to the belief that the maintenance of public order will be insured in the Philippines and that a change of sovereignty will even more firmly impress on the minds of the Filipino the necessity for such an orderly existence. EDUCATION. From the beginning of American occupation of the islands the question of popular education has commanded special attention. It was not, however, until after the establishment of the Philippine Assembly that education received the greatest impulse and development, for the first law approved by the assembly was one appropriating the sum of P1,000,000 for school buildings in the different barrios, while the law authorizing the establishment of the University of the Philippines was among the first to be enacted. The policy of aiding and promoting by all possible means the education of every citizen has been constantly adhered to ever since that time, and now there is hardly a barrio of any importance having a sufficient number of school children but has a primary school. Liberal appropriations have always been made for the bureau of education and the University of the Philippines. It remained, however, for the present legislature, composed of two elective houses, to finally solve and satisfactorily settle the question which for many years had been pending of solution. On December 8 1918, a law passed appropriating the sum of P30,000,000, in addition to the regular annual appropriations for the bureau of education, in order that within the period of five years the plan of giving free primary education to all citizens of the Philippine Islands of school age could be carried out. From 1912 to 1918 the total number of children in the schools increased from 440,000 to 675,000, an increase of 54 per cent. The number of schools was 3,000 in 1912 and increased to 4,700 in 1918. During the same period the number of pupils in the intermediate schools went up to 67,000, an increase of 160 per cent. The number of high-school students came up to 16,000, an increase of 220 per cent. Voluntary contributions for the maintenance of schools and salary of teachers in those municipalities having insufficient funds for the purpose have increased from P198,000 in 1912 to P468,000 in 1917. Such an improvement in the system of popular education, both as to quantity and quality, came hand in hand with the assumption of greater responsibilities by the Filipinos. From the beginning the Filipino teachers have had charge of primary 122370-19489 17 education, and they now constitute 98 per cent of the teaching force in the intermediated schools and 44 per cent of the teaching force in the secondary schools. They have also been given access to higher administrative positions. Of the 350 supervising teachers 86 per cent are Filipinos and the majority of the academic and industrial supervisors are also Filipinos. There are six Filipino division superintendents of schools, and both the second assistant director of education and the undersecretary of the public instruction are Filipinos. The University of the Philippines has kept abreast with the spirit and development of our public system. It was opened in 1908 with but four colleges, namely, the colleges of agriculture, veterinary science, law, and the school of fine arts. Later the School of Medicine of the Government, which was previously established, became a part of the university. Then came the establishment of the colleges of liberal arts, engineering, pharmacy, and education. The plan of study followed by the university is of the most modern and may be favorably compared with that of the best universities of the world. The following table of enrollment of students in the university shows clearly the rapid growth of that institution : Year: Number of students. 1911-12 1,400 1912-13 1,398 1913-14 1,503 1914-15 2,075 1915-16 2,401 1916-17 2,975 1917-18 2,871 1918-19 3,081 The spirit which has guided the Filipinos in the adoption of all manner of measures for the education of the masses of people is sufficiently indicative of the fact that Filipinos fully realize that popular education is the real basis of all democratic governments. They are determined by all means not only to maintain the present school system but also to develop it to the highest possible degree in order that the people may exert the power of an intelligent public opinion in the running of the affairs of their government. There are positive proofs to warrant the belief that the question of popular education will be adequately safeguarded under a Philippine independent government. The people themselves are clamoring for education and there is no need of compulsory education laws, with the possible exception in the case of primitive communities of non-Christians tribes. The University of the Philippines has already trained a nucleus of sufficient number of young men in the different branches of learning, many of whom are now holding responsible positions in public administration. In this connection it may not be amiss to advert to the policy adopted by government several years ago, and ever since followed, of sending young men, graduates of the University of the Philippines and other educational institutions in the islands, to the different centers of leaning in America, Europe, and other foreign countries, for the purpose of furthering their studies and thereafter serve the government for the same number of years in which they have enjoyed government scholarship. This policy has been recently extended to those employees of government 122370-19489-2 18 offices who have demonstrated unusual talent and efficiency in the performance of their official duties, thus enabling them to make a special study in connection with their respective work. It is thus seen that the Government has spared neither efforts nor money in the preparation of a competent personnel to take the place of the American experts who are leaving the public service. It is hoped that in the way it will be possible not only to maintain but to lift up, if possible, the high standards of public service in the country. SANITATION The sanitation of the islands has been greatly improved. In 1914 the Philippine Legislature reorganized the health service in order to insure greater efficiency and the cooperation of the Provinces and municipalities in matters of public health. Under the old system the salaries of municipal health officers were paid by the municipalities, and only those which could afford to pay obtained the services of physicians. Such as could not afford to pay employed sanitary inspectors, who frequently did not have medical knowledge. Thus many towns were without the services of a qualified physician. Again, under that system there were no differences in rank in the service and health officers remained in the service without any chance of promotion. There was no law compelling the municipalities to devote a part of their fund to sanitation. For these reasons it was deemed necessary to reorganize the old bureau of health and convert it into the Philippine Health Service. This service is somewhat similar to the Public Health Service of the United States, in that a physician must pass an examination before being appointed to the service, and after a certain number of years he is given another examination for the purpose of promotion. The positions in the service are graded. A physician who starts as assistant surgeon is promoted, first, to the grade of junior surgeon, then to that of senior surgeon, medical inspector, and chief of division. The work of the central office is distributed among the director of the health service and the chiefs of divisions. There is in assistant director, who is at the same time a chief of division. There are three divisions—one for provincial service, another for the hospital service, and still another for the health service of the city of Manila. In order that each and every municipality may have the benefit of the services of a physician, the different Provinces combine two or more smaller municipalities and place them under the care of a municipal physician. These groups of municipalities are called sanitary districts. The municipal physician is required to distribute his time among the different towns in making inspection and receiving consultations; but even with such an arrangement some of the most remote places in the Mountain and Moro Provinces could not have obtained the service of a physician if, in order to supply this deficiency, dispensaries were not opened under the care of competent persons, where the public may obtain medicine and receive medical treatment. At the present time even the most remote places have health facilities which they could not obtain 10 years ago. 122370—19480 19 Manila may be said to be the most sanitary city in the Far East and will bear comparison with many of the cities of the United States and Europe. The streets have been widened and improved and the majority of them have asphalt pavement. The danger of smallpox, the terror of oriental countries, which previously has been menacing the islands with regular frequency, has been reduced to an insignificant degree. Since 1902 no cholera epidemic has attained any serious proportion. Malaria is now quite unknown in Manila. Many of the swamp districts have been filled up. Quite a number of municipalities have followed the example of Manila, and there are now at least 10 cities which have modern water systems. In those towns where the construction of reservoirs has been found impracticable artesian wells were drilled in order to supply the public with clean water. Charitable activities, such as the organization of antituberculosis societies and societies for the protection of children, have acquired new vigor during the last few years. There is now in the islands the public welfare board, subsidized by the Government, the duty of which is to coordinate the work of charitable institutions and to contribute to their funds for the accomplishment of their purposes. The sum of ₱1,000,000 has been appropriated in order to help the municipalities in the establishment of associations for the protection of children. The Culion leper colony has been maintained and liberally supplied with funds. The opposition on the part of those who suffer from the disease and their families to the confinement of the former to the colony has disappeared, and now many a diseased person voluntarily presents himself to be taken to the colony. The quarantine service has also been maintained not only with efficiency, but has been supplied with modern equipments. Hospital service has undergone great improvement. The Philippine General Hospital at Manila is one of the best hospitals in the Orient. The Filipinization of its personnel was effected without impairing its efficiency. Schools for nurses of both sexes are maintained both in this hospital and in that of Cebu, which has been recently opened. It would not be too much to say that the sanitation of the Philippines will be as well taken care of by the Filipinos as formerly, and the Filipino health officers, possessing as they do a better knowledge of the peculiar habits and needs of their own people, will be able to perform their duties both with efficiency and credit, not only to themselves but also to those who have helped them in preparing for greater responsibilities. ECONOMIC PROGRESS The passage of the Jones law has given rise to the belief on the part of some people that the material progress of the islands would suffer a setback. Facts have shown just the contrary. The declaration of the purpose of the United States to grant the Philippines its independence as soon as a stable government shall have been organized therein, and the practically complete control of public affairs given to the Filipinos have not only not caused any economic crisis but have gone far toward placing the economic life of the country on stronger foundations. The last five years have witnessed the greatest 122370—19489 20 prosperity and the highest economic development the islands ever had. Of the total foreign trade in the Philippines in 1918, which amounted to P468,563,496, as against P215,391,484 in 1913, 63.4 per cent was with the United States, as against 42.65 per cent in 1913. This fact goes to show that the establishment of an autonomous Philippine government preparatory to independence has served to strengthen the commercial bonds between the United States and the Philippines. Mutual confidence and understanding has brought about greater economic relations, just as in the past distrust and misunderstanding has had the tendency of disturbing these relations. Another theory which has been exploded is that economic independence should come before political independence and that, therefore, the people should come before political independence and that, therefore, the people should not ask for political freedom during the last five years has demonstrated the contrary; that is to say, that no country can expect to prosper in a material way before having in its hands the political agencies and instrumentalities essential thereto; in short, the most effective instrumentality for economic progress is political autonomy. Before the establishment of Philippine autonomy Filipino merchants and manufacturers could not compete with foreigners for lack of credit and banking facilities, which were controlled by the latter. But the organization of an autonomous Philippine Government has paved the way for a phenomenal development of the commercial activities of the people. The Government created the Philippine National Bank, whose resources amounted only to P20,000,000 in 1916, which increased to more than P230,000,000 in 1918. This success has probably very few precedents in the world's history of banking. The total foreign trade of the islands in 1913 was P215,391,484, with a balance against the islands of P11,000,000, while last year, 1918, our foreign trade amounted to P468,563,494, with a balance in our favor of P74,196,648, which means an increase of P253,172,010, or 129 per cent, in 1918 over 1913. Our money circulation has increased also, for in 1913 we had P50,697,282, or P5.52 per capita, while at present we have in circulation P132,602,968, or P13.68 per capita. Taxation in the Philippines was P4.28 per capita in 1913, compared with P5.36 per capita in 1917. Another eloquent proof of the remarkable development of the islands is the fact that during the last few years 3,065 domestic corporations and firms were organized, with a capital of P452,192,197, to say nothing of 95 large firms, American and foreign, of world-wide reputation and with enormous capital, which have their branches in the Philippines. PUBLIC WORKS AND PERMANENT IMPROVEMENTS Our economic prosperity thus far obtained is undoubtedly due in large measure to the policy steadily pursued by the Government of devoting every year considerable sums of money to the promotion and extension of public works and permanent improvements. Roads have therefore been built everywhere, thus putting in communication with the outside world places hitherto inaccessible, and through an excellent system of maintenance we have been able to prevent the destruction of these 122370-19489 21 roads and get the greatest benefit possible from the money invested. Shipping has been likewise fostered with the construction of piers and wharves, the dredging of rivers, and the making of other improvements in many ports. The lighthouse system has been improved, and the work of coast survey continued. The mileage of our railroads has been increased, post and telegraph offices have been opened in many municipalities, public markets-substantial as well as hygienic-have been built, waterworks systems have been installed ; in brief, a broad policy of public works and permanent improvements in all the Provinces has been worked out, yielding the quickest and most beneficial results. The following figures show the progress of road building in the islands : Roads in existence from 1908 to 1918. Year. First-class road. Second-class road. Third-class road. Total. Total expenditure for roads. 1908 397.0Km (1)Km. (1)Km. 397.0 Km. (1) 1909 553.5 (1) (1) 553.5 (1) 1910 1,230.2 1,031.3 3,337.6 5,599.1 (1) 1911 1,587.6 1,068.9 2,956.8 5,613.3 P5,671,436,55 1912 1,839.6 2,159.9 3,216.8 7,216.3 5,961,858.67 19132 2,097.3 2,034.6 3,118.1 7,250.0 6,949,596.39 1914 2,564.0 2,024.3 2,875.7 7,464.0 7,201,190.79 1915 3,067.7 2,032.2 3,051.7 8,201.6 7,699,097.83 1916 3,439.6 2,045.8 3,440.7 8,925.1 8,035,141.05 1917 3,738.7 2,056.6 3,348.4 9,188.9 8,852,360.05 19183 3,936.0 2,019.9 3,294.8 9,250.7 5,744,839.52 1 Data not available 2 July 1 to Dec. 31, 1913. 3 Jan. 1 to June 30 only. INCOME AND EXPENSES. The following figures show the progress made in the finances of the government during the last three years : Financial condition of the insular government during the last three years. Items of revenue and expenditure. 1915 1916 1917 Increase of decrease 1916-17. Source of revenue: Revenue from taxation P25,769,492.78 P27,957,308.95 P35,448,412.30 P7,491,103.35 Incidental revenue 1,191,204.53 1,664,392.05 2,296,270.32 631,878.27 Revenue from commercial and industrial units 8,479,212.96 9,326,810.77 11,832,921.62 2,506,110.85 Other income of operating units 80,720.73 175,262.89 52,626.02 122,635.87 Dividends on bank stocks 157, 526.05 314,786.78 157,260.73 Income from United States Army Transport Service 125,315.10 337,470.62 212,155.52 Other revenues 3,927,589.70 6,298,239.88 4,498.753.78 1,799,486.10 Total revenue 39,448,220.70 45,704,855.69 54,781,241.44 9,076,385.75 122370-19489 22 Financial condition of the insular government, etc.—Continued. Items of revenue and 1915 1916 1917 Increase or expenditure decrease 1916-17. Expenditures: General administration............... ₱26,558,476.16 ₱25,384,849.41 ₱29,437,890.53 ₱4,053,041.12 Expenditures of operation of industrial and commercial units, etc...… 7,182,996.20 7,623,904.40 9,063,829.24 1,439,924.84 Interest of public debt............... 972,193.75 1,000,117.30 1,289,822.62 289,705.32 Sinking funds....... 982,786.63 686,873.14 855,639.49 168,766.35 Repayment of loans. ............... 22,500.00 22,500.00 ............ Gratuities........... ............... 99,476.30 584,353.28 484,876.98 Outlays and investments............. 2,065,496.60 6,042,123.53 3,992,291.45 2,049,852.08 Other expenditures.. 335,251.25 46,969.05 162,391.13 115,422.08 Total expenditures ₱38,097,200.59 ₱40,906,813.13 ₱45,408,717.74 ₱4,501,904.61 Current surplus for the year................. ₱1,351,020.11 ₱4,798,042.56 ₱9,372,523.70 ₱4,574,481.14 Current surplus at the beginning of the year. 8,883,096.66 10,234,116.77 15,032,159.33 4,798,042.56 Current surplus at the end of the year...... ₱10,234,116.77 ₱15,032,159.33 ₱24,404,683.03 ₱9,372,523.70 NOTE.—Figures in italics indicate decreases. THE NONCHRISTIAN TRIBES Before President Wilson decided in 1913 to appoint a Filipino majority to the Philippine Commission, the control over the so- called non-Christian tribes was entirely in the hands of Americans. It was not until that year the the Filipinos assumed the responsibility for these tribes. Both the Philippine Commission with Filipino majority and the Philippine Legislature have expressed in unequivocal terms, through legislative acts, a liberal and altruistic policy looking to the welfare and betterment of these primitive people. The act organizing the Department of Mindanao and Sulu, in 1914, was passed with the object of carrying out this policy, and of furnishing said territory with a central organization and with officials who could more directly look after the welfare of the inhabitants. Later the legislature established the bureau of non-Christian tribes, provided for in section 22 of the Jones law, and set forth the duties of the same in the following words: To foster through all adequate means and in a systematic, rapid, and thorough manner the material, moral, economic, social, and political development of the regions inhabited by non-Christian Filipinos, always having in view the permanent mutual understanding and complete fusion of the Christian and non-Christian elements living in the Provinces of the archipelago. To insure the success of this policy the organization and extension of public schools in all non-Christian territories has been the object of special care. Since 1903 primary schools in Mindanao and Sulu, where the Arabic and English languages were taught, have been organized. However, in view of the novelty of the plan and the distrust on the part of the Moros and other non-Christians, the success of the public schools was very little. Toward the end of the school year 1914 the attendance 122370—19489 23 of these schools was 4,535. During the last five years, when the Filipinos shaped the legislative policies toward the Moros, progress in education has been tremendous. The following figures show the average daily attendance and the expenses incurred from 1912 to the present time: Average daily Fiscal year. attendance. Expenses. 1912................................................ 3,807 ₱93,987 1913................................................ 4,535 137,069 1918 (calculated)........................ 16,114 650,000 A clearer idea of the progress of education amongst the non- Christians will be given by the following data: The number of teachers in the Mountain Province in 1012 was 93; to-day there are 251. In 1912 there were 64 teachers in the Province of Nueva Viscaya; at present there are 67. In the whole Department of Mindanao and Sulu there were only 99 teachers in 1912, whereas to-day there are 783. The splendid spirit demonstrated by these teachers by leaving their homes to go out to the non- Christian provinces is going to be a strong factor for the unification and naturalization of the different elements of the country. Side by side with the extension of public schools the public health service has also progressed. In 1914 the school and health authorities in charge of the Department of Mindanao and Sulu established a combined plan of schools and public dispensaries, of which 17 are already in operation at central points. Approximately 30,000 patients receive treatment in these dispensaries every year. Besides these school dispensaries, there are 9 special ones under the control of the health service. No less important than the health work is the extension of public works to all the regions inhabited by the non-Christians. Special attention has been devoted to the construction and maintenance of roads, the improvement of ports and landings, the extension and maintenance of telephone lines, waterworks, and the construction of public buildings, especially schools and hospitals. But this is not all that has been done. The non-Christians are also taught how to get the best results from the natural resources of their soil. Every year a considerable number of graduates from the College of Agriculture are sent to the non- Christian provinces, to the end that they may teach the inhabitants the modern methods of cultivation. Interisland migration has been fostered by the government's help to those who establish themselves on Mindanao and Sulu islands for the purpose of cultivating them and of living with their non-Christian brothers. In 1917 the Philippine Legislature appropriated the sum of ₱100,000 for this purpose, which amount was increased to ₱250,000 last year. By virtue of the Jones law the non-Christian tribes were for the first time granted representation in the national legislature. Three prominent and representative Moros and two pagans have been appointed members of the senate and of the house of representatives. The Moro senator and representatives have been given the special privilege of taking the oath of office in accordance 122370—19489 24 with the rites prescribed by the Koran. This step was looked upon by the Mohammedans as proof of religious tolerance and respect for Mohammedan beliefs on the part of the Christian Filipinos. At the time of the inauguration of the Philippine Legislature important memorials were presented expressing the feelings of confidence and affection of the Moros toward their Christian brothers. These memorials were sent to both houses of the legislature and were signed by the Sultan of Sulu and by the most influential datos of the different provinces of the department. In them they express their gratitude for the material benefits received and the political privileges granted them during the last three years, and also for the liberal appropriations for public works, health service, and schools, and for the representation allowed them in the Philippine Legislature in accordance with the new organic law of the Philippine Islands. In these memorials the hope is also expressed that the administration will continue making closer the present relations among the inhabitants of the Philippines. Most of the data referred to has been taken from a recent official report submitted by Gov. Frank W. Carpenter, of the Department of Mindanao and Sulu, who is at the same time chief of the bureau of non-Christian tribes. THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE. It can be asserted without dispute that the English language serves at the present time as a common medium of communication among the Islanders who still speak their own dialects. The progress of the English language has been the result of the splendid work done by the public schools, and to-day English is the language most widely spoken in the whole Archipelago. Business between the central government and most of the Provinces and municipalities is transacted in English. True, the proceedings of the Philippine Legislature are still in Spanish, but the acts are translated into English. The English language prevails in the commercial transactions of the islands. We will not have to wait very long before the English language is the official language even in the courts, and the language most generally used in private life. The present leaders of the people have a working knowledge of the language and many of them read and write fairly, if they do not speak it, with few difficulties in their official conversations. The younger generation has a thorough knowledge of the language and speaks and writes it in most cases. The spread of this language as the common language of the inhabitants of the Archipelago is assured, not only because it is the basis of instruction in the public schools, but also because it is essential to the best interests and the future of the people. Once the plan is carried out of giving primary instructions to every child of school age there is no doubt that the generations to come will speak English, which will certainly obtain a firm foothold among the people. It is not only the public schools that teach English ; the private schools do so likewise. The law requires the Department of Public Instruction to grant licenses for private schools and to exercise supervision over private schools and colleges of all kinds, with the power to approve their courses of study and to 122370-19489 25 revoke their licenses if the conditions established by the Government are not fulfilled. For a long time now these colleges and schools have been ordered to make English one of the required subjects, and their instruction has steadily improved. It is inconceivable that the Filipino people, when they shall\ have become independent, would take any step other than that of continuing this policy. It would be unreasonable to undo what has been done without mentioning the great expense which such change of policy would involve. We therefore venture to assert that the predominance of English is assured. REQUISITES FOR A STABLE GOVERNMENT The phrase "stable government" has a definite meaning in the foreign relations of the United States, especially in the connection with its dealings with the weak countries that have fought for their independence. This is not the first time that the American Government has made use of this phrase as regards the recognization of new States. The conditions required by the United States before granting such recognition are merely conditions of fact ; that is to say, where a government de facto is established and whether such government has conditions of stability. In 1875 there was considerable agitation in the United States for the recognition of Cuban independence, and President Grant in his message to Congress expressed the idea that recognition would not be possible until the Cuban people could establish a government possessing elements of stability. Quoting his words: Where a considerable body of people, who have attempted to free themselves of the control of the superior government, have reached such point in occupation of territory, in power, and in general organization as to constitute in face a body politic, having a government in substance as well as in name, possessed of the elements of stability, and equipped with the machinery for the administration of internal policy and the execution of its laws, prepared and able to administer justice at home, as well as in its dealing with other powers, it is within the province of those other powers to recognize its existence as a new and independent nation. Dwelling further on what he thought a stable government was, he said : To establish the condition of things essential to the recognition of this fact, there must be a people occupying a known territory, united under some known and defined form of government, acknowledged by those subject thereto, in which the functions of government are administered by usual methods, competent to mete out justice to citizens and strangers, to afford remedies for public and private wrongs, and able to assume the correlative international obligations and capable of performing the corresponding international obligations and capable of performing the corresponding international duties resulting from its acquisition of the rights of sovereignty. President McKinley, in discussing the recognition of the independence of Cuba, quoted the words of President Grant, saying : The United States, in addition to the test imposed by public law as the condition of the recognition of independence by a neutral State (to wit, that the revolted State shall "constitute in fact a body to politic, having a government in substance as well as in name, possessed of all the elements of stability," and forming de facto, "if left to itself, a State among the nations, reasonably capable of discharging the duties of a State "), has imposed for its own government in dealing with cases like these the further condition that recognition of independent statehood is not due to a revolted dependency until the danger of its being again subjugated by the parent State has entirely passed away. As a result of the war, Spain had to withdraw her sovereignty from Cuba. The American Government temporarily 122370-19489 26 occupied the islands and proceeded to organize a stable government. The first measure was the taking of a census which would show the degree of political capacity of the people. In this way it was found that 66 per cent of the inhabitants of the island could neither read nor write—a percentage greater than in the Philippines, where illiteracy is 30 per cent—and limited suffrage was established, based more or less on the same conditions now required in the Philippines. After the census the military governor, Gen. Wood, promulgated a law which provided for the holding of provincial and municipal elections. Thereafter the same voters who took part in these elections were qualified to choose the members of the constitutional conventions which drafted the constitution of Cuba. The military governor inaugurated the convention, and by order of the Secretary of War said, among other things: It will be your duty, first, to frame and adopt a constitution of Cuba * * * adequate to secure a stable, orderly, and free government. The constitution adopted by the Cuban people was not entirely satisfactory to Secretary Root, but being the result of conscientious deliberations by the representatives of the people of Cuba it was accepted. On December 31, 1901 the people of Cuba chose their provincial governors, their councilors, and members of the house of representatives, and the presidential and senatorial electors. These last met on February 24, 1902, in order to choose the president, vice president, and senators. After the election of these officials the American Government made ready to transfer to their hands the reins of government. The condition of stability had been fulfilled, and on May 20, 1902, the military governor, on behalf of the President of the United States, read the memorable document which transferred to "the duly elected representatives of the people of Cuba the government and control of the islands," and declared "the occupation of Cuba by the United States and the military government of the islands" to be ended. A "stable government" has, therefore, been construed to mean, in the case of Cuba, a government duly chosen by the people. This was the clear interpretation adopted by the American Government. It is evident that this is the same interpretation given to the phrase "stable government" as used in the preamble of the Jones law. That the Filipinos now have a government of this sort, a government constituted by the people, able to preserve order and to comply with its international obligations, can not be denied by any fair-minded man who knows the conditions of the country. Our present government is a government based on the peaceful suffrage of the people, representing the whole country, deriving their powers form the people and subject to the limitations and safeguards which the experience of constitutional government has shown to be essential to the maintenance and protection of individual rights. Our central, provincial, and municipal governments rest upon the peaceful suffrage of the Filipino people. The insular government has at its disposal a complete governmental machinery recognized and supported by the people. The guiding part of this machinery is already in the hands of the Filipinos. There is 122370—19489 27 a Philippine Legislature whose members are elected by the qualified voters of the islands, when legislative body is invested with general legislative powers within the limitations laid down by the Jones law. In said legislature the non-Christian element is represented by nine members appointed by the governor General. We have also a judicial system based upon the American principle of independence of the judicial department. Our laws and our courts are of the modern type, like those of the most progressive nations of the west. Our codes are based on Spanish and American jurisprudence, taking from the Spanish substantive laws, their conciseness, symmetry, and philosophy, and from the American laws of procedure their facility, common sense, and efficiency. The limitations and safeguards for the protection of individual rights are thoroughly ingrained in the political life of the Filipino people and no political change that might take place would in any way impair them. We have, therefore, a stable government in the Philippines which fulfills all the conditions required by the United States in other cases of recognition of new States, especially in the case of Cuba, and this government is now in operation and is practically controlled and directed by the Filipinos themselves. If the Governor and Vice governor General of the Philippine Islands were to be suddenly withdrawn from the archipelago and in their place Filipinos were appointed, no part of the governmental machinery would suffer thereby and every piece thereof would move as regularly and as orderly as at present. The testimony of the representatives of the American Government in the islands during all the time that the Philippine Government was in the hands of the Filipinos hears out the assertion which we made in regard to the conditions of stability of the Philippine Government. Says Governor Harrison: There are about 1,000 municipalities in the Philippines, all of which are governed by elective Filipino officials. There are about 42 Provinces in the islands likewise governed by Filipinos. There are two elective houses of the legislature composed entirely of Filipinos. There are two elective houses of the legislature composed entirely of Filipinos. Out of seven members in the cabinet six are Filipinos, and most of the heads of the executive departments of the government are Filipinos to-day. It is true that there are still some 700 Americans in the Philippines, but for the most part they are teachers, professors, and scientists, and to my mind a class of men who would be desired by the Filipinos even if they had complete independence. That presents a picture of practical autonomy. It has been going on for the last two and a half years, or ever since the recent charter has been given us by Congress, and in my opinion, during those two and a half years, the Filipinos, having been given an opportunity, have satisfactorily demonstrated the fact that they have already established and are maintaining the stable form of government which is prescribed in the preamble to the Jones bill as a prerequisite to their independence. On another occasion he said: By temperament, by experience by financial ability, in every way the 10,00,000 Filipinos are entitled to be free from every government. Vice Gov. Charles E. Yeater, in an official telegram to the Secretary of War, reports: The capacity for initiative and the constructive spirit evidenced by the legislature, the first organized under the Jones law, is worthy of great communication. Its capacity to investigate government problems and to act expeditiously but with due caution is certainly unprecedented in history, considering that for three centuries this people had practically no political rights and were debarred from the benefits of education. American legislative practice and procedure has always been 122370—19489 28 examined, and with few exceptions followed. As indicative, however, of their independent frame of mind it may be noted that a single legislative committee has had charge of both appropriations and ways and means since 1907, and under the provisions of the Jones law has adopted substantially the basic principles of the English budget system instead of maintaining a rigorous application of the theory of the separation of governmental powers as far as the legislative and executive departments are concerned, the latter directed by an American. This legislature has given to the secretaries of the various departments the right to appear before either house to defend publicly the measures proposed by the executive or the oppose measures originated in such houses. Finally, as one of the representatives in these islands of the United States Government, I wish to attest the patriotism of the Filipinos and their loyal attachment to the United States Government. This legislature which has just terminated its sessions has acted with judgement and prudence in what it has done and left undone during its term now drawing to a close, and should be credited for the wisdom with which it has guided and directed the Filipino people in the paths of order and tranquility during these recent years of almost universal turmoil and unrest. Perfect peace has prevailed here and all provincial and municipal government instrumentalities of force have had no function to perform. In regard to honesty and efficiency, the Philippine government can be favorably compared to the best in the world. No charge of bribery has been made against any high official. Cases of misappropriation of public funds have been exceptionally few, and only subordinate officials were involved. The offending parties have been discharged from the service, and whenever sufficient evidence for conviction was available they were prosecuted. Efficiency in the civil service has been maintained at a high standard. Appointments of chiefs and assistant chiefs of division have been based strictly on merit and not political considerations. In most cases men who had served for a long time have been promoted to these positions with a view to the efficiency of the service. Every citizen has enjoyed civil and political rights without hindrance and amid public peace and safety. Religious tolerance has grown to such an extent that all Christian denominations are working in perfect harmony ; Mohammedans and Christians in Mindanao and Sulu respect each other's religious practices. Moral campaigns have been carried on at all times, with appreciable results in the uplift of the people. The progress made along material and economic lines in recent years shows the entire confidence of all the residents of the Philippines in the orderly and stable conditions of the country. III NATIONAL SENTIMENT HAS INVARIABLY BEEN FOR COMPLETE INDEPENDENCE. It would seem to be entirely unnecessary to discuss the question of whether or not the Filipinos desire to be independent at the time, but some doubt being entertained by a number of American citizens as to whether the Filipinos, after being given the opportunity to manage their domestic affairs, would not prefer, for their best interest, to continue certain relations of political dependence with the United States, we have decided to devote this chapter to a treatment of the present aspirations of the people in relation to the independence problem. If the historical events in the Philippines in 1896 and 1898 are studied, it will be seen that the longing for independence 122370-- 19489 29 was the most powerful sentiment behind the revolution against Spain the latter year. With the breaking out of hostilities between the United States and Spain the Filipinos saw their chance to destroy Spanish dominion and to declare their independence. They turned a deaf ear to the alluring promises made by the Spanish authorities, and, with the moral and material support of the Americans, they - the Filipinos - were fortunately able to defeat the Spanish forces and to seize practically all of the territory of the islands. Then the Filipinos organized a government under Aguinaldo, whose authority spread throughout the islands and received the approbation and consent of the people. This aspiration for independence was the thing that moved the Filipinos to go through the sufferings and sacrifices of another war against the Americans in 1899, in spite of the fact that they knew beforehand the weakness of their forces and the certainty of their defeat in the face of the formidable power and the unlimited resources of the people of the United States. It has frequently been said that the war against the Americans was but the work of a group of Tagals, but the extent and duration of the military operations carried on by the American forces and the unanimous resistance with which they met everywhere prove that the national sentiment of the Filipinos was opposed to a new domination. The Filipinos accepted peace, not for the purpose pf giving up their aspirations for independence, but only to change their method of obtaining them. They were willing to go through the training in self-government which was required of them in the hope that they would thus secure their independence sooner. They were convinced of their own capacity, and therefore instead of obstructing the work of reconstruction and progress inaugurated by the American Government, they heartily lent their cooperation, at the same time bending every energy to secure larger opportunities to show in actual practice and in the exercise of great responsibilities what they could do in governmental affairs. The history of the last 10 years, from the organization of the Philippine Assembly, when for the first time the people were permitted to express their opinion in regard to their political future, proves beyond doubt the firm and unswerving determination of the Filipinos to obtain a full recognition of their international sovereignty. Speaker Osmena, in a speech delivered at the close of the legislative session on June 19, 1908, made the following utterances: Through all the vicissitudes, difficulties, and reverses the ideal of the Filipino people has remained unalterable. The adverse fortune of Filipino arms has not shaken the aspirations of the people, neither has the false hope so often held out in the midst of people's misfortunes, of the possibility of the Philippines being made a State of the great American Union ever made them hesitate in the least. The Filipino people accepted peace, principally because they expected justice from the work of the Government in its implantation, they did everything they could to promote and improve it. They went to the polls when the municipal government was established ; they also willingly took part in the government of the Provinces when amid countless difficulties, and when the ruins of the revolution still loomed grim and terrible they were called upon to do so ; and they chose their representatives when the solemn hour came for the most difficult test of their capacity to 122370--19489 30 manage their own destiny. But neither before nor after did they yield to promise or fear; before and after they aspired for their national independence, both when they cast their vote in favor of a free and independent life and when yesterday on the battle field they offered the lives of their best sons for the sake of our country and of her ideals. We must thus speak clearly in this august place, where fallacy does not lurk, where deceit has no place, and where truth finds its seat, and where justice presents itself with all of its lofty attributes; we must speak thus in this place where we feel with full sense of responsibility our love, our most legitimate veneration for the Philippines. The Filipino people aspire to-day, as before taking up arms for the second time against Spain, as thereafter in the din of arms, and then in peace, for their national independence. Allow me, gentlemen of the house, following the dictates of my conscience as a delegate, as a representative of the country, under my responsibility as speaker of this house, to declare solemnly, as I do now before God and before the world, that we believe that our people aspire for their independence; that our people consider themselves capable of leading an orderly life, efficient for themselves and for others, in the concert of free and civilized nations; and that we believe that if the people of the United States were to decide at this moment the Philippine cause in favor of the Filipinos the latter could, in assuming the consequent responsibility, comply with their duties to themselves and to others without detriment to liberty, to justice, and to right. At the close of the legislative session on May 20, 1909, the following resolution was passed by the Philippine Assembly: Whereas at the meeting of June 19, 1908, the assembly approved and adopted the following words of the speaker, to wit: "Allow me, gentlemen of the house, following the dictates of my conscience as a delegate, as a representative of the country, under my responsibility as speaker of this house, to declare solemnly, as I do now before God and before the world, that we believe that our people aspire for their independence; that our people consider themselves capable of leading an orderly life, efficient for themselves and for others, in the concert of free and civilized nations; and that we believe that if the people of the United States were to decide at this moment the Philippine cause in favor of the Filipinos, the latter could, in assuming the consequent responsibility, comply with their duties themselves and to others, without detriment to liberty, to justice, and to right." Whereas the Hon. Manuel L. Quezon, delegate from Tayabas, attended said meeting and voted in favor of said resolution, and said Hon. Manuel L. Quezon is now elected Resident Commissioner of the Philippine Islands in the United States: Therefore be it Resolved, That this house state to the Resident Commissioner elect, Hon. Manuel L. Quezon, that the members thereof would be highly satisfied if, upon his appearance before the Congress of the United States and when finds opportunity therefor, he should make known to said Congress our aspiration for independence as expressed at the meeting of the assembly on June 19, 1908. Resident Commissioner Mr. Quezon, in fulfilling the instructions contained in the above resolution, delivered a speech in the House of Representatives on May 14, 1910, in the course of which he said: Mr. Chairman, from what I have said it can be seen that the affairs of the islands are not in a very encouraging state; rather, that the outlook is depressing. The Filipinos, however, are patiently and hopefully looking forward to brighter days. We are aware that you have not gone to those islands for your own profit; we are aware that you have not gone there to subjugate us, but to emancipate us. The lesson of your history - the most brilliant history of all the nations of the world - is inconsistent with any other motive in your dealings with the Filipinos than that of making them free. This great Republic, founded and reared by liberty-loving people, can not undertake any tasks not in keeping with right, justice, happiness, and liberty for all mankind. We have an unshaken faith in the future destiny of our beloved fatherland, since its fate was committed to your car. We firmly believe and sincerely trust that the day will soon come when this Congress, composed of the representatives of a God-fearing people, will generously give to us the blessings of that freedom which has made you so happy, so prosperous, and so great, and which is, after all, the keynote of the happiness 122370—19489 31 and prosperity of every people. When that time comes—and let us hope that it may happen to-morrow—the day when was raised in the Philippines the ever-glorious Stars and Stripes will eternally be the best celebrated day of our national life. In a memorial submitted to the then Secretary of War, Mr. DIckinson, by the Nacionalista Party on September 1, 1910, the following was said: These facts are mentioned with the object of showing that the persistency of the Filipinos in being independent is bound up in the recollections of that short period of their past in which, associated with the Americans, they threw down the secular power of a sovereignty and experienced the satisfaction and happiness of governing themselves, their interests, and their future. Then, they understood how satisfactory and sweet to the citizens is the yoke imposed by the power of its own laws and the government by men of its own race, and how close and loyal is the cooperation which exists between people and government to better the interests of the country and to enter resolutely and without embarrassment into the wide ways of human progress. Then the Filipinos abandoned all the vicious practices which the former sovereignty had extended over all the masses and recovered the good qualities which people free from all yoke possessed. This moved the Filipinos to resist with all their force the new American domination, independent in a more or less short period. The efforts of the Filipinos in defense of that government, the blood which its soldiers shed, and the money which was employed in the service of the Filipino flag, recalls to them constantly that short period of its happiness and makes them consider the present as a temporary situation which they desire to abbreviate as much as possible in order to acquire the satisfaction of their national ambitions and their intentions of elevation and enrichment of the country. On February 3, 1911, the Philippine Assembly passed the following resolution: Resolved, That the assembly ask, as it hereby does ask, the Congress of the United States immediately to recognize the independence of the Filipino people in the form expressed in the memorial of the Nacionalista Party, dated September 1, 1910; Resolved further, That this resolution be transmitted by cable to the Congress of the United States and to the Resident Commissioners of the Philippine Islands, suggesting that they present and support the same in Congress before the termination of the present session of said Congress. On February 1, 1912, the Philippine Assembly reiterated its petition in the following terms: Resolved, That the Philippine Assembly reiterate, as it hereby does reiterate, the petition for immediate independence of the Philippines to the Congress of the United States. Revolved further, That this resolution be transmitted by cable to the Resident Commissioners, in Washington, recommending that the same be conveyed to and supported in said Congress. On February 11, 1913, in view of the change of administration in the United States, Speaker Osmena, in his speech at the close of the legislative session, made the following declarations: There in America another party now comes to power—the Democratic Party. Only in history, new in victory, this party has been unceasingly fighting for the ideals of the Filipino people for more than a decade. It stated in the solemn manner before all the nations in its Baltimore platform the following: "We reaffirm the position thrice announced by the Democracy in national convention assembled against a policy of imperialism and colonial exploitation in the Philippines or elsewhere. We condemn the experiment in imperialism as an inexcusable blunder, which has involved us in enormous expenses, brought us weakness instead of strength, and laid our Nation open to the charge of abandonment of the fundamental doctrine of self-government. We favor an immediate declaration of the Nation's purpose to recognize the independence of the Philippine Islands as soon as a stable government can be established, 122370—19489 32 such independence to be granted by us until the neutralization of the islands can be secured by treaty with other powers. "In recognizing the independence of the Philippines our Government should retain such land as may be necessary for coaling stations and naval bases" We trust that the meaning of these words, which are clear and unmistakable, will be transmuted into reality. I believe and hope that this will be done, because the American people are just. The dies is cast, and God, who has never failed the other people, will not fail ours, In the meantime let us remain quiet; let everyone stay in his rank, fighting as he can; let us carry on our campaigns with courage and disinterestedness, and either we are entirely mistaken or the days to come will be to the Filipino people, who have struggled so much and suffered so much, days of vindication, days of liberty, On October 16, 1913, the Philippine Assembly passed the following: Resolution sending to the President of the United States of America through the Governor General of the Philippines a message from the Philippine Assembly in the name of the Filipino people. Whereas the President of the United States has sent through the Governor General, the Hon. Francis Burton Harrison, as message to the people of the Philippines, and said message was duly delivered on the 16th day of October, 1913, its text being as follows: "We regard ourselves as trustees, acting not for the advantage of the United States, but for the benefit of the people of the Philippine Islands. "Every step we take will be taken with a view to the ultimate independence of the islands and as a preparation for that independence. And we hope to move toward that end as rapidly as the safety and the permanent interests of the islands will permit. After each step taken experience will guide us to the next. "The administration will take one step at once, and will give to the native citizens of the islands a majority in the appointive commission, and thus in the upper as well as in the lower house of the legislature a majority representation will be secured. "We do this in the confident hope and expectation that immediate proof will be given in the action of the commission under the new arrangement of the political capacity of those native citizens who have already come forward to represent and to lead their people in affairs." Therefore be it Resolves, That the Philippine Assembly, in the name of the people of the Philippines, pray, as it hereby prays, the chief executive thereof to kindly forward to the President of the United States the following message in reply: We, the representatives of the Filipino people, constituting the Philippine Assembly, do solemly declare-- That the right of the Filipino people to be free and independent is evident to use, so that pursuing the line of progress for themselves, theirs is the responsibility to labor for their prosperity in all lines and direct their own destinies. This was the aspiration of the people in entering into the contest with Spain, and the presence of the American flag in Manila Bay first and later in the interior of the archipelago did not modify but rather it affirmed that aspiration in spite of reverses in war and difficulties in peace. The people, when called upon to deposit their ballots, ratified once for all this aspiration, and the national representation since the inauguration of the assembly has but acted in harmony with the popular will. So, in the midst of the most adverse conditions, the ideal of the people has not faltered, and it is so stated respectfully and frankly on this occasion to the authorities of the United States. On the other hand, our faith in the justice of the American people has been as great and as persistent as our ideal. We have waited patiently, confident that sooner or later mistakes and injustice would be corrected. The message of the President of the United States to the Filipino people tells eloquently that we have not waited in vain. We accept this message with love and gratitude, and we consider it a definite statement of the purpose of the American Nation to recognize the independence of the islands. The immediate step to concede us a majority on the commission puts into our hands the instruments of power and responsibility for the institution by ourselves of a stable Philippine government. We fully recognize and we are grateful from the bottom of our hearts for the confidence places in us by the Government of the United States. We appreciate the appointment of 122370--19489 33 the Hon. Francis Burton Harrison as governor general, considering it the unequivocal announcement of the new era, wherein we expect that the attitude of the people be one of decided cooperation and support. We believe that the experiments of imperialism have ended, and that the policy of colonial exploitation has passed into history. The time for suspicions has passed, and upon the opening of the doors of opportunity to Filipinos the weight of responsibility is made to rest upon them, which it were inexcusable cowardice to evade or refuse. Hence in a few days good understanding has been arrived at between. Americans and Filipinos which in the past 13 years could not take root. We are convinced that each step taken, while relieving the American Government of its responsibilities in the islands, will fully demonstrate, as in the past, the actual ability of the Filipino people to establish self-government, and under such government guarantee permanently the life, the property, and the liberty of the residents of the islands, whether native or foreign. We do not mean by this that there will be no difficulties or hindrances. We do not even hope that the campaign, open or secret, of the enemies of the Philippines cause will quickly end, but we feel sure that through the use of the faculties intrusted to us the Filipino people, by the grace of God and the help of America, will proudly emerge from the test, however difficult it be; and Resolved further, That a committee of seven be appointed by the speaker of the assembly to go to the office of the governor general and deliver to him this resolution duly certified. At the last meeting of the session ending February 28, 1914, Speaker Osmena submitted, before closing his speech, the following declaration, which was unanimously adopted: We, the representatives of the Filipino people, constituting the Philippine Assembly, solemnly make the following DECLARATION. In ratifying, as we do hereby ratify, the national aspiration to independence so often expressed by this assembly in previous sessions, especially in that of the 3d of February, 1911, we ratify our faith in the immortal principles of the Declaration of Independence made by the American people in 1776. This declaration, though written by Jefferson, belongs to humanity and yet holds goof. Above the egoism of peoples clothed at times in the dazzling mantle of a feigned generosity and the pride of nations obsessed by the fleeting triumphs of an imperialism ambitious and aggressive, the history of many years tells us that the advancement and greatness of a nation may be firmly established without abandoning the fundamental principles of self-government, and that his doctrine may be preserved with loyalty and love through all changes and through the passing of many generations. We consider this policy of the present President of the United States, and of his representative in the Philippines, the Governor General, as rightfully inspired by the principles of that declaration. Hence, in contrast to the previous administration, which, actuated by the idea of colonial expansion, could find but vague and indecisive words in tracing its line of conduct in the Philippines, the present administration from the first moment found within its sphere of action categoric and definite declarations as to what in its judgement should be the future of a Christian people of 8,000,000 placed merely by the chances of war in the hands of the United States. These forceful declarations were made despite the persistent and apparently organized efforts principally of those who, being responsible for having established a government by force yesterday, are attempting now, under the specious pretext of subserving the interest of the Filipino, to keep the people of the United States by every possible means from doing justice to the Filipinos. The President of the United States, as leader of the party in power, and as the exponent of the ideas of its people in vogue now, has already started to rectify erroneous theories in respect to the Philippines, exemplified in 15 years of imperialistic administration. it is now within the constitutional authority of Congress to definitely decide the insistent demands submitted to it, with honor for the Americans and with justice for the Filipinos. Besides the basic principles of government established since remote ages, after the long sufferings and weariness borne by those who, like us, were oppressed and sought liberty, Congress has the good fortune to possess another specific rule, and ultimately solemnly adopted in three national conventions, and one of which, after ratification in Baltimore, won the campaign that culminated in the election of the present majority in Congress. We earnestly and respectfully 1222370--19489--3 34 urge the early adoption by Congress of those legislative measures that in its wisdom it believes should be adopted to make the promises of independence to the Philippines immediately effective. Respecting ourselves, the Filipinos, we regard the early adoption of such legislation essential to our life as a people. Not only because we are contending with strong adversaries many miles away, far from our soil and our environment, and that we are destitute of the power of the ballot, but because it is fundamental for the permanent effectiveness of our efforts in behalf of the progress and welfare of our people that we have in our hands the guarantees of our future. In insisting on the immediate control of our affairs we are not actuated by the single desire to burden ourselves with the heavy weight of new responsibilities, but because we wish right now to establish the permanent bases of our political nationality, and step by step, with confidence and assurance, to move forward, so that without unnecessary and sudden changes we may build with our own hands, piece by piece, and following the pattern which popular conscience advises us to be the best, the governmental structure, having as its main duty the promotion of happiness, the preservation of peace, and the protection of life and property of the natives and of the foreigners of good will who may live and settle in our Philippine territory. On February 16, 1915, the Philippine Commission and the Philippine Assembly approved the following resolutions: Resolved by the Philippine Commission and the Philippine Assembly in joint session assembled, in the Marble Hall of the Ayuntamiento Building in Manila, That the Governor General be, and he is hereby, requested to send the following message from the Philippine Legislature to the President of the United States: "We express our deep gratitude for the unwavering interest shown by the President in behalf of the people of the Philippine Islands. This reiteration of intention to support the Filipino people in their petition for an independent government shows the sincerity and perseverance with which the administration proposes to carry out the plan for the independence of the Philippines, and that this intention is the same as that communicated to the people of the Philippine Islands in so solemn a manner on the 6th of October, 1913, and afterwards ratified by the President in his subsequent messages to Congress. "For our part, we again reiterate, in the name of the Filipino people, the national desire and purpose set forth on many former occasions. We have already made such substantial progress in local government that it has been deemed wise and desirable to give to the people the practical management of their affairs, both municipal and provincial. The result of the reform extending popular control in provincial government has demonstrated that the hopes of success of those responsible for this measure, adopted because of full confidence in the capacity of the people, has justified the action. The confidence of the Government of the United States has been also fully justified by the result of extending Filipino control in the insular government. Notwithstanding that the tumult of the world's greatest war still continues and that everywhere the effect has been felt in financial and economic crises, yet in spite of the limited resources of our government and the continuing limitations of our commerce, the government of the Philippine Islands has successfully met its every necessary expenditure without resort to additional loans either from the United States or foreign Governments. "But, living not alone for the present, our foresight goes far beyond, and we wish to assure a stable future for our people. We desire an increase of the elements of our national life and progress. We ask yet more, and for that reason in reiterating, as we hereby do reiterate, our urgent petitions for liberty and independence for the people of the Philippine Islands we, the elected representatives of the Filipino people, express our confidence that the efforts of the President of the United States to secure the fulfillment of his promises and the realization of our lawful hopes will obtain early and complete success." On February 4, 1916, the Philippine Assembly unanimously approved the following political declaration: It has always been customary with the Philippine Assembly at every session before adjournment to ratify its faith in the principles of liberty and independence of the Filipino people, not because such principles need be repeated each time in order to find a firm lodgment in the heart of the popular chamber ; no ; but to demonstrate to the world that neither time nor circumstances, often disheartening, has succeeded in diverting the representatives of the people from the line of conduct mapped out since the beginning of their public life. During that period 122370–19489 35 of our struggle against dominant imperialism we felt it our duty to face the fact, and, despite the precarious situation and the timidity of a few people, frankly to state to our sovereign, the American people, the sole ambition of our existence. And so we did. At the dawn of a new era for the Philippines those sacred principles which heretofore were abhorred by some now find the doors of hope opened, so that all, without any exception, may freely enter and receive a hearty welcome. The news coming from the Senate of the United States would indicate that the final hour has struck. In the acts of the insular administration here, as well as in those of the United States Government, the most sincere intentions to do us full justice are apparent. For this reason the Philippine Assembly, the depositary of popular aspirations, can not but see with satisfaction that its long and persevering efforts and its insistent and fervid demands are upon the point of being crystallized into material and tangible form. On the eve of such transcendent events, after the uncertainty and struggles of the past, and in the midst of our hopes for speedy emancipation, we, the representatives assembled, turn our eyes now to the Capitol of the United States and once more await with persistence and faith the enactment of the pending measure. The tenacity, efforts, activities, and sacrifices shown by our Resident Commissioners have been no small factor in the struggle now about to effect this happy consummation. They have been, and are, the guiding spirits of this great campaign. We applaud their splendid and patriotic work, and we recognize that no one could have done within so short a time what they have done in behalf of this country. We expect that as Members of the House of Representatives they will lose no opportunity to move the patriotism of the American people and appeal to the sentiments of humanity and justice of their Representatives. Our fervant desire is that the longed-for measure be not delayed in its passage. We Filipinos earnestly desire it. Once again we are one in this plea, as we were in the revolution. We feel confident that Divine Justice will grant us in peace what it could not grant us in time of war. On October 16, 1917, the same Philippine Legislature approved another joint resolution, which says: Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Philippines, in joint session assembled in the Marble Hall of the Ayuntamiento: That the governor general be, and hereby is, requested to send the following message to the President of the United States: "The Philippine Legislature deems it a duty incumbent upon it to voice the unequivocal expressions of the loyalty of the people of these islands to the cause of the United States of America in the present war and in this solemn manner to ratify and transmit the same to the American people. We realize that in this war there are being tried in the balance the greatest principles of humanity and right which in future will be the foundation of the stability, peace, and security of all nations, whether they be great or small or belong to one race or another. "Our loyalty to the cause is based on the evident justice of the enforced intervention of the American people in this war, in which they have been guided solely by the supreme interest of defending universal democracy and upholding the right of small nations to live in confidence and security under their own governments, safe from the threats and perils of autocracy and imperialism. "We firmly believe that the final triumph of democracy, in securing for the world the principle of nationality for the benefit of the small nations, will finally enable our people to attain the ideals for which we have always struggled, namely, our constitution into a free and independent nation, with a democratic government of law and order, ready to be another instrument of democracy and universal progress." On November 20, 1918, upon receipt of official notification of the signing of the armistice, the Philippine Legislature approved the following message to the President of the United States: Whereas the Chief Executive has just informed the legislature that it may take official cognizance of the termination of hostilities in Europe under the terms of the armistice laid down by the United States and her associated Governments ; and Whereas said terms of the armistice are such as to insure the advent of peace : Now, therefore be it Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Philippines, assembled in joint session in the marble hall of the Ayuntamiento, That a message of the most heartfelt congratulations be sent to the 122370–19489 36 President of the United States for the brilliant success obtained by the United States in the terrible war just ended, together with the expressions of the confident expectation of the Filipino people that this victory of power shall be converted into the victory of right by the glorious realization of the great ideals of humanity, justice, and liberty and self- government enunciated and reiterated by President Wilson; Be it further resolved, That this body express, and does hereby express, the gratitude of the Filipino people to the United States for the part they were allowed to take in the most far-reaching enterprise ever undertaken by democracy, the first part of which, fought in the field of arms, has successfully ended; Be it finally resolved, That the Filipino people, which have unqualifiedly sided with the United States when the war was thrust upon her, hereby renew their adherence to the noble purposes sought in the war, and they place themselves again, as heretofore, at the pleasure of the American people, ready to contribute their modest but cordial and determined service in the forthcoming task of reconstruction and peace. The Filipino people believe that Providence, in choosing the American people as the leaders in this stupendous and immortal enterprise, has ordained in His high designs that through the complete development and application to all peoples of the principles which have given birth to the United States the fruit of victory, gained at the cost of untold sacrifices, shall not have come to naught; that the world be made safe for democracy; that the rights and liberties of the small nations be forever secured and guaranteed; that the people desiring to be free be liberated and allowed to establish, without fear or hindrance, a government of their own choosing, and change it at will, when so demanded by their best interests; that the weak be not at the mercy of the strong; and that the spirit of selfishness and domination be destroyed, and established in its place among all free men of the world, a new kingdom of constructive and equal justice, based upon foundations that will make it universal, secure, and permanent. And when all these things shall have been accomplished the universal belief shall have been confirmed, that the war which has happily ended has been fought in the interest of free humanity and the everlasting peace of the world. In each and every one of these documents the sentiment of the Filipinos for their independence, a living sentiment, constant and ever-growing, is reflected. Neither the years that have passed nor the benefits received from the American Government have in any manner changed this sentiment. The Filipinos to-day, more than ever, believe that the time has come when the political relations between the two countries should be settled and adjusted with a view to a final solution. It is for this reason that the legislature enacted a law creating a committee on independence, charged with the duty of studying the means of and taking the necessary steps for negotiating with the Government of the United States the terms of the independence of the Philippines. This committee has deemed it necessary to send to the United States a special mission, which is not a political body. The economic interests of the country predominate in it. Out of the 26 full-fledged members, 14 have no official connections, are not in active politics; 4 officially represent agricultural interests; 2 represent industrial interests; 4 represent commercial interests; 1 represents the Catholics of the country; 1 represents the laborers; 1, formerly a Resident Commissioner in Washington, is now a business man; and 1 represents the medical profession. These 14 men have official representation of the economic forces of the country, and they are all for the immediate independence of the Philippines. Nothing could better explain the present attitude of the Filipinos and their determination to obtain their independence from the Government and people of the United States than the documents hereto appended, where the legislature defines the 122379–19489 37 powers of the Philippine mission and states its duties. (See Appendices "A" and "B.") Respectfully submitted. Manuel L. Quezon, president of the Philippine Senate, chairman; Rafael Palma, secretary of the interior and senator fourth district (Manila), vice chairman; Dionisio Jakosalem, secretary of commerce and communications, member; Pedro M. Sison, senator second district (Pangasinan), member; V. Singson Encarnacion, senator first district (Ilocos), member; Rafael Alunan, representative (Occidental Negros), majority floor leader, member; Emiliano Tria Tirona, representative (Cavite), minority floor leader, member; Gregorio Nieva, representative (Tayabas), member; Mariano Escueta, representative (Bulacan), member; Manuel Escudero, representative (Sorsogon), member; Pedro Aunario, representative (Mountain Province), member; Pablo Ocampo, former Resident Commissioner from the Philippines to the United States (1907–1909), member; Filemon Perez, former representative (Tayabas), representing agricultural interests, member; Jose Reyes, former governor of Misamis, representing agricultural interests, member; Delfin Mahinay, former representative (Occidental Negros), representing agricultural interests, member; Ceferino de Leon, former representative (Bulacan), representing agricultural interests, member; Jorge Bocobo, dean college of law, University of the Philippines, member; Tomas Earnshaw, representing industrial interests, member; Pedro Gil, representing industrial interests, member; Mauro Prieto, representing commercial interests, member; Juan B. Alegre, representing commercial interests, member; Carlos Cuyugan, representing commercial interests, member, Marcos Roces, representing commercial interests, member; Gregorio Singian, physician and surgeon, member; Gabriel La O, lawyer, member; Crisanto Evangelista, labor representative, member; Jaime C. de Veyra, Resident Commissioner from the Philippines in the United States, member ex officio; Teodoro R. Yangco, Resident Commissioner from the Philippines in the United Sates, member ex officio; Quintin Paredes, attorney general of the Philippine Islands, technical adviser; Conrado Benitez, dean college of liberal arts, University of the Philippines, technical adviser; Enrique Altavas, chief of land registration office, technical adviser; Camilo Osias, assistant director of education, technical adviser; Jose A. Santos, assistant attorney general, technical adviser; Jorge B. Vargas, major, Philippine National Guard, aid; Arsenio N. Luz, editor El Ideal; Francisco Varona, associate editor El Debate; Maximo M. Kalaw, assistant professor, University of the Philippines, secretary. 122370–19489 38 APPENDIX A. Fourth Philippine Legislature, special session of 1919. Resolution of the Senate and House of Representatives of the Philippines, in joint session assembled, adopting a declaration of purposes for the guidance of the commission of independence. Whereas the commission of independence has informed the Philippine Legislature that it is ready to receive from it instructions or declarations f or its future guidance, in order to insure the best possible performance of the duties of the commission: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Philippines, in joint session assembled in the Marble Hall of the Ayuntamiento, That the following declaration of purposes be, and the some hereby is, adopted, to wit: DECLARATION OF PURPOSES. The Philippine question has reached such a stage that a full and final exchange of views between the United States of America and the Philippine Islands has become necessary. We need not repeat the declarations respecting the national aspirations of the Filipino people. Such declarations have been made from time to time in the most frank and solemn manner by the constitutional representatives of the Philippine nation and are a matter of permanent record in public documents covering more than a decade of persistent efforts, particularly during the last three years. America, on her part, has been sufficiently explicit in her purposes from the beginning of her occupation of the Philippines. it is true that the treaty of Paris, whereby the sovereignty formerly exercised by Spain passed to the United States, was negotiated and concluded without the intervention or consent of the Filipinos, and that the United States of America did not occupy the Philippine Archipelago upon a previous categorical declaration like that formulated and made public before the occupation of Cuba. But, aside from certain differences in the details of both occupations which, not having been foreseen upon the declaration of war between the United States and Spain, subsequently gave rise to debate and differences of opinion regarding procedure, it is an incontrovertible fact that the definite purpose of the United States in both cases was the same : The disinterested liberation of the peoples subjugated by Spain. The American flag that waved over Cuba for lofty reasons of humanity and justice, scrupulously observed and respected after the victory, is the same flag which, when the war spread to this part of the globe, extended its protecting folds over another people anxious for justice and liberty. And that American flag could not stand for emancipation in Cuba and at the same time for forcible subjugation in the Philippines. The difference, if such ever existed, consisted only in the matters of detail not in the affirmative and observance of the cardinal principles. In one case, owing to the proximity of Cuba to the American shores, the terms of the problem were known at the outset and provisions had been made for its solution. In the other, the lack of adequate information in the United States as to the true conditions of the Philippine problem, aggravated by long distance, momentarily obscured the question and naturally gave rise to a l ess determined and speedy procedure. Thus while Cuba became free and independent after scarcely four years of American occupation, the Philippines, which professed the same ideals as their sister of the Antilles, continue in a state of dependency after more than 20 years of such occupation. In submitting the Philippine question to the Government and people of the United States, the commission of independence will find it unnecessary to refer to the natural acerbity of the situation or to the anxiety of our people which two decades of occupation have only served to accentuate. The steadfastness of our position is not due to mere sentiment but to the justice of our cause, sanctified by the laws of God and nature not only but admitted in the promises solemnly made by the United States and accepted by the Philippines. Although attention should respectfully be invited to the fact that the Filipino people have never renounced their independence, not even in the moments of the greatest adversity brought about by the enforced or voluntary submission of their own leaders, yet the commission of independence in dwelling upon the promises made will unreservedly and with the deepest gratitude recognize that they were made freely and generously to a small and powerless people after they had suffered defeat in the field of battle. The deliberate attitude of our country in reposing confidence in those promises and laboring peacefully in pursuance thereof must also be asserted. Thus, after the rupture of relations occasioned by three years of war, during which the right of the Filipinos to their independence was disputed, unsuccessfully so far as they were concerned, 122370—19489 39 violence gave way to harmony and hostility to cooperation; and thanks to the growing influence of the new conditions of peace, Americans and Filipinos who a short time ago fought each other and stained the Philippine soil with blood, undertook jointly together, on the basis of a friendly undertaking, a magnificent labor which has been carried on with the orderly progress of liberty and self-government. The commission must not lose sight of the fact that the altruistic ideals and the wise and efficient aid of America in peace justly won for her our confidence and gratitude. Far from allowing a policy of selfish exploitation to direct the destinies of these islands, America proclaimed and insisted that the interest and welfare of the Philippines were to be considered a sacred trust confided to the people of the United States. Instead of the national spirit being stifled, it was announced from the outset that the natural development of self-government would be promoted. The total surrender of the government of the municipalities to popular control, the constant increase in the measure of self-government in the administration of the Provinces, and the growing participation of the people in the management of the central government and of national affairs; the plan of a general free elementary education conceived from the start; the establishment of the national assembly, with the subsequent addition of an elective senate, and, finally, the acceptance of the offers of adhesion and aid of the Philippines to the cause of America in the recent war, based on the principles of justice and self- government, liberty and security for small nations, as proclaimed by the Government of the United States, are fundamental facts of the policy of America in these islands which have appealed to the heart and brightened the hopes of the Filipino people. President Roosevelt, proudly contemplating, rather than the initial results of the work, the loftiness and purity of the principles enunciated, said with good reason that "No great civilized power has ever handled with such wisdom and disinterestedness the affairs of a people committed by the accident of war to its hands." "Save only our attitude towards Cuba," Mr. Roosevelt continued, "I question whether there is a brighter page in the annals of international dealing between the strong and the weak than the page which tells of our doings in the Philippines." (Jan. 27, 1908.) And subsequently he proclaimed in a message to Congress that "the Filipino people, through their officials, are therefore making real steps in the direction of self-government" and that he hoped and trusted that these steps would mark "the beginning of a course which will continue till the Filipinos become fit to decide for themselves the opinion of William H. Taft, who implanted our civil régime, the national policy with regard to the Philippines contemplated a gradual and constant extension of popular control, and making a logical deduction, he said, "When the Filipino people as a whole, show themselves reasonably fit to conduct a popular self-government, maintaining law and order and offering equal protection of the laws and civil rights to rich and poor, and desire complete independence of the United States, they shall be given it." (Jan. 23, 1908.) These statements of Mr. Taft, made while he was Secretary of War, were confirmed by him when, as President of the United States, he said in a message to Congress: "We should endeavor to secure for the Filipinos economic independence and to fit them for complete self-government, with the power to decide eventually, according to their own largest good, whether such self-government shall be accompanied by independence." (Dec. 6, 1912.) On March 4, 1913, there was a change in the administration of the United States, and the power passed from the Republicans to the Democrats. Seven months later Hon. Francis Burton Harrison, the new Governor General, communicated to the Filipino people the following message from President Wilson: "We regard ourselves as trustees, acting not for the advantage of the United States, but for the benefit of the people of the Philippine Islands. Every step we take will be taken with a view to the ultimate independence of the islands and as a preparation for that independence. And we hope to move toward that end as rapidly as the safety and the permanent interests of the islands will permit. After each step taken experience will guide us to the next." (Oct. 6, 1913.) On the occasion of the change in the Philippine Commission, which acted as the upper house of the legislature, the Filipinos were given an effective majority in both houses, and in accordance with the new policy, that in the administration of affairs in the Philippines America desired not her own counsel, but the counsel of the Filipinos, the Filipinization of the service was accelerated and other administrative measures were adopted to extend the popular control in the government. Finally, maintaining all the progress made an emphasizing the steps 122370—19489 40 toward independence, frankly announced by President Wilson, the Congress of the United States approved the new organic law for the Philippines of August 29, 1916, which formally promises the Filipinos their independence and grants them a more autonomous government. Thus the burden of the international responsibilities assumed by the United States by virtue of the treaty of Paris passed in effect to the hands of the Filipino people, and a pact was virtually consummated between America and the Philippines, analogous to that established between America and Cuba by the passage of the Teller resolution, which led to the war between America and Spain and publicly defined America's purpose at that time. During this period of confident waiting, when our attitude was one of mere cooperation as well as when we assumed the new powers conferred by the Jones law, the commission of independence will find throughout the entire record of over 20 years positive facts demonstrating our full capacity for national independence and self-government. In the plan of a general free education and of sanitary improvements; in the vast public-works program with respect to roads and bridges, public buildings, and irrigation systems; in the fostering of agriculture, industry, and commerce, including the provision of banking facilities, port improvements, and an adequate system of transportation by land and sea; in the establishment of an efficient civil service and an independent judiciary; in the constant development of self-government in the local organizations and the central government and in the adoption of measures for the free and orderly exercise of the popular suffrage; in the exercise, in fine, of all the political powers intrusted to us no effort has been spared to promote the public good. Any unprejudiced critic will find after an impartial examination that we have successfully created a condition which demonstrates that the Filipino people, in managing their own affairs, can maintain law and order and afford equal protection to all, whether foreigners or nationals. Despite the party struggles that precede the elections, particularly those that attended the first general election held on the occasion of the inauguration of the Philippine Assembly, the work of that body and that of the present purely elective legislature which succeeded it show that there exists in these islands a strong and complete national unity which places general interests above petty local partisanships. In our budget system, successfully implanted since both houses became elective, no costly extravagance, local selfishness, or "log-rolling" and "pork-barrel" practices find any place. Our financial system and the appearance of cabinet members before the houses of the legislature have effected a coordination of forces and leadership which has promoted the efficiency of the administration and assured its responsibility to the people. The stability of the present Government, managed almost entirely by Filipinos, has been put to a test not only by the extension of its authority to all the remote districts of the islands inhabited by Mohammedans and other non-Christian Filipinos, where, as in the rest of the country, there now reigns perfect order maintained by civil officers, but also by the uninterrupted maintenance of a complete state of peace, order, and security during the recent war which devastated the fields of Europe and sowed the seed of restlessness and discontent throughout the world. As an evidence of the appreciation of the high purposes and disinterested work of the Americans who have aided the Filipinos, all useful public institutions in existence at the inauguration of the Philippine Assembly in 1907 have been preserved and perfected. Notwithstanding the policy of Filipinization implanted by President McKinley, no American employee in sympathy with this country and with the common work carried on has been retired from the service against his will and without an equitable compensation. It must be a source of legitimate pride and satisfaction to every American to know that the noble and humanitarian purposes expressed by President McKinley and his successors in their instructions, messages, and other official documents as the reason for American occupation has been successfully attained by the united and harmonious effort of Americans and Filipinos. Now, in applying the principles enunciated in documents and utterances on the Philippines to the conditions now existing in the islands, the independence mission will find the following facts: That there exist at present in the Philippine Islands the conditions of order and government which America has for nearly a century and a half required in all cases in which she has recognized the independence of a country or the establishment of a new government, not even excepting the case of the government of Gen. Huerta in Mexico, which she refused to recognize because it was stained with blood and established through intrigue, deceit, and crime. 122370—19489 41 That there exist likewise in the Philippines all the conditions of stability and guaranties for law and order that Cuba had to establish to the satisfaction of America in order to obtain her independence, or to preserve it, during the military occupation of 1898-1902 and during the intervention of 1906-1909, respectively. That the "preparation for independence" and the "stable government" required by President Wilson and the Congress of the United States, respectively, contain no new requisite not included in any of the cases above cited. That these prerequisites for Philippine independence are the same as those virtually or expressly established by the Republican administrations that preceded President Wilson's administration. That during the entire time that the Filipino people have been with America they have been living in the confidence that the American occupation was only temporary, and that its final aim was not aggrandizement or conquest, but the peace, welfare, and liberty of the Filipino people. That this faith in the promises of America was a cardinal factor, not only in the cooperation between Americans and Filipinos during the years of peace but also in the cooperation between Americans and Filipinos during the late war; That the condition of thorough development of the internal affairs of the country and the present international atmosphere of justice, liberty, and security for all peoples are the most propitious for the fulfillment by America of her promises and for her redemption of the pledges she has made before the world. In the light of these facts and considerations the Filipino people are confident that it will be possible to arrive at a satisfactory final decision, as we deal no longer with a disputed question but are merely endeavoring to agree upon the final adjustment of a matter with regard to which, according to President Wilson's words, there exists, so far as fundamentals are concerned, "a perfect harmony of ideals and feelings" between the Governments of the United States and of the Philippine Islands, which harmony has brought about "that real friendship and mutual support which is the foundation of all sound political policy." (Nov. 29, 1918.) Therefore, so far as it is humanly possible to judge and say, we can see only one aim for the commission of Independence: Independence; and we can give only one instruction: To get it. Thus America, in adding another glory to her banner by establishing the first really democratic republic in the East, will apply a second time, generously and freely, the same measure of humanity and justice that she applied in the case of Cuba, which is but a logical and natural sequence of the immortal principles of the Declaration of Independence. This declaration, which belongs to all humanity, has now as much force as it had in the days when America proclaimed it. America will thus vindicate the memory of President McKinley, to whom the "forcible annexation" of peoples meant "criminal aggression," and who upon taking over the Philippines "for high duty in the interest of their inhabitants and for humanity and civilization," solemnly said: "Our sacrifices were with this high motive. We want to improve the condition of the inhabitants, securing them peace, liberty, and the pursuit of their highest good." Thus finally America will carry out the efforts and assurances of President Wilson when, upon the signing of the armistice, he said to the Filipinos: "I hope and believe that the future holds brighter hope for the States which have heretofore been the prey of great powers and will realize for all the world the offers of justice and peace which have prompted the magnificent cooperation of the present war" (Nov. 29, 1918). The Filipinos will thus have a better opportunity to demonstrate how deeply rooted is their gratitude for America when, after her voluntary withdrawal from these islands, we preserve here the immortal spirit of her democratic institutions and associate with her in her future enterprises of justice and peace in carrying to the darkest corners of the earth, which lack happiness because their people do not control their own destinies, the quickening flame of justice, democracy, and liberty. 122370—19489 42 APPENDIX B. Instructions from the Commission of Independence to the Philippine Mission. MANILA, P. I., March 17, 1919. By authority of the Philippine Legislature, and acting under its instructions, the Commission of Independence has resolved that the following statement be sent to the Philippine Mission : The Philippine Mission will please convey to the Government of the United States the frankest assurance of the good will, friendship, and gratitude of the Filipino people, and submit with as much respect as confidence the question of Philippine independence, with a view to its final settlement. The attention of the Government of the United States is respectfully invited to the summary of facts and propositions considered in the declaration of purposes approved by the Philippine Legislature on March 8, 1919. It is singularly fortunate for the Philippine nation that there seems to be no controversy concerning either the pertinent principles or the capital facts of the matter. The Filipinos venture to believe that all that is necessary is a frank exchange of views in order to arrive in a prompt and satisfactory manner at a definite adjustment of details which will result in the complete and final execution of the plans outlined in accordance with the principles already established and agreed upon. It is well known that these principles are so old that many of them, and one may even say all of them, already found faithful expression in the immortal days of 1776, when in the New World a people smaller and with less resources than the Filipino people entered upon the fearless undertaking of establishing a new government founded upon the proposition that its just powers were derived not from the will of monarchs but from the consent of the governed. It was not the first time that a people threw off the yoke of a foreign Government, but it was the first case in which a people dissatisfied with the political bonds which had connected them with their former sovereign, invoking the laws of God and nature, established the principles of liberty and justice not only for themselves but also for the other subject peoples of the world. Having lived for over two decades side by side with the people of the United States, the Filipino people have become convinced that those principles are now as real and powerful as in the days when they were enunciated. Although it has not been possible to avoid certain isolated expressions made in apparent violation of those principles, yet it can not be denied that the only authorized declarations regarding the American policy in these islands have been specific and definite, and having been reiterated from time to time have led the Filipino people to believe, as they have with good reason believed, that the purposes of America were not of domination or self-aggrandizement, but of altruism, humanity, and liberty. On the basis of this understanding the attitude of the Filipinos has been one of confident waiting. Busily engaged in the reconstruction that necessarily followed the war, as well as in the reaffirmation of their personality, the Filippino people have successfully exercised the political powers conferred upon them, first giving their loyal and peaceful cooperation, and subsequently assuming an almost complete control of their internal affairs. Their national record of over 20 years, from the first day of American occupation until the present, is an open book, and is now unhesitatingly submitted to the examinaion and criticism of the world. Moreover, the triumph of democracy in the moral and political evolution of human institutions through the recent war has infused new life into the principles enunciated in 1776, and in fact has confirmed and ratified the promises of 1916. The Filipino people, seeing their own cause involved in the cause of the United States in that war, gave their support to the same. They not only placed all their modest energies and resources at the service of Ameria, but in the spirit of a real and active community of ideals and interests they resolutely assumed the international responsibilities of that country in the Philippines. It will not be amis to say now that during all that time of commotion and restlessness the public order was maintained here as perfectly as in the preceding years, and the American flag continued to float undisturbed, not because it was supported by a military force, of which there was hardly any, but because of the loyal and vigilant allegiance of the Filipinos. Now that the war is over and the world is engaged in the application of the principles that have come out triumphant from it ; now that the 122370-19489 43 Filipino people have met the tests to which their capacity has been submitted, can it be deemed inopportune or ill-advised for them to submit the pending question to the United States or to any other competent tribunal of the world for its final adjustment ? The problem being so varied in its aspects, the Filipino people will welcome an opportunity to discuss the terms of the concession of independence and the scope of the covenants necessary for the guaranty, safety, and stability of the new State and for the establishment and maintenance of such external relations, especially with America, as may be equitable and beneficial and as the circumstances may demand. In this respect they are guided by the spirit of the steps previously taken with the Government of the United States, especially by reason of the mutual understanding and benefit that were taken into account when the independence bill of 1914 was drafted. Inasmuch as the situation of the international affairs has been altered by the irresistible force of the principles consecrated by the recent war, it is evident that the plan contained in that bill can not be carried into effect without certain suitable revisions. One of them is that, inasmuch as the Filipino people believe in the efficacy of a general concert of responsible powers established for the common cause of justice and the preservation of the peace of the world, they would be ready to agree to any arrangement by which the Philippines would be enabled to participate in the concert as soon as possible. The Filipino people would not be just to themselves if at this moment, when their political separation from the sovereign country is being urged, they should fail to express in the clearest and most definite manner the sentiments and purposes that inspire their action. They therefore deem it their duty to affirm : That independence, instead of destroying or weakening, will strengthen the bonds of friendship and appreciation arising from the gratitude of the Filipino people not only for the final measure of complete justice and humanity that they confidently expect, but for all the previous disinterested work so splendidly performed for the benefit of the Philippines by so many faithful sons and daughters of America ; that this gratitude will be the fundamental factor in the future relations between the United States and the Philippine Islands ; that in the present state of the international affairs the Filipino people merely aspire to become another conscious and direct instrument for the progress of liberty and civilization ; that in the tranquil course of their years of constitutional development they will maintain for all people inhabiting their hospitable land the essence and benefit of democratic institutions ; that they will continue to associate, in so far as this will be acceptable and their strength will permit, in the works of reconstruction, justice, and peace carried on by the United States in continuation of those other undertakings, the high purpose of which was the cause, according to President Wilson, "of the magnificent cooperation during the war" between American and Filipino peoples ; and, finally, that in thus preserving their best traditions and institutions in the new situation which will strengthen and perfect them, the Filipino people will continue to make this country, as heretofore, a place of law and order, justice and liberty, where Americans and foreigners, as well as nationals, may live peacefully in the pursuit of happiness and prosperity and safe in the enjoyment of their property as well as of their rights and their liberty. SERGIO OSMENA, Speaker House of Representatives. ESPIRIDION GUANCO, Acting President Philippine Senate. 122370-19489 ARE THE FILIPINOS READY FOR INDEPENDENCE? A Symposium AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE INCORPORATED APRIL 4TH. 1891 Supplemental to Vol. CXXXI of THE ANNALS of the AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITCAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE ON AVIATION Philadelphia, May, 1927 THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE Origin and Purpose. The Academy was organized December 14, 1889, to provide a national forum for the discussion of political and social questions. The Academy does not take sides upon controverted questions, but seeks to secure and present reliable information to assist the public informing an intelligent and accurate opinion. Publications. The Academy publishes annually six issues of THE ANNALS dealing with the most prominent current social and political problems. Each publication contains from twenty to twenty-five papers upon the same general subject. The larger number of the papers published are solicited by the Academy; they are serious discussions, not doctrinaire expressions of opinion. Meetings. The Academy holds scientific sessions each year during the winter months, and it also has an annual meeting extending over two full days and including six sessions. The papers of permanent value presented at the meetings are included in the Academy publications. Membership. The subscription price of THE ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science is $5.00 per year. Single copies are sold at $2.00 each. THE ANNALS are sent to all members of the Academy, $4.00 (or more) of the annual membership fee of $5.00 being for a subscription to the publication. Membership in the Academy may be secured by applying to the Secretary, 39th Street and Woodland Avenue, Philadelphia. The annual membership fee is $5.00 and the life membership fee $100. Members not only receive the regular publications of the Academy but are invited to all the meetings. Members also have the privilege of applying to the Editorial Council for information upon the current political and social questions. Issued bi-monthly by the American Academy of Political and Social Science at Concord, New Hampshire. Editorial Office, 3622-24 Locust Street, Philadelphia, Pa. Entered as second-class matter, May 8th, 1915, at the post-office at Concord, New Hampshire, under the Act of August 24, 1912. ARE THE FILIPINOS READY FOR INDEPENDENCE? Supplement to Vol. CXXXI of THE ANNALS of the AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE ON AVIATION Philadelphia, May, 1927 AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE INCORPORATED APRIL 4 TH. 1891 THE ANNALS EDITOR: CLYDE L. KING ASSOCIATE EDITOR: JOSEPH H. WILLITS ASSISTANT EDITOR: CHARLES P. WHITE BOOK EDITOR: EDWARD B. LOGAN EDITORIAL COUNCIL: C. H. CRENNAN, DAVID FRIDAY, A. A. GIESECKE, A. R. HATTON, AMOS S. HERSHEY, E. M. HOPKINS, S. S. HUEBNER, J. P. LICHTENBERGER, ROSWELL C. McCREA, E. M. PATTERSON, L. S. ROWE, HENRY SUZZALLO, T. W. VAN METRE, F. D. WATSON Copyright, 1927, by THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE All rights reserved EUROPEAN AGENTS ENGLAND: P. S. King & Son, Ltd., 2 Great Smith Street, Westminster, London, S. W. FRANCE: L. Larose, Rue Soufflot, 22, Paris. GERMANY: Mayer & Muller, 2 Prinz Louis Ferdinandstrasse, Berlin, N. W. ITALY: Giornale Degli Economisti, via Monte Savello, Palazzo Orsini, Rome. SPAIN: E. Dossat, 9 Plaza de Santa Ana, Madrid. CONTENTS FOREWORD ...............................................................................................................PAGE iv L. S. Rowe ARE THE FILIPINOS READY FOR INDEPENDENCE? ......................................................... 1 Honorable Carmi A. Thompson, Special Representative of the President THE PHILIPPINE PROBLEM ................................................................................................ 9 Pedro Guevara, Resident Commissioner from the Philippines, Congress of the United States OUR PROMISES SHOULD BE KEPT ................................................................................. 14 Honorable Newton W. Gilbert, Formerly Vice-Governor of the Philippine Islands THE OBLIGATIONS OF PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENCE ................................................... 19 Dr. Vincente Villamin, Filipino Lawyer and Publicist, New York City DEMOCRACY IN THE PHILIPPINES ................................................................................. 22 Vincente G. Bunuan, B.A., B.S., Director of the Philippine Press Bureau, Washington Office of the Philippine Commission of Independence THE DEMANDS OF THE FILIPINOS—IS THE UNITED STATES MEETING THEM?.........30 Marcial P. Lichauco, Attorney and Counsellor-at-Law, Washington, D. C. Co-author The Conquest of the Philippines by the United States iii FOREWORD THERE is no problem confronting the American people which will require broader statesmanship than the adjustment of our future relations with the Philippine Island. Earnest students of the subject have arrived at widely divergent conclusions, and it was because of this fact that the Academy decided to devote one of its sections to a discussion of the subject. The addresses delivered at the Academy session proved to be so illuminating that it was decided to publish them in a special volume which we have great pleasure in sending to our members. L. S. ROWE President iv Are the Filipinos Ready for Independence? BY HONORABLE CARMI A. THOMPSON Special Representative of the President WHEN Marco Polo returned to Europe after an absence of seventeen years spent in China, Japan, and the Philippine Island, he was thrown into jail for his supposed lies concerning these faraway countries which he described as Cipango, Cathay, and the Islands. For a century or more after his death he was regarded as Ananias' superior; but the travels of later explorers verified nearly every statement he made concerning these so-called mythical lands. I have recently spent some time, at the direction of President Coolidge, in the Islands, named by the Spaniards "The Philippine Archipelago," in honor of Philip the Second of Spain. I refer to the experience of Marco Polo to justify a request for leniency when I introduce my subject, with a little incident which occurred about the time my work was concluded in the Islands. My party, including a number of newspaper correspondents, was at Baguio, a mountain resort north of Manila. One morning a newspaper correspondent, my executive secretary, Mr. Jappe, and I visited the Benguet Gold Mine, near Baguio. Dressed in woolen clothes, quite a contrast to the customary whites we had worn for three months, we proceeded to the head of the trail leading to the gold mine. The panorama was the most beautiful I had ever seen. I could hardly believe my own eyes. I asked the correspondent what he saw. We were standing at the very edge of a dense pine forest. Looking down the trail he began to enumerate the interesting features on the landscape—said he: "I see a splendid grove of tree ferns, and just beyond a clump of coconut palms in full bearing, and yet a little farther to the left a native boy gathering bananas, and still farther the entrance to one of the richest gold mines in the world. I am glad I have no assignment to write this description for my paper, My managing editor would conclude that I had succumbed to the subtle influence of the Orient." Nevertheless, this picture was before our own eyes. The Benguet mine is 3000 feet below the Benguet pines, and in that fall is the entire climatic condition from the temperate zone to the torrid zone. Unlike poor old Marco Polo, I can prove my story by proper and acceptable evidence. THE CLIMATE, GEOGRAPHY, AND POPULATION OF THE PHILIPPINES This story, to a certain extent, describes the climatic conditions in most of the Philippine Islands. the Islands are volcanic in character, and ate usually mountainous in the center with great fertile, tropical, coastal plains lying between the seashore and mountains. The mountains furnish the conditions which produce an abundance of rainfall, the water supply for irrigation and for power, and the cooling land breezes tempering the tropical heat of the plains. Fertile, well-watered, twelve months of growing vegetation, its mountains laden with minerals and metals ready for the use of man if he will but take them. Is it any wonder that the Philippine Archipelago has 1 2 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY been known for a century or more as the Pearls of the Orient? You will recall that the Philippine Islands are about 300 miles southeast of Asia; that from the northernmost island of the Philippines the southernmost island of Japan may be seen upon a clear day, and that the southernmost island of the Philippine Archipelago is practically contiguous to British Borneo. You will also recall that beginning with our Aleutian Islands there is a continuous chain of islands facing the entire continent of Asia and extending south of it. These Islands are under the control of America, Japan and Great Britain. Visualizing this chain of islands, you will readily see that they form an outpost for the continent of Asia; that the change in ownership or control of any of them might readily affect the commercial relations of the entire world with China and Asiatic Continent generally. The Philippine Archipelago is composed of 7083 islands of which 2441 are large enough to carry names. The total land area is 115,000 square miles. Notwithstanding the great number of islands, ninety-five per cent of this territory is contained in the eleven largest islands. In order that you may visualize clearly the land area of the Philippine Islands, I will tell you that the Island of Luzon, upon which Manila, the capital, is located, is about the size of Ohio, and the Island of Mindanao is about the size of Indiana; and as a group they will compare fairly well with the total landed area of the New England States plus the states of New York, New Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland. Another comparison is interesting - the entire Kingdom of Japan, outside of the little Island of Formosa, contains about 155,000 square miles of territory, of which a little more than one-third is tillable. In other words, the flowery kingdom has but 40,000 square miles of tillable land, whereas of the Philippine Islands, with their 115,000 square miles, more than half is available for the raising of ordinary tropical crops, and ninety-five per cent of the entire area is available for agriculture or forestry. Of this vast area, but fifteen per cent is now being utilized. The other eighty-five per cent is public domain and is not contributing to the development and prosperity of the human race. The population of the Philippines is about 12,000,000. Of this number about 11,000,000 are so-called Christian Filipinos, subscribing almost unanimously to the doctrines of the Catholic faith. Of the other 1,000,000 about 400,000 are Moros, who subscribe to the doctrines of Mohammed, and the remainder are so-called forest dwellers or hill people who are pagans. No discussion of the Filipino people would be complete without a reference to the Moros, a very picturesque and interesting people. Unconquered by the Spaniards or by the Christian Filipinos, they surrendered to the United States Army because they thought they had an understanding that the American flag would govern and protect them from the Filipino rule forever. About twenty years ago a musical comedy called "The Sultan of Sulu," had an unusual run in this country. Most people then and since have believed the Sultan to be a myth. I am here to tell he is not. I have seen him, indeed I spent one most enjoyable day in his company. He reminds you very much of the Ancient Moor as described by Washington Irving in his "Fall of Granada." He is interested in education and is a good business man. Of a swarthy complexion, he carries well his sixty-two years. By his treaty with the United States he gave up all temporal ARE THE FILIPINOS READY FOR INDEPENDENCE? 3 power, but in spiritual matters he is the Moro head of the Mohammedan church in the Sulu Archipelago, and it is not unusual to see the Moros falling to their knees for the opportunity of kissing his hand. I am told that the Mohammedan religion does not permit a man to have more than four wives at a time, but this grand old Sultan has had, I am told, as many as fifteen wives at one time. I met his favorite wife at a dinner the Sultan gave for our party. I met his brother, who, because the Sultan has no direct heirs, is next in line for the throne. The future chieftain has taken to himself eight wives. During my visit with the Sultan he took me to the new palace which he is now constructing and of which he is very proud. While thoroughly tropical in its architecture, it will stand out as one of the most beautiful homes in the Philippine Islands. The town and province of Cotabato in Mindanao is another Moro stronghold. To reach Cotabato we sailed ten miles up Cotabato River. It is known as the Alligator River. Think of the most tropical river picture you have ever seen and you will have a picture approaching to some degree the tropical beauties of this stream. When we approached the mouth of the river we were met by hundreds of fishing crafts known as "vintas," all decorated in Moro colors, streaming with palm leaves, tropical flowers, fruits and vines, manned by Moros in their picturesque costumes and led by scores of sonorous tom-toms beaten by their most beautiful girls. When we approached the dock we were met first by a datu or headman, his teeth blackened, for as you know they chew betel nut, garbed in a pair of tight-fitting black silk trousers, a very orange silk shirt, but bareheaded and barefoot. In place of buttons in the front of his shirt, there were five-dollar gold pieces. He wore a belt of twenty-dollar gold pieces, and there was a string of ten- dollar gold pieces from his hips down the side seam of his trousers to his feet. He wore five-dollar gold pieces as shoulder ornaments. It is a custom among the Moros to gather American gold money and use it for decoration; but this was the most bedecked Moro I have seen. He wore by his side a weird kris. A kris is a wicked sword used by the Moros. This was also decorated with American gold money. A member of our party counted more than one thousand dollars in gold coin upon this proud datu. Next to him came datu Piang, a patriarch more than eighty years old, considered to be the richest man among the Moros, although born a slave. He wore a highly colored turban, but was bare- foot. Riches, however, with the Moro are land, wives and servants. Piang has had thirty-six wives and one hundred and fourteen children, and servants without number. I may stop here to say that later in the day old datu Piang took his kris from his side and handed it to me with its sheath and belt, saying that during his lifetime no one had ever been able to take it away from him; that he was old and he wanted to give it to me as a souvenir of my visit, and that he would never put on again the emblem of war. Then came the Sultan of Cotabato. He appeared with two or three servants carrying queer shaped, very gorgeous parasols above his head; another one just behind extending the ever present betel-nut box, and one just in front of him carrying a cuspidor, and in the place of outriders there marched a few paces ahead of the Sultan two men with great swords of state. He, like datu Piang, wore no shoes. Everything had been wrought with great care and without regard to expense, except the 4 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY cuspidor, but on account of constant change, I presume, it was fashioned from a Standard Oil can, which device was filled with moss and herbs, so that the artistic eye of the Sultan might not be abused, or his delicate olfactory nerve be offended. With the exception of the intermingling of Spaniards, Chinese and other people who have settled among them, the Filipinos are a pure Malay stock. Three-fourths of my time in the Philippines was spent among the Christian Filipinos. I landed in Manila on July 9th. My party included Mrs. Thompson, my private secretary, Miss Jones, and my executive secretary, Mr. Jappe, as well as representatives of leading metropolitan dailies and the large news services of the country. I remained in the islands three months and during my stay I visited forty-one of the forty-eight provinces. From the time we left Cleveland until we returned we traveled over 40,000 miles. THE LANGUAGE OF THE ISLANDS Concerning the origin of the Filipinos it is known only that they migrated many hundreds of years ago from the islands farther south; that they are an off-shoot from the Malay race which inhabits that part of the world. A few settled on each of the various larger islands of the Philippine group and remained in seclusion there for many years. While they probably started with a common language their isolation on the various islands, or sometimes on the same island but separated by mountain ranges, caused each group to develop its own dialect. There are now eighty-seven dialects and eight distinct languages spoken in the Islands. The eight languages are probably as different, as for illustration, the German and Italian languages languages. In other words, the members of one group have no way of communicating with the members of another group, unless it is done through English or Spanish. Only the educated and well-to-do know Spanish, and they are the small minority. A large number of the younger element know English. The English language is taught in the public schools. If we retain our influence in the Islands for another twenty-five years, practically everyone will be able to converse in English. ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL TENDENCIES The average mentality of the Christian Filipino is high. Physically small as compared with the races of Western Europe he compares well with the Oriental races. They are an affable and generous people. They love music and outdoor sports. They are quick to learn and adapt themselves readily to the mechanical trades. Their thirst for knowledge leads them to colleges in all parts of the world and fills their school-houses beyond their capacity with the younger people. They are very hospitable. Their custom requires you to sit at their table if you would be their friend. This custom was carried to such a degree that on one occasion I was compelled to partake of six banquets, of from ten to twelve courses each, in one afternoon and evening. On another occasion, on our return from the 7500 mile trip around the Southern Islands, my party was stranded in a small fishing village because the ocean was so rough that our little boat could not land. We were compelled to remain over night. Two of the leading families took us in. We were treated to a tasty dinner and comfortable beds for the night and breakfast the next morning. We learned later that both families gave up their entire house to ARE THE FILIPINOS READY FOR INDEPENDENCE? 5 us and slept in their barns. We found that same hospitality whether we were with Senate President Quezon in Manila, Senator Oamena in Cebu, General Aguinaldo in Cavite, or the common people in the provinces. The Filipino has no inclination toward business or the practical development of the great natural resources. Those who are educated look to the profession of law or medicine, or toward politics for a livelihood, and even those who look to the legal and medical profession, expect in the end to draw their pay from the government. In fact, with the Filipino leader, everything begins with politics and ends with politics. I was not in Manila long until I learned that the fundamental problem of the Philippine Islands was the political problem; that no economic development could be started until the political status of the Islands was settled finally or for a long time to come. Under the present conditions of political uncertainty outside capital will not invest in the Islands. As a matter of fact, the Filipino leaders are discouraging the admission of capital for investment, fearing it would lead to economic exploitation and retard the day for independence. I found business at a standstill; time that should have been or could have been consumed in the development of the Islands was being used to discuss the independence question. Filipino labor, which to my mind is the most efficient in the Far East, is emigrating to Hawaii and the United States. All political activities in the Islands radiate around the independence question. Americans who believe that the independence cry comes from the so- called "Politicos" alone, are mistaken. There are two well-defined political parties in the Philippines, but they differ only on internal matters. Both have the same views on independence. All Filipinos who are interested in public affairs are openly for independence, and no one can be elected to public office unless he advocates independence. I believe that practically the entire voting population is for independence. Of course only about forty per cent of the adult male inhabitants have qualified as voters under the Organic Law, which provides for literacy, property and other qualifications. Women do not possess the franchise. How the non-voting population stands on this question can hardly be ascertained, but it is safe to say that the independence movement is growing all the time. Every child in the public schools is taught to cry for independence. The American teachers, sent to the Islands a quarter of a century ago, started the movement and now the Filipino teachers are continuing the work. Some of the most violent advocates of "the independence movement" are Filipino educators who have been trained in American colleges. Most Filipinos do not realize the responsibilities that go with independence. Their leaders never discuss this phase of the question. COMPLETE INDEPENDENCE IMPOSSIBLE I believe that complete independence is impossible now, and for a long time to come. As I said in my report, I believe the Philippines lack the financial resources necessary to maintain an independent government. The Islands are too poor to carry on the necessary housekeeping duties of a nation, let alone the expenses of an army, navy, diplomatic corps, and consular service. Practically all the bonded indebtedness of the Philippines is held by citizens of the United States. If the payment of these bonds were made a prerequisite to independence, the Philippine government would have 6 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY no means with which to redeem them. Then they lack a common language, and for other reasons the Filipinos do not have the homogeneity and solidarity which are the requirements of a strong nation. A bitter religious feud between the Christian Filipinos and the Mohammedan Moros might accentuate the danger of a civil war should independence be granted at this time. From the standpoint of American commercial interests in the Far East, it would be unwise to relinquish control of the Islands at the present time. We need the Philippines as a commercial base, and their retention will otherwise be of great benefit to our Far Eastern situation. Independence would end the free trade relationship between the United States and the Philippines. This would bring about economic disaster for the Islands. Also, the abandonment of the Philippines at this time might complicate international relations in the Orient. The independence propaganda might give one the impression that the Filipinos will not be satisfied with anything less than complete, absolute, and immediate independence. During my stay in the Islands, I sought every opportunity to obtain the opinions of Filipino political and business leaders, and to my mind what they really hope for is an early settlement of their relations with the United States on a basis which would give them complete autonomy in internal affairs, but with the United States directing all foreign affairs. The other phase of the political problem is the breach between the Governor- General and the Legislature. This breach has reached the stage where one branch of the government does not seem to have confidence in the other, and vice versa. Consequently no constructive legislation is possible under this condition. The Governor-General, being a distinguished soldier, naturally has confidence in, and has relied to a great extent upon, his military associates, who have been styled in the Islands as his "Cavalry Cabinet." The members of this cabinet, like the Governor-General himself, have splendid military records, and are gentlemen of the highest type. It is impossible, however, to overlook the criticism that they are unfit for the tasks assigned them, and that, in some cases, they have caused needless friction by tactless methods in their dealings with the Filipino leaders. The Filipino leaders complain that the Governor-General has virtually destroyed the autonomy, which they acquired under the former Governor- General, and further allege that the Governor-General has actually, although not nominally, established himself as a military dictator, and that he has interfered in local matters. The leaders are continually telling their people that this group of army officers, whose advice, they say, the Governor-General takes almost exclusively, really governs the Islands. This is an unfortunate condition, for it gives the leaders an effective argument. On the other hand Governor- General Wood, when he assumed office, took over the administration of a government, which according to the Wood-Forbes report, had been run in a reckless manner. Business administration was said to be relatively inefficient, and in some branches corrupt. The financial position of the government was almost hopeless. Under Governor-General Wood's administration, the peso returned to par; the Philippino National Bank, which was practically insolvent, was kept open; and the administration of government departments was greatly improved. At the same time, the Gov- ARE THE FILIPINOS READY FOR INDEPENDENCE? 7 ernor-General sought to conduct the government with a strict interpretation of the Organic Act. In so doing, he resumed and exercised many executive powers which his predecessor in office had virtually abandoned. I am glad to say that I found no evidence of any anti-Americanism, which would necessitate military control. The Filipinos are grateful to the American people for the progress made by them during American control. THE DUTY OF THE UNITED STATES The United States has a duty to perform towards the Filipino people. We must not abandon these islands to the risk of an independent existence, without reasonable preparation to meet the economic competition or the aggression of the stronger nations. We must not drop the tasks which we assumed a quarter of a century ago until we have satisfied ourselves that the Filipinos are prepared for complete self-government, but at the same time we should not take away from the Philippine people their aspiration to govern themselves whenever they are able to stand alone as an independent people. While we are preparing the Filipinos for self-government, we should not reduce the internal autonomy which they have been granted, unless their own conduct should make this necessary. Also while we are preparing them for self-government, we should keep in mind that this entails making the Philippines a going concern in a financial sense. Today they lack the financial resources necessary to maintain an independent government. The revenue derived from taxes in the Islands amounted in 1925 to only $44,000,000. This would not be enough to support them, if in addition to carrying on their necessary internal activities, they had to pay for many services which our War, Navy, State, and other departments now render without charge to the Philippine people. With the proper economic and political development, the Philippines would enjoy an era of prosperity such as has never been known in the world. RECOMMENDATIONS AS TO POLITICAL CHANGES The political changes which I believe to be necessary, are as follows: Steps should be taken at once to reestablish cooperation between the executive and legislative branches of the government. The Governor-General should be provided with the necessary civil advisors and not be required to choose such advisers from the United States army. The administration of the Philippines, together with our other overseas possessions should be transferred to an independent establishment reporting directly to the President, or to a special insular bureau in one of the civil departments. The Federal Reserve System and the Federal Land Bank should be extended to the Islands. During the last two years we have heard a great deal about the British rubber monopoly. I saw rubber raised on the Island of Basilan, where experts said conditions are more favorable than in the Straits settlements. With the introduction of capital and the settling of the political questions, the Philippines can raise sufficient rubber, camphor, and coffee to break the monopolies in these necessary commodities which foreign nations now maintain to the disadvantage of the Americans and also of the Philippine people. I am firmly convinced that we can do most good for ourselves in the Philippines by helping the Filipinos to make the most of their great opportunities. 8 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY We must approach all Philippine problems with sincerity, sympathy, understanding and friendship. The Filipinos, as a people, are worthy of our confidence and our assistance. There is much to be done to remove the obstacles to Philippine development that have been raised by misunderstanding and prejudice. If my efforts contribute anything toward clearing these obstacles, and bringing about a better relationship between the American and Philippine peoples, I shall feel well repaid, for then I shall know that I have rendered a real service, not only to the one hundred and ten million people of America, but to twelve million more in these far-off islands who need all the help American statesmanship and American business can give them. In meeting these Philippine problems, I am sure, America will measure up to our finest national traditions. The Philippine Problem BY PEDRO GUEVARA Resident Commissioner from the Philippines, Congress of the United States SCARCELY a month has elapsed since the transmission to Congress of the report of Colonel Thompson, who was sent last year as the special envoy of President Coolidge to the Philippine Islands. As might normally be expected, in view of the conflict of interests affected by any proposed solution of the Philippine problem, this report has been the subject of varying comment. Honest statesmanship, however, does not stop at selfish consideration; it strives to solve the problem presented in a judicial manner and with a view to the best interests of all concerned. The friendly spirit apparent throughout the report is most commendable, and I am very glad to have this opportunity of congratulating Colonel Thompson for most successfully fulfilling the delicate task entrusted to him by the President. THE POLITICAL PROBLEM FUNDAMENTALS I absolutely agree with Colonel Thompson that "the political problem is the fundamental problem in the Philippines." The solution of this proposition will at the same time resolve the equally important question of the economic development of the Islands. These problems are inseparable; and all who are sincerely interested in the economic advancement of the Philippines must seek a satisfactory solution of their political status. Thus the question is immediately presented as to what course shall be pursued to effect a solution of the political problem in the Islands. The mere statement of this question 9 will quite naturally give rise to varying statements of opinion. Men of vision, however, will appreciate that it is never possible for everyone to be satisfied, and that in all human transactions the spirit of mutual concession is essential. In my opinion there are but two possible alternatives for the United States with regard to the present situation. First, the granting of immediate independence to the Philippines in accordance with the previous promise of this country; second, home rule for the Philippines. This alternative course of action is suggested without in the slightest degree admitting that independence should not be immediately given, but solely because under present conditions immediate independence appears hopeless. THE JONES LAW Passing for the moment any discussion of the arguments offered against the present fulfillment of the pledge of the United States to grant the Filipinos their immediate independence, I desire to call your attention to the preamble of the Jones Law, which reads as follows: Whereas it was never the intention of the people of the United States in the incipiency of the War with Spain to make it a war of conquest or for territorial aggrandizement; and Whereas it is, as it has always been, the purpose of the people of the United States to withdraw their sovereignty over the Philippine Islands and to recognize their independence as soon as a stable government can be established therein; and Whereas for the speedy accomplishment 10 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY of such purpose it is desirable to place in the hands of the people of the Philippines as large a control of their domestic affairs as can be given them without, in the meantime, impairing the exercise of the rights of sovereignty by the people of the United States, in order that, by the use and exercise of popular franchise and governmental powers, they may be the better prepared to fully assume the responsibilities and enjoy all the privileges of complete independence. When the Congress of the United States passed this law in 1916, it had unquestionably considered all the arguments which are today being advanced against the granting of independence to the Filipino people. An extensive and exhaustive debate on the preamble of the Jones Law took place on the floor of the House of Representatives and of the Senate, and by majority vote of both Houses the American people were pledged to the granting of independence to the Philippine Islands "as soon as a stable government can be established therein." But one test, the establishment of a stable government in the Islands, was designated as the prerequisite to the granting of independence. A stable government, in accordance with the American conception of the phrase, means a government which is capable of maintaining order among the people subject to its rule, and which is further capable of observing and fulfilling its international obligations. Both of these tests have unquestionably been met by the Philippine Islands since the enactment of the Jones Law. The Islands owe nothing to any foreign power; and at this time, when the question of international obligations is so much a matter of discussion, it is worthy of note that the Philippine government has always discharged at maturity its obligations to the United States as to its bonds issued and sold in this country. APPARENT DIFFICULTIES EASILY OVERCOME The Philippines possess sufficient financial resources to enable them to start an independent national existence. When once the political status of the Islands has been settled the natural resources of the country and the business energy of its people will unquestionably be developed. New markets will be opened and trade and commercial intercourse with other nations will increase. Under existing conditions there can be no hope for economic progress, and the present industrial stagnation must become increasingly acute. Undoubtedly the Philippines would, on the granting of independence, be confronted with a difficult financial problem; but in this respect the new government would be obliged to meet no greater difficulties than those encountered by other nations in the early stages of their development. It has been frequently stated that the lack of a common language forms a barrier to the granting of independence. In reply to this I would say that the Filipinos can communicate with each other freely, not only through their native dialects but also through the medium of the English and Spanish languages. Three hundred years have elapsed since they were brought in contact with European civilization, and at no time have they experienced any difficulty in communicating with each other. When the Spaniards first took possession of the Islands they had no knowledge of the native dialect; yet they were able to establish and maintain a substantial form of government in the Philippines. The American people were likewise unfamiliar with the local dialects, but showed a remarkable capacity for instituting and maintaining a stable government in the Islands. THE PHILIPPINE PROBLEM 11 The suggestion that independence would lead to civil warfare, instigated by the leaders of different language groups, is ill-founded. The common interests of the people would make this impossible. In the Philippine Legislature, where different regions are represented, the division of membership is not founded upon regional language, but upon political belief. There are two political parties in the Islands, each of which has in its membership men from regions where different dialects are spoken. Both in the legislature and in political organizations sectional interests are absolutely unknown. The aspiration for independence is national in scope and is not limited to any particular region. If the people of the Islands were given the opportunity to express themselves upon this question by a plebiscite, the vote would be practically unanimous. Notwithstanding oft-repeated assertions to the contrary, there exists a very definite public opinion in the Philippines. It is impossible for anyone to be elected to public office who does not subscribe absolutely and unqualifiedly to the cause of independence. There is no oligarchy and there never will be. Public opinion in the Philippines is very sensitive. Senators, representatives, governors, and mayors, who are all elected by popular vote, are very seldom re-elected. They must have rendered a distinguished public service to be worthy of re-election. Much has been said of the antagonism which it is assumed exists between the Filipinos of Mohammedan and Christian beliefs. It has even been stated that those adhering to these differing religious faiths do not belong to the same race, although this is in direct contradiction to the statements of noted historians both past and present. During the administration of Governor General Harrison, a most friendly and brotherly relationship existed between Mohammedans and Christians in the Islands, and nothing has occurred since that time to cause any change in this feeling. In proof of my assertion to this effect, I am prepared to produce at any time authentic documents signed by prominent Mohammedans in the Islands which I have in my possession. The best test of the common aspiration and sentiment of the Filipinos of both religions would be a plebiscite, but this has been denied us. MINOR CONTROVERSIAL QUESTIONS SHOULD BE ELIMINATED In attempting to arrive at a solution of the Philippine problem it is essential that minor controversial questions be eliminated. The interests of both Americans and Filipinos should be, and in fact are, in unison. The Filipino people have no control as to the determination of their status; the United States is the sole arbiter as to the fulfillment of its promise of freedom to the Islands. Hence, I shall not attempt to discuss the international aspect of the Philippine question. In this connection, however, I would call attention to the fact that there exists today a world conscience which is sufficiently strong to give pause to any nation, however great and powerful, which would seek to subdue and plunder a weaker people. Furthermore, this is not a period when the nations of the world care to embark in foreign conquest. The League of Nations, however American entry as an integral part of its organization may be regarded, at least presents evidence of a desire on the part of its members to avoid international friction. Each country is confronted with its own domestic problems, and it cannot be doubted that deliberate 12 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY aggression on the part of any power would cause complications which no nation today is prepared to face. Let us assume, however, for the sake of argument that a stable government means a government which is able to repel or offer an adequate defense against foreign aggression; and let us also admit that no one can forecast the policies of the great powers in the Far East for the immediate future. If this be true the Philippine Islands should remain under the sovereign power of the United States until they shall have acquired the ability to defend their territory and independence against any possible foreign aggression. If, then, the Islands are to remain under the control of the United States, shall American statesmanship further prolong the anomalous and unfortunate situation now prevailing? Should not the Filipino people enjoy the blessings of American traditions and history? Should not the Philippines be placed under a form of government which is truly American in fundamentals and character? It is most fortunate and extremely gratifying that Colonel Thompson has been in close personal contact with the Philippine situation. He thoroughly appreciates that existing conditions in the Islands are most unhappy and undesirable. I am firmly of the belief that they are merely the natural consequence of a political system founded upon dual sovereignty which is inherently fallacious. It is a system which is liberal in theory only, but in fact is inevitably oppressive. The thirteen American colonies, and later both Ireland and Canada, have passed through a similar situation. ATTITUDE OF GREAT BRITAIN COMPARED Colonel Thompson, as the personal representative of the President, regrets in his report the lack of cooperation between the Governor-General and the Philippine Legislature, and has stated that for this reason "very little constructive legislation has been passed with the exception of the annual appropriations and public works bills." This part of his report is reminiscent of that rendered by Lord Durham, Special Commissioner appointed by the King of England to investigate conditions in the Dominion of Canada. In 1838 Lord Durham said: "It is melancholy to think of the opportunities of good legislation which were sacrificed in this mere contest for power" between the Governor and the Assembly. Again Colonel Thompson in his report says: "Business in the Islands is practically at a standstill. Not only is it impossible to obtain new capital but many existing investments are regarded as unsafe. Philippine labor is without sufficient employment and is emigrating to Hawaii, the United States, and other countries." Lord Durham in his report, to which reference has been made, said, "While the present state of things is allowed to last, the actual inhabitants of these provinces (Canada) have no enjoyment of what they possess, no stimulus to industry. The development of the vast resources of these extensive territories is arrested and the population, which should be attracted to fill and fertilize them, is directed into foreign states." The report of Lord Durham resulted in a complete revision of the British attitude toward the Canadian government, and home rule was granted. Today Canada is happy and prosperous, and today the people dwelling in the Dominion, though still under British sovereignty, are most loyal in their devotion to the mother country. Very recently Great Britain has taken a new and decidedly progressive step in deal- THE PHILIPPINE PROBLEM 13 ing with her dominions. As a result Canada, Australia, Ireland, and the other component parts of the British Empire are for all practical purposes separate national entities. This in itself is outstanding proof of the fact that a policy of domination is not only unnecessary but positively inimical to the establishment of harmonious and mutually advantageous relations between different peoples. The attitude which Great Britain has adopted with regard to her Dominions has, in fact, been anticipated by the Congress of the United States. No other construction can be placed upon the principles embodied in the preamble of the Jones Law where it is stated that "it is desirable to place in the hands of the people of the Philippines as large a control of their domestic affairs as can be given them without, in the meantime, impairing the exercise of the rights of sovereignty by the people of the United States, in order that, by the use and exercise of popular franchise and governmental powers, they may be the better prepared to fully assume the responsibilities and enjoy all the privileges of complete independence." With proper safeguards the Filipino people should at least be allowed to formulate their own constitution and elect their own Governor-General. Surely the American people will not be less liberal than those of England against whom they fought in their struggle for justice and liberty. American statesmanship stands at the threshold of an opportunity to add another chapter to the splendid traditions of this country. The Filipino people are ready and eager to cooperate to the fullest extent. Our Promises Should Be Kept By HONORABLE NEWTON W. GILBERT Formerly Vice-Governor of the Philippine Islands I HAVE been very much interested in these two addresses, particularly I may say in the address of Colonel Thompson because he has just come back from the Philippines and his impressions are new; mine were made through a series of years. I was out there eleven years. Of course during that time I saw every part of the Archipelago, and thought I knew a great deal about the people, but that was several years ago, and I now have to get my latest information from people who come from there. However, there is not a week passes that I do not see Filipinos and Americans both, coming here from the Islands, and who always come to see me in New York. When Colonel Thompson was speaking of the Igorote people, a pagan people as he called them (and they are pagans), I thought perhaps you would be interested in my relating an incident which I think discloses something of their character which he praised very highly, and shows the divergence of language in the Philippines. In the Igorote country the land is divided into rancherias. A rancheria is simply what we would call here a township. When I first went to the Philippine Islands I was on the bench and was a judge at large, having jurisdiction in all parts of the Islands, and was sent through the Igorote country to hold the first courts that had been held in many parts of the same. I took with me a retinue of interpreters, because the language differed from rancheria to rancheria, and also court officers so as to hold court. 14 I remember I was told before I started on this trip that the language of each rancheria had a word which it would be very useful for me to know, which word was a greeting such as "glad to see you," "it is a fine day," "bully for you," and so on, and I said to the interpreters that I wanted to learn that word at least before I reached each one of these rancherias. I remember in the first rancheria the word was "mahpud," and so when the chief came to greet me with his retinue, I said "mahpud" and stuck out my hand. He was pleased and said a few words back to me that I had not yet learned, and presented me with an egg. As a rule I was presented with an egg. They always gave me some such present, and I would give them a box of matches, or a paper of needles, or some colored beads. I carried several horses loaded with gifts of this sort which were not very expensive, but would serve the purpose. The word was "mahpud" in the next rancheria, and in the next "maptung." Now that word varied from rancheria to rancheria until in the last one it was "ogeese." I am relating this simply to show how the dialects do differ. They differ vastly. But I want to tell another incident that happened in one of the last places I visited on that trip. When I came to hold court I found that among the criminal cases was one against a young man of one rancheria, who had been arrested for throwing a spear from ambush and piercing the arm of an old man from the next rancheria. You will remember that these OUR PROMISES SHOULD BE KEPT 15 people were all head hunters before we went there, and we were trying to get them out of it. This man had been under arrest for two or three weeks and was to be tried. The word went around that I was there, and when I went to the courthouse in the morning (the courthouse being a big bare room) I found outside waiting for me about a hundred and fifty, or two hundred, of the friends of these two parties, all Igorotes of course, none of them clad except in a G-string, tall, bronzed, fine-looking fellows as a rule, each one of them carrying a large spear and a head-axe. There were about seventy-five or a hundred of them representing the young fellow and about the same number representing the old man. I hadn't been there very long, and they didn't look good to me. But they asked me through an interpreter if there was any objections to their coming into the courthouse when the trial was held - to which I said, "Come in, but stack your arms outside." This they proceeded to do, and came in. Now I remember the friends of the young man all took their seats, if you may call them seats - the Igorotes don't sit on chairs, they squat on their heels. If you give them a bench or a seat of any sort, they get up on it with their feet and squat on their heels. Well, the young man's friends squatted on one side, and the trial began. There was no dispute about the facts. Under the Spanish law, as perhaps many of you know, when you try a criminal case, if there has been any damage suffered by anybody by reason of the criminal act, you assess that damage in the same trial. It is a much better plan than we have here. Here a man may assault me and I can convict him for that assault, but when I sue him for the damage he has done me, the jury may turn the other way. Out there, however, you can't have that kind of miscarriage of justice. So it was my duty when I found him guilty, which I did, to also assess the damages to the old man whom he had injured. Well, the old man had been laid up from work to twenty-one days according to the evidence, and at the rate of ten centavos, or five cents a day, which his time was worth, you can readily figure out that the damage was twenty-one times ten centavos, or two pesos and ten centavos, or $1.05. So when I found him guilty and sentenced him to a month or two in jail and to pay the costs, I said also, "Pay the damage done to this old man of $1.05." The chief of the young man's tribe (they were all watching and listening to the interpreter) jumped up and said, "When must this money be paid? I said, "It is due now, but must be paid before the young man leaves jail." He then asked if he could have time to collect the money. I said he could. He went around amongst his followers, and they fished out of the pockets of their G-strings a penny or two or three until they had $1.05. I directed him to give it to the clerk of the court, who gave him a receipt for it. I directed the clerk of the court to give it to the old man who had been injured. He was squatted on a bench to the left of me. He was an old fellow, seventy years old, with gray chin whiskers, eagle-eyed, and the clerk went over with a double-handful of pennies and offered them to him. At that he draw back and refused to take them. So I said to the interpreter, "Explain to him what this is. This is what he gets in damages. He wasn't able to work twenty-one days, and here is what he gets for it, so he won't be out anything through being hurt." The 16 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY interpreter explained it to him and then again when the money was offered he drew back. I said to the interpreter, "What is the matter with him?" The interpreter asked him, and at that the old man jumped down onto the floor and stood up and made a speech which, being interpreted to me, was like this. He said, "I didn't cause this prosecution to be brought in order to get money out of this follow. We have our own way of settling these matters, but now this great American government has come over here and they have established some kind of law and a court, and they say the right way is to go into court and have him prosecuted as I have done here. But I don't want his money; I scorn his money. I have great respect for the court, but rather than take this money I'll go to jail myself." Now I give you that as an instance of the character of those people. I think they are wonderful people myself. The question which is under discussion is a very hard question to cover in five or ten minutes. I think we've got to look at it from three points of view. I won't try to say which of them is the most important, but we must look at it first from the point of view of the Filipino people; second, from the point of view of the American government; and third, from the world point of view. Of course it goes without saying that if we should grant at this time, in the condition of the world, independence in the Philippine Islands, there would be an uprising in India, in the Dutch settlements, and a conflagration in the Far East. I think there is no doubt about that, because other people would say, "We are as much entitled to independence as the Filipinos." I won't say that is an argument against independence, but it is a fact, in m y judgment. Now I am thinking principally principally of the interest of the Filipino people. Somebody said to me the other day, "Don't bother with that. It sounds like bunk." It isn't bunk with me. I was there eleven years. I learned to know these people. You see these men here behind me - and others in the audience - there are no finer people in the world. Nobody has better hearts than the Filipino people. You learn to love them. You learn to care for them. I do, and I appreciate their ambition, but, after all, I've got some consideration for their welfare, and in my judgment to turn these people loose at this time, with their very limited resources, is to create a condition that would be very harmful to them, exceedingly harmful to them. In the first place, they couldn't maintain their independence if anybody chose to take it away from them. They say, "Well, why can't we have neutrality?" Well, Belgium had neutrality, and I don't like that kind of neutrality. You don't know what might happen. They are the only Christian people in the Far East. They are the only people in the Far East where women have any rights and standing and character. The women of Japan, of China, of all oriental countries outside of the Philippine Islands, are slaves. I am not willing to subscribe to any condition that will put the women of the Philippine Islands possibly in that situation. It isn't such a terrible thing to be connected with the United States. The people of California haven't asked for independence. They have every right in the Philippine Islands that they have in California. They haven't the right of trial by jury, but they have the right under the law to create a law for trial by jury, but perhaps they are not ready for it yet. I am not for independence now because of these reasons, which reasons you see I could OUR PROMISES SHOULD BE KEPT 17 elaborate on if I had the time to do it. It doesn't mean that I shall never be for independence. I don't pay much attention to the preamble of the Jones Bill. I think the preamble of the Jones Bill, saying they wanted to do something when stable government was established, was, to say the least, silly, because a stable government was at the moment established in the Philippine Islands. Could it be any more stable than it was then? Could the government be any more stable than it was at the very moment that the bill was enacted? That doesn't worry me; but I will tell you what does worry me. Every President of the United States, from McKinley to Wilson inclusive, gave out public statements of some kind that they were going to give the Philippine Islands independence. Of course I know it is true that no President of the United States had any authority to promise for you or me. That isn't within the province of their duty or their powers. But they did, and I am not willing for the Filipinos or any other people in the world to say my country made them promises they are not going to fulfill. And, therefore, I say we must arrange somehow to redeem that promise. While we can't do it now, as I see it, we can, as has been proposed, say to the Filipinos, "We are unwilling to give you independence now, because it would ruin you economically. The $40,000,000 additional you are getting now you are getting by reason of having free entry to the United States. We are not willing to put you in the position of losing that, but we believe within thirty or forty years you can develop these things so that perhaps then you could have independence, if you then wanted it." And so it has been proposed that we say to them, "We will give you the fullest measure of local self-government now, but we will retain all the powers of sovereignty. We will retain all powers to deal with foreign nations, and retain all powers in reference to finances outside of the Philippines, and when your bonds are paid, as they are due, in less than thirty years, you then want independence we will give it to you, but it will be up to you." Now of course my judgment is that when they become developed to that point they won't want it, because they will see the advantages they have by being with us. If they lacked freedom it would be a different thing. They have freedom in every sense that any of us have freedom. May I refer to just one more thing? Colonel Thompson referred to the fact that the Philippine Islands needed agricultural development. That is certainly true, and there has been no opportunity for that because of what? Because of the fact that the United States Congress, in the early days of our occupation of the Philippine Islands, passing a law which did not permit a corporation to own more than 2500 acres of land in the Philippines. That law has hindered development. That law, passed by our Congress, not the Philippine Legislature, has fixed them so that through all these years they couldn't have the beginnings of the development that they must have. And then Congress recently did a more serious thing. They put into the Jones Bill a provision that the Philippine Legislature themselves could have control of the land laws, when neither Alaska, nor California, nor Arizona have control of their public lands. Those are public lands that the United States owns. They are not public lands of the Philippine Islands; they are public lands of the United States, and so Congress for the moment, at least, has put out of its power the 18 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY opportunity to give the Filipino laws that will permit the development of these lands on a large scale. Men and women, this is an important question; I think it is a great question. We undertook there something we never undertook before. We weren't experienced and didn't know how. We perhaps have made a good many mistakes, but we haven't any mistakes in our hearts. We want to do the right thing. I don't think the Filipinos have any mistakes in their hearts either. They want to do the right thing. They are friendly personally with all of us. They like us. We like them. There ought to be some basis upon which we could get together. We must be sure we redeem every promise we have made at the proper time, and may everybody feel that neither side is at fault in the matter. The Obligations of Philippine Independence By VICENTE VILLAMIN Filipino Lawyer and Publicist, New York City PREPAREDNESS for independence is a proposition of relativity comprehending a multiplicity of conditions and circumstances. Accordingly to the query: Are the Filipinos ready for independence? I reply: They are. But to the less academic and more relevant query: Is it wise for the Filipinos to separate from the United States now? I reply: It is not. There is indeed in the Filipino people the philosophical foundation of independence, the natural longing to exist as a distinct political organism. Particularly during the last three decades consciousness of country and patrimony has become stronger by the impact of the centripetal force of a resurgent nationalism. Nevertheless, to those Filipinos who would build a nation upon sound and secure foundation the rational preoccupation should be: Would the immediate and complete realization of that longing enrich and invigorate and perpetuate national life? WHY THE PHILIPPINES SHOULD NOT SEPARATE NOW An analysis of prevailing environmental conditions and national psychological tendencies compels a negative reply. This conclusion connotes not fear but prudence, not surrender but common sense. It spells national self-preservation. To a Philippine nation the problem of international security would be of the gravest character. This embraces the disturbing questions of imperialism, militarization, extraterritoriality, mass immigration, economic penetration, and involvement in the impon- 19 derable and turbulent Asian militarized politics. There is yet no discoverable evidence that the machineries of international conciliation and adjustment, including the League of Nations, have functioned satisfactorily in the Far East. The fetching phrase "world- conscience" is still endowed with as many interpretations as there are countries in the world, multiplied by the number of their respective interests, which signifies ad infinitum. I am expressing a disappointment and not a wish, having especially in mind the contemporary developments in the Republic of China. Certainly with the advent of a better international order, which, let us hope, might soon eventuate, the Philippines would then be justified in going forth as a sovereign nation with more than a Chinaman's chance to exist in tolerable tranquillity. At present, the choice for the Filipinos is not between American sovereignty and Filipino nationhood, but between America and some other nation. Here I can state, subject to no correction, that the Filipinos are for the United States of America in preference to any other nation the sun sees. I hasten to declare that if the choice were between Filipino nationhood with its onerous responsibilities and American sovereignty with its well- nigh indispensability I would be, with the consent of all my faculties, for a Filipino nationhood. He is unfit to live if he believes himself or his country unfit to enjoy liberty. What I am thinking of is the 20 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY peace and permanency of the future Filipino nation even as it should go through the peradventures of national independent existence. It is for the Filipinos at this time of opportunity and prosperity, while the friendly and steadying hand of America is extended them, to build well and conscientiously. Besides the issue of international security, there are vital considerations encompassed in the independence question that only the irresponsible, the thoughtless, and the heartless would ignore. Separation from the United States means to the Philippines loss of tariff protection, dislocation of industries, depletion of foreign and domestic commerce, increase of invisible debits, dearth of capital and death of credit, poverty, unemployment and diminished labor's compensation, collapse of the exchange position, removal of American support to the Philippine financial structure, increased taxation while the people's tax-paying capacity is reduced to impotence, and the resultant chaos in the social order. Separation also means exclusion of Filipinos from the United States under the immigration law, discharge of Filipinos from the United States service, loss of American military and diplomatic protection, and addition to the contracted Philippine budget of a heavy item of expenditures for defensive establishments to the detriment of the work of internal economic and social amelioration. These are facts, not theories, and they are vastly important facts. They concern very deeply the poverty or the prosperity, the peace or the absence of it, of the Filipino people. He little understands the meaning of moral concepts who disregards poverty as a practical moral question of the highest moment and forced idleness as a grave social menace. For the sake of the Filipino people, the situation should be faithfully surveyed and frankly presented. It can be understood only by disabusing ourselves of the notion that the needs of moral life can be fully met by merely increasing verbal tonnage, or toying with the totems and taboos of conventional freedom, or asserting hypotheses of no practical application, or nursing an unrequited love for the absolute and the perfect, or brazenly presuming to own a copyright on intelligence and patriotism. From postulates I move to actualities. A few months ago the Manila cigar industry revised its wages downward. As a result, 4000 men and women walked out on a strike. It was represented that the falling off in the demand in the United States justified the cutting down of the wages. The workers simply urged the impossibility of living decently on the reduced wage scale, insisting that the former scale was the irreducible minimum. Efforts to arbitrate the question proved unavailing because it was a matter of the demands of life not being arbitrable. The workers struck to preserve their standard of living, and they stuck to their guns until the employers had to give in. This seemingly unrelated case smokes out the grandiloquent disquisitions about immediate and absolute independence. For if the Philippines should separate from the United States not only would labor's compensation suffer substantial diminution but the majority of the workers would lose their employment altogether. This applies to the major industries of the Philippines - the very prop of the national structure. POLITICAL vs. HUMAN LIBERTY I am afraid we are exercising ourselves too strenuously over political THE OBLIGATIONS OF PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENCE 21 liberty. It is human liberty, of which political liberty is but a fraction, that should engage our thoughts more. Government is only an instrumentality for the promotion of collective wellbeing, with collective conscience as its motor power, reason its guide, and service its objective. Government exists for the people, not the people for government. Its sociological vindication disappears when it becomes a block to progress and a blight on life. Liberty is not alone a matter of laws and constitutions, but is also a question of compensation of efforts. A man who works without compensation is a slave, and the farther away he moves from the position the nearer he comes to realizing real individual liberty. Let me revert to the question of political independence. The enlightened and unselfish opposition to it is predicated on the grounds of international security and economic realities, and not on the fiction of Filipino mental incapacity or on a negation of the moral right of the Filipinos to direct their own destiny. The question of mental capacity s immaterial in deciding upon absolute separation from the United States. For if all the Filipinos were doctors of philosophy, would that fact change the economic needs and the political geography of Japan? Would it alter the political and economic policies of Great Britain in Australasia and the Pacific? Would it open to the Philippines the tariff-inclosed markets of the United States? Mental capacity is only material when considering the degree of local self-government that should be extended to the Filipinos. So let us not lose both energy and temper expatiating upon brain convolutions and their relation to the mechanics of government and politics. My plea, then, is for the Filipino intellectual, political, and civic leaders to address themselves to the prosaic but essential task of fact-finding and fact-facing in connection with the fundamental political problem of the Filipino people - a task, I daresay, that will accelerate and solidify the now dispersed forces operating towards eventual independence for the Philippines. I am galvanized to the conviction that until and unless this is done the Philippine problem will continue to be a prolific source of controversy, patrioteering, bullyism, charlatanism and obscurantism, yea, twenty-five years from now, if this learned Academy would retain its interest in the Philippine question, we would again be discussing the question in the same way as now, with the only difference that then our voices would carry the tremor of age advanced a quarter of a century. As I reach the end of my discussion, I wish to leave this thought: The Filipino people deserve to be intelligently informed and unselfishly led. We have an undying faith in the great future of our country. I say in all solemnity: From that faith it is death to apostatize! Democracy in the Philippines By VICENTE G. BUNUAN, B.A., B.S. Director of the Philippine Press Bureau, Washington Office of the Philippine Commission of Independence THE Philippine problem should be discussed in the light of true and real statesmanship - in a plane far above narrow, petty arguings regarding bribery, bossism, demagoguery, feuds, scandals - for these exist everywhere, even in the most enlightened nations, and will continue to exist until the Millennium is in our very midst. I shall discuss, therefore, the problem from the standpoint of the implantation of democracy, alleged to be a purely occidental product, in a country of Oriental location and origin. Considering the question from this aspect, I shall start with the premise that not all the ways of democracy which are fit for the peoples of the west because they are of the west are best and the most proper for peoples inhabiting the east because they are of the east. The latter, therefore, should adopt only those basic elements, only those broad principles, only those fundamental practices which have made popular government a success in the countries that have tried it. I contend that this foundation stone of democracy has already been established in our country, and America, therefore, should by granting us immediate and complete independence, permit us to build the superstructure, to work out the details, to direct its growth, to shape its destiny - all in conformity with the traditions and culture of our race; all in accordance with our nature, with our environment, with our climate, with our geography, with our psychology, with our philosophy. Before entering into an examination 22 of the fundamentals of democracy already implanted in our country, it must first be stated that when America came to the Philippines she found a people with a high degree of culture and civilization, united by the Christian religion and possessed with those finer elements of life which have made Christianity the greatest moving factor in the march of civilization, a people held compact by common grievances against Spain and resulting in common aspiration to free themselves from Spanish domination, and later, still made more compact by common resistance for a period of nearly three years against the superior armed forces of America. These unifying influences far outbalance the disintegrating forces of an alleged multiplicity of dialects which exist more in the imagination than in the realm of fact. Only fancy can conjure "language groups led by language chieftains engaged in internecine warfare" alleged to take place in the event of independence. A people, a Christian people, that can rise as one in response to such patriotic impulse can have no such pronounced alignments. For three hundred and fifty years the civilization of this people had been Malayan and Latin with an admixture of the Chinese. From this meeting of these three mighty influences, there was forged a new type of people, unique in the Orient - a fertile field as it were, for the cultivation of democracy which this great Republic has sought to implant in our country. For a period of twenty-eight years DEMOCRACY IN THE PHILIPPINES 23 now, American genius has planted upon that fertile field the basic elements of American democracy which I now invite you to examine with me. FRAMEWORK OF POPULAR GOVERNMENT ESTABLISHED First, the framework of popular government, the executive, the legislative, and the judicial, the three pillars of democracy we already have in the Philippines. The overwhelming majority of the personnel of these three branches of government - our municipalities, our provincial governments, our legislative, our judicial and our executive departments - are in Filipino hands and have been functioning with results termed "without parallel in the history of colonization." The framework, I repeat, is there. We would ask you to leave us to work out its details. The adoption of the budget system in the Philippines years before it was adopted in your country, shows that we have the foresight to choose what is good for the efficient functioning of a democratic government implanted near the Equator. The establishment of points of contact between the executive and the legislative, especially at this stage of the development of our government when the executive is still appointive and the legislative elective, through the heads of our legislature sitting with the Cabinet and the Chief Executive, and through our secretaries of departments appearing on the floor of the houses, both of which are departures from your system, are details which have been found to be effective coordinating forces in our government without lessening the effectiveness of the workings of your theory of separation of powers. It is to be regretted that, temporarily at least, the heads of our legislature no longer sit with our Cabinet and with the Executive. Even with an elective executive, we will, when independent, certainly endeavor to eliminate those details which are deprecated by your own statesmen. I quote Chester H. Rowell, from his second article on "The Next Step in Washington," which appeared in the February, 1925, issue of The World's Work: America presents in the President the most powerful chief magistrate, in his pseudo-Cabinet the most anomalous council of state, and in the unorganized isolation of Congress the most incongruous legislative situation on earth. The President stands unique. Other peoples have their chiefs of state, kings, or presidents, to embody the sovereignty of the nation, and their premiers or heads of government to lead and administer its affairs. The American President unites these two functions. He both wields the executive power and determines the manner of its exercise. His is the delegated authority of the whole people, controlled only by the written rules of law. It is a combination of powers which monarchies have taken from their kings, and which no other republic has conferred on its president without making him dictator. WIDESPREAD EXERCISE OF RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE The next basic element we already have in our country is the widespread exercise of the right of suffrage which is the main cog of popular government. In practically every election held in the past in the Philippines more than eighty per cent of the qualified electors cast their ballots. There is thus universal interest in the affairs of state, which is very significant when one considers that in the last two presidential elections in the United States, only a little over fifty per cent of the qualified electors voted. And our elections, as certified by Governor- General Wood himself, in his 24 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY reports to the Secretary of War after each election in the Philippines, "are conducted in the most peaceful and orderly manner and free from fraud and irregularity which would be a credit to any people." We have adopted the main elements of your system of suffrage, but in working out its details we have endeavored, as we will constantly endeavor, to provide those safeguards which will make it impossible for a situation to arise in which the defeated candidate can accuse his victorious opponent of such power of manipulation as to be "able to get the sick to walk, nay, even the dead to rise and go to the polls and vote," both these gentlemen in the particular instance I have in mind, hailing from this very peaceful and God-fearing state of Pennsylvania. ABILITY TO SUPPORT AN INDEPENDENT GOVERNMENT The next basic element of democracy we already have in our country is the ability of our people to support an independent government. It is not generally known that we are not now receiving, and since 1901 have not received, financial help from the Treasury of the United States as aid to administration. At present there are many optional activities of the Philippine government which can be dropped for the time being. Also our per capita tax is only three dollars, among the lowest in the world. There are thus several adjustments that can be made to meet in part new burdens of nationhood such as maintenance of consular service and other such details. It has been asserted that no new sources of taxes can be found until the natural resources of the country are more fully developed. We contend that the granting of independence will be accompanied by economic development. Everybody admits that the reason for the present business and commercial stagnation in the Philippines is the uncertainty of the political future of the Archipelago. The Filipinos are glad that Colonel Carmi Thompson agrees with their contention that it is impossible to bring about any economic development in the Islands until the political status of the Archipelago has been settled. The granting of independence would result in sure and steady economic growth instead of the halting, stunted, arrested, and undefined course it is now taking. And to the contention that an independent government would discriminate against capital already invested and that desiring to invest, we reply that such an argument is untenable by its very illogicity. An independent Philippine government will want to attract rather than scare outside capital, especially American capital, because it is to its own interest that its economic resources are developed and that it secure rather than alienate the goodwill and friendship of America and other nations. A newly organized independent state cannot afford to discriminate against other nations; to do so would be to endanger its newly acquired Filipinos, if necessary, would even go out of their way to meet the demands of other countries with regard to investment of capital if those demands are not too entirely out of keeping with their own national interests. SORDID MATERIALISM DEPLORED With all respect and reverence to America's tremendous economic growth and to the emphasis she is placing upon our own material development, we want it to go hand in hand with our social, political and spiritual growth. We do not want it to go too far ahead of the things that are intangible, of the things that are of the spirit, DEMOCRACY IN THE PHILIPPINES 25 that situation may develop in the Philippines wherein it may be said that the Filipinos have allowed themselves to be gripped by the spirit of sordid materialism. In this connection I should like to quote President Coolidge in opening the Sesqui-Centennial of American independence held recently in your very city: We live in an age of science and of abounding accumulation of material things. These did not create our Declaration of Independence. Our Declaration created them. The things of the spirit come first. Unless we cling to that, all our material prosperity, overwhelming though it may appear, will turn to a barren scepter in our grasp. If we are to maintain the great heritage which has been bequeathed to us, we must cultivate the reverence which they had for the things that are of the spirit. We must not sink into a pagan materialism. It is also asserted that independence would spell disaster because of stoppage of benefits derived from free trade relationship with America. Those who put up this argument refuse to see that the longer independence is postponed the longer will we be pampered by this artificial advantage. Every year that passes finds us more and more dependent upon it, and the time is sure to come when it will be utterly impossible to extricate ourselves from its luxurious clutches. If independence is to be given later, as those advocating postponement propose, we contend that it should be given now, for the sooner free trade is discontinued the sooner will we get started on our feet. PHILIPPINE BONDS SECURE It is also asserted that if the payment of our bonded indebtedness in the United States were made a prerequisite to independence, the Philippine government would have no means with which to redeem them. To any Philippine bondholder we say that we have adopted in the Philippines the actuarial system, a definite and sure way of insuring payment of our bonded obligations. The Philippine Legislature every year appropriates the necessary amount for sinking fund and interest on all bonds that have been issued, and from the time our first bonds were floated our government has never failed to set aside the necessary amount as required by that system. A Philippine independent government would continue with that system merely as one of the routinary acts of government. You will see, therefore, that, independent or not, we are able to meet our obligations when they are due. The creditor has neither the legal nor the moral right to impose the payment of a debt before it is due. To do so would be to place him in a position where he would be regarded as demanding a pound of flesh and with it the blood that oozes out of the life of the creditor. And I may add that if the payment of these bonds is made the price of our independence, the Filipino people will find some way to pay them even before they are due. Other peoples and other nations have sacrificed more for their liberty and freedom. The Filipinos can and will do no less. THE TREATY OF VIENNA AND THE TREATY OF PARIS The remark is also made that we would not be able to maintain an army and a navy. I desire to point out that to wait twenty or thirty years from now for our independence would not enable us to produce an army and a navy equal to those of the great powers, or sufficiently large to defend our country in the event of aggression. None of the independent nations of today with the exception perhaps of two or three of the most powerful, have the army 26 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY and the navy to defend themselves and yet they exist free and unmolested. Despite assertions of the prophets of disaster to the contrary, universal peace and amity is greater today than at any time in the world's history. The motives that guided those who wrote the treaty in the Congress of Vienna in 1815, as shown by actual provisions of that treaty, were the partitioning of conquered peoples for the conquering nations. A century later the motive that guided those who wrote the Treaty of Paris which terminated the war which was fought for democracy was the granting of self-determination to conquered peoples by conquering nations; yes, the world is better today than a century ago. As a product of the war that culminated in the Congress of Vienna, the Holy Alliance was organized whose ostensible purpose was the conquest of defenseless territories and submersion of weaker nationalities. As a product of the Great War that gave rise to the Treaty of Versailles, the League of Nations was organized for the avowed purpose of setting up downtrodden territories, re-establishing submerged nationalities with protection for their territorial integrity. I repeat, the spirit that animates our age today is higher and more noble than that which moved the world a century past. JAPAN AND THE PHILIPPINES Among the members of the League of Nations is Japan, which is at once invoked as a menace the moment independence is mentioned. You are no doubt aware of Article X of the covenant of the League of Nations which is as follows: The members of the League undertake to respect and preserve as against external aggression the territorial integrity and existing political independence of all members of the League. In case of any such aggression, or in case of any threat or danger of such aggression, the Council shall advise upon the means by which this obligation shall be fulfilled. Cuba, Haiti, Siam, and the Irish Free State have been admitted as members of the League, and it is only reasonable to expect that the Philippines, once independent, will be admitted to membership. I know what some of you are mentally saying regarding the League. Just the same, you cannot but admit that it is an instrument for world peace and justice and an asset especially to small nations unable to protect themselves otherwise from the bigger nations. The Philippines could at least have the protection of the League. It is asserted that Japan needs the Philippines for the overflow of her increasingly large population. Granting for the sake of argument that there is great need for this overflow of population, the Philippines is not the proper place for the Japanese. It has been shown by experience that they do not thrive in our country, for the climate is too warm for them. This is proven by the fact that there are only about 10,000 Japanese in the Philippines despite the fact that there is no Japanese anti- immigration law, whereas in Hawaii and in the United States, where there are very strict immigration laws, there are, in the former, about 120,000 and in the latter 140,000 Japanese. As a matter of fact, statistics show that there are only half a million Japanese outside the Japanese empire. Japan has room for her people. It is not land that Japan needs, but raw material. Since 1900 the land of the Mikado has been changing from an agricultural to an industrial nation, and in that great fact lies a world of difference. So long as she was a distinctly agricultural nation she was facing constriction and strangulation DEMOCRACY IN THE PHILIPPINES 27 for lack of land. As an industrial nation, she has land even to spare. In fact Japan is repeating the transformation of Great Britain after 1846. If Britain had remained an agricultural country, her people would now be crowding one another into the sea. She became a manufacturing country, and by manufacturing, she now sustains a population three times as great as her field area justifies. Another element of democracy we already possess in our country is the peaceful and orderly nature of the Filipino people, always emphasized by Governor-General Wood in his reports to his superiors, pointing out especially that "even parties of women can travel in the mountain regions unescorted and unmolested." I wonder if our Governor- General could as honestly make the same report were he to describe conditions in Chicago and other great centers of your population. We attach a great deal of importance to the peaceful nature and law-abiding character of our people because every time our independence is mentioned our opponents immediately conjure revolutions. PROPERTY AND EDUCATION Another basic element is the distribution of property in the Philippines. There are none extremely rich, neither are there extremely poor in our country, which is noted for the absence of beggars. This is a stabilizing factor of democracy. You can well sympathize with us in our struggle against the possession of our national wealth by outsiders or by Filipinos themselves in unlimited quantities. The degree of education of our people is another contributory basic element that we already have. Our literacy is sixty per cent higher than the literacy of thirty-six of the fifty-five independent nations of today. Education is spreading, and today nearly five million of our population speak the English language. This spread of education will go on even with your absence from our shores. THE PSYCHOLOGY OF THE MORO SITUATION Opponents of independence refer to the Moros as elements which the Filipinos would be unable to handle once the Philippines are independent. This argument has gained momentum since Mindanao became known as the richest spot on earth for the growing of rubber, simultaneous with which discovery a movement was started looking toward the segregation of that region from the rest of our Archipelago. With this in view our opponents have been constantly ringing into the ears of the Moros their being fearless, valiant, and brave; their never having been conquered by the Filipinos of the North; their being their traditional enemies; and their being promised protection by the United States against the Filipinos. You can well imagine the psychological effect of this upon the mind of the picturesque, therefore highly imaginative, Moro. His dormant instincts to resist, to hate, to kill are aroused and so today, with the exception of the large group of Moros that have stood through thick and thin with the Filipinos in their stand on the independence question, animosity instead of amity, friction instead of friendship, alienation instead of attraction, govern the relations between Mohammedans and Filipinos. Even now a prominent Moro leader is entrenched with his band in the mountain fastnesses defying constituted authority. Now, let us turn to the period when the Filipinos were permitted to handle the Moro question and before Mindanao became a tempting rubber prize. The policy adopted was to bring Filipinos and Moros into friendly relation- 28 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY ship, in order to bring about mutual assimilation. So, at the outset of the Harrison administration, military regime was substituted with civil rule. No talk of strife, feud, traditional hatred was indulged in. On the other hand, the spirit of friendship and amity was emphasized, as it should be. So after the inauguration of this policy the Moros became amenable to peace and order and a flourishing period of mutual friendship and assimilation ensued. Their leaders themselves, formerly bitter enemies of both Americans and Filipinos, were clamoring for public schools and other such blessings which the new order was more than ready to extend to them. I desire to emphasize that it was not until 1914, during the period of Filipino autonomy under Governor-General Harrison, that the first appropriation amounting to 204,523 pesos and later another appropriation of one million pesos for primary schools were made. By 1919 there were 32,438 pupils in the public schools of Mindanao and Sulu. So successful was this policy of bringing the two peoples into brotherly relationship that when America entered the World War in 1917 it was not considered dangerous to withdraw not only the American soldiers stationed there but also the Philippine Scout garrisons with the exception of one battalion stationed at Pettit Barracks at Zamboanga. This is what the Filipinos can do if they are allowed to handle the Moro question unhampered; that is what they will do when they become independent in dealing with the Moro problem. LASTING DEMOCRACY WITHOUT THE SUPERFICIALITIES Thus the fundamentals of democracy as a result of cooperative and mutual assistance between America and the Philippines we already have in our country. We now ask you to let us direct its growth. For you will agree with me that in working out the details and fitting them to a people's peculiar nature and environment, only they know what is best for themselves. The American, no matter how good-intentioned and how wise he may be, cannot profess to know the Filipino better than the Filipino knows himself. Much of the friction, unpleasantness, and mistakes in the administration of the Philippine government today would be avoided, were there not too much interference in the shaping of the local and intimate affairs of our body politic by America. In this connection, may I cite, one of your greatest, if not your greatest living statesman, Elihu Root in an article in Foreign Affairs, entitled "A Requisite for the Success of Democracy": The organization of independent nations is the outgrowth of progress in civilization which leads people to shape their local self-government according to their own ideas. Whatever may be the form of local governments, there can be no tyranny so galling as the intimate control of local affairs of life by foreign rulers. National independence is an organized defense against that kind of tyranny. Probably the organization of nations is but a stage of development, but it is the nearest that mankind has yet come towards securing for itself a reasonable degree of liberty with a reasonable degree of order. Our position is clear. The framework is already established, we now ask to be permitted to build the superstructure; nay, may you not, permit me to be frank and say that we would have the basic elements of your democracy but none of the superficialities of that democracy, the virile elements of American civilization but none of the strappings and by-products of that civilization so well described by the Rev. Mr. Fosdick when he said: DEMOCRACY IN THE PHILIPPINES 29 "Freedom and abandon in our country may be summed up in the following: in art we have cubism; in poetry we have free verse; in music we have the jazz, and in almost everything else, we have 'do as you please.' " It has been correctly stated that the people of a colony have a tendency to imitate those of the mother country. In the Philippines some of our girls are already adopting the typically American bob and shingle and dancing the jazz and the Charleston and later, maybe, the black bottom. If I may speak in a lighter vein, we would not wish to make our very pleasant association with you too long that the time will come when our women will no longer regard woman's tresses as her crowning glory in harmony with her exquisite native costume and with the splendour of her Oriental setting, and her conception of the dance no longer one in which every motion is poetry and every movement of the limbs and body no longer an asset to woman's grace and beauty. I would not consider complete my small part in this discussion did I not express the gratitude of 12,000,000 Filipinos for the many blessings that have come to them as the result of their fruitful association with this great Republic. And may I add that my people would be infinitely more happy if America, by granting us our coveted independence, ruled not in a land with geographical limitations but in the boundless empire of the heart of a grateful people. The Demands of the Filipinos - Is the United States Meeting Them? By MARCIAL P. LICHAUCO Attorney and Counsellor-at-Law, Washington, D.C. Co-author The Conquest of the Philippines by the United States WHEN I was working in Geneva this summer with Professor Hudson of the Secretariat of the League of Nations, I had the occasion to participate in a conversation which Dr. Hudson had with an American visitor of wide repute regarding the advisability of America's entry into the World Court. Our distinguished visitor, himself a staunch supporter of that Court, seemed to be impressed, however, with the strong oppositions of Senator Borah and Senator Reed particularly, because in his opinion these two outstanding figures in the United States Senate were men of sterling character and high sincerity. Dr. Hudson's reply is particularly applicable to the Philippine question and my attitude to the utterances of those who speak against the Philippines. "Why of course these men are sincere," said Dr. Hudson, "they are all sincere. The trouble is that they base their arguments on a wrong premise." THE ATTITUDE OF THE UNITED STATES The American people have for twenty- eight years in a more or less disinterested and half-hearted manner sought to settle the Philippine problem. And they have been doing this on one premise, namely, that the people of the United States, a conscientious and unselfish people having no interest in view save the welfare of the Filipinos, have had the Islands thrust on their hands "unsought and decidedly un- 30 wanted." Those are the words employed by the President himself, and that by virtue of this trust they are duty bound to control the Islands absolutely and to decide eventually two things - first, whether the Filipinos are ready for independence, and second, whether independence is good for them. Now, that is a very fashionable and gratifying attitude to take, but it is one which unfortunately cannot face the test of history. There is probably no student of American history today so greatly respected as James Ford Rhodes. In his well-known treatise on "The McKinley and Roosevelt Administrations," these are his conclusions regarding the Philippine problem: "It is true," writes Mr. Rhodes, "that McKinley was inconsistent in his public words," for in his message of December, 1897 (i.e. to Congress), he had said "forcible annexation . . . cannot be thought of; that by our code of morality would be criminal aggression!" And yet "one cannot read the proceedings of the Peace Commission in Paris," adds Mr. Rhodes, "and see in any other light than that our taking of the Philippines was 'forcible annexation.' " A Harvard Professor of great prominence, commenting on this finding, curiously enough has added that McKinley's most credible biographers have been unable to bring forth any evidence to the contrary effect. And the list of American students of history writing in a similar vein is indeed an imposing one. I shall not dwell on the THE DEMANDS OF THE FILIPINOS 31 three years' resistance offered by Filipinos themselves and the resulting era of cruel and bitter conflict that characterized it, of the thousands of lives sacrificed in battle, and of the villages that were burned and the lands laid to waste. They are memories which we would fain obliterate. The words of Senator Lodge, however, may not be inappropriate. "We make no hypocritical pretense of being interested in the Philippines solely on account of others," he said. "While we regard the welfare of these people as a sacred trust, we regard the welfare of the American people first. We believe in trade expansion." These words were uttered by the late Senator as chairman of the Republican Convention in 1900 which re-nominated McKinley. They were uttered in the presence of one thousand delegates from every state in the Union, and not one man entered a single word of disclaimer. This is all a record of history, which those who discriminate would be willing to grant; it is an unfortunate incident which American citizens of independent thought (there are a few of them left) are willing to admit, and having admitted it may still wish either to retain the Islands because of the commercial advantages to be found there, or reach a settlement compatible with Filipino demands and the prestige of this country. I am afraid, however, that we would have extreme difficulty in having the Senate of the United States look at these facts, or much less give them the consideration they deserve. THE COMMERCIAL VALUE OF THE ISLANDS What now of the pressure being brought to bear on the settlement of this question by the commercial interests of this country who would profit from the retention of those Islands? I trust you have heard enough about rubber and hemp and sugar interests and of the activities of the American Chamber of Commerce from the Philippines, who are operating a well-conducted propaganda urging the nation to take definite steps to retain the Islands, or put off the settlement of that question for an indefinite period of time. Nor is the interest of this nation in the Philippines limited to these private individuals. Even Congress is now awakening and taking a lively interest in the Islands as a source of tropical products essential to Americans, and a few members of that august body are openly advocating annexation of the Islands to maintain the dignity and commercial prestige of the United States in Far-Eastern affairs. As may be recalled, a special inquiry was recently made by the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce of the House of Representatives to show the dependent condition in which America finds herself with regard to tropical products, and the necessity in Secretary Hoover's own words, of your building up "free sources of supply" for reasons of "far-reaching importance." We cannot ignore this one fact, we cannot evade it, and we cannot escape it. This country today, more than ever before, is becoming convinced of the tremendous asset which those Islands would mean to you, and from all directions we find forces getting under way, the results of which cannot but be reflected in any of the feeble attempts made to find a solution to the Filipino demands. Gentlemen have accused me of talking about sentimentalities and idealism instead of practical statesmanship. But, on the contrary, this whole Filipino problem has been in the past conducted by the American Adminis- 32 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY tration on grounds of sentiment instead of practical statesmanship, the sentiment which has made you believe in the ability of those in whose hands lies the destiny of the Filipinos to settle this problem entirely for the benefit of the Filipino, regardless of the only too evident advantages which Americans would lose by withdrawing from these Islands. What has this form of statesmanship brought you? The delays which have characterized the definite settlement of the problem have brought discontent and distrust among those whom you believed would or should receive your suzerainship as such. The other nations of the world, too, are beginning to believe that your utterances of benevolence and altruism were but mere blinds to conceal your real desires to implant yourselves deeply in those Islands, because of the commercial advantages to be gained there. And what can we say of the lost confidence on the part of China, India, and other exploited countries, who at one time had gone so far as to believe that you were the champions of subject people? A WAY OUT I suggest that in place of these sentimentalities your country should adopt a practical form of statesmanship. I suggest that you admit to the Filipinos the interests which you have in maintaining some form of control or authority in those Islands. We Filipinos are also a practical people and, recognizing your interest and the relations which have bound us together for so many years, we will, I feel sure, make some concessions compatible to your needs and to our present demands. No one realizes more than I do the greatness of this vast Republic, and few can be more impressed with the necessity of entering into relations with her in the future developments of our life. But these relations must be carried out on a footing of equality. There can be no friendship and no true understanding when one country is not merely coerced, but is actually in a position of dependency, subject to the will and command of an alien Congress sitting 10,000 miles away from the scene of its operations. I suggest this form of practical statesmanship in place of the one which you have blindly followed, and which still asserts that this country has no interests in the retention of the Philippines, and that these Islands were placed in your control as an incident of war "unsought and decidedly unwanted." You remember what a Frenchman said in describing the tactics of an English statesman who was seeking to justify England's control of Egypt and India on humanitarian grounds. "I don't mind seeing a man with a card up his sleeve," he said, "but I can't bear it when he tells me that it was God who put it there." One final word of observation. Assuming that you decide to make a prompt and definite settlement of the Philippine question by granting the Filipinos a greater share of self-government, but short of Filipino demands for absolute independence, can you do it by passing a bill in Congress sponsored by a member of that legislature? My opinion is that you cannot, any more than the English people were able to settle Irish demands by discussing and passing innumerable reform bills in the House of Commons. The Irish demands were satisfied compatible with English interests, and the Filipino demands can be met compatible with American prestige and interests in the East, only when delegations representing both countries have met in conference around a table with the light of public opinion focussed upon them. Only then can we THE DEMANDS OF THE FILIPINOS 33 reach a settlement that will satisfy us both. The demands of the Filipino have already been made known to you in every conceivable form and manner as complete, absolute, and immediate independence. Those are our aspirations, those our aims, and those are our interests as we see them. It is for you to tell us yours, and to lay your cards down on the table - face up - as we have already done. Some Comments on SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CONSEQUENCES OF BUYING ON THE INSTALMENT PLAN By Wilbur C. Plummer, Ph.D. University of Pennsylvania. SIMON N. PATTEN FELLOW of the American Academy of Political and Social Science (Being Supplement to Vol. CXXIX of THE ANNALS, January 1927) THE YALE REVIEW condemns the American development of partial payment buying as an economic sin for which retribution will be "automatic and inevitable." On the other hand, a University of Pennsylvania economist, after long and careful study, comes to the opinion that the new system is here to stay and performs a useful and important function in our economic structure. The elaborate study of the "Social and Economic Consequences of Buying on the Instalment Plan," made by Professor Wilbur C. Plummer of the University of Pennsylvania, and published in THE ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, covers the whole field in a most painstaking manner. Professor Plummer reminds us that about $6,000,000 worth, or 15%, of all goods bought at retail, are purchased on the instalment plan. THE LITERARY DIGEST, March 5, 1927 Purchase by deferred payments or buying on the instalment plan, by reason of its enormous growth in many countries, and especially in the United States, since the war, is a development which has been watched by economists and financiers with great interest not unmixed perhaps with some anxiety. Reliable statistics showing the actual extent of business done on this system of credit have been difficult to obtain, and it has only been possible to estimate roughly the proportion represented by this class of business to total retail sales of commodities. A very useful service, therefore, has been performed by Dr. Wilbur C. Plummer, of the University of Pennsylvania, who has made an exhaustive study of the subject, and written a monograph on the Social and Economic Consequences of Buying on the Instalment Plan, which has been published by the American Academy of Political and Social Science. THE ECONOMIST, February 5, 1927 One of the most comprehensive studies which has yet been made on the subject of instalment selling is "The Social and Economic Consequences of Buying on the Instalment Plan," by W.C. Plummer, published as a supplement to Vol. CXXIX of the Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. WOMEN'S WEAR DAILY, February 12, 1927 RUMFORD PRESS CONCORD The American Academy of Political and Social Science Philadelphia President L. S. ROWE, Ph.D., Director-General, Pan-American Union Washington, D. C. Vice Presidents ERNEST MINOR PATTERSON, Ph.D. University of Pennsylvania HON. HERBERT HOOVER Secretary of Commerce CHARLES E. MERRIAM, Ph.D. University of Chicago Secretary J. P. LICHTENBERGER, Ph.D. University of Pennsylvania Treasurer CHARLES J. RHOADS, Esq. Brown Brothers and Company, Philadelphia GENERAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE DR. RAFAEL ALTAMIRA Madrid, Spain EDUARDO JIMENEZ DE ARECHAGA Montevideo, Uruguay THE RT. HON. THE EARL OF BALFOUR, K.G., P.C., O.M. London, England DR. M. J. BONN Berlin, Germany PROF. EDWIN CANNAN, LL.D. Oxford, England PROF. L. DUPRIEZ University of Louvain PROF. CARLO F. FERRARIS Royal University, Padua, Italy PROF. RAPHAEL GEORGES LEVY Paris, France PROF. A. C. PIGOU University of Cambridge, England ADOLFO G. POSADA Madrid, Spain DR. WM. E. RAPPARD Geneva, Switzerland GUILLERMO SUBERCASEAUX Santiago, Chile SR. DR. MANUEL VILLARAN Lima, Peru HARTLEY WITHERS London, England G. F. PEARCE Melbourne, Australia DR. FRIDTJOF NANSEN Lysaker den, Norway PRES. J. B. REYNOLDS, M.A. Ontario Agricultural College Guelph, Canada VOTES for WOMEN Women's Coronation PROCESSION (Five Miles long). Saturday, June 17th START 5.30 P.M. Route via:--TRAFALGAR SQUARE, PALL MALL, PICCADILLY, KNIGHTSBRIDGE. 70 BANDS! 1,000 BANNERS! THE PROCESSION will march to Kensington, where great meetings in the ROYAL ALBERT HALL and in the EMPRESS ROOMS will be held by the Women's Social and Political Union, at 8.30 p.m., in support of the Woman Suffrage Bill. Speakers: Mrs. PANKHURST, Mrs. PETHICK LAWRENCE, Miss VIDA GOLDSTEIN, Miss CHRISTABEL PANKHURST, and others. Tickets for the Meeting in the EMPRESS ROOMS for Numbered and Reserved Seats, price 2s. 6d and 1s., can be obtained from The Ticket Secretary, W.S.P.U., 4, Clements Inn, W.C. For all further plans and particulars read the weekly newspaper VOTES FOR WOMEN. (Price One Penny.) It can be obtained at all newsagents and bookstalls. Printed by. ST. CLEMENTS PRESS, LIMITED, Portugal Street, Kingsway, London, W.C. EDITOR--ALL THE ARTICLES IN THE BULLETIN ARE FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE. PHILIPPINE COMMISSION OF INDEPENDENCE PRESS BULLETIN PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY THE PHILIPPINE PRESS BUREAU, 552 MUNSEY BLDG., WASHINGTON, D.C. TEL MAIN 3433 Volume I Washington, D.C., December 17, 1919 Number 19 Says Philippine Independence Justified Despite Japanese--Cites Roosevelt By JOSE P. MELENCIO of the Philippine Press Bureau Washington, Dec. --Distrust of Japan on the part of Americans delays Philippine independence. All sorts of aggressive intentions are being imputed to the Nipponese Empire. Despite multitudinous assurances of good will from responsible Japanese officials, there are still Americans who are never willing to give Japan the credit of being a nation of honor. The Japanese have always been pictured as the terrors of the Pacific, bent on staging a career of conquest that will outshine by far and large all the havoc of Hun forays. It is said that the Philippines is in her schedule of expansion and that, therefore, Philippine independence would only be an ephemeral thing. It is not known whether such expressions of distrust are mere subterfuge to conceal the real motive of Philippine retention. But that the position is unkind and unworthy of the United States--to the detriment of the righteous claims of Philippine nationalism--is succinctly brought out by that one hundred per cent American, THEODORE ROOSEVELT, who wrote: "There are blatant Americans who have served Germany against America, who have played the German game to the limit, by striving to make trouble between Japan and the United States; by seeking every way to rouse suspicion and distrust of Japan in the United States and by doing all that malevolent and unscrupulous baseness can do to taunt Japan into hostility to our country. There are in this country certain demagogic politicians, certain agitators seeking notoriety, and certain conscienceless and sensation-mongering newspaper owners and writers who are willing to make money or obtain preferment for themselves by any appeal to distrust and suspicion, no matter what infinite harm it does to this country. These sordid creatures have worked hand in glove with the scarcely more sordid creatures who are paid by Germany in downright cash to advance Germany's aims, whether by striving to provoke an ill-will that might eventually produce war between the United States and Japan or in any other fashion. They have been guilty of conduct so shameful that it cannot be too strongly condemned.* * * Japan is playing a great part in the civilized work; a good understanding between her and the United States is essential to international progress, and it is a grave offense against the United States for any man by word or deed to jeopardize this good understanding. "The case has been put in a nutshell by Viscount Ishii's eloquent and appealing address at Fair Haven, Mass., on July 4, which he closed with these words: "'We trust you, we love you, and, if you will let us, we will walk at your side in loyal good-fellowship down all the coming years.' "All good Americans should act toward Japan in precisely the spirit shown toward America by this able and eloquent Japanese statesman.' The Filipinos claim that the only way of finding out whether or not Japan is a nation that can be taken at her word with regard to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a Philippine Republic, is to give the Philippine Islands their independence without further delay. Surely, the straight line is the shortest distance between two points EDITOR, PLEASE NOTE! The latest book on Philippine Independence is "Self-Government in the Philippines," by Maximo. M. Kalaw, Chief of the Department of Political Science, University of the Philippines, and Secretary of the Philippine Mission to the United States. The book is nicely illustrated, and has received favorable reviews in many of the largest newspapers in the United States. If you desire to read this work, we will be glad to send you a copy free of charge, postpaid, upon receipt of a request. Address, Philippine Press Bureau, 552 Munsey Bldg., Washington. D.C. BOOK REVIEW ON PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENCE By MOORFIELD STOREY, in the New York Review SELF GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES. By Maximo M. Kalaw, Chief of the Department of Political Science, University of the Philippines, Secretary of the Philippine Mission to the United States: New York---The Century Co. This is a book which all citizens of the United States should read, for it lays before them in direct, courteous, and dispassionate language the Philippine situation of today and makes clear the plain duty of this county. Its appeal to our national conscience is only strengthened by the careful avoidance of everything that should offend the most sensitive American [Text cut off] budget is prepared by men elected by the people. It was predicted that if the Philippines were independent "the Moros would revive their piratical life and war on their Christian brothers, and that the other districts would be subject to disorders and revolutions." The Philippine officials have disproved all these gloomy prophecies, and have adopted a policy of kindness which is steadily civilizing all these so-called "savage tribes," and has accomplished wonderful results. Civil government was established under an American, Governor Carpenter and has been continued [text cut off] stable government which the people have established would go on without feeling any shock. The question which for twenty years has vexed the conscience of the American people recurs. Shall we whose government stands upon the immortal declaration that all human governments rest upon the consent of the governed refuse to such a people as this has shown itself to be the same right of self-government? If we care nothing for the principles which we constantly profess, shall we treat our solemn promise to withdraw our "sovereignty over the Philippine Islands and to recognize their independence as soon as a stable government can be established therein" as a mere "scrap of paper," following an example of broken faith which we all condemn? In a word shall we whose conquest of the Philippine Islands is a chapter in our national history of which no American can really be proud, add a yet blacker chapter to that history by trampling principles and promises alike underfoot, and while trying to emancipate other nations for which we are not responsible, continue to hold in subjection the weaker people for which we are responsible? If the American people really believe in their own institutions and value their own honor, there can be but one answer to these questions. Philippine-American Chamber of Commerce, Organized in New York New York, Dec.--Impetus is being added to the increasingly important commercial relations between the United States and the Philippine Islands through the medium of "The Philippine American Chamber of Commerce," which was recently organized and to the membership of which new names are being added daily. The stated object of the new organization is: "First--To foster trade, business, financial and professional interests between the Philippine Islands and the United States. "Second--To establish common ground where business and professional men of the two countries may meet and discuss problems of mutual concern." The growth of trade between the United States and Philippines in the last few years has been enormous. American investors are beginning to discover that there are almost unbelievable opportunities for investment in the Philippines, especially in the following industries: Cocoanuts, rubber, hemp, lumber, tapioca, coffee, pineapples, cattle, tobacco, and Philippine embroideries. It is stated that a Philippine American Chamber of Commerce had become necessary to merchants, investors, and the banks of the two countries. The meeting at the Philippine National Bank in New York at which the chamber was organized was not only well attended, but deep interest and even enthusiasm was in evidence.. Prof. H. Parker Willis, of the Federal Reserve Board, presided. Among those present were several well-known investors, bankers having representation in Manila and representatives of Manila business concerns who are stationed in New York. Hon. Jaime C. de Veyra and Hon. Teodoro R. Yangco, Resident Commissioners from the Philippines to the United States, who have shown much interest in bringing about the closest possible trade relations between the United States and the Philippines, were also present. The organization of the chamber was brought about by James J. Rafferty, director, Bureau of Commerce and Industry of the Philippines. Mr. Rafferty has been in the States several months, boosting Philippine-American trade and working for American steamship lines to handle the FILIPINOS WILL PAY TRIBUTE TO MEMORY OF RIZAL December thirtieth is the one greatest day of the year in the Philippine Islands. This date will also be observed by Filipinos in every city in the United States where there are any Filipinos to observe it. December thirtieth is the day on which Dr. Jose Rizal, the national hero of the Philippines, was executed. He was condemned to death and executed by the Spaniards in 1896 on a trumped up charge of treason. He had been an indefatigable worker for the Philippine reforms, and had become a throne in the side of the colonial governors of Spain. While awaiting death in his cell during his last night on earth Rizal wrote a remarkable poem, "My Last Farewell." He secreted the manuscript in an alcohol cooking lamp, where it was found after his execution. It follows: MY LAST FAREWELL By Jose Rizal. Land I adore, farewell! thou land of the southern sun's choosing. Pearl of the Orient seas! our forfeited Garden of Eden. Joyous, I yield up for thee my sad life, and were it far brighter, Young, rose-strewn, for thee and thy happiness still would I give it. Far afield, in the din and rush of maddening battle, Others have laid down their lives, nor wavered, nor paused, in the giving. What matters way or place--the cyprus, the lily, the laurel, Gibbet or open field, the sword or inglorious torture-- When 'tis the hearth and the country that call for the life's immolation? Dawn's faint lights bar the east, she smiles through the cowl of the darkness, Just as I die. * * * Vision I followed from afar, desire that spurred on and consumed me! Greeting! my parting soul cries, and greeting again! O my country! Beautiful is it to fall, that the vision may rise to fulfillment Giving my life for thy life, and breathing thine air in the death throe; Sweet to eternally sleep in thy lap, O land of enchantment! If in the deep rich grass that covers my rest in thy bosom, Some day thou seest upspring a lowly tremulous blossom, EDITOR, PLEASE NOTE! The latest book on Philippine Independence is "Self-Government in the Philippines," by Maximo M. Kalaw, Chief of the Department of Political Science, University of the Philippines, and Secretary of the Philippine Mission to the United States. The book is nicely illustrated, and has received favorable reviews in many of the largest newspapers in the United States. If you desire to read this work, we will be glad to send you a copy free of charge, postpaid, upon receipt of a request. Address, Philippine Press Bureau, 552 Munsey Bldg., Washington. D. C. BOOK REVIEW ON PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENCE By MOORFIELD STOREY, in the NEW YORK Review SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES. By Maximo M. Kalaw, Chief of the Department of Political Science, University of the Philippines, Secretary of the Philippine Mission to the United States. New York - The Century Co. This is a book which all citizens of the United States should read, for it lays before them in direct, courteous, and dispassionate language the Philippine situation of today, and makes clear the plain duty of this country. Its appeal to our national conscience is only strengthened by the careful avoidance of everything that should offend the most sensitive American, and by its generous recognition of whatever good we have done, for the author's forbearance must make anyone who has studied the facts feel mortified that the representative of a nation we have treated as inferior should so easily demonstrate the absurdity of our claim to superior civilization. The Congress of the United States with substantial unanimity passed in 1916 the so-called Jones Act which in its preamble pledged the United States "to withdraw their sovereignty over the Philippine Islands and to recognize their independence as soon as a stable government can be established therein." Mr. Kalaw shows that the stable government has been established, and that the promise of the United States should now be kept. The conditions are in all respects singularly favorable to independence. In the first place, there has been in the Islands no dynasty whose representatives might aspire to recover their power, there are no noble families, no castles, no political distinction between citizens, except such as are surmountable. The conditions are like those which existed here in 1776, but are better because there are no slaves in the Islands. In the next place the Filipinos have a homogeneous people of the same blood inhabiting a group of islands, with no boundary question to disturb them such as have so long elsewhere distributed the peace of the world. In the third place, they have been tried in the balance and have proved their fitness to govern themselves. Of this Mr. Kalaw furnishes convincing proof. It is very instructive to see how the Filipinos have worked out a successful budget system, which this country has vainly been striving for, under which the budget is prepared by men elected by the people. It was predicted that if the Philippines were independent "the Moros would revive their piratical life and war on their Christian brothers, and that the other districts would be subject to disorders and revolutions." The Philippine officials have disproved all these gloomy prophecies, and have adopted a policy of kindness which is steadily civilizing all these so-called "savage tribes," and has accomplished wonderful results. Civil government was established under an American, Governor Carpenter, and has been continued so wisely that peace and order reign, and the Moros have learned to trust and respect the other islanders to such a degree that their representative in the Filipino Senate said, "We are one in spirit and one in blood." The Filipinos have nearly doubled the mileage of first-class road from the end of 1914 to 1918. They have built public buildings, school-houses and bridges, increasing the amount devoted to public works from about 3,000,000 pesos annually under Governor Forbes to 17,000,000 in 1919. They have a Bureau of Labor to serve as a mediator in disputes between labor and capital of which both the Director and Assistant Director are labor leaders. The number of children at school in 1912 was 440,000, in 1918, 675,000. The number of teachers in the Department of Mindanao and Sulu in 1912 was 99, in 1918, 783. One is tempted to quote more freely from the abundant evidence which this volume contains that the Filipinos are a united, civilized, prosperous people, entirely fit to govern themselves. It is enough to repeat the words of Governor Harrison: "The Filipino people have come out triumphantly through their trial. By temperament, by experience, by financial ability, in every way, the ten millions of Filipinos are entitled to be free from every government except of their own choice. * * * They are intelligent enough to decide for themselves * * * I have found the native Filipino official to be honest, efficient, and as capable of administering executive positions as any men I have met anywhere in the world." The Filipinos have done their part. If the American Governor and Vice-Governor were to sail away tomorrow, the are almost unbelievable opportunities for investment in the Philippines, especially in the following industries: Cocoanuts, rubber, hemp, lumber, tapioca, coffee, pineapples, cattle, tobacco and Philippine embroideries. It is stated that a Philippine American Chamber of Commerce had become necessary to merchants, investors and the banks of the two countries. The meeting at the Philippine National Bank in New York at which the chamber was organized was not only well attended, but deep interest and even enthusiasm was in evidence.. Prof. H. Parker Willis, of the Federal Reserve Board, presided. Among those present were several well- known investors, bankers having representation in Manila and representatives of business houses with branches in Manila and representatives of Manila business concerns who are stationed in New York. Hon. Jaime C. de Veyra and Hon. Teodoro R. Yangco, Resident Commissioners from the Philippines to the United States, who have shown much interest in bringing about the closest possible trade relations between the United States and the Philippines, were also present. The organization of the chamber was brought about by James J. Rafferty, director, Bureau of Commerce and Industry of the Philippines. Mr. Rafferty has been in the States several months, boosting Philippine- American trade and working for American steamship lines to handle the fast growing trade between the Philippines and United States. Another work that is of importance in future American-Philippine trade relations was the organization by Mr. Rafferty of Philippine commercial agencies in San Francisco and New York, with a possible third in Seattle. It is proposed that these agencies will handle practically all government work for the commercial development of the islands. Some of the duties of the agencies will be: 1. To keep the central office of the Bureau of Commerce and Industry in touch with market conditions in the United States. The central office will reach the local public. 2. To seek out American investors for the development of resources of the Islands when local capital is not available and American capital, technical experience and administration are needed. 3. To conduct a publicity campaign for the Philippines, advertising the products of the Islands in much the same way that Philippine cigars and tobacco are advertised. 4. To furnish business men and tourists with reliable information regarding the Islands as compiled by the central office of the Bureau of Commerce and Industry. 5. To assist Philippine business men in forming trade connections in the United States. 6. To conduct such special investigations as our business interests may require. Persons desiring to avail themselves of the service of the two agencies already in existence should address their communications to the Philippine Commercial Agency, either at Grand Central Palace, New York City, or Merchants' Exchange Building, San Francisco. to death and executed by the Spaniards in 1896 on a trumped up charge of treason. He had been an indefatigable worker for Philippine reforms, and had become a thorn in the side of the colonial governors of Spain. While awaiting death in his cell during his last night on earth Rizal wrote a remarkable poem, "My Last Farewell." He secreted the manuscript in an alcohol cooking lamp, where it was found after his execution. It follows: MY LAST FAREWELL By Jose Rizal. Land I adore, farewell! thou land of the southern sun's choosing. Pearl of the Orient seas! our forfeited Garden of Eden. Joyous, I yield up for thee my sad life, and were it far brighter, Young, rose-strewn, for thee and thy happiness still would I give it. Far afield, in the din and rush of maddening battle, Others have laid down their lives, nor wavered, nor paused, in the giving. What matters way or place - the cyprus, the lily, the laurel, Gibbet or open field, the sword or inglorious torture - When 'tis the hearth and the country that call for the life's immolation? Dawn's faint lights bar the east, she smiles through the cowl of darkness, Just as I die. * * * Vision I followed from afar, desire that spurred on and consumed me! Greeting! my parting soul cries, and greeting again! O my country! Beautiful is it to fall, that the vision may rise to fulfillment Giving my life for thy life, and breathing thine air in the death throe; Sweet to eternally sleep in thy lap, O land of enchantment! If in the deep rich grass that covers my rest in thy bosom, Some day thou seest upspring a lowly tremulous blossom, Lay there thy lips, 'tis my soul. * * * And if at eventide a soul for my tranquil sleep prayeth, Pray thou, O my fatherland! for my peaceful reposing; Pray for those who go down to death through unspeakable torments; Pray for those who remain to suffer torture in prison; Pray for the bitter grief of our mothers, our wives, our orphans; Oh, pray, too, for thyself, on the way of thy final redemption. When our still dwelling place wraps night's dusky mantle about her, Leaving the dead alone with the dead, to watch till the morning, Break not our rest, and seek not to lay death's mystery open. If now and then thou shouldst hear the string of a lute or a zithern, Mine is the hand, dear country, and mine is the voice that is singing. When my tomb, that all have forgot, no cross nor stone marketh, There let the laborer guide his plow, there cleave the earth open. So shall my ashes at last be one with thy hills and thy valleys. Little 'twill matter, then, my country, that thou shouldst forget me! I shall be air in thy streets, and I shall be space in thy meadows; I shall be vibrant speech in thine ears, shall be fragrance and color, Light and shout, and loved song, forever repeating my message. Idolized fatherland, thou crown and deep of my sorrows, Lovely Philippine isles, once again adieu! I am leaving All with thee - my friends, my love. Where I go are no tyrants; There one dies not for the cause of his faith, there God is the ruler. Farewell, father and mother and brothers, dear friends of the fireside! Thankful ye should be for me that I rest at the end of the long day. Farewell, sweet, from the stranger's land, my joy and my comrade! Farewell, dear ones, farewell! To die is to rest from our labors! In order to make our publicity matter as convenient as possible for editors using plate matter, we will prepares a limited number of interesting feature articles on the Philippines and send them to you in plate form free of charge, carriage prepaid, through the Western Newspaper Union, subject to the usual requirements of that organization as to returning plates after used, etc. If you wish these ready-to-print plates sent you from time to time, please write us to that effect. The Philippine Press Bureau was organized by the Philippine Mission, which was empowered by the Philippine Legislature to disseminate authoritative information regarding the Philippines in the United States. PHILIPPINE PRESS BUREAU, 552 Munsey Building, Washington, D. C. Some Things You Should Know About the Philippine Islands MADAME JAIME C. DE VEYRA, WIFE of the FILIPINO COMMISSIONER to the UNITED STATES MADAME DE VEYRA is so much identified with the women's progress in the Philippines that she is often called "the little mother of them all." She was the assistant Matron of the Normal Hall Dormitory for Girls when she married, and she is the undoubted leader of the rising generation of Filipinos. Her work, not only in the Woman's Club but in several other philanthropic organizations and enterprises, has endeared her alike to Americans and Filipinos. She speaks English fluently and has a winning and distinct personality. She has four children. Last year she undertoook and mastered Gregg's system of shorthand. She was a recent visitor to the offices of the Woman Citizen-- and a fascinating one. Do you know these things about the Philippine Islands. That there were in 1918. 555 women out of a total of 3,3313 students in the University of the Philippines? That number of women graduates is steadily increasing every year. That in 1917, 37 different degrees were conferred on women and in 1918, 48? That these women students are from all over the Islands? That they are studying medicine, pedagogy, fine arts, music, nursing, law? That the Legislature last year passed a 30,000,000 pesos act to advance the schools of the islands within the next five years? And, that while Kansas and Missouri are short of teachers on count of insufficient salaries, the Philippines will ensure an increase of, at least, 30% on the salaries of teachers, and free elementary instruction will be placed within the reach of every child of school age. Criss-cross your heart, what do you really know about the Philippines, except that you fancy that the natives live in thatched huts, and that somebody over there weaves pineapple cloth and grows hemp? The Philippine Government is quite sure that the continental United States understands little of this uttermost limit of its A wire from Miss Bessie Dwyer announces that the Philippine Senate has passed a woman suffrage bill which now goes to the House of Representatives. control beyond the fact that it is so far West that it meets the East getting up for breakfast before. How many people could reel off this little lesson in geography and economics: The Philippine Archipelago contains 3,141 islands of which 400 are inhabited. Luzon is as large as Denmark, Belgium and Holland Combined, and Mindanao is the size of Portugal. There are already nearly 7,000,000 acres under cultivation. There are 40,000 square miles of virgin forest, 99% of which is the property of the Government and controlled by a Bureau of Forestry. The United States have occupied the Islands since 1898. During the last years of Spanish rule in the Islands, their foreign trade averaged about 80,000,000 pesos. In 1918, it amounted to 467,000,000 pesos. The sugar industry, cocoanut-oil, coal, hemp and timber have put the Philippines on the map to stay. In the Island schools English is the language of instruction. These schools, which have attracted the attention of educators in China, Japan, and Korea, are supported entirely from Philippine revenues.* Seventy per cent of the Filipino people above ten years of age are literate. Of the 10,000,000 of Christian Filipinos, 8,000,000 live on their own farms, or in their own houses. Ninety-one per cent of the urban property is owned by the natives and only non per cent is in the hands of foreigners. THE Filipinos are tired of being shown off as naked savages who eat dogs. For this reason and others, the Philippine Government has recently and at its own expense sent to this country a unique mission which is taking America into its confidence about the Islands. Miss Bessie A. Dwyer, for many years the head of the American Circulating Library at Manila, s one of those chosen to tell the truth to the people of the United States, and not only tell it, but show it; for she has brought with her very wonderful setoff pictures of the scenery, the industries, the old Spanish Churches, the new American streets and buildings, an the daily life of the Filipinos. She will have insular Philippine Government backing. On October 21, Madame de Very, wife of the Commissioner, and Miss Dwyer began their series of illustrated lectures, which they expect to give whenever they are invited, and wherever they can find a cordial welcome, a public hall and an American audience. They want merely an opportunity. Among other things, they will tell the wonder story of the schools of the Islands. Many people in America now that once upon a time there was a dramatic departure of 1,000 teachers from the Untied States to these Islands in the Pacific. This was after the American Government first took over their development. Few know that in July, 1918, there were 256 American teachers and 13,744 Filipino teachers, mainly women, in these Islands. Few know that Philippine Schools range from primary to normal, and so on to a state university at Manila. They include schools of agriculture, of arts and trades. Education is abundant and free. One of the latest acts of the Philippine Legislature, educationally speaking, has been an appropriation of 300,000 pesos for pensionados (to be selected by the secretaries of the departments of the government) to the United States. These scholars will return after courses of education on the American continent to enrich the departments of the Islands. They are required to remain in Government service for two years. Among the scholars sent to this country is Tarhata Kiram, niece of the Sultan of Sulu (that Sultan of Sulu, who once had a George Ade fame); Carmen Aguinaldo, daughter of General Emilio Aguinaldo, who stood for the latest Filipino rebellion against Spain, and later against the rule of the United States. Both of these young women are now at the University of Illinois. OF the young women who came to this country in August, 1919, as scholars under the Philippine Government's special fund, the majority are post-graduates of exceptional standing, and include Romona Tirons, Teresa Solis and Josefa Jara, who are now at the School of Philanthropy, Columbia University, New York; Caridad R. Trillo and Emilio Malabanan, Miami College, Oxford, Ohio. There are also 147 male students in the United States. In many ways, the way of the Filipino woman is easy. Laws made for her have combined the best of Spanish and American precedents, and she has come into her own with far less struggle than either her American or her Spanish sisters. They are guardians of their own children. Of the property which accrues to a married couple, the wife is half administratrix of one half. These are vested rights and cannot be taken away from her. PROFESSIONAL opportunities are as good for women as for men in the land of the setting sun. Women are already members of the Philippine Bar Association-- a thing still impossible in Great Britain. They are in business for themselves. They are successful as physicians. As to their political freedom, it is quite on the cards and will soon be an actuality according to Miss Dwyer. A short time ago the question of equal suffrage was introduced into the Legislature of the Islands, not by the initiative of the American women but urged by Madam Apaciblie, wife of the [Secretary of Agriculture and Natural Resources ?] *The Filipinos pay all the expenses of their own Government. The United States expends no money there save for its troops, upkeep of military garrison and navy yards, and a slight appropriation for the Bureau of Geodetic Survey. off day nurseries at the rate of one a year. They have become a Manila institution. After a short time, the title of the Club seemed too long for such busy women and they reorganized as the Women's Club of Manila. Its personnel included a roster of the American women, even those whose husbands occupied army posts and leading Filipino women. This Club established a flower market. Under its civic and penology committees-- of the latter Miss Dwyer was chairman-- it installed in the lunette Police Station three police matrons to care for women pending trial, an industrial teacher for the insane and feeble-minded women in San Lazaro Hospital, and opened a woman's school in Bilibid Prison with the assistance of the Bureau of Education. The Penology Committee is proud of its signal success in establishing the profit-sharing plan in Bilibid and other prisons under its jurisdiction. Legislature passed a bill giving to each worker at the time of his release, or before that for the support of his family, fifty per cent of his earnings. This is a step which put the Islands abreast in modern penology reforms. The Bureau of Labor, at the request of the Club, finds employment for women. IN 1915, Manila joined hands with the Federation of Women's Clubs, U.S.A., and then it began creating and federating clubs throughout the Islands, of which there are now 307. There is no spot in the United States which has anything on the Filipinos in war work. These island women have gone the whole length of Red Cross, Liberty Loan, Food Administration, thrift and abstinence programs, and have worked in public health and social hygiene measures with the best of the women of the world. They are even proposing a People's Kitchen. The Woman's Club of Manila is not a fashionable club, it is a working club; where the women of, at least, two races have wrought out a common civilization. It is this achieved civilization of an earnest people that Madame de Veyra and Miss Dwyer ...enterprises, has endeared her alike to Americans and Filipinos. She speaks English fluently and has a winning and distinct personality. She has four children. Last year she undertook and mastered Gregg's system of shorthand. She was a recent visitor to the offices of the Woman Citizen--and a fascinating one. [12/20/19] DO you know these things about the Philippine Islands. That there were in 1918, 555 women out of a total of 3,313 students in the University of the Philippines? That the number of women graduates is steadily increasing every year. That in 1917, 37 different degrees were conferred on women and in 1918, 48? That these women students are from all over the Islands? That they are studying medicine, pedagogy, fine arts, music, nursing, law? That the Legislature last year passed a 30,000,000 pesos act to advance the schools of the islands within the next five years? And, that while Kansas and Missouri are short of teachers on account of insufficient salaries, the Philippines will ensure an increase of, at least 30% on the salaries of teachers, and free elementary instruction will be placed within the reach of every child of school age. Criss-cross your heart, what do you really know about the Philippines, except that you fancy that the natives live in thatched huts, and that somebody over there weaves pineapple cloth and grows hemp? The Philippine Government is quite sure that the continental United States understands little of this uttermost limit of its about the Islands. Miss Bessie A. Dwyer, for many years the head of the American Circulating Library at Manila, is one of those chosen to tell the truth to the people of the United States, and not only tell it, but show it ; for she has brought with her very wonderful sets of pictures of the scenery, the industries, the old Spanish Churches, the new American streets and buildings, and the daily life of the Filipinos. She will have insular Philippine Government backing. On October 21, Madame de Veyra, wife of the Commissioner, and Miss Dwyer began their series of illustrated lectures, which they expect to give whenever they are invited, and wherever they can find a cordial welcome, a public hall and an American audience. They want merely an opportunity. Among other things, they will tell the wonder story of the schools of the Islands. Many people in America know that once upon a time there was a dramatic departure of 1,000 teachers from the United States to these Islands in the Pacific. This was after the American Government first took over their development. Few know that in July, 1918, there were 356 American teachers and 13,744 Filipino teachers, mainly women, in these Islands. Few know that Philippine Schools range from primary to normal, and so on to a state university at Manila. They include schools of agriculture, of arts and trades. Education is abundant and free. One of the latest acts of the Philippine Legislature, educationally speaking, has been an appropriation of 300,000 pesos for pensionados (to be selected by the secretaries of the departments of the government) to the United States. These scholars *The Filipinos pay all the expenses of their own Government. The United States expends no money there save for its troops, upkeep of military garrisons and navy yards, and a slight appropriation for the Bureau of Geodetic Survey. will return after courses of education on the American continent to enrich the departments of the Islands. They are required to remain in Government service for two years. Among the scholars sent to this country is Tarhata Kiram, niece of the Sultan of Sulu (that Sultan of Sulu, who once had a George Ade fame) ; Carmen Aguinaldo, daughter of General Emilio Aguinaldo, who stood for the latest Filipino rebellion against Spain, and later against the rule of the United States. Both of these young women who came to this country in August, 1919, as scholars under the Philippine Government's special fund, the majority are post-graduates of exceptional standing, and include Romona Tirons, Teresa Solis and Josefa Jara, who are now at the School of Philanthropy, Columbia University, New York ; Caridad R. Trillo and Emilio Malabanan, Miami College, Oxford, Ohio, There are also 147 male students in the United States. In many ways, the way of the Filipino woman is easy. Laws made for her have combined the best of Spanish and American precedents, and she has come into her own with far less struggle than either her American or her Spanish sisters. Married women may hold property in severalty. They are guardians of their own children. Of the property which accrues to a married couple, the wife is half adminstratrix of one half. These are vested rights and cannot be taken away from her. PROFESSIONAL opportunities are as good for women as or men in the land of the setting sun. Women are already members of the Philippine Bar Association--a thing still impossible in Great Britain. They are in business for themselves. They are successful as physicians. As to their political freedom, it is quite on the cards and will soon be an actuality according to Miss Dwyer. A short time ago the question of equal suffrage was introduced into the Legislature of the Islands, not by the initiative of American women but urged by Madame Apaciblie, wife of the Secretary of Agriculture and Natural Resources. A petition signed by 18,000 women endorsed a joint legislative hearing on this question, and was sent to the law-makers, who granted such a hearing. Three Filipino women spoke, among them Mrs. Conception Falderon, widow of the man who wrote the Constitution of Malolos. She is a successful business woman, owning a fish farm and an embroidery enterprise, and is said to have made the best speech on that occasion. Only one man appeared in the negative, and his argument was the prehistoric one of the oak and the vine. Other women who sponsored the cause of equal suffrage on that day were Mrs. Teodoro Kalaw and Miss Alameda, the last a practicing lawyer. The President of the Senate, Honorable Manuel L. Queson, and the Governor General, Francis Burton Harrison, are both in favor of a woman suffrage bill. In Manila, as in every part of the world where women hunger and thirst to give their daughters something better in life than they themselves have had, there is a flourishing club, which started out as the "Society for the Advancement of Women." This Club was launched upon its past seven years in the advancing business by one who is past-mistress in the art, and has spent her whole life with an unwearied shoulder at the wheel of progress. This is Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt. The Manila Club was set going by her in 1912 when Mrs. Catt, having an off day in her trip around the world, had stopped at the Island of Luzon. There were twelve women present at the Manila Hotel on that August 15, 1912, when the Club opened its eyes on a new world. In a fortnight the number had doubled once and a half, and was busy launching a day nursery. After that this Club just turned off day nurseries at the rate of one a year. They have become a Manila institution. After a short time, the title of the Club seemed too long for such busy women and they reorganized as the Woman's Club of Manila. Its personnel included a roster of the American women, even those whose husbands occupied army posts and leading Filipino women. This Club established a flower market. Under its civic and penology committees--of the latter Miss Dwyer was chairman--it installed in the Luneta Police Station three police matrons to care for women pending trial, an industrial teacher for the insane and feeble-minded women in San Lazaro Hospital, and opened a woman's school in Bilibid Prison with the assistance of the Bureau of Education. The Penology Committee is proud of its signal success in establishing the profit-sharing plan in Bilibid and other prisons under its jurisdiction. At the instance of Vice-Governor Martin, the Philippine Legislature passed a bill giving to each worker at the time of his release, or before that for the support of his family, fifty per cent of his earnings. This is a step which put the Islands abreast in modern penology reforms. The Bureau of Labor, at the request of the Club, finds employment for women. IN 1915, Manila joined hands with the Federation of Women's Clubs, U.S.A., and then it began creating and federating clubs throughout the Islands, of which there are now over 307. There is no spot in the United States which has anything on the Filipinos in war work. These islands women have gone the whole length of Red Cross, Liberty Loan, Food Administration, thrift and abstinence programs, and have worked in public health and social hygiene measures with the best of the women of the world. They are even proposing a People's Kitchen. The Woman's Club of Manila is not a fashionable club, it is a working club ; where the women of, at least, two races have wrought out a common civilization. It is this achieved civilization of an earnest people that Madame de Veyra and Miss Dwyer are anxious to set forth to a world which knows almost nothing about what has been attempted or attained by a Christian people in the Orient. MISS BESSIE A. DWYER WHO TELLS of the PHILIPPINES as THEY REALLY ARE EDITOR--ALL THE ARTICLES IN THIS BULLETIN ARE FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE. PHILIPPINE COMMISSION OF INDEPENDENCE PRESS BULLETIN PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY THE PHILIPPINE PRESS BUREAU, 552 MUNSEY BLDG., WASHINGTON, D.C. TEL. MAIN 3433 Volume 1 Washington, D. C., December 10, 1919 Number 18 The Governor-General of the Philippines IT is the customary thing for men in public life to take the easier way. But occasionally there appears a man in public office who does what he believes is right and honest, even when he knows such action will bring upon himself personal criticism, misrepresentation and abuse. When we meet such a real man, one doing a man's work in the world, we doff our hats to him. That is why we wish here and now to salute Francis Burton Harrison, Governor General of the Philippines. Governor Harrison has been bitterly assailed in certain quarters because of his policies in the islands. Some of the great organs of reaction in America have even termed him "un-American." Let us inquire into the basis of this charge. Governor Harrison has frequently expressed his sympathy with the aspirations of the Filipino people for independence. He declares his six years' experience in the islands have convinced him that the people are fit and ready for independence. Although he receives a salary of $18,000 a year, he says he is ready to step down and out whenever Congress grants the Filipinos their independence. And he has recommend that Congress act at once. In those far-off islands, Governor Harrison stands for these three policies: The Philippines for the Filipinos, the principle that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, and the principle of self-determination. If in standing for these things Governor Harrison is un-American, will the organs of reaction who are undertaking to speak for America on the Philippine question kindly inform us what America does stand for? Has America changed its ideals since it has become great and powerful? Has it changed its opinions since it drafted its young men to send overseas to fight for self-determination? No, we do not think so. We have every confidence in the people of America. We know, and we believe the American people know, that it is not the policies of Governor Harrison that are un-American, but it is the interests back of the bitter attacks upon Governor Harrison that are un-American. But this man who has the courage of his convictions can really well afford to temporarily receive a little criticism, for, if the reports of recently returned travelers from the islands are true, he has the sincere gratitude and affection of 10,000,000 men, women, and children whose cause he is championing before the world. The love of a whole people is something that not every man can possess. And when it is so well deserved as in this case, it is more precious far than gold. When the history of Governor Harrison's administration is written he will receive his reward. It will portray him as the brave champion of the rights and aspirations of a race of people. Read the history of the world from cover to cover and you will find no exception to the rule that those men who stand for human rights are given their just rewards. So it will be with Harrison. But those little men who for selfish and partisan reasons are pulling at his coat tails will be unsung and unheralded. Francis Burton Harrison has made himself immortal in the Philippines. As long as grass grows and water runs his name will be revered by that people who inhabit the "pearls of the Orient sea." MORE "ROBERTISMS" In the Saturday Evening Post of July 12, 1919, Mr. Kenneth L. Roberts states: "It is unfortunate that the mission which seeks independence for the Philippines should be viewed as representative; for it represents only five per cent of the Filipino people. The remaining ninety-five per cent--the Malay of the nipa shacks and the rice paddies, the tao and the wild man of the hills--are voiceless." Had Mr. Roberts stayed a little longer in the Islands, instead of six days, or had he inquired a little more carefully, he would have found that not only the "wild men of the hills," but also the Moros of Mindanao are represented in the Philippine Legislature. There is a Moro Senator, and there are two Moro representatives, while the mountain peoples are represented by two of their own people in the lower House of the Legislature. Likewise, had Mr. Roberts desired to be more exact in his statements, he would have found out that both parties in the Philippines were represented in the mission that recently visited this country. He would have discovered that the mission was sent here in pursuance of a Concurrent Resolution of the Philippine Legislature, and by virtue of this specific instruction: "Therefore, as far as humanly possible to judge and say, we can see only one aim for the Commission of Independence : Independence ; and we can give only one instruction: To get it." Now, it must be conceded that all representative governments are based on the principle that the constituted delegates of the people are the true spokesmen of their desires. This is the very essence of the system of popular representation. That being the case, it is not understood how any man, living in America, and supposedly acquainted with republican institutions, can assert that the action taken by the Philippines Legislature reflects the desire of only five per cent and not the totality of the Filipino people. NOTE TO EDITORS--We will send photographs of Filipino women to accompany this article if they are requested.--Philippine Press Bureau. WOMEN GIVEN VOTE IN PHILIPPINES Manila, Dec. 7--(By Cable).--The equal suffrage bill, giving women full political rights with men, was passed by a practicaly unanimous vote in the Philippine Senate and sent to the House. Sentiment in the lower branch of the Philippine Legislature on the question of woman suffrage is believed to be about the same as in the Senate. It is practically certain, therefore, that the Filipina will soon have the vote. Present indications are that she will even beat her American sisters to the ballot box. This prospect means that the Filipino woman, who has been more or less in the limelight ever since American occupation of the islands, is going to now be in the world's spotlight more than ever. The Filipina has many admirers who predict she will make good in her new role, just as she has made good in the very important role that she has occupied in the family and business life of the Philippines ever since the introduction of Christianity in the islands three centuries ago. "America's advent in the Philippines discovered a wonderfully interesting, responsive little being, the Filipino woman," writes one American concerning the Filipina. "Mothering the only Christian people in the Far East, she holds a place of authority, love and respect in family and social life that is not accorded to women in countries neighboring the islands, or in India, China or Japan." The Filipino woman is by custom the dictator in the home. She is usually the keeper of the family treasury. All revenue, no matter by whom earned, is turned over to the wife and mother and she it is who has the final say as to how it is to be spent. In business, it is the verdict of the foreigners in the islands that the women do business nearly on Western principles. Practically all of the small shops in Minila are conducted by the Filipina. The most prosperous contractor for sand and gravel in Manila is a woman. The best paying iron mine in the islands is owned and managed by a woman. Frequently women are sole or part owners in rice mills and similar enterprises. The Filipina's success in business is largely due to her promptness in filling orders and her square dealing. In dress, the Filipina has all the love of personal adornment that is characteristic of the sex in other lands. After one has become accustomed to the native dress, it is realized that she is neat and particular about her attire. The stiff, wide sleeves and specially folded wide collar, the most individual feature of her costume, are always fresh, never mussed or wrinkled. The same may be said of her sweeping starched skirt. Her straight black hair is simply dressed and is invariably smooth and neat. The education of the Filipino woman has broadened her scope in life and is making her more interested in the civic activities of the Philippines. In 1917 there were enrolled in the primary and intermediate grades of the public schools 234,905 girls. Filipino women are now occupying positions in the Bureau of Education and the University of the Philippines. There have been established over fifty women's clubs in the Philippines, engaged in social settlement work, the improvement of health conditions, and the prevention of infant mortality. The doors of each of the several colleges of the University of the Philippines stand open and she passes in side by side with her brother. She meets him on the tennis court, plays his game of volley ball, basket ball and roots vigorously for her favorite on the baseball diamond. There are about 555 girls enrolled in the University of the Philippines. Of the 12,3030 Filipino teachers employed in the public school, 3,982 are women. The report of the Bureau of Labor gives 7,624 women over 16 years of age and 1,209 under 16 years employed in sixteen different kinds of factories. Transcribed and reviewed by contributors participating in the By The People project at crowd.loc.gov.