NAWSA                  Subject File               Prohibition & Suffrage

This statement is sent 
you that you may note
the volume of work.

IMMEDIATE RELEASE.
DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE
Nov. 24, 1925.

Results of Prohibition Enforcement for
five and a half years.

Since the enactment of the National Prohibition Act five
and a half years ago, fines aggregating nearly Thirty Million
Dollars, and jail sentences totaling Twelve Thousand years, have
been imposed upon violators of this act, according to a report
on prohibition enforcement just made to the Attorney General by
the Division of the Department of Justice in charge of  prohibition
litigation.
The exact figures to June 30, 1925, are as follows:
Convictions     154,772
Acquittals            7,414
Dismissals          30,213
Pending              24,684

Fines imposed during the same period amount to
 $29,033,659.32 while jail and prison sentences since July 1,
1921, total 11,621 years, 7 months and 6 days.  Estimating the
average convicted man's annual income, if engaged in lawful pursuits
at the low figure of $1,000, this immense amount of time
spent in the jails and Federal penitentiaries represents a loss
to the violators of more that $11,621,500.
   The following table shows the steady increase in convictions
and penalties during the past four years: 


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Fiscal Year
ending June    Convictions    Jail Sentences                  Fines
30                        
1922                  22,749           1,552 1/6 years        $4,041,456.03
1923                  34,067           2,003            "             5,832,491.18
1924                  37, 181          3,496 3/34    "             7,487,235.19
1925                  38,498           4,569 1/2      "             7,681.947.28

There has been a noticeable increase in the length of jail
sentences especially in the past three years.  In 1923 the average
sentence was only 21 days.  In 1924, 34 days was the average.  In
1925, however, it rose to more than 43 days--an increase in the
one year of more that 25%.  Estimating the loss through this enforced
idleness at $5 a day, it represents an average loss of 
$215 for each convicted man.  The average fine for he year 1925,
was almost $200.  One bootlegger confessed that while he had sold
about $10,000 worth of liquor, his losses through fines and confiscations
had been even greater.
During the fiscal year which closed June 30, 1925, about 
4,865 more cases were begun than during the preceding year.  The
fact that the number of dismissals was less than for 1924 appears
to indicate that more care is being taken in the making and filing
of cases.
There were 1,317 more convictions last year that the year
before.
By the use of injunction proceedings excellent results are
secured with less crowding of court dockets.  As soon as evidence
of the violation of the injunction is discovered, the offender
can be brought in and quickly punished for contempt of court.
The number of injunctions reported during the past year was nearly
90% higher than that of the year before.

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The following eight districts reported more than 100 permanent 
injunctions each last year:

    District                    Temporary          Permanent
Northern Illinois               617                    614
New Jersey                       531                    280
Nevada                            166                     260
Maryland                           64                     350
Eastern Illinois                   60                     283
Southern Illinois              128                     172
Hawaii                             114                     110
Minnesota                         89                     102

Among the large cases disposed of, the most important perhaps
was that known as "the Cincinnati police case," in which 70
persons were indicted, and nearly all convicted. Thirty-eight
members of the police force of that city pleaded guilty to one or
more charges, and three others were convicted in a very short
trial. Twenty-three dry agents were indicted at the same time.
Several members of the police force made income tax returns, after
they were indicted, showing they had received large sums of money
from the violators of the prohibition law in return for "protection."
In an important graft and conspiracy case in Cleveland, Ohio
11 defendants were sentenced, June 20, last to a total of more 
than 13 years' imprisonment in the Atlanta Penitentiary, and fined
more than $65,000.
The United States Attorney for the Southern District of New
York reported that he had issued in one week, writs of destruction
covering 6,024 cases of whiskey, and 40 barrels of fruit in 
alcohol.
A new step was taken October 5, 1925, in the enforcement of
the Volstead Act, when a Federal grand jury indicted a railroad

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company for "knowingly transporting intoxicating liquor without a permit and proper records." Two carloads of alleged high-power beer were seized. This indictment is said to be the first of its kind in the country. 
          A study of the records reveals the following definite features in connection with prohibition enforcement: 
           1. The Government is prosecuting larger and more important cases. 
           2. There has been a decrease each of the past two years in the number of cases pending, indicating more prompt trials. 
           3. The penalties for violations, especially in the matter of jail and prison sentences, are steadily increasing. 
           4. There has been a very substantial increase in the number of injunctions reported.


 PROGRESS IN THE ESTABLISHMENT OF
THE FEDERAL INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTION FOR WOMEN, ALDERSON W. VA.
April 15, 1927
   
   The inception of the new Federal Institution for
Women was due, as was that of the State Reformatories for
women and girls, to the efforts of a group of women. For
years, public-spirited women, seeing the institutions erected
by the states for the care and rehabilitation of women offenders,
have been shocked by the injustice shown to Federal women
prisoners. Year after year, the Department of Justice has re-
corded its disapproval of the conditions under which its women
prisoners were detained in local jails, penitentiaries, or wings
of men's prisons, and its recommendations that a Federal Institution 
for women be constructed. But it was not until 1923 that
a definite bill was presented to Congress; and not until 1924
that the final push was given by the women's organization of 
the country that sent the Enabling Act over the top. Fourteen
thousand clubs, it is said, petitioned Congress for the new
institution.
   June 7, 1924, with the official backing of Attorney
General Harlan F. Stone, and Mrs. Mabel Walker Willebrandt, the
Assistant Attorney General charged with responsibility for the
Federal Prisoners, the Enabling Act was passed, authorizing "the
Attorney General, the Secretary of the Interior and the Secretary

 
of Labor to select a site either in connection with some existing
institution or elsewhere, for an industrial institution for the
confinement of female persons above the age of eighteen years,
convicted of an offense against the United States."
   This short,  simple paragraph, which marks the beginning
of the new Federal Industrial Institution for Women, also marks
the end of a long struggle to free the Department of Justice from
one of its gravest difficulties - the adequate care and housing
of the increasing number of women offenders against the Federal
laws. In this struggle the women of the country, as we have said,
very properly had a great part. As far back as 1908, when Mrs. J.
Ellen Foster was inspector for the Department of Justice, public-
minded women began the agitation for proper detention facilities
to replace the haphazard boarding-out method which has been the
only recourse of the Department. Various clubs and organizations
of women were active in this agitation for proper detention facilities
to replace the haphazard boarding-out method which has been the
only recourse of the Department. Various clubs and organizations
of women were active in this agitation, notably the W.C.T.U. which
was one of the early friends of the movement and which through its
representative, Mrs. Ellis A. Yost, Director of its Department of
Legislation, has remained an able champion to the present time.
The League of Women Voters also was active in the various efforts
to secure legislation establishing this institution.
In May 1923, the cause was officially espoused by the
General Federation of Womens' Club which adopted a resolution at 
the meeting of its council in Atlanta, Georgia, favoring an industrial 
institution for such prisoners. In September, 1923, a
conference on the subject was called at the General Federation
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Headquarters by Miss Julia K. Jaffray, Chairman of its sub-committee 
on Institution Relations at which the following
national organizations, twenty-one in number, were officially
represented: American Association of University Women, American
Federation of Teachers, American Home Economics Association,
American Prison Association, American Social Hygiene Association,
Bureau of Home Economics, Daughters of the American Revolution,
Democratic National Committee, General Federation of Women's Clubs,
Girls' Friendly Society, Lumen Femina W.T.A., National Committee
For Mental Hygiene, National Committee on Prisons and Prison Labor,
National Congress of Mothers and Parent Teacher Associations,
National Council of Jewish Women, National Council of Women,
National Education Association of U.S., National Federation of
Business and Professional Women's Clubs, National Women's Christian
Temperance Union, National Women's Trade Union League, Republican
National Committee, Women's City Club, Washington, D. C.
   At this conference the Superintendent of Prisons described 
that situation as follows:
   "These prisoners number from 500 to 400 and are 
under the custody of the Federal Department of Prisons. The 
Department possesses no institution in which to house them
and is forced to board them around in state and county in-
stitutions wherever the authorities can be induced to take
them. Sentence range from one month to life; with an average
to from two to three years. There is no provision for indeterminate 
sentence for any Federal prisoners. When a sentence is 
for less than one year, it is served in a county jail and it
is the belief of the Department that many prisoners are getting
jails sentences, where no corrective work is possible, who would
be sent to a reformatory were there such an institution to 
receive them. The disposition of prisoners whose sentences are
under one year is not in the hands of the Federal Department,
but of the court imposing sentence.
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   Many of the Federal women prisoners are drug
addicts, caught in the act of peddling drugs in the hope
of getting money to buy more. These drug addicts require
special medical treatment and while some of the institutions 
to which they are committed give this treatment,
the majority do not."
   Representatives from some of the institutions at
which these offenders were lodged explained the difficulties which
they had encountered in dealing with Federal women prisoners, as
follows:
   "1. The per capita charge for boarding
Federal prisoners cannot be uniform because the
states, cities and counties do not adhere to a
uniform business method of operating their institutions 
or ascertaining the per capita - also the per
capita cost of the best institutions is higher than
the per capita allowed by the Federal Government.
   II. The terms of commitment to the various
institutions, state, city and county, vary in each
state and the Federal regulations are inflexible
and very difficult to adapt to local conditions.
   III. Several of the best state institutions 
for women are full to capacity and therefore cannot
receive Federal prisoners.
   IV. The methods of release vary according
to the parole laws of each state and again the Federal 
laws cannot be adapted.
   V. Conditions in the different institutions
vary and Federal prisoners from localities totally
different to those to which they are sent increase
administrative and disciplinary problems as to
jealousies between local and Federal prisoners--nor
the treatment and training they require."
   As a result of the discussion, a committee was appointed,
to formulate recommendations to be incorporated in a bill to be presented 
to Congress. Their recommendations as given below were
unanimously adopted:
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"I. That a Federal Institution to house Federal
women prisoners be established.

II. That the location be left, of course, to the
Department of Justice, but that a recommendation
be made that it be placed near the geographic
center of the prison population.

III. That its capacity provide for a minimum of
700 Federal women prisoners.

IV. That the minimum amount of land be 500 acres.

V. That the institution be described as a "Federal
Industrial Farm for Women", the definite name
to be selected later.

VI. That the institution be built on the cottage 
plan so as to permit of classification and
enlargement as needed.

VII. That the head of the institution be a woman."

It is considered desirable that the institution be located
in the vicinity of Washington for three reasons:  first, because
the geographical center of the criminal population of the United States 
lies a little southwest of Washington; second, that it might be easily
accessible to visitors to the Capital from this and other lands, as
well as to the Department of Justice itself; and third, because it
will serve as a place of confinement for all District of Columbia
women offenders over eighteen years of age, serving terms of over a
year, as there is only Federal law in the District.  A petition was
 received from the citizens of Alderson, West Virginia, that the institution
be located there, and an offer to donate 202 acres of a 
property known as the Rose Farm.  On January 29, 1925, a report was 
sent to Congress advising that this proposal had been given favorable
consideration and that Alderson, West Virginia, had been selected as
the site for the institution.

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In the Deficiency Bill, passed March 4, 1925, there was
included an item of $909,100 to purchase 300 acres of land, in 
addition to that donated by Alderson, to appoint a Superintendent and
Secretary, and to erect buildings to house and care for 200 inmates.
A reading of the hearings on this budget reveals the fact that the
success of the cause was due to the farseeing, constructive, untiring
zeal of the Department of Justice.  To that, and the interested
women of the country, the institution owes its progress thus far.

The 1924 Act of Congress specified that this new institution
should offer facilities for training such as will "enable the
inmates on release to obtain self-supporting employment", while the
appropriation granted in 1925 permitted the Department to plan its
construction on modern lines in accordance with the thought embodied
in the best of the various state institutions.

The enabling Act of 1924 furthermore provided that "four
citizens of the United States of prominence and distinction, who
shall be appointed by the President for terms of three, four, five
and six years, respectively, from the date of the taking effect of
this Act, ******who shall serve without compensation, shall
constitute, together with the Attorney General of the United States,
the Superintendent of Prisons of the Department of Justice, and the
Superintendent of the United States Industrial Institution for Women,
a board of advisors of said industrial institution.  It shall 
be the duty of said board to recommend ways and means for the discipline
and training of such inmates, that on their discharge from
such institution they may secure suitable employment."

After passing of the Deficiency Bill on March 4, 1925,

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a Superintendent, Dr. Mary B. Harris, was appointed March 12th to assist
in the planning of the institution.  In the meantime two members
of the Advisory Board had been appointed, Miss Julia K. Jaffray, of
New york City, Secretary of the National Committee on Prisons and
Prison Labor, and Chairman of the Committee on Delinquency of the
General Federation of Women's Clubs; and Mrs. Alvin E. Dodd of Washington,
D.C., who as Catherine Filene is well-known as an authority
on vocational guidance for women.  The Superintendent in cooperation
with those Board Members and in consultation with. the Architects Division
of the Treasury Department, submitted for the approval of the
Assistant Attorney General, Mrs. Willebrandt, and Attorney General
Sargent, a comprehensive building program for the completed institution,
showing the plans of the buildings needed, their location on the
land donated by the Town of Alderson, and accompanied by recommendations
as to priority in the construction needed for the first 200.
After discussing and approving these plans, the Department of Justice
transmitted them to the Architects' Division for specifications.  Bids
were received November 1, 1925, and the contract for the first group
was let December 31, 1925.

In these places a Receiving Building, with capacity for 50
is provided, containing treatment facilities, quarantine quarters,
medical isolation rooms for infectious cases, observation quarters
for drug addicts, and seclusion rooms for hydrotherapy for the disturbed 
cases.  There will be a resident woman physician in charge.  The complete 
medical program includes, in the second year's program, a small
hospital for maternity, and surgical cases and medical cases, other
than venereal and psychopathic.

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To provide facilities for classification of the remainder
of the population, cottages are being constructed, each housing about
30 women in single rooms.  These, like the Receiving Building, are
simple, each with its own kitchen, dining and living rooms.  There
will be no surrounding wall, but the cottages will be part of a
quadrangle development, similar to the newer state institutions of
like character.

An industrial building is being built with the first group,
to contain the power-sewing and knitting equipment, the handwork shop,
and cooking-school, as well as school room and library pending the
erection of the School Building.  The upkeep and house-keeping in all
these buildings will be given training value, and made an integral
part of the educational program.

Effort will be made to stress the function of the institution
which is incorporated in the name given it by Congress, and to
make industry,- meaning thereby a full program of work, healthy occupation
and recreation as well as spiritual output, -  the dominant
characteristic of the place.  It is hoped to maintain at Alderson an
institution which will not only restrain and discipline but also train,
rehabilitate and restore, to which end, industry contributes fundamentally.

In addition to the usual occupation connected with an institution's 
upkeep, there will be at the start a farm of five hundred
acres to be tilled, made into lawns, or brought under cultivation.
There will be cows, pigs, sheep, and chickens to be tended; berries,
orchards, truck and flower gardening, - all taken care of by the women.
A power laundry and a power-sewing equipment will not only expedite
the necessary work of the institution and furnish occupation,

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but will also acquaint the woman with the use of modern machinery,
and have training content.

There will also be a cooking school with practical demonstration 
in the various cottage-kitchens, occupational handwork, largely
for therapeutic purposes; Red Cross courses in home nursing; sewing, and all the other elements of homemaking.  Emphasis will be put upon
the value of music as.a therapeutic measure, applying here what has been
demonstrated in the army, in men's prisons, and all reformatories, as
well as in the community at large.  There will be classes in the 
English branches for those who need and can profit by elementary instruction,
and supervised reading and correlated studies for the more advanced.

Classification and assignment to all these occupations and
studies will be made after careful case study of the individual woman
embodying recommendations of the Superintendent, Physician, Psychologist,
Educational Director, and all other members of the staff with
whom she has direct contact.  At regular intervals reconsideration will
be given to each case, and the training planned accordingly.

With this varied program carried out systematically, the
new institution should never be cursed with the bane of old institutions,
namely unemployment, idleness and the moral and mental deterioration
that follow in their train.

In the industrial development, the market will, of course,
be limited to Federal use.  It is hoped that orders will be received
for garments and articles to be used by other Government institutions
and hospitals and also by the Army and Navy.  If sufficient work of
this nature is allocated, it will not only furnish employment but will
also contribute to the institution's upkeep, supply a small wage, and

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enable the institution to send every woman out at the end of her term
with habits of punctuality and industry established, trained to earn
an honest living and with a new outlook on life and society.

At the basis of the moral training on which this rehabilitation
must rest, are three elements.  One, this of industry and occupation.
The second, development of self-control and a sense of responsibility
for the welfare of the group.  Most offenders are extreme
individualists who have gone their way thoughtless of the cost to the
group as a whole.  They are heedless and self-seeking.  To counteract
this, there must be some form of participation in the government of
this institution.  Nothing but responsibility can develop a sense of
responsibility.  The women will have their councils, supervised and
guided by their teachers and matrons; boards of health, directed by
the doctor and nurses; fire companies; and organizations of various
kinds for community improvement as their needs demand.  They will
learn the necessity of team play and cooperative living in this small,
artificial community, and, we trust, carry the lessons back to the larger
society when they return.  Third, - fundamental and basic to all regeneration
is ethical and religious training, taught consciously by
religious observances, and services, and demonstrated in the lives and
conduct of the women chosen to reshape the crooked and distorted
destinies committed to them.  No effort will be spared nor agency
neglected that will avail to make the institution a power for righteousness
and a credit to the Government which is establishing it.

---*---*---*---*---*---*---*---
It is a satisfaction to record that the program described 
above is in fair way to be carried out in detail.  The first appropriation
of $909,100, with authorization to contract for $172,000 above
that sum, provided for the construction of the following buildings

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and services; water supply for the entire institution (except farm buildings);
sewage disposal; railroad siding; roads to the town and within the
grounds; lighting and telephone service; power house with four boilers
and power plant; laundry and storehouse for completed institution; part of the garage; Administration Building with living quarters for women members
of the staff and a dining room for all the staff; the Superintendent's
Residence; a Receiving Building; Cottages housing 200 and an Industrial
Building.  It also provided for the reconditioning of one farm house and
the repair of other buildings already on the property.

The contract for these buildings was let December 31, 1925.  An
agreement has been made that these buildings and three other cottages, for
which a provisional contract was made, conditioned upon an appropriation
being available, should be completed and ready for occupancy July 13, 1927.
They were under roof in November, 1926.

The road work has been made possible by the employment of Federal
prisoners, who were transferred from Atlanta to the West Virginia Penitentiary,
by the cooperative action of Assistant Attorney General Willebrandt,
and Luther C. White, Superintendent of Prisons, with the Governor and officials
of West Virginia, and the Wardens of the Penitentiaries.

The purchase of the second property known as the Nash Farm was
delayed by a flaw in the title.  Possession was obtained May 14, 1926, by
payment of $48,000, provided by this same appropriation.  It is on this
property of 300 acres that the farm and dairy buildings are to be erected.
This makes the acreage about five hundred.

A maintenance appropriation was granted in the First Deficiency
Bill, approved March 3, 1926; and immediately after possession was secured

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of the Nash farm, a Farm Manager and Steward, both women, were detailed to
begin farm operations and to repair the buildings on this property.  By
their efforts, directed by the Department of Agriculture and Division of
Architecture, part of the farm house was fitted up for headquarters, 35
acres planted in corn, cover-crops and vegetables, and over 100 acres of
hay harvested, as preparation for the institution's needs.

The Second Deficiency Bill, signed July 3, 1926, contained an
appropriation of $1.509,300 to complete the building program.  Plans were
approved for the following items;- eleven cottages; a small staff house; a
school and assembly building; a thirty-two bed hospital; completion of the 
garage and power plant; a plant propagating house; a garden service building;
root cellars; incinerators, barns; dairy housel poultry plant; piggery; roads
around the new buildings and through the grounds, two miles to the Nash house;
water supply; electric lines; sewage disposal for the farm group which compromises a cottage for inmates; houses for the farmers; barns and a dairy house.
Bids for those buildings were opened April 5th 1927, and construction work
will begin within a few weeks.

All of the buildings at the institution on the Rose property are
of the type known as "fire-resisting", brick and reinforced concrete.  This is
an expensive type of construction; but the Appropriations Committee had
wisely specified that the institution should be built on that plan.

At present there are scattered throughout the country over 500
women for whom accommodations could be provided, and we have under way a
complete plan for the housing and training of this number, and for housing

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the personnel needed for custody and training in an institution of this size
and character.  The Department of Justice has not recommended anything that
is more elaborate than the standards set by the various state institutions
which have been visited and studied; and it is felt that the Federal Government,
now that it is remedying the thoroughly discreditable situation
created by its lack of facilities for caring for women delinquents, is building
an institution that will bring together the best things that are being
done in all the States in the way of diagnosis, treatment, and rehabilitation
of this most difficult and neglected group.  Nothing has been recommended
 for show.  Considering that the institution is being built in the woods on unimproved
property, it will be realized that the total amount, approximately
two and a quarter millions, is really a modest sum for the establishment of 
a reformatory of this character, built on the cottage plan, providing for
classification, and of fire-proof construction.  Education is always more
expensive than mere custody; and the type of rehabilitation, training, treatment
and education required by this group presents the most difficult
educational problem there is.  It is a satisfaction to the department of
Justice that the necessary facilities for carrying out the purposes of the
institutions as set forth in the Enabling Act are in the main provided.

The Advisory Board established by the Enabling Act consists of:-

Honorable John C. Sargent, Attorney General
Mrs. Mabel Walker Willebrandt, Assistant Attorney General.
Captain Albert H. Conner, Superintendent of Prisons.
Dr. Mary B. Harris, Supt., Federal Industrial Institution for Women,

all ex officio and the following:-

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Dr. Lewellys F. Barker, Baltimore, Chairman.
Miss Julia K. Jaffray, New York City.
Mrs. Alvind Dodd, Washington, D.C,
Mr. George P. Levey, Ludlow, Vermont.

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PROHIBITION ENFORCEMENT
Some of the most noticeable signs of progress in the enforcement
of the National Prohibition Act during the fiscal year ended June 30, 
1926, have been the increase in the length of jail and prison sentences,
the amount of fines, the number of injunction and padlock proceedings,
the decrease in the number of pending cases, and the increase in 
the percentage of convictions.
The average sentence was nearly five days longer than that for the
preceding year, the aggregate of all jail and prison sentences being
5,666 years, 7 months and 28 days, or 1,097 years, 1 month and 15 days
more than the highest previous total for one year. An amendment to the
penalty section of the National Prohibition Act authorizing the count in 
its discretion to impose jail sentences heavy enough to fit the facts in
a particular case would be helpful in securing more effective enforcement.
The average fine increased from $199.54 the year before to $202.55
last year, a gain of $2.91. The total fines aggregated $7,494,629.09, of
which $4,531,926.04 was collected. This means that of each $1,000 in
fines assessed, about $604 was collected.
The number of permanent injunctions was 1,150 higher than for the 
previous year, the total number being 3,669.
Pending cases were reduced from 24,684 June 30, 1925, to 20,749
on the same day of 1926, a reduction of 3,935 cases.


SUPREME COURT CASES HANDLED IN WHOLE OR IN PART
BY ASSISTANT ATTORNEY GENERAL WILLEBRANDT

1921 Docket

174 - Corneli v. Moore, Collector 
175 - Ghio v. Moore, Collector
                 Appeals from U.S. District Court, District Court, Eastern Dist. Missouri
428 - Bryan v. Miles, Collector
                 Appeal from U. S. District Court, District of Maryland 

Aruged by Mrs. Willebradt December 15, 1921

These cases presented the question whether under the provisions of the National Prohibition Act liquor stored in a Government bonded warehouse may be withdrawn by the owner of the warehouse receipt, for beverage use in his home. Appellants contended that the refusal of the Collector of Internal Revenue to permit them to remove their liquors upon tender of the amount of taxes due thereon was taking of private property in violation of their Constitutional rights.

Decided in favor of Government (257 U.S. 491). 

596 - Lipke v. Lederer, Collector 
                Appeal from U.S. District Court, Eastern Dist. Pennsylvania

Aruged by Mrs. Willebrandt, March 21, 22, 1922

In this case the Supreme Court decided that the taxes provided by Sec. 35, N. P. A., upon dealing in liquor are in reality penalties and cannot be enforced by distraint of the offender's property without first affording him a due opportunity for a Constitutional hearing. 

Decided adversely to Government (259 U.S. 557)

711 - Connecticut v. McAuliffe
           Writ of error to U.S. District Court, District of Connecticut 

Brief as amious curiae

The question involved was whether or not Sec. 33, Judicial Code, authorises the removal of a prosecution of a Federal prohibition agent for bribery from a State court into a United States District Court. 
Case abated because of death of defendant. 


1922 Docket 
 26 - United States v. Stafeff
197 - Brooks v. United States
                  Certificate to Circuit Court of Appeals - Ninth Circuit 
403 - United States v. Remus 
                 Error to District Court, Southern District of Ohio

Argued by Mrs. Willebrandt Novemner 29, 1922

These cases involved different sections of the Revised Statutes and presented the question of repeal by the National Prohibition Act of previously existing liquor laws. The Court decided that the Act Supplemental to the National Prohibition Act revived those provisions of law applicable to the traffic in liquor previously held to have been repealed by the National Prohibition Act, except those sections which are in direct conflict with the National Prohibition Act and supplemental legislation. 

Decided in favor of Government (260 U. S. 477).


108 - Regal Drug Corporation v. Wardell, Collector
                 Certiorari to Circuit Court of Appeals, Ninth Circuit 

Submitted on briefs. 

This was a bill seeking to restrain assessment and collection of taxes imposed under authority of the National Prohibition Act. Basing its action on the previously decided case of Lipke v. Lederer, the Court held that certain amounts previously assessed as taxes were in fact penalties.

Decided adversely to Government (260 U.S. 386).

693- International Mercantile Marine v. Stuart, Collector 
694 - United States Libes v. Stuart, Collector 
                        Appeals from District Court, Southern District of New York 

Argued by Solicitor General and Mrs. Willebrandt January 4 and 5, 1923

The Supreme Court decided that the National Prohibition Act and supplemental were applicable to all vessels whether of foreign or American registry within the 5-mile limit, and that though Congress has undoubted right to legislate with regard to American vessels on the high seas it had not done so in the National Prohibition Let, and therefore American vessels were free to carry on the high seas and in foreign ports intoxicating liquors intended for beverage purposes. 

 Decision partly favorable and partly adverse to Government (262 U.S. 100)





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1923 Docket

45 - Brede v Powers, U.S. Marshal
140- Wyman v. United States
Writs of error to District Court, Eastern Dist. New York

Argued October 4, 1923. Mrs. Willebrandt appeared for U.S.

In these two cases it was contended that the violations
of the National Prohibition Act charged were infamous crimes,
within the meaning of the Fifth Amendment, because under the
statutes of the United States and of New York and New Jersey
the court had power to impose infamous punishments and that,
therefore, the proceedings should have been instituted by
presentment or indictment by a grand jury, instead of by information.
The Court decided against this contention, holding
that the sentences were not intended to be, and under the
statute could not have been imposed at hard labor or in a
penitentiary.

Decided in favor of Government (263 U.S. 4;14)

79 - Gnerich v. Rutter, Prohibition Director
Appeal from the Circuit Court of Appeals, Ninth Circuit

Argued by Mrs. Willebrandt March 10, 1924

This case arose in a suit by wholesale druggists to restrain
the prohibition director for the State of California
from giving effect to certain restrictions embodied in a permit
issued by the Commissioner of Internal Revenue for the
withdrawal of intoxicating liquors for use in filling prescriptions.
The Supreme Court ordered the cause remanded
with directions to discuss the bill because the Commissioner
of Internal Revenue had not been made a party to the suit.

Decided in favor of Government (265 U.S. 388)

95- Peil Brothers v. Day, Prohibition Director
Appeal from Circuit Court of Appeals, Second Circuit
200- Everand's Breweries v. Day
245- Burke v. Blair Commissioner
Appeals from District Court, Southern District New York

[*Argued by Sol. Gen. March 4,5, 1924 on  briefs by Mrs. W.*]

The appellants in these cases questioned the constitutionality
of the provision of the Act Supplemental to the
National Prohibition Act that "only spirituous and vinous
liquor may be prescribed for medicinal purposes, and all


-4-

permits to prescribe and prescriptions for any other liquor
shall be void."  The Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality
of this provision, declaring that the Eighteenth Amendment
gives Congress the power to prohibit the manufacture,
sale, and prescription of intoxicating malt liquors for
medicinal purposes.

Decided in favor of Government (265 U.S. 545)

139- Lynch v. Tilden Produce Co.
Certiorari to the Circuit Court of Appeals, Eighth Circuit

Argued by Mrs. Willebrandt January 25, 1924

Court Decided that butter containing more than 16 percent 
moisture does not make it "unadulterated" within the Act of May
9. 1902. as treasury regulation classifying such butter as 
adulterated is invalid.

Decided adversely to Government (265 U.S. 315).

143- Violette v. Rasmussen, Collector
Appeal from the Circuit Court of Appeals, Ninth Circuit

Submitted on briefs

This was a suit to restrain the enforcement of a warrant
of distraint upon certain real estate to secure the payment
of taxes on distilled spirits illicitly manufactured.  On the
authority of Lipke v Lederer, the Supreme Court held that the
amounts assessed as taxes were in fact penalties, and remanded
the case for further proceedings.

Decided adversely to Government (264 U.S. 568)

222- Kennedy v. United States
Certificate from the Circuit Court of Appeals, Eighth Circuit

Argued by Mrs. Willebrandt April 16, 1924

This case presented the question of whether or not the National
Prohibition Act repealed, superseded, or modified prior
statutes regulating the liquor traffic in the Indian country.
The Court answered this question in the negative, thus leaving
in full force the Indian statutes, which contain heavier
penalties than those provided by the National Prohibition Act
and are therefore more effective in keeping intoxicating liquor
entirely out of reach of Indians.
Decided in favor of Government (265 U.S. 344).

-5-
243 - Hester v. United States
Error to District Court, Western Dist. South Carolina
Submitted on briefs
In this case, where the evidence resulting in the conviction 
of plaintiff in error was seized on his premises 
but some distance from dwelling, the plaintiff in error 
invoked the aid of the Constitutional Amendment against unreasonable 
searches and seizures. The Court held that the 
special protection accorded by the Fourth Amendment to the 
people in their "persons, houses, papers, and effects" does 
not extend to the open fields. 
Decided in favor of Government (265 U. S. 57).
354 - Delany v. United States
 Certiorari to the Circuit Court of Appeals, Seventh Circuit
[*Argued by
Mr. [Wheat?] 
Jan. 3,1924, on brief by 
Mrs. [W]*]
 Delany, a former prohibition director, was convicted of 
conspiracy to violate the National Prohibition Act. The Supreme 
Court overruled his contention that the affirmance of 
his conviction by the Circuit Court of Appeals was in violation 
of Sec. 120 of the Judicial Code, providing that no
judge before whom a cause or question may have been tried or 
heard in a District Court shall sit on the trial or hearing 
of such cause or question in the Circuit Court of Appeals, 
the Court holding that there was no question before the Circuit 
Court of Appeals that had been considered by the judge 
in the District Court.
Decided in favor of Government (263 U. S. 586).
1924 Docket
80 - United States v. Childs
 Certiorari to the Circuit Court of Appeals, Second Circuit
Submitted on briefs
Interest at the rate of 1 per cent per month on delinquent 
taxes is not a penalty, and its allowance on a claim by the
Government against a bankrupt is consistent with Sec. 57-j of 
the Bankruptcy Act.
Decided in the favor of Government (266 U. S. 304).

235 and 636 - Steele v. United States
Appeal and writ of error, District Court, Southern Dist. New York
[*Argued 
March 11, 
1925. 
Mrs. [W?] 
appeared 
for Govt.*]
 In one of these cases the Court settled affirmatively the 
highly important question whether a prohibition agent is a 
"civil officer of the United States", within the meaning of 
the Espionage Act as incorporated in the National Prohibition 
Act, and may therefore receive and execute search warrants. The
decision in the other case is instructive as to what constitutes 
probable cause for the issuance of a search warrant, what is a 
sufficient description of the place to be searched, and the 
property to be seized, and what amounts to a reasonable search 
under a warrant. 
Decided in favor of Government (267 U. S. 498; 505)
546 - Dumbra et al. v. United States 
 Error to District Court, Southern District of New York
[*Argued
 Apr. 20,21, 1925. 
Submitted on 
brief for 
Govt.*] 
 Plaintiffs in error contended that their constitutional 
rights had been violated by the search of their premises under 
a search warrant issued without probable cause, and that the 
prohibition agent serving the warrant had no authority to receive 
and execute it. The Court disposed of the latter contention 
by following its decision in the Steele case, above.
As to probable cause, the Court reviewed the evidence and decided 
that the facts and circumstances were such as to warrant a prudent 
and cautious man in believing that the offenses charged had
been committed. 
Decided in favor of Government (268 U. S. 435).
[*See p. 5a 
for [Selzman?] 
case*]
1925 Docket
93 - United States v. Blount
 Appeal from the U.S. Court of Claims
Briefed, but not yet argued
This case involves the application of the Estate Tax levied 
by the Revenue Act of 1916 to estates in entirety created prior 
to the passage of the Act.

-6 a-

1924 Docket

998 - Selzman v. United States
Error to the District Court, Northern District of Ohio

Submitted on briefs

This case involved the constitutionality of the provisions
of the National Prohibition Act relating to industrial alcohol,
it being contended by plaintiff in error, that, since the Eighteenth
Amendment relates to intoxicating liquor for beverage
purposes only, it confers no authority upon Congress to prevent
or regulate the sale of denatured alcohol because such alcohol
is not usable as a beverage.  In upholding the constitutionality
of said provisions, the Court recognized the implied as
well as the express power of Congress under the Eighteenth
Amendment.

Decided in favor of Government, June 1, 1925 (268 U.S. 466)


-7-

120 - Lederer, Collector v. McGarvey
790 - United States v. Zerbey
Briefed, but not yet argued
The questions which the Circuit Court of Appeals asks the
Supreme Court to answer are in substance as follows:

Is bond given for sale of liquor for non-beverage purposes
forfeitable upon breach of conditions in full amount of penal
sum? Is recovery on breach by one holding such permit limited
to actual damages sustained by the United states?
March 3, 1926, argued by Mrs. Willebrandt.
May 24, 1926, decided adversely to Govt. (271 U.S. 332).

173- Bowers, Collector v. Kerbaugh-Empire Co.
Error to District Court, Southern District New York

Argued by Mrs. Willebrandt January 25 and 26, 1926

The question in this case is whether or not the profit
or gain made by a corporation as a result of borrowing German
marks and later settling its debt at a rate of exchange lower
than that at which the lean was made is taxable income.
May 3, 1926, decided adversely to Govt. (271 U.S. 170)

375 - edwards, Collector v. Chile Copper Co.
Certiorari to Circuit Court of Appeals, Second Circuit
Argued by Mrs. Willebrandt March 10 and 11, 1926.
Decided March 22, 1926, in favor of Govt.
The question involved is whether the Chile Copper Company
was, during a certain taxable period, "doing business" within
the meaning of the capital stock provisions of the Revenue
Acts of 1916 and 1918.  (270 U.S. 452)

473 - United States v. Ford Coupe, etc.
Certiorari to Circuit Court of Appeals, Fifth Circuit
611 - Port Gardner Investment Company v. United States
Certificate from Circuit Court of Appeals, Ninth Circuit

Argued by Mrs. Willebrandt December 9, 1925

The first of these cases involves the question of whether
or not Section 3450 R. S. is still available to the Government
for the forfeiture of vehicles illicitly transporting intoxicating
liquor, or whether said section has been repealed or superseded
by Sec. 26, Title II, N. P. A. 

The second case involves the same questions as those in the

-8-

Ford Coupe case, and the additional question of the right
of the Government to forfeit an automobile under Sec. 3450
after having prosecuted the driver under Sec. 25, N.P.A., the
Port Gardner Company contending that the Government having
elected to proceed against the driver under Sec. 26, it must
also proceed against the automobile under that section and
is precluded from forfeiting the vehicle under Sec. 3450.
Nov. 22, 1926, Ford Coupe case decided favorably to Govt.
Nov. 23, 1926, Port Gardner case decided against Govt.

1926 Docket.

297- Phillips v. International Salt Co.,

Argued April 25, 1927; (not yet decided).  The question 
involved is whether, during the taxable period ending
June 30, 1919, to June 30, 1922, inclusive, the International
Salt Co. was "carrying on or doing business"
within the meaning of the capital stock tax provisions
of the Revenue Acts of 1918.

507- Hellmich v. Missouri Pacific Railroad Co.

Argued January 16, 1927.  Decided in favor of Government
February 21, 1927.  The question is whether or not
telegraph messages transmitted for the Railroad Company
by Western Union Telegraph Company under a contract for
mutual exchange of services are taxable under Revenue
Acts of 1918 and 1921.

655- Mauk v. United States ("Underwriter").

Argued January 20, 1927 (not yet decided). The questions 
involves the forfeiture of an American vessel seized by
United States Coast Guard 34 miles off Block Island,
laden with a cargo of whiskey.

851- U.S. v. Manly S. Sullivan.

Argued April 27, 1927 (not yet decided).  Is Section 223 of
the Revenue Act of 1921, so far as it required the filing
of a tax return by one whose income is derived from the
commission of a crime, in conflict with the privilege
against self-incrimination accorded by the Fifth Amendment 
to the Constitution?


-9- 

375- Edwards v. Chile Copper Co.

Argued March 10 and 11, 1926. Decided March 22, 1926,
in favor of the Government. (270 U.S. 452).  Question
Whether Chile Copper Company was, during the taxable
period in question, "doing business" within the meaning
of the Revenue Acts of 1916 and 1918.

395- United States v. Solomon Noveck.

Argued January 5, 1927. Decided January 24, 1927, in favor 
of the Government.  Question- Whether Section 253 of the 
revenue Act of 1918 repealed the perjury section of the Penal Code.

CROSS REFERENCE SHEET

Name or Subject   PROHIBITION
File No.
Regarding
Date

See Carrie Chapman Catt folders - Prohibition

Flier - If not Prohibition, What?
by Carrie Chapman Catt

Reprinted from the Woman Citizen by the Woman's
National Committee for Law Enforcement, Boston Mass.
919 Metropolitan Bldg.

SEE
Name or Subject
File No.

Library Bureau
Division of
Remington Rand Inc.
Branches Everywhere

Cat. No. 30-5902
For us in all Filing Systems

March 30, 1927    ZION'S HERALD    395

and environment. I think a great many
of them are governed by bad newspapers
and movies of a questionable type.

"An encouraging proof of what can be
done for and with young people is found
in the city of Milwaukee. Henry Ford's
paper lately gave a very interesting account
of it. Milwaukee has the lowest 
crime rate of any large city in the country,
and the rate is growing less. During
1925 the price of burglary insurance in
every other large city was raised from
twenty to one hundred per cent. In Milwaukee
it was reduced twenty per cent.
Besides an effective system for punishing
crime, Milwaukee gives much attention to
preventing young people from becoming
criminals. It has centralized supervision
of playgrounds and social-center work in
a bureau under the educational department.
All supervisors of recreation are
chosen under a merit system and schooled
regularly in the best methods. Programs
of play and instruction are mapped out
to meet neighborhood conditions. The
greatest advantage is taken of public
parks, piers, beaches, schools, halls, etc.
There are band concerts, zoos, wading
pools, ball fields, golf links, tennis, croquet,

and picnic grounds, bathing beaches,
dancing in the parks. 'Everywhere that
playground activities have been introduced,
juvenile lawlessness has decreased
seventy to eighty per cent.' Milwaukee
has prevocational schools, and gives much
attention to the housing problem. Motion
pictures are censored by a board cooperating
with the exhibitors. Any features
likely to incite to crime are taken out,
or the license is revoked.

" 'An ounce of experiment is worth a
ton of theory.' Milwaukee has actually
brought down its crime rate below that
of any other large city. It has delivered
the goods. It has shown how the thing
can be done. Instead of mourning over
the alleged badness of our young people,
let men and women of sense take hold intelligently
to give them the best possible
change to grow up good. The badness is
mostly misdirected energy."

The last words of Lucy Stone to her
daughter were, "Make the world better."
Alice Stone Blackwell evidently feels and
lives the sentiment that "the debt each
generation owes to the past it must pay
to the future."
Danvers.

Eighteenth Amendment Founded on Business
Economy!
O.S. RANDALL

BISHOP EDWIN H. HUGHES once declared:
"The agitation leading up to
the eighteenth amendment over
a full century of one hundred years."

Early in the nineteenth century, around
1820, this agitation began, taking form as
a moral crusade against intemperance,
based on moral convictions under Scriptural
injunction. In later years the movement
attracted the support of an ill-advised
third-party political undertaking, which
placed a Presidential candidate in the
field; these combined efforts, however, met
with but indifferent success. The Woman's
Christian Temperance Union participated
in this movement, and shared its
disappointments. But, with this participation,
the Union also insisted upon the
teaching in all public schools of the evil
physiological effects upon the human system
of indulgence in spirituous beverages. 
This demand was fully met, and here it
was that national prohibition in America
gained its first constructive "objective."

Prior to the Civil War, sound business
economy, maintained by the owners of all
colored laborers, had sustained reasonable
sobriety among this class, whose work
was well-nigh indispensable in the growing
of Southern staples, sugar-cane and
cotton. With the liberation of these people
from the bondage of slavery, there
came also the release from all restraint
on the part of their former owners as to
their personal habits, and this release
soon found expression in utter irresponsibility
when exposed to the evils of drink.
This condition created a universal demand
for state prohibition, based on the old-
time theory of state rights, as this special
right had not at that time been "delegated"
to the United States by the several
states themselves. Under this demand
there soon arose a "solid" South
indeed, which will remain solid so long as
cane and cotton are grown as Southern
staples, or so long as white womanhood
below the Mason and Dixon Line deserves
protection from "rum-crazed" Negroes.

This greatest of all Southern reforms
never rested upon a foundation of moral

or social sentiment, but entirely on the
hard-headed business economy of keen
business men.

For many years the large corporate employers
of labor, in both industrial and 
transportation lines, had proved a power
unto themselves and ad refused employment
to habitual drinkers, or those at least
who would not abstain from drink while
on duty; but this course failed to protect
them from heavy damage assessments
arising from seemingly preventable accidents.
When experts traced these accidents
to the reaction following indulgence
in drink when off duty, then in self-defense
came the merciless refusal to employ
even moderate drinkers. Thoughtful
consideration at this point fully justifies
the declaration that possibly no single
factor, operating over the one-hundred-
year period mentioned by Bishop Hughes,
did more to strengthen the cause of national
prohibition than this deliberate action
on the part of big corporation employers
of labor, with the Pennsylvania
Railroad Company as their recognized
leader. And thus did Northern labor permanently
"consolidate" this "objective"
that was forced upon colored labor in the
South. When the crown had been ruthlessly
stripped from King Cotton, it was
lightly tossed to the shimmering tassels of
the Corn Belt, and King Corn voiced his
remonstrance over the deliberate waste
from this "world's storehouse" of grain
and food suppliers through diversion to
brewers and distillers.

Kansas led in this fight, and, under the
slogan of a Populist farmer, "Let's raise
more hawgs and less hell," she became the
first state in the Union without public 
debt; and, together with her associate
states of the Corn Belt, when their lot is
cast in with the "solid" South, certainly
furnishes an eminent guaranty for retaining
the eighteenth amendment as a fundamental
part of our "incomparable" Federal
Constitution.

Last, but not least, there came a universal
revolt on the part of single townships
over the entire nation against what they

termed an unfair distribution of the immense
license-fee collections from permits
to sell spirituous beverages, the charge
being that while they were equal sufferers
from the evil effects of this unholy traffic,
all the collected funds were centralized between
the state and federal control, and
they, though small, were compelled to
submit to a local tax levy, often exceeding
both their state and federal requirements.
This complaint did not emanate from the
pulpits, or from pink-tea sentimentalists;
it was voiced by hard-headed backwoods
farmers, and it persisted until it reached
state political conventions in both old-line
parties. Then, following conferences between
the astute city leaders, of all concerned,
the buck was passed by tendering 
these insignificant small units of government
the "right of self-determination."
That is, they might by ballot determine
their own status upon this question, independent
of state or nation. This statute,
know as local option, became, under divine
guidance, the leaven that leavened
the whole lump, thus verifying 1 Cor.
1:27, "And God hath chosen the weak
things of the world to confound the things
which are mighty." The first weak backwoods
township to vote dry became the
butt of ridicule, until her steadily decreasing
local tax levy changed ridicule to envy,
and these weakest ones became the leaders
in local option.

Another tremendously important factor
developed at this point. This form of
referendum decision came on a single ballot,
independent of other support, and so
was a strictly secret ballot. It thus afforded
an opportunity for all sympathizers
to participate without offense to political
associates, and constituted the best possible
referendum, participated in by every
elector, and extending over varying periods,
on an average of not less than ten
to fifteen years, before final decisions
were reached. Under operation of local
option there arose, prior to the date the
eighteenth amendment went into effect,
thirty-three states entirely dry, while 56.3
per cent, of remaining territory within the
fifteen wet states, so called, was equally
dry through the decisions of separate
townships, which controlled their own destiny
in this matter, independent of state
or nation.

Within this combined dry area lived
more than seventy millions of our national
population, largely representative of
native-born American citizens, engaged to 
a great extent in peaceful agricultural 
pursuits - people of whom Lincoln once
said, "God must have loved the common
people, He made so many of them." Furthermore,
while engaged in establishing
this wide-spread dry area, which, by the
way, comprised 95.4 per cent. of the entire
national area, these quiet electors had
from time to time consistently chosen to
their respective state legislatures the
representatives to whom was submitted
the eighteenth amendment for ratification.
When these representatives were polled on
this question, of the 1500 upper-house
votes 86 per cent. were to ratify, and of
the 4673 lower-house members 80 per cent.
voted to ratify. These state legislators
were not hastily scraped together while
members of the American Expeditionary
Forces were absent in France, but had
been deliberately chosen by competent
electors over this same period of long-continued
referendums, and represented their
best judgment as to faithful competency.

This almost unanimous state support,
by legally chosen representatives selected
during an extended period of peace and
contentment, will ever have the support
of seventy millions of native-born American

396    ZION'S HERALD    March 30, 1927

can citizens, by a big majority at least,
living largely in the homes of peaceful
agriculture, where but few "unassimilated"
alien industrialists have ever chosen
to reside, and these "common people" will
brook no attempt at nullification, even
though presented by great states that participated
in the successful throttling of
secession.
Belmont.

The Wife of the Minister in Detached
Service
MAY H. BARCLAY
WE hear much of the preacher's wife,
her joys and opportunities, her
griefs and sorrows. But what of the
wife of the minister who is not preaching—
that is, who is not definitely located
as pastor of a church? What of her life?
What of her hopes and disappointments,
her privileges and responsibilities? When
we think of the wives of all the bishops,
all the district superintendents, all the
editors and associate editors, all the college
professors and the secretaries of
boards - we know that their number is legion.
How does their life differ from that
of the average pastor's wife?

Few men go directly from the theological
seminary to detached service. Most
young ministers serve at least a few years
in the pastorate. This field has its difficulties.
There are baffling situations to
meet and exasperating persons to deal
with, but the people whose opinion is
worth having are for the most part loyal,
devoted, and appreciative. The wife
learns to love the work and has a happy
consciousness of really belonging to the
congregation. Every year there is an informal
reception where the church receives
anew the pastor and his wife.

Then one day all is changed. John has
been chosen as assistant secretary or editor
or professor, and they must move out
of the parsonage. The first awakening
comes when they try to find a house in a
neighborhood where they care to live, at
a rental that is at all within their means.
Some compromise must be made. Either
they must take a small apartment with no
yard for the children, or they must hire a
house with expectation of renting one
or two rooms to meet the financial obligation.
In either case the home will be very
different from the spacious parsonage that
they occupied with thoughtless satisfaction. 

Finally moving day comes. How cold
and barren the new home looks! There 
are no interested parishioners ready to
help unpack. No delicious jams or jellies
are waiting expectantly to surprise the
pastors wife when she enters the pantry.
There are no rugs or furniture or draperies.
All these must be purchased immediately.
The salary which at first looked
attractive will hardly stretch to meet absolute
needs. The resident pastor has returned
from Conference. At the close of 
a lonely day of hard labor, the mistress of 
the home decides to go to the pastor's reception.
Of course John isn't there. He
is attending a Sunday school institute or a
missionary conference in Blankville. It
seems strange to start out to an evening
gathering alone. She and John have not
been separated since their marriage except
for a few hours at a time.

The reception room of the church is
beautifully lighted with shaded floor and
wall lamps that cast soft autumn tints of
rose and brown over all. The atmosphere
is very harmonious and peaceful, but to
the little lady in detached service it is

intolerable. Why? She is overwhelmed
with a sense of utter loneliness. All this
is being done for the pastor and his wife,
as in years past it had been done for
John and for her. Now who cares whether
she is happy or not? No one. What difference
does it make to the congregation
whether or not there is one more parishioner?
Not a bit. Slowly the truth is
borne in upon her that the joys of the pastorate
are no longer hers.

Many months pass before she ventures
out in the evening again. John is always
away or is so tired after preaching two or
three times on Sunday and working in the
office all week and writing books at odd
minutes that it would be heartless to ask
him to go out, and inconsiderate to expect
that he will carry on connected conversation
at home. If John is to live, to rear
and educate the children, he must rest.

The monotony grows almost intolerable.
She doesn't say anything about it, because
she thinks it is an individual experience.
It does not occur to her that it is
the common lot of the wife in detached
service.

What is to be done about it? She may
indulge in self-pity and thus make life
miserable for herself, her family, and
all about her. Or she may rise to her unusual
opportunities. Because her husband
is in detached service, he is close to many
of the baffling problems that confront
the church today. There are missionary
problems, educational problems,
social and moral problems to be solved.
Through the literature that comes to the
house, and the occasional officials who are
brought home to dinner, the wife's interest
is awakened, her mind enlightened, and
her horizon extended as it would not have
been in the pastorate.

Enlarged vision bars with it responsibility.
Seeing the need, realizing the possibility
of the redemption of society
through organized agencies, she cannot do
less than enlist for service not only in
her own community but in the work at
large.

Many ministers' wives are doing this.
The wife of a professor in Garrett Biblical
Institute spends three days every week in
the Juvenile Court of Chicago, devoting
her time and ability to the cause of delinquent
boys. The wife of an editor cooperates
effectively with the Goodwill Industries.
A bishop's wife established the
Mothers' Memorial Social Center in Cincinnati.
Mrs. Thomas Nicholson, Mrs. William
F. McDowell, and Mrs. Wilbur P.
Thirkield are striking examples of women
who have made a large contribution to the
cause of missions.

We cannot all be eligible to the Methodist
hall of fame, but we can all do something.
If we are shut in because of ill
health or the care of little children, we
can use our pens. One professor's wife
devotes much time to writing individual
letters to college students. There is no
more dangerous evil on the campus today
than "college blues." Just one letter has
been known to dispel the clouds and 
awaken a new purpose in a despondent
student. If you live in a remote district
and have no other opportunities for service,
write to the Council of Social Agencies
or the Associated Charities in your
nearest large city and ask for a "little
sister." A letter once a month to a delinquent
girl, your picture on her dresser,
a Christmas card, a simple little birthday
gift, will do much to hold her in the path
of uprightness and decency.

The mother of growing children will find
an unusual opportunity for service in
the Parent-Teachers' Association. Those
whose home duties are not so exacting will

find in the League of Women Voters, the
Civic League, or the Woman's City Club
the possibility of helping to shape the
moral standards of the community.

By passing on to the pastor of the local
church new books and current periodicals
that will stimulate his thinking, one may
serve the entire congregation.

We do not advocate the establishment
of new organizations, but we do suggest
that a group be formed within the preachers'
wives' organization which shall consist
of the wives of men in detached service.
This group could meet an hour before
the regular session. A rare Christian
fellowship would exist where some
senior member, lovingly drawing the lonely
new recruit to her side, would whisper
that it isn't so bad after all. Though one
door has been shut, another will open, disclosing
opportunities that will challenge 
her faith and demand her whole-hearted
cooperation.
Evanston, Ill.

Qualitie or Quantitie
REV. NORMAN C. WEBSTER
I SALLIED gaily forth to the train, on
this bright, sunny morning, as befits
a gentleman of the cloth on his way to
Conference. I sat me down in a day
coach, as also befits a gentleman of the
cloth, with other brothers of the cloth.

The bishop and the district superintendents
were in the observation car, as befits
their ecclesiastical dignity. But an observation-car
ticket would have done me
no service, nor did I feel the lack of it.
For did not one of the good brethren, a
loud and loquacious fellow, nab me and
force me into conversation, so that I had
no time to observe anything except his
blue tie and the buttons on his brown
waistcoat? He was jubilant and seemed
bright and happie. "The best year" he
had ever had, he confided to me and the
little group of preachers at the other end
of the day coach. The train did not
hurry, for there was much for this brother 
to tell me. This might be the only opportunity
for him to capture such easy prey.
Forsooth, it would be if I had anything
to do with it, for I detest fellows of that
kind.
I did wonder at the glowing reports that
he gave me of his year's work and the success
of the same. He was, in truth, full
of talk of his social program and a certain
campaign he had "put over," as he
vulgarly termed it. He had, he boasted,
increased the membership of the church
by the magnificent number of seventy-five.
By my troth, I was indeed much surprised
at this. I envied him the success that he
had achieved, though I felt "the chief of
sinners" for thus breaking so important a
commandment. I asked him timidly, for
I truly felt abased in the presence of such
an august and productive minister of my
church, if he was returning after the Conference
to the field of his successful labors.
He did not commit himself, but
said that he was going to see what was
"open" at Conference. He did say that
the parish he had served was a wonderful
opening for some other man. I wondered.

I felt that if, forsooth, I only had that
seventy-five alone, in my church, of the
caliber he described - "the best people in
town" was his enigmatic way of putting
it - I should be satisfied. Why he should
even think of leaving, my poor untutored
mind could not even guess. Some one
later said that he had "put over" his program;
please, what does that mean?

When I thought of such spectacular suc-

[* [?]  February 1910*]

What Prohibition
   Means to Kansas
   By Harrison L. Beach

The following story is the result of a careful investigation by a trained and unprejudiced
observer of the business and moral effect of a prohibitory liquor law in the State
of Kansas.  In the August issue of this Magazine was printed an article "Prohibition, the
Obstacle to Real Reform." The direct result of that article was a flood of letters, many
praising the Magazine, others bitterly condemning.  It can be said that the number of favorable
letters outnumbered the condemnatory kind, but the latter set forth valid arguments.
A prohibitory liquor law if enforced seems to be the logical means for promoting temperance.
This Magazine determined to ascertain the effect in a business and moral way in
communities where the law had been enforced.  Kansas was chosen.  It is true that
Kansas has had prohibition in its constitution for nearly thirty years, and attempted enforcement
has been spasmodic, but during the last three years there seems to have been a
serious and sustained attempted at enforcement.  Mr. Beach was selected to do the investigating.
No better man could have been chosen.  He is a news-gatherer of great experience,
has no prejudices, and would not allow that to influence him if he had.  Here's his
story of Prohibition as a practical quantity.—EDITOR

BORN of conditions arising in
the darkest days of the Civil
War, the prohibitory liquor
law has typified, through the
greater part of its existence,
the tempestuous crisis of its
birth.  It was for seven years
an idea and little more.  In
1869 it became a vital force, and for thirty-seven
years it fought, as few other laws in
America have been compelled to fight, for
recognition and enforcement.  Within the
last three years a portion of these has been
granted to it, but the question of its ultimate
triumph or defeat is still to be settled.  For
three years it has been given a chance to
show what of good or ill it can accomplish,
and opinions differ widely as to its merits
and defects. The argument is invariably
waged on both sides with persistence vehemence,
often with irritating intolerance, and
sometimes with reckless mendacity.

He who would determine with accuracy
and justice the effects of this law upon individuals
and communities, upon social conditions
and commercial prosperity, must see
things for himself.  He must listen to much
that is inaccurate, illogical, and misleading,
and disregard a large portion of all he hears.
Even then, no matter how accurate may be his
deductions, how fortified with facts are his assertions,
there is no hope of his being able to
render a verdict that will not be disputed and
attacked.  This is due to the fact that among
the advocates of the prohibition law, and
among those who oppose it, are many who
persistently ignore conditions, and place
against them their individual allegations.
They see nothing and will accept nothing that
does not substantiate their preconceived notions.
There is no middle ground between
the prohibitionists and the liquor dealers.  In
the very nature of things their fight is to the
death, and he who attempts to steer a middle 

259

260    PEARSON'S MAGAZINE

course between them is in peril from both
sides.

To determine the exact effect of any law
upon social morality and business prosperity
is a delicate and difficult task. In fact, the
undertaking is almost impossible. The betterment
of society and the improvement of business
can never be dependent upon one law or
a single condition. They may be advanced
or retarded by numerous causes despite the
influence of the particular statute under immediate
consideration. Any law may have a
beneficial effect upon both business and society,
but other laws also bear upon both, and
the precise influence of a particular rule of
conduct becomes largely lost in the general
result. Its effect may be approximately ascertained.
It can never be definitely known.

The prohibitory liquor law is still on trial.
The final returns are not yet tabulated. The
law, simple and direct, relating to a single
article of commerce - alcoholic drink -
reaches out to many things. It involves
questions of personal privilege and constitutional
rights. It bears strongly upon private
and public morality and has much to do with
official integrity. It is a heavy factor in politics
and in the business world and neither courts
nor judges are outside its sphere of influence.

In each of these directions there lies a separate
problem when the good or ill effect of the
prohibition law is to be determined. All of
them the law has not yet answered. Some of
them, as yet, have not been asked. The
merit of prohibition must be largely shown or
disproved by statistical evidence, and this, to
be of value, cannot be hastily gathered.

The prohibitory liquor law has behind it
but three years of facts by which it can be
legitimately judged; and judging by these, it
is difficult for an impartial student or investigator
to reach any conclusion other than
that the law, when and where it is properly
enforced, is a moral benefit and, generally
speaking, a business asset.

It has always been the cry of the opponents
of prohibition that it is useless; that it will not
"work"; that "prohibition does not prohibit."
It cannot be disputed that liquor
has been sold in enormous quantities in prohibition
territory, despite the prohibition law.
It is notorious that in all prohibition States
to-day a large traffic in alcoholic beverages is
carried on. There is no doubt that this trade
will continue indefinitely, but this condition
is not now, and never has been, the fault of
the prohibition law itself. It will "work,"

and prohibition will "prohibit," if the law is
given a chance.

It has been the one act on the statute book
that has been expected to enforce itself without
the aid of such officers as have sworn to
maintain it in common with other laws of the
State. Such a demand has been made upon no
other law, and it alone has been charged with
weakness because it did not prove effective
when deprived of the energy that has been
necessary to carry other laws into effect.

All statutes are of equal strength when enacted,
and their effectiveness depends entirely
upon the degree of energy applied to their enforcement.
There are laws prohibiting murder
and theft, as well as laws prohibiting the
public sale of liquor. Nobody rails against
the decree "Thou shalt not kill," because
murder is done every day. Nobody cries for
the repeal of the commandment, "Thou shalt
not steal," when burglars and highwaymen
are busy. The outcry is not against the law
as a law, but for a better enforcement of the
law. No such consideration, however, has
been accorded the prohibitory liquor law.
When it is violated the charge is made "The
law doesn't work," and accusation is unjust
in the extreme. Any law will "work" -
all laws will "work," just as much as and no
more than the officers responsible for their
enforcement will "work."

Does anybody believe that the passage of
a tax law will, of itself, bring adequate revenue?
Can taxes be gathered by voluntary
offering as are church "collections"? It is
the strict enforcement of the penalty provided
for the non-fulfilment of the tax law that produces 
payment in approximate fulness. Yet
nobody claims that tax laws fail to "work,"
and the strong probability is that they are
violated, openly and by stealth, more extensively
than are the prohibition laws.

The city of Chicago has a section in its
municipal code that affords an excellent illustration
of how a law will "work" at certain
times and will not "work" at others. This is
an ordinance prohibiting expectoration upon
the sidewalks. About once in every five years
the Chicago police awake to the existence of
this statute, watch for offenders and arrest
men from Bangor, Los Angeles, Duluth, and
New Orleans who never heard of the law.
They "run in" the criminals, the judges inflict
nominal fines, and deliver lectures upon
personal and civic cleanliness. This is when
the law works.

Then the police forget the little ordinance,

WHAT PROHIBITION MEANS TO KANSAS   261

and any man may with impunity expectorate
upon any sidewalk as frequently as he
chooses. This is when the law does not
"work." It is manifestly not the fault of the
law that the police are asleep for five years
and awake for two days. The law is good
enough at all times. The defect in its operation
is simply non-enforcement.

What, then, has been the matter with the
prohibition law? It is evident that like any
other law it will "work" if given a chance to
"work." It is, however, undisputed history
that it has not always "worked," that it has
brought for many years but feeble results.
The trouble has lain in the fact that deep in
the hearts of the majority of men there exists
strong resentment against the assumed, or
legally acquired, right of other men to dictate
what they may or may not eat or what they
may and may not drink. These men regard
as their divine right the privilege of deciding
these things for themselves. It is no exaggeration
to say that this feeling is so strong in the
Anglo-Saxon that he will willingly create a
riot over his right to eat a cracker, and go to
war for a cup of coffee. In one sense this is
exactly as it should be, and the readier men
show themselves to fight for the cracker and
to die for the coffee the more of men they are.
The average American feels that nobody has
the right to drag anything from between his
teeth or to force anything past them.

A great drawback to the success of the prohibition
party has been its failure to properly
appreciate this feeling on the part of other
men. Too often it has been willing to rule
with a club, to insist that its views be accepted
as final. It has been too prone to issue peremptory
orders, and many of its members
have at times been over-willing to shake their
fingers in the faces of other people and say
"You shall not." Naturally, the other people
resent such conduct as an impertinent interference
with their rights, and they proceed to
defy the prohibitionists and the prohibition
law because they have been goaded into opposition.

There are liberal prohibitionists and there
are extreme prohibitionists, and to the dictatorial
policy pursued by the latter must be
attributed many years of opposition to the
prohibition law and long-continued indifference
to its enforcement. In the political sense,
it has been the sins of its zealots that have for
so many years kept it wandering in the wilderness
away from a sight of its promised land.

There are to-day in the Democratic and

Republican parties many thousands of men
who believe as heartily in the wisdom of
abolishing the sale of alcohol as does any
member of the Prohibition party. These men,
however, in declaring their political faith, will
not stand upon a platform which they believe
to be composed of a single plank, nor will they
fight political battles for one issue when a
dozen or more are pressing for settlement.

These men have realized what so many of
the Prohibition party have never understood
and what some of them are incapable of learning,
that no permanent victory over a human
appetite as old almost as mankind itself can
be gained through legislation alone. It is only
by proving that the banishment of alcohol is a
social, hygienic and commercial advantage
that the great majority of the Anglo-Saxon
race can be brought to stand firmly for it.

Men will approve, for the good of the community,
a measure which they will not accept
for their private and individual guidance. An
illustration of this can be found in the conduct
of a fair percentage of the members of different
Kansas legislatures. These men, who
have consistently and conscientiously battled
for every prohibition amendment that has
been enacted in Kansas during their terms of
office, will, when their legislatures adjourn
over Saturday and Sunday, go down to Kansas
City, Missouri, and become gloriously
drunk. These politicians know that prohibition
is good for the State of Kansas, but they
decline to accept it for themselves.

The Prohibition party, in common with
every political organization that has appeared
in history, has committed many blunders.
Of these none has been greater than the adoption
and retention of the name "Prohibition."
This word has raised up enemies against it
and lessened the number of its friends. The
very name of the party has been a handicap
on its progress. Men dislike to be "prohibited"
from anything, and most of all do they
dislike to be "prohibited" from reaching and
carrying into effect their own conclusions as
to what is proper for them to eat and drink.
Even as they dislike to be "prohibited," so
have they strong and aggressive disapproval
of the men who advocate such prohibition.
It is this resentment against dictation that has
excited so many men against this party, has
rendered others indifferent to its progress and
its fate, and has driven them all far from its
touch.

The opponents of prohibition claim that no
man has the right to say that they shall not

262    PEARSON'S MAGAZINE

drink this or that. If they had been always of
consistent behavior, they would hold a far
better stragetical position than they now occupy.
Never yet have the advocates of liquor
selling come into court with clean hands.
They deny to others the right to regulate their
personal conduct in matters of drink, yet
arrogate to themselves the privilege of drinking,
or, of allowing others to drink, to an extent
that renders them a nuisance, an expense,
and an actual menace to the peace, welfare,
and property of others.

Underlying all laws on earth is the rule that
a man has a natural right to his life and his
honestly acquired property. This is simply
a slight amplification of the fundamental law
of self-preservation. There is no country on
earth possessing a legal code which has not
expressly ruled that no man has the right to
so conduct himself that he becomes dangerous
to the peace or prosperity of another.
If he so deports himself, he invites a penalty,
the least portion of which is the curtailment
of his privileges as a free agent. It is upon
this foundation that the prohibitionists have
based their law. Unless the liquor advocate
can prove that alcohol incites men to good
rather than evil, to loveliness rather than to
devilishness, or is willing to guarantee and
able to insure such conditions, he has no real
standing in the argument. The liquor men,
in fact, have never revealed any such tender
solicitude for the public welfare as entities
them to an elaborate amount of consideration
and sympathy.

The policy of the liquor sellers has indeed
in most respects been destitute of diplomacy,
resource and capacity. If they have been
crippled in the fight their injuries have come
as much through their own blunders as
through the ability of their prohibition opponents.

In many of the large cities of this country
from seventy-five to ninety per cent. of the
saloons are owned or controlled by the brewers.
The general character of these places
has been for years, and is to-day, a matter entirely
of their election. What efforts have
they made to elevate the character of saloons?
What attempt have they made to see that the
management of their retail establishments
is vested in comparatively reputable men?
What efforts have they made to minimize the
demoralizing political influence of the vicious
saloons? The answer to these questions and
manifold others of a like character is -
"Nothing." Their mismanagement of their

own business, in the broader sense, has been
a mighty weapon in the hands of their opponents.

The statement has been made that the
prohibition law should be judged only by
three years of facts. This is because it has
been enforced as other laws are enforced, for
that length of time only. The State of Kansas
affords to-day the best example of the
influence of prohibition because it is there
that the law has been maintained and its
effects are best determined.

Remembering always that the actual merit
of a law, especially in relation to business,
must be proven under adverse as well as favorable
conditions, through years of fatness
and years of leanness, consider the progress
of Kansas during the last three years.

1. The volume of business has increased.

2. Crime has lessened.

3. Real estate has increased in value.

4. Building operations are more extensive.

5. The degrading influence of the dives
upon society, and in politics, has been largely
destroyed.

6. Bank deposits have increased; and the
average number of depositors, as well as the
average amount of deposits, are greater.

7. The number of laboring men who own
their own homes has increased.

8. Laboring men are spending more money
for comforts in their homes.

9. The number of inmates of charitable
institutions is less, in proportion to the population,
than in years of the open saloons.

10. Evil resorts in the majority of cities
have largely decreased, and are far less in
evidence.

All of these statements are true, but it is
manifestly impossible to discuss them all in
an article of this size. It is fair, however, to
estimate the influence of the prohibition law
by resting the assertion of improved conditions
upon the questions of business, crime,
bank deposits, and the conditions of the wage
earner.

Turning first to the business world, it is
evidently unjust to credit the prohibition law
with all prosperity or to charge it with all depression.
The extreme advocates of prohibition
make sweeping claims for its influence.
They cheerfully accept all prosperity in commercial
 relations, the size of the crops, and
even the dews and rains of Heaven, as being
directly due to the prohibition law. The corresponding
elements among the liquor people
reason as radically in the opposite direction.

WHAT PROHIBITION MEANS TO KANSAS    263

There can be, however, no doubt whatever
that the people of Kansas are to-day more
prosperous than at any time in the history of
the State. Even the liquor men themselves
declare that trade is prosperous and that
more alcohol is sold than ever before. They
assert that the prohibition law has in no way
killed off their business. This statement
may well be doubted, however, as the liquor
men are constantly striving to restore former
conditions. If their business had become
more satisfactory since the enforcement of the
law, it would naturally be to their interest
to uphold rather than to attack prohibition.
They do not, however, reason in this manner.
They believe that although, according to their
statement, the law has increased their business,
they would be better off without it.

Business throughout the United States has
greatly improved during the last three years,
and Kansas has received its share of prosperity.
This would have resulted no matter
what had been the attitude on the question of
prohibition, and it would require a most
elaborate statistical investigation to determine
the exact effect prohibition has played. No
specific figures have been prepared in any
quarter, and they are nowhere available.
While it is not possible to ascribe to the prohibition
law, or to any other law, a fixed percentage
of influence in this condition, it is
fair to assume that prohibition has not retarded
the material progress of the State,
even though it cannot be positively shown by
figures that it has been a strong factor in its
advancement.

There can be no denial of the fact that enormous
quantities of alcoholic liquors are sold
and consumed in Kansas, and the average
quality of the liquor now offered is decidedly
inferior to that handled by the regulation
saloon before the passage of the prohibitory
law. The law does not prevent a
resident of Kansas from buying whisky and
beer outside the State and importing it for his
own use. IT is, however, unlawful for him to
re-sell the goods. This domestic or "family"
trade is naturally large, as there are many
thousands of people in the State who do not
believe in absolute prohibition, and they can
obtain their supplies in no other manner.
The prohibitory law, it must be remembered,
applies only to the public sale of liquor within
the State.

It has been asserted by friends of the
liquor trade that since the enforcement of the
prohibition law sales of cocaine and opium,

especially the former, have greatly increased.
This is incorrect. For twelve years it has
been illegal to sell cocaine in the State without
the prescription of a physician, and retail
druggists in various sections of the State unite
in the declaration that its users are not now
more numerous than before the enforcement
of the prohibition law.

In addition to the whisky and beer imported
in this manner, there are constantly
passing up and down, and in and out of the
State, men who carry with them a small
amount of whisky which they peddle at tremendous
prices. These are generally termed
"boot-leggers," because of the unappetizing
fact that many of them in the past carried, or
were reputed to carry, their supplies inside
their boot-leg. To a man of cleanly habits,
this practice, granting that it was ever practiced,
would seem to be a strong aid to the
prohibition movement, but it has not worked
that way. The "boot-legger," no matter
where his whisky comes from, and despite the
often wretched quality of the drink offers,
has little difficulty in finding customers.
When the police find him, his troubles begin
and his profits end.

Much of the whisky sold in this way is vile,
and some of it is deadly. At the same time,
the profits are so great that men have allowed
cars of intoxicants purchased in their names
to stand indefinitely on the tracks while they
pay a demurrage charge of $1.00 per day until
they have disposed of the goods.

Of a generally higher grade than the "boot-
legger" stuff is "mail-order" whisky. This
is sent by mail-order houses located in all
parts of the United States. Some of this is
passable in quality, but much of it is not
Good bourbon or rye whisky generally retails
at from $1.25 to $1.50 per quart bottle. Some
mail-order houses that do an enormous business
throughout Kansas will deliver to any
address in the State, express charges prepaid,
four quarts of whisky for $3.20. First-class
whisky cannot be sold for that figure with
extensive profit to its maker. These mail-
order houses, however, are growing rich on
the business.

The prohibition law has decreased the sales
of such drinks as contain a small percentage
of alcohol far more than it has stopped the
sale of whisky. This is because beer and light
wines are more bulky to transport, and the
carrying charges are greater. Moreover, a
"boot-legger" may carry two hundred drinks
of whisky on his person with a corresponding

264            PEARSON'S MAGAZINE

chance of profit, where he could carry two
drinks of beer.
   Leaders of the Prohibition party in Kansas
freely admit that alcoholic drinks are consumed
to an enormous extent throughout the
State.  They claim, however, with a strong
show of argument, that business of all kinds,
save the public selling of alcohol, has increased
under the prohibition law.  Furthermore,
that excellent commercial barometer,
the amount of postal receipts, shows a decided
increase during the last three years.  The
liquor men themselves claim they are selling
more than ever, and there is nobody, therefore,
to make an assertion against the fact that
Kansas has prospered commercially.
   The statement that laboring men have increased
their individual deposits and the
number of their savings accounts was made
by several of the largest bankers in the State.
Another banker, however, whose business is
as heavy as any of the others, denied it.
   A prominent member of the Kansas legislature
living in the western part of the State,
who is not personally a prohibitionist, and
who has fought the law throughout his public
life, said to the writer:
   "I know the laboring men are increasing
their deposits, because the leading banker in
this section of the State has told me so.  I have
been against prohibition all my life and I am
against it now, but such things as he has told
me have set me thinking.  He will tell you the
same thing in my presence, but you must lead
up to the questions yourself.  Don't drag me
into it."
   When after some conversation with the
banker the question was launched, he flatly
denied that the laboring men had increased
their savings since the passage of the prohibition
law.
   The politician and the writer left the office
in silence, and not a word was spoken until
they had rounded a corner and were out of
sight from the banker's office.
   "He denied it, didn't he?" said the politician.
   "He certainly did." 
   "Well, you will have to use the facts as I
said he gave them to me, because that's right.
He was afraid to talk for publication, and he
is against prohibition, but I know for a fact
that the laboring men in this section are saving
more money than before the enforcement
of the prohibition law.  I wouldn't say it if it
weren't true, for I have no use for prohibitionists—
I hate 'em, damn 'em!"
   In and about the city of Leavenworth, Kansas,
which has not been friendly to prohibition,
and which largely deprecates its existence
to-day, there are about one thousand
miners, whose average daily earnings are
$4.00. These miners are steadily increasing
their bank deposits, and have done so since
the prohibition law was enforced.  This statement
may be denied by some of the bankers
of Leavenworth because of business reasons,
for prohibition has many enemies in the city.
Nevertheless, the facts are as have been given.
Moreover, these miners, during the period in
which they have increased their bank deposits,
have spent more money on their families in the
aggregate than they were ever known to spend
before the enforcement of the prohibition law. 
   On the other side of the question, one of the
largest merchants in Leavenworth gives his
evidence.  He is prominent in the government
of the city, which is managed by a board of
commissioners, and his business is as extensive
as that of any establishment in its particular
line in the State.  This man declares
positively that prohibition has not increased
business, has in no way improved conditions,
has not rendered collections more easy, and,
generally speaking, has exerted no beneficial
effects.  He admitted, however, that business
was no worse since the enforcement of the
prohibition law.
   The claim that the number of laboring men
who own their own homes is increasing is justified
by the statements of real estate dealers
in Kansas City, Kansas, Wichita, Topeka,
Coffeyville, and Leavenworth.  Precise statistics
are not in existence.
   The assertion that laboring men are spending
more money for comforts in their homes
comes from the declarations of retail merchants
in the cities just named, and in Salina,
Emporia, and Newton.  As in the preceding
case, a general statement as to conditions from
those best informed is the only source of evidence.
   In 1905, the year before the beginning of
the enforcement of the prohibition law, the
deposits in the state and national banks of
Kansas were as follows, figures being given in
thousands only:

State banks . . . . . . . . .. .. .$56,191,000
National banks . . . . . . . . . ..50, 236, 000
      Total . . . .  ..................$106,427,000

1906
State banks . . . . . . . .. . . . ....66,550,000
National banks . . . . . ............58,268,000
     Total ................................$124,818,000



WHAT PROHIBITION MEANS TO KANSAS                                  265

1907 .......State banks ..............79,243,000
                 National banks ..........64,978,000
      Total ..................................$144,221,000

1908 ........State banks ..............83,339,000
                  National banks..........63,059,000
       Total....................................146,398,000

1909..........State banks..............88,491,000
                    National banks........67,147,000
       Total...................................155,638,000

   The percentage of increase during the last
year of the open saloon was 17; during the
first year of actual prohibition, 15; in the second
year of prohibition, 1 1/2, and in the third
year of prohibition, 5.  The second year of
prohibition was the year financial panic, and
its influence, was paramount.  In comparing
these percentages it must be remembered that
as communities increase in population and
wealth the rate of percentages declines.  This
is a well-known fact, and is not advanced as
an argument.
   It is impossible to give the number of depositors
in the State, as many of the banks
were unable to furnish them.  Without exception,
however, they declared that the number
of individual depositors had increased.
   Kansas City, Kansas, affords the most severe
test of the prohibition law in the State,
as liquor in abundance can be found just
across the State line in Kansas City, Missouri.
During the first year of prohibition
enforcement, however, the deposits in one
bank in this place jumped from $2,663,000 to
$3,933,000, the largest rate of increase in the
history of the institution. In the Home City
Bank of Kansas City, Kansas, deposits increased
46 per cent. in the first year of prohibition—
the greatest rate of increase the
bank had ever known. 
   The statements that real estate throughout
Kansas has, generally speaking, increased in
value, and that building operations are more
extensive than ever before, are based upon
the assertions of real estate dealers in Kansas
City, Kansas, Wichita, Topeka, Coffeyville,
and Leavenworth. That they are correct is
proven by the fact that out of 132 cities and
towns in the State having 1,000 or more residents,
96 have gained in population, while 34
have lost during the last year.   Figures were
not obtainable from Emporia and Atchison.
It is conceded on all sides, however, that both
of these cities have advanced in population
during the last twelve months.  Of the 34
that have retrograded, Kingman and Baldwin

lost, each, one resident.  Wichita, which
formerly had forty-five saloons and now has
none, has gained 12,000 in population since
March 1, 1908. Leavenworth, another city
that was strong for the saloon, has gained
2,600 since the same date.  Pittsburg, which
has fought the prohibition law more fiercely
than any other city in the State, with the possible
exception of Atchison, has lost 900 since
the first of March, 1908. 
    The general increase in population shown
by the above figures is absolute evidence of
the accuracy of the statements that real estate
values have advanced and that building
operations have not decreased since the enforcement
of prohibition.   Both of these
things are inevitable consequences of a larger
population.  In Wichita, which was probably
the "wettest" city in the State, the increase
in building and population has been
the greatest in its history, with the exception
of the "boom days," which are not a fair
criterion.  In Kansas City, Kansas, the increase
in building operations in the first year
of the enforcement of the prohibition law was
210 per cent., the greatest in its history. 
   That evil resorts have generally decreased
in number is in accordance with the written
statements of the chiefs of police in Topeka,
Leavenworth, Atchison, Pittsburg, Wichita,
Emporia, Manhattan, Salina, Junction City,
Newton, Hutchison, Dodge City, Hiawatha,
Arkansas City, Marion, Paola, Parsons and
Winfield. 
   In Topeka, Wichita, Newton, Emporia,
Junction City, Paola, Parsons, Winfield, and
Salina, the majority sentiment of the business
men was that trade is fully as good, if not better,
under the prohibition law as when liquor
was openly sold.  In none of these cities did
the business men claim that prohibition had
injured them.  Their statements were so similar
in character that the above declaration
easily stands for them all.  But an ice dealer
in Wichita gave testimony somewhat out of
the common. 
   Prior to the enforcement of the prohibition
law, this city contained forty-five saloons.  It
now has none.  The statement made by the
ice dealer follows verbatim:
   "When the saloons were running, I had my
share of the refrigerator trade, and it was good
trade, too.  However, I have not lost anything
by the enforcement of the prohibition law.
Of course, my saloon trade was destroyed, but
I have gained enough new customers among
the poor people, who never bought ice while

266 PEARSON'S MAGAZINE

the saloons were open, to more than offset what I lost in the saloon trade. This thing has been a great surprise to me, but my books show it clearly."
     The liquor dealers and other opponents of prohibition claim that the abolition of the saloons by depriving the cities of funds formerly received from licenses and fines has caused the burden of taxation to become heavier. It is certain that taxes have steadily increased since the enforcement of the prohibition law, but it is equally certain that they were also increasing while the law was practically ignored. 
     In 1880 the taxes per capita were $5.72; in 1885, $7.01; in 1899, $9.17; in 1895, $9.76; in 1901, $9.54; in 1904, $10.46; in 1905, $11.57; in 1906, the year in which the enforcement of prohibition began, $11.47; in 1907, $12.41. Complete figures for the per capita tax of 1908 are not  yet available. 
     The percentage of increase in the various kinds of taxes during 1908, the second year of actual prohibition, over 1905, the last year before the prohibitory law was enforced, was as follows:
                                                Decrease.   Increase.
     State tax . . . . . . . . .  . . . . .       5 1/2          . .
     County tax . . . . . . . . . . . .          . .              9
     City tax .   . . . . . . . . . . . . .          . .             38
     Township  tax . . . . . . . . . .         . .           5 1/2
     School  tax . . . . . . . . . . . .          . .             31

     Between 1904 and 1905, the last two years of the tolerated saloon, the percentages of increase in taxes were as follows:

     State tax . . . . . . . . .  . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . .  12
     County tax . . . . . . . . . . . .  . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   9 
     City tax .   . . . . . . . . . . . . .  . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   8
     Township  tax . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  25
     School  tax . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  8

The following table shows the percentage of increase in 1907 as compared with 1901, and affords an illustration of the manner in which taxes have increased both under the saloon and under prohibition: 

     State tax . . . . . . . . .  . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . .   37
     County tax . . . . . . . . . . . .  . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  32 
     City tax .   . . . . . . . . . . . . .  . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  65
     Township  tax . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  61
     School  tax . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50

     The relations between the saloon and the municipality largely belong in that section of this story to the effect of the prohibitory law on crime. They are discussed briefly here to show the part they have played in the increase of taxation. 

     In the days before the prohibitory law was generally enforced, the saloons remaining open in violation of the law were subjected, at more or less regular intervals, to a fine. This constituted to all intents and purposes a license system, and the receipts therefrom were turned in-or a portion of them was turned in-to the city treasury. This fund, in the course of a year, assumed very considerable proportions, and when the cities were suddenly deprived of its use, a readjustment of conditions became absolutely necessary. The experience of the cities of Leavenworth and Wichita may be given as illustrations. 
     In Leavenworth, for several years before the enforcement of the prohibition law, the receipts of the city government from the liquor traffic were approximately $90,000 per annum. During these years the amount of money annually contributed by the tax payers in addition to that obtained from the liquor traffic was approximately $70,000. Last year receipts from the saloons having been wiped out, the tax payers were called upon to pay for city purposes $131,000, and prominent men in the city declare that in 1909 the amount will still be larger. The assessment rate on stocks of merchandise is now about two and one-half times as great as before the enforcement of the prohibition law, while the rate on real estate is approximately one-third less. 
     Wichita received at one time a substantial revenue from saloons, and has felt its loss. This city is suffering so keenly from growing pains and has undertaken such extensive improvements that an adequate income for municipal needs has become an absorbing question. For some time it was planned to issue city scrip, and later a tax to become effective January 1, 1910, was placed on "occupation." From hack-drivers to wholesale merchants, every man must pay a tax upon his calling. The liquor men declare that these things have been brought about by the loss of revenue through prohibition. The prohibitionists claim that the city has prospered so greatly since the saloons were wiped out that it has temporarily outgrown its immediate means of income. 
     One of the leading financial men of Wichita, and there is no man in Kansas who has closer knowledge of money matters than he, declared that the abolishment of the saloons was a fiscal mistake, and that it will cost dearly when all the returns are in. He regards conditions in the State as unduly in-

WHAT PROHIBITION MEANS TO KANSAS 267

flated, and predicts a day of reckoning within three years. 
     The taxes of 1909, in Wichita, will probably be fifty per cent. higher than in 1908. 
     It must be remembered, however, that if prohibition has decreased revenue, it has also lessened expenses, by decreasing the number of criminal cases and, naturally, the costs of prosecution. To draw money from saloons and pay it out for court expenses creates no profit. It makes business brisk, but it is productive of little actual benefit. 
     Until statistics are available showing for what purposes and for what public improvement the tax funds have been utilized, it is almost impossible to figure whether prohibition as applied to municipal income has been a matter of profit or loss in dollars and cents. 

     The influence of prohibition on crime, courts, etc., in Kansas, Oklahoma and other parts of the Central West will be set forth in the March issue of this Magazine, as explained in the following letter from Mr. Beach: 

     By this mail I send you the first prohibition story, which contains about five thousand words. I will deliver to you the second instalment, of about an equal length, by the 5th of December. The second story will deal largely with the influence of prohibition on crime, the courts, and charitable institutions. It will also discuss real estate and business property, and will include a summary of the situation at present existing in Oklahoma.
     I, of course, appreciate that the fanatics will be upon me in a swarm because of some things I have said, and the letters will probably come to you - at least, the great majority of them will. I wish there-fore, that you will, if you care to do so, open these letters for your own information before sending them on to me. If among them are any which you desire to retain for the uses of the magazine, kindly indicate them, and I will return them to you.
    I trust the matter will be found satisfactory. The facts are correct in every instance, and I have taken no man's word for any material point.
    While my personal views on prohibition are in no way germane to the subject, it is perhaps advisable that you be able to give information on that point if anybody cares about it. I am not in favor of prohibi-tion, despite the facts cited in the story. I do not believe that it can be made practicable in the long run. The Brooks Law, * of Pennsylvania, seems to me about the nearest thing to perfection in dealing with this subject.

   *The Brooks Law gives the authority to grant a  liquor license to the Court of Quarter Sessions, a court which has the same jurisdiction as the County Court in other States. The applicant must be a citizen of the United States, of temperate habits and good moral character. He must give bond in the sum of $2000 with proper surety, and have attached to his application the names of twelve electors certifying to the correctness of the averments made therein. Any false certification, upon proof thereof, invalidates the license without recourse.
   This application must be filed with the clerk of the court not less than three weeks before the time fixed for the hearing. Due publication thereof must also be made in two newspapers within the jurisdiction of the court, which newspapers are selected by the court itself. The law pro-vides for petitions and remonstrances for and against the license.
   The primary requisite to an application is necessity to accommodate the public and entertain strangers or travelers.
   The privilege of the license is for a single year, the object being that the licensee shall be reviewed annually and dropped if found wanting in any particular. The purpose of the act is to have a judicial determination of the fitness of the applicant and the necessity for the license after the presentation of legal evidence under oath.
   With rare exceptions, this has resulted in limiting the benefits of the law to men who can qualify in harmony with its provisions as to character, etc.
   The law prohibits gambling in any form on premises, selling to or service of minors, giving credit, drunkenness or disorderly conduct, visitation of disreputable persons, selling to intemperate persons or habitual drunkards, selling on Sunday or election days. The Sunday clause is so well obeyed that there is no Sunday observance question in Pennsylvania, so far as saloons and the licensed trade are concerned.
   There are various other regulations imposed by some of
the courts, closing a part of the whole of certain public holidays, Decoration, Thanksgiving and Christmas days, and the abolishing of private drinking rooms. There are also regulations for wholesalers as to quantities that shall be sold to any one person at one time, the marking of goods sold and the delivery to only such persons as have purchased and paid for them on the premises licensed. Many judges also refuse to grant saloon and restaurant licenses, granting only to legitimate hotels proven necessary for the accommodation of the traveling public.
   The fees for retail licenses range from $100 to $1100; for wholesalers and rectifiers from $100 to $1000; bottlers from $125 to $500; distillers from $100 to $2000, and for brewers from $250 to $6000, graduated according to the number of barrels produced.
   Under the present law, which has now been in operation for twenty-one years, there has been a large decrease in the number of licenses. This decrease is represented in the city of Philadelphia by the following figures: Number of licenses in 1887, under the old law, 5773; number of licenses in 1908, with a very large increase in population, 1970, or a decrease of 3803. These figures probably repre-sent about the percentage of decrease in the State at large.
   At the present time the ratio of retail licenses to population in the State at large is approximately one license to 650 inhabitants; in the city of Philadelphia one to 750. The ratio of licenses to population in the city of Philadel-phia is less than in any other large city in the country where the licensed liquor traffic maintains.
   D. Clarence Gibboney, Esquire, president of the Philadel-phia Law and Order Society, said recently in a public ad-dress that in his judgment there was not a city in the United States where the licensed liquor dealers were as obedient to the law as in Philadelphia. He has repeatedly expressed himself to the effect that the provisions of the Brooks Law afforded the best possible protection to the public, and gave to the different localities all the option that could be practically enforced.

Unnecessarily Blind Babies
By J. J. McCarthy, M.D.
Illustrations from Photographs

One-third of all blindness is unnecessary. Mark that word unnecessary. No frills
can add to its meaning. In the course of plain words about a tabooed subject beginning
on page 206 of the Magazine, the writer refers to blindness of babies as in large part unnecessary
despite the wide spread of the disease primarily responsible. That seemed worthy
of further investigation. The first duty of a publication is to spread information on important
subjects, and nothing in this world is more important than babies. So, Dr. McCarthy
explains fully the incredible carelessness of parents and attendants at birth and the
simple, inexpensive preventive of blindness in babies - and almost every baby that is born
is threatened. - EDITOR.

HUNDREDS of children in the
institutions for the blind in
the many States, and other
and more hundreds in saddened
homes, might to-day
be enjoying the same blessing
of sight that you and I enjoy,
if the midwife - or, in some
rare instances,  the doctor - had first been
clean, and second, had known enough to use
on the baby's so-called " sore  eyes" a remedy
so simple that a quarter of a penny's worth is
enough to save an eye.

Five cents' worth of this simple remedy will
cure, or prevent, ten cases of "ophthalmia
neonatorum," and that is the disease that
causes from one-fourth to one-third of all the
blindness in America. It is a germ disease of
a highly infectious and contagious character.

Since 1879, when Albert Neisser, the famous
bacteriologist, made the discovery that
this disease is due to a specific germ or organism,
there has been no real excuse for about
one-third of the blindness that has since occurred.

But with the years since then there has been
but little diminution in the number of people
sacrificed on the altar of Ignorance. Cradle
tenants are still being prevented from ever

268

seeing the light; homes are still being saddened;
pathetic little waifs are still groping
about and wondering why they cannot play
as other children play, and why they may not
see as other children see.

"O Heavenly Father, I want to see my
mamma's face," is the heart-breaking prayer
that one little innocent, in the Ohio State Institution
for the Blind, has repeated every
night for years. She will never see her
mamma's face, because the midwife who
officiated at her birth thought that "sore
eyes" didn't amount to anything in an
infant.

The public is paying more and more each
year for the education of the blind and for the
care of those who, through blindness, become
charges, and yet one-third of all this blindness
could have been prevented.

Perhaps the principal reason it has not
been prevented is the public's ignorance.
The cause of ophthalmia neonatorum and
the precautionary remedy has been discussed
for many years, but always in terms
which few people could understand. Therefore,
I speak plainly. The disease which
cause ophthalmia neonatorum is gonorrhea.
The remedy was discovered in 1881 by Professor
Crede, then director of the Maternity

The Judiciary Committee of the House of Representatives
has earned reproach in the Congress just drawing to a close.
The Chairman of this Committee is John Jenkins of Wisconsin.

Its function has been to strangle certain bills pending
before Congress by declaring that they would if enacted 
be unconstitutional.

Congress has [*thus*] been deprived of opportunity and freed from
responsibility for going on record individually concerning
measures embarrasing to Senators and members.

The interests of women and children have been sacrificed
[by this committee] in a manner that calls for ceaseless attenti on
to this committee.

The JointResolution of [the] Senate and House providing for
submitting the legislature a 16th Amendment to the 
Constitution of the United States, was suppressed by this
Committee whose duty it was to report it [to the House Representatives.]

More recently this Committee has killed the Beveridge
Child Labor Bill.  The members of the Committee on the
Judiciary in the Congress which is approaching it end are

-----------------------------------------------------------------------

These gentlemen have all been re-elected except ---------------------.

When the new Congress is organized next December
vigorous protest should be made against [the appointment 
of the same members. Men of more modern minds are
needed and can be found among
the members of the House of Representatives]


Prohibition flyers, etc. in
Suffrage Archives Papers

Quiz on Natl. Constitutional Prohibition, prepared by
a Committee appointed at the National W.C.T.U. Convention
Atlanta, Ga. (1914 probably)

Vote "yes" songs

What the Prohibition Party has done

Backbone 1915- organ of the Prohibitionists of
Berkeley Calif.

National American Woman Suffrage pamphlet, 1913
Woman Suffrage and the Liquor Interests and Some
Exhibits
15 page pamphlet

Also file of letters of Frances E. Willard

Alice Stone Blackwell as member of Franchise Committee
of Woman's Christian Temperance Union

Alice Stone Blackwell to Kitty Barry, April 9, 1893
(excerpt of letter - news about Chilmark property)

You will see that Aunt Ellen doesn't at all want me to buy the
Poole house.  However, it is quite decided that I am going to.


[Prohibition]

THE PROOF OF THE PUDDING

Massachusetts had the opportunity on November 3 of voting whether to license
the sale of alcoholic beverages.  The wets put out the following political advertisement:
THIS MEANS LOWER TAXES FOR YOU.
30,000 persons are gainfully employed in Massachusetts in the alcoholic
beverage industry and receive wages of $750,000 weekly, or $30,000,000
a year.  In 1935 the state received in taxes, license and excise fees
from this industry $4, 187, 063.  Vote YES on Questions 1, 2, 13.
Massachusetts License Committee.

Here are a few of the results of licensing the sale of liquor that did not
appear in that statement.  In that same year 94,885 drunks were arrested in Massachusetts.
Is a drunk an asset or a liability?

More than that, 921 people met death on our highways in that same year.  Is that a credit to license?

Newton, as an example, licensed 75 places where alcoholic beverages could be
sold.  This year (1936) they audited accounts with the following results.  They
found - that 77 per cent of the persons that frequent the saloons pay no income
tax and cannot afford to buy any liquor.

Newton's expenses run like this:

Police budge, $280,00. 40 per cent of the arrests are for drunkenness. A
conservative estimate of 10 per cent for this expense is $28,000.
City Welfare Bureau, $130,000.  Estimate 20 per cent of this goes to families
in which liquor is involved, $26,000.
Other Welfare agencies, $50,000. estimate 10 per cent for liquor cases $5,000.
Thus the total cost to be charged to liquor is $59,000.
This does not include Newton's court costs which are also higher because of
liquor cases.
These facts were taken from public documents printed by the city and state.
Taxes were NOT reduced this year.
Estimated loss to the citizens of Newton, $22,000.

Now note the following:

Drunkenness increased 90 per cent in two years.
Women drunks increased 238 per cent in three years.
Crime increased 220 per cent for delinquency.
There was an increase of 300 per cent in fatal accidents so far this year.
This circular was put out in October before election.

Brewers to increase their sales have been advised:

--To concentrate their advertisements on young men and women.
--To draw their customers from lighter to stronger drinkers.
--To remember that their advertising is to create a taste for liquor.

Massachusetts has 357 towns and 39 cities.  Taking only the towns -- if they
all lose as Newton finds she did, how much, if anything, will be left after the
bills are paid?  Leaving out the $375,000 that Boston alone pays to care for the
5,000 delerium tremens patients and the court costs of the 94,885 drunks, I make it
that Massachusetts does gain $4, 187,063, as the circular says, but loses $7,854,000.

Rose E. Upton Bascom.
Framingham, Mass.

Facts About Wine-Grape Growing
Pauper Labor from Europe, Coming by Way of the Panama Canal, the Only Hope of Making It Profitable
Bulletin 5
A certain wise man once said, "Oh, that mine enemy might write a book." His idea was that in after years he would be able to quote the book against its writer, who, after writing it, might have joined the Ananias Club. 
The statements which some people are today uttering for publication, or peddling around in printed form for certain pro-liquor men belonging to different organizations to adopt, condemning the "Dry" movement, not only are not in accordance with the facts, but are directly contrary to what they said before the "Dry" campaign was begun. When they were talking with each other of their decadent win-grape business, they used plain and doleful language, admitting that wine-grape growing in California was a failure. Now, animated doubtless by a slush fund raised by distilling and brewing interests, they are using entirely different language and crying out against the proposed ruin of a "great" and "lucrative" industry!
So much alike are the resolutions passed by some of the members of certain clubs and Chambers of Commerce that it is perfectly evident that the same master mind drew them one and all.
First, such resolutions recite that a great viticultural industry has been fostered by the State, "representing an investment of $150,000,000, from which last year the State received an income of $26,175,000, of which 90 per cent came from beyond its borders, and 60,000 people and 340,000 acres of land are directly and indirectly devoted to this industry." Then they recite that the "Dry" amendment will destroy this industry and leave the impression that because the law seeks to stop the manufacture, the sale and the transportation of intoxicating liquors, it will destroy practically the whole viticultural industry, when as a matter of fact, it will not materially injure any of it, but will prove a blessing to grape growers and labor in the State of California. 
Ananias Storiettes Pointed Out.
1. The sum of $150,000,000 is not invested in wine-grape growing. Possibly one-half that sum is invested, and two-thirds of this is the value of lands which can be used for orchards or other crops.
2. That the sum of $26,175,000 income is received by the State is false. The State gets no income from the business, except taxes; nor does that sum represent the sales of wine-products or grapes. Less than $9,000,000 represent the value of wine-grapes last year.
3. Sixty thousand people may be in viticulture, but not in the growing of wine-grapes or in the business of wine-making. Nearly all of them are in the business of ranching and are growing other crops as well as grapes, and about half are growing table grapes only or are engaged in the raisin industry.
4. Not half of the alleged 340,000 acres of land devoted to viticulture is in wine-grapes.
5. Wine-grape growing is not a great industry, but a puny, sickly industry. It is dying out of itself and unless saved by pauper labor from Europe coming in through the Panama Canal it will die even if the State does not go "dry." Up to date it has employed cheap Japanese and Hindu labor and yet has lost money.
Then, it may be asked, Why are grape-growers making all this noise?
The grape-growers are not. Some of them in alliance with brewers and distillers or interested financially in the business of the latter or in making wine from grapes are. 


We can easily prove these calamity howlers to be false prophets out of the mouths
of grape growers and wine-makers themselves. "Mine enemy has written a book 
and out of that book we will test the truths of their present statements. 

Every voter can go to the public libraries or send to the State Commission on
Horticulture and get Vol. 2, Nos. 3 and 4, monthly Bulletins of the State Commission
on Horticulture, published in March and April, 1913 (before the "Dry" campaign began),
and find the facts herein quoted or stated, by referring to the pages we shall give as references. 

At page 483 of these bulletins, Prof. F. T. Bioletti, of the State University of Berkeley, 
speaks. He says: "The average price received by producers (wine-grapes) for
a series of years must be very close to the cost of production. That this is actually
the case appears from the following tables based on accounts kept at a number of
vineyards in different parts of the State." He then gives some tables showing the
cost of land, grape-vines, cultivation, marketing, etc., and arrives at the conclusion
that for the first two years the loss is at the rate of $11 per acre on the investment
in coast vineyards and $15 per acre in valley vineyards. He then takes up the bearing
vineyards and makes estimates from averages of several years. Totals are as follows:
Cost of growing, cultivating, interest on investment, marketing, etc., per acre - Coast - $65.00 Valley - $60.00
Crop return 3 tons per acre at $22 - Coast - 66.00 Valley -_
Crop return 5 tons per acre at $12 - Coast - _ Valley - 60.00

Thus there is $1 per acre gain on the coast vineyards and none on valley vineyards!

The cost per ton of producing wine-grapes on the coast he estimates to be $22 and
in the valleys $12. He then concludes:
"He (the wine-grape grower) is selling his grapes at cost and receiving nothing
for his time and expenditure of energy" (page 484).

On page 486 of the same bulletins he deals with the raisin industry and finds that
when raisins sell at 3 cents per pound, the profits to to the farmer run from $12.50 to $83
per acre, and when the price is 4 cents per pound, the profits run from $14.75 to $133
per acre, at page 490 appears the following: "The gross returns of the vineyards 
of California are at the present time not far from $15,000,000 a year. The United
States alone would consume ten times the amount of grapes, raisins, grape-juice and 
wine if they could be supplied regularly of good quality and at a moderate price."
How about the $26,175,000 mentioned in the resolutions above referred to? Just
a storiette!

About 60 per cent of the total production is wine-grapes or at most $9,000,000 at
the prices quoted above. Cut the price to $6 per ton, the price of last year, and we 
have the total value cut down almost half that sum!

At page 457 we find a report of R. G. Rosser, U. S. Department of Agriculture, to
the effect that 700,000 barrels of grapes are imported from Spain yearly, selling at
about $3,000,000.

Experts who have the widest knowledge show that wine-grape growing is a money
losing proposition even with a great home market, while table grape and raisin grape
growing have an immense market and are profitable.

We call attention to the great home market for the reason that it is said that if
we compel wine-grape growers to graft their grapes to table grapes, make grape-juice
or grape-syrup or raisins, it will glut the market and thus the products cannot be 
sold at a profit. But Bioletti says that the United States alone can consume ten
times the whole product each year. Proof of this statement appears from the importation
from other countries mentioned. 

WHAT GRAPE GROWERS THEMSELVES SAID IN THE SAME BOOK BEFORE THE "DRY" CAMPAIGN BEGAN. COMPARE THE FOLLOWING WITH WHAT THEY ARE SAYING NOW!

Frank T. Swett, of Martinez, speaks (page 492):
"If the 1912 prices for Tokays and Malagas had been better by $300 a car, if the 
wine-grapes of the San Joaquin had brought $14 per ton instead of $6 per ton, if raisins
were above instead of below the cost of production, it would be a delight to consider
the best ways of increasing vineyard acreage, etc."

Cheer up, Mr. Swett! The raisins and the table grapes were profitable, all right. 
It was the loss on WINE GRAPES that makes you sad. We propose to save you from yourself. 

Mr. Swett also said (page 493):
"The production of raisins jumped from 90,000,000 pounds in 1905 to 120,000,000
in 1911."
Now we call that a healthy jump, indicating that raisin growing is profitable!
He also said that table grape production had grown from 1,600 carloads in 1905
to 6,300 carloads in 1911.
That is a healthy growth.
He also said that there are 50,000 acres of table grapes in California bearing on
the average five tons to the acre. 

Everybody knows that table grapes sell from $30 to $32 per ton - the post profitable
crop in viticulture. Compare with these the paltry three or five tons per acre
worth from $6 to $12 per ton.

At page 497 Mr. Swett says:
"Since 1907 the average vineyards of the interior valleys have been run at a financial
loss. The actual cost of growing wine grapes in the interior on average land, including
interest on the investment and taxes, is probably not less than $10 per ton. 
At $6 per ton, the prevailing price, there is a heavy loss."

Mr. Swett thus shows that wine grapes are the financial ruin of grape growers, 
who only exist by reason of other profitable crops. 

W. R. Nutting, of Fresno, said (page 507):
"We have over 6,000 raisin growers in the State, a large industry. There are now
about 150,000 acres of raisin vineyards in the State."

But now we come to the chief man who is industriously spreading tales of woe
and who is probably the author of the various resolutions being passed and above 
mentioned - Mr. H. F. Stoll, who is said to be the secretary of the California Grape
Protective Association. He travels about making speeches and influencing politicians,
civic clubs and associations. 

He is basing his argument on the loss to grape growers, financially, if California
votes "Dry." Let us see what Mr. Stoll had to say in the book written before the
California "Dry" movement began.

At page 509 Mr. Stoll said:
"There are 300,000 acres in California devoted to grape cultivation, of which
now he is stating publicly that the acreage is 170,000 in wine grapes!
He also said that 90,000 are in raisins and 50,000 are in table grapes.
He disagrees with the resolutions above referred to by some 40,000 acres. If he
wrote the resolutions or gave the information (we refer to the Chamber of Commerce
of Los Angeles resolution appearing in the newspapers April 2nd) he has stretched 
the acreage just that much over his statement made in the bulletin.
But Mr. Stoll does admit one significant fact. He says that in 1911 the output of
wine was 50,000,000 gallons, while in 1912 the output was only 40,000,000 gallons!
It is estimated that the output it 1913 is less still. 
This proves that grape growers are tired of losing money growing wine grapes
and have already cut off one-fifth of their crop in a year. Many growers have pulled
up their wine grape vines. 

LABORING MEN - NOTE THIS!
But most significant of all is Mr. Stoll's statement of labor conditions in wine
grape growing. He said (page 512):
"One of the most serious difficulties which we must overcome if we hope to compete
successfully with France, Italy, Germany, Spain and Portugal in the WINE MARKET 
of the world is the LABOR PROBLEM. This fall pickers were at a premium
in the vineyards and as a result PROHIBITIVE PRICES had to be paid to Japs, 
Hindus and other available help. But with the opening of the Panama Canal it is
expected that the influx of immigration from Southern Europe will help adjust the
vexing problem."

So now Mr. Stoll has let the cat out of the bag!
WITH PAUPER LABOR FROM SOUTHERN EUROPE the wine growers expect
to compete in the markets of the world. With good, honest American labor - yes,
even with JAP and HINDU labor, they cannot do it; but with pauper labor they may!

What have the laboring men of California to say to these men who have been hiring 
Japs, Hindus, Chinese and other cheap labor and are hoping that the Panama Canal 
will admit hosts of pauper laborers from Europe? 
Of all the mean, un-American, low-down hopes, this is one of the worst! Already 
armies of unemployment are making the lives of city officials and State officials weary
with demands for labor. They are camping on the highways, spurned and persecuted
or they are condemned to jails, while the liquor traffic is hoping for the Panama 
Canal to let un hordes of pauper labor to help it reap profits out if its industries!

WINE GRAPE GROWING IS A SMALL INDUSTRY AS COMPARED WITH OTHERS
IN THIS STATE.
These hired emissaries of the liquor traffic say that the wine grape industry is
one of the great industries of the State. At the utmost there are about 150,000 acres
devoted to wine grapes and the value of the product is less than $9,000,000, as we
have shown.

The Fifty-ninth Annual Report of the State Board of Agriculture, year 1913, shows
the number of farms to be 88,197 in California. The total acreage of farms is
27,931,444. Thus the small acreage of wine grapes comparatively is seen. The percentage
is less than .006 of the whole. About half of the farm lands is unimproved. 
 

alone had an acreage of 2,500,000, potatoes 78,000, wheat 3,700,000 and oats 200,000. The total value of all crops was $153,111,013
   Thus the comparative value of this industry is seen to be small.
WHAT THE GRAPE GROWER CAN DO.
   Brother Grape Growers: Let us point out a wise and gainful way to get out of the business run now at a loss to you.
   You will have a whole year to graft your wine grapes to table grapes, and if you are not able to do that, then you can sell them for the making of grape juice or dried grapes, or delicious grape syrup.
   The larger part of your lands can be turned into alfalfa, fruit or grain fields, and a crop of great value raised. 
   You can sell table grapes at $32 per ton, the price paid this year. Catawbas and Concords in Michigan sell to grape juice of the grape. The best grape juice is made from wine grapes.
   Grape juice is a food coming into universal use. That is the kind of new wine Christ used, the fresh juice of the grape. The best grape juice is made from wine grapes.
   As to grape syrup, let us quote you from a letter written by Levi Lindquist, of Middletown, Lake County, California. He is a practical grape grower. Under dat of March 4th he says:
   "One ton of grapes makes from 25 to 30 gallons of the most delicious grape syrup, and at $1 per gallon, which is not half what they sell unfermented juice for, will pay better than making it into the cup that curses. I made thirty gallons in 1910 and with a 16-foot pan two men can run out 100 gallons of syrup in a day. The California University has issued a bulletin on syrup making."
   There is a vast demand steadily growing for grape juice.
   There is a vast market for grape syrup as for all syrups.
   There is a great market for dried grapes.
   There is a vast demand for alfalfa, a quick crop.
   The United States alone, in the words of Bioletti, can furnish "a market for ten times" all that we rated of the product of the vine.

WHAT WINE MAKERS DO FOR THE STATE--THE OTHER SIDE OF THE ACCOUNT.
   In California in 1912, in the State hospitals of insane, there were 770 listed as in-sane from ALCOHOLIC poisoning. (See 8th Biennial Report of the State Commission on Lunacy.) Besides, it is conservatively estimated that one-half, at least, of the remainder are insane from the indirect effects of alcohol. It cost the State, in 1912, about $1,469,500 to maintain the insane, besides the interest on the vast investments in grounds and buildings,
   The Fifteenth Biennial Report of the State Bureau of Labor shows that out of 113,626 were pain DRUNKS, while about 20,000 were kindred offenses, probably caused by drink, such as assaults, batteries and disturbing the peace. Stop and estimate how much it costs in money to run the courts with such a grist to grind.
   Randall a great statistician, estimates that crime caused by liquor costs this State about $29,000,000 per annum. Send for the reports mentioned and learn the truth.
   What sort of a man is he that wishes to grow grapes whose wine products help o make such a number of insane and criminals? Is he a desirable citizen or a vulture feeding off of humanity, its vices and passions?
   THEREFORE, VOTERS OF CALIFORNIA, and you whose sympathies have been appealed to for the grape industry, be not deceived! The distillers and brewers are back of this row about the injury to the grape growers. Think this over in your homes, by your firesides, and answer these questions:
   Can I aid in sending annually to the insane hospitals of this State 770 alcoholic insane, or about 17 per cent of all insane as recorded and perhaps 50 per cent more?
   Can I aid in making biennially 66,000 criminals as shown on the records?
   Am I going to submit that American wages shall be cut down by a pauper labor from Europe?
   Answer like true men and women by voting for the "Dry" amendment at the election November 3rd.
                                                                        CALIFORNIA "DRY" FEDERATION.
   By S. W. Odell, President.
   P. S.—We request that information be sent us from every county and township showing the average of wine grapes, production, prices and other facts. 
   Order this Bulletin for general distribution at 25 cents per 100 or $2 per 1000, to cover cost. Newspapers and other journals please copy. CALIFORNIA "DRY" FEDERATION, Los Angeles, California. 

The Citizen Print 203 New High St.

[page break]

A MORAL SELF-INVENTORY BY THE LIQUOR BUSINESS

   WHEN AN INSTITUTION that has been the object of reforming efforts takes to reforming itself, or to preaching its own need of reform, its enemies may take comfort. The Antisaloon League and Woman's Christian Temperance Union have withstood the railings of many, points out The Christian Work and Evangelist (New York), but their effort to amend the Constitution of the United States so that the manufacture, sale, and importation of liquor shall be prohibited is taken as no joke by the liquor interests. A liquor dealers' journal is quoted in what The Christian Work calls a "re-markable prophecy of the downfall of the liquor trade." Their "betrayal of fear" is no longer masked, and their leading journal calls upon the liquor dealers to prepare their defense, for their day of trial is frankly at hand. In these words the liquor dealers' journal presents what it avers is "a truthful statement" of how matters stand publicly on this question:

   "It is always best for normal people to look at things as they are. Reality may be obscured to the sick or feeble-minded in certain circumstances, but deception in a poor evidence of friend-ship. Partizanship with blinded eyes only leads the way to ruin, and self-deception is the worst of all. Let us look at things as they are, and in the face of the enemy dare to con-sider and concede their strength. Knowing his plan of battle, we can better arrange our forces for his defeat; rightly estimating his strength, we can better provide to meet it. The prohibition fight henceforth will be nation-wide, and contemplates writing into the National Constitution a prohibition of the manufacture and sale of all alcoholic beverages. To accomplish this result will require the ratification of thirty-six out of the forty-eight States in the Union. Of these nine are already in line through State prohibition--Maine, Kansas, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Mississippi, Georgia, Tennessee, North Caroline, West Virginia. The last five have been added within a period of six years. In addition to these there are eighteen States in which a major part of the people live in territory made dry by local option, in which we may be assured prohibition sentiment predominates. If the people in these States who are opposed to the liquor traffic demand it, their legislatures will undoubtedly ratify a national amendment. 
   "The most influential argument against prohibition is that it is not effective; that 'Prohibition don't prohibit.' This is not basic or moral; the fact of failure to enforce is no argument against even the expediency, much less against the moral issue involved. Ultimately all questions must be settled by moral standards; only in this way can mankind be saved from self-effacement. The liquor traffic can not save itself by declaring that government is incapable of coping with the problem it presents; when the people decide that it must go, it will be banished. We are not discussing the benefit or justice of prohibition, but its possibility and its probability in present circumstances. To us there is 'the handwriting on the wall,' and its interpretation spells doom. For this the liquor business is to blame; it seems incapable of learning any lesson of advancement or any motive but profit. To perpetuate itself, it has formed alliance with the slums that repel all conscientious and patriotic citizens. It deliberately aids the most corrupt political powers, and backs with all of its resources the most unworthy men, the most corrupt and recreant officials. It does not aid the purification of municipal, State, or national administration. Why? Because it has to ask immunity for its own lawlessness. That this condition is inherently and inevitable necessary we do not believe, but it has come to be a fact, and the public, which is to pass on the matter in its final analysis, believes anything bad that anybody can tell it of the liquor business. Why? Let the leaders of the trade answer. Other lines of business may be as bad, or even worse, but it is not so plainly in evidence. The case of the liquor traffic is called for adjudication by the American people, and the one before the court can not be postponed. But, as in the past, the men most concerned are playing for postponement, not for acquittal. Is it because they fear the weakness of their defense that they fear to go to trial? There are billions of property involved, and an industry of great employing and taxpaying ability; but when the people decide that the truth is being told about the alcoholic-liquor trade, the money value will not count, for conscience aroused puts the value of a man above all other things. The writer believes that prohibition is theoretically wrong, but he knows that theories, however well substantiated, may be overthrown by conditions, as has often been done in the world's history. In this country we have recently swept aside one of the fundamental theories of the framers of our Constitution in going from representative to direct government; we are on the verge of universal instead of male suffrage, and there is a spirit abroad which recks little of tradition, of precedent, or of vested rights; and on liberty used licentiously and destructively it will work short shrift. Prepare the defense, friends; make your case ready for court, the trial can not be postponed!"

"DRYS" CUT PLATFORM
-
State Convention Eliminates Several 
Planks - Gubernatorial Candidate Lawrence
Attacks Majority Parties
-
The Prohibitionists late yesterday afternoon
in their State convention in Kingsley
Hall, Ford Building, considered the designations
"Regular Prohibition," "Progressive,"
"Prohigressive" and others, but finally
selected "Prohibition National," and
therefore their candidates, except those for
governor and lieutenant governor, will
have that designation on the ballot, if the
necessary number of signatures is obtained
within the legal limit.

Some discussion was aroused by the report
of the committee on resolutions, and 
the clauses which declared for the short
ballot, a State Constitutional convention
and the abolition of capital punishment
were stricken out of the platform. The
clause in favor of the initiative and referendum 
was retained, although the candidate 
for President, former Governor Han[?]ey
of Indiana, has refused to accept those
principles. The national platform of the
party, however, indorsed those two reforms.

The following were nominated as candidates 
for presidential electors:

At large, William Shaw of Andover and John
B. Lewis of Reading. By Congressional Districts
- First, Oliver L. Bartlett of Pittsfield;
Second, William G. Rogers of Wilbraham; Third,
Albert C. Brown of Fitchburg; Fourth, William
 W. Nash of Westboro; Fifth, Charles W. Leach 
of Stow; Sixth, John E. Peterson of Gloucester;
Seventh, Wilbur D. Moon of Lynn; Eighth,
Stuart B. Remick of Melrose; Ninth, William
G. Merrill of Malden; Tenth, F. S. Sprague of
Boston; Eleventh, Obed Baker of Boston; 
Twelfth, Solon W. Bingham of Boston; Thirteenth, 
Moses D. Monroe of Newton; Fourteenth,
Albert J. Orem of Sharon; Fifteenth, John M. 
Fisher of Attleboro; Sixteenth, J. I. Bartolomew
of New Bedford. 

The following were elected members-at-
large of the Prohibition State Committee
for the ensuing year:

Solon W. Bingham of Dorchester, Herbert S. 
Brown of Greenfield, Charles A. Chace of South
Swansea, Herbert L. Chipman of Sandwich, Dr
C[o.?] W. Cobb of Easthampton, Professor H. S. 
Crowell of Ashburnham, John Davis of Lowell,
Alfred H. Evans of Hadley, John M. Fisher of
Attleboro, Thomas A. Frissell of Hinsdale, John 
F[?] Lewis of Reading, William G. Merrill of 
Malden, Wilbur D. Moon of Lynn, William W.
Nash of Westboro, Levi D. Peavey of Malden,
Frank M. Rand of Haverhill, Albert J. Orem of 
Sharon, William Shaw of Andover, Myrton T.
Smith of Springfield, Mrs. Katharine L. Stevenson
of Newton, Chester R. Lawrence of Boston,
Mrs. Anna C. M. Tillinghast of Beverly, 
John E. Peterson of Gloucester, Willard O.
Wylie of Beverly, William E. Marks of Worcester. 

The silent treatment of the liquor issue
by Republican and Democratic orators was
arraigned last night by Chester R. Lawrence,
candidate for governor, at a gathering
which in gifts and pledges contributed
nearly $1000 toward the furtherance of prohibition. 

"These orators," Mr. Lawrence, 
"are glibly taking in vain the sacred name
of Americanism, when there are over 10,000,000
underfed, underclothed and underhoused
men, women and children in our
land, largely owing to the liquor traffic, and 
about which traffic the two dominant
parties are persistently silent. 


Prohibition
Oct 6 1918


Prohibition in 1914.
No student of social and economic
problems can afford to ignore the developments
of the past year as regards
the liquor traffic. Irrespective of
our personal views on the subjects, we 
must mark with interest the following
facts:
(1) The sale of vodka was abolished
in Russia by imperial decree at the
outset of the war, and within the last
few days beer also has come under
the ban at Petrograd.
(2) France has forbidden the traffic
in absinthe. 
(3) The open hours of English public
houses have been curtailed.
(4) On the first of March a Statewide
prohibition law went into effect
in Tennessee.
(5) On the first of July West Virginia
inaugurated Statewide prohibition.
(6) On the third of November constitutional
amendments forbidding the
sale of liquor were adopted in Arizona,
Colorado, Oregon and Washington.
(7) A majority of the national
House of Representatives on December
twenty-second voted in favor of submitting
a prohibition amendment to
the States. 

The opponents of prohibition can indeed
point to the rejection of prohibitory
amendments in California and
Ohio and to the failure of the House
resolution at Washington to secure
the necessary two-thirds vote, but they 
cannot point to the abandonment (in 
1914) of prohibition by an State where
it was already in force. 

The prohibitory area in the United
States is steadily on the increase,
through constitutional amendments, 
Statewide prohibition laws, or county, 
municipal or township option. Considerably
more than half the population
of the country now lives in territory
from which the saloon has been legally
banished. 

The facts are impressive enough
without explanation or argument.

THE BERKSHIRE EVENING EAGLE, AUGUST 27, 1915

BREWING PROPAGANDA
AND ANTI-SUFFRAGE

(The following editorial is reprinted in 
The Berkshire Evening Eagle by permission
from the "New Republic" because
it presents certain facts which ought to
be common property of every person
in the United States.  It does not deal
with theory, fancy or imagination.  It
is a cold, temperate statement of findings 
before the law.-Ed.)

"Brewers who have cause to fear woman
suffrage should be entitled to be
heard against it, just as railroads, for
their good and the good of the people
who invest in them and use them, ought
to put forward their best arguments for
rate increases.  No one in his senses can
object to anti-suffrage propaganda.  It
is, if you will, the expression of honest
misapprehension and wrongheadedness-
or prejudice stated in scientific terms-
or any of the things one calls one's opponent's
case.  Nor is there objection to
economic interests which would be affected
by a consummation of the propaganda,
making their case clear.  It is
when the propagande is not avowed,
when it crops up unexpectedly and half
hidden, to be traced with difficulty to
its source, that it assumes a sinister aspect.
When, under the guise of a series
of educational articles, readers of rural
newspapers are misinformed, and business
motives put on the finery of morality 
and sentiment; when appeals
bear the name of a respected organization
which is in reality the tool of business; 
when the authority of that name
is used to brace a brittle and dangerous
contention-then it is that public opinion
is being poisoned.

"The methods of the Texas Business
Men's association furnish an excellent
example of how public opinion is poisoned
against woman suffrage.  The
chief function of this organization, according 
to testimony given at hearings
in a suit brought by the state of Texas
to dissolve it, was to direct and finance
legislative and electoral campaigns and
control publicity in behalf of contributing
corporations.  The state of Texas
brought suit on the ground that the
Texas Business Men's Association was
 working against the public welfare.
Among the corporations which maintained
its campaign chest were the San
Antonio Brewing company, and the 
Lone Star Brewing company of San 
Antonio, the Houston Ice and Brewing
company, the American Brewing association
of Houston, the Dallas brewery of
Dallas and the Texas Brewing company
of Fort Worth.  Associated with these
contributing companies were 80 or more
others, among them the Gulf Refining
company, the Santa Fe railroad, the
American Express company, Swift & 
Company, and the Southwestern States
Portland Cement company, the interests


of all of which were served by the
activities of the Texas Business Men's
association.  All of them, but particularly
the breweries, were implicated in a 
system of supplying free news matter
to rural newspapers.

"This took the form of plates sent out 
under the auspices of the National
Farmers' union.  The name was then
changed to the "Publicity Service of the 
Farmers' Educational and Co-operative
Union."  The prospectus of this news
service announced that it was being
conducted in behalf of the farmers of
the nation; "its slogan in education and
co-operation;" it would give federal government
statistics relating to agriculture
and information about scientific agriculture
and co-operative marketing
methods.  Professor T.N. Carver of
Harvard, P.P. Claxton, commissioner
of education, Homer D. Wade and others
were to be among the contributing
editors.  Its purpose was to be a "forum
for the discussion of public questions
affecting industry by able writers representing
associations organized to promote
industry."  "An impassionate discussion
of both sides of important questions
confronting the farmers of this nation
for solution will be solicited from
the standpoint of the material welfare
and prosperity of the country."

"Rural editors might well be attracted
by such a program. The economy of
using plates of news matter, sent free,
made it easier to lull suspicions as to
the legitimacy of the matter.  But it
was soon discovered that the Farmers'
Educational and Co-operative union was
sending out disguised advertising for
public service corporations, and propaganda
for railroad rate increases, and
was serving the brewing interests with
articles entitled "Why is Woman Restless?"
and "Why Should Woman Vote?"
In fairness to the American Press association
it should be recorded that they
were offered this business and declined
to handle it.  It is necessary only to quote
at random sentences from these articles
to give an idea of the tone of them: "is
it not a sufficient political achievement
for woman that future rulers nurse at
her breast, laugh in her arms and kneel
at her feet?  God pity our country when
the handshake of the politician is more
gratifying to woman's heart than the
patter of children's feet."  "I will follow the
plow for a living," says W.D. Lewis,
one of the simple, honest writers of
these articles, "and my views may have
in them the smell of the soil; my hair is
turning white under the frost of many
winters and perhaps I am a little old-
fashioned, but I believe there is more
moral influence in the dress of woman
than in all the stature books of the 
land. As an agency for morality, I
wouldn't give my good old mother's
home-made gowns for all the suffragettes'
constitutions and by-laws in the
world.  As a power for purifying society,


I wouldn't give one prayer of my sainted
mother for all the women's votes in 
Christendom."

"Most of the articles published in
this news service were signed by Peter
Radford of W.D. Lewis, "national lecturers
of the Farmer's union."  Some
of them were written by J.A. Arnold,
an employe of the Texas Business
Men's Association.  In order to be able
to use the name of the Farmers' Educational
and Co-operative union as sponsor 
for the news service, Peter Radford,
then president of the Farmers' union,
was made head of a farm life commission
established by the Texas Business
Men's association.  His salary was to be 
$125 a month and expenses.

"This, then, was the indirect method
by which brewers sought to prejudice
the opinion of farming communities
from Massachusetts to Texas.  Having
gained control, through the Texas Business 
Men's association, of the Farmers'
union men's service they used it to supply
country newspapers with foul and
misleading articles against suffrage--so
much the more authoritative as they
represented, supposedly, the organized
farmers of the nation.  The connection
between brewing interests and this
underhand publicity was indubitable. A
letter was introduced at the hearings in
the suit instituted by the state of Texas
to dissolve the Business Men's association.
It was written in 1911 by Adolphus
Busch, who said he "did not object
to giving $100,000 to help the fight
in Texas and that the Anheuser-Busch
company would be fair." J.A. Arnold,
the writer of the objectionable articles,
was shown by correspondence of W.J.
Althaus of the Anheuser-Busch Brewing
company to have been a party to a 
conference behind closed doors.  The
breweries withdrew from the suit
against the Texas Business Men's association
and asked to have the temporary
injunction against their further
contributing made permanent.  The Business
Men's association is now defunct
and a suit is in lingering progress
against the Texas brewers' organization.

"The character of this anti-suffrage
propaganda makes rejoinder unnecessary.
But for its extent, it would deserve
little more notice than any of the lies
and feeble innuendo circulated before
elections and during legislative campaigns.
It may be useful, however, for
suffragists to be able to point out the
nature and the source of some of the opposition
which they meet.  Perhaps it
will also give pause to some anti-suffragists
to find allied with them brewers
using their arguments and quoting scripture."
____

Reprinted from The Berkshire Evening
Eagle of August 27, 1915 for the Massachusetts
Political Equality Union, 1301
Washington, St., Boston, Mass.
Mabel Gillespie, President.
Susan W. Fitzgerald, Secretary.

[*Their came out in
the New Republic in the summer.  I [?] R.*]

THE NEW YORK TIMES, SUNDAY, OCTOBER [?] 1926.

MILLS DEFINE ISSUES IN
Interest in Forthcoming Campaign Will Determine Its
Attack on Financial Policy and Development of Wa[?]

WHERE THE PARTIES STAND ON STATE ISSUES
THE issue on which the Republican and Democratic parties of New York State go before the people at the November
elections that are stated, according to custom, in the platforms adopted at the State conventions held last week. Below
are given brief extracts from the two platforms covering the same general subjects of S[?]e policy.

REPUBLICAN PLATFORM
Prohibition - The Eighteenth Amendment and the Volstead act are 
the law of the land. As a party which has always upheld the
cause of law and order, we pledge our public officials, whether
national or State, to do all in their power to see that they are 
obeyed. 
Water Power - We favor the prompt development of the water
power resources of the State by private capital and management
under a system of limited leases. 
State Bond Issues - We favor an early return and strict adherence 
to the sound policy of financing recurring capital expenditures
from current revenue.
Amendments to the Constitution - We indorse the action of the
Legislature in opposing the recommendation of the Governor to
create a constitutional initiative.
Labor - The Legislature wisely named a special committee to give
study to the subject of amendments to the labor and compensation
laws. *** We believe that its recommendations will
meet with the approval of the Legislature and the people.
Agriculture - We favor the appointment of a commission to investigate
and report to the Legislature methods of distributing 
and marketing pure food products with a view to the elimination
of waste in hauling and securing to the farmer a fair share
of the fruits of his labor.
Housing - The Legislature wisely refused to permit the State to
become a landlord.
Economy and Efficiency - We charge the Administrations of 
Governor Smith have been the most extravagant and expensive
in the history of the State. 
Taxation - We recognize in particular the claim which farmers and
rent-payers have for relief. The burden on real property is
altogether too great. 

DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM
Prohibition - The Democratic Party urges the people to ratify and 
indorse the position the party has honestly avowed and consistently 
maintained by voting "Yes" on the question contained
in the referendum.
Water Power  - We advocate***





NATIONAL AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION
(Branch of International Woman Suffrage Alliance and of National Council of Women)

NATIONAL HEADQUARTERS, 171 MADISON AVENUE 
Telephone, 4818 Murray Hill

Mrs. CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT, President
Dr. ANNA HOWARD SHAW, Honorary President

1st VICE-PRESIDENT 
Mrs. Stanley McCormack, Mass.
2nd VICE-PRESIDENT
Miss Mary Garrett Hay, New York
3rd VICE-PRESIDENT
Mrs. Guilford Dudley, Tenn.
4th VICE-PRESIDENT
Mrs. Raymond Brown, New York

LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS
CHAIRMAN
Mrs. Charles H. Brooks
Wichita, Kansas
SECRETARY
Miss Katherine Pierce
112 N. Broadway
Oklahoma City, Oklahoma

5th VICE-PRESIDENT
Mrs. Helen Gardener, Washington, D. C.
TREASURER
Mrs. Henry Wade Rogers, Conn.
CORRESPONDING SECRETARY
Mrs. Frank J. Shuler, New York
RECORDING SECRETARY
Mrs. Halsey W. Wilson, New York

DIRECTORS
Mrs. Charles H. Brooks, Kansas
Mrs. J. C. Cantrill, Kentucky
Mrs. Richard E. Edwards, Indiana
Mrs. George Gelhorn, Missouri
Mrs. Ben Hooper, Wisconsin
Mrs. Arthur Livermore, New York
Miss Esther G. Ogden, New York
Mrs. George A. Piersol, Pennsylvania

CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE
Mrs. Maud Wood Park, Chairman
Headquarters
1626 Rhode Island Avenue
Washington, D. C.

PRESS DEPARTMENT
Miss Rose Young, Director
171 Madison Ave., New York

NATIONAL WOMAN SUFFRAGE
PUBLISHING COMPANY, Inc. 
Miss Esther G. Ogden, President
171 Madison Ave., New York

Person" to Live in.
ISISTS SHE IS INNOCENT
terviewed as She Drives Her 
Car- Missing Former Trooper 
Brought Back, a Prisoner.

Mrs. Frances Stevens Hall peered 
through the rain-dimmed windshield 
f her car as she guided it over the 
Somerville-New Brunswick road yesterday. 
She had just been asked if she 
"resented" the reopening of the Hall-
Mills case. She paused to give the 
steering wheel a manlike twist that 
bounded the sedan back to the middle 
of the road.
"Well," she said in casual tones, her 
eyes still on the glistening macadam. 
"I have just about reached the conclusion 
that New Jersey is not a fit place 
for decent people to live in. I don't 
know whether I shall continue to live 
here or not."
The motor hummed. She shifted her 
seat and gripped the wheel more firmly. 
Passing through Bound Brook she 
[?]ad sideswiped a truck, with no damage 
on either side, and she evidently 
[d]id not plan to let questioning lead her 
[?]nto another mishap. The elderly 
widow, at the solicitation of her lawyer, 
had consented to brave the publicity 
she says she dreads.
Depositions From Relatives.
Mrs. Hall dropped in at the Somerset 
County Jail in Somerville to hear depositions 
taken from her brothers, Henry 
Stevens and Willie Stevens, and from 
her cousin, Henry de la Bruyere Carpender. 
The widow and the three prisoners 
were indicted by a Somerset 
County Grand Jury as the slayers of 
her husband, the Rev. Dr. Edward W. 
Hall, and Mrs. Eleanor R. Mills.
After the depositions had been made 
and a luncheon served in a Somerville 
hotel, the lawyer picked two reporters 
to be recipients of the motor interview. 
Mrs. Hall stepped into the machine 
after a wry face at the clicking shutters 
of cameras, and the two reporters 
slipped into the rear seat.
Mrs. Hall started the machine and 
swung it over the trolley tracks. She 
threaded a way through the traffic, 
cutting close to cars and taking corners 
expertly. Obviously, no questions 
were in order until she had had time 
to clear the town and get out on the 
highway leading to New Brunswick. 
One could study the small figure at the 
wheel - a figure that seemed even 
smaller than usual in the all-black 
garb. Her snowy hair peeped from 
beneath a small black hat and strands 
were flung in the brisk wind caused 
by the speed of the automobile.
Mrs. Hall's face was composed and 
unwrinkled. The four years since the 
night of the murder, Sept. 14, 1922, 
have seemingly made no impress. 
True, there was a strained look on her 
face, but this seemed to be from the 
hazards of driving on the slippery 
road. The strained look fled as she 
steered the car onto the highway outside 
Somerville and increased speed.
"Do you plan a trip to Europe when 
the trial is over, Mrs. Hall?" asked a 
reporter.
"It is impossible for me to make any 
plans at the present time," said Mrs. 
Hall, smiling at the question.
She fell silent. The car sped past 
the roadside scenery of hot dog stands, 
free air, gas stations and front lawn 
vegetable shops. She broke the silence thus:
Getting S[?]

VOTER'S ENROLLMENT
COUNTY   STATE OF

VOTING PRECINCT

(This pledge was proposed by William Shaw, General Secretary of
the World's Christian Endeavor Union. Following an address by
Daniel A. Poling in Los Angeles, in July, 1913, 5,000 voters arose and
took this pledge.)

God helping me, no party can have my vote that does not
declare for the annihilation of the liquor business.

Name
Street                        P.O.

Part of a movement to enroll 5,000,000 voters. When signed return
to Prohibition National Committee, 106 N. La Salle St., Chicago Ill.

A CONVICTION
A CONVERSION
AND
A CONFESSION

BY WILLIAM SHAW
General Secretary of
The World's Christian Endeavor

An Editorial,  Reprinted from
The Christian Endeavor World

The date was April 16.  The place,
Boston, Mass. The event, a rally
of the temperance leaders of the State
under the auspices of the Prohibition
party.

The orator of the occasion was our
own Daniel A. Poling, general secretary
of the Ohio Christian Endeavor union,
onee of the finest products of our movement.

His address was so logical in form,
so fair in spirit, so convincing in manner
of presentation, that it carried conviction
to my heart.

I have always counted myself a friend
of temperance and a foe to the liquor
business, but have never allied myself
with the so-called third party.

I, like many others, felt that I could
do better service as a non-partisan.  I
have been converted.

My confession is that, God helping
me, no party can have my vote that does
not declare for the annihilation of the
liquor business.  If that makes me a third-
party man, it will be because only one
party has the moral courage to line up on
this evil which economists say wastes
money, which scientists say destroys the
body, which statesmen say corrupts politics, 
which moralists say debauches morals, 
and which God says damns the soul.


I am through with regulation of the
traffic after legalizing it.  It is unfair
to the man who has paid for the privilege
conducting business to take his
money and then try to destroy his trade.

The liquor business is a curse and only
a curse.  No good things ever came out 
of a saloon or was passed over the bar.
We must protect the new generation from
temptation until the old one passes away.

We must take from the liquor business
all governmental sanction.  we must
go out of partnership with this mother
of crime and debaucher of citizenship.

I am from henceforth an open and
avowed enemy of the liquor business in
all its branches.  I propose to help cut
it out by the roots, and, if I know anything
about it, the roots of the liquor 
business are in politics.

As far as I can see, the remedy for
the present situation is not to be found 
in resolutions.  These may help create
sentiment, but the remedy is in votes for
men who will make laws that will prohibit,
and for an administration that
will enforce the laws.

I take this pledge, and invite all who
feel as I do on this question to take it 
with me.
(Signed) WM. SHAW.

[?] addition to the tremendous campaigns
of agitation and education on the liquor
question, on which subject it has furnished
practically all of the available data and
statistics to date, the Prohibition party
has taken an advanced stand on practically 
every other important reform of the
past two generations.  Many questions of
lesser importance have also been advocated
by the Prohibitionists, among which
are Prison Reform, Low Railroad Rates,
Postal Savings Banks, Parcel Post, Modern
Currency System, Guaranty Banks,
Separation of Church and State, Court Review
of Post Office Department
Decisions, Regulation of Inter-State Corporations,
a Six Day Week, etc.

Some of these questions have been 
solved; all of them may be considered as
questions of ordinary legislation, requiring
statesmanship and clear thinking, and an
understanding of the needs of the nation;
but they are not of such a nature as to
require the election of a partisan administration
to make them effective.

The liquor problem, however, deals with
the fundamental policies of government
and involves more than a mere administration
policy.  It involves a battle to the
death with vested interests and predatory
wealth, organized to the point of highest
efficiency, and prepared to resist opposition
to the last ditch.  it is not a question
involving a temporary policy, or a
method of keeping revenue accounts; it
involves the continuation of vast business
enterprises in which are invested millions;
it involves the appetites and passions of
many thousands of its supporters; it involves
the future of political machines,
and corrupt bosses, the white slave traffic,
gambling, and most other forms of commercialized 
vice.  Its solution will demand
a union of the foes of the traffic and the
election of a political party to power that
will not only prohibit it by law and constitution,
but also will do the more important
work of making such prohibition
effective.  Tens of thousands of voters
are signing the pledge-- "I will not give
my support or vote to any candidate or
political party not openly committed to
the destruction of the liquor traffic."  Will
you join?  More important, will you ask
your friends and neighbors to join also?
Send for pledge blanks, free, to the PROHIBITION
NATIONAL COMMITTEE, 106
N. LaSalle St., Chicago, Ill.
5


OTHER GOOD PROHIBITION
LITERATURE:

Government by Political Parties-- Chafin.
The Public Health--Chafin.
Handwriting on the Wall--Howard.
Faith of the Fathers--Calderwood.
Why I am a Prohibitionist--Watkins.
The Church and the School--Chafin.
Government by Administration--Chafin.
Prices: 2c per copy, 50c per 100, $3.50
per 1,000, prepaid, cash in advance.

Proportionate Giving--Griffin.
Liquor Traffic and Race Suicide--
MacNicholl.
Liquor Traffic and Labor--Howard.
Prices: 1c per copy. 25c per 100, in advance.

Current prohibition Year Book, 25c.
Older Prohibition year Books, 5c.
1910-11-12 Year Books, One Volume, cloth,
50c.

This Committee can furnish or secure
anything that is in print on any phase of
the liquor problem.

National Prohibition Papers:
The Vindicator, Franklin, Pa., $1 a year.
American Advance, 106 N. LaSalle St.,
Chicago, $1 a year.

Clean Politics, Winamac, Ind., 50c a
year.
____________________________________________

Copies of this and other leaflets
furnished by Prohibition National Committee,
106 N. LaSalle St., Chicago. Prices
of this leaflet: 1c each, 15c per 100, $1
per 1,000 in advance.
6


A Pioneer

in Statesmanship

1872-1912

A Statesman is one Who Leads Public
Opinion; A Mere Politician
Follows the Crowd






























What The Prohibition Party Has Done.
Walter Wellmen, the well-known Journalist, writing of the Prohibition party, states that most of the reforms of the past generation have had their inception in the minds of the Prohibitionists. This statement has been taken as an exaggeration by many, but it is not beyond the fact. The Prohibition party first demanded
Universal Suffrage
basing its claim under the Declaration of Independence that "governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed." When the principle "to the victors belong the spoils" was the rule in American politics, it demanded
Civil Service Reform
and the filling of appointive positions under the government on a basis of merit rather than political belief. It was the first to demand
Direct Elections
and for years the only part to press this just and important reform upon the attention of voters. It first favored the reduction of 
Letter Postage
to two cents, and the Congressman who introduced the two-cent bill is now a party Prohibitionist. It was the first and for years the only party, to stand for 
International Arbitration
and Universal Peace, as a means of settling the disputes between nations. In 1876 the Prohibition party declared against
Lotteries And Gambling
and favored excluding advertisements and tickets relating to lotteries and gambling from the United States mails. It was the first to oppose
Land Grabbers And Speculators
with demands that the free government lands should not be given to monopolies and speculators but proposed that they be opened to actual settlers only, for the purpose of being developed into productive farms. This evil was
2


When The Other Parties Did It.
The dates below indicate when the various parties declared for the reforms opposite - on the right-hand or left-hand page, respectively. This data is significant as showing the Prohibition party a leader for these reforms, and also as showing that the other parties never have declared for some of the most important reform measures.

1872, Prohibition, 1876
...., Republican, 1854
...., Democratic, ....
1912, Progressive, ....

1872, Prohibition, 1888
1884, Republican, ....
1876, Democratic, ....
1912, Progressive, ....

1872, Prohibition, 1904
...., Republican, 1912
1900, Democratic, ....
...., Progressive, 1912

1872, Prohibition, 1896
1888, Republican, ....
...., Democratic, 1908
...., Progressive, 1912


1876, Prohibition, 1908
1904, Republican, 1912
...., Democratic, ....
1912, Progressive, 1912

1876, Prohibition, 1908
...., Republican, 1908
...., Democratic, 1912
...., Progressive, 1912

1876, Prohibition, 1876
1884, Republican, ....
1876, Democratic, ....
1912, Progressive, ....
3

What The Prohibition Party Has Done
recognized by the old parties only after millions of acres of our choicest natural resources were under the absolute control of land sharks and speculators, resulting in a condition that is now costing us millions, while actual home-makers are denied the cheap lands that should be developed into fertile farms.
Polygamy
was attacked in every platform ever written by the Prohibition party since 1876. The Prohibition party first recognized the home as the foundation of the nation, and in order to safe guard and protect it, declared for 
Uniform Marriage And Divorce Laws
At the present time each state makes its own laws on this subject, and as a result "divorce colonies" and their attendance evils have sprung up.
The Tariff Commission
idea of the Progressive party was taken bodily from an old Prohibition platform, and today is accepted by authorities as the only statesmenlike solution proposed.
The Income Tax
and the Inheritance Tax laws recently passed were proposed by the Prohibitionists for equalizing the burdens of taxation. Theodore Roosevelt tardily found his
Child Labor
planks already framed up and in print years before they became part of his political capital. In the manner his
Conservation Of Resources
had long been recognized as an important problem by the Prohibition party, which recognizes the boys and girls as the most valuable resource our country has.
The White Slave Traffic
and commercialized vice have been denounced in every Prohibition platform since 1876, and up to this time the Prohibition party is the only party to give any recognition whatever to this great national shame.
4


[1915]

Quiz on National Constitutional
Prohibition

Prepared by a Committee appointed at the
National W.C.T.U. Convention, Atlanta, Ga.

Question: What is understood by the word prohibition as commonly
used today?
Answer: The abolition by law of the manufacture and sale of alcoholic
liquors for beverage purposes.
Q. Have such laws ever been enacted and, if so, where?
A. Laws have been enacted, in various forms, in a large part of the
United States, also of Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden.
Finland, Iceland and recently, through imperial edict, in Russia.
Q. What is the unit of area covered by a prohibitory law?
A. The unit differs according to the character of the law.  It may embrace a ward, a district, a township or city, a county, a state, or an entire
nation.  When it deals with the smaller unit it is usually known as prohibition
through local option.
Q. What nation has most nearly prohibited the liquor traffic throughout
its entire area?
A. The dominion of New Zealand, which three years ago voted for nationwide
prohibition by a majority of 55 per cent.  If its law had not required
a majority of 60 per cent, New Zealand, at the present time, would have been
under nation-wide prohibition.
Q. How many states in this nation now have, or are soon to have, statewide
prohibition?
A. Fourteen.  Of this number six: Georgia, North Carolina, Mississippi,
Tennessee, Virginia and Washington, have prohibition by statutory law; the
remaining eight: Maine, North Dakota, Kansas, Oklahoma, West Virginia,
Arizona, Colorado and Oregon, have adopted constitutional prohibition.
Q. Has one form a distinct advantage over the end and, if so, which?
A. Prohibition by constitutional law possesses great advantage over prohibition
by statute, because
1. It gives dignity to any measure to write it in the basic law of the
state.
2. The education necessary before prohibition can be placed in the constitution 
results in such an enlightenment on the part of the people that the
chances of repealing the law are reduced to the minimum.
3. Constitutional prohibition is not dependent upon party politics for its
retention and enforcement nor is it at the mercy of each incoming legislature.
4. It becomes a comparatively easy matter to secure statutory laws for
the enforcement of prohibition when the principle is recognized as a part
of the constitutional law of the state.  Experience proves how difficult if not
impossible, it is to take prohibition from the constitution when once placed
there by the voters of a commonwealth.
Q. What is understood by national constitutional prohibition?
A. Exactly what is understood by state-wide prohibition, save that the
unit of area is enlarged to the entire nation.
Q. Can any argument be given in favor of nation-wide constitutional
prohibition which does not apply to state-wide prohibition?
A. Yes, the very weighty argument that without national prohibition
the states are in many instances practically unable to enforce their own laws.
The liquor traffic constantly refuses to respect the laws of the prohibition
states and does its utmost to bring prohibition itself into contempt through
proving its ineffectiveness.  Thus we have the anomaly of hearing com-

-plaints that prohibition laws are violated from the very forces which systematically violate them.
Q. Has not the Webb-Kenyon Bill afforded a remedy for the violation of law in prohibition territory?
A. It has furnished a measure of relief but is not sufficiently comprehensive. We need a law which shall make it impossible for one section of the nation to prey upon another, and such a law to be effective must be embodied in the in the Constitution of the United States.
Q. When did the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union  recognize the principle of Prohibition as the solution of the liquor problem?
A. In February, 1875, Frances E. Willard presented to Congress a huge petition, collected by the local and the state Woman's Christian Temperance Union, asking for the prohibition of the liquor traffic. In 1881, under the heading "Object," it was stated in the constitution of the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union that the crowning point of our organized life was "to secure the legal prohibition and complete banishment of the liquor traffic."
Q. When and by whom was the first bill for National Constitutional Prohibition introduced into the United States Congress?
A. On December 27, 1876, by the Hon. Henry William Blair, United States Senator from New Hampshire.
Q. Did Mr. Blair introduce this bill more than once?
A. He introduced it at each succeeding Congress as long as he remained a member.
Q. Did the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union endorse this bill and for its passage?
A. It did. Frequent references are made to it in the minutes of the National Convention and in the addresses of the President, Miss Frances E. Willard. In her address before the Convention of 1887, Miss Willard gives among her practical recommendations: "Petition Congress on behalf of Senator Blair's Bill for National Constitutional Prohibition." In 1889 the National Superintendent of Legislation, Mrs. Ada M. Bittenbender of Nebraska, prepared a very elaborate plan of work for this measure and also published a "national Prohibitory Amendment Guide," which was endorse by the Convention and during the ensuing years used largely by the states.
Q. Was this line of work ever abandoned by the Woman's Christian Temperance Union?
A. It was not, though more immediate issues of necessity for a time took first rank.
Q. What brought about the present revival of interest in and keen activity on behalf of National Constitutional Prohibition?
A. Many causes contributed, but the chief one was, undoubtedly, the growing conviction, born of experience, that nothing less radical and far-reaching could ever prove an effective remedy against the liquor traffic. "A nation-wide evil demands a nation-wide remedy."
Q. What is the slogan of the United Society of Christian Endeavor, and when and where was it chosen?
A. At its great convention at Atlantic City, New Jersey, in July, 1911, the United Society of Christian Endeavor chose for its motto "A Saloonless Nation by 1920."
Q. When and by whom was the proclamation issued which brought about the great present day activity for National Constitutional Prohibition?
A. On the tenth day of September, 1911, in the city of Portland, Maine, Mrs. L. M. N. Stevens, then President of the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union, issued the historic proclamation in which she affirmed that "within a decade" prohibition should be written in the Constitution of the United States, and called "to active co-operation all temperance, prohibition, religious and philanthropic bodies; all patriotic, fraternal and civic associations and all Americans who love their country."
Q. What circumstances had led up to this notable proclamation?
A. The liquor forces of the nation had been waging a great campaign for the repeal of Maine's prohibitory law. They had spared neither money nor men and, on the night before the final vote was to be taken, it really looked as if they would be successful. Defeat for the temperance forces

seemed inevitably, but nothing daunted, Mrs Stevens gave her proclamation to the press and to the people at a great mass meeting held in the Portland Opera House.
Q. What results followed almost immediately?
A. Congressman Richmond Pearson Hobson, who was the speaker at that mass meeting impressed by the heroism of the act and the righteousness of the measure advocated, drew up his famous Joint Resolution for National Constitutional Prohibition, and presented it before the House of Representatives the following December. Twice thereafter it was introduced by him previous to the final presentation on December 11, 1913, when at the same time it was presented in the United States Senate by Senator Morris Sheppard of Texas.
Q. Has the nation rallied to this Proclamation?
A. In a truly marvelous manner it has rallied. The Presbyterian, Methodist, Episcopal, Friends, Baptist, Congregational, Universalist, Unitarian and other great denominations have given it ringing endorsement in their central councils. It has been endorsed by granges, by clubs, by business men's leagues and by political parties, while the great Biennial Federation of Women's Clubs endorsed the principle of nation-wide prohibition. In November, 1913, the Anti-Saloon League of America, at its convention in Columbus, Ohio, made National Constitutional Prohibition the objective point of its next great endeavor. Practically every temperance and reform society of national scope has given endorsement and co-operation to this movement. Many of the leading secular and religious papers are pronounced in its advocacy. Never before in the history of the temperance reform have its advocates stood with such practical unanimity for the certain definite line of action.
Q. What has the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union done to further this movement?
A. At the Convention in Asbury Park, New Jersey, in October, 1913, a committee was appointed to prepare a definite plan of work for National Constitutional Prohibition. This plan was printed and scattered throughout the entire nation. In it January 15 was designated as a day of fasting and prayer on the part of the ten thousand local unions of the country; letters and copies of the Proclamation and Joint Resolution were ordered sent to pastors, and they were asked to preach on the subject, to offer special prayer for the success of the movement and secure the endorsement of the Resolution, sending such endorsement through the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union to their representatives in Congress; large plans were made for reaching the press of the country and scattering literature with a lavish hand, while each local union was asked to hold at least one public meeting and take a collection to be applied to the Campaign Fund for National Constitutional Prohibition.
Q. Has the plan proved effective and what have been some of its results?
A. It has proven most effective. A great National W. C. T. U. mass meeting was held in Washington on December 6, 1913. On December 10 a large contingent of men met in that city at the call of the Anti-Saloon league and the Committee of One Hundred. Two or three thousand men and women marched up Pennsylvania Avenue to a meeting held on the east steps of the Capitol which was addressed by Senator Sheppard, Congressman Hobson, Mrs. Lillian M. N. Stevens, Mrs. Ella A. Boole, Mrs. Mary Harris Armor, Dr. Purley A. Baker, Ex-Governor Patterson of Tennessee and E. L. Cherrington. The day of Prayer was almost universally observed and endorsements of the Joint Resolution, representing more than five million petitioners, were sent to Congress through the W. C. T. U. Several of the leading papers of the country have become outspoken in their advocacy of the measure, and the representatives of the liquor interests openly confess to have seen "the hand-writing on the wall."
Q. What results attended the resolution after its presentation to Congress?
A. A formal hearing before the House Judiciary Committee was held on April 14, 1914, and the one before the sub-committee of the Senate Judiciary Committee on the following day. These hearings were attended by representatives of the temperance forces from practically every state in the nation and from every walk in life. So overwhelming were the arguments 

1915  Nat WCTU
quiz  on [?]
and Prohibition

that the House committee reported the bill, although without recommendation.
Q.  What was the result of the vote in the House?
A.  The Sheppard-Hobson Resolution was reported by the Judiciary Committee
and was considered in the House on Dec. 22, 1914.  Eight hours' discussion
followed, and the vote of 197 for and 189 against was a majority of
eight, exclusive of pairs, though not the necessary two-thirds.  It was a
decided victory for prohibition. Our forces were ably led by Hon. Richmond
Pearson Hobson of Alabama.
Q.  What is the next step in Congress?
A.  Efforts to secure a favorable report on the Sheppard-Hobson Bill
from the Senate Judiciary Committee and a vote on the same before March
4, 1915.
Q.  What is the next step on the part of the Woman's Christian Temperance
Union?
A.  At the recent Convention in Atlanta, Georgia, no other subject aroused
such enthusiasm.  A new committee was appointed to formulate plans for 
the coming year, which plans are already being carried out.  January 14 is
appointed as a Day of Prayer; a widespread propaganda is to be carried on
through the press; posters are to be used freely and literature circulated to
the full extent of each union's resources.  So far from being wearied by
the campaign of the previous year, it was made clearly manifest that the
white ribbon forces had been stimulated to renewed activity.
Q.  What should be the attitude of every local union and of each individual
member towards this campaign and the plan of work sent out by the National
Union?
A.  An attitude of unquestioning acceptance and enthusiastic co-operation.
Success depends wholly upon these factors.
Q.  What preparation is necessary on the part of unions and of individuals?
A.  The preparation of knowledge.  We should familiarize ourselves with
the scientific facts concerning even the moderate use of alcohol in order that
we may be able to answer those who claim that it has a place in the life of
a progressive nation.  We should also study the question from the economic
standpoint and learn the mighty arguments against the destruction of food
sadly needed to feed the hungry, against losses caused by accidents due to
drink, and against needless death and disease.
Q.  What may we each do now?
A.  Hold the Day of Prayer on January 14 and bring together as many
people as possible for its observance.  Wherever possible, secure the endorsement
of the Resolution.  Send letters to editors and paragraphs to papers.
Hold a public meeting and take an offering for the Lillian Stevens National
Prohibition Campaign Fund.  Pray daily for the success of the movement
and for its leaders.  Have large faith in the promises of God and the sound
sense of an aroused American people.  Let the words of Mrs. Stevens, written
only eight days before her death, "I know we are to win," be our motto until
National Constitutional Prohibition has been secured.

NATIONAL WOMAN'S CHRISTIAN TEMPERANCE UNION
EVANSTON, ILL.
463

A BURNING SHAME 

Mr. E. D. Leech, assistant fuel administrator 
of Ohio, finds after taking 
all items into consideration that it requires 
8 pounds of soft coal to produce 
1 gallon of beer, or 248 pounds to the 
barrel. To make the country's beer 
requires, therefore, soft coal to the 
amount of 

7, 530, 459 tons of 2, 000 pounds each
or 
167,343 carloads of 45 tons each

Pennsylvania breweries produce 
approximately one-eighth of the beer and 
therefore consume 

20, 918 carloads of Coal,
or 
Enough to furnish 5 tons to each of 
168,262 families.

Ratification of the Prohibition
Amendment will stop the waste of coal and
help win the war and also make
Democracy safe.
Ratification Club in Your Church and Sunday School.

Organize a Ratification Club in Your
Church and Sunday School.

GET IN TRAINING FOR THE BIG FIGHT.
DON'T BE A SLACKER.

WASTAGE OF FOODSTUFFS BY BREWERIES 

The following figures are issued by 
the Bureau of Crops Estimates, United 
States Department of Agriculture,
taken from records of the Internal 
Revenue Office, for year ending June 30, 
1917, showing the amount of material consumed 
in the manufacture of beer:

Malt (made of barley) pounds 2,309,673,618
Rice and Corn.                       "  792,033,888   
Sugar Materials                      " 115,671,850
Other  "                                   " 260,145,974
                       Total . . . . . . .      3,477,526,330

Beer produced, barrels of 31 gallons. 60,729,509

We quote from a book entitled "The 
Food Problem" by Kellogg and Taylor, 
two experts of the Federal food 
department, They say:

"Exported to France and expressed in 
terms of bread, the American barley used 
in the manufacture of beer last year 
(1916) was equal to the normal bread 
ration of 7,000,000 people."

Ratification will stop this destruction 
of food and thereby hasten the end 
of the war, saving the lives of thousands 
of our boys on the battle front. 
God and humanity expect you to do 
your duty at the primary, May 21.

Booze Drinkers 
"Toss Off" a Workingman's 
Home Every Minute!

So says Charles Stelzle, eminent 
Labor Advocate and Statistician. 

"We Americans spend $3,800 
every minute of the day for booze. 
"That's the price of a fairly comfortable 
home for the average working man. 
"Just think what it means to 
throw away a workingman's home

every minute in the day for twenty-
four hours!

"It means 1,440 homes every day! 
It means 535,600 homes every year! 
Counting five persons to a family, 
it means that nearly 3,000,000 
persons could be comfortably housed 
on the amount we waste on drink 
every year."

Think it out in terms of the needs of 
your town. What would the drink bill 
of your city for you and your neighbors? 
Then vote for Ratification Candidates May 21st. 

Pennsylvania's Crusade 
FOR
Ratification 
OF
National Constitutional Prohibition 

READ AND REMEMBER 
THE LAST DAYS FOR REGISTRATION
AND PARTY ENROLLMENT

In boros and townships        March 19 and 20
In Pittsburgh, Scranton and 
Philadelphia               .     .       April 17
In all other cities        .     .       May 1

If registered and enrolled so that you were 
qualified to vote in the Primary, September, 1917, 
you are already qualified to vote at the Primary 
Election May 21, 1918, provided you have not 
changed your residence. Otherwise give heed to 
the above dates. Enrollment in boros and townships 
may be made on application to the Registry 
Assessor at any date prior to March 20th.  

PENNSYLVANIA ANTI-SALOON LEAGUE
1014 Stock Exchange Building 
PHILADELPHIA, PA.

CANDIDATES AND CREEDS
To Secure ratification in Pennsylvania will require 104 votes in the House and 26
in the Senate. It will be up to the Legislature, and the Legislature will be nominated
by the voters May 21st. Look over the candidates. Note what each stands for.
The Dry Candidate Believes in
1. The Conservation of Food.
2. The Conservation of Coal.
3. The Conservation of Man Power.
4. The Protection of Women and Children. 
5. The Fostering of Patriotism.
6. The Defense of Liberty.
The Wet Candidate Believes in
1. Brewery Politics.
2. Brewery Slush Funds.
3. The Purchasable Vote.
4. The Politically Negligent Churchman.
5. Liquor Politicians.
6. The Pro-German Vote.
IT'S A TUG OF WAR
"The Church in Action Against the Saloon"
You will help to decide by the bit you do before May 21, and the vote you cast
on that day.
THE CONSTITUTIONAL PROHIBITION AMENDMENT
Proposes to prohibit forever the manufacture, sale, importation and exportation of
intoxicating liquors to be used for beverage purposes in the United States and her dependencies.
The enabling resolution passed both branches of the Congress by the necessary
two-thirds vote, the tally standing as follows : 
Senate For 65 Against 20
House " 282 " 128
To complete the work it must be ratified by a majority vote of both branches of
the Legislature of 36 states.
Shall Pennsylvania be the one of the 36?
The voters will answer May 21, 1918.
The liquor question is involved in the nomination and election of the following
officials : Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, four Congressman-at-Large, all District Congressmen, 
all Representatives in the State Legislature, all State Senators in even-numbers 
districts and three to fill vacancies in the Third, Twenty-ninth and Forty-third 
districts.

BEER BREWING OR SHIPBUILDING
The workingman naturally and rightly asks what is to become of the wage earners
who will lose their jobs if the breweries are closed. Here the facts taken from the
United States Census of 1910 relative to Pennsylvania : The total number of wage earners 
employed by the breweries of the state was 7,234. Less than one-fourth of these
were malsters and brewers. The remainder were teamsters, mechanics and day laborers. 
The International Shipbuilding Company of Philadelphia alone is asking for 35,000
workmen, and it is only one of several similar enterprises. There are very few brewery
workers who could not be quickly placed by that company at better wages than they now
obtain and under better health conditions.
As a matter of comparison, look at these facts from the 1910 census:
Capital Invested Number of Wage Earners Total Wages Paid
Breweries $94,135,000 7,234 $5,435,000
Shipbuilding 15,203,000 3,558 2,120,000
RE-INVEST THE BREWERY CAPITAL IN SHIPBUILDING AND HERE IS THE COMPARISON:
Breweries $94,135,000 7,234 $ 5,435,000
Shipbuilding 94,135,000 22,024 19,182,000
SIMILAR  CONDITIONS PREVAIL IN OTHER LEADING INDUSTRIES OF THE COUNTRY
MR. WORKINGMAN : 
You have the biggest vote in Pennsylvania. Therefore, it is up to you. Shall these
7,234 brewery workers be permitted to continue the manufacture of that which poisons
and debauches the race, or shall they be prohibited and given an opportunity to build the
ships that shall carry the commerce of the world and bring life's comforts and necessities
to the people of all lands ? You will answer this question at the Primary, May 21st.
ROSTER-Pennsylvania Anti-Saloon League
SUPERINTENDENT, C. F. Swift 104 Stock Exchange Building, Philadelphia 
EDITOR, HARRY M. CHALPANT " " " "
ATTORNEY, J. DAY BROWNLEE, JR. " " " "
DISTRICT SUPERINTENDENTS : 
C. H. BRANDT, 45 Altoona Trust Building, Altoona.
J. F. HARTMAN, 308 Commerce Building, Erie.
E. V. CLAYPOOL, 213 Dauphin Building, Harrisburg.
J. MITCHELL BENNETTS, 409 Bennett Building, Wilkes-Barre.
HOMER W. TOPE, 1026 Stock Exchange Building, Philadelphia. 
B. L. SCOTT, 505 Publication Building, Pittsburgh.
ASSISTANT DISTRICT SUPERINTENDENT : 
J. C. CARPENTER, 505 Publication Building, Pittsburgh.

IF NOT PROHIBITION, WHAT?

By CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT

At the moment when the official legality of the Eighteenth
Amendment was being announced, on the one hand, certain official
heads of the organized and united distillers, brewers, consumers and
supporters of the liquor traffic announced, on the other, that violation
would begin at once and continue with such unabated flagrancy and
scandal that soon the public would rise in protest and demand the repeal
of the law.  It, therefore, happened that on the day following
the establishment of the Amendment a fresh battle began with the
same wets on one side, the same drys on the other, who had long been
engaged in contest- the wets aiming at repeal, the drys at support of
the Amendment.

It is curious that this organized threat of insurrection has been so
far forgotten and overlooked that throughout the past eleven years
every successful violation of the Amendment has been charged to the
frailties of the law rather than to the sharp practice of organized lawlessness.
In truth, the new battle has been far easier for the wets and
harder for the drys than the preceding one.  An army of officers and
workmen, now unemployed by the close of distilleries, breweries, and
saloons, together with a considerable host of criminals, drunkards,
prostitutes, drug addicts, and political henchmen, trained by the worst
variety of the saloon, composed a ready force from which could be
drawn any type of servitor required in the business of organized law
nullification.

The enforcement of the law did not lie with the drys, but with
the Government.  An immense staff of enforcing officers was necessary.
These were often supplied by party patronage, and we frequently
designed to violate rather than uphold the law.  Many men had little
sympathy with the law itself, many were incompetent, other were
weak and bribable, and others were in secret connivance with the law
rebels.

Excerpts from the second article in a series printed in "The Woman's
Journal" a monthly magazine published at 171 Madison Avenue, New York
City--Every woman citizen should subscribe ($2.50 a year).

Thus, for eleven years, the United States has muddled along under 
prohibition. To repeal the amendment now would be a cowardly 
and ignoble surrender to a minority who, at the beginning, announced 
their intention of compelling such an act.
. . . . . No country is trusting itself to free and uncontrolled drink. 
Each is making some kind of effort by custom or law to restrict the 
manufacture and the use of alcoholic drink.
. . . . . Dealing with liquor control began in this country as soon 
as the first white man stepped on American soil. . . . Were there an 
enterprising searcher for facts to tell us how many liquor laws have 
been passed in colonies, states and nation, since that first one, it would 
greatly add to our useful knowledge. Glancing over the long record 
I should say the number would be over a thousand. Certainly new 
laws were passed and old laws rescinded in most years.

"IF NOT PROHIBITION, WHAT?"

Most political parties dodge that question and most candidates for 
Congress evade it. Yet I want to say with all the force I can muster 
that it is the only question outstanding in the situation at this moment 
and that to avoid it is a cowardice unworthy of a self-respecting country. 
A practical, logical people will insist upon that question being 
completely answered before the Eighteenth Amendment is dropped 
out of the Constitution. Every conceivable law and regulation have 
already been tried in this or other countries and all have been pronounced 
failures by a large number of citizens of each country. Why 
should this country discard a law deliberately violated and persistently 
belittled in order to pick up another law in another country no better 
respected or enforced than is our prohibition? Why not give our own 
law one honest chance of enforcement and trial?
Miss Tarbell would like to return to local option. Local option 
never has been a peaceful, satisfactory condition. That, like every other 
liquor law, has been under continual change.  After a generation of 
experiment a country may have become reconciled to local prohibition. 
It must be remembered that there is not and never has been any form 
of liquor regulation satisfactory to drinking people and perhaps there 
never will be.

HIGH LICENSE

. . . . . In 1918 high license was at its most glorious peak. A 
high-power competition in selling was in fullest swing which planted 
new saloons in every available spot. Respectable saloons there were, 
but there were more with their back rooms, upper rooms and cellar


rooms. Here addicts, prostitutes, gamblers, and the lowest type of 
politician joined in a common headquarters, and the wicked shamelessness 
of these lower types was the real cause of the last bound taken by 
the nation into constitutional prohibition.
. . . . . The Amendment can be repealed by the same process that 
established it. It is a long and tortuous process, yet it can be accomplished; 
a temporary measure could be substituted while the change 
was in operation and somehow, somewhere, a new experiment could 
be devised. But why experiment? Why not stick fast to the Eighteenth 
Amendment until it is proved or disproved, or get a substitute 
with all the pieces fitted together and quit this ridiculous side-stepping?
Is there a substitute? Certainly no authority with the right to 
speak has yet proposed one, but an interesting prospect has arisen. 
Dwight W. Morrow, candidate for Senator from New Jersey, has an 
idea. . . . . He would repeal the Eighteenth Amendment, then introduce 
another amendment "which will restore to the states the power to determine 
their policy toward the liquor traffic and vest in the Federal 
Government power to give all possible protection and assistance to 
those states that desire complete prohibition against invasion from the 
states that do not."
. . . . . Mr. Morrow, in rather an indeterminable way, would go 
backward, but his plan will please few wets and few drys. When he is 
appointed political leader of letting out one constitutional amendment 
and letting in another, he will have more trouble than he has yet met. 
It is difficult to imagine a distiller or brewer making sufficient additional 
profit in such a scheme to attract him, or any dry finding helpfulness 
in a prohibition state with bootleggers, spies, and smugglers sitting in 
a row all the way around on the frontier. If the United States cannot 
enforce a Federal prohibition amendment now, how can it be expected 
to protect scattered prohibition states with liquor bases plentifully disposed? 
What will it do when fleets of airplanes carrying forbidden 
beverages fly over the frontiers and defy the nation? Why not clean 
up all the frontiers instead of a few? How queer are men!
Many of us see advantages in prohibition that we like. We do 
not drink nor associate intimately with people who do. We do not 
serve liquor in our homes and we turn down our glasses on other tables. 
We are pleased to pass along the street where we see no saloons and 
smell no rancid liquor issuing from the swinging doors. There are no 
tippling men who enter our homes and we see no drunken men. We 
do not discuss prohibition nor the detestable character of the modern 
social class which finds in the violation of the law the chief charm of 
life. Whatever the law, we shall live in the same quiet, law-abiding, 
simple and civilized way. I, for one, shall stand by prohibition as long 
as it is there, and thousands and thousands of American men and women 
will so live to the end.

WET PROPAGANDA
. . . . .In the present situation, I am not disturbed by the irritation
and uncertainty the wet propaganda is arousing. It seems in accord
with all the history of liquor law-making—whatever is, is wrong.
Nor do I find anything upsetting in the fact that some of foreign birth,
with little or no education and no American training, may join the
half criminal forces engaged in organized violation of the law. What
shocks me is the American man or woman who defies a law honestly
made in the regular way by a majority of fellow citizens. Drink and
drunkenness were not respectable before the Eighteenth Amendment was
put in the Constitution and no change of the law can make them so.
The ladies joining the drinking forces and organized to repeal the
Eighteenth Amendment can never make drink decent nor themselves a
moral force. The trend of a thousand years is in the opposite direction
and it will continue in that direction.
I predict that the United States will stick to prohibition, but I do
not say that it may not repeal the Eighteenth Amendment a few times
as it passes along its ever-changing way. In the end it will return to
the law which has called forth its hardest fight and aims at the highest
decency.

Copyright by the Woman's Citizen Corporation, printed by permission.
This is one of a series of leaflets published by the WOMAN'S NATIONAL COMMITTEE FOR LAW ENFORCEMENT, 919 Metropolitan Building, Boston, Mass.

In addition to the tremendous campaigns
of agitation and education on the liquor
question, on which subject it has furnished
practically all of the available data and 
statistics to date, the Prohibition party
has taken an advanced stand on practically
every other important reform of the
past two generations. Many questions of
lesser importance have also been advocated
by the Prohibitionists, among which
are Prison Reform, Low Railroad Rates,
Postal Savings Banks, Parcels Post, Modern
Currency System, Guaranty Banks,
Separation of Church and State, Court
Review of Post Office Department Decisions,
Regulation of Inter-State Corporations,
a Six Day Week, etc.

Some of these question have been
solved; all of them may be considered as
questions of ordinary legislation, requiring
statesmanship and clear thinking, and an
understanding of the needs of the nation;
but they are not of such a nature as to 
require the election of a partisan administration
to make them effective.

The liquor problem, however, deals with
the fundamental policies of government
and involves more than a mere administration 
policy. It involves a battle to the
death with vested interest and predatory
wealth, organized to the point of highest
efficiency, and prepared to resist opposition 
to the last ditch. it is not a question 
involving a temporary policy, or a 
method of keeping revenue accounts; it
involves the continuation of vast business
enterprises in which are invested millions;
it involves the appetites and passions of
many thousands of its supporters; it involves
the future of political machines, 
and corrupt bosses, the white slave traffic,
gambling, and most other forms of commercialized 
vice. Its solution will demand 
a union of the foes of the traffic and the 
election of a political party to power that
will not only prohibit it by law and constitution,
but also will do the more important
work of making such prohibition
effective. Tens of thousands of voters
are signing the pledge--"I will not give
my support or vote to any candidate or
political party not openly committed to
the destruction of the liquor traffic." Will 
you join? More important, will you ask
your friends and neighbors to join also?
Send the pledge blanks, free, to the PROHIBITION
NATIONAL COMMITTEE, 106
N. LaSalle St., Chicago, III.
5


OTHER GOOD PROHIBITION 
LITERATURE:

Government by Political Parties--Chafin.
The Public Health--Chafin.
Handwriting on the Wall--Howard.
Faith of the Fathers--Calderwood.
Why I am a Prohibitionist--Watkins.
The Church and School--Chafin.
Government by Administration--Chafin.
Prices: 2c per copy, 50c per 100, $3.50
per 1,000, prepaid, cash in advance. 

Proportionate Giving--Griffin.
Liquor Traffic and Race  Suicide--MacNicholl.
Liquor Traffic and Labor--Howard.
Prices: 1c per copy, 25c per 100, in advance.

Current Prohibition Year Book, 25c.
Older Prohibition Year Books, 5c.
1910-11-12 Year Books, One Volume, cloth,
50c.

This Committee can furnish or secure 
anything that is in print on any phase of
the liquor problem.

National Prohibition Papers:
The Vindicator, Franklin, Pa., $1 a year.
American Advance, 106 N. LaSalle St.,
Chicago, $1 a year.
Clean Politics, Winamac, Ind., 50c a year.

Copies of this and other leaflets
furnished by Prohibition National Committee,
106 N. LaSalle St., Chicago. Prices
of this leaflet: 1c each, 15c per 100, $1 
per 1,000, in advance. 
6

A Pioneer
in Statesmanship

1872-1912

A Statesman is one Who Leads Public
Opinion; A Mere Politician 
Follows the Crowd

WHAT THE PROHIBITION PARTY HAS DONE
Walter Wellman, the well-known Journalist, writing of the Prohibition party, states that most of the reforms of the past generation have had their inception in the minds of the Prohibitionists. This statement has been taken as an exaggeration by many, but it is not beyond the fact. The Prohibition party first demanded 
UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE
basing its claim under the Declaration of Independence, that "governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed." When the principle "to the victors belong the spoils" was the rule in American politics, it demanded
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM
and the filling of appointive positions under the government on a basis of merit rather than political belief. It was the first to demand
DIRECT ELECTIONS
and for years the only party to press this just and important reform upon the attention of the voters. It first favored the reduction of
LETTER POSTAGE
to two cents, and the Congressman who introduced the two-cent bill is now a party Prohibitionist. It was the first, and for years the only party, to stand for
INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION
and Universal Peace, as a means of settling the disputes between nations. In 1876 the Prohibition party declared against
LOTTERIES AND GAMBLING
and favored excluding advertisements and tickets relating to lotteries and gambling from the United States mails. It was the first to oppose
LAND GRABBERS AND SPECULATORS
with demands that the free government lands should not be given to monopolies and speculators, but proposed that they be opened to actual settlers only, for the purpose of being developed into productive farms. This evil was
2

WHEN THE OTHER PARTIES DID IT.
The dates below indicate when the various parties declared for the reforms opposite -on the right-hand or left-hand page, respectively. This data is significant as showing the Prohibition party a leader for these reforms, and also as showing that the other parties never have declared for some of the most import reform measures.

.......1872, Prohibition, 1876
      . . . . , Republican, 1854
      . . . . , Democratic, . . . . 
       1912, Progressive, . . . .

....... 1872, Prohibition, 1888
       1884, Republican, . . . . 
       1876, Democratic, . . . . 
       1912, Progressive, . . . . 

....... 1872, Prohibition, 1904
       . . . . , Republican, 1912
      1900, Democratic, . . . . 
       . . . . , Progressive, 1912

....... 1872, Prohibition, 1896
       1888, Republican, . . . . 
        . . . . , Democratic, 1908
       . . . . , Progressive, 1912

....... 1876, Prohibition, 1908
       1904, Republican, 1912
        . . . . , Democratic, . . . . 
       1912, Progressive, 1912

....... 1876, Prohibition, 1908
       . . . . , Republican, 1908
       . . . . , Democratic, 1912
       . . . . , Progressive, 1912

....... 1876, Prohibition, 1876
       1884, Republican, . . . . 
        1876, Democratic, . . . .
       1912, Progressive, . . . . 
3


WHAT THE PROHIBITION
PARTY HAS DONE
recognized by the old parties only after 
millions of acres of our choicest natural
 resources were under the absolute control
 of land sharks and speculators, resulting
 in a condition that is now costing 
us millions, while actual home-makers are
denied the cheap lands that should be developed 
into fertile farms.
POLYGAMY
was attacked in every platform ever written 
by the Prohibition party since 1876.
The Prohibition party first recognized the
home as the foundation of the nation, and
in order to safe guard and protect it, declared 
for
UNIFORM MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE LAWS
At the present time each state makes its own laws on this subject, and as a result "divorce colonies" and their attendant evils have sprung up.
THE TARIFF COMMISSION
idea of the Progressive party was taken bodily from an old Prohibition platform, and today is accepted by authorities as the only statesmenlike solution proposed.
THE INCOME TAX
and the Inheritance Tax laws recently passed were proposed by the Prohibitionists for equalizing the burdens of taxation. Theodore Roosevelt tardily found his
CHILD LABOR
planks already framed up and in print years before they became part of his political capital. In like manner his
CONSERVATION OF RESOURCES
had long been recognized as an important problem by the Prohibition party, which recognizes the boys and girls as the most valuable resource our country has. 
THE WHITE SLAVE TRAFFIC
and commercialized vice have been denounced in every Prohibition platform since 1876, and up to this time the Prohibition party is the only party to give any recognition whatever to this great national shame. 
4

BELOW THIS DOTTED LINE IS A SAMPLE OF THE 1914 CALIFORNIA BALLOT. HOW MANY VOTERS COULD HAVE T

Vote "NO" on the Initiative and Referendum on Tuesday, Novemb

INSTRUCTIONS TO VOTERS: To vote for a candidate of your selection stamp a cross (X) in the voting square next to the right of the name of such candidate. Where two or more candidates for the same office are to be elected, stamp a cross (X) after the names of all the candidates for that o
you wish to vote in the blank space left for that purpose. To vote for a person not on the ballot, write the name of such person under the title of the office in the blank space left for that purpose. To vote on any question, proposition or constitutional amendment,

                   STATE
Governor                                           Vote for One
J. B. CURTIN, Democratic
JOHN D. FREDERICKS, Republican
HIRAM W. JOHNSON, Progressive
CLINTON P. MOORE, Prohibition
NOBLE A. RICHARDSON, Socialist

Lieutenant Governor                          Vote for One
JOHN M. ESHLEMAN, Progressive, Republican
WALLACE M. PENCE, Prohibition
NORMAN W. PENDLETON, Socialist
JO V. SNYDER, Democratic

Secretary of State                               Vote for One
FRANK C. JORDAN, Republican, Democratic
ETHEL LYNN, Socialist
F. J. O'BRIEN, Progressive
GABRELLA T. STICKNEY, Prohibition

Controller                                            Vote for One
A. E. BRIGGS, Socialist
JOHN S. CHAMBERS, Progressive, Republican, Democratic
HORACE A. JOHNSON, Prohibition

Treasurer                                             Vote for One
FRIEND WM. RICHARDSON, Progressive, Republican, Democratic
ALBERT S. SPAULDING, Prohibition
GEORGE W. WOODBEY, Socialist


                             CONGRESSIONAL
United States Senator                         Vote for One
FRANCIS J. HENEY, Progressive
JOSEPH R. KNOWLAND, Republican
JAMES D. PHELAN, Democratic
ERNEST UNTERMANN, Socialist
FREDERICK F. WHEELER, Prohibition

Representative in Congress, Ninth Congressional District  
                                                              Vote for One
CHARLES W. BELL, Progressive
HENRY A. HART, Socialist
CHARLES H. RANDALL, Prohibition, Democratic
FRANK C. ROBERTS, Republican

LEGISLATIVE
State Senator, Thirty-sixth Senatorial District      Vote for One
WILLIAM J. CARR, Progressive
J. NELSON NEVIUS, Democratic
PATRICK H. QUINN, Socialist
RUPERT B. TURNBULL, Republican
GEORGE S. YARNALL, Prohibition

Member of the Assembly, Sixty-first District        Vote for One
ENOCH A. HOLTWICK, Prohibition
ESTELLE LAWTON LINDSEY, Socialist
FRANK A. MCDONALD, Republican
FRANK L. MUHLEMAN, Democratic
HARRY A. WISHARD, Progressive

JUDICIAL

Presiding Justice of the District Court of Appeal, Second 
Appellate District (Full Term)                                Vote for One
GAVIN W. CRAIG
NATHANIEL P. CONREY

Presiding Justice of the District Court of Appeal, Second
Appellate District (Short Term)                              Vote for One
WALTER W. MIDDLECOFF

Judges of the Superior Court (Full Term)              Vote for Ten
FREDERICK BAKER
FRANK W. BLAIR
JOSEPH F. CHAMBERS
D. JOSEPH COYNE
JOHN L. FLEMING
J. VINCENT HANNON
LESLIE R. HEWITT
GRANT JACKSON
STEPHEN G. LONG
ELMER R. MCDOWELL
CHARLES MONROE
CHARLES O. MORGAN
WILLIS I. MORRISON
LOUIS W. MYERS
SIDNEY N. REEVE
JOHN W. SHENK
FRED H. TAFT
CURTIS D. WILBUR
FRANK R. WILLIS
LEWIS R. WORKS


Justice of the Peace of Burbank Township        Vote for One
GEORGE C. MELROSE
HARRY M. MILLER

                     SCHOOL
Superintendent of Public Instruction                Vote for One
MRS. N. E. DAVIDSON
EDWARD HYATT

COUNTY AND TO
Sheriff
JOHN C. CLINE
W. A. HAMMEL

District Attorney
W. J. FORD
THOMAS LEE WOOLWINE

Assessor
ED. W. HOPKINS

A SAMPLE OF THE 1914 CALIFORNIA BALLOT. HOW MANY VOTERS COULD HAVE HAD TIME OR OPPORTUNITY TO STUDY THE MANY COMPLICATED MEASURES WHICH

...ive and Referendum on Tuesday, November 5 Next, and Save Massachusetts

...next to the right of the name of such candidate. Where two or more candidates for the same office are to be elected, stamp a cross (X) after the name of all the candidates for that office for whom you desire to vote, not to exceed, however, the number of candidates who are to be elected. If the ballot does not contain the names of candidates..
...not on the ballot, write the name of such person under the title of the office in the blank space left for that purpose. To vote on any question, proposition or constitutional amendment, stamp a cross (X) in the voting square after the word "Yes" or after the word "No". All marks, except the cross (X) are forbidden. All distinguishing marks or en.....

Presiding Justice of the District Court of Appeal, Second
    Appellate District (Full Term)                                     Vote for One
GAVIN W. CRAIG
NATHANIEL P. CONLEY

Presiding Justice of the District Court of Appeal, Second
      Appellate District (Short Term)                                Vote for One
WALTER W. MIDDLECOFF
 
Judges of the Superior Court (Full Term)                     Vote for Ten
FREDERICK BAKER
FRANK W. BLAIR
JOSEPH F. CHAMBERS
D. JOSEPH COYNE
JOHN L. FLEMING
M. VINCENT HANNON
LESLIE R. HEWITT
GRANT JACKSON
STEPHEN G. LONG
ELMER R. MCDOWELL
CHARLES MONROE 
CHARLES O. MORGAN
WILLIS I. MORRISON
LOUIS W. MYERS
SIDNEY N. REEVE
JOHN W. SHENK
FRED H. TAFT
CURTIS D. WILBUR
FRANK R. WILLIS
LEWIS R. WORKS

Justice of the Peace of Burbank Township       Vote for One
GEORGE C. MELROSE
HARRY M. MILLER

                       SCHOOL
Superintendent of Public Instruction             Vote for One
MRS. N. E. DAVIDSON
EDWARD HYATT

                 COUNTY AND TOWNSHIP
Sheriff                                                            Vote for One
JOHN C. CLINE
W. A. HAMMEL

District Attorney                                             Vote for One
W. J. FORD
THOMAS LEE WOOLWINE

Assessor                                                        Vote for One
ED. W. HOPKINS

QUESTIONS AND PROPOSITIONS SUB...

CALLING CONVENTION FOR REVISION OF CONSTITUTION
1 Assembly Concurrent Resolution 17. Recommends that electors vote
for or against a convention for revising the constitution; provides that if
majority vote in favor thereof, the legislature shall at next session provie
for election of delegates to such convention and the holding thereof
at state capitol within three months from date of election calling the
same, and that it shall continue in session until it has completed the 
work of revision and provided for submission thereof to electors.
YES
NO

2 PROHIBITION.   Initiative amendment adding sections 26 and 27 to
article I of constitution. Prohibits the manufacture, sale, gift, or tansportation
wholly within the state, of intoxicating liquor; permits any citizen to enjoin violations; makes the showing that the manufacture, 
use sale, gift or transportation was for medicinal, scientific, mechanical 
or sacramental purposes, a defense to civil and criminal actions, and requires
regulation by law of such acts for said purposes; prohibits transportation
into this state of intoxicating liquor, unless shown to be for
such purposes, subject, however, to United States laws; prescribes and 
authorizes penalties.
YES 
NO

3 EIGHT HOUR LAW.   Initiative act adding section 393 1/2 to the Penal 
Code. Declares it a misdemeanor, punishable by fine or imprisonment
in county jail or both, for any employer to require or permit, or to suffer
or permit his overseer, superintendent, foreman or other agent to require
or permit, any person in his employ to work more than eight hours in one
day, or more than forty-eight hours in one week, except in case of extraordinary
emergency caused by fire, flood, or danger to life or property.
YES
NO

4  ABATEMENT OF NUISANCES.   Act submitted to electors by referendum.
Declares nuisance any building or place where acts of lewdness,
assignation or prostitution occur, and general reputation admissible to
prove existence of nuisance; prescribes procedure for abatement thereof;
requires removal and sale of fixtures and movable property used in aid
thereof, closing premises to any use for one year unless court releases
same upon bond of owner; prescribes fees therefor, making same and all
costs payable from proceeds of such sale, requiring sale of premises to
satisfy any deficiency; makes fines lien upon interest in premises.
YES
NO

5   INVESTMENT COMPANIES ACT.  Submitted to electors by referendum. 
Creates state corporation department. Authorizes governor to appoint commissioner of corporations who shall employ necessary deputies, fix
their compensation, have control over investment companies and 
investment brokers and power of examination thereof as in state banks;
prohibits issuance of securities before investigation by commissioner,
regulates issuance and sale thereof, taking subscriptions therefor, advertisements
and circulars respecting same; creates fund from official fees
and declares salaries and expenses payable therefrom; provides for
broker's permit and agent's certificate, reports by companies and brokers,
appeal to court from commissioner's decision, and penalties for
violations.
YES 
NO

6 WATER COMMISSION ACT.   Submitted to electors by referendum.
Creates state water commission for control of appropriation and use of
waters; defines rights in riparian and unappropriated waters; prescribes
procedure for investigation of waters and water rights, appropriation
thereof, apportionment of same between claimants, issuance of licenses,
and revocation thereof; declares present rights of municipal corporations
unaffected.
YES
NO

7 LOCAL TAXATION EXEMPTION.    Assembly Constitutional Amendment
7 adding section 8 1/2 to article XIII of constitution. Authorizes any
county or municipality to exempt from taxation for local purposes in
whole or in part, any one or more of following classes of property; improvements
in, on, or over land; shipping; household furniture; livestock;
merchandise; machinery; tools; farming implements; vehicles; 
other personal property except franchises; provides that ordinance or resolution making such exemptions shall be subject to referendum; and
requires that taxes upon property not exempt form taxation shall be
uniform.
YES
NO

8 EXEMPTING VESSELS FROM TAXATION.   Senate Constitutional
Amendment 17 adding section 4 to article XIII of constitution. Exempts
from taxation until and including January 1, 1935, except for state
purposes, all vessels over 50 tons burden, registered at any port in this
state and engaged in transportation of freight or passengers.
YES
NO

9 REGULATING INVESTMENT COMPANIES.  Initiative act authorizing
governor to appoint auditor of investments empowered to employ
deputies and fix their compensation, defining investment companies, 
authorizing examination thereof by auditor and judicial investigation of
their practices, defining securities and prohibiting sale thereof to public,
or taking subscriptions therefor, by such companies before filing with 
auditor their financial statement and description of security, excepting
from act certain companies and individuals, securities thereof and certain
installment securities, regulating advertisements and circulars regarding
securities, creating fund from official fees for salaries and expenses
under act; repeals all laws on subject adopted heretofore or concurrently 
herewith.
YES 
NO

10 ABOLITION OF POLL TAX.   Initiative amendment to section 12 of
article XIII of the constitution. Provides that no poll or head tax for
 any purpose shall be levied or collected in this state.
YES
NO

11 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA BUILDING BOND ACT.   Initiative
measure providing for the issuance and sale of state bonds in the sum of
$1,800,000 to create a fund for the completion and construction of
buildings on the grounds of the University of California in the city of 
Berkeley, said bonds to bear interest at four and one half per cent and to
mature at different period until January 5, 1965.
YES
NO

12 CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTIONS.    Assembly Constitutional
Amendment 88 amending section 2 of article XVIII of constitution.
Present section unchanged except in following particulars: provides that
delegates to constitutional conventions shall be nominated at non-partisan
primary election as prescribed by legislature, those receiving
majority vote thereat being elected, otherwise two highest candidates
(or more if tied) being only candidates at further election; authorizes
legislature to submit for adoption by electors other plans for selecting
delegates; provides that convention shall meet within nine months after...
YES 
NO

19 CONSOLIDATION OF CITY AND
    NEXATION OF CONTIGUOUS 
ment to section 8 1/2 of article XI of
changed except to authorize charte
courts, and control appointments, qua
officers and employees; authorizes cit
consolidate and annex only contiguou
from which annexing territory was fo
rently or subsequently added to terri
idated territory; requires consent of
from which taken; prescribes proced
tion.

20 PRIZE FIGHTS.   Initiative amend
engaging in or furthering in [?] way
exhibitions, training [?] bett
ticipating in or witnessing boxing
Sunday; authorizes regul[?] four-
unless prohibited by ordinance
promote or participate in proh
committing offense; declares self-in
witness; prohibits his prosecution for
viction upon accomplice's uncorr penalties.

21 CITY AND COUNTY CONSOLID
     WITH CONSENT OF ANNEX
amendment to section 8 1/2 of article XI
unchanged except to authorize chart
courts and control appointments, qua
officers and employees; authorizes c
to consolidate under charter and to a
only upon consent of such territory a
tory is taken ; prescribes procedure

22 LAND TITLE LAW.    Initiative act
land titles. Constitutes county reco
procedure for obtaining decree estab
tion; provides for issuance of certifi
transfers, notation of liens, encumb
register and certificates, protection of
fees, and penalties for fraud and for
specting registered land; creates from
tration, title assurance fund held by
sons for loss of any interest in land

23 ELECTIONS BY PLURALITY, PRE
    MARY.    Assembly Constitutional
of article XX of constitution. Declar
or election constitutes choice unless
permits charters framed under consti
ties and general laws for other count
otherwise, or for nomination or electio
candidates at a primary, or for pre
county or municipal primary or othe
providing preferential system of voti

24 ASSEMBLY PAY ROLL EXPENSES.
     men 23 amending section 23a of art
the amount allowed for the total exp
taches of assembly at any regular or
present amount of five hundred doll
per day; makes no other change in op

25 ADOPTION AND AMENDMENT
Assembly Constitutional Amendment
XI of constitution. Authorizes citie
population to adopt charters; presc
preparation thereof by freeholders; r
copies furnished upon application;
method and time for amendment, and
rent amendments one receiving high
charter to confer on municipality al
establish boroughs and confer there
powers.

26 LEGISLATIVE CONTROL OF 
AND DRAINAGE DISTRICTS.
men 47 amending section 13 of artic
tion unchanged but proviso added a
supervision, regulation and conduct
mine, of affairs or irrigation, 
or existing under laws of this state.

27 COUNTY CHARTERS. Assembly Co
ing section 7 1/2 of Article XI of const
except in following particulars: Auth
under to relate to any matters autho
agraph 4 1/2 authorizing such charter
officers of certain municipal function
county incorporated under general 
municipality therein whose charter 
XI so authorizes.

28 REGULATION OF PUBLIC UTIL
Amendment 62 amending section 23
ent section unchanged except in fo
mission given exclusive power to
porated municipalities; such munic
may retain that control over public
sanitary, and other regulations only
mission; omits provision authoriz
themselves with powers so surrend
municipalities to grant public utilit

29 INCORPORATION OF MUNICIPA
Amendment 81 amending section
ent section unchanged except in fol
provide that county officers shall p
cipalities incorporated under gener
termine; municipalities hereafter
heretofore so organized, when emp
legislate respecting municipal affair
in other matters they are subject
may require county officers to pe
general laws or county charte auth









[?ve] had time or opportunity to study the many complicated measures which appear by [?]
November 5 Next, and Save Massachusetts from a Ballot Like This! George B. Churchill Amherst, Mass.
candidates for that office for whom you desire to vote, not to exceed, however, the number of candidates who are to be elected. If the ballot does not contain the names of candidates for all offices for which you may desire to vote, you may vote for candidates for such offices so omitted by writing the name of the candidate for whom
[constitutional?] amendment, stamp a cross (X) in the voting square after the word "Yes" or after the word "No". All marks, except the cross (X) are forbidden. All distinguishing marks or erasures are forbidden and make the ballot void. If you wrongly stamp, tear or deface this ballot, return it to the Inspector of Election and obtain another.

And Township
Vote for One

Vote for One
[olowine]

Vote for One

Questions and Propositions Submitted to Vote of Electors
1
Calling Convention for Revision Of Constitution.
Assembly Concurrent Resolution 17. Recommends that electors vote
for or against a convention for revising the constitution; provides that it
majority vote in favor thereof, the legislature shall at net session provide
for election of delegates to such convention and the holding thereof
at state capitol within three months from date of election calling the
same, and that it shall continue in session until it has completed the
work of revisions and provided for submission thereof to electors.
Yes
No

2
Prohibition. Initiative amendment adding sections 26 and 26 to
article I of the constitution. Prohibits the manufacture, sale, git, or transportations
wholly within the state, of intoxicating liquor; permits any
citizen to enjoin violations; makes the showing that the manufacture,
use, sale, gift or transportations was for medicinal, scientific, mechanical
or sacramental purposes, a defense to civil and criminal actions and requires
regulation by law of such acts for said purposes; prohibits transportation 
into this state of intoxicating liquor unless shown to be for
such purposes, subject, however, to United States laws; prescribes and authorizes penalties.
Yes
No

3
Eight Hour Law. Initiative act adding section 393 1/2 to the Penal
Code, Declares it a misdemeanor, punishable by fine or imprisonment
in county jail or both, for any employer to require or permit, or to suffer
or permit his overseer, superintendent, foreman or other agent to require
or permit, any person in his employ to work more than eight hours in one day, or more than forty-eight hours in one week, except in the case of extraordinary
emergency caused by fire flood, or danger to life or property.
Yes
No

4
Abatement of Nuisances. Act submitted to electors by referendum.
Declares nuisance any building or place where acts of lewdness,
assignation or prostitution occur, and general reputation admissible to
prove existence of nuisance; prescribes procedure for abatement thereof;
requires removal and sale of fixtures and movable property used in aid
thereof, closing premises to any use for one year unless courty releases
same upon bond of owner; prescribes fees therefor, making same and all costs payable from proceeds of such sale, requiring sale of premises to
satisfy any deficiency; makes fines lien upon interest in premises.
Yes
No

5
Investment Companies Act. Submitted to electors by referendum.
Creates state corporation department. Authorizes governor to
appoint commissioner of corporations who shall employ necessary deputies,
fix their compensation, have control over investment companies and
investment brokers and power of examinations thereof as in state banks;
prohibits issuance of securities before investigation by commissioner,
regulates issuances and sale thereof, taking subscriptions therefor, advertisements
and circulars respecting same; creates fund from official fees
and declares salaries and expenses payable therefrom; provides for
broker's permit and agent's certificate, reports by companies and brokers, 
appeal to court from commissioner's decisions, and penalties for
violations.
Yes
No

6
Water Commission Act. Submitted to the electors by referendum
Creates state water commission for control of appropriation and use of
waters; defines right in the riparian and unappropriated waters; prescribes
procedure for investigation of waters and water rights, appropriation
thereof, apportionment of same between claimants, issuance of licenses,
and revocation thereof; declares present right of municipal corporations
unaffected.
Yes
No

7
Local Taxation Exemption. Assembly Constitutional Amendment
7 adding section 8 1/2 to article XIII of constitution. Authorizes any
county or municipality to expect from taxation for local purposes in
whole or in part, any one or more of the following classes of property; improvements
in, on, or over land; shipping; household furniture; live
stock; merchandise; machinery; tools; farming implements; vehicles;
other personal property except franchises; provides that ordinance or
resolution making such extensions shall be subject to referendum; and
requires that taxes upon property not exempt from taxation shall be 
uniform.
Yes
No

8
Exempting Vessels From Taxation. Senate Constitutional
Amendment 17 adding section 4 to article XIII of constitution. Exempts
from taxation until and including January 1, 1935, except for state
purposes, all vessels over 50 tons burden, registered at any port in this
state and engaged in transportation of freight or passengers.
Yes
No

9
Regulating Investment Companies. Initiative act authorizing
governor to appoint auditor of investments empowered to employ
deputies and fix their compensation, defining investments companies,
authorizing examination thereof by auditor and judicial investigation of
their practices, defining securities and prohibiting sale thereof to public,
or taking subscription therefor, by such companies before filing with
auditor their financial statement and description of security, excepting
from act certain companies and individuals, securities thereof and certain
installment securities, regulating advertisements and circulars regrading
securities, creating fund from official fees for salaries and expenses under act; repeals all laws on subject adopted heretofore or concurrently
herewith.
Yes
No

10
Abolition of Poll Tax. initiative amendment to section 12 of 
article XIII of the constitution. Provides that no poll or head tax for 
any purpose shall be levied or collected in this state.
Yes
No

11
University of California Building Bond Act. Initiative
measure providing for the issuance and sale of state bonds in the sum of
$1,800,000 to create a fund for the completion and construction of
buildings in the ground of the University of California in the city of
Berkeley, said bond to bear interest at four and one half per cent and to
mature at different periods until January 5, 1965
Yes
No

12
Constitutional Conventions. Assembly Constitutional
Amendment 88 amending section 2 or article XVIII of constitution.
Present section unchanged except in the following particulars: provides that delegates to constitutional conventions shall be nominated at non-partisian
primary election as prescribed by legislature, those receiving 
majority vote thereat being elected, otherwise two highest candidates
(or more if tied) being only candidates at further election; authorizes
legislature to submit for adoption by electors other plans for selecting
delegates; provides that convention shall meet within nine months after
[?]
Yes
No

19 
Consolidation of City and County, And Limited Annexation
Of Contiguous Territory. Initiative amendment
to section 8 1/2 of article XI of constitution. Present section unchanged
except to authorize chartered cities to establish municipal 
courts, and control appointments, qualifications and tenure of municipal
offices and employees; authorizes cities exceeding 50,00 population to
consolidate and annex only contiguous territory included within county
from which annexing territory was formed on consolidation, or concurrently
or subsequently added to territory excluded from original consolidated
territory; requires consent of annexed territory and of county
from which taken' prescribes procedure for consolidation and annexation.
Yes
No

20
Prize Fights
Initiative amending Penal Code. Prohibits the
engaging in or furthering in [?] way prize fights or remunerative boxing
exhibitions training [?] better thereon; the conduction participating
in or witnessing [?] boxing exhibition of Memorial Day or
Sunday' authorizes reg[?] four round amateru boxing exhibitions
unless prohibited by ordinar[?] provides for arrest of persons about to
promote or participate in [?] contests and requires bond against
committing offense; declares self-incrimination no disqualification of
witness; prohibits his prosecution for offense disclosed; authorizes conviction
upon accomplice's uncorroborated testimony; prescribes
penalties
Yes
No

21
City and County Consolidation and Annexation 
With Consent of Annexed Territory. Initiative
amendment to section 8 1/2 of article XI of constitution. Present section
unchanged except to authorize chartered cities to establish municipal
courts and control appointments, qualifications and tenure of municipal
officers and employees; authorizes cities exceeding 175,000 population to consolidate under charter and to annex any contiguous territory, but
only upon consent of such territory and of county from which such territory
is taken; prescribes procedure for consolidation and annexation.
Yes
No

22
Land Title Law. Initiative act amending act for certification of
land titles. Constitutes county recorders registrars of title; prescribes
procedure for obtaining decree establishing title and ordering registration;
provides for issuance of certificates of title, method of effecting
transfers, notation of liens, encumbrances and charges, correction of
register and certificates, protection of bona fide purchasers, registration
fees, and penalties for fraud and forgeries; regulates translation respecting
registered land; creates from certain fees, paid on original registration,
title assurance fund held by state treasurer to indemnify persons
for loss of any interest in land through operation of act. 
Yes
No

23
Elections by PLurality, Preferential Vote and Primary
Assembly Constitutional Amendment 19 amending section 13
of article XX of constitution. Declares plurality of votes at any primary
of election constitutes choi[?] unless constitution otherwise provides;
permits charters framed under constitution for counties or municipalities
and general laws for other counties and municipalities to provide
otherwise, or a nomination or election, or both, of all or any portion of
candidates at a primary, or for preferential system of voting at any
 county of municipal primary or other election; authorizes general laws
providing preferential system of voting at any other primary.
Yes
No

24
Assembly Payroll Expenses. Assembly Constitutional Amendment
23 amending section 23a of article IV of constitution. Increases
the amount allowed for the total expense for officers, employees and attachés
of assembly at any regular or biennial session of legislature from
present amount of five hundred dollars per day to six hundred dollars
per day; makes no other change in operation of present section.
Yes
No

25
Adoption and Amendment of Municipal Charters.
Assembly Constitutional Amendment 25 amending section 8 of article
XI of the constitution. Authorizes cities of more than thirty-five hundred
population to adopt charters; prescribes method therefor, and time for preparation thereof by freeholders; requires but one publication thereof,
copies furnished upon application; provides for approval by legislature,
method and time for amendment, and that of several conflicting concurrent
amendments one receiving highest vote shall prevail; authorizes
charter to confer on municipality all powers over municipal affairs, to
establish boroughs and confer thereon general and special municipal
powers.
Yes
No

26
Legislative Control Of Irrigation, Reclamation
And Drainage Districts. Assembly Constitutional Amendment
47 amending section 13 of article XI of constitution. Present section
unchanged but proviso added authorizing legislature to provide for
supervision, regulation and conduct, in such manner as it may determine,
of affairs or irrigation, reclamations or drainage districts, organized
or existing under laws of this state.
Yes
No

27
County Charters. Assembly Constitutional Amendment 6p amending
section 7 1/2 of Article XI of the constitution. Present section unchanged
except in the following particulars: Authorizes country charter framed thereunder
to relate to any matters authorized by constitution and adds paragraph
4 1/2 authorizing such charter to provide for discharge by county
officers of certain municipal functions of any municipality within said county incorporated under general laws which so authorize, or of any
municipality therein whose charter framed under section 8 of Article
XI so authorizes.
Yes
No

28
Regulation of Public Utilities. Assembly Constitutional 
Amendment 62 amending section 23 or article XII of constitution. Present
section unchanged except in following particulars: Railroad commission
given exclusive power to fix public utility rates in all incorporated
municipalities; such municipalities, by vote of electors thereof,
may retain that control over public utilities which relates to local, police,
sanitary, and other regulations only, or surrender same to railroad commission; omits provision authorizing such municipalities to reinvest
themselves with powers so surrendered; declares right of incorporated
municipalities to grant public utility franchises not affected by section.
Yes
No

29
Incorporation of Municipalities. Assembly Constitutional
Amendment 81 amending section 6 of article XI of constitution. Present
section unchanged except in following particulars: Legislatures may
provide that country officers shall perform municipal functions of municipalities
incorporated under general laws when electors thereof so determine;
municipalities hereafter organized under charters and those
heretofore so organized, when empowered by charter amendment, may
legislate respecting municipal affairs, subject only to charter restriction;
in other matters they are subject to general laws; municipal charters 
may require county officers to perform municipal functions whenever
general laws or county charter authorize such performance.
Yes
No

For The San Francisco State Building Act. This act provides
for the issuance and sale of state bonds to create a fund for the construction,
erection, equipment, completion and furnishing of a state
building or buildings upon a lot of land in the city and county of San
Francisco, to be used by the officers and departments of the state which
are located in said city and county of San Francisco.
36
Against The San Francisco State Building Act. This
act provides for the issuance and sale of state bonds to create a fund for
the construction, erection, equipment, completion and furnishing of a state
building or buildings upon a lot of land in the city and county of San
Francisco, to be used by the officers and departments of the state which
are located in said city and county of San Francisco.

For The State Fair Grounds Bonds. This act provides for
the issuance and sale of state bonds in the sum of $750,000 for improvement
of the state fair grounds at Sacramento, payable in fifty years,
and bearing interest at four per cent.
37
Against The State Fair Grounds Bonds.

38
Los Angeles State Building Bonds. Initiative act providing
for the issuance and sale of state bonds in the sum of $1,250,000 to create
a fund for the acquisition of a site in the city of Los Angeles, for the
construction thereon of a state building and for equipment thereof to be
used by the officers and departments of the state maintaining offices in
said city, said bonds to bear interest at four per cent and to mature at 
different periods until July 2, 1965.
Yes
No

39
Suspension of Prohibition Amendment. Initiative amendment
adding section 26a to article I of constitution. Provides that if 
proposed amendment adding sections 26 and 27 to article I of constitution
relating to manufacture, sale, gift, use and transportation of intoxicating
liquors be adopted, the force and effect of section 26 shall be
suspended until February 15, 1915, an that, as to the manufacture and
transportation for delivery at points outside of state only, it shall be
suspended until January 1, 1916, at which time section 26 shall have full force and effect.
Yes
No

40
Extra Sessions of District Courts of Appeal. Assembly
Constitutional Amendment 32 adding section 4a to article Vi of constitution.
Authorizes governor to call extra sessions of district courts of
appeal; requires such call when requested by chief justice of supreme
court or presiding justice of district court of appeal; providers that governor,
chief justice and presiding justice shall each select on of the three
judges of such sessions from judges of any district court of appeal or
superior court who shall serve without further compensation; provides
for assignment of causes thereto, jurisdiction thereof, and termination
of such session.
Yes
No

42
Miscarriage of Justice. Senate Constitutional Amendment 12
amending section 4 1.2 of article VI of constitution. Omits from present
section word "criminal," thereby providing that no judgment shall be 
set aside or new trial granted in any case, civil or criminal, for misdirection
of jury of improper admission or rejection of evidence, or for any
error as to any matter of pleading or procedure, unless after examination
of entire cause, including the evidence, court is of opinion that error complained
of resulted in miscarriage of justice.

43
Exempting Educational Institutions From Taxation.
Senate Constitutional Amendment 15 adding section 1a to article XIII
of constitution. Exempts from taxation buildings, grounds within which
same are located not exceeding one hundred acres, equipment, securities
and income used exclusively for educational purposes, of any educational
institution of collegiate grade within this state not conducted for profit.
Yes
No

44
Minimum Wage. Assembly Constitution Amendment 90 adding
section 17 1/2 to article XX of constitution. Authorizes legislature to provide
for establishment of minimum wage for women and minors, and for
comfort, health, safety and general welfare of any and all employees;
declares that no constitutional provision shall be construed as limiting
authority of legislature to confer upon any commission now or hereafter
created such power as legislature deems requisite to accomplish provisions
of this section.
Yes
No

45
One Day Rest in Seven. Initiative act prohibiting, except in
cases of urgent emergency the working for wages, or requiring or
employing any person to work, more than six days or forty-eight hours a
week, the keeping open or operating certain places of business or selling
property on Sunday; declares Sunday provisions of act inapplicable to
works of necessity, or to member of religious society which observes another day as day of worship and who on such day keeps his place of
business closed and does not work for gain; declares violation of act
misdemeanor and prescribes penalties.
Yes
No

46
Drugless Practice. Initiative act creating state board for drugless
physicians, with office in Oakland, creating fund from fees for members' and employees' salaries and expenses, regulation examinations and issuance
of certificates. Authorizes holders thereof to treat all physical or
mental ailments of human beings without drugs or medicine, use "Doctor,"
"Dr." or "D.P." in connection with "Drugless Physician," and
sign birth and death certificates. Exempts from examination any person
Yes











FRANK C. JORDAN, Republican, Democratic
ETHEL LYNN, Socialist
F. J. O'BRIEN, Progressive 
GABRELLA T. STICKNEY, Prohibition 

Controller  Vote for One
A. E. BRIGGS, Socialist
JOHN S. CHAMBERS, Progressive, Republican, Democratic 
HORACE A. JOHNSON, Prohibition 

Treasurer  Vote for One
FRIEND WM. RICHARDSON, Progressive, Republican, Democratic 
ALBERT S. SPAULDING, Prohibition 
GEORGE W. WOODBEY, Socialist 

Attorney General  Vote for One
JAMES H. BLANCHARD, Prohibition 
WALTER R. DUNN, Socialist
U. S. WEBB, Progressive, Republican, Democratic 

Surveyor General  Vote for One
JOHN H. KENDALL, Prohibition 
WILLIAM S. KINGSBURY, Progressive, Democratic 
FRANK E. WRIGHT, Republican 

Member State Board Of Equalization, Fourth District  Vote for One
JEFF McELVAINE, Republican 
H. G. CATTELL, Progressive, Prohibition 

LEGISLATIVE 

State Senator, Thirty-sixth Senatorial District  Vote for One
WILLIAM J. CARR, Progressive 
J. NELSON NEVIUS, Democratic
PATRICK H. QUINN, Socialist
RUPERT B. TURNBULL, Republican 
GEORGE S. YARNALL, Prohibition 

Member of the Assembly, Sixty-first District  Vote for One
ENOCH A. HOLTWICK, Prohibition
ESTELLE LAWTON LINDSEY, Socialist
FRANK A. McDONALD, Republican 
FRANK L. MUHLEMAN, Democratic 
HARRY A. WISHARD, Progressive

JUDICIAL 

Chief Justice of the Supreme Court (Full Term)  Vote for One 
FRANK M. ANGELLOTTI 
WILLIAM M. CONLEY

Chief Justice of the Supreme Court (Short Term)  Vote for One

Associate Justices of the Supreme Court  Vote for Two
WILLIAM P. JAMES
WILLIAM P. LAWLOR
JOHN D. MURPHEY 
LUCIEN SHAW

LESLIE R. HEWITT
GRANT JACKSON
STEPHEN G. LONG
ELMER R. McDOWELL
CHARLES MONROE
CHARLES O. MORGAN
WILLIS I. MORRISON
LOUIS W. MYERS
SIDNEY N. REEVE
JOHN W. SHENK
FRED H. TAFT
CURTIS D. WILBUR
FRANK R. WILLIS
LEWIS R. WORKS

Judge of the Superior Court (Short Term)  Vote for One
CURTIS C. LEGERTON

6 
Creates state water commission for control of appropriation and use of
waters; defines rights in riparian and unappropriated waters; prescribes
procedure for investigation of waters and water rights, appropriation
thereof, apportionment of same between claimants, issuance of licenses,
and revocation thereof; declares present rights of municipal corporations
unaffected.
YES     NO

7
LOCAL TAXATION EXEMPTION. Assembly Constitutional Amendment 
7 adding section 8 1/2 to article XIII of constitution. Authorizes any
county or municipality to exempt from taxation for local purposes in
whole or in part, any one or more of following class pf property; improvements 
in, on, or over land; shipping; household furniture; live
stock; merchandise; machinery; tools; farming implements; vehicles;
other personal property except franchises; provides that ordinance or
resolution making such exemptions shall be subject to referendum; and
requires that taxes upon property not exempt from taxation shall be
uniform.
YES     NO

8
EXEMPTING VESSELS FROM TAXATION.  Senate Constitutional
Amendment 17 adding section 4 to article XVIII of constitution. Exempts 
from taxation until and including January 1, 1935, except for state
purposes, all vessels over 50 tons burden, registered at any port in this
state and engaged in transportation of freight or passengers.
YES     NO

9
REGULATING INVESTMENT COMPANIES. Initiative act authorizing 
governor to appoint auditor of investments empowered to employ
deputies and fix their compensation, defining investment companies,
authorizing examination thereof by auditor and judicial investigation of
their practices, defining securities and prohibiting sales thereof to public,
or taking subscriptions therefor, by such companies before filing with
auditor their financial statement and description of security, excepting
from act certain companies and individuals, securities thereof and certain 
installment securities, regulating advertisements and circulars regarding 
securities, creating fund from official fees for salaries and expenses 
under act; repeals all laws on subject adopted heretofore or concurrently 
herewith.
YES     NO

10
ABOLITION OF POLL TAX. Initiative amendment to section 12 of
article XIII of the constitution. Provides that no poll or head tax for
any purpose shall be levied or collected in this state.
YES     NO

11
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA BUILDING BOND ACT. Initiative
measure providing for the issuance and sale of state bonds in the sum of
$1,800,000 to create a fund for the completion and construction of
buildings on the grounds of the University of California in the city of
Berkeley, said bonds to bear interest at four and one half per cent and to
mature at different periods until January 5, 1965.
YES     NO

12 
CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTIONS. Assembly Constitutional 
Amendment 99  amending section 2 of article XVIII of constitution.
Present section unchanged except in following particulars: provides that
delegates to constitutional conventions shall be nominated at non-partisan 
primary election as prescribed by legislature, those receiving
majority vote thereat being elected, otherwise two highest candidates
(of more if tied) being only candidates at further election; authorizes
legislature to submit for adoption by electors other plans for selecting
election, and may submit new constitution or amendments or revisions
of that existing, as alternative propositions or otherwise.
YES     NO

13
QUALIFICATION OF VOTERS AT BOND ELECTION.  Initiative
amendment adding section 7 to article II of constitution. Provides that
no elector may vote on question by incurring bonded indebtedness of
state or political subdivision thereof, unless he is owner of property taxable 
for payment of such indebtedness and assessed to him on last assessment 
roll.
YES     NO

14
VOTING BY ABSENT ELECTORS. Initiative act providing for issuance 
of certificate of identification and ballot to voters who will be absent 
from home precincts on election day; provides that upon presentation 
by elector of such certificate and ballot in sealed envelope to judge of
polls where registered, such elector may mark said ballot in secret, judge
to mail same to county clerk where voter registered; prescribes form of
certificate and canvass of ballots; authorizes elector to vote at home precinct 
upon surrender of certificate and ballot.
YES     NO

15
DEPOSIT OF PUBLIC MONEYS. Initiative amendment to section
16 1/2 of article XI of constitution. Present section unchanged except in
following particulars: Authorizes banks in which public moneys are deposited 
to furnish, as security, bonds of districts within municipalities, or
of a corporation qualified to act as sole surety on bonds or undertakings,
to an amount in value, or with a penalty, of at least ten percent over
amount of deposit; provides that no deposit under section shall exceed
at any time fifty per cent of paid up capital and surplus of depository
bank.
YES     NO

16
CONDEMNATION FOR PUBLIC PURPOSES. Senate Constitutional
Amendment 16 adding section 20 to article XI of constitution, Authorizes 
state, county or municipality to condemn neighboring property
within its limits additional to that actually intended for proposed improvement; declares same taken for public use; defines estate therein
and manner of dealing therewith to further such improvement; permits
county or municipality to condemn lands within ten miles beyond its
boundaries for certain public purposes, with consent of other county or
municipality if such lands lie therein; requires terms of condemnation,
lease or disposal of such additional property to be prescribed by law.
YES     NO

17
EXPOSITION CONTRIBUTION BY ALAMEDA COUNTY. Senate
Constitutional Amendment 34 amending section 18 of article XI of constitution. Present section unchanged but proviso added authorizing
Alameda county, at election therefor, to incur bonded indebtedness not
exceeding $1,000,000, bearing interest not exceeding five per cent, bonds
redeemable within forty years and salable at not less than par, proceeds
payable on terms fixed by supervisors to Panama-Pacific International
Exposition Company for exposition in San Francisco; authorizing
special tax upon all taxable property in Alameda county to pay interest
and create sinking fund for payment of said bonds.
YES     NO

18
NON-SALE OF GAME. Act amending Penal Code Section 626k, submitted 
to electors by referendum  Declares the buying, selling, shipping,
offering or exposing for sale, trade or shipment, of any wild game, bird,
or animal (except rabbits and wild geese), protected by law and mentioned 
in part I, title XV, chapter I of Penal Code, or the dead body of
the same, or any part thereof, a misdemeanor; prescribes punishment
therefor; and declares section does not prohibit sale of wild duck from
November 1st to December 1st of same year.
YES     NO


candidates at a primary, or for preferential system of voting at any
county or municipal primary or other election; authorizes general laws
providing preferential system of voting at any other primary.
NO

24 
ASSEMBLY PAY ROLL EXPENSES. Assembly Constitutional Amendment 
23 amending section 23a of article IV of constitution. Increases
the amount allowed for the total expense for officers, employees and attachés 
of assembly at any regular or biennial session of legislature from
present amount of five hundred dollars per day to six hundred dollars
per day; makes no other change in operation of present section.
YES    NO

25
ADOPTION AND AMENDMENT OF MUNICIPAL CHARTERS.
Assembly Constitutional Amendment 25 amending section 8 of article
XI of constitution. Authorizes cities of more than thirty-five hundred
population to adopt charters; prescribes method therefor, and time for
preparation thereof by freeholders; requires but one publication thereof,
copies furnished upon application; provides for approval by legislature,
method and time for amendment, and that of several conflicting concurrent amendments one receiving highest vote shall prevail; authorizes
charter to confer on municipality all powers over municipal affairs, to
establish boroughs and confer thereon general and special municipal
powers.
YES    NO

26
LEGISLATIVE CONTROL OF IRRIGATION, RECLAMATION
AND DRAINAGE DISTRICTS. Assembly Constitutional Amendment 
47 amending section 13 of article XI of constitution. Present section 
unchanged but proviso added authorizing legislature to provide for
supervision, regulation and conduct, in such manner as it may determine, 
of affairs of irrigation, reclamation or drainage districts, organized
or existing under laws of this state.
YES    NO

27
COUNTY CHARTERS. Assembly Constitutional Amendment 60 amending 
section 7 1/2 of Article XI of constitution. Present section unchanged
except in following particulars: authorizes county charter framed thereunder 
to relate to any matters authorized by constitution, and adds paragraph 
4 1/2 authorizing such charter to provide for discharge by county
officers of certain municipal functions of any municipality within said
county incorporated under general laws which so authorize, or of any
municipality therein whose charter framed under section 8 of Article
XI so authorizes.
YES    NO

28
REGULATION OF PUBIC UTILITIES. Assembly Constitutional
Amendment 62 amending section 23 of article XII of constitution. Present 
section unchanged except in following particulars: Railroad commission 
given exclusive power to fix public utility rates in all incorporated 
municipalities; such municipalities, by vote of electors thereof,
may retain that control over public utilities which relates to local, police,
sanitary, and other regulations only, or surrender same to railroad commission; 
omits provision authorizing such municipalities to reinvest
themselves with powers so surrendered; declares right of incorporated
municipalities to grant public utility franchises not affected by section.
YES    NO

29
INCORPORATION OF MUNICIPALITIES. Assembly Constitutional
Amendment 81 amending section 6 of article XI of constitution. Present 
section unchanged except in following particulars: Legislature may
provide that county officers shall perform municipal functions of municipalities incorporated under general laws when electors thereof so determine; 
municipalities hereafter organized under charters, and those
heretofore so organized, when empowered by charter amendment, may
legislate respecting municipal affairs, subject only to charter restrictions;
in other matters they are subject to general laws; municipal charters
may require county officers to perform municipal functions whenever
general laws or county charter authorize such performance.
YES    NO

30
IRRIGATION DISTRICTS CONTROLLING INTERNATIONAL
WATER SYSTEMS. Assemble Constitutional Amendment 84 amending 
section 31 of article IV. Present section unchanged, but proviso
added authorizing irrigation districts, for purpose of acquiring control of
any entire international water system situated partly in the United States
and partly in foreign country, and necessary for its use and purpose, to
acquire, in manner authorized by law, the stock of any foreign corporation 
which owns or holds  title to the part thereof situated in a foreign
country.
YES    NO

31
VALUATION OF CONDEMNED PUBLIC UTILITIES BY RAILROAD 
COMMISSION. Assembly Constitutional Amendment 87 adding 
section 23a to article XII of constitution. Authorizes railroad commission 
to exercise such power as shall be conferred upon it by legislature
to fix compensation paid for property of pubic utility condemned by
state, county, municipality or municipal water district; declares right
of legislature to confer such powers upon railroad commission to be
plenary and unlimited by any constitutional provision; and confirms
all acts of legislature in accordance herewith heretofore adopted.
YES    NO

32
ELECTION OF UNITED STATES SENATORS. Assembly Constitutional 
Amendment 92 amending section 20 of article V of constitution.
Eliminates provisions of present section prohibiting governor from being
elected United States senator during his term of office, and instead provides 
that such senators shall be elected by the people of the state in the
manner provided by aw.
YES    NO

33
PUBLIC UTILITIES IN MUNICIPALITIES. Senate Constitutional
Amendment 53 amending section 19 of article XI of constitution.
Authorizes any municipal corporation to acquire and operate public
utilities; to grant franchise to operate same under regulations prescribed 
by its organic law or otherwise by law; but eliminates from present 
section provisions authorizing municipal government to regulate
charges for services under such franchises; and authorizes municipal corporation 
to furnish the product or service of public utility operated by it
to users beyond its limits, to other municipalities, and to inhabitants
thereof without consent of such municipalities.
YES    NO

34
TAXATION OF PUBLIC PROPERTY. Assembly Constitutional
Amendment 6 amending section 1 of article XIII of constitution. Present 
section unchanged but proviso added declaring taxable all lands and
improvements thereon owned beyond its limits by a county or municipal
corporation, if taxable at the time acquired by it; exempting improvements constructed by such owner upon any of its lands; and declaring
all such taxable property assessable by assessor of county or municipal
corporation where situated, subject to review and adjustment by state
board of equalization.
YES    NO

35
SACRAMENTO STATE BUILDING BONDS.
FOR THE STATE'S BUILDINGS BONDS. This act provides for the
issuance and sale of state bonds in the sum of $3,000,000 for additional
state buildings in Sacramento, payable in fifty years, and bearing interest 
at four per cent.

AGAINST THE STATE BUILDINGS BONDS.

6 
WATER COMMISSION
Creates state water commission for control of appropriation and use of 
waters; defines rights in riparian and unappropriated waters; prescribes 
procedure for investigation of waters and water rights, appropriation 
thereof, apportionment of same between claimants, issuance of licenses, 
and revocation thereof; declares present rights of municipal corporations 
unaffected.
YES    NO

7 
LOCAL TAXATION EXEMPTION. Assembly Constitutional Amendment 
7 adding section 8 1/2 to article XIII of constitution. Authorizes any 
county or municipally to exempt from taxation for local purposes in 
whole or in part, any one or more of following classes of property; improvements
in, on, or over land; shipping; household furniture; live 
stock; merchandise; machinery; tools; farming implements; vehicles; 
other personal property except franchises; provides that ordinance or 
resolution making such exemptions shall be subject to referendum; and 
requires that taxes upon property not exempt from taxation shall be 
uniform.
YES    NO

8 
EXEMPTING VESSELS FROM TAXATION. Senate Constitutional 
Amendment 17 adding section 4 to article XIII of constitution. Exempts 
from taxation until and including January 1, 1935, except for state 
purposes, all vessels over 50 tons burden, registered at any port in this 
state and engaged in transportation of freight or passengers.
YES    NO

9 
REGULATING INVESTMENT COMPANIES. Initiative act authorizing 
governor to appoint auditor of investments empowered to employ 
deputies and fix their compensation, defining investment companies, 
authorizing examination thereof by auditor and judicial investigation of 
their practices, defining securities and prohibiting sale thereof to public, 
or taking subscriptions therefor, but such companies before filing with 
auditor their financial statement and description of security, excepting 
from act certain companies and individuals, securities thereof and certain 
installment securities, regulating advertisements and circulars regarding 
securities, creating fund from official fees for salaries and expenses 
under act; repeals all laws on subject adopted heretofore or concurrently 
herewith.
YES    NO

10 
ABOLITION OF POLL TAX. Initiative amendment to section 12 of 
article XIII of the constitution. Provides that no poll or head tax for 
any purpose shall be levied or collected in this state.
YES    NO

11 
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA BUILDING BOND ACT. Initiative 
measure providing for the issuance and sale of state bonds in the sum of 
$1,800,000 to create a fund for the completion and construction of 
buildings on the grounds of the University of California in the city of 
Berkeley, said bonds to bear interest at four and one half per cent and to 
mature at different periods until January 5, 1965.
YES    NO

12 
CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTIONS. Assembly Constitutional 
Amendment 88 amending section 2 of article XVIII of constitution. 
Present section unchanged except in following particulars: provides that 
delegates to constitutional conventions shall be nominated at non-partisan 
primary election as prescribed by legislature, those receiving 
majority vote thereat being elected, otherwise two highest candidates 
(or more if tied) being only candidates at further election; authorizes 
legislature to submit for adoption by electors other plans for selecting 
delegates; provides that convention shall meet within nine months after 
election, and may submit new constitution or amendments or revisions 
of that existing, as alternative propositions or otherwise.
YES    NO

13 
QUALIFICATION OF VOTERS AT BOND ELECTIONS. Initiative 
amendment adding section 7 to article II of constitution. Provides that 
no elector may vote on question of incurring bonded indebtedness of 
state or political subdivision thereof, unless he is owner of property taxable 
for payment of such indebtedness and assessed to him on last assessment 
roll.
YES    NO

14 
VOTING BY ABSENT ELECTORS. Initiative act providing for issuance 
of certificate of identification and ballot to voters who will be absent 
from home precincts on election day; provides that upon presentation 
by elector of such certificate and ballot in sealed envelope to judge of 
election on election day at polls in any precinct more than ten miles from 
polls where registered, such elector may mark said ballot in secret, judge 
to mail same to county clerk where voter registered; prescribes form of 
certificate and canvass of ballots; authorizes elector to vote at home precinct 
upon surrender of certificate and ballot.
YES    NO

15 
DEPOSIT OF PUBLIC MONEYS. Initiative amendment to section 
16 1/2 of article XI of constitution. Present section unchanged except in 
following particulars: Authorizes banks in which public moneys are deposited 
to furnish, as security, bonds of districts within municipalities, or 
of a corporation qualified to act as sole surety on bonds of undertakings, 
to an amount in value, or with a penalty, of at least ten per cent over 
amount of deposit; provides that no deposit under section shall exceed 
at any time fifty per cent of paid up capital and surplus of depository 
bank.
YES    NO

16 
CONDEMNATION FOR PUBLIC PURPOSES. Senate Constitutional 
Amendment 16 adding section 20 to article XI of constitution. Authorizes 
state, county or municipality to condemn neighboring property 
within its limits additional to that actually intended for proposed improvement; declares same taken for public use; defines estate therein 
and manner of dealing therewith to further such improvement; permits 
county or municipality to condemn lands within ten miles beyond its 
boundaries for certain public purposes, with consent of other county or 
municipality if such lands lie therein; requires terms of condemnation, 
lease or disposal of such additional property to be prescribed by law.
YES    NO

17 
EXPOSITION CONTRIBUTION BY ALAMEDA COUNTY. Senate 
Constitutional Amendment 34 amending section 18 of article XI of constitution. Present section unchanged but proviso added authorizing 
Alameda county, at election therefor, to incur bonded indebtedness not 
exceeding $1,000,000, bearing interest not exceeding five per cent, bonds redeemable within forty years and salable at not less than par, proceeds 
payable on terms fixed by supervisors to Panama-Pacific International 
Exposition Company for exposition in San Francisco; authorizing 
special tax upon all taxable property in Alameda county to pay interest 
and create sinking fund for payment of said bonds.
YES    NO

18 
NON-SALE OF GAME. Act amending Penal Code Section 626k, submitted 
to electors by referendum  Declares the buying, selling, shipping, 
offering or exposing for sale, trade or shipment, of any wild game, bird, 
or animal (except rabbits and wild geese), protected by law and mentioned 
in part I, title XV, chapter I of Penal Code, or the dead body of 
the same, or any part thereof, a misdemeanor; prescribes punishment 
therefor; and declares section does not prohibit sale of wild duck from 
November 1st to December 1st of same year. 
YES    NO

candidates at a primary, or for preferential system of voting at any 
county or municipal primary or other election; authorizes general laws 
providing preferential system of voting at any other primary.
NO

24 
ASSEMBLY PAY ROLL EXPENSES. Assembly Constitutional Amendment 
23 amending section 23a of article IV of constitution. Increases 
the amount allowed for the total expense for officers, employees and attachés 
of assembly at any regular or biennial session of legislature from 
present amount of five hundred dollars per day to six hundred dollars 
per day; makes no other change in operation of present section.
YES    NO

25 
ADOPTION AND AMENDMENT OF MUNICIPAL CHARTERS. 
Assembly Constitutional Amendment 25 amending section 8 of article 
XI of constitution. Authorizes cities of more than thirty-five hundred 
population to adopt charters; prescribes method therefor, and time for 
preparation thereof by freeholders; requires but one publication thereof, 
copies furnished upon application; provides for approval by legislature, 
method and time for amendment, and that of several conflicting concurrent amendments one receiving highest vote shall prevail; authorizes 
charter to confer on municipality all powers over municipal affairs, to 
establish boroughs and confer thereon general and special municipal 
powers.
YES    NO

26 
LEGISLATIVE CONTROL OF IRRIGATION, RECLAMATION 
AND DRAINAGE DISTRICTS.   Assembly Constitutional Amendment 
47 amending section 13 of article XI of constitution. Present section 
unchanged but proviso added authorizing legislature to provide for 
supervision, regulation and conduct, in such manner as it may determine, 
of affairs of irrigation, reclamation or drainage districts, organized 
or existing under laws of this state.
YES    NO

27
COUNTY CHARTERS. Assembly Constitutional Amendment 60 amending 
section 7 1/2 of Article XI of constitution. Present section unchanged
except in following particulars: Authorizes county charter framed thereunder 
to relate to any matters authorized by constitution, and adds paragraph 
4 1/2 authorizing such charter to provide for discharge by county 
officers of certain municipal functions of any municipality within said 
county incorporated under general laws which so authorize, or of any 
municipality therein whose charter framed under section 8 of Article 
XI so authorizes.
YES    NO

28 
REGULATION OF PUBLIC UTILITIES. Assembly Constitutional 
Amendment 62 amending section 23 of article XII of constitution. Present 
section unchanged except in following particulars: Railroad commission 
given exclusive power to fix public utility rates in all incorporated 
municipalities; such municipalities, by vote of electors thereof, 
may retain that control over public utilities which relates to local, police, 
sanitary, and other regulations only, or surrender same to railroad commission; 
omits provision authorizing such municipalities to reinvest 
themselves with powers so surrendered; declares right of incorporated 
municipalities to grant public utility franchises not affected by section.
YES    NO

29 
INCORPORATION OF MUNICIPALITIES. Assembly Constitutional 
Amendment 81 amending section 6 of article XI of constitution. Present 
section unchanged except in following particulars: Legislature may 
provide that county officers shall perform municipal functions of municipalities incorporated under general laws when electors thereof so determine; 
municipalities hereafter organized under charters, and those 
heretofore so organized, when empowered by charter amendment, may 
legislate respecting municipal affairs, subject only to charter restrictions;
in other matters they are subject to general laws; municipal charters 
may require county officers to perform municipal functions whenever 
general laws or county charter authorize such performance.
YES    NO

30 
IRRIGATION DISTRICTS CONTROLLING INTERNATIONAL 
WATER SYSTEMS. Assembly Constitutional Amendment 84 amending 
section 31 of article IV. Present section unchanged, but proviso 
added authorizing irrigation districts, for purpose of acquiring control of 
any entire international water system situated partly in United States 
and partly in foreign country, and necessary for its use and purposes, to 
acquire, in manner authorized by law, the stock of any foreign corporation 
which owns or holds title to the part thereof situated in a foreign 
county.
YES    NO

31 
VALUATION OF CONDEMNED PUBLIC UTILITIES BY RAILROAD 
COMMISSION. Assembly Constitutional Amendment 87 adding 
section 23a to article XII of constitution. Authorizes railroad commission 
to exercise such power as shall be conferred upon it by legislature 
to fix compensation paid for property of public utility condemned by 
state, county, municipality or municipal water district; declares right 
of legislature to confer such powers upon railroad commission to be 
plenary and unlimited by any constitutional provision; and confirms 
all acts of legislature in accordance herewith heretofore adopted.
YES    NO

32 
ELECTION OF UNITED STATES SENATORS. Assembly Constitutional 
Amendment 92 amending section 20 of article V of constitution. 
Eliminates provisions of present section prohibiting governor from being 
elected United States senator during his term of office, and instead provides 
that such senators shall be elected by the people of the state in the 
manner provided by law.
YES    NO

33 
PUBLIC UTILITIES IN MUNICIPALITIES. Senate Constitutional 
Amendment 53 amending section 19 of article XI of constitution. 
Authorizes any municipal corporation to acquire and operate public 
utilities; to grant franchises to operate same under regulations prescribed 
by its organic law or otherwise by law; but eliminates from present 
section provisions authorizing municipal government to regulate 
charges for services under such franchises; and authorizes municipal corporation 
to furnish the product or service of public utility operated by it 
to users beyond its limits, to other municipalities, and to inhabitants 
thereof without consent of such municipalities.
YES    NO

34 
TAXATION OF PUBLIC PROPERTY. Assembly Constitutional 
Amendment 6 amending section 1 of article XIII of constitution. Present 
section unchanged but proviso added declaring taxable all lands and 
improvements thereon owned beyond its limits by a county or municipal 
corporation, if taxable at the time acquired by it; exempting improvements constructed by such owner upon any of its lands; and declaring 
all such taxable property assessable by assessor of county or municipal 
corporation where situated, subject to review and adjustment by state 
board of equalization.
YES    NO

35 
SACRAMENTO STATE BUILDING BONDS. 
FOR THE STATE'S BUILDINGS BONDS. This act provides for the 
issuance and sale of state bonds in the sum of $3,000,000 for additional 
state buildings in Sacramento, payable in fifty years, and bearing interest 
at four per cent.

AGAINST THE STATE BUILDINGS BONDS.

40 
court or presiding justice of district court of appeal; provides that governor, 
chief justice and presiding justice shall each select one of the three 
judges of such sessions from judges of any district court of appeal or 
superior court who shall serve without further compensation; provides 
for assignment of causes thereto, jurisdiction thereof, and termination 
of such sessions.
YES    NO

41 
MISCARRIAGE OF JUSTICE. Senate Constitutional Amendment 12 
amending section 4 1/2 of article VI of constitution. Omits from present 
section word "criminal," thereby providing that no judgment shall be 
set aside or new trial granted in any case, civil or criminal, for misdirection 
of jury or improper admission or rejection of evidence, or for any 
error as to any matter of pleading or procedure, unless after examination 
of entire cause, including the evidence, court is of opinion that error complained 
of resulted in miscarriage of justice.
YES    NO

42 
PLACE OF PAYMENT OF BONDS AND INTEREST. Senate Constitutional 
Amendment 13 amending section 13 1/2 of article XI of constitution. 
Authorizes any county, municipality, irrigation district or 
other public corporation, issuing bonds under the laws of the state, to 
make same and interest thereon payable at any place or places within or 
outside of United States, and in domestic or foreign money, designated 
therein.
YES    NO

43 
EXEMPTING EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS FROM TAXATION. 
Senate Constitutional Amendment 15 adding section 1a to article XIII 
of constitution. Exempts from taxation buildings, grounds within which 
same are located not exceeding one hundred acres, equipment, securities 
and income used exclusively for educational purposes, of any educational 
institution of collegiate grade within this state not conducted for profit.
YES    NO

44 
MINIMUM WAGE. Assembly Constitutional Amendment 90 adding 
section 17 1/2 to article XX of constitution. Authorizes legislature to provide 
for establishment of minimum wage for women and minors, and for 
comfort, health, safety and general welfare of any and all employees; 
declares that no constitutional provision shall be construed as limiting 
authority of legislature to confer upon any commission now or hereafter 
created such power as legislature deems requisite to accomplish provisions 
of this section.
YES    NO

45 
ONE DAY OF REST IN SEVEN. Initiative act prohibiting, except in 
cases of urgent emergency, the working for wages, or requiring or 
employing any person to work, more than six days or forty-eight hours a 
week, the keeping open or operating certain places of business or selling 
property on Sunday; declares Sunday provisions of act inapplicable to 
works of necessity, or to member of religious society which observes 
another day as day of worship and who on such day keeps his place 
of business closed and does not work for gain; declares violation of act 
misdemeanor and prescribes penalties.
YES    NO

46 
DRUGLESS PRACTICE. Initiative act creating state board for drugless 
physicians, with office in Oakland, creating fund from fees for members' 
and employees' salaries and expenses, regulating examinations and issuance 
of certificates. Authorizes holders thereof to treat all physical or 
mental ailments of human beings without drugs or medicine, use "Doctor," 
"Dr." or "D. P." in connection with "Drugless Physician," and 
sign birth and death certificates. Exempts from examination any person 
practicing any drugless system for six months prior to effective date of 
act. Prescribes penalties for violations of act; and repeals all inconsistent 
provisions of medical act.
YES    NO

47 
PROHIBITION ELECTIONS. Initiative amendment adding section 1 1/2 
to article IV of constitution. Prohibits, for eight years after this election, 
state election on question of prohibiting or permitting transportation 
of intoxicating liquors and any election on question of prohibiting 
or permitting the manufacture or sale thereof; prohibits state election 
or election under local option law or charter upon latter question within 
eight years of like election thereon; declares majority vote in each 
municipality or district at this election upon prohibition amendment to 
article I of constitution, and at any statewide prohibition election hereafter, 
makes same license or non-license territory.
YES    NO

48 
FOR THE SAN FRANCISCO HARBOR IMPROVEMENT ACT OF 
1913. This act provides for the improvement of San Francisco harbor 
and for the payment of all costs thereof out of San Francisco harbor improvement fund.

AGAINST THE SAN FRANCISCO HARBOR IMPROVEMENT ACT 
OF 1913. This act provides for the improvement of San Francisco 
harbor and for the payment of all costs thereof out of the San Francisco 
harbor improvement fund.


Our malt is not made by the TRUST and our prices are not regulated by it, nor are we affiliated with any association
or combination tending to INFLATE the value of malt to the CONSUMER
ADOLPH KEITEL
MALT
18 BROADWAY
TELEPHONE 4953 BROAD
OUR FIELD
CABLE ADDRESS:
KEITELCO
USE: A. B. C.
1890 RIVERSIDE
OR ROBINSON CODES
NEW YORK May 18, 1914
No statements contained in this circular are intended to apply to any particular corporation, corporations
or individuals, except when they are specifically mentioned by name; and, in that event, such statements
should be restricted to the particular paragraphs in which the names may appear. Nor is this circular
published in a spirit of malice, vindictiveness or revenge or to harass or annoy or with the intent to
depress the value of any security.
It is Surprising that Wall Street Schemers Realize
"The Game is Up"?
During the fiscal year ended August 31st, 1912, the price of malt had been boosted to $1.40 per
bushel, basis f. o. b. cars at Chicago, enabling even the most poorly managed "wild- cat" malting
companies to earn a profit.
During the fiscal year ended August 31st, 1913, the price of malt had declined to 70c. per bushel,
basis f. o. b. cars at Chicago. Only the fact that numerous high- priced malt contracts from the previous
fiscal year were carried into the new one, enabled some malting companies to show a small profit.
The present fiscal year, which will end August 31st, next, is claimed to be the poorest on record, the
price of malt having now declined to 54c. per bushel net, basis F. O. B. cars at Chicago, as the result
of heavy over- production. Members of the combine concede the fact that this year's operations will
show a deficit.
I PREDICT THAT THE COMING FISCAL YEAR, COMMENCING SEPTEMBER
1ST NEXT, AND ENDING AUGUST 31ST, 1915, WILL BE THE MOST DISASTROUS
IN THE HISTORY OF THE MALTING INDUSTRY, AND WILL RESULT IN MANY
FAILURES.
TO THE CONSUMER OF MALT:
THE PRESENT MALT SITUATION.
I have received numerous advices during the past week from different parts of the country that
CONTRACTS ARE NOW BEING SOLICITED FREELY BY MEMBERS OF THE COMBINE
FOR THE FUTURE DELIVERY OF NEW MALT, UNTIL DECEMBER 31ST, 1915, AT 54c.
PER BUSHEL, BASIS F. O. B. CARS AT CHICAGO. THIS, BASED UPON THE FREIGHT
TARIFF OF THE COMBINE, IS EQUIVALENT TO 60c. DELIVERED AT NEW YORK, 60 1/2c.
DELIVERED AT BOSTON, 59c. DELIVERED AT PHILADELPHIA AND BALTIMORE, 57c.
DELIVERED AT BUFFALO, PITTSBURGH, CLEVELAND, CINCINNATI, LOUISVILLE
AND DETROIT, AND 63c. DELIVERED AT NEW ORLEANS.
DO NOT CONTRACT AT THE ABOVE PRICES. Remember that the present stocks of malt
on hand are the largest on record; that there exists a tremendous over- production; that many malting
plants have been forced to shut down on account of their inability to dispose of the immense quantities
of malt carried in their own and in private elevators; that AT LEAST 25,000,000 BUSHELS OF
MALT AND 50,000,000 BUSHELS OF MALTING BARLEY WILL HAVE TO BE CARRIED
INTO THE NEW MALTING SEASON, WHICH IS AMPLE TO SUPPLY THE ENTIRE MALT
DEMAND UNTIL THE END OF 1915. Experts estimate that the yield of the new barley crop,
which will be ready for harvesting in about six weeks, will be in excess of 225,000,000 bushels.
BE WISE! CONTINUE THE "BUY- AS- YOU- NEED- IT" POLICY INAUGURATED BY
ME. I STAKE MY LIFE ON MY ABILITY TO FORCE DOWN THE PRICE TO 50c. PER
BUSHEL, BASIS F. O. B. CARS AT CHICAGO, OR EVEN A LOWER FIGURE, AND "BUST"
THE COMBINE.
If it were not for the face that a few misguided brewers foolishly, in the early part of the season,
closed contracts for the future delivery of malt at high prices, you would be able to buy your malt today
at 50c. per bushel. But I am satisfied with the results I have obtained and I am sure all of you
will appreciate what I have done for you.

I desire to assure you further that, no matter what arguments members of the Malting Combine 
may make in favor of higher malt prices during the coming malting season so as to again inveigle you 
into the signing of contracts for future delivery, without which, as I have proven to you time and again, 
it is absolutely and utterly impossible to manipulate the barley crop and the price of malt and barley. 
THE METHODS I AM USING IN CONDUCTING THIS CAMPAIGN WILL BALK ANY AND 
ALL FUTURE ATTEMPTS THAT WILL NO DOUBT BE MADE TO AGAIN BOOST THE 
PRICE TO AN EXORBITANT FIGURE.

I know every move that is made by the Chicago conspirators, and let me tell you that, while for 
good reasons I cannot go into details here, THERE ARE OTHERS WHO, UPON MY INSTIGATION, 
ARE ALSO WATCHING THEM CLOSELY!

PROHIBITION AND WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

Judging from what information I have been able to gather during the past four or five weeks, I 
predict that, unless there is a radical change in the disgraceful manner in which the liquor traffic is 
conducted to-day, the fast growing prohibition and woman suffrage movement will strike the death-blow 
to your industry and that WITHIN TEN YEARS FROM NOW NO BREWERIES WILL BE 
IN OPERATION, EXCEPT IN A VERY FEW LARGE CITIES.

There is no denying the fact that your "friends," the malting interests, stirred up the "hornet's 
nest" when, a few years ago, they sent a representative to Washington, disguised as a "farmer," to 
prove to the Pure Food branch of the Department of Agriculture that the product of many breweries 
has, by the use of substitutes, drugs and chemicals, been adulterated to such an extent that it has become 
a menace to the health of the public.

HOW CAN YOU EXPECT TO FIGHT YOUR ENEMIES SUCCESSFULLY AS LONG AS 
YOU HAVE THE IDEA THAT YOU CAN FOOL THE PEOPLE?
It is not a notorious fact that a number of those very brewers who have in the recent past 
claimed through public speeches and through the press that they have "mended their ways" by shutting 
down on disreputable and disorderly places, are the greatest offenders, and continue, without asking 
any questions, to deliver their product daily to houses of prostitution and other dives—in fact, to 
anybody who has the price?

Is it not a fact that many hotels and other property owned by brewers are run, with their knowledge, 
for disorderly purposes?

I can cite instances where representatives of breweries or managers of their branches were not 
only openly abetting, but actually operated themselves houses of prostitution, and were even engaged 
in white slave traffic. I can also cite instances where brewers and individuals connected with breweries 
have operated gambling houses, and other instances where notorious gamblers are the principal 
owners of breweries.

Two Sundays ago I had occasion to make a call on someone residing on a block known as one of 
the most exclusive residential districts in this City. The only eyesore in the block is the side entrance 
to a large saloon. My attention was called to the stream of drunken hoodlums, as well as unescorted dissolute women, who were constantly entering or leaving the place. I was told that financial offers
 had been made to the lessee of the place to close up the side door because it causes the depreciation 
of all the property in the black, but he steadfastly refused every offer, no doubt holding out for a higher 
rice. The block comprises the homes of some of the most prominent citizens of New York. I do not 
believe that any of them are total abstainers, but they have become the enemy of your industry and you
cannot blame them. This is one of the many thousands and thousands of similar instances in all parts 
of the country that cause irreparable injury to your industry. RESPECTABLE CITIZENS BELIEVE, 
AND JUSTLY SO, THAT THE BREWER HOUSE WHOSE SIGN IS DISPLAYED PROMINENTLY 
IN FRONT OF THE DIVES, AND WHO FREQUENTLY OWNS THE PROPERTY,
 IS THE REAL OFFENDER.

The same Sunday, by the way, I saw keg beer, bearing the label of a well-known brewer, hauled 
through the City in a mineral water wagon. I am sure that I was not the only one who noticed it. 
There is just one way open for you to successfully fight the situation: COMPLY WITH THE
LAW AND MAKE ALL YOUR CUSTOMERS COMPLY WITH THE LAW. Close up their saloons 
by refusing to further supply them with beer, if they do not heed your first warning. WOULD NOT
A SLIGHT DECREASE IN YOUR ANNUAL BEER SALES BE INFINITELY BETTER THAN 
TO BE DRIVEN OUT OF BUSINESS AND LOSING YOUR ENTIRE INVESTMENT?

Establish a BUREAU OF COMPLAINTS in every city where a number of breweries are located. 
Advertise it extensively through the press and let it be within easy access to everyone. GIVE EVERY 
PROPERTY OWNER AND THE PUBLIC IN GENERAL TO UNDERSTAND THAT ANY 
COMPLAINTS THEY MAY HAVE AGAINST SALOONS, OR THEIR OR YOUR EMPLOYEES, 
WILL BE GIVEN PROMPT AND CAREFUL CONSIDERATION AND THAT PROPER 
ACTION WILL BE TAKEN.

When a new customer comes to you, change your first question, "How much beer do you sell?" to 
"WHAT KIND OF A PLACE DO YOU RUN?"

With your permission, I shall continue, at short intervals, to comment further on this, the most 
serious problem that the brewers have ever faced. I want to help you all I can to elevate your great 
industry to such an extent that you will gain the respect of the community, such as brewers enjoy in European countries.
Very sincerely yours,
[?]


Committee
Against Repeal of State Prohibition Enforcement Law
OBJECT: To co-operate in forming everywhere
United Committees of all interested
groups that shall by education and intensive
precinct by precinct organization secure an
overwhelming "No" vote November 4, 1930,
on the question of repealing our State (concurrent)
Law: the law that alone allows our
6,000 State and local police to move adequately
against the very source of our liquor
supply, manufacture and transportation.
Remove it and this burden of enforcement
will be left to 50  Federal Agents and one
Federal Court.

MRS. JULIUS ANDREWS
BROOKLINE

MRS. CHARLES SUMNER BIRD
EAST WALPOLE

MISS ALICE STONE BLACKWELL
DORCHESTER

MISS FLORENCE DAVOL 
TAUNTON

MRS. MARTHA HELEN ELLIOTT
BOSTON

MRS. J. MALCOLM FORBES
MILTON

MRS. WILLIAM TILTON, CHAIRMAN
MISS EUGENIA BROOKS FROTHINGHAM, VICE-CHAIRMAN
MRS. GEORGE WHITING, TREASURER
MRS. RUTH E. NELSON, SECRETARY

MRS. FREDERICK FOSDICK
FITCHBURG

MRS. GRACE MORRISON POOLE
BROCKTON

MRS. CHARLES I. QUIRK
ROXSBURY

MRS. E. TALMADGE ROOT
SOMERVILLE

MRS. ROBERT GOULD SHAW
WELLESLEY

MRS. SAMUEL B. WOODWARD
WORCESTER

Address All Communications to 346  Tremont Building, Boston, Mass.

February 16, 1931

Dear Co-Worker:

The above committee, formed to meet the requirements
of the referendum election la we, must stay in existence
until May 5th, when it automatically dies. This is
according to the election laws, but we need a letter-head
before May 4th, therefore I am going to make reprints of
this letter-head, placing at the top simply the words
"Committee Against Repeal". If you object to this in any
way, will you kindly let me know.

I am going to Washington now for ten days, to meet
there the thirty temperance organizations of the nation and
form policies for the 1932 campaign. I am also asked to meet
with the heads of all the temperance organizations and all the
denominations of the nation. They plan a good- old-fashioned
total abstinence campaign through the churches. We shall want
to digest all that comes from this national meeting and use as
much as possible of their wisdom here in Massachusetts.

On my return I will let you know what is the general
trend of thought among the temperance forces of the nation.
There is no doubt that we are in what Mr. Wickersham calls
"a well financed propaganda to overthrow prohibition". The
forces behind it are very powerful, including not only the
brewers and bankers who want the millions in liquor back, but
powerful eastern politicians who want to get rid of prohibition
because it interferes with their control of Congress.  By
that I mean that the Drys send too many outsiders to Congress.
For example, the Drys sent Hoover to the White House.

It is a complicated situation. No one knows how far
the recession must go before the old idea of total abstinence
and no saloon returns.

Very sincerely,

Elizabeth Tilton

Eliz Tilton


Prohibition
1831 Jacksonian Era - temperance 
movement
1833 American Temperance Union
1846 Maine forbade sale of intoxicating
liquors for beverage purposes
1856 13 states passed laws against sale
of intoxicating liquors
1892 Prohibition Party
1914 9 states adapted state wide
prohibition
1917 2 [3] of states had adopted state
wide prohibition
World War
Because of need for saving
grain, conserving labor, &
protecting naval & military forces
congress adapted Amendment
forbade manufacture
sale transportation of
intoxicating liquor within,
the importation into, or
the exportation from, the U.S.
1919 18th Amendment
1919 Volstead Act
To enforce 18th Amendment
intoxicating - all beverages

containing more than 1/2 of 1% alcohol
Difficulties of enforcement
smugglers
prevention of [errection?] of illicit stills
redistillation of alcohol denatured
for industrial uses
growth of night clubs
bootlegging
1931 Wickersham Commission
1933 21st Amendment
repealed 18th Amendment





The Union Signal 

OFFICIAL OR
NATIONAL WOMAN'S CHRISTIA
Entered as second-class matter at Evanston, Illinois, Under Act of March, 1879

VOLUME LVIII                        EVANSTON, ILLINOIS, AUGUST 27 1932              NUMBER 33


NATIONAL PRESIDENT'S STATEMENT ON 
PRESIDENT HOOVER'S SPEECH 
OF ACCEPTANCE

I am glad that Mr. Hoover states that the first duty of the President is to 
enforce the laws as they exist; and that he announces he will continue to 
do so to the best of his ability. 

The difficulties of enforcement are many, but the statistics of the Department 
of Justice and the Treasury bear witness to increasing efficiency in 
enforcement, while the Department of Commerce testifies to the economic 
and social benefits of prohibition. 

The drys recognize the importance of state cooperation, but it is the 
opponents of national prohibition who are seeking to repeal state laws 
and who are crippling law enforcement. Laws should not be changed at 
the demand of law violators. 

The proposed amendment which would in effect repeal the Eighteenth 
Amendment and destroy national prohibition would give states the right 
to deal with the problem as they see fit. It will not solve the problem, but 
will create new problems even more difficult. The amendment suggested 
plans for a destructive change. 

American statesmanship cannot work out a solution that will be effective 
which will make this country part wet and part dry. The proposed plan 
will be opposed by the dry forces every step of the way. 
                                                                                                                                      —ELLA A. BOOLE
REPORT OF THE NATIONAL W. C. T. U. CONVENTION—Part One

514 (2) THE UNION SIGNAL

W. C. T. U. "SPECIAL" WESTWARD BOUND
Two Thousand Miles of Welcomes
Julia Freeman Deane

"There'll be welcomes all along the way from Chicago to Seattle," remarked Mrs. Ella A. Boole, in her felicitous response to greetings at Evanston, on Monday evening, August 8, on the occasion of the dinner given by the Evanston W.C.T.U. to the National officers and delegates who were leaving for the Seattle convention.
Our beloved chieftain knew whereof she spoke, for the journey from the Lake Michigan metropolis to the Queen City on Puget Sound was 2,000 miles of enthusiastic receptions and greetings, accompanied by showers of floral and other gifts.
As the long train of a dozen or more cars, decorated with huge white placards with "W.C.T.U." in conspicuous letters, made its way through the states of Minnesota, North Dakota, Montana, Idaho and Washington, it gave notice to the world that one great section of the dry army, with its objective of "Observance and Enforcement - Not Repeal" was on its way to assemble in annual convention and to continue its holy warfare for prohibition.
After a delightful half-day stay in classic Evanston, reported in last week's Signal, the leaders and delegates boarded the train Monday evening at the North Western Station in Evanston, with the National Headquarters' force waving them goodby. Starting from the home city of Frances Willard with about 100 passengers, the number was augmented as additions were made at each stop. In the party were women from a score of states -- the East, the Southwest, the Middle West.

Breakfast at St. Paul
A night's journey brought us to St. Paul, where we were met by a reception committee of the state officers. Prominent among them were Mrs. Harriet G. Northfield, state president, Mrs. Bessie Lathe Scovell, vice president, and Mrs. Verva F. Stanway, corresponding secretary. The travelers were escorted to the spacious dining room of the fine Union Station, where a delicious breakfast was served and opportunity given for meeting and conferring with Minnesota comrades. During the meal the visitors were entertained by lively songs, led by Mrs. Fred Patterson, for some years a National lecturer and organizer, now a resident of Minnesota. One of them characterized the Gopher State in the following words:
"Minnesota, Minnesota,
Always keeps in line,
Trots her mile and wears a smile,
And pays her dues on time."
Then everybody joined their hostesses, in the ever popular:
"We have woven prohibition,
Warp and woof in legal way,
In the Nation's Constitution,
And it's there to stay."
Gracious greetings were extended by Mrs. Northfield, who referred in happy fashion to the delegates and their leaders as the "winning warriors." Responses were made by Mrs. Boole in words of good cheer and optimism. The other National officers were presented and spoke briefly. To the last minute newspaper reporters and photographers insisted on getting interviews and taking pictures, but finally we were again on our way followed by farewell music sung by our Minnesota friends.
As the "Special" rolled through the wheat fields of Minnesota and Dakota and the mountains of Montana, in the different cars conferences were held, for this trip is no holiday affair, but a serious business conducted by an earnest body of women. Groups of state presidents who are facing referenda campaigns might be seen with their heads close together discussing the best methods for dealing with their problems. In another corner youthful voices could be heard rehearsing the "pep" songs that are to enliven the proceedings of the Seattle meeting.
With the exception of Mrs. Ida B. Wise Smith, the National vice president, who traveled by another route, all the National officers were on the train, and they were in almost constant conference on matters relating to the program of the convention and of the work of the coming months.

No Depression Here!
Notwithstanding the serious conditions, financial and otherwise, that many of the leaders and delegates have had to face, there was no manifestation of gloom or downheartedness anywhere. Everyone radiated good cheer, optimism and hopefulness. An emissary of the wets, seeking to discover indications that the W.C.T.U. is losing heart, would have been sadly disappointed, for these Christian warriors are of the undismayed type, and with confidence in their undefeatable Leader, carry victory in their hearts and in their faces.
A pleasant interruption on the first day was the stop for about fifteen minutes at Fargo, North Dakota, where Mrs. Elizabeth P. Anderson, former National officer and president of the state, with Mrs. Kate Wilder, National director, joined the "Special." Mrs. Boole spoke from the observation car platform to a good-sized crowd of men and women, who gave serious attention to her urgent plea that every citizen realize his responsibility to hold fast the dry law and be at the polls at the November election. She made special reference to the referendum on the dry law that occurs in North Dakota this fall. A bevy of white ribboners gave to the passengers lovely bouquets of garden flowers to each of which was attached a Scripture verse. "Be of good courage," and a little bottle of honey made from Dakota sweet clover, for the residents of the state boast that the bees can get more and better honey from the flowers of that commonwealth than anywhere else in the U. S. A. At Jamestown, another group of W.C.T.U. women under Mrs. Fred Wanner, state vice president, brought beautiful blossoms, and as the train pulled out, sent after us a message in song: "God be with you till we meet again."
Comrades at Bismarck, where the train stopped for a few minutes, had an especially unique gift -- little glasses of red jelly made from the buffalo-berry, similar in its delicious flavor and color to currant jelly. One recalled, while stopping at the state capital, that until recently, when the old state-house was destroyed by fire, visitors to the building were interested to see on the right of the entrance to the senate chamber a large oil painting of Frances E. Willard and one of Elizabeth P. Anderson on the left, an unusual tribute to the high esteem in which these champions of prohibition were held by the citizens of North Dakota.
The travelers on the "Special" awaited with eagerness their arrival at Mandan, where a rare entertainment was staged. A group of Sioux Indians from one of the largest reservations in the state, four men and four women, and one small boy, in elaborate and picturesque garb, performed, to their own musical accompaniment, a variety of dances and maneuvers. In the midst of this exhibition, one of the squaws separated herself from the group and dashed into the company of white ribboners which had formed a circle about the Indians, and grasping the arm of Miss Lily Grace Matheson, attempted to draw her out into the dance. Good sport that Miss Matheson always is, while smilingly protesting, she finally gracefully yielded to the urgent invitation to join in the frolic, and adapted herself with ease to the situation, to the great delight of the little Sioux lad, who pirouetted around in a whirl so rapid it made one dizzy to watch him. This charming scene furnished by the native "Americans" will not soon be forgotten and afforded delightful relaxation. Very pretty bead necklaces, the handiwork of the tribe, were on display and many were purchased and carried away as souvenirs of the occasion.
The next morning the passengers on the "Special" found themselves in the mountain country of Montana and all day we reveled in the magnificent scenery that taxed to the utmost our vocabularies to give expression to our admiration. As one of the party remarked, "I can think of no words in which to voice my feelings other than 'The glory of the Lord is round about us.'"
The first stop in Montana was at Billings, at six in the morning, but early-rising white ribboners were awaiting the "Special" with more flowers -- and lovely ones they were -- for their National chieftain and her associates. By this time the W.C.T.U. train resembled a perambulating florist's shop, and the fragrance and the beauty of the blossoms made us forget that on a beautiful summer day we were shut up in the confines of a Pullman.
At Livingston, the old gateway or entrance to Yellowstone Park, a ten-minute stop made possible conversation with local comrades who presented us with still more flowers, lovely nosegays of sweet peas, accompanied by tin cans in which to preserve the precious posies. "Guess the 'Special' will have to have a trailer pretty soon to hold all these flowers, if they keep on coming," remarked a smiling porter as he scurried around trying to find sufficient receptacles for them.
At Bozeman there were more sweet peas, and we revelled in other marvelous blossoms at Butte, while at Sandpoint, Idaho, we were recipients of lovely baskets of delicious red cherries.

Birthday Party
An interesting incident of the last day of the journey was a surprise party. Mr. J. B. Hinkson, traveling passenger agent of the Northern Pacific Railroad, who with his
(Continued on page 14)

August 27, 1932    (3) 515
"OBSERVANCE AND ENFORCEMENT - NOT REPEAL!"
(Convention Address in Part)
Mrs. Ella A. Boole, President National Woman's Christian Temperance Union
[center: a photographic headshot of Ella A. Boole]

For the third time the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union is meeting in the state of Washington and in the city of Seattle. Some of us have journeyed from the Atlantic to the Pacific, some from the Gulf and the Mexican border, others from the great inland territory, that in this Bicentennial year we might, in the state named for Washington, respond to your invitation and accept your hospitality. We have enjoyed the trip here, we look forward to a closer view of your lakes and mountains, we want to see your beautiful city and become acquainted with your people.
West Washington has been an important factor in the work of the National W.C.T.U. We thank you especially for giving us Margaret B. Platt and Margaret C. Munns, your leaders for so many years. Mrs. Platt was, as your president, an esteemed member of the Executive Committee. Later she served the National as Editor of Literature and wrote many valuable leaflets which will continue to be used. Mrs. Munns was elected National treasurer in 1915. She has shown rare business ability in conserving the "principal and interest" of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union. In 1925 Mrs. Munns was elected treasurer of the World's Woman's Christian Temperance Union and she is administering the funds of the world-wide organization with the same faithfulness. Again we thank West Washington for the two faithful workers.

Our Program
The Woman's Christian Temperance Union is a total abstinence organization. Its program has been a continuing one ever since its organization in Cleveland, Ohio, in 1874.
New occasions have created new situations which have resulted in a changed emphasis; but at the root of all our efforts is the conviction that the use of alcohol leads to its abuse, that the alcoholic habit is acquired through use, and that the only remedy for excess is total abstinence. Science has demonstrated that voluntary total abstinence promotes health, prolongs life, increases efficiency, saves money, and is essential to safety in these days of automobiles, airplanes, and high-powered machinery. It is the only safeguard from drunkenness.
Many methods of dealing with the drink habit and the drink traffic have been tried. In all of these, since 1874, the Woman's Christian Temperance Union has had a part. Prohibition came, however, because of the excesses of those who used alcoholic liquors and because of the character of the liquor traffic. High-pressure selling methods of brewers and distillers, their stranglehold on American politics, the waste of money which was needed for the home, the degeneracy resulting from the saloon, were responsible for the enactment of prohibition.
The character of the traffic has not changed, neither is there any change in the effect of alcohol on men and women. The bishops of the Methodist Church said long before the Eighteenth Amendment was adopted: "The liquor traffic cannot be legalized without sin," and the U. S. Supreme Court decided years ago: "There is no inherent right in any man to sell intoxicating liquor."
Prohibition outlawed the liquor traffic. The modification or repeal of the Eighteenth Amendment will return the traffic, and will legally encourage the consumption of alcoholic liquors.
We do not believe the laws of our country should be changed at the demand of those who break them and deny their authority. We have no reason to believe that they would obey any more willingly the restrictions which would of necessity have to be placed on a reinstated traffic than they do the restrictions of prohibition. The conditions complained about under prohibition were brought about by the violation of the law and not by the law. Such drunkenness as there is among young people is caused by the alcohol consumed in following the example of their elders and of society leaders. These conditions will not be changed under a law which makes it easier to secure any kind of liquor. Beer will not satisfy unless of larger alcoholic content.
We still believe that prohibition is the best method of dealing with the liquor traffic. We believe the National Prohibition Law should be strengthened to make it easier to convict violators of the law.
We believe the Government should promote an educational campaign in the effects of alcohol -- physically, mentally, morally, and economically, and in the responsibility of all sharing in enforcement through law observance. The very foundations of our Government rest on the ability to make and enforce our own laws. It savors of anarchy to advise resistance to a given law.
We believe states should cooperate fully with the Federal Government in law enforcement.

State Referenda
State cooperation in the enforcement of the prohibition law is provided for in the Eighteenth Amendment. Many state enforcement codes authorize more severe penalties than the National Prohibition Law. Only one state failed to pass a state code. New York, Massachusetts, Wisconsin, Nevada, and Montana have since repealed theirs. It is apparent that this action has crippled the Federal Government, for the Wickersham Commission insists that state cooperation is essential. Conclusive evidence that the wets do not want enforcement is proven by their efforts to repeal state codes and state constitutional amendments. Thirteen such referenda are to be held this year. New Jersey, Connecticut, and California will vote this fall on repeal of state codes. This is the third time California will vote on the question of the repeal of the Wright Law; although defeated twice, the last time by 68,000 majority, the wets have not been satisfied.
Another form of referendum is on the repeal of state prohibition. Such campaigns are on in Washington, Oregon, Arizona, Michigan, Ohio, Louisiana, Colorado, and North Dakota. In Wyoming the question is for advice on the repeal of the Eighteenth Amendment. In Texas and Louisiana primaries the Democrats are voting on repeal of the Eighteenth Amendment, Louisiana thus voting twice. All these measures should be defeated.
All dry organizations, with the representatives of the churches, should unite in formulating plans for the campaign. Literature should be prepared giving the exact wording of the question to be submitted, the reason why the proposals should be defeated, and urging women and men who believe in prohibition to work to get out the entire dry vote. The larger the vote, the better the chance of winning, and failure to win will put each state in the wet class.
We appreciate the political problems in every state where a referendum is being held and are reminded of the experiences of the pioneer prohibition state, from which each state facing this problem can learn.
I well remember the great fight in Maine in 1911. By one of those strange political overturns, Maine--the state of Neal Dow and Lillian Stevens--elected a legislature which submitted a repeal amendment to the voters of the state. Mrs. Stevens saw the danger. Maine had statutory prohibition and she saw that if constitutional prohibition were repealed it would be easy for any legislature to repeal statutory prohibition by a majority vote. She faced the enemies of prohibition in one of the bitterest fights Maine has ever known. Miss Gordon organized the children into Young Campaigners for Prohibition. Speakers volunteered their services. Meetings were held on the streets, in parks, in churches and halls. The children marched and sang, and sang and marched. The people were aroused in every possible way.
The night before the election, at a great meeting held in Portland, Maine, Mrs. Stevens read her now famous proclamation in which she called upon all temperance, religious and philanthropic organizations to join with the Woman's Christian Temperance Union in the rally cry, "On to Washington for National Prohibition."
The election occurred on September 11, 1911. It was nearly three weeks before the result of the election was known, but the effort to repeal the prohibition amendment was defeated. Maine kept prohibition in the constitution.
It will be argued in certain states that there is no need for a state constitutional prohibition law, for we have the Eighteenth


516 (4)    THE UNION SIGNAL

IDA B. WISE SMITH, Vice President
National W.V.T.U.

Amendment. I call your attention to the fact that every state which adopted prohibition before the Eighteenth Amendment, is listed as a dry state. If the state constitutional provision for prohibition is repealed in any state it will be classed as a wet state, and no matter how sincerely you may regret it after election, your regret will not change the results.
Now is the time to work; now is the time to reach the public with the facts; now is the time when every dry voter must get ready to cast his ballot to keep prohibition in the Constitution, to keep your state enforcement code, and to elect dry candidates for the Senate, the House of Representatives, and for dry officials.
Buttress both the state and national laws for the prohibition of the manufacture, sale, transportation, importation and exportation of intoxicating liquors by electing officials who will be true to their oath of office. We insist upon it that men who are called upon to uphold and enforce the law must obey the law themselves.

Prohibition and Other National Problems
We are not unmindful that there are other national problems to be solved besides those created by prohibition and its enforcement.
The United States is in the midst of a great economic depression which came to other countries sooner than to the United States. The slump in bonds, the depreciation of real estate, the increase in unemployment, the burden of war debts, have brought real suffering.
We believe relief from unemployment, balancing the budget, and the suppression of lawlessness are of paramount importance in American life. Had any other man been President, Herbert Hoover would have been called in to solve the problem and he would have been given a free hand. When the Belgian children were starving, it was Herbert Hoover who fed them. When the floods of the Mississippi robbed thousands of their homes, it was Herbert Hoover who was called upon to organize relief. When this depression came, Mr. Hoover was President. He has given the best of himself to solve the problem. He has been hampered by party politics and by advocates of repeal or modification in both parties.
We denounce the efforts of the wets to make it appear that prohibition has caused the depression and is responsible for unemployment when the same conditions and even worse are present in England, Canada, Germany, and other liquor-selling countries.
We resent the charge that prohibition is responsible for lawlessness and municipal corruption, and charge that municipal corruption fosters lawlessness and encourages the violation of the prohibition law and every other law.
We condemn the injection of anti-prohibition propaganda in the discussion of nearly every important question in Congress. We charge wet Members of Congress with delaying the adoption of plans for relieving the depression by insisting on hearings on legalizing beer, by consuming time by anti-prohibition speeches, by wasting money in the printing of bills which were introduced for their political influence in home districts, and the printing of such speeches in the Congressional Record.
Such activity leads to violation of law and it places repeal of prohibition and legalizing beer above the needs of people who are starving for bread. Who can doubt but that this same high-powered salesmanship will promote the sale of beer should modification come, even if women and children suffer for food? The same money cannot be spent for alcoholic liquor and for food, and the appeal of the appetite for beer will have the preference.
The women of the United States may not be able to follow all the technical discussion as to balancing the budget, but we do know that waste in Government funds in the introduction of bills which have no chance of passing, and in the printing of speeches for propaganda purposes alone is unjustifiable at this time when hunger faces many a family.
Not only must the Government balance its budget by reducing appropriations but it must eliminate waste. And individuals and organizations must do the same. Here women can help. It is not easy to do without luxuries to which we have become accustomed, but such self-denial is necessary, is becoming nation-wide, and we urge women to do their part cheerfully and willingly. And we women know intuitively that money spent for liquor cannot be spent for the benefit of the home, so that no claims that the restoration of the liquor traffic will relieve the depression can convince us that such claims are justifiable.
The interference with the solution of other problems is but a part of a great campaign to undermine and overthrow prohibition. Notwithstanding all these efforts all bills for legalizing beer were defeated in this first session of Congress, and the resolution to submit a repeal amendment failed to secure the necessary two-thirds vote.

American People Will Not Be Stampeded
Prohibition is being blamed for practically every misfortune in the past ten years. It is perhaps inevitable that unthinking people, led by the power of suggestion, should lay at its door the crimes that have been made more feasible by the rapid development of the motor vehicle, combined with the psychological changes that are world-wide. There are people who are so foolish, or shall we say they are so malicious, as to think that kidnapping tragedies would not have occurred if the brewers and saloons had been let alone. A striking piece of evidence on this point comes from Great Britain, where The London Morning Post, as quoted by The New York Times of March 4, said:
"What has happened in New Jersey, however, might conceivably have happened here. In the face of recent audacities of motor bandits in this country, it is hardly possible to point the finger of reproach at our American friends."
If an increase of crime has come by reason of conditions arising from prohibition, why not lay the blame for lawlessness upon those who have themselves been lawless? If, instead of striving to make liquor legal, the pro-liquor organizations would organize a boycott of bootleggers, would cease to buy illicit liquor themselves and urge others to cease, they would reduce the profits upon which they claim that bandits thrive.
No one who attended the political conventions in Chicago can fail to recognize the pressure of the wet wave for repeal. The mob in the galleries had no interest in anything else. The slightest defense of dry sentiment was booed. Important planks concerned with unemployment, relief from the depression, and the relief of the farmer, awakened little interest and no discussion on the floor; in fact, the pressure was so great that the alternative amendment proposed in the Republican platform, even though under its provisions the liquor traffic would be restored in some states, was booed as being dry. The wets wanted nothing except absolute repeal.
Will the public be stampeded on election day as the conventions were at Chicago? Let us insist that in the coming months the truth be told about prohibition.
It is not prohibition that is responsible for drinking among young people; it is the violation of the prohibition law and the example of society leaders.
It is not prohibition that is responsible for the speakeasy, for it exists in violation of the prohibition law.
It is not prohibition that is responsible for political corruption, but political corruption thrives on the illegal liquor traffic.
It is not prohibition that is responsible for the depression but the inflation following the war, and the burden of war debts.
It is erroneous to assume that the people of other nations are satisfied with their own forms of liquor sale or control. In every land where liquor is sold there is increased disease, death, immorality, drunkenness and crime traceable directly to the consumption of liquor. In every country where there is a large tax receipt from the traffic there are social burdens imposed by the use of liquor. England has solved no problems from its liquor revenue, and in addition there is a political fight in England, brought by the brewers, to increase the sale of beer by reducing the tax.
It is an appalling fact that the only great profit in English business today is in the brewery business which is still paying dividends ranging from 7 to 25 per cent per annum; and as the brewery profits rise, so also does unemployment increase and the dole swell. 
In Sweden there is far from universal satisfaction with the restrictions of the motbok system. The same situation prevails in Finland, where prohibition was discarded for a strict regime of liquor sale. While the new law, under which a government monopoly has been established, has been tried only a few months, three important changes are already proposed: extension of hours of sale; sale of liquors on Saturdays and during the
(Continued on page 9)

August 27, 1932     (5) 517
ANSWERING TO THE CALL OF THE CAUSE
(Convention Address in Part)
ANNA MARDEN DEYO, Corresponding Secretary National W.C.T.U.
ANNA MARDEN DEYO

The gathering of the white ribbon clans is always a gladsome occasion in the renewal of friendships, the recognition of achievements, and the revival of our store of enthusiasm, information and determination.
Remembering that we have not met in annual convention since 1930, this gathering takes on an added significance. Some have suggested that in this year of depression when we must needs climb the Hill of Difficulty for every dollar we secure we could well afford to cancel the 1932 convention. We believe that this is the year of all years when we cannot afford to omit it. Has it occured to you  that cutting off the convention in a year of depression would be like closing all the hospitals during a flu epidemic? We are here to give expression to a faith and a purpose that dissolves the dews of depression.

The Matchless Machinery of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union
Reports are ofttimes dry -- dry in the sense that they lack interest -- many times disappointing to the ones whose labors we attempt to evaluate, and always difficult for the writer, who understands only too well that a brief and sketchy outline touching on the varied lines of work in the fifty-eight state units comprising the National organization cannot but fall far short of giving the convention any real conception of their diversified and multitudinous activities.
Within the border lines of each of these fifty-eight state, territorial or insular units are other district or county organizations. But the pride and joy of the National body is the local union, the "unit of power." Ten thousand of these, each a separate entity, make up the allied armies of the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union. They dot our country from Fairbanks, Alaska, to Christiansted, St. Croix, in the Virgin Islands, and they encircle the globe from our far-flung Philippine possessions to the eastern shores washed by the Atlantic. A local W.C.T.U. may be meeting today in the city of Portland, Maine, one of the original seventeen states forming the National W.C.T.U.; Maine, the first state to have a state prohibition law; Maine, the state of our great leader, Mrs. Lillian M. N. Stevens. On the same day and hour of the Portland, Maine, meeting, the thirty women who comprise the Tondo union of the Philippines are meeting in one of the most congested districts of the city of Manila with Mrs. Pedro Arcilla, the president, presiding. Recognizing the fact that the loyal workers in Manila and Honolulu occupy a place in our ranks equal with those of Portland or Boston, it is obvious that the W.C.T.U. policies must be broad enough to give freedom of action and development to every state, dependency, local union and individual member. At the same time they must weld together each and every one of these ten thousand unions in such a way that organized action on the  part of any or all of them may be brought to bear at any given point and at any given time.
The months of this partial year have been eight only. Reports will be made at the close of the year and will be available in printed form. Today we endeavor to glimpse something of what these eight months have held.

Regional Conferences
Unquestionably, the high point of these eight months was the holding of the series of regional conferences, twenty-five meetings -- timely, telling and tactical -- all following in the main a uniform program, yet each differing from the rest by numerous characteristic features; twenty-five meetings, all radiating from Washington, D.C., but covering the country like a network from St. Petersburg, Florida, to Portland, Oregon, from Boston to Boise, from Minneapolis to Jackson, Mississippi, and culminating in Chicago, claimed as a strong citadel of the wets.
Would it were possible to give you an adequate picture of the Washington Conference which set a standard for the twenty-four to follow. It was held in the Mayflower -- gathering-place of notables -- with each of the six National officers and twenty-seven state presidents in attendance. The high tide of interest centered in the presentation to President Hoover of the signatures to Youth's Roll Call of more than a million young people between fourteen and thirty -- a pledge of total abstinence and support of the Constitution. The President received the delegation of 160 young people who carried the signatures, shook hands and gave to each a word of appreciation. When these same young people were photographed with President Hoover, a little later, it marked for them the close of a red letter day in their lives. While the President of the United States was devoting his attention to the young people, the First Lady of the Land was graciously receiving the delegates to the conference in the famous East Room of the White House. It was an occasion long to be remembered by those who felt her handclasp and acknowledged her kindly words of greeting.
Of those who witnessed the transformation wrought in "The Garden" between the afternoon and evening sessions of that day, who will ever forget the first sight of those gay little flags that garlanded the room in a never-to-be-forgotten fashion? Nine thousand flags fluttered in beauty over ceiling and around pillars -- a perfect maze of "Old Glory" in miniature. Seeing them thus, one realized something of the real significance of a W.C.T.U. Membership Campaign.
The conference banquet was a brilliant affair. More than one hundred members of Congress were present, each as the guest of the W.C.T.U. of his own state, and proud were the state presidents who acted as hostesses. The roll call of speakers and illustrious guests on this occasion was outstanding.
On Sunday afternoon a public presentation was made of Youth's Roll Call, and Dr. Ray Lyman Wilbur, Secretary of the Interior, gave the chief address. Great interest was manifested also in the message brought my Dr. Joy Elmer Morgan of the National Education Association on "Youth and Education."
A service held on the opening day of the new Congress, in Statuary Hall of the Capitol Building, before the statue of Frances Willard, brought to a fitting close this first regional conference and sent us away with renewed consecration to the cause we serve and a new message in its behalf.
When the Houston convention voted that instead of holding the annual National convention in 1931, a series of twenty of more conferences should be planned in order to make possible attendance from the major part of the entire country, not all of our people realized the magnitude of the undertaking. For the W.C.T.U. to send two National officers to each of these meetings required much planning of routes in addition to an outlay of no small amount of money. The total cost of these twenty-five meetings ranged between five and six thousand dollars, while the collections received from the evening meetings amounted to $379.90, and the total number of those who paid the registration fee was 3,518. The "Upper Ten" conferences in registrations were Washington, Columbus, Boston, St. Petersburg, Chicago, St. Louis, Jackson, Denver, Minneapolis, and Spokane. While Jackson, Mississippi, had the largest number in attendance, St. Petersburg came second and Washington, D. C., third.
The hostess states rose to the occasion and gave a degree of cooperation in the planning of programs, securing local speakers, and rounding out the arrangements that contributed largely to the success of the undertaking.
Perhaps no one feature meant more in attracting audiences than the timeliness of the topics appearing on the programs. The advent of a great political campaign loomed just ahead. Small wonder, then, that the individual who discussed "Dry Planks and Dry Candidates -- Why?" was listened to with marked attention.
While these conferences were in progress, hearings were being held in Washington before Congressional Committees on Senator Bingham's and the many other beer bills, followed later by the beer amendments to the sales tax measure. Because of this, it was easy to understand the interest that attached to the subject, "Shall Beer Come Back?"
No one plea has been dinned into the ears of a long-suffering public more persistently than this -- "The people never had a chance to vote on prohibition." Therefore, "Resub-

518 (6)    THE UNION SIGNAL

mission and Referenda" as presented to the assembled crowds at these many conferences has cleared the air and disseminated a deal of greatly needed information.
Governors of states, members of the legislature, state officials, educators, members of the prohibition enforcement staff, and many other representative citizens have graced the meetings by their presence and taken part upon many of the programs. Take, for example, Columbia, S. C., the scene of one of the earlier and smaller conferences. See the master of the state Grange as he presents the topic, "Shall Beer Come Back?" from the standpoint of the agriculturist, the farmer. Enjoy the lilting music offered by the Columbia College Glee Club and by the representatives from the School of Music of the State University. Look in on the conference banquet in the ballroom of the hotel and see the governor and forty members of the state legislature file into the dining room and later listen with marked attention to the addresses by the attorney general, the state superintendent of education, the secretary of the Farmers and Taxpayers League, and several prominent members of the press, in addition to the W.C.T.U. leaders. Note the large number of men registered and mark the seventeen representatives of seventeen churches and organizations who presented their dry resolutions under the theme of "Translating Resolutions into Votes."

Chautauqua
At beautiful Chautauqua by the lake, birthplace of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, as well as the Chautauqua movement, the usual high standard of excellence was maintained throughout all the programs furnished by our organization for the 1932 season. A roster of the names of these leaders is all that is needed to substantiate this statement. They were Mrs. D. Leigh Colvin; Miss Grace Leigh Scott; Miss Helen L. Byrnes; Mrs. Elizabeth A. Perkins, and Dr. Izora Scott. The speaker on National W.C.T.U. Day was Dr. Joy Elmer Morgan, editor of the Journal of the National Education Association. Because of the early convention, the conference season was shortened, closing on August 5 instead of August 21 as last year. Miss Rose A. Davison has been the hostess at Frances Willard House.

Organizers and Lecturers
The board of Organizers and Lecturers at present is comprised of nine members representing as many states. Each one has her own story of endeavor and achievement.

Willard Memorial Fund
It is difficult to give a satisfactory report on this fund for the reason that by far the larger part of the contributions to this fund reaches us near the close of the year. Last year you contributed $11,603.94 for the twelve-month. This year to date, your contributions have totaled $5,691.50. The grants made from this fund have exceeded the receipts by $1,090.50. The balance is on the wrong side of the ledger even though we have been unable to accede to all requests; $2,267.08 has gone back in grants to fifteen states. In some it has made possible an organization trip by state officers. In others it has financed a field worker brought into the state.
The work in the far away fields of Alaska, the Philippines, Hawaii, and Puerto Rico has been maintained at an expense of $2,850.08. Any one of these could tell a story of progress. The Philippines shows the most actual growth, while Puerto Rico has held her work in a remarkable way when one realizes existing conditions.
We welcome the president of Hawaii to this convention and will hear at first hand of their worth-while work.
The fine work done at Chautauqua is made possible by the Willard Memorial Fund.
The National Handbook, the Y.P.B. and L.T.L. yearbooks, the membership literature, and a wealth of material we would not know how to do without, we owe to the Memorial Fund. We may well make our gifts to fund this a sacrificial offering.

New Organizations
Your director of organization comes with a song in her heart and a "rejoice and be exceeding glad" upon her lips. The partial report, covering eight months of the year, is one which demonstrates not only the faithfulness and ability of our organizers but the readiness of the people as well to recognize the need for such an organization in their midst. It is not too much to say that never has the leadership of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union been more needed in our land than today. It is furnishing ammunition that may be used to meet the threats of those who are broadcasting to the world the fallacy that prohibition is doomed. No woman, dry in principle and sympathies, can afford to lose the stimulus and the inspiration of membership in and attendance on the Woman's Christian Temperance Union. Never was membership in our organization rated higher than today.
Two months ago, the General Federation of Women's Clubs was meeting in your city. This organization has repeatedly gone on record in support of the Eighteenth Amendment. When the question of her stand upon this question was put to the newly elected president, Mrs. Grace Morrison Poole, she is quoted as replying, "I am myself a member of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union and I stand for prohibition." That a woman, just come into leadership over 2,500,000 women, should feel that to claim membership in the W.C.T.U. would attest her stand as a "dry" is significant.

Organization Map
We bring to you in this convention the organization map showing the local unions in the National W.C.T.U. The map itself has been refurbished, the old pins removed, and pins replaced at the directions of each state organization. The map was taken off the wall early in April and the small maps sent to each state for marking. The work has been done by Mrs. Jane B. Sloan, the efficient secretary in the corresponding secretary's office. It was completed August 4. Do not fail to look it up in the exhibit room and make a study of it. Ten thousand pins, each one representing a W.C.T.U. organization, appear in this map. Green pins represent the organizations of young people -- the Youth movement under the W.C.T.U. Black pins represent local unions, many of them established in the eighties or nineties, or dating from the actual Crusade days and having held their organizations intact throughout the years. All honor to those whose loyalty has never lapsed, for the ebb and flow of members is a certain indication of the cessation of many of the unions' activities on the one hand, while always a surety of an auspicious future on the other. Our hearts are cheered by the innumerable number of black pins which portray the fidelity, the uncompromising loyalty of those who have weathered the storms of opposition and apathy throughout the long years and thereby represent the backbone of the great National work.
But with pardonable pride do we point to the surprising number of red pins, indicating new organizations having come into being since November 1, 1931. Study them, scattered well over the whole United States. They attest the virility, the red blood, of the organization; 592 of them have blossomed out in these eight months, while 24,052 new members have rallied to the support of a cause which represents not only the flag and the Constitution, but indeed, our own United States.

Upper Tens
We give recognition to the ten states reporting the largest number of these 587 new organizations, Pennsylvania, Missouri, Kansas, Michigan, Maine, Texas, Nebraska, Iowa, Georgia; and Illinois, New Jersey and New York tie for the tenth place.
In new members secured, the Upper Ten states are New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Kansas, Maine, Indiana, Massachusetts, Missouri, Ohio and Virginia. Not only have 23,961 new members signed a total abstinence pledge, but they also have paid membership dues in the face of a diminished income, closed banks, and in many cases, a long term of unemployment. The value of sacrifice such as this cannot be estimated. It "is far above rubies."

Making Sentiment for the Eighteenth Amendment
Not all states are good at reporting. If they were, your corresponding secretary would probably be saying with Paul, "Time would fail me to tell" not of Gideon and Barak and Samson -- but of Oklahoma and Michigan and New York, and all the rest.
It is obviously impossible to give in the confines of this brief report anything like a fair presentation of the work being carried on in the 58 states and dependencies.

Rest Cottage
Rest Cottage continues to be a shrine for literally thousands of visiting white ribboners, the world around. That gentle soul, Anna A. Gordon, the very epitome of friendliness, or as Miss Deane so aptly phrased it, "a past master in the art of old friendship," no longer lends herself in bodily presence to the fine old rooms which she has graced so long. But the atmosphere which she engendered is still round about us, and in fancy we hear her cheery "good morning" as she paid her eagerly looked-for morning call on each of us. How we miss the "Happy Sunday" that was always wafted to us before the closing hour on Saturdays, but she lives today in our hearts.
A casual examination of the register at Rest Cottage shows that since the beginning of 1932, in these seven months, visitors from twenty-four states, from China, from Palestine, from Persia, and from Japan, have signed the register. And to each of these who singly or in groups have been shown through the rooms, Frances Willard and Anna Gordon still
"Live on earth in thought and deed as truly as in His Heaven."

Our President
For the seventh year our president has outlined the plans and policies which her
(Continued on page 16)


August 27, 1932  (7) 519

SHARING IN SUNSHINE AND SHADOW
(Convention Address)
MARGARET C. MUNNS, Treasurer National W.C.T.U.
MARGARET C. MUNNS

It is a happy occasion for the treasurer of the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union to come home to Seattle. Many pleasant memories are stirred by the familiar surroundings. At the National convention, held in this church in 1915, the call came to leave the work in West Washington, which was so interesting and absorbing, and enter the wider field of the National organization.
It was at the Seattle convention that dear Miss Gordon brought to the post-executive that vision of celebrating the Jubilee of the National W.C.T.U. in 1924. Smiles greeted her proposition, for was not the date eight years off? Subsequent events proved she was divinely led in her recommendations. The committee was appointed at that time, and by 1924 the Jubilee Fund of one million dollars was raised. It was a great task, but it was cheerfully undertaken and splendidly carried out. It gave an impetus to the work in the days closely following the adoption of the Eighteenth Amendment, when many people rested on their oars and thought the victory was won and the cause safe. Through the following years we spent over half of the Jubilee Fund in our departments, and for the world-wide work.
While it has been necessary to use part of the principal year by year in order to carry on in any way commensurate with the importance of the cause, it has not until this year been a serious drain on the invested funds. We have much to be thankful for in that the two Evanston banks, in which W.C.T.U. funds are kept, have weathered the financial storm so far, and no losses have been sustained in that way. Our sympathy goes out to the state, county and local unions as well as individuals who have not fared so well. It has been a time to try the faith of all.
It becomes necessary for the National W.C.T.U. as well as other organizations to balance its budget and cut expenses to the minimum. Most of our invested funds are held in first mortgages on homes, and we have been most fortunate in the interest on all but three being promptly paid. Only one foreclosure has been necessary.

Insuring Safety in Investment
Many individuals and firms are taking losses of from 20 to 90 per cent in their invested funds. The dangers and difficulties of safe investment under the chaotic conditions faced today made it seem essential to the welfare of our investment fund to seek competent unprejudiced investment guidance, which might be depended upon for vigilant supervision. A survey of professional organizations serving as Investment Counsel was made and after a thorough investigation the firm of Loomis, Sayles and Company of Boston, New York, Chicago and San Francisco was selected for this responsibility. This firm has recently completed a very thorough analysis of our investment fund as a whole and the individual items comprising it, and have made specific recommendations for the conservation of our capital and consequent perpetuation of our income. These recommendations have had our thoughtful attention and are now being carried out in close cooperation with representatives of Loomis, Sayles and Company rendering personal service to our office.
It has been the dream of the National treasurer that she might build up the invested fund through annuities, so that the use of necessary principal might not seriously handicap the income of the National organization in the future. While the annuities do not bring in any income while the annuitant is living, but on the other hand cost a considerable amount in interest, in the course of years they will build up a reserve fund that will be of great assistance. So far this year $2,895.57 has been paid out in interest to annuitants.
Our list of annuitants has been increased by eleven since November 1, 1931, the beginning of the W.C.T.U. year. These represent eight states, and the total of the conditional gifts is $8,600. Three of our annuitant honor roll comrades have answered the last summons. One of these took out four annuity agreements within a year and a fourth. These were survivorship agreements, so no money has yet been released. She had planned to further increase the amount, but did not live to accomplish this desire.
The other two deaths released a net amount of $1,468.52. Since 1925, which with the exception of one annuity taken out in 1919 marks the beginning of our annuity activity, we have had 82 annuitants with total amounts of $67,350 deposited as conditional gifts.
One of the annuitants said to the National treasurer lately, "I am thankful for my W.C.T.U. annuity. It is the safest investment I have. I only wish I had put more into it." Another writes, "In these days of distrust about investments, it is a great satisfaction to invest in a society absolutely safe and assist in the great work of the W.C.T.U." Recently an annuitant from Ohio, who had sent $400 for an annuity agreement, wrote that she did not desire any more interest, but wished to give the money outright now, as she felt the work was in great need of all that could be secured. Several annuitants have asked that the amount of interest be not more than 6 per cent, as they knew safe investments could not bring more, and they wished their gift to the National W.C.T.U. to be intact when it was finally released. We recommend this form of gift as most safe, sound and satisfactory.
Since we last met in convention, dear Anna Gordon has answered the last call. She gave her life unreservedly to the W.C.T.U. and when she could no longer carry on here, she left to the W.C.T.U. a token of her faith and love. Her will provided for a legacy of $2,500 for the National W.C.T.U. and the same for the World's W.C.T.U. She also willed Eagle's Nest, a cottage in the Catskills at Twilight Park, New York, to the National W.C.T.U. This had come to her from Frances Willard. She provided that should the leasehold be sold, the proceeds should be used for work among children.
By terms of Frances Willard's will, her former home, Rest Cottage, was given to Miss Gordon for the term of her life, after which it became the property of the National W.C.T.U. Miss Gordon faithfully preserved the old home intact and it has become the Mecca of thousands of visitors. The National W.C.T.U. will consider this property a sacred trust and the same care will be exercised to preserve the aroma of the beautiful lives of the two great women who have consecrated its rooms by their vibrant useful lives.
A life-like painting of Miss Gordon hangs in her former office, which we have dedicated as the Anna A. Gordon Memorial Room. The painting is the gift of Ella Hoover Thatcher of New Jersey, a warm admirer and follower of Miss Gordon. It seems to dominate the room and is a choice reminder of her former occupancy.
Two legacies have come to the National W.C.T.U. during this W.C.T.U year, one for one thousand dollars from the estate of Richard D. Chase of Quincy, Massachusetts, the other for $162 from the estate of Eliza Jane Hogeman of Orange, N. J. We are grateful for these friends who remembered the organization and helped it carry on when their own activities were over.
Several white ribboners have written to the treasurer that the National W.C.T.U. was remembered in their wills. If all our faithful friends who have any estate to leave would do the same, future work would be greatly helped and it would save anxiety when present funds have to be used.
It is greatly hoped that the upward turn in our economic situation is near and that the financial plans for the celebration of the sixtieth anniversary of the Crusade may bring increased funds for the National and state unions. It is evident that the opposers of prohibition do not mean to allow us to rest or to cease from supporting the cause of sobriety and decency, so we must not only "dig in" for the remainder of the conflict, but be prepared to launch an effective forward movement that will bring permanent victory. Once in a while someone laments the constant demand for money to carry

520 (8)    THE UNION SIGNAL

on the work. It is the same with all Christian giving. The opportunity is ever present, the privilege is great, the reward is satisfaction of soul.
"Go break to the needy sweet charity's bread;
For giving is living," the angel said.
"And must I be giving again and again?"
My peevish and pitiless answer ran.
"Oh, no," said the angel, piercing me through,
"Just give till the Master stops giving to you!"

"Wish I Could Do More!"
A letter received recently from a New York City white ribboner enclosed a check for $500 for this year's campaign. The writer says, "I wish it were possible to send more, for there must be many places where it is difficult to get money to carry on the work, and many appeals for help must come to you." You may realize how this gift brightened the day and filled our hearts with thanksgiving that there were such friends ready to help. May their tribe increase!
The life membership list has been lengthened by the addition of five names. We are honored to present the names of Dr. Howard Hyde Russell of Ohio, founder of the Anti-Saloon League; Flora A. Sleeper of Massachusetts; Mrs. H. L. Coy of New York; Mrs. Clara H. Stilwell of Pennsylvania; and Mrs. Aida Reed Ferguson of Illinois.
Four names have been added to our memorial list: our honored and loved Anna A. Gordon, whose name was placed on the list by her dear friend, Julia F. Deane; Mrs. Catherine E. Barry of Colorado, one of our annuitants, whose daughter sent the $25.00 for a memorial soon after her mother's death; Mrs. Sarah Tobias, whose daughter also thus honored her mother's memory, and Esther Francis of Rhode Island, whose friend, Miss Mary E. Olney, always the friend of the W.C.T.U., placed her name on the memorial list. We are constantly reminded of the lengthening of this list, but we rejoice that we have had companionship with these comrades, now saints of God.
Our business departments along with practically all other concerns seem to have the common failing of diminishing returns. The receipts of the Literature department, to August 1, were $28,700, which were $6,617 less than last year at this time. This is accounted for by smaller subscriptions to the yearly special budget of literature and by the fact that prices have been reduced so that returns are smaller, although a large amount of literature has gone out. We are indebted to the brilliant thought of Mrs. George E. Towle of Minneapolis for the set of leaflets that answer the propaganda of the wets. At a price of 45 cents per 1,000 they are within the reach of all, even in this strange year which shall be nameless. The price is made possible by the order of five million at one time.
The National W.C.T.U. carries a literature stock worth almost $30,000, and all bills are promptly met. This would not be possible if the states were not loyal to their own Publishing House and did not give it their unqualified support.
The Union Social and Young Crusader have also felt the pressure of diminished incomes. As compared with last year at this time the Union Signal has a loss in revenue of almost 9 per cent, while the Young Crusader's returns are a little over 5 per cent behind. Owing to substantial reductions in costs, the net loss is remarkably small, and few other papers can show as good a balance sheet. Recent happenings in the periodical world, secular as well as religious, may well cause us to congratulate ourselves on the splendid showing of our official papers. Of course, one reason is that no white ribboner can be properly equipped for service without our invaluable paper.
The Frances E. Willard Memorial fund and the Lillian Stevens Legislative fund are likewise looking a bit shabby at a time when they need to shine the brightest, for the calls are many and imperative. To date, the organizing fund has received $5,691, which is $1,090 less than has been expended. Like Joseph's warehouse, a little provision had been laid up in fatter years, so that the work has not been materially crippled to date, and we look for better things. The same may be said of the Legislative fund, which has been augmented by the addition of $3,564 this year, but the expenses have been $4,524. Again we are thankful for a little surplus from more favorable years. We know every local union in the United States wants to share in these helpful ministrations to our missionary territory, and to keep the legislative watch fires burning, and will loyally cooperate in contributions to these funds. 
It is difficult to predict membership before the close of the year. For several years we have conducted a campaign for early payment of dues, fixing March 8 as the limit when the dues of all members should be paid. This leaves the field clear for a campaign for new members. We were moving along splendidly until -- well, the era of diminished incomes struck us. Conservatism, which might be called fear, bank failures which tied up local, county and state money that had been paid for dues, and numerous other causes, have delayed the payment of dues, but before the books close October 31, the dominant (and sometimes, we might say, dormant) interest will awaken and there will be a last minute rush to pay dues that will suggest the tax collector's office on the last day before taxes are delinquent and begin to draw interest. The difference is that in this case it will not be money interest at stake but interest in a cause so vital that it affects the home of every individual in the country. No one will want to be uncounted when the records for the years are complete. "When a woman wills she will, and that's the end on't." Our members will to be counted.
Thirteen states have paid more dues than at this time last year, and one has held its own. One cause of congratulation is the membership in the Y.P.B., which is coming up splendidly and is practically equal to the number paid at this time last year. Evidently the young people are able to answer for themselves the charges so glibly handed around by the wets. This is their problem, for we are handing them a country freed from the legalized liquor traffic and they will answer the challenge.
The news continues to grow better. The dues from the L.T.L. branch shoe a gain over last year at this time. What more hopeful sign could we show than the new recruits who are being enlisted among the children? If the children are properly taught, the country will be safe. All honor to the faithful women who gather the children together to safeguard their future and the future of the country.
The Publicity department has been one of the busiest and most useful adjuncts of our Headquarters staff. With a minimum of office help, it has put out its helpful news items from time to time at an expense to date of $11,628. It has been fortified by the Prohibition Press Bureau, a temporary service which is fast proving its worth. A contribution of $600 from the Conference of National Organizations Supporting the Eighteenth Amendment has assisted greatly in this new venture in publicity.
All department appropriations have been paid for the year and total $16,700. We are grateful to our directors for the splendid service they render without compensation. It would be impossible to reckon the value of all the service given to the temperance cause by the self-sacrificing, unselfish contribution of time and strength and talent of our department heads. Four field secretaries have been constantly in the field, and three part of the time, the expense for salaries being $7,235, and for expenses paid by the National W.C.T.U. $808.70, a total of $8,043.70. The states have paid back for extra time $1,562.55, leaving the net cost of field service to August 1, $6,481.15.
Owing to illness, Mrs. Marmaroff was given a leave of absence from Ellis Island on half pay for three months. To date the work at this port of entry has cost $875.
The Negro Education fund has been used by Maryland, West Washington, New Jersey, North Carolina and California South, a total of $500 being drawn for this purpose. The new department of work among negroes will no doubt give a new impetus to the endeavor to secure a wider interest in temperance work among this race.

Relief Work Done
A small amount of money remaining in the treasury from the relief funds, to which our unions contributed a few years ago, has enabled us to help in several places where there was special need among children. The Child Feeding fund of Puerto Rico received $300, the Child Refugee Camp of China $200, and the Coal Area fund for feeding children $200. While the amounts were small compared to the great need, they were gratefully received and acknowledged by the committees in charge.
The appeal for Disarmament Dollars, which went out in the Union Signal, brought a response of $68.00, the money being promptly forwarded to Geneva. The interest in Peace is not to be measured by this small gift. In other times it would have been many times larger.
One of the most important and far-reaching items in our year's program was the holding of 25 regional conferences. Scattered as they were from Boston on the Northeast to Los Angeles on the Southwest, and from St. Petersburg, Florida, on the Southeast to Portland, Oregon, on the Northwest, they were rallying places for the hosts of friends who sat down together and deliberated on the vital issues before our people. The expense of these meetings to the National W.C.T.U. was $5,555, while the registrations and collections amounted to $4,280, leaving a net cost of $1,275. We challenge any man's organization to show a similar financial result from a like series of meetings! The states cooperated splendidly and bore the local expenses. We feel sure they felt amply compensated by the results attained.
Our joint project with the Intercollegiate Prohibition Association has continued throughout the year. So far $2,220.39 have been paid toward the support of Ruth Lockman's work among college women.
Frances Willard House at Chautauqua is being kept open throughout the season. Miss Rose Davison has been the hostess the past year and this. Mrs. Heilman of Pennsylvania
(Continued on page 16)


August 27, 1932    (9) 521

"OBSERVANCE AND ENFORCEMENT -- NOT REPEAL!"
(Continued from page 4)
SARA H. HOGE
Recording Secretary National W.C.T.U.

ten-day summer period when the sale was prohibited; increase in the alcoholic content of beer. In fact, the sellers and users of alcoholic liquors resent any restrictions on the sale, while governments having a monopoly of sale, and even of manufacture, use their influence to promote consumption.
Canadian government official figures show a tremendous increase in drinking, drunkenness and crime. There is constant pressure from the temperance forces to reduce the volume of drink, and in one province a movement is on foot to prohibit all liquor sales on the ground that in this serious world-wide depression it is an economic crime to spend so much money for liquor.
We record here the resolution adopted at the biennial convention of the W.C.T.U. of Canada at its meeting in Montreal, June, 1932:
"We view with increasing alarm the havoc being made in our homes as the result of government control, the drinking among the young people, the popularity of the intoxicating cocktails, the disappearance of the horror of alcoholic indulgence which women have held for the last century.
"We deplore the present propaganda of the Moderation League and other kindred groups, to increase the facilities for obtaining alcoholic beverages, such as beer by the glass, thus further popularizing drinking and leading to a generation of people addicted to drinking alcoholic beverages,
"Therefore we recommend to the incoming executive that immediate steps be taken to inaugurate a Dominion-wide effort for the total prohibition of the manufacture and sale of intoxicating beverages; that there be a Dominion-wide propaganda against the evils ensuing from the liquor traffic, and emphasizing the failure of all the various provincial systems of government control."
The Eighteenth Amendment, even imperfectly observed and enforced, has to its credit great social and economic gains. These benefits and betterments the wets refuse to acknowledge and are unable to deny or even discuss. Yet no campaign of personal vilification and abuse, no manufactured and professionally-led movement  for disobedience of the law can hide the fact that under prohibition the mortality rates for alcoholic diseases have been cut in half in contrast to the saloon era. We have saved 170,000 lives of men who would have died of drink. This is a greater achievement in a decade than the work of the Rockefeller Research Bureaus can claim in all the years of their existence.
We have rid the country of that poverty from drink which even now characterizes and burdens the social problems of every other country. Bring back the legal liquor traffic and to our present economic burdens we will add the weight of a new army of the distressed; not singly but in families.
Despite the loud claims of the wet propagandists that prohibition has ruined the country economically, we have a greater national wealth today than we had before prohibition. Stock market crashes, business depressions and panics all combined have not reduced our actual national wealth which has been built up largely by the added public purchasing power of money that went into the channels of trade rather than into the waste of the liquor traffic. The economists of the nation acclaim prohibition as an economic success, some of them going so far as to say that the American people have increased their purchasing power by five billion dollars a year.
As to the wet charge that all young people drink and that all young people are opposed to prohibition, we disproved both these charges when we presented Youth's Roll Call to the President of the United States, containing signatures of 1,045,082 young men and women between the ages of fourteen and thirty who pledged themselves to total abstinence and to support of the Eighteenth Amendment. Youth is one of the great beneficiaries of prohibition; under its sway more children have been educated than ever before, and in the past ten years a million boys and girls have gone to high schools from homes which could not have sent them there under the economic conditions of the drinking era before prohibition.
These social and economic advantages will be threatened under a return of the legal liquor traffic; and in addition the building up of a first line industry such as the drink traffic will immediately present to every shopkeeper in America a competitor who will dispute with him for every dollar in the American payroll.
Let the civic consciousness be aroused, let all the organizations committed to the support of prohibition steadily resist wet propaganda by telling the truth about prohibition, by refusing to be guided by misleading headlines, and by refusing to be led by professional politicians and the paid representatives of the opponents of prohibition. The American people are too intelligent to be stampeded.

Public Sentiment Has Not Changed
The preponderance of wet propaganda in the newspapers has been for the purpose of making the public believe there was a universal demand for the repeal of the Eighteenth Amendment.
Hear what the Bishops of the Methodist Episcopal Church said at Atlantic City in May, 1932:
"First -- The Eighteenth Amendment has closed the American saloon. Any law which accomplished that is entitled to the gratitude of the American people. If we still have the speakeasy, is it not true that long before prohibition the lawless resort was both the breeder and the parasite of the liquor traffic?
"Second -- It is clear that the liquor interests refuse any and every form of restraint or control. When local or state procedure goes against them they demand Federal intervention. When Federal authority bids fair to do them harm, they urge state control. Through all the years of this long struggle, their course has been one of insincerity and hypocrisy. They have never been interested to discover the best form of control, but have always sought to evade every regulation. They acknowledge no law save that of avarice and appetite.
"As a church we can follow no course except the one that will reduce the consumption of beverage alcohol to the minimum. We are convinced that national prohibition is that method."
Prohibition and its enforcement have been endorsed by the governing bodies of practically all the Protestant churches with possibly a single exception, by the General Federation of Women's Clubs, by the National Congress of Parents and Teachers, by the National Education Association, by the Council of Women for Home Missions, by the Federation of Women's Boards of Foreign Missions, by the Woman's National Committee for Law Enforcement, and by the Evangeline Booth of the Salvation Army. Most of these great organizations have held national meetings this year and not one of them has declared in favor of repeal of the Eighteenth Amendment or for the modification of the National Prohibition Law to permit the sale of beer and wine.
With all the pressure that was brought to bear during the past year, Congress adjourned without a favorable report on a single beer bill, or on any amendment proposing the repeal of the Eighteenth Amendment.
The National Conference of Organizations Supporting the Eighteenth Amendment, composed of thirty-nine temperance and religious organizations, speaking through the Board of Strategy, says:
"We are opposed to repeal. We are opposed to the submission of any repeal or modification proposal which would destroy or weaken national prohibition. The prohibition forces of the nation will, to the very limit of their ability, preserve, protect and defend that salutary governmental policy.
"Proof of the benefits of the Eighteenth Amendment is evidenced by unimpeachable testimony from governmental records, social welfare agencies and other authoritative sources. Those benefits are in proportion to the extent of observance and the degree of enforcement.
"While we recognize the fact that national prohibition has not had the degree of observance and enforcement to which it is entitled, we are, nevertheless, convinced that this national policy of government has accomplished more than any other policy of liquor control which has ever been tried. Experience has demonstrated that any other method for the mitigation of the evils of the liquor traffic would unquestionably foster greater evils and create more formidable difficulties of administration and enforcement than those with which the Government has been compelled to deal under the Eighteenth Amendment."
The politicians, some of them never fully in sympathy with prohibition, have become vocal because of wet activities, but the religious and moral forces of America have not changed their minds and will be heard from on election day.

The Political Situation
Consideration of the political situation necessitates a review of certain historical facts. In 1927 our National convention in Minneapolis adopted a resolution asking the major political parties for dry planks and the nomination of dry candidates for President and Vice President.
In accordance with that policy the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union held nine regional conferences in the winter of 1927-28. Before the political parties met in June, 1928, thirty-one national temperance, religious and philanthropic societies united in the demand, and it was presented to the resolutions committees. Both parties heeded the request by adopting the planks supporting enforcement.
Hoover and Curtis were nominated on the Republican ticket; Smith and Robinson on the Democratic ticket. Mr. Hoover said he

522 (10)     THE UNION SIGNAL

NELLE G. BURGER
Assistant Recording Secretary 
National W.C.T.U.

wanted prohibition to succeed.  Mr. Smith rejected 
the platform of his party, and before 
the convention adjourned announced that he 
would run on a wet platform.  The convention 
adjourned without change of platform, and 
Governor Smith campaigned against prohibition.  
Mr. Hoover said prohibition was enacted 
for the protection of the home and he wanted 
it to succeed.  The issue in the campaign 
was fairly launched. 
   The Woman's Christian Temperance Union 
is made up of members of all political parties 
and we do not presume to dictate to our 
members their political affiliations.  But our 
women and other women drys worked and 
voted for Hoover and Curtis.  We did not 
ask a single person to vote for Mr. Hoover 
because he was a Republican but because 
he was dry.
   Literally millions of pages of literature were 
distributed by local unions, our speakers 
urged votes for dry candidates, the UNION 
SIGNAL used its columns to the same purpose.  
In addition, we made a special effort to get 
out the women who had never voted before.
   We believe we had much to do with breaking 
the Solid South and contributed much 
to the big majority of the Republican party 
in the last election.
   The very first chapter in Mr. Hoover's 
inaugural address pledged him to law enforcement 
and in his later address to the Associated 
Press he called upon the people to observe 
the law, and to sustain law enforcement.
   The path of enforcement was not easy.  The 
application of Civil Service to the appointment 
of Federal enforcement officers, the 
transfer of enforcement from the Treasury to 
the Judiciary, the announcement that no one 
would be appointed to prosecute violators of 
the prohibition law who did not believe in 
the law, and who did not observe it, all 
marked an advance over previous administrations.
   The appointment of the National Commission 
on Law Observance and Enforcement 
was hailed as an advanced step.  Their conclusions 
were presented in a report dated 
January 7, 1931, among which were the following:
   1. The Commission is opposed to repeal of 
the Eighteenth Amendment.
   2. The Commission is opposed to the restoration 
in any manner of the legalized saloon.
   3. The Commission is opposed to the Federal 
or state governments, as such, going into the 
liquor business.
   4. The Commission is opposed to the proposal 
to modify the National Prohibition Act 
so as to permit manufacture and sale of light 
wines or beer.
   The Commission is of opinion that the cooperation 
of the states is an essential element 
in the enforcement of the Eighteenth Amendment 
and the National Prohibition Act 
throughout the territory of the United States; 
that the support of public opinion in the several 
states is necessary in order to insure 
such cooperation.
   This report was signed by ten of the eleven 
members of the Commission.  In transmitting 
the report to Congress, the President said:  
   "The Commission, by a large majority, does 
not favor the repeal of the Eighteenth Amendment 
as a method of cure for the inherent 
abuses of the liquor traffic.  I am in accord 
with this view."
   The Woman's Christian Temperance Union 
supported the President in all his plans to 
better enforcement.  We have not been satisfied 
where well-known wets have been appointed 
to important places; we have withheld criticism 
of members of the Cabinet and Ambassadors 

to foreign countries who openly opposed 
the Eighteenth Amendment.  It was not 
easy to keep still when we did not understand, 
but we were determined not to hamper the 
administration.
   In the meantime, dry Democratic women 
and men have been socially and politically 
ostracized in some places and even persecuted 
because they put principle above party in the 
campaign.
   Our National convention met in Houston, 
Texas, in November, 1930.  At the close of an 
afternoon meeting the Democratic women met 
on one side of the hall, the Republican 
women on the other, and separately passed 
strong resolutions addressed to the leaders 
of their respective parties asking for dry 
planks and the nomination of dry candidates 
for President and Vice President, for Senators 
and Representatives.  The Democratic 
women had not left the Democratic party 
permanently but only temporarily because 
their party had not repudiated a candidate 
who refused to run on the platform adopted 
by his party.
   Now we come to the nominating conventions 
of 1932.  The Republican party adopted 
a plank which proposes the submission of 
an alternative amendment which the dry 
forces refuse to accept, and which does not 
meet the approval of the wet members of 
the party.  The Democratic party adopted a 
straight repeal plank—in fact, it even pledged 
the party to the early modification of the 
Volstead Law.  By their own action, the two 
major parties have injected prohibition into 
the presidential campaign.
   Because a great deal of time and thought 
was given to the evaluation of these platform 
planks by the National Board of Strategy 
created by the National Conference of Organizations 
Supporting the Eighteenth Amendment, 
we quote their evaluation of both platform 
planks:

The Republican Plank
   "The platform plank on the Eighteenth 
Amendment adopted by the Republican party 
convention declares for obedience to and 
enforcement of the law and the preservation 

of gains admittedly accomplished under the 
Eighteenth Amendment.  It declares against 
nullification, non-observance, referenda without 
constitutional sanction, the submission of a 
mere repeal amendment, and any 'backward 
step.'  The plank declares that prohibition has 
been and is a non-partisan question.  It does 
not pledge nominees or members of the party 
to follow any specific course, declares against 
the 'evils inherent in the liquor traffic,' and 
pledges the party and its nominees to enforcement.
   "With that portion of the plank we heartily 
agree.
   "The plank further declares that Congress 
should submit a substitute amendment which 
would give the people an opportunity to decide 
whether they will retain the Eighteenth 
Amendment unchanged or adopt a substitute 
permitting the several states to legalize the 
sale of intoxicants as their citizens may determine, 
subject to the power of the Federal 
Government to protect those states where 
prohibition exists and to safeguard citizens 
everywhere from the return of the saloon 
and its attendant evils.
   "To this portion of the plank we are opposed 
as we are to the submission of any repeal 
or weakening modification of the 
Amendment.  This plank, however, does not 
declare any party preference as between the 
Eighteenth Amendment and the substitute 
proposed, but leaves that to be determined 
by the people in the event Congress submits 
such a proposal."
   Mr. Hoover in his speech of acceptance 
goes further than his party and advocates 
the adoption of an amendment giving each 
state the right to determine its method of 
control, thus identifying himself with those 
desirous of a change.
   "The Republican platform neither pledges 
the party power nor binds the members of 
the Congress to vote for any such submission.  
Lest its general utterances calling for party 
loyalty be taken to extend to the imposition 
of a duty to vote to submit, the declaration 
on the Eighteenth Amendment gives specific 
release by the direct statement that 'no public 
official or member of the party should be 
pledged or forced to choose between his party 
affiliations and his honest convictions upon 
this question.'"
   This specifically releases a member of 
Congress from voting for the amendment approved 
by the President, if in so doing he 
violates his honest convictions.

The Democratic Plank
   "The platform plank adopted by the Democratic 
party convention declares specifically 
for the repeal of the Eighteenth Amendment, 
and demands that Congress propose such 
repeal to ratification conventions in the states.  
It urges the party, in case the Eighteenth 
Amendment is repealed, to cooperate in the 
enactment of measures to prevent the return 
of the saloon, and demands that the Federal 
Government protect the states against 
importation of liquors in violation of state 
laws.  It also declares for the immediate modification 
of the Volstead Act to legalize beer 
and other alcoholic beverages permissible 
under the Constitution, for beverage purposes.
   "This plank would eliminate the Eighteenth 
Amendment in its entirety from the Constitution 
and would open the flood gates to 
wholesale and uncontrollable violations of the 
law."
   Governor Roosevelt in his speech of acceptance 

(Continued on page 12)


August 27, 1932      (11)  523

YOUNG PEOPLE'S 
BRANCH

General Secretary
Miss Winona R. Jewell
1730 Chicago Ave.
Evanston, Ill.

Promoter
Missionary Fund
Miss Gladys Harper
Yardley, Pa.

LOYALTY TO THE FUTURE
(Convention Address)
WINONA R. JEWELL, National General Secretary, Young People's Branch

WINONA R. JEWELL

   Women of the Woman's Christian Temperance 
Union, the Young People's Branch 
relies upon your loyalty to the future.  "Christ 
was loyal to the future.  That loyalty brought 
Him into conflict with the religious and 
political leaders of His day, but it was because 
His vision swept the future, that His 
spirit still has the power to create in the hearts 
of the loyal, fearlessness and courage in 
seeking the truth and an unyielding determination 
to follow where it may lead."
   Your loyalty may bring you into conflict— 
but conflict which will lead to victory.  It 
was loyalty to the future—the future of sons 
and daughters, the future of those unborn— 
which fired the Crusade Mothers and gave 
power to the work of the Woman's Christian 
Temperance Union.

Youth Seeks the Truth
   Loyalty to the future of this nation made 
possible the years of consecrated effort which 
resulted in National Constitutional Prohibition.  
Loyalty to that same future demands 
continued consecration and effort.  Loyalty to 
the future, in the early years of the Woman's 
Christian Temperance Union, caused the establishment 
of the work with children and 
young people.  Loyalty to the future today 
must increase that work in every state and 
county, every city and town.  Are our young 
people less worthy of that loyalty than those 
of the past?  Youth, reading and hearing 
wet propaganda, seeks the truth about prohibition; 
youth, maligned by those who 
would use it, rises to the challenge.  The Young 
People's Branch affords the opportunity for 
thousands of  young people to learn the truth 
about alcohol, and prohibition as a method 
of reducing alcoholic consumption, and by 
active service to prove that young people 
respond to high ideals today as readily as 
ever.  Are you making possible a Young People's 
Branch in your community?

Cause for Rejoicing
   A partial report of the work of the Young 
People's Branch for 1931-32 gives cause for 
rejoicing:  39 Hold Fast local branches reported; 
dues equal to last year, paid by 
March 15; five Hold Fast state Young People's 
branches; dues equal to last year sent to 
National treasurer by June 30.
   The silk flags for Hold Fast states go to 
Arkansas, Delaware, Kansas, Massachusetts 

and Oregon; 141 new branches have been 
organized; we have gained 781 new young 
men members, and 1,191 new young women 
members.  Can you estimate the value of these 
new centers of power?  Picture what the 
Y.P.B. may mean in the lives of these approximately 
2,000 newly enlisted young people.

"Makers of the Flag"
   The special membership project took the 
form of "Makers of the Flag."  Credits were 
given for regular work of the branch and for 
new dues-paid members.  Flags were made by 
local branches, and credits won by local 
branches enabled states to make their flags.  
Some states not only completed the flag, but 
had credits enough to entitle them to spearheads 
and long staffs.  Recognition was promised 
each state which completed its flag and 
exhibited it at the National convention.  Such 
recognition has been won by Pennsylvania, 
New York, New Jersey, Kansas, Massachusetts, 
Indiana, and West Washington.
   Fourteen states have held a Y.P.B. convention 
or encampment, and two more will be 
held this month.  It was the first encampment 
for Rhode Island, and West Washington has 
given notice of an encampment at which a 

state federation will be organized.  This makes 
the largest number of encampments held any 
one year.  Three states have held inter-county 
or district Y.P.B. rallies, in addition to the 
encampments.  Reports from these meetings 
indicate an increased realization of the value 
of the study course, and of the possibilities 
for real service and a deeper consecration on 
the part of the young people.

Youth's Roll Call
   The outstanding event for the Young People's 
Branch was the culmination of the year 
of effort in securing signatures to Youth's 
Roll Call and its presentation to President 
Hoover on December 4, 1931.  The presence 
of 165 young men and young women who left 
university classroom, teacher's desk, or office, 
to have a part in this demonstration of youth's 
stand on prohibition was soul stirring.  A 
statement testifying to 1,045,082 signatures of 
young people between 14 and 30 years of 
age, to a declaration of personal total abstinence 
and observance of law, was presented 
to the President by your general secretary.  
As the young people carrying the packages 
of signatures filed past, President Hoover 
shook hands with each one, then went to the 
White House lawn to be photographed with 
them.  The interest and influence Youth's Roll 
Call aroused is still an active power in meeting 
the assaults upon the character of the 
youth of today.

New Voters
   The Young People's Branch is now centering 
attention on enrolling new voters as dry 
voters.  Special community committees are 
being organized, rallies will be held this fall 
and young people actively enlisted in the campaign 
to  hold and make effective prohibition 
through the election of dry candidates to 
municipal, state and national offices.
   Nine million young men and young women 
this fall will be entitled to cast their first 
vote for President.  This may prove the balance 
of power in your state, or in the nation.  
The wets are bidding for this vote.  Women 
of the W.C.T.U., this is your great opportunity.  
Will you grasp it?  Will you be loyal 
to the future, not only in your fearless fight 
to complete the victory of prohibition but in 
winning the new voters of your state, your 
community, and seeing that their first votes 
are cast as dry votes.

524 (12)     THE UNION SIGNAL

"OBSERVANCE AND ENFORCEMENT - NOT REPEAL!"
(Continued from page 10)

declares himself for repeal; and for an amendment legalizing beer.
"Both platforms provide for ratification by state conventions. We oppose the convention method for ratification of constitutional amendments as untried, entirely unprotected by election laws and corrupt practices acts, and directly inviting all forms of jobbery and machine control.
"In this emergency we urge the friends of the Eighteenth Amendment to unity of effort and against ill-advised and ineffective political movements tending to waste their energies and resources, dividing and diverting them into channels that would serve only the enemies of our cause.
"We urge all friends of the Eighteenth Amendment to devote their best efforts to the election of dry candidates to both branches of Congress and to the state legislatures."

Women and Party Platforms
What shall we say of the political party conventions of 1932 and their proposals for modification and repeal? The delegates to a national convention have no responsibility to a constituency, but most of them are hand-picked by the political leaders. Women are half the electorate, but among the delegates women are noticeably among the alternates and not among the delegates. There was no woman on the Resolutions Committee of the Republican party. There was one woman on the Resolutions Committee of the Democratic party. One woman spoke for repeal in the debate before the Republican convention. No opportunity was granted for a single woman to represent the observance and efficient enforcement of the Eighteenth Amendment which is supported by millions of women in the churches and temperance organizations. Not a woman's voice was heard in behalf of the amendment proposed in the administration plank adopted, and indeed women are not supporting it.
Is it not about time that women resented the rejection of their plea and the plea of the party loyalty, that would compel them to vote for something of which their consciences do not approve, and for a plank under which it is impossible to conserve the benefits of prohibition and at the same time legalize the liquor traffic and protect the dry state? The consciences of women, rather than the dictates of a political convention, must be the deciding factor in determining how women vote.
But for whom shall we vote in November? We are perplexed and puzzled. Our plea to the major political parties for dry planks was rejected. Our country is controlled by a two-party system. The Prohibition party did valiant service as a propaganda party before the Eighteenth Amendment was adopted. Prohibition was not adopted as a party question, and many ardent drys who have been party prohibitionists identified themselves with one or the other of the major parties, thus helping to hold Congress in support of the Eighteenth Amendment. It is vital that we hold Congress now for prohibition.
I would not presume to dictate to any member of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union how she should vote. My advice is to evaluate the platforms of all parties, study the records of candidates, ask yourself the question - how can I so vote as to save the Eighteenth Amendment, or as much of it as possible? Will my vote put administration in the hands of an enemy of prohibition or of one who is its friend, but who is overwhelmed with the problems of state enforcement? We cannot accept either the repeal amendment or the amendment proposed by Mr. Hoover. We will oppose both proposals every step of the way. It may be that your convictions on other great national questions will help you in reaching a decision as to how to vote. Follow your own conscience when you have prayed about it. Do not stay at home on election day. Vote against all referenda for repeal of state prohibition and enforcement codes, vote for dry Congressmen and dry state officials. But do not question the conscientious convictions of another woman who does not see things as you do.
The President is peculiarly the guardian of the Constitution by his oath of office prescribed by the Constitution itself under which he promises to "preserve, protect and defend" our great fundamental charter. The President's personal and political attitude toward the Constitution and particularly toward the Eighteenth Amendment has great effect. His personal observance is a fine public example. By his appointments the President can build up a Federal machine for or against enforcement. He has made a change in an amendment the subject of a message to Congress but he will not even be called upon to sign the proposal and he has not indicated a preference as to how it shall be ratified. His duty as Chief Executive is to see that the provisions of the Constitution and its Enabling Act are carried out. He appoints the members of his Cabinet who have charge of enforcement. He not only appoints the members of the Judiciary who will try the cases for violation of the law but the judges who will hear the evidence and pass sentence, and the members of the Supreme Court whose decisions as to the validity of the law will be final; hence the election of a President who believes in prohibition and who wants it to succeed is vitally important.
It is upon Congress, however, that the responsibility for proposing amendments rests. The Constitution says, "When two-thirds of both branches deem it necessary, Congress shall propose amendments."
National prohibition was put into the Constitution and on the statute books by Republicans and Democrats in about equal numbers, and Congressmen are directly responsible to their constituents, rather than to the delegates to a political convention.
We call upon dry candidates in both parties to reject platform planks for modification or repeal and to state frankly their determination to vote against either proposition. To such candidates the Woman's Christian Temperance Union will give practical support irrespective of party affiliations.
We deem it vitally important that the same principle maintain in state elections. No candidate should receive the official support of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union whose daily life and public record do not include law observance and the retention of the Eighteenth Amendment.

International Relations For Peace
The National Woman's Christian Temperance Union was one of the first organizations among women to educate for a better method of solving difficulties between nations than by war. Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt says that Miss Willard's statement that "the time to work for peace is when there is no war" made her a worker for peace.
Mrs. Catt organized the Committee on the Cause and Cure of War in which ten leading  women's organizations, in addition to the W.C.T.U., are affiliated.
Seven annual conferences have been held in Washington and the Eighth Conference will be held in January, 1933. It has seemed wise to limit the activities of the National W.C.T.U. for Peace to the work of the Committee on the Cause and Cure of War. There are many Peace organizations all doing effective work along many lines, but if we were to open up our local unions to the activities of all of them, or even half of them, there would be little time left for our major issues - total abstinence and prohibition.
Mrs. May Bell Harper, director of International Relations for Peace, is a vice president of the Committee on the Cause and Cure of War. She attends regularly the monthly meetings of the executive committee, as well as the National Conference, and thus has at first hand information of which we can avail ourselves. Through her, in the number of signatures to the Peace Petition in Geneva, the W.C.T.U. was second among the organizations in the Committee on the Cause and Cure of War.
War not only means loss of life, destruction of property, and fostering hatred between nations, but the World War has saddled upon all the nations engaged therein a burden of debt which is largely responsible for the financial depression in which the whole world is sharing.
The World's Woman's Christian Temperance Union was represented at the opening of the Disarmament Conference by Miss Slack, the honorary secretary, and by Madam Jomini, president, Swiss White Ribboners. As one of the group of women's organizations working to promote disarmament we had a definite part with other world groups. The appointment of Dr. Mary Woolley, as a delegate from the United States, marked a step forward in international representation.
With the world burdened with unemployment, unrest and debts, let us continue to promote peace through international relations, remembering always that every World's W.C.T.U. convention is increasing international understanding. Let us help prepare for peace, rather than emphasize preparation for war.

The World's W.C.T.U.
The World's convention in Toronto, Canada, June 3 to 9, 1931, was a memorable event. It was a pleasure to become personally acquainted with our comrades from other lands, to learn of their activities, to learn how they were educating for total abstinence, and carrying on their campaign of education. We were impressed by their resolution that while the time is not ripe to work for prohibition in every land, they are laying foundations in total abstinence, and calling attention to the evils inherent in the liquor traffic so that step by step they are advancing toward the time when public sentiment will demand that the liquor traffic be outlawed as a public enemy.
We were impressed by the eagerness of every delegate in the convention to learn all about prohibition in the United States, by their statement that prohibition in every country depends upon the success of prohibition in the United States, and by the extent of the misrepresentation of prohibition in the press of every country. We pledged to

August 27, 1932    (13) 525

them our determination to hold fast to our prohibition.
We look forward to the next World's convention which will be held in Stockholm, Sweden, July 20 to 26, 1934, as an international event in which white ribboners from many nations may have a part.
Five days after the World's convention adjourned, our dear Miss Gordon answered the Heavenly summons, and in thirty days Mrs. Louise C. McKinney, the newly elected vice president of the World's W.C.T.U., was called from activity to the "rest that remaineth." Miss Gordon knew all about the convention, had followed the program from day to day, knew of the officers chosen for the coming triennial period. Her work being finished, she went Home to be with God. Her last messages to us were "Courage" and "Carry On."
Mrs. McKinney had endeared herself to all of us, and we had looked forward to her cooperation and help in the program ahead; but God willed otherwise and she too was called Home.
It was necessary to fill the place made vacant by her death, and Mrs. Gertrude Stevens Leavitt, daughter of Mrs. Lillian M. N. Stevens, former beloved president of the National W.C.T.U. and vice president of the World's W.C.T.U., consented to serve. The names of many of the World's workers were household words in the home in Portland, and all around the world the women expressed their appreciation that a W.C.T.U. daughter occupied the place which her mother had formerly filled.
At our last convention in Houston, Texas, in November, 1930, in order to make it possible for large numbers to attend the World's convention in Toronto, we decided not to hold a National convention in 1931, but instead to hold twenty-five regional conferences.

The Future
With faith in God and firmness in the right, we go forward. Identification with a church is not a condition of membership in the Woman's Christian Temperance Union but the ideals of our organization appeal to women who are motivated by religious convictions.
We of this generation can hardly appreciate how the drink habit influenced daily life at the time the W.C.T.U. was organized. There had been temperance societies for half a century both in England and the United States, but this group of women, impelled by deep religious conviction, built an organization of women who were willing to sign a total abstinence pledge in a day when total abstainers were counted a peculiar people.
There has been progress since that day. The first address I heard Frances Willard give was entitled "The Evolution of a Great Reform." The history of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union is the story of that evolution.
The purpose of the organization has not changed, for the motive power still maintains that we were and are organized for the protection of the home against alcohol. Organized in nearly ten thousand cities, towns and villages, each group is a center for total abstinence education. In many communities there would be little or no such instruction or education if it were not that the W.C.T.U. urges it continually in the schools, in the Sunday schools, daily vacation religious schools, at meetings, institutes, and through leaflets. This is an important factor in promoting law observance.
We are convinced that this education should be included in all plans for child welfare, in character-building programs for Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts, in all social agencies for the amelioration of poverty, vice and crime.
We visited Alaska several years ago. At that time there were many shipwrecks along the coast. We found a primary cause was uncharted rocks. One day we saw a big boat cruising off shore and were told that it was a Government boat with a corps of engineers aboard who were sent out to chart the uncharted rocks and so to remove a preventable cause of shipwreck.
We call upon all welfare and social workers to avail themselves of the teachings of science in the effect of alcohol, that they too may help in removing this preventable cause of the shipwreck of boys and girls and men and women.
Total abstinence is simply voluntary observance of the law, while prohibition was enacted to prohibit the manufacture, sale, transportation, importation, and exportation of intoxicating liquors for beverage purposes. The violators of the law are impelled either by greed for money or by appetite, or by both. Those who observe the law control their appetite, but the Government must enforce the law against those who violate it for greed of money, or for an uncontrolled or uncontrollable appetite.
There is need for all the temperance organizations, each with its special emphasis, but the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, with its local, county, state and National branches, all working to a plan, must continue to move forward. We recognize that in our basic principles of total abstinence, prohibition, peace and purity, we appeal to women who desire the best interests of home and country.
We need more members, women who are willing to commit themselves to total abstinence and who will help tell the truth about prohibition. We will in 1934 celebrate the sixtieth anniversary of the Women's Crusade, that great outpouring of the Spirit of God out of which the Woman's Christian Temperance Union was born. Let us mark this year and next by gaining members, by added gifts in money and service, that the work may go forward.
We need increased emphasis on the relation of department work to our real objectives. Prohibition was won because we attacked the drink traffic and the drink habit from many angles. It will be held by the same methods.
There comes to my mind, with new application, a story that I have told many times in another connection - the story of the raising of the big tent at Prohibition Park on Staten Island many years before the Eighteenth Amendment was adopted. It took ten men to do it. They used ten ropes attached to iron rings which in turn topped the center poles as they lay on the ground. When all was ready, the order was given - "Pull." Every man pulled on his rope, though they seemed to be pulling in opposite directions, but the poles were raised to position, thus spreading the tent. The ropes were fastened, and it stood ready to fulfill its destined purpose to protect the crowds from the hot rays of the sun, from wind and rain. Prohibition, as incorporated in the Eighteenth Amendment, is a tent, erected to protect our homes and our country from the drink habit and the drink traffic. May we liken our departments of work to the ropes, by means of which the tent was put in place. There were many of them, but Frances Willard said we had a "Do Everything" policy because the drink was in everything, intrenched in the habits and customs of the people, and these had to be changed.
When the Eighteenth Amendment was submitted, the order came - "Pull." We pulled in the local unions by signing petitions, by arousing public sentiment; we pulled in the states by urging ratification; we pulled in the nation with all the strength of a united effort - and the prohibition tent was erected and securely fastened in the Constitution.
Now winds of opposition, overt acts of misrepresentation, blistering blasts from politicians threaten its destruction. The same activity that raised the tent must keep it in place. Local unions and departments must be vitalized to retain prohibition; the Union Signal must continue to point the way; dry strategy must outwit wet strategy.
Individual responsibility must and will promote activity. Above all, our efforts must be accompanied by prayer. God still guides in the affairs of men. Our trust is in Him, whose we are and whom we serve. May He use the Woman's Christian Temperance Union for the advancement of His kingdom.
We go forward with faith in Gold, and firmness in the right.

PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS
Annual address of the president of the National W.C.T.U., as delivered at the National convention in Seattle, Wash.
Mrs. Boole outlines policies and plans.
Forceful - Interesting - Comprehensive.
3 copies, 25c; 10c each.
Send for it immediately.
National W.C.T.U. Publishing House
Evanston, Illinois

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Four different cartoons by nationally famous artists.
Striking answers to wet arguments.
10 x 7 inches.
Each, 35c per 100; 20c per 50.
National W.C.T.U. Publishing House
Evanston, Illinois

526 (14)    THE UNION SIGNAL

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FIRST MEETING - SCIENTIFIC TEMPERANCE INSTRUCTION
Prize Essay Contests.
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The Spiritual Nature of the Teacher's Calling.
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SECOND MEETING - ECHOES FROM THE NATIONAL CONVENTION

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W.C.T.U. "SPECIAL" WESTWARD BOUND
(Continued from page 2)

charming wife accompanied the "Special" and personally conducted the party from St. Paul to Seattle, happened to learn that Mrs. Margaret C. Munns, the popular National and World's treasurer as well as the chairman of transportation, had a birthday on August 10. Taking Mrs. Boole into his confidence, he had prepared a magnificent birthday cake of generous proportions, and invited everybody into the dining car at three o'clock on Wednesday for a surprise. Mrs. Boole presided and asked for a show of hands as to how many present sometimes had a birthday. Although the company was very largely feminine, all admitted the soft impeachment. She then inquired how many had a birthday that day. Mrs. Munn's face told the tale, and Mrs. Boole in a witty, felicitous speech revealed the secret and as the chorus of voices sang "Happy birthday to you, happy birthday to you," the beautiful cake, a delicious fruit concoction, was cut and passed around.
It should be stated here that Mr. C. M. Mattson of the North Western, who traveled with us from Chicago to St. Paul, and Mr. Hinkson of the Northern Pacific, were indefatigable in their efforts to make the trip a comfortable and happy one. Evidently Mrs. Hinkson found the W.C.T.U. atmosphere congenial, for before the end of the trip she asked the privilege of becoming a member of the organization and paid her dues for a year.
Late Wednesday evening, as the train pulled into Spokane, it was welcomed by a goodly company of white ribboners and friends, among them a representative of the Spokane chamber of commerce, who brought from that body quantities of exquisite flowers, picked from the city's public parks. Mrs. Boole spoke from the platform, as indeed, she did all along the route wherever there was a stop sufficiently long to make it possible. As the "Special" sped on its way onward toward the Pacific Coast, it was followed by songs of love and sympathy voiced by the women who longed to accompany us but were staying at home and bravely keeping up the work.
Upon arising Thursday morning, we learned that the "Special" was almost on time, and that shortly after breakfast we would be in Seattle, the place toward which our hearts had for many weeks been turning - the city where we were to meet our comrades from the South, the East, the North. We were deeply grateful that the long journey had been free from accident and had been taken with a minimum of discomfort and a maximum of ease and pleasure. The service rendered by the train officials, the dining room waiters and the porters had been not only efficient but gracious. One porter was reported to have said: "I have been mighty glad to meet the kind of women that were on this 'Special'; they're fine, and I say good luck to you and the work you are doing."
Before leaving the station, Mrs. Boole, with her usual thoughtfulness, sought out the engineer and fireman of the "Special" and shaking hands with them, thanked them heartily for their share in carrying the party safely across the continent. The picture of this incident appeared in the Seattle paper.
As we left the train, trucks of baggage, decorated with great masses of flowers, attracted much attention. A large proportion of the membership of the Seattle unions must have constituted themselves a reception committee, for everywhere we were met by cordial greetings and were each decorated with a beautiful state badge, a tiny white ribbon bow attached to a spray of Washington cedar. As we were escorted to our convention headquarters at the Olympic Hotel, choruses of young voices sang:
"Hurrah, hurrah, W.C.T.U.,
Hurrah, hurrah, the cause that is true blue,
We welcome you to Washington, to loyal hearts and true,
And we'll go marching to victory."
All the delightful events that followed in rapid succession will be related in another issue. Suffice it to say that everything indicates that the fifty-eighth convention of the National W.C.T.U. is to be a great success.
Signing off until next week.

PIONEER TEMPERANCE TEA A SUCCESS
The District of Columbia Woman's Christian Temperance Union recently sponsored a pioneer temperance tea at the home of Mrs. Charles H. Bair. Eighteen pioneers were guests of honor. Among the hundreds in attendance were many prominent in the temperance cause who gave interesting accounts of the work in the early days. The oldest of these speakers is ninety-six years and in remarkable health. The occasion proved so enjoyable that it was voted to make it an annual affair.

2 GOOD REASONS
Why you should secure an annuity with the National W.C.T.U.
First: You want to make a gift to the National W.C.T.U. to forward the cause in which you believe. That is good insurance for your children and your children's children.
Second: You need the interest on the money while you live. This the National W.C.T.U. will pay promptly. No worry about investments. No shrinkage or passing of interest dates.
For further information write to the treasurer of the
National W.C.T.U., Mrs. Margaret C. Munns, 1730 Chicago Avenue, Evanston, Illinois

IN MEMORIAM
Minnesota Woman's Christian Temperance Union has suffered a great loss in the death of Mrs. Bonita Bryan Freeburg, who has been Medal Contest director for the state organization for the past ten years, and cheerfully carried on in her department up to the last. The services were largely attended, and by officers of the state, district and local unions. Mrs. Freeburg was also a member of the Minneapolis Chapter of the D.A.R., the woman's auxiliary of the Minneapolis District Dental Society and of the Presbyterian church. She is survived by her husband, Dr. Jay M. Freeburg, and son Mal B. Freeburg who was recently decorated by President Hoover for bravery in aviation.

SUNDAY SCHOOL LITERATURE
Following the International Uniform Lesson Topics
Samples and prices on application
Also An Advanced Quarterly of 160 Pages
For Superintendents, Teachers and Advanced Adult Bible Classes
A current lesson on application
ADDRESS
UNION GOSPEL PRESS
Box 680   CLEVELAND, OHIO


August 27, 1932    (15) 527

ELIMINATE EVILS OF LIQUOR TRAFFIC, SAYS PRESIDENT
Excerpt from President Hoover's Speech of Acceptance, Delivered August 11, 1932

I have always sympathized with the high purpose of the Eighteenth Amendment and I have used every power at my command to make it effective over the entire country. I have hoped it was the final solution of the evils of the liquor traffic against which our people have striven for generations. It has succeeded in great measure in those many communities where the majority sentiment is favorable to it. But in other and increasing number of communities there is a majority sentiment unfavorable to it. Laws opposed by majority sentiment create resentment which undermines enforcement and in the end produces degeneration and crime.
Our opponents pledge the members of their party to destroy every vestige of the constitutional and effective Federal control of the traffic. That means over large areas the return of the saloon system with its corruption, its moral and social abuse which debauched the home, its deliberate interference with those states endeavoring to find honest solution, its permeation of political parties, and its pervasion of legislatures, which even touched at the Capital of the Nation. The Eighteenth Amendment smashed that regime as by a stroke of lightning. I cannot consent to the return of that system.
At the same time we must recognize the difficulties which have developed in making the Eighteenth Amendment effective and that grave abuses have grown up. In order to secure the enforcement of the Amendment under our dual form of government the constitutional provision called for concurrent action on one hand by the state and local authorities and on the other by the Federal Government. Its enforcement requires independent but coincident action of both agencies. An increasing number of states and municipalities are proving themselves unwilling to engage in such enforcement. Due to these forces there is in large sections an increasing illegal traffic in liquor. But worse than this there has been in those areas a spread of disrespect not only for this law but for all laws, grave dangers of practical nullification of the Constitution, a degeneration in municipal government and an increase in subsidized crime and violence. I cannot consent to the continuation of this regime.
I refuse to accept either of these destinies, on the one hand to return to the old saloon with its political and social corruption, or on the other to endure the bootlegger and the speakeasy with their abuses and crime. Either is intolerable. These are not the ways out.
Our objective must be a sane solution, not a blind leap back to old evils. Moreover, such a step backward would result in a chaos of new evils never yet experienced, because the local systems of prohibitions and controls which were developed over generations have been in a large degree abandoned under the Amendment.
The Republican platform recommends submission of the question to the states that the people themselves may determine whether they desire a change, but insists that this submission shall propose a constructive and not a destructive change. It does not dictate to the conscience of any member of the party.
The first duty of the President of the United States is to enforce the laws as they exist. That I shall continue to do to the utmost of my ability. Any other course would be the abrogation of the very guaranties of liberty itself.
The Constitution gives the President no power or authority with respect to changes in the Constitution itself; nevertheless my countrymen have a right to know my conclusions upon this matter. They are clear and need not be misunderstood. They are based upon the broad facts I have stated, upon my experience in this high office, and upon the deep conviction that our purpose must be the elimination of the evils of this traffic from this civilization by practical measures.
It is my belief that in order to remedy present evils a change is necessary by which we resummon a proper share of initiative and responsibility which the very essence of our Government demands shall rest upon the states and local authorities. That change must avoid the return of the saloon.
It is my conviction that the nature of this change, and one upon which all reasonable people can find common ground, is that each state shall be given the right to deal with the problem as it may determine, but subject to absolute guarantees in the Constitution of the United States to protect each state from interference and invasion by its neighbors, and that in no part of the United States shall there be a return of the saloon system, with its inevitable political and social corruption and its organized interference with other states.
American statesmanship is capable of working out such a solution and making it effective.

IF THE WETS WIN
Suppose the wets win. What will happen?
1. The traffic will at once invest hundreds of millions of dollars in equipment for the manufacture of whisky, gin and other alcoholic beverages. The men who invest this money will naturally want dividends upon it. To secure those dividends they must sell an enormous quantity of liquor and they must keep on selling it year after year if the dividends are to continue.
2. To sell it they will advertise it. In advertising they will play up all its attractions and none of its dangers. In the old days before prohibition the present high pressure methods of advertising were only in their infancy . . . For the present cigaret advertising, substitute glasses of gin or whisky or beer and you have a foretaste of the advertising we shall have if the liquor traffic is again legalized.
3. We shall have the saloon again. It is useless to argue that we can have a legalized liquor traffic without the saloon. "Saloon" is simply the name given to the place licensed by the Government to sell liquor.
4. Along with the saloon we shall have the habits by which the saloon tempts its prospective customers . . . cheap pool room - dance halls, etc.
-Fred Easton
in Christian Century

STATE CONVENTIONS
South Dakota, Mitchell - September 8-11.
California (South), Santa Barbara - September 26-28.
Virginia, Alexandria - September 26-29.
Maryland, Baltimore - September 28-30.
Wisconsin, Sparta - September 29-October 2.
Iowa, Denison - October 4-7.
Kansas, Coffeyville - October 4-7.
Missouri, Hannibal - October 4-7.
Rhode Island, Providence - October 6-7.
California (North), Fresno - October 10-14.
Colorado, Greeley - October 11-13.
Illinois, Peoria - October 11-13.
Michigan, Flint - October 11.
Alabama, Bessemer - October 11-13.
Oklahoma, Shawnee - October 11-14.
Indiana, Columbus - October 14-17.
Ohio, Cleveland - October 18-21.
New York, Newburgh - October 20-25.

PERSONAL LIBERTY AND SELF DEFENSE
Protests against prohibition of alcohol in the name of personal liberty only show that one has not yet considered the question. At the foundation of the prohibition problem, there is simply the first right, the most natural right of man, the right of self-defense. Let us never forget that the drinker not only harms himself, but he exposes to harm those about him. Every year, hundreds of thousands of human beings perish through the intoxication of another. Recall the statistics of crime, of accidents. Recall the innumerable families abused by drunkards. Recall the millions of men who are born sick and miserable through the drunkenness of another, who in their misery fall a charge upon society as a whole, who pass on that misery to their children and their children's children. There exists hardly a man who has not incurred serious loss through the drunkenness of another. We have the right to defend ourselves. We are not obliged to live with men whose brains are constantly semi-paralyzed. As soon as we have the power to prevent it, we have the right to do so. - The late Prof. G. V. Bunge, University of Basel, Switzerland.

Two prohibition agents of Nashville, Tenn., in the course of their duties, one day recently, turned into a side road. A sow and seven young pigs by the roadside behaved so peculiarly that the agents decided to investigate the action of the porkers. This decision led the agents to a 100 gallon copper still, 550 gallons of mash and 30 gallons of whisky. The pigs, although "pickled," were not arrested. - Exchange

528 (16)    THE UNION SIGNAL

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SHARING IN SUNSHINE AND SHADOW
(Continued from page 8)
is the assistant and is now in charge during Miss Davison's attendance at this convention. The season has not been as favorable as usual for rental of rooms. As the season has not closed, a financial statement cannot be given. The property is looking very well, but Chautauqua lovers are hoping sometime a friend will come forward who wants to see a more adequate house for conference, receptions, and general temperance headquarters at that famous and beautiful resort. Just now we rejoice in the most beautiful location on the grounds and are thankful for the blessing we have while we are looking forward to greater ones.
And now remain a few words about the World's W.C.T.U. contributions from the eldest daughter. Four life members and one memorial member at $100 each have been made this year. The life members are Mrs. Blanche Pickering of West Virginia, whose name was placed on the list by Mrs. Mohler, our ever generous friend; Gertrude L. Worthman and Mary Elizabeth Heath of New Jersey, and Elva Kupfer of New York, who make up the quartet of generous friends. The name of Mrs. W. E. Towson of Georgia was placed on the memorial list by her husband.
The unions do not forget their comrades across the sea even in the midst of their own problems. They know that great as our own difficulties are, they are over-matched by the white ribboners of other lands. The Light Line unions continue to throw the gleam of light through the lens of the World's W.C.T.U., and it is magnified by the gratitude of the recipients into many times its size. To August 1, $2,628 have been received from Light Line unions, an equivalent of 525 unions at $5.00 each. The Union Signal going out to the far corners of the earth is spreading the good news of prohibition and bringing courage and hope to our friends in many countries.
The total receipts to August 1, exclusive of securities handled, have been $159,060.47, and expenditures $150,937.11.
So ends the ninth chapter of our twelve serial installments. It does not read as optimistically as some have done in the past, but there is no note of discouragement to be sounded. Rather we are grateful to God for helping us through the dark shadows. Shadows always mean the light is shining somewhere, and before long we will be out from under the financial clouds that have darkened the skies of every land. We will at least share whatever income we have to help carry on the Lord's work, claiming the promise that if we bring the tithes into the storehouse, He will open the windows of heaven, and pour us out a blessing that there shall not be room enough to receive it. As He has challenged us, let us prove Him.

ANSWERING TO THE CALL OF THE CAUSE
(Continued from page 6)
coadjutors in the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union have supported with such pride in their leader. Each year has brought increasing problems and heavier responsibilities, yet her fertile brain has not only planned a program for the organization but her tireless energy has been the life and inspiration of the workers. Indefatigable in her endeavors, she has been almost constantly afield at the call of the cause, always and everywhere giving of herself until others respond and new springs of action and activity are set in motion.
Honors are hers, for today she is the outstanding and acknowledged woman leader in the temperance cause, known and loved by a multitude of people. With these honors comes the glare of a pitiless publicity for every word and act - the inevitable price of this type of leadership. The enemies of prohibition turned the searchlight of investigation upon her entire life from early girlhood in an effort to bring public discredit upon her. Needless to say they failed so signally that the world knew little of their despicable tactics.
To give anything like a record of her activities is impossible. Six state conventions last fall were graced by her presence and inspired by her utterances - Alabama, Delaware, Kentucky, New Jersey, Tennessee and West Virginia.
She gave lavishly of time and thought in planning for the series of regional conferences last winter, while in nine of the twenty-five she was the leader. She has given innumerable addresses on a wide range of subjects in various parts of the country, while the many letters still coming in to the National Headquarters attest the value and the popularity of the numerous radio broadcasts she has given. Frequent trips have been made to National Headquarters for conference with her co-officers.
Repeatedly has she been in Washington in attendance on meeting of the Conference of Organizations, the Intercollegiate Prohibition Association, the Women's Committee for Law Enforcement, in each of which she holds an official position, while always our own work is kept to the fore.
When Mrs. Boole in June of 1931 was elected to the presidency of the World's W.C.T.U., the Brooklyn Times of her home city made her election the subject of an editorial, a part of which I quote:
"No matter what we think of prohibition, no matter what our expectations as to the outcome of the controversy in which we are all engaged, we must agree that the international organization of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, in convention assembled in Toronto, made the right selection of a president. It names Mrs. Ella A. Boole of Brooklyn to that high office. All Brooklynites familiar with Mrs. Boole's record, with her devotion to the cause, will applaud the choice. They may not all wish her success, but they will agree that the honor was richly deserved.
"In season and out, through thick and thin, in years of defeat and years of victory, Mrs. Boole has fought for the principle of prohibition. During long years when the general public had no thought that the rule would ever go on the law books, she was a leader in the W.C.T.U. insisting that the Government forbid the sale of alcoholic liquor. Many years ago she brought the international convention of her organization to Brooklyn, and held a series of great meetings in the Academy of Music. The Brooklyn public looked on with amused tolerance, never imagining that she would win in her fight to include prohibition in the laws of the land.
"Now she and her associates are working just as determinedly to have the law enforced, and the great organization of women is prepared to spend many years, if need be, to bring ultimate triumph to the cause. For long years Mrs. Boole has held a commanding position in W.C.T.U., serving as National president and as international vice president, and her promotion now to the highest office in the whole organization is an honor well deserved."

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POLITICAL ACTION
The Right Kind of Political Action on the Liquor Question
Published Weekly at One Dollar per Year   Miss Portia Taynton, Publisher    Alfred B. Taynton, Editor    Admitted to Second Class Postage
VOLUME 8.   101 S. Webster St., Madison, Wisconsin   Thursday, August 24-31. 1933  Nos. 16, 17

Chafin's Political Wisdom Verified by Prohibition History
Since our last issue we have happened on one of Eugene Chafin's great speeches which was based on the same conception of government as described in that number. Chafin was a practical politician and sensed the genius of government in a most vivid way. He was the only candidate of the Prohibition party nominated for a second campaign.
We are quoting from this speech, which was delivered during the campaign of 1912, and correctly forecasted present day conditions.
"From 1851 until the present, twenty-five states have gone into the prohibition column. Nearly every township or county between the Mississippi River and the Atlantic Coast has at some period, during the last sixty years, been under some kind of a prohibitive law: because ninety-nine per cent of our people have believed that we can destroy the liquor traffic by law.
And that is where the people have been wrong for the past sixty years. We never can destroy the liquor traffic by law alone. Law never has destroyed and never will destroy the traffic. Law is not government! Administration of the law is government. All the people who, for the past sixty years, have stood for destroying the traffic by getting a prohibition law, have been wrong.
Why have they been wrong? Because they have relied upon the law. The law is one per cent in the destruction of the liquor traffic, and the interpretation of the law and the administration of the government are ninety-nine per cent. What is needed is a party elected to power that will deal with the manufacture and sale of liquor from the standpoint that it is a crime and not a business.
In 1854 the slavery question became dominant in American politics. At that time two political parties - the Whigs and the Democrats - were administering the government from the standpoint that slavery was right. Douglas said, "I don't care whether you vote slavery up or down, let the people rule!" Lincoln said, "Of course you don't care, because you belong to a party that believes that slavery is right. If slavery is right, you have a right to vote it up or down but I hold that slavery is wrong. And if it is wrong, neither Congress nor the people have a right to put a slave where there never was a slave."
A NEW PARTY
Then what happened? Lincoln and others organized a new political party, and said,
Continued on Page 4

Danger! Beware!
Unless, in our great campaign to re-align the anti-liquor forces for the final assault, we make the party idea so outstandingly distinct that no one can possibly misunderstand its full import, new recruits will again be mislead by some new non-partisan movement into another blind alley as in 1892.
Mr. Ghormley's warning, elsewhere, is most timely.

KEEP THE SHORT TERMERS COMING. THERE IS NO BETTER PROPAGANDA GOING

We want those who think
that liquor-selling is wrong
to stop voting with those
who think that it is right.

Entered as a second class matter June 3, 1926, at the Post Office at Madison, Wisconsin, under the Act of March 8, 1879.

HENRY S. BONSIB                        FIELDSEC'Y
       642 N. Dearborn St.,    Indianapolis, Ind.

NO FREE PAPERS
Do not refuse to take "Political Action" from the Post Office. If you have not paid for it someone else has who knows of your interest in what it stands for.

More Fundamental Than the 18th Amendment
The supreme court has stated:
 -That there is no inherent right in a citizen to sell intoxicating liqours
 -That prohibition takes away no personal rights and no property rights of the citizen.
 -That the legislature cannot barter away the public health and the public morals.
 And that prohibition itself is a fundamental principle of government.
 The eighteenth amendment added nothing to these decisions. Therefore, the liquor traffic exists only by "political privilege" and its elimination is purely a matter of administration.

Prohibition National Headquarters
82 W. Washington St., Chicago, Ill.
Edward E. Blake, Chairman

Party activity is developing everywhere.
Mr. Jeanmene is persistently developing organization in Chicago.
Oklahoma joins the active states with the appointment of B.P. Swan as temporary chairman.

Political Actions Is "Regular"
   The publication of extracts from Chapin's speech, in this issue, should appease any who may think Political Action has gone "hay-wire" on the administration idea. If the Prohibition party was in the saddle, as are the Democrats, drys would soon forget all about the 18th amendment.

Ten Thousand Open Letters for Indiana
Mr. Bonsib keeps sending in many short-term subscriptions from his state. Indiana Prohibitionists should stand behind him with moral and financial support. Send a substantial check for the state work. He is the treasurer, Secretary, and field man. Ten thousand copies of Graham's answer to Nicholson have been placed in his hands for distribution in Indiana.

No Change of Name For Them.
   Our entire W.C.T.U. group, admires the sentiment of your Political Action and the Prohibition Party for which it stands. I do not know of any name that would make dry sentiment and our principles of law enforcement more outstanding and more intelligible than the name that has been given it. For my part that is what we want. -Mrs. Effie Lavell, Tomah, Wis.
Read Chafin's Speech in this issue.

Historic Venango Nominates
Special Correspondence:-
   The Prohibitionists and dry sympathizers of this county have announeed candidates for every county office, all of them cand!dates also for the Republican nomination should they win it and fail of the other. County judge, register and recorder, district attorney, sheriff, coroner, and jury commssioners are to be elected. The Prohibitionists, led by David B. McCalmont, of Franklin, former Prohibition state chairman, are also circulating petitions to bring on local option votes in every part of the county on the question of retail beer licenses for consumption on the premises.
   Already the example of one unlicensed Franklin restaurant keeper in dodging the license law by giving beer free and adding its price to that of the sandwiches or pretzels ordered by a customer is being followed by others. This (Venango) Co., is the once-famous county where the Prohibition party was a principal contender for political control. 
     Orrin H. Graham.

Sure, Until It Breaks on the Rocks
   Do you think the "Wave of Prosperity" caused by the Roosevelt measures is going to continue. I don't. I believe as a nation we are being punished for our hypocrisy in passing the 18th amendment and not living up to it. -W.C. Pickering, Eland, Wis.

The Issue Will Not Down.
   There was one interesting feature in the Arizona repeal vote. Altho there were no dry candidates on the ballot still ten thousand votes, equalling one third of the total, were cast against repeal. This demonstrates a most unyielding opposition to the return of the traffic. If such stability can be lined up for partisan action it will be sufficient to superinduce the long desired re-alignment of parties with prohibition a dominant issue to be taken into account. Here is a cue for the Prohibition party leadership.

Wherever Opportunity Presents Itself.
   It also appears in the Arizona election that there was a congressional contest at the same time - but with no prohibition candidate in the field.
   Unfortunately the blame for this must be laid up against our own indifference and neglect. No better field for re-organization can be conceived of than special elections of this kind. It was not long since that such a campaign was made in New Jersey with remarkable results. A special election in Wisconsin a year ago increased our congressional vote many fold. This should be done on every 

such occasion and they are not infrequent.
   The object of the party is the suppression of the liquor traffic; and its dominating FUNCTION is to nominate candidates and to elect them to office.

As To Open Mindedness.
   I do not believe Abe Lincoln and U.S. Grant were openminded toward Robert E. Lee. The Union was saved! Benedict Arnold had an open mind and carried water on both shoulders. Our last national convention voted to withdraw its candidates in favor of greater (?) outstanding leaders, most impolitic and unprecedented. All like proceedures should be chloroformed and anti-toxin administered to any mode of warfare adverse to the party morale. Borah and the like are pillars of salt, altogether without savor. Party membership is more true and will stand the test.
W. H. Ghormley, Mo.

   The news from Venango county means a lot. No more profitable work can be undertaken than nominating tickets from the lowest political unit up and the essence of success is the universality of its application.

We Do Our Part.

Do You Want It
To Happen Again?

How the Wet Flood Grew Under The Internal Revenue System in Pre-Amendment Days.

   The opposition is now sending out exhuberant reports of what great things the revived liquor traffic is going to do for the good (?) of the nation. This is a phase of the problem that will bear close investigation before being accepted at its face value. It all portends the return of the booze business as it was in its worst form under the license system - with all the various regulatory schemes that were ever being applied and always failing to settle the problem, or even minimize its offensiveness.
   The best answer to their fascinating inducements is to review the history of the traffic when it had almost uninterrupted sway for nearly sixty years under the license system in which time it furnished ample evidence of its inherent evil nature and the vain attempt to mollify it by any kind of legal code. It was the uniform failure of that system that brought on the dry crusade which ended in the adoption of the 18th amendment.
   The statistics that are being published by these apologists of the liquor traffic look bewitching enough but the people were woefully misled by them during the license regime and they are gong to be again. The initiation of that vicious system was justified as a means of financing the government during the Civil War period but it inaugurated a saturnalia of public and private debauchery that was a constant source of scandal from beginning to end. Revenue from social weaknesses and outright vices, the normal concomitants of alcohol usage, does not produce legitimate revenue but undermines and destroys the public morale. This fact has been recognized by economic students for generations. The curse of drink in human progress has been recognized by all thoughtful students of history. And now, when our nation is passing through one of the worst, if not the worst, economic crisis of its history, it is proposed to re-establish the system that has ever polluted and often destroyed great nations of the past.
   Taxation implies protection and protection assures liberty of action and promotes develvelopment. The evils of drink grew as constantly as did the traffic under the internal revenue system.
   Below is given a table of its growth under

this impetus from 1862 to 1909. Later, statistics will be reproduced to show the harvest of the traffic in its disgraceful career in American social and economic life, also to expose the delusion that obtained during its reign as one of the great businesses (?) of the nation and that is again being advanced in behalf of its return.
   Will the people again be misled by such false political economy?
Yearly Consumption per Capita from 1850 to 1909
Year    Gallons    Year    Gallons    Year    Gallons
1860    6.43        1870     7.70       1880    10.08
1882   11.95       1884     12.60     1886    12.92
1888   14.67       1890     15.53     1892    17.10
1894    16.96      1896     17.12     1898    17.36
1900    17.68       1901    17.90     1902    19.48
1903    19.98       1904    20.35     1905    20.38
1906    22.26       1907    23.53     1908    23.02

Just As Rotten As Ever.
Franklin, Pa. (Special Correspondence.)-
   Pennsylvania's beer license law, (nobody knows what it was begun for) is soon done for if action taken by one beer-selling place of this city holds in the courts. License was refused because the application was late, and the place opened up anyhow, selling pretzels at a fancy price and giving away beer with them. Nowhere in the law is the giving away of beer forbidden, only the sale, wherefore the law explodes with a resounding bang if no way is found to stop everybody from dispensing by the simple device mentioned. without license. The Legislature, unless called in extra session, does not meet for two years. Even the weak local option provisions of the law will be nullified should the precedent set by the local saloon stand.
   It is the old lawless traffic still. and has begun making votes for the Prohibitionists, as of old.     Orrin H. Graham.

Hammond Starts Court Fight.
   The sale of 3.2 per cent beer in Iowa has been threatened by action brought in Madison county for a permanent injunction to restrain distributors from the sale of beer.
   This the first case to be tried anywhere in the United States to test the "Collins Beer Act" It is sponsored by the National Civic League, John B. Hammond, of Des Moines, research secretary. Should this case hold, cases in other counties will be at once taken up. Mr. Hammond is famous the country over for his legal activities against the traffic and has been the inspiration of various dynamic attacks on it both legal and legislative.

Send Us News of Party Activity.  If There Isn't Any Make Some
(Carried forward from page one)
"We have two old political parties administering the government from the standpoint that slavery is right. Those who are opposed to the extension of slavery, come and join the Republican party." What for? To abolish slavery? No, but to get a party that would administer the government from the standpoint that slavery was wrong. So they made a platform in 1856, and nominated Fremont for president. That platform did not say anything about an amendment abolishing slavery. Why? Because they knew that law alone was not government; that administration of the law is government in this country. The strongest plank on the slavery question was:
Resolved, that it is "imperatively demanded that there should be an entire change in the administration."

Graham Saw Clearly
"I assert that the Anti-Saloon League is not a Moses to lead the temperance cause out of the wilderness, but rather a siren to lure us out of the safe track and end our voyage in shallows and in miseries. If nothing the Prohibitionists can say will avail to arouse those who are following the (Anti-Saloon) League, be assured that the more potent teaching of Experience will have to be ours. And it will be hard on the knuckles." - "The People." July 1, 1907. Orrin H. Graham.

A Matter of Primary Importance
We must corral the wild Americans running everywhere, who now know that the Republican-Democrat party, elected to the government, is not ever going to give them good government in authorizing and fostering the liquor traffic and the crap game over in Wall Street. The financial evils exist by authority of government. Party government is of primary importance for what the sovereign citizen wants.  Owen M. Bruner, N. J.

As the Contest Becomes Clarified
It will be a happy day for the dry cause when the 36th State is lost, for until that day comes, time and money are going to be wasted in useless contests which are lost time for the Drys, and gained time for the Wets. It is unfortunate that the dry organizations are blind to the fact that a political organization, which consists of the two old parties combined and has gone wrong, must be met on its own political arena, by a dry party specifically organized for the purpose.  Jencks.

We of Political Action do not think that prohibition is a lost cause; but rather with the field fully clarified of all non-partisan barrage, the real fight has just begun.  Portia Taynton.

Send In The News
It is exhilarating to know that party activity is taking start in so many localities and states. Almost every mail brings the good news. We are asking the workers everywhere to drop us a card reporting such - the shorter the better if it covers the gronnd.

Wanted. - One thousand new short termers every week. We will send an explanatory notice at the begging and an an appeal to subscribe at the end.

Any Chicago Business?
Chicago commissions of all kinds performed for reasonable fee. Purchases made; persons interviewed, business arrangements handled. Economical, pleasant lodginge arranged for your World's Fair visit. Also tours of the Fair or City conducted. 
Leo F. Jeanmene
82 W. Washington St. Suite 512
Chicago, Illinois

Commercial Work
Letter Heads
Envelopes
Circulars
Posters And What Not
Write for Prices and Samples. It Will Help Sustain the Work
Stenographic Service

We Do Our Part.

Epigrams.
The Prohibitionists must choose their leadership by shunning all non-partisan advocates.
Those who advocate that in a righteous cause a half-loaf is better than no bread soon find that (the cupboard is bare.)
If there ever was a time when the drys were caught napping it is NOW!
This half-way opposition strengthens the wets and serious times may be expected right ahead.
Until recently few Party Prohibitionists saw the real status of the 18th amendment. The latter has been admirably cleared up by Will C. Dean, who blames non-partisan legislation for present conditions, and for the alienation of Drys from the party. Thanks Mr. Dean.
F. T. Jencks.

Mr Grumbine Keeps Coming
Enclosed S...... another list for P. A. short term offer. Hope you will receive thousands more. -T. S. Grumbine, Pa.

And It Surely Will.
I am enclosing $1.00 for P.A. but they are hard times for me, I hope that you keep going and our cause finally succeeds.
J. D. Wiggins, N. Y.

Dry Humor.
"There is a spirit of kindly camaraderie among actresses," says a critic. They are always willing to take each other's parts. -Punch.

"Is she upset about her broken engagement?"
"Completely unmanned!"

The fact that this civilization survives makes us wonder more and more what destroyed the old ones - Oil City Derrick.
Don't worry, we may yet find out - P.T.

Grandpa - (awakening from gland operation) - Oh, dear me, I know I'm going to be late for school today.

"How are you, Mrs. Browne?"
"Oh I've nothing to grumble at."
"Mr. Browne away then?"

Customer, - What's this in my soup?
Waiter, - Don't ask me sir. I don't know one insect from another.

Hubby - Well, darling, I've just had my life insured for $5,000.
Wifey - That's nice. Now I shan't have to keep telling you to be careful every place you go. - Pathfinder.

The Scotchman had fallen into the well and while swimming around in it, called to his wife. She came running to him and asked. "Shall I call the servants from the field? They may pull you out."
"What time is it?" he inquired.
"Eleven-thirty," said the wife.
"Well, never mind," said he. "I'll swim around till dinner time!" - C.N.R. Magazine.

562 (2)            The Union Signal
ELECTION DAY IN MAINE
Ella A. Boole

Column 1
In response to an urgent call, I went
to Bath, Maine, for the Sunday pre-
ceding the election. Twenty-two 
ago that very day, Lillian M. N. 
Stevens issued her famous proclama-
tion in which she called upon the 
churches and temperance organizations
to join in the rally cry, "On to Wash-
ington for National Constitutional 
Prohibition." Maine led the way not
only for state-wide prohibition, for
Maine was the first state to adopt it, 
but Maine led the way for nation-wide
prohibition.
I had a great meetings in Bath and
was impressed with the interest of the
ministers and the organization that
had been effected in the community. 
Main voted by districts. The names
of delegates to the constitution were
listed alphabetically and every voter
had to pick out the candidates that 
represented his views. The No Repeal
Committees had printed the names of
dry candidates and slips bearing these 
names were very largely distributed.
I spent election day in Portland. 
Thirteen delegates were to be elected
but the ballots contained twenty-six
names. There were nine polling places
in the city. The wets used tickets
with the names of their candidates
printed on light blue paper. The drys'
names were printed on brown and yel
-low paper. The city was thoroughly
organized and it was exceedingly in-
teresting to be in state headquarters
and to visit another headquarters in
Chestnut Street Church and to see the
ability with which the committee saw
to it that there were watchers and 
checkers and distributers of ballots at
every polling place. I was greatly
pleased with the versatility of the 
women as they answered the phone
messages. You know sometimes people 
get a little tired of answering the tele-
phone and especially do they get
weary when they have to go without
their meals. Miss Pierce at the Chest-
nut Street headquarters, when some-
body objected to going immediately
to a polling place, said "Oh, we've
given up eating here until tomorrow."
She said it with a smile and, of course,
the man said he would go immediately.
Mrs. Gertrude Stevens Leavitt, the
daughter of Mrs. Stevens, was very
active. Ralph Leavitt, the son of Mrs.
Leavitt and grandson of Mrs. Stevens, 
was chairman of Cumberland County. 
A son and grandson of Mrs. Hannah
J. Bailey were active workers, taking
people to the polls in their cars. Pro- 

Column 2
fessor Brooks Quimby, son of the
W.C.T.U. state president, gave a fine
radio address the night before the elec-
tion. The finest people of the state, 
people experienced in political work,
gave of themselves to get out the dry
vote. No request for free transportation
to the polling places was denied. Even
high school boys and girls offered 
their services for the distribution of
ballots and I was interested when a
young high school boy came into the 
office and said "If you can send a car
to ———, you can get six dry voters."
It would have rejoiced your heart to 
see how a man rushed from the room
to his car to bring in these voters who
needed transportation.
They had a plan in Cumberland 
County whereby a committee of ten
each agreed to enlist ten other workers
and each of these agreed to enlist ten
additional workers, a sort of a geo-
metrical progression, and it enlisted
a splendid corps of the finest meant
and women in Maine. 
We may not know the exact count at 
once for I recall that twenty-two years
ago it was nearly three weeks before
we got the report that Main had held

Column 3
her law by a majority of about eight 
hundred. Despite the result, the drys in
Maine put over a good fight and
though they failed to hold the sate
against repeal, we may lay the fail-
ure to the efforts of Mr. Farley and 
the Administration who used the club
of withholding patronage from Maine
Democrats unless the state went for
repeal.
We called on Colonel Fred Dow
in the afternoon. It gave one a real
thrill to see the name "New Dow" on
the doorplate. Colonel Dow is deeply 
interested in every phase of activity of
the drys and while his health is not
sufficiently good to enable him to be
as active as in former years, he voted
early and pointed with pride to the 
pictures of his father and mother who
had rendered such devoted service to 
make Maine dry.
The consecration and devotion of
the drys of Maine was encouraging
and I am telling you the story because
I know that the same devotion is being
manifested in every state.
The odds may be against us this 
year but some day prohibition will
win.

AND THIS— 
IN A WET NEWSPAPER

When prohibition goes various
taxes will be repealed, the nation
relying on whisky drinkers to take
care of expenses.
Some foreign nations rely on
lotteries to pay government costs
and we shudder, because a lottery
means gambling.
But a lottery doesn't eat out 
the insides of citizens' kidneys,
or make them commit murder
while drunk, or, as Thomas Jef-
ferson said of whisky, "destroy
the fortunes, the bodies, the minds 
and morals of our citizens."
—Arthur Brisbane
Chicago "Herald and Examiner"

MINORITY VOTE IN VERMONT
Fewer votes were cast in the repeal 
election in Vermont than were totaled 
in the former election for the gover-
nor of that state.
Again, a majority of a minority and 
undoubtedly many dry votes among
the stay-at-homes.

MAINE DELEGATES NOT PLEGED
While repeal leaders in Maine's 
election, September 11, early claimed
the victory, they resided to make
known the probable majority of 
votes, because of the make-up of the 
ballots, which asked the voters of 
each county to vote for from four to 
twenty-six delegates who were un-
pledged as to their stand, but who 
had been backed by various wet or
dry organizations. This method of 
procedure was along the line of the
advisory opinion given by the state
supreme court of justice, that the vote
should not be in the nature of a refer-
eudum but that the convention, to 
which eighty delegates were being
elected, should be "deliberative" and
unplugged. The convention will be
held on December 6.
Small cards, bearing the names of
the endorsed candidates, were distributed 
by each side at practically
every one of the precincts in the state.
Nevertheless, according to press re-
ports, it was expected that many of 
the ballots would be thrown out be-
cause the vote was "split," or because
 the voters had named more than the
required number of delegates. 


September 23, 1933
3(563)
Column 1

GOVERNMENT PREPARES FOR REPEAL
"The Government has adopted a 
policy which practically allows whisky
distillers to operate at full speed and
to produce as much liquor as pos-
sible." This is the statement of the 
United States News, of Washington, 
D.C. The article continues:
"The Bureau of Industrial Alcohol,
which since the enactment of prohibi-
tion has been charged with setting 
quotas for liquor production, is re-
vising its quotas upward as fast as
the distillers exhaust them. In ad-
dition, old distilleries have been cir-
cularized with the suggestion that they
resume operations.
"High-speed production is being
urged because of the apparent in-
adequacy of domestic stocks in the 
event of early repeal. With repeal
possible by December 6, the United 
States, which has consumed as much 
as 80,000,000 gallons in one year, has
on hand less than 4,300,000 gallons
of aged whisky and only about 18,-
500,000 gallons altogether, the Bu-
reau's records show.
"Already this year the production 
quota has been revised upward once. 
At the beginning of the year produc-
tion was set at 3,000,000 gallons. A 
month ago another 7,000,000 was
added, making the total 10,000,000.
Dr. J. M. Doran, Director of Industrial
Alcohol, believes he will make a sec-
ond increase later in the year if dis-
tillers exhaust the present limit.
"The 1933 quota already is far
above those of recent years. From the 
enactment of prohibition to 1929 no 
whisky was produced. Since 1929 pro-
duction has averaged about 2,500,000
gallons a year, being regulated in ac-
cordance with medicinal liquor de-
mands.
"Only seven distilleries are now
operating in the United States, ac-
cording to the Bureau of Industrial
Alcohol, compared with more than a 
hundred in the last year before na-
tional prohibition."

* * *

BUYING BETTER 
MOTION PICTURES

"Be Better Motion Picture Buyers" 
is the slogan for the year suggested to
the women of the country by Mrs. 
Richard M. McClure, chairman of the 
committee on Motion Pictures of the
General Federation of Women's Clubs,
in her annual report appearing in the 
current number of the Federation offi-
cial publication.
Mrs. McClure suggest that since 

Column 2

women are adopting approved buying 
standards for all kinds of merchan-
dise and commodities, "Motion pic-
tures should be considered like all
other products of artistic expression
—books, pictures, Victrola records, 
sheet music and rare bits of sculpture
or pottery—to be PURCHASED or
rejected by THOUGHTFUL buyers.
"Heretofore people have just gone
to the movies and paid an admission. 
This year we are asking women, who 
control 85 per cent of the purchasing 
power of the country, to extend their 
rights of selection and discrimination 
to the box office of the motion picture
theatres of America. Study the films
as carefully as other merchandise pur-
chased for the family. Demand value 
for the family recreation dollar. Reject 
the inferior and the shoddy and the 
second-rate. You refuse to buy poor 
quality goods from your merchants 
and in this manner you teach him the 
fallacy of cheap goods and the buy-
ing public. A concerted buying move-
ment for moral and artistic films for 
family entertainment is our aim this
year."
* * *

RATIFICATION REPEAL STATUS

Elections on repeal have been held
in the following states: Michigan,
Wisconsin, Rhode Island, Wyoming,
New Jersey, New York, Delaware,
Nevada, Illinois, Indiana, Massachu-
setts, Connecticut, Iowa, New Hamp-
shire, California, West Virginia, Ala-
bama, Arkansas, Tennessee, Oregon,
Arizona, Missouri, Texas, Washington,
Vermont, Maine, Colorado, Maryland, 
Minnesota, Idaho and New Mexico.
Elections are to be held as follows:
Virginia, October, 3; Florida, October 
10; North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsyl-
vania, South Carolina, Kentucky and 
Utah, November 7.

* * *

LIQUOR TAXATION PLANS
CONSIDERED BY PRESIDENT

President Roosevelt has made the 
announcement that he has asked the 
Treasury Department to study the 
question of liquor tariffs and taxes.
Several suggestions have already been 
made, he stated, as reported in the 
United States News, of Washington, 
D. C., and they will be taken under 
consideration. Experts on the staff are 
to be consulted, according to state-
ments of the Treasury Department,
and associated with the Treasury are to
be representatives of the State and the
Commerce Departments. Special atten-
tion will be given to the relationship
between state and Federal tax levies.

Column 3

KENTUCKY'S REPEAL
DELEGATES UNPLEDGED.

The bill providing for Kennedy to 
vote, November 7, on the question of 
the repeal of the Eighteenth Amend-
ment has been finally signed by Gov-
ernor Ruby Laffoon. It provides that 
19 delegates, chosen by state-wide 
vote, shall meet in convention in the 
city of Frankfort on November 27
to pass formally on the amendment.
The delegates, according to the As-
sociated Press, are to be chosen by 
petition, three from Jefferson County
and two each from the other eight
congressional districts. They will be 
unpledged, so as to avoid any chance
of the convention's being held un-
constitutional in not being a deliber-
ative body, but those working for re-
peal have offered no objection, it is 
said.
* * *

"CARROLL RECORD"
REFUSES BEER
ADVERTISING 

Among the newspapers which have
refused to carry beer advertising is 
the Carroll Record of Yanceytown, 
Maryland. In an editorial statement 
its readers are told: "The Carroll 
Record, in its approaching forty 
full years of publication, has never
published liquor advertisements, and
does not mean to break this rule. We
have had several inquiries as to 
whether we would accept beer advertis-
ing, all of which have been answered 
in the negative."
Quoting from an editorial in the 
Christian Science Monitor that "Elim-
ination of liquor advertising through-
out the nation was one of the many
gains of total prohibition in the United 
States," and that "this phase of the 
dry law was particularly noticeable to 
one returning from abroad, where in 
nearly all countries liquor advertise-
ments confront the eye at almost every 
turn," the Record very pertinently
asks:
"Today, as the beer advertisements 
obtrude themselves along the roadside
one wonders: If everybody was feel-
ing so keenly the need of a glass of 
beer, as wets convinced the nation a
few months ago, why is it so necessary 
now for sales purposes to remind the 
ordinary citizen of this desire every 
few hundred yards? Why does the liq-
uor traffic have to spend so much
money to advertise its 'gift of happi-
ness'? Finally, what would be the re-
result if the billboards portrayed the 
real benefits of total abstinence in
anywhere near the measure that they
today depict the manufactured virtues
of beer?"

564 (4)  THE UNION SIGNAL

W.C.T.U. ON MAP IN JAMAICA

MRS. EDITH IRVINE-RIVERA

It is indeed encouraging to be able
to add the beautiful island of Jamaica,
B. W. I., to our list of auxiliary countries
that are affiliated with the World's
Woman's Christian Temperance Union.

Organizing work was begun in Jamaica
last year and in touring the Island
some twelve unions were organized,
while within a few weeks' time
254 people had signed the total
abstinence pledge.

This year two months have been
spent in a vigorous campaign throughout
the Island and as a result there
are now twenty unions and fourteen
Loyal Temperance Legions. The list
of pledge signers shows a decided increase,
reports up to date giving 530
adults and 250 children who have
signed pledges.

The most encouraging feature of the
work in Jamaica is the growing interest
manifest, and the fact that unions
are carrying on in different parts
of the Island. Best of all, it has been
possible to organize a fine executive
group who will foster and direct the
work well as each member is heartily
interested in the cause of total abstinence.

On May 25 a meeting was held at
the Y.W.C.A. of Kingston, the capital
of Jamaica, for the purpose of electing
the Insular officers, and after brief
remarks by the writer, the following

white ribboners were elected: Mrs.
Nellie Olson, president; Miss Sada
Stanley, first vice president; Mrs.
Gleister Knight, second vice president;
Mrs. Robert Cope, treasurer; Miss
Ethel Lopez, corresponding secretary;
Mrs. Z. L. Lord, recording secretary.

Mrs. Nellie Olson, wife of Rev.
George W. Olson, superintendent of
the Church of God missions in Jamaica,
is one of the very busy people
who is willing to do a little more when
it is vitally important. She is principal
of the Jamaica Bible Institute and is
engaged in many activities of the large
church of which her husband is pastor
and, due to her long years of residence
in Jamaica, she is ably fitted to lead

the temperance forces forward in the
Island. Mrs. Olson is also a sculptor
and finds this art, which is her hobby,
a fascinating pastime when she can
snatch a little respite from her many
pressing duties.

We may indeed rejoice in the fact
that such representative women have
been obtained to form the Jamaica 
W.C.T.U., as all of them are leading
church workers in the Island and Miss
Stanley, the first vice president, is the
daughter of one of the Crusaders.

So the W.C.T.U. is on the map in
Jamaica and there is every evidence
that the work will be extended throughout
the Island in a wholesome and
substantial way.

IMAGE: Group of Jamaica White Ribboners. Seated in front are the Insular Officers,
together with Mrs. Edith Irvine-Rivera, World's W.C.T.U. Organizer

TEMPERANCE EXHIBIT IN
SOUTH AFRICA

A most successful exhibit called
"Alcohol and Civic Life" was staged
recently by the Temperance Alliance
and the W.C.T.U. of South Africa for
the annual Witwatersrand show. The
Capetown Tribune gives an interesting
account of the affair.

Two cases, holding a hundred tiny
dolls each, illustrated the influence of
liquor on infant mortality. In one 28
were dressed in black to represent the
percentage dying in infancy in the
homes of abstaining mothers; in the
other 55 so dressed showed the percentage
of deaths where mothers drank.
Two motor cars in collision, with lifeless
drivers and passengers, had the
caption, "One man partially drunk
may mean two men totally dead." The
interest manifested in this was intensified,
no doubt, by the recollection of
a terrible motor accident the preceding
week.

Among the posters one entitled "The
Worst Kind of Foot and Mouth Dis-

ease" caused merriment followed by
serious thought, for it pictured an
intoxicated man in tattered clothing
and broken shoes, holding in his hand
a glass of liquor. "Object Lessons"
very vividly compared milk and beer
for food value and explained the
health-giving properties of raisins,
advising the visitors to "eat raisins for
vim, vigor and vitality." Posters on
employment explained that a million
pounds spent in brewing employed
only 542 persons, compared to 5,884
in the shoe trade, 4,881 in baking,
and 5,791 on railroads. Visitors were
heard to remark that if the liquor
trader were reduced real trade would
be far more profitable to the world.

The foregoing are only a few of the
many object lessons and pictures which
made up one of the finest pieces of
educational work done by the combined
temperance forces of South
Africa. A liquor man testified to its
value when he said, "I consider your
exhibit most dangerous." Its promoters
believe it was dangerous to the 
liquor trade.

BRITISH WHITE RIBBONERS
PRAYING FOR AMERICAN
CO-WORKERS

The following resolution was
adopted at a recent meeting of the executive
committee of the National
British Women's Total Abstinence
Union, which is federated with the
World's Woman's Christian Temperance
Union:

"This committee warmly congratulates
the National W.C.T.U. of the
United States of America on the
statesman-like manner in which it has
upheld the campaign to retain National
Prohibition, and awaits with deep interest 
the news of the National W.C.T.U. 
convention."

"Our thoughts and prayers are with
you American women - sisters in our
W.C.T.U. - at this trying time," writes
Mrs. H. C. Higgs, honorary recording
secretary, when forwarding the resolution
to the World's and National
W.C.T.U. president, Mrs. Ella A.
Boole.

September 23, 1933   (5) 565

WET ARGUMENTS RUN DRY

Metropolitan Paper Makes Futile Attempts to Justify Repeal

In trying, through almost three full
pages of the New York Times Magazine
(September 10), to prove, as he
terms it, "that the Eighteenth Amendment
represents a double error,"
Allan Nevins repeatedly comes flat up
against the futility of his own arguments.

"It was a mistake in the first place,"
he says, "to try to enforce a single
cast-iron treatment of the liquor question
upon varied sections, widely differing
communities and disparate social
groups. . . . In the second place
it was a mistake to embed prohibition
in the Constitution. As legislation pure
and simple, it was utterly out of place
in an instrument that should be devoted
to defining the machinery and
general principles of government."

Having laid down his premise of
"errors" so definitely, Mr. Nevins
might logically have been expected
then to launch out and explain just
how the millennium is to arrive after
those "errors" have been repealed.
And he does start out quite optimistically
by saying that "We are still
sufficiently young and hopeful as a
democracy to prefer looking to the
future. It is the future and not the immediate
past of the liquor question
that will now interest most Americans."

Liquor Levity Not Lasting

But almost immediately he begins
to point out that this future may not
be as bright as his first exultation
over repeal would have seemed to intimate.
"Inevitably," he says, "just at
the moment there is a good deal of
levity in the discussion of prohibition
and allied questions. The mood of
many people is of light-hearted exultation;
some talk as if liquor was one
of the greatest of human blessings,
and the alleged danger of its abuse a
phantasy of bigots and hypocrites. But
we may be sure that this is not the
mood of the great majority of Americans -
or at least that it will not be
the lasting mood."

Then, as he says, "To place the subject
in proper perspective," Mr.
Nevins proceeds to go over the history
of the liquor problems of the past
and explain in detail the "factors
which conspired to strengthen the century-
old movement in America against
liquor and saloon." He tells how
drinking increased in this country
from 4.08 gallons per capita in 1850,
to 17.04 gallons per capita in 1892;
how "in the decades, 1880-1900, the

alliance between the politician and the
saloons was being cemented"; how the
great increase in immigration built up
whole communities whose drinking
habits were capitalized by grafting
politicians to promote corrupt political
machines; how "the State was assuming
more and more of the burden
of poverty, disease, defectiveness and
delinquency and the taxpayers had a
shrewd suspicion that an ill-controlled
liquor trade added heavily to this burden";
how "science took a hand"
through the scientific temperance instruction
in the schools; and how the
whole movement was given impetus
through "the crusading or muckraking
spirit that became rampant late in the
Eighteen Nineties". . . when, older
readers of McClure's Magazine may
recall, there appeared, "the horrifying
article," says Mr. Nevins, "in which
George Kibbe Turner showed that
about 1900 Chicago spent $135,000,000
a year ($200 for every male
adult) on liquor, gambling and prostitution."

The Saloon Problem

Mr. Nevins then takes up the saloon
question. He tells how the battle
against it was "pressed forward on
three front: an attempt to educate
people to abstinence, an attempt at
regulation, and an attempt at abolition
or prohibition," and frankly admits
that "It was largely because the
battle upon the first two fronts failed
of satisfactory success that the third -
total prohibition - was made the principal
sector of attack."

He gives us the two main reasons
"why the agitation for abstinence or
self-denying temperance failed," the
constant influx of new immigrants
from countries where drinking was
taken as a matter of course, and the
fact that "The liquor interests organized
an 'education' of their own. They
advertised the delights of drink as
effectively as the reformers advertised
its dangers. And it was evident that a
certain stratum of the population, native
as well as foreign-born, would
always turn to liquor - the stratum
which it injured most. It was the
poor, the defeated, the hopeless, the
labor-brutalized, who turned to the saloon
and excessive drink for a comfort
or a lethe which they could not
find elsewhere."

Low Down on High License

Having thus expounded on why
education alone did not suffice to keep

liquor under control, Mr. Nevins explains
that, "If education had its limitations,
so did regulation," proceeds
to delineate the various systems of "license,"
and decides that "The drawbacks
of the high license system at
once became evident. It forged more
closely than ever the alliance between
liquor and politics, for it gave room
to political favoritism and made saloon-
keepers richer and more powerful.
It led also, in some cities, to a dangerous
consolidation of liquor interests.
That is, it crushed out the small individual
taproom and introduced instead
the chain of saloons operated by
large distillery or brewery interests.
Finally, it became evident that where
rich license revenues resulted, they
gave the local government and the
taxpayers an unhealthy pocket interest
in the saloon business; and that they
inclined to encourage rather than discourage
the liquor trade."

Mr. Nevins opens his next chapter
by saying, "With education uncertain,
with high license a failure, and
with a general American distaste for
government dispensary systems, the
reform forces turned to prohibition,"
but then, having thus explained the
necessity for prohibition, he most illogically
proceeds to denounce those
"reform forces," which worked to
bring it about.

No Royal Road to Control

In turning again to the future, this
Times article certainly waxes over-optimistic
when it counts "the saloon,
the backroom politician and the spirit
of the National Retail Liquor Dealers
Association" as influences that are
now gone. However, the writer again
admits: "In the main essentials we
must, after all, go back to 1917 and
earlier. That is, discarding any hope
of a royal road to the solution of one
of mankind's thorniest, most complex
and most troublesome problems, we
must go back to the principal methods
that were being tried before we took
the delusive short-cut. These will be,
as before, education, regulation and
prohibition." He then adds that these
are all to be tried under new conditions
but, against the experiences of
the past which he has so carefully delineated,
he finds the "new conditions"
still full of stumbling blocks.

Education, he says, must be revived,
"the sooner and more systematically
the better." This, he justifiably feels,
is to be aided by the fact that immigra-

(Continued on next page)

566 (6)      THE UNION SIGNAL

PROMINENT FIRM REFUSES TO HANDLE
LIQUOR ADVERTISING

N.W. Ayer & Son, nationally known
advertising agency of Philadelphia,
has canceled its advertising contract
with Canada Dry Ginger Ale, Incorporated,
because that company will
sell beer and whisky if the Eighteenth 
Amendment is repealed, according to
the announcement made by the president
of the agency, Mr. Wilfred Fry,
who predicted that the return of liquor
would "divert an important share of
America's mass purchasing power
from essential commodities."

Pointing out that his company long
ago adopted the policy of not advertising
alcohol, Mr. Fry, as quoted by
the Editor and Publisher, commented
on the present situation of the liquor
business as follows:

"In the case of a client who manufactures
or distributes alcoholic beverages,
this would create for us an impossible
situation, since we would then
be in the position of making alcohol
attractive to the youth of this country.

"Furthermore, we do not wish to
classify our clients with the liquor
business.

"This has been our policy since the
last century. We believe in it so completely
that we have canceled a ten-
year-old agreement with Canada Dry
Ginger Ale following that client's decision
to engage in the manufacture
and distribution of beer and whisky
after repeal.

"We regret the condition which
necessitated this step, but on a strictly
business basis we are certain we are
right."

Mr. Fry admitted repeal will bring
many millions of dollars into Federal
state and local treasuries, but declared
that "this contribution, in the main,
will be made by that class of the public
which can least afford it.

"The moral questions in repeal can
be left out entirely," he said, "but
from a purely business standpoint, we

still cannot see a very happy result 
in the return of liquor.

"The liquor business has not
changed. When the thirty-sixth state
has been lined up, it will be run by the
same old crowd in the same old way."

In an editorial on the repeal status,
the Christian Science Monitor declares
that Mr. Fry has hit the nail on the
head in his statement that the revenues
from liquor taxes will be paid
in the main "by that class of the public
which can least afford it," and
that "the liquor business has not
changed." The "liquor traffic has always
a lawbreaker," says the Monitor,
"always corrupting politics and besmirching
other business," and "right
now wherever states are considering
new curbs to take the place of prohibition
an embryo liquor traffic is already
busy opposing restrictions and 
influencing politics."

It is true that as yet it "is impossible
to understand fully how serious
are the problems" which the return of
legalized liquor would bring. "But
some new yet strangely familiar exhibitions
of liquor greed and lawlessness
are already giving America a
preview which must cause sincere wets
to wonder if the liquor business can
change, and if bringing it back is
going to work the wonders they have
been led to expect." And if repeal does
come, the drys may be assured that the
closer acquaintance with its evils will
mean that "a vast body of wiser wets
will join them in a new offensive
against liquor and the liquor trade."

ADVERTISING PAYS,
W.C.T.U. BELIEVES

"Wanted - 1 million boys and
girls to sign the total abstinence
pledge."

So reads a classified advertisement
that was brought yesterday to
the office of the "Morning Star"
and "Register-Republic" for insertion
in today's papers.

The advertiser is Mrs. Myrtle
Wolfrum, 1302 East State Street,
president of Central W.C.T.U. and
publicity director of the Winnebago
County W.C.T.U.

Pledge cards for those who wish
to swear that they will never let
their lips touch liquor may be obtained
from Mrs. Wolfrum, the advertisement
advises.

The above news story appeared in
the columns of the Rockford (Ill.)
Morning Star, September 9, and the
advertisement referred to was among
the regular classified ads under the
heading of "Personal."

WET ARGUMENTS
RUN DRY
(Continued from page 5)

tion has been largely stopped for a
decade and that industry will be more
ready than ever before to help in this
process. As his "new element" in the
field of "regulation" he suggests the
state dispensary system and then goes
right on to tell how this system failed
when it was tried in South Carolina.
"For one thing," he says, "blind tigers
sprang up all over the state. For another,
the system soon generated a political
corruption equal to that of the
old saloon. The state board, county
boards and local dispensers made up
a numerous group of officials, appointed
in many instances for political
reasons only, and too often inefficient
and unscrupulous. Graft and
malfeasance became common. A legis-

lative investigation had to be held,
and the system came to an end amid
clouds of scandal."

Although it had been earlier suggested
that there was also to be some
vital "new factor" in his third point,
- "state prohibition," - Mr. Nevins
fails to elucidate on anything new but
simply tells the same old story of the
impossibility of holding one state dry
if it is surrounded by wet territory
and closes his whole lengthy article
with the warning that "Repeal naturally
means to many the opening of a
new era of emancipation, and to some
extent that view is justified. But after
the first jubilation is over we shall
find that it also means the reopening
of an old era of responsibilities and
effort. If we do not prepare betimes
for those responsibilities, we shall
have to pay something for that delay
afterward."

PUBLIC PROTESTS
SUPPRESSION OF
PROHIBITION NEWS

On August 18 Attorney General
Homer S. Cummings issued a circular
forbidding prohibition agents and employes
throughout the country to furnish
"to the press either directly or
indirectly any information whatsoever."
This circular was signed by
John S. Hurley, assistant director of
the Division of Investigation in charge
of prohibition, and approved by Director
J. Edgar Hoover, but so many
protests have been received that, according
to the United States News, the
Attorney General has called into conference
an advisory committee of newspapermen
to discuss the question of
what publicity prohibition activities
should receive.

September 23, 1933     (7) 567

A BOLD BUT MISTAKEN DEFENDER OF ALCOHOL
EMMA L. TRANSEAU, Bureau of Scientific Temperance Investigation

An effort, patently made to put alcohol
in a favorable light, is being
promoted over the country by the
wide circulation of a large printed
folder which claims that ethyl alcohol
is not a poison; that it is produced
in large quantities during normal digestion;
that it is the fuel which keeps
the body warm and drives the "human
motor car"; that people who do not
produce enough of it die prematurely;
that it is a "distributor of food, a
nerve disinfectant"; that it does not
destroy nor injure nerve centers "as
some texts seem to imply"; that it
burns in the body and leaves "a deposit
of structural material," with
which our bodies are always undergoing
renewal and repair; and that "if
alcohol could be taken out of the
world, all humanity would be dead
in a very short space of time."

Statements at Variance
with Known Facts

No less amazing than these utterly
untrue statements themselves is the assurance
with which they are sent to
an informed class of women like the
members of the Woman's Christian
Temperance Union, who might be assumed
to have some little knowledge
of the human body and of the poisonous
action of alcohol.

No doubt, however, the circular is
being sent to some person who may
suspect that the statements are wrong,
but have no means of comparing them
with reliable works, or who may even
accept them without question. Hence
the following reference to some of the
statements that are wholly at variance
with known facts, may be helpful.

Eminent Authorities
of a Century

The circular is headed, "Is Ethyl
Alcohol a Poison?" and closes with
the assertion that it is not a poison.
Anyone within reach of a tolerably
well-equipped library will find that
for more than a hundred years standard
writers on poisons from Orfila
(1826), Christison (1832), Pereira
(1834), Taylor (1875), Winter
Blythe (1895), Peterson and Haines
(1904), down to the present New
Standard Dictionary (1925), all class
alcohol with the poisons or declare it
to be a poison.

Sir William Willcox, a well-known
British toxicologist (1929), and Dr.
Emil Bogen, an American toxicologist
(1932), agree with Winter Blythe

(1895) that, "If we were to include
in one list the deaths directly due to
chronic as well as acute poisoning by
alcohol it would stand first of all poisons
in order of frequency."

Practical Viewpoint
"Alcohol, Always a Poison"

Noted standard medical textbooks
like those of Austin Flint, Bevan
Lewis, James M. Anders, Ernest H.
Starling, W. A. Bastedo, and others;
well-known individual writers and
teachers in medical colleges, such as
Dr. Willard Parker, Sir Andrew
Clark, Professor Max Gruber, Dr. Alfred
Carpenter, Professor Adolph
Strumpel, Ziemesson's "Cyclopedia of
the Practice of Medicine"; also articles
and editorials in leading medical
journals, all make the same declaration.
Some have limited the statement
by adding "in sufficient quantity," but,
as Dr. August Ley, professor in the
University of Brussels, says (1921):
"It is equally certain that for all poisons,
for example, morphine, cocaine,
strychnine, one may find an extremely
minute dose in which the poison
would not cause serious trouble in the
body. It is the same with alcohol. An
infinitesimal dose of alcohol does not
act upon the body as a poison. But
from the practical point of view, in
ordinary life, alcohol is always a poison."

Many more testimonies than those
here mentioned could be cited if necessary.
In short, Mr. Max Welch, the
author of the circular, is evidently unaware
of the overwhelming current of
medical opinion against which he endeavors
to set himself.

Unique Physiology

Mr. Welch's physiology is as unique
as his toxicology. Instead of "large
quantities" of alcohol being produced
during normal digestion, or any other
time, the most painstaking research
has failed to find any but minute
traces in the body when none has been
taken. It amounts to only between 2
and 3 drops in the whole five quarts
of blood in the average adult body.
For a long time the investigators were
not sure that this was alcohol, but
very recently Gettler (1932) decided
that it was. He reports finding .004
per cent in the blood, .0004 per cent
in the brain, and .0025 per cent in the
liver.

The investigators cannot yet tell
where these "trivial" (Webster)

amounts of alcohol are produced. If
it originated during digestion, as Mr.
Welch asserts, it would be found
among the other products of food
changes which have been discovered,
tested and labelled. But it is not mentioned,
except as a possible consequence
of disordered digestion.

If it were produced to serve as fuel
to heat and run the "human motor
car," as Mr. Welch imagines, a few
drops would not get the car very far.
Physiologists report that fat is the
chief source of heat, and sugar the
chief fuel for muscle work, though
they may be interchanged to some extent.
Some writers teach that alcohol
may serve the body as a partial source
of heat if the quantity taken is small
enough to escape its poisonous effects.
Others believe that the poisonous effects
outweigh the value of the heat so
obtained.

Alcohol Disorders
Nerve Centers

One of the poisonous effects of
even small quantities of alcohol is to
disorder the nerve centers that regulate
body temperature. This in cold
weather increases loss of heat. The
explanation will be found in any comprehensive
physiology. Yet Mr. Welch
declares that alcohol does not injure
nerve centers. Apparently he has
never seen a drunken man, much less
a chronic inebriate.

A Curiosity in
Physiological Literature

All physiologists agree that only
foods containing protein can furnish
material for building or repairing the
body structures. Neither fats nor sugars
contain this essential protein, nor
does alcohol. Mr. Welch's claim that
the burning of alcohol in the body
leaves "a deposit of structural material"
for "renewal and repair" is
therefore without warrant and a curiosity
in physiological literature.

More than one medical writer has
made declarations similar to that of
Professor Harvey Cushing in his "Life
of Sir William Osler": "Throw all
the beer and spirits into the Irish
Channel, the English Channel and the
North Sea for a year," he says, "and
the people of England would be infinitely
better. It would certainly solve
all the problems with which the philanthropists,
the physicians, and the
politicians have to deal."

568 (8)                          THE UNION SIGNAL

The Union Signal
Official Organ of the
NATIONAL WOMAN'S CHRISTIAN
TEMPERANCE UNION
Published Weekly by the National Woman's
Christian Temperance Union
Evanston, Illinois
Editor-in-Chief............MRS. ELLA A. BOOLE
Managing Editor.........MRS HELEN E. TYLER
Associate Editor......MISS VIDA I. THOMPSON

   Entered at Evanston, Ill., post office as second 
class matter, Acceptance for mailing at special
rate of postage, provided for in Section 1103,
Act of October 2, 1917, authorized August 20,
1918.
   Address all communication to THE UNION
SIGNAL, Evanston, Illinois. Manuscripts not accepted
will be returned only when sufficient
postage accompanies the request. For subscription
rates, see page 16.

Evanston, Illinois, September 23, 1933

THE MODERN PIED PIPER

   The zeal with which Washington is issuing orders for increased production in the distilleries over the country certainly presents amazing food for thought when the reason therefore is carried to its logical conclusion, for it can't mean anything else except that the Government is wishing to be prepared for a tremendous sale of whisky.
   "The Government," says the United States News of Washington, D.C., "has adopted a policy which practically allows whisky distillers to operate at full speed and to produce as much liquor as possible.
   "The Bureau of Industrial Alcohol, which since the enactment of prohibition has been charged with setting quotas for liquor production, is revising its quotas upward as fast as the distillers exhaust them. In addition old distillers have been circularized with the suggestion that they resume operations."
   Ever if it were not distressing to contemplate the physical effects of that whisky, it is most baffling to realize that apparently there is no idea of any attempt to curb the amount of money which is thus to be diverted from legitimate business into the coffers of the liquor traffic.
   On the platforms, over the radio, in magazines and newspapers, speakers and writers representing the Government are constantly comparing the present economic crisis to war conditions and not only asking but demanding that "patriotic citizens" shall do their part to forward the success of the depression-recovery program. But why, if these are days which call for war-time sacrifices, should the people be asked to act on the liquor question exactly opposite to the policies adopted on the problem during the World War?
   National prohibition really began as a war-time measure because war leaders realized the necessity of defending man-power and citizen-buying-power from the long arm of the liquor traffic.
   And yet now the country is being urged to restore this self-same life-sapping, poverty-making menace and the Government is ordering the distillers to speed up lest one sale be missed.
   Exactly contrary to the war-time attempts to conserve the energies and resources of the people, they are now told that the more resources they waste on liquor the sooner will the economic "war" be won.
   In the face of the fact that even now the representatives of various states are in Washington besieging the Government for financial help to meet the relief program that the unemployment situation is bound to repeat this winter, it is simply sheer stupidity, if not even worse, that the people who have jobs are being urged to spend for liquor the wages that should be conserved for food and clothing and shelter.
   Can it possibly mean anything but lengthening bread lines this winter?
   In the days before prohibition it was conceded by all social workers that for every dollar that went into Government revenue from liquor, the country had to spend from five to ten dollars for relief of drink-made poverty, drink-made sickness and the burial of drink victims. Evangeline Booth of the Salvation Army, Lillian Wald, the "Angel" of New York's East Side, Jane Addams of Hull House in Chicago, have repeatedly said how much worse the last few years would have been had the lure of the saloon been added to the unemployment problem.
   And yet now, the spending of money for liquor is supposed to alleviate the very distress which it has always multiplied a hundred fold.

* * *

PUBLIC ENEMY NO. I

   What makes the motorist a dangerous driver? Authorities are answering this vitally important question in various ways. An exchange recently remarked that before the end of 1933 has rolled around more than thirty thousand persons in the country, in all probability, will have been killed outright or maimed, through carelessness—that is, through preventable accidents alone—on the part of automobile or truck drivers. The writer of the article warned his readers that the never-ending war against accident must be fought with increasing vigor if it is to succeed. "The dangerous driver," he said, "is Public Enemy No. 1."
   Another exceedingly frequent cause of accidents has been noted by a refraction specialist, C. A. Prenteau of Rochester, New York. As quoted in the New York Times, Mr. Prenteau declares that the peripheral vision is a major factor in the safe handling of an automobile and its impairment often causes accidents attributed to other causes. Indeed, he believes the indirect to be more important than the direct vision, as it enables a person to recognize, subconsciously, objects other than those at which he is looking, such as a car coming from a side road. He is convinced therefore that, as the peripheral vision is effective within a range of 180 degrees and is most sensitive to a moving object, "it may be said to constitute our most effective visionary warning signalling device."
   Two outstanding causes are here named, carelessness and the impairment of vision, particularly indirect or peripheral vision. Science has named a third cause, which greatly increases the other two, namely, alcohol. If scientific research counts for anything, the amount of alcohol contained in a glass or two of beer is sufficient frequently to narrow this peripheral vision a third or more; to shorten the range of direct vision as much; to dim the perception of colors till the yellow, red or green of the traffic light is misread; to restrict "team work" between eye and hand so that the car goes many feet beyond the normal stopping-point; and, finally, is certain to add to these physical limitations the mental "don't care" attitude characteristic of the one who has just taken the "glass or two" which, he assures all and sundry, is perfectly harmless. Since statistics of court records have borne out these facts, is it any wonder that many specialists aver the one-drink drive to be one of the greatest menaces on the nation's highways?
   If the dangerous drive is "Public Enemy No. 1," what can be said of those who offer him—nay, urge upon him—that which makes him dangerous? What of those who license its sale and what of those who vote for such licensing? Can any of these be rightly classed elsewhere than among enemies of the public good? If there were no other grounds, would not the question of traffic safety be sufficient for serious doubt as to the wisdom of the return of legalized liquor?



September 23, 1933                                                             (9) 569

EVEN THE REPEALISTS DON'T AGREE!

   The ardent repealists who have been promising that all liquor problems will vanish into thin air "when and if" prohibition is repealed, that bootleggers will be no more and that speakeasies will instantly become law-abiding, have already begun to get into wrangles among themselves as to just how this millennium is to be attained.
   At the meeting of a commission appointed by Governor Horner of Illinois to draw up a state liquor control system, according to the report in the Chicago Tribune, September 13, Michael Hannigan of the Malt Beverage Dealers' Association came out for the old-fashioned saloon operating under a low tax, with brewers and distillers barred from owning an interest, but the representative for the distillers urged a plan giving the people "all they want to drink," under a high tax.
   Colonel Ira L. Reeves, western manager of the Crusaders, opposed a high tax on the theory that unreasonable taxes will encourage bootlegging and William Huster, founder of the Junior Crusaders, is reported as having taken the same view about high taxes fostering illicit sales and also "warned against setting the minimum age requirement for liquor consumption above 17 years, lest the breaking of the law bring it into contempt."
   Mr. Henry L. Mencken, editor of the American Mercury, than whom there has been no more active propagandist for repeal, has now become an ardent exponent for a very low tax on beer so that this foaming beverage, which he contends is a wholesome drink, may be sold very cheap and thus, according to his theory, keep drinkers off the harder liquors.
   In remarking on this attitude the New York Times (also actively for repeal) points out some of the flies in that ointment when it comes to the revenue that has been promised through the liquor tax.
   "Mr. Mencken in the role of public moralist is a novelty," it caustically comments. "He wants a lower tax on beer, which is a wholesome article, lest people be driven, after repeal, to the hard stuff. But if it is a bit strange to have him concerned about the ravages of gin his argument deserves serious attention from those who do believe that there is a valid social distinction between malt liquor and hard liquor.
   "One way, of course, to discourage a nation-wide lurch from the low-alcohol beverages to the higher contents is to make the tax on hard liquor several times as formidable as the beer tax. But to do so would be to defeat the high hopes of revenue and tax relief based on repeal. Even more important, it would perpetuate the bootlegger and the speakeasy. Obviously the problem calls for tax virtuosoship of the highest order at Washington."
   And thus the revenue difficulties begin to loom in politics in a most familiar fashion.

* * *

JOHN BARLEYCORN ON CHURCH STREET

   A quite startling article, "When John Barleycorn Comes to Church Street," by John Witt Hendrix in the Christian Advocate, deals with the new problems that are confronting the Church since beer is being sold in all sorts of shops now and, should repeal come, the harder liquors also will be dispensed in the same way and by the same hands.
   After questioning as to how many church folk have thought through the fact that repeal really means putting John Barleycorn back on Main Street, the writer says: "We are far more certain that little or no thought has been given to Church Street. John Barleycorn has banished because he existed in a bad form, but he is going to be invited back in the worst form in which he has ever appeared—that is, so far as any of us now living is concerned. Now he is headed for a much wider reception than ever. He is to be housed in drug stores, groceries, cafes, cold drink stands—any and everywhere he may wish to appear. . .
   "And what attitude will the Church take, must it take? We were not troubled with saloon-keepers and bartenders applying for membership in our churches. They were branded by society, and the attitude of the Church was known to all. But what disposition must it make of this new school, this fresh output, the groceryman who has heretofore been an acceptable member of the Church, but now has a permit to sell, and is selling beer; or the proprietor of the corner drug store who is an officer in the Church, maybe on the official board, or teaches a boy's class in the church school; or the cafe man who supports the Church and now services beer with his meals?"
   In touching on this question as it relates to the young people the article asks, "Will the present beer vender be any less a menace to society, to the home, to the youth of the land, than his predecessor, the old-time saloon-keeper? Will the modern 'soda jerker' be classed as a worthy member of society, of the young people's society, or will he suffer the righteous scorn of the old-time bartender?" The writer concludes, "Church Street must consider a myriad of knotty problems created by this new situation. We cannot escape the fact that many of our members are voting for repeal and that some of them are selling beer."

FOR GOD AND HOME AND EVERY LAND

NOONTIDE HOURS OF PRAYER

   "It is always noontide somewhere,
   And across the awakening continents
   From shore to shore, somewhere,
   Our prayers are rising evermore."

MESSAGE FROM WHITE RIBBON CRUSADER

   The following message to the sixtieth convention of the National W.C.T.U at Milwaukee, Wisconsin, came from Mrs. Frances Waite Leiter, "a Crusader in Ohio, and secretary for five years under the first state to organize under the society of the W.C.T.U.":
   'We have passed through the "Red Sea" place in "Our Cause"
   Where, in spite of all we could do,
   There was no way out—there was no way back.
   There was no other way but through.
   We were led by our Lord in battles fierce,
   Till the strength of our foe seemed gone.
   He sent the winds, He heaped the floods
   We He said to our souls,—"GO ON."'
   "We thought the opposite shore of the Red Sea was the Promised Land: but like the Children of Israel, we seem now to face a journey through the 'wilderness,' where there are yet 'idols' and 'golden calves' to be destroyed.
   "A stronger vision must be planted in the minds and hearts of the children and leaders of present and coming generations. Our faith must not fail; but, we must believe that when the remaining 'idols' and 'golden calves' are no more, there is to come the 'Promised Land' free from the curses of this day and generation.
   "My heart, dear Comrades, is with you in the present struggle. 'ON, YE BRAVES'—remembering always, that faith and abiding prayer are the Christian's strongest weapons.

570 (10)                                                                    THE UNION SIGNAL 

NATIONAL HEADQUARTERS

GENERAL OFFICERS 

PRESIDENT
MRS. ELLA A. BOOLE, BROOKLYN, N. Y.

VICE PRESIDENT 
MRS. IDA B. WISE SMITH, DES MOINES, IA. 

CORRESPONDING SECRETARY 
MRS. ANNA MARDEN DEYO, EVANSTON, ILL.

TREASURER
MRS. MARGARET C. MUNNS, EVANSTON, ILL. 

RECORDING SECRETARY 
MRS. SARA H. HOGE, LINCOLN, VA. 

ASSISTANT RECORDING SECRETARY 
MRS. NELLE G. BURGER, SPRINGFIELD, MO. 

1730 Chicago Ave., Evanston, Illinois 

REST COTTAGE

RED LETTER DAY — September 28 — Young Crusader Day 
(Birthday of Frances E. Willard) 

A JOYFUL HOME-COMING DAY 
                  Special Correspondence 

   California North had looked forward during the entire year to August 15, for on that  date we were privileged to meet for our annual get-together day in honor of Mrs. Anna Marden DeYo, National corresponding secretary, California's gift to the National organization and one of whom we are justly proud. 
   This year the women of Bi-County San Francisco-San Mateo were the hostesses, with Alameda County participating. The reception was held in the parlors of Glide Memorial Church, the rooms being beautifully decorated, and a spirit of joy and gladness pervaded the air as many old friends met and enjoyed the pleasant afternoon together. 
   Mrs. Mary A. Todd, bi-county president, presided during the program and extended
greetings to the honor guest.  She then introduced Mr. Arthur Briggs of the Anti-Saloon 
League, who spoke briefly on the task awaiting us in California and urged the women to work and vote for dry officials in county, state and nation. 
   Mrs. Paul Raymond, well known as the leader of the Committee of Five Thousand, brought greetings. She deplored the type of signs she had seen on the streets inviting
ladies (?) to visit beer parlors which would be open all night and where they would find 
a hearty welcome. 
   Mrs. DeYo, in the gracious manner beloved by all her friends, told of looking forward
to this home-coming time and of her joy in meeting old friends.  She said she is always happy to assure all questioners that the Woman's Christian Temperance Union has no intention of giving up now when so much depends on us and we know our cause is right. She gave a most helpful address, presenting in part the new membership plan, and inspiring the women with increased desire to carry on to the best of their ability. 
   Mrs. C. W. Johnson, president of Alameda County, in reminiscent manner told of happy days in working with Mrs. DeYo. Reminding her that she is still ours, Mrs. Johnson presented Mrs. DeYo with beautiful flowers and a mysterious box, with the love of the women of Alameda County. 
   Mrs. Neale and Mrs. Gallagher, in the name of the hostess counties, presented the honor guest with a very lovely pewter and glass bon-bon dish; Mrs. Grace Randall state corresponding secretary, expressed appreciation of her superior officer with a corsage of flowers and Mrs. Edna Landis, state recording secretary, extended a cordial welcome. 
   Many women, including former state officers state and county directors and local 
presidents, were introduced and spoke briefly. 

* * *

"THE TRUTH TELLERS" BROADCAST OVER WAIU 

   A fine example of the use of the radio for temperance publicity is outlined in the current issue of the Ohio Messenger, and in telling her story Mrs. Helen H. Green, state W.C.T.U. director of publicity, voices some of the principles which should guide those engaged in such work. 
   "We call our fifteen-minute period 'The Truth Tellers'," says Mrs. Green, "and we explain that our mission is to tell the truth about alcohol.  And though each morning for five weeks I have declared 'Alcohol is a narcotic, anaesthetic, water-absorbing, habit-forming, RACE poison,'  no correspondent, however vitriolic in other ways, has had the temerity to deny it." 
   Among the guest speakers during this period have been prominent white ribboners, 
church heads, and others. In addition, however there have been also excellent musical 
numbers, given as free-will offerings by members of different Columbus churches, which "are a great assistance in building a program sufficiently varied to meet the needs of a many-sided, invisible audience." The officials of the broadcasting studio have been 
exceedingly courteous and have cooperated in every way possible.
   Mrs. Green expresses her strong wish that whatever the results of the election in November—November 7 is the date on which Ohio will vote on the question of repeal—the educational features of the broadcast be continued. "In either case," she says, "we shall need to reach the masses with vital truths about alcohol, and this avenue is open to us although certain others seem all but closed. . . . My enthusiasm for this method of reaching the masses grows with experience and with the days. The letters we receive are a delight in themselves, touching our hearts and strengthening our very souls." She concludes: "Your prayers have  helped us greatly—please continue to ask God's blessing on our work."

* * * 

RADIO CORNER

   Mrs. Mary Harris Armor broadcast over WFIT in Athens, Georgia, both morning and evening of Sunday, September 3.

* * *

ON THE HONOR ROLL

   From New Jersey come the names of two papers which are to be added to the honor roll of periodicals which refuse to accept advertisements of liquor. Both in Cumberland County, these are the Bridgeton Evening News and the Millville Daily Republican.

* * *

IN MEMORIAM

   Federal Judge William Squire Kenyon, a firm friend of the temperance cause for many years, closed his earthly career on September 9, at his summer home near Bath, Maine. Judge Kenyon left behind him a record of distinguished service as attorney, state judge of Iowa, assistant U. S. Attorney General, United States Senator, and finally as Federal Judge. Utterly fearless in speech and action, he was an ardent advocate of prohibition, being co-author of the Webb-Kenyon Law which preceded the Eighteenth Amendment and a member of former President Hoover's National Law Enforcement Commission.



September 23, 1933                                                                    (11)  571

YOUNG PEOPLE'S BRANCH

General Secretary
Miss Helen L. Byrnes

Executive Secretary
Miss Winona R. Jewell

1730 Chicago Ave., Evanston, Ill.

PROGRESS
                                                   HELEN L. BYRNES

   "There is a power not of ourselves, which makes for righteousness; nay, there are a million powers harnessed today to the chariot wheels of temperance, helping to drive it onward along the splendid pathway, independent of us and with no intention to cooperate in our movement, but compelled to do so, by the affinities of God's laws, written in nature, in society, and upon human hearts. Personality, balanced and benignant, alone can drive the car of progress."
   Thus proclaimed our early spokesman and prophet of progress, Frances Willard. Fitting it is that her picture and the memoir of her life should grace a place in a woman's exhibit of A Century of Progress. 
   Perhaps no word has been more in the public eye and mind than "progress." We have heard it over the radio, have seen it on posters and folders, and the daily press has reminded us that 1933 will be remembered as the year in which Chicago was hostess to A Century of Progress. In that world's exposition, science and invention tell their story of one hundred years of progress. 
   In a newspaper column, edited by a woman, we read an account of the inspiration she received by her visit to A Century of Progress, through a friend's insistence that she be sure to view the talking kitchen as this visit alone would reward her for the trip.

A Talking Kitchen

   The writer describes the modern equipment before her and how, suddenly, the kitchen range began a lively monologue detailing its de luxe workings and all its responses to the tests to which a good cook would put it. As that jolly voice died down, the kitchen refrigerator told of its perfections, and then followed various electrical gadgets.
   The writer comments that civilization is not built on gadgets. The Greeks lacked all modern improvements. Shakespeare's play-house was lighted by candles or by the sun. Queen Victoria's plumbing arrangements were all very crude. Great discoveries of science were made in garrets or basements. Most of the artists of the world painted in attics. Most of the greatest preachers have not had Cathedral pulpits, and loud speakers have not duplicated the great political speeches that have lived.  There was no radio when Washington made his farewell speech or Lincoln gave his Gettysburg Address, while a sermon, spoken on a little hill outside a village in Palestine, still remains the greatest of sermons, though very few in that day heard it.

Progress Cannot Be Measured by Speed

   The writer goes on to say, "So that progress, so far as the mind and spirit go, cannot, of course, be measured by the speed at which we go over the ground or through the air, or across the sea. Thoughts, not things, are what count. Moreover, there are a great many things in nature which pay no attention to modern improvements. Wasps can drive an up-to-date cook out of her up-to-date kitchen, in spite of electric grills. It happened this very day, with a swollen face to prove it. We may go faster when we journey, but we do not see what we travel by quite so well. We do read more print but we do not remember any better than our fathers. One may ask oneself, 'What is progress?' before and even after looking at Chicago's A Century of Progress."
   A young girl complains that her mother is old-fashioned and out of date and we ask, "What do you mean by old-fashioned? Do you refer to the style of dress or fashion of the hair? If so, then many a girl of today is the most-fashioned person possible as she combs her hair straight back and fastens it with a pin through a little knob at the nape of the neck. And dear me, with those puffed sleeves, well, my grandmother wore them and today's style of dress is but the copy of that other day with perhaps an extra touch added for the 1933 age!"
   Progress means not the mode of dress, the outward thing which we deem so important to life and its pleasures, but progress has to do with the character of a nation or of an individual. Progress means more than science or invention. Progress calls to the spiritual, to character and to life.
   We go at the call of death and our modern equipment is left behind for another to use, or to destroy for something even more modern. Material things men can take from us, or destroy, but the things of life which count cannot be stolen if imbedded in the life and character of an individual.
   "Righteousness exalteth a nation." American must progress spiritually and then will all other blessings follow.

"A Wheel of Progress"

   It is for this, the real spirit and program of progress, and the Young People's Branch of the W.C.T.U. adopts and projects the plan for the coming year beginning November 1, 1933—a challenge to progress through "A Wheel of Progress." Each spoke of this wheel, beautifully colored in pastel shades, proclaims progress in membership, study course, active service, public meetings, medal contests, publicity, or some other notable feature of the Y.P.B. program!
   In the progress line-up is the battle cry, "We Fight Alcohol." In the program for total abstinence and sobriety we march on Advance Avenue, with Publicity for defense, Power for evangelism, Service Avenue for active service and the safety zone for pledge signing. The challenge to progress is embodied in the poster, "Fight to the Finish: Advance—Not Retreat."
   Picture the completed wheels from the states as they are placed on display at the Cleveland National W.C.T.U. convention in 1934. Behold how colorful, as each wheel portrays a program of Progress for the youth of America!
   Send to the National Y.P.B., Evanston, Illinois, and get the instruction sheets and start your Wheel of Progress. Remember, we are wheeling forward and you will want to be in on the great event!

572 (12)                                                                                    THE UNION SIGNAL

LIKE JERUSALEM OF OLD

   The present clamor from political leaders to save the country from economic difficulties by prohibition repeal Robert C. McAdie finds analogous to the days "when the shadow of dread Assyria fell over Palestine and the moral rottenness of Jerusalem's 'high life' made cowardice and double-dealing favorite modes of meeting the responsibilities of the hour."
   In an article entitled "Our New 'Covenant with Death'!" this writer recalls that while such policy brought Jerusalem a brief respite, it eventually proved an invitation for the greedy
powers which finally laid the city in ruins, bringing to pass the prophecy of Isaiah who had tried in vain to warn the people.
   Likening the very short-sighted policies of that day to the present mandates for the return of the liquor traffic, he says, "Like the policy of Ahaz, this cowardly compromise with
an an admitted vice, a compromise and covenant now so warmly advocated by our nation's leaders, is, just as was his, the offspring of an irrational hysteria, a distaste for strenuous battling for our freedom, a love for ease which advocates an ignominious surrender so as to enjoy an ignoble peace, a feeble-minded readiness to accept lying propaganda as gospel truth, and a greed for easy money!
   "One of the charges brought by the prophet Isaiah against the court policy of that day was that those politicians had taken refuge in lies and falsehood, and, with the same respect for today's high-placed advocates of national salvation by the alcoholic route as he had for both the royalty and statesmen of his time, one may boldly assert that the present American uprising for the legalizing and commercializing of the liquor vice smells just as strongly of lies and falsehood."

* * *

REAL PATRIOTISM DEMANDS LAW OBSERVANCE

   In a forceful plea for law observance as the basis of support for high moral standards. Frederica Beard in the August 24 issue of the Christian Advocate, puts her question, "Are You an American?" and then lays down the premise that to answer that query in the affirmative "three things stand out pre-eminently: loyalty to the welfare of one's country, obedience to its laws, devotion to its order and prosperity.
   "Loyalty requires that individual good be set aside for the larger good of the group," she argues. "Laws are made to be obeyed. . . A Robinson Crusoe can live without laws but imagine the conditions in one single neighborhood today if all laws were abrogated. . . .
   "A true citizen is devoted to the order and prosperity of his country. Is it an orderly proceeding to smuggle liquor into a home?. . . . Every respectable person looks with dismay—yes, with scorn—on the gangster. He is a lawbreaker; he sells himself for a mess of pottage.And what is he who defies the Eighteenth Amendment? No less a breaker of the law; no less a seller of himself for a mess of pottage. He has more to sell than the gangster. His rectitude, his patriotism, his moral self are sold to indulge his appetite."
   The writer points out that "A patriot is one who zealously supports and upholds his country's institutions and interests (Webster)," and further comments, "yet persons of understanding, of clear thinking, of good business, and social standing, who claim their American patriotism, are today breakers of the law. Strange patriots, they! We are not discussing the wisdom of any particular law, nor the success or failure of prohibition. We are urging the relinquishment of private interests for the upholding of a people's moral standards."
 
* * *

WILL HISTORY REPEAT ITSELF?

   The general political situation which brought into being the present Republican party is so similar to the present conditions, according to Dr. Alpha J. Kynett, writing in the Zion's Herald, that he prophesies the coming of a new party into American politics.
   "Recently I have been studying Rhode's 'History of the United States,'" he says, "and the events leading to the formation of the Republican party. I am impressed with the similarity between the general political conditions then and those of today. Then the pro-slavery power seemed triumphant, with the entire force of the Democratic Administration exercised in its favor. The Free-Soil party was in opposition, with the aid of sections of the American and Whig parties, and a small number of 'Anti-Nebraska Democrats.' The mass of voters were apparently indifferent and acquiescent to the onrush of the slave power.
   "Now what do we see? The entire power of the National Administration committed to the wet cause. The Democratic party officially wet, and the party lash unsparingly applied to drive Democratic drys into line. The result is a brave minority daring bribe and lash, a number yielding to party loyalty, and the greater mass failing to vote either way on 'repeal.' The once-proud Republican party, with divided councils, and its many wet leaders, especially in the East, is yielding and impotent."
   After naming some of the organizations which are not in sympathy with the present state of affairs, including the W.C.T.U. and other dry groups, along with some farm and labor leaders, the writer concludes, "All signs of a general political unrest exist, which may ultimately coalesce into a new national party. . . . The main motive of union will be a revival of the conscience of the nation against the dominance of the liquor baron and the iniquities of the liquor traffic, sure to be revealed to a generation not yet informed or aroused, and to the great mass of voters to date indifferent. As was the case when the Republican party was born, are we to see the death of an old part and the birth of a new?"

* * *

A PROBLEM TO PONDER

   Have you noted in reading the repeal news that almost every decision against the Eighteenth Amendment has been determined by the heavy vote of the cities? Lay alongside this fact the almost invariable story of corrupt city administrations. . . . The city connotes power, and power in the possession of selfish men means profit or pleasure. Therefore, until city dwellers are righteous and just men, we may not hope for cities to further and sustain moral reforms.
   Here is a problem to ponder. What are you, Christian, doing, what can you do, what can you help your church to do, to make your city "the city of righteousness, a faithful town"? —Front Rank.

—————————————————————
WE ARE COUNTED BEHIND THE TIMES

   WE STILL BELIEVE THAT "GOD SO LOVED THE WORLD that He gave His only begotten Son, 
   that whosoever believeth in Him should not perish, but have everlasting life. 
WE HOPE THIS IN OUR SUNDAY SCHOOL LITERATURE
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September 23, 1933                                                         (13) 573

"AFTER REPEAL—WHAT?"

   The turmoil that is likely to ensue in this country "when and if" the Eighteenth Amendment is repealed is very clearly summed up by William Morris Houghton in an article entitled, "After Repeal of Prohibition—What?" in the Literary Digest of August 12, although the real purpose of the writer is probably quite the opposite.
   He discusses the Canadian system and concludes that "each of the eight governments must assume toward its citizens the double role of policeman and merchant, a combination which, politically speaking at least, requires the balance of a tight-rope walker. If it has worked well in Canada it is because the politician there is trusted as he is not trusted in the generality of our forty-eight states, or so runs the argument."
   After describing the Bratt system of Sweden which puts the ban on the drinker, in contrast to the prohibition system which constrains the seller, the writer decides that; "It is here that American experimentation will probably depart from the Bratt model. Any such meticulous policing of the individual appetite suggests paternalism of which the American spirit is traditionally impatient."
   "It is conceivable," says the article, "that Kansas, for instance, will cling to her traditional formula, and so will a handful of her sisters with prohibition in their constitutions. The great majority, however, will experiment with other solutions. And herein lies the excitement of the social adventure on which the country will embark with repeal."
—————————————————————
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—————————————————————
   In contrast to this exultation over "the excitement of the social adventure" Mrs. Alice Downey Porter of Boston, Mass., in a letter to the same periodical, printed in its issue of September 2, makes a plea for constructive scientific temperance education in the schools. Her letter says:
   "We probably have before us fifty years of experimentation. . . and at the end of fifty years we shall probably have learned a few lessons resulting in some decline in drunkenness throughout the nation.
   "Meanwhile, can not all parties and individuals who are honestly seeking the greatest good to the greatest number united on one point? Can we not agree to give to the children born during the next fifty years clear, definite, honest instruction, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, concerning the effects of alcohol upon the individual and upon society?
   "All of these children will attend our schools. Every one can be reached and can be given a knowledge, through the schools, which will enable him to decide intelligently as to what is best for himself and for society.
   "This method is one which, if conducted upon scientific principles, can be used without interfering with any method which may be decided upon in the matter of control by law.
   "If such instructions should result in a nation of voluntary total abstainers, the drink problem for our children's children would be a simple one."

* * *

"YOU CANNOT STOP PROHIBITION"

   At a hearing before the Massachusetts liquor commission, on August 29, the drys were told that theirs is a lost cause, says a correspondent for the Christian Century. Mrs. William Tilton, chairman of the Woman's National Committee for Education Against Alcohol, replied, spiritedly, that the people must make over their mental attitudes and revive the best of the Puritan attitudes in their ancestry. "They should reestablish work for abstinence, not temperance; and give vice not 'a little quarter,' but no quarter. It was this pioneer morality," she continued, "that kept the underworld under. Prohibition will eventually return. You cannot stop it any more than the forces of reaction have been able to stop democracy."

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   An equally uncompromising foe of repeal is the chairman of the Massachusetts committee of the dry candidates, John C. Lynch, the "fighting Catholic," who recently wrote that "The cry for a change, the depression, and the well-oiled press al contributed to our defeat. But our day will return, and the cause for which we battled will ascend ever higher under the sober judgment of a people awakened to the folly of legalizing the sale of intoxicating beverages."

* * *

   "Dr. E. J. Kulp, pastor of Grand Avenue Temple (Kansas City, Mo.), while expressing his respect for President Roosevelt's leadership in industrial recovery, took occasion to utter his vigorous disapproval of the President's methods in giving aid and comfort to the wets.
   "To the surprise of many, this bold declaration was greeted with prolonged applause."
 
                                —The Christian Advocate

574 (14)   THE UNION SIGNAL

BIRTHDAY OF
FRANCES E. WILLARD
SEPTEMBER 28
HELPS--
Life Sketch, 5 cents each.
Spirit of Frances E. Willard. Pageant of
health and temperance and music. Eight
characters and group of children. Time,
one hour. 3 for 25 cents. 10 cents each.
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Frances E. Willard. 35 cents per 100.
Small Bust of Frances E. Willard. In white
composition; suitable for library or presentation
to schools. $1.00.
What Frances E. Willard Said. An interesting
book of her sayings. 75 cents.
Order from
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Evanston, Illinois

John Barleycorn
HIS LIFE AND LETTERS
By DANIEL POLING
A satirical story of his eventful career, replete
with facts, repartee, and humor. Illustrated.
$1.50
NATIONAL W.C.T.U. PUBLISHING HOUSE
Evanston, Illinois

THE SALOON OF
OTHER DAYS

In a recent issue of the Survey 
Graphic, Albert J. Kennedy called to
mind some damaging facts concerning
the saloon-keeper of other days
which it is well to consider in face
of the claims made by wet forces of
the benefits that will result in case of
repeal.
The saloon-keeper was "for all
practical purposes the overlord of the
neighborhood." While there were certain
services he rendered, sometimes
giving first-aid, or feeding the needy,
or furnishing information and advice,
"he did it all at a heavy cost. The
price was paid by women and children
and the better elements of the
community . . . Local politics were
run in the atmosphere of booze . . .
It was impossible to get anything done
civically without working through the
saloon." Mr. Kennedy relates an incident
in his own experience. He had a 
club of fifty fathers, which interested
itself in the condition of streets, the
quality of milk supply, and the like.
He called to the attention of the club
that a certain saloon-keeper was selling
to fourteen-year-old boys small
bottles of whisky. "I had not known
that a cousin of the saloon-keeper was
a member of the club; he succeeded in
inducing the club to disband almost
immediately."

OLD MAC: A STORY
LIDA LISLE MOLLOY
(Continued from last week)

The gang was back in camp and asleep.
That is, nearly all of them were. There had
been a great deal of excited talk before
they wrapped themselves in cocoon-shaped
bundles for the night. Doug lay as motionless
as the rest, but he was awake. He felt
sick.
At first he had thought it was because
he was cold. That was before he had baked
the shiveryness out of him by the revived
fire. Then he decided, as he squirmed in his
blanket, that it must be the last wiener he
ate. Only it wasn't a stomach pain exactly;
it was higher up--a heavy, strangling ache.
Along with the sick feeling came nagging
thoughts about the fun they were having
with Old Mac. It was no longer exhilarating
to remember that he had suggested the
coral berry patch where the clumsy old boat
was hauled and shoved out of sight. He
thought about Ted's boast: "The ole bum'll
never find it in a month o' Sundays unless
his cat smalls it out on account o' the fish
scales." . . . The choking sensation grew
worse.
No use pretending. That running off with
the boat was not quite right. It wasn't a
thing you could rejoice over or talk to God
about, and Preacher Dad said that was a
test for a Christian's actions.
"Hey, Doug, you asleep?" came a wide-awake
whisper. Ernie, his pal, edged closer.
"Um-huh."
"What's the matter?"
"Thinkin'."
"So'm I."
"What ya thinkin' about?"
"Ol' Mac."
"So'm I." Silence. Only the going-out fire
spoke. I made soft, singing sounds.
"Kinda mean what we did," offered Doug
at last.
"Um-huh."
"Guess I'll go down in the morning and
fix it up. . . ."
"Um-huh. I'll go with ya."
That was all. The choking hurt in Doug's
chest was gone. He took a long easy breath.
Pulling the blanket up around his ears, he
went to sleep.
The sun was pinking the east when Doug
awoke. He laid a peremptory hand on the
nearest sleeping bundle.
"Come on, you Ernie," he commanded.
They would go round about Old Mac's
shack, the two decided as they scurried shivering
down the slope. Together they might
be able to drag the unwieldy boat back to
its rope and stake. If not, there was nothing
to do but 'fess up.
"What'll he do to us?" suggested Ernie.
The gang adventure spirit had evaporated.
Two scared boys looked at each other.
"Dunno," Doug gulped.
Circling the still dark shell of a house,
they came to the clump of coral berries.
There sprawled the boat, ungainly among
the trim, red-berried bushes. They tugged
at its bulk. It moved sluggishly. Shoving
and pulling they manoeuvered it through the
brush and down the hill, leaving behind a

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tell-tale trail of upturned earth and dislodged
stones.
Day was white above the tree tops as they
scraped the dilapidated hulk over the hardsanded
beach. Panting. Doug leaned down
to knot the tie rope.
"Skip," he commanded. Ernie has stopped
to splash water on a scratched hand.
"Is it thieving you are?"
The boys whirled about. On the path not
twelve feet away stood Old Mac, grim and
formidable. Never in the world did a stick
look more menacing than the one he gripped
in his hand. He was no longer the town
ne'er-do-well. he was someone to be afraid
of, because they had done him an injury.
"We weren't going to steal it. Honest,
Mac," quavered Ernie.
"It's all true what Ernie says, Mr. Mac.
We weren't tryin' to run off with it. Our
. . .  our gang hid it, and then we decided
it was . . . mean so we had t' come and
drag it back. Y. you can arrest us if you
want."
Doug's gray eyes, miserable and boyish,
begged for Mac's understanding. Gray eyes
. . . the man felt his hand trembling on the
knotted stick. That bungler called Memory
had played him a trick again. He was standing
once more in the House-he-had-tried-to-forget.
. . . Around him, from narrow gallery
walls, painted canvas ancestors stared down,
aloof and disapproving. He was on trial
here, he thought with a flicker of amusement,
as he was down stairs in the red
chamber where the Family Council was deciding
his fate. He was the black sheep
which no amount of ancestral white-wash
could make respectable! The difficulty was
this matter of drinking. In all the history
of the house of Mc-----, he knew they were
saying gravely to Margot--sweet, fretted
Margot--there had never before been a son
of the blood who could not hold his cups.
It seemed to him at the hour that they had
not cared about him and his problem, that
they had no concern because this strange,
festering weakness he could not control was
robbing him of his self-esteem . . . of Margot
. . . of wee, gray-eyed Tam. They had
talked unendingly about the blot on the
honor of the house. Was it such a heinous
sin against one's ancestry, he thought a trifle
bitterly, that one roistered about a bit?
There were others he could name . . . an
ever-so-great grandfather that whisperers
credited with using poison to rid himself
of an undesirable wife . . . the Seventeenth


September 23, 1933                (15) 575

Century uncle who betrayed the clan in war
for a safe passage to the continent. . . .
"Will you be going away? They said you
might."
Six-year-old Tam had come in. The child's
eyes, wistful, puzzled, gray eyes, tried to
find assurance in his. Were they talking
then, he wondered, of shipping him to some
edge-of-the-world corner with a monthly stipend
and the pious hope that he would take
another name? He felt he should be angry,
but he could not with Tam's eyes searching
his.
"It may be I will, Tam lad."
"But who will be taking me down to
see the ships?"
He could find no answer. A panic of uncertainty
gripped. He had said to himself
that his weakness would never bring hurt to

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October 29
Helps--
Lesson Leaflet. 65c per 100; 35c per 50.
A Great Law.
Why Not Cider?
Temperance Talk. "Look Not Thou Upon
the Wine."
We'll Turn Down Our Glasses. Song Leaflet.
Each, 35c per 100; 20c per 50.
An Athlete's Attitude.
Limitation of States' Rights.
'Tis Your Flag.
Be a Preacher.
Each, 20c per 100, 15c per 50.
Red, white and blue pledge cards.
30c per 100.
Sunday School Wall Pledge. 50c
NATIONAL W.C.T.U. PUBLISHING HOUSE
Evanston, Illinois

Margot or Tam. Last month he had been
found in a low pub on Antler Street, his
arm about a dirty-aproned barmaid. Yesterday,
they told him, he was arrested on the
lower wharf in a drunken sailor's brawl.
Perhaps they would not let him take Tam
to the docks any more to listen to the water
smacking the stone piers, to watch the seabeaten
fish fleet come staggering in at sunset.
He wasn't sure that he could trust himself
to take Tam there again after all that
had happened. . . . It might be best to go
away before they asked him, before he lost
the shred of self-respect the soul of him had
left. Margot would grieve but she would
understand that he went to save her and
Tam. . . .
After a while he came to himself down by
the docks, the dank sea odor in his face,
the ridiculous green hat-box under his
arm. . . .
Old Mac found himself staring down at
the stick which still trebled in his hand.
There was no answering bitterness that
morning to the memory of the House-he-had-wanted-to-forget.
Gray eyes. . . . Tam would
be almost the man now, in Cambridge, perhaps.
He looked into the rusty bait-can
with a calculating eye.
"I wouldn't wonder but what my boat
could hold three for fishing." His voice was
curiously alive.
A surprised, tongue-tied relief swept over
two boyish faces. Old Mac stooped, fumbling
at the boat's rope. He had forgotten
what the light in a boy's eyes could do to
a man.
They went fishing for "bullheads," the
three of them, with the ancient and not-too-honorable
hobo cat sprawled beside the bait
can. Old Mac nosed the awkward boat
through the reeds. The sun loomed up; a
minty smell of frosted leaves was in the air.
Awareness, akin to nostalgia, seized the
man. He was aware of wavering shadow
lines across the water, of the swift rhythm
of water bugs, of the hunch of a boy's body
over a willow pole. He felt his lips moving:
"The stag at eve had drunk his fill,
Where danced the moon on Monan's rill,
And deep his midnight lair had made
In lone Glenarthy's hazel shade.
But when the sun his beacon red
Had kindled. . . ."
Scott's "Lady of the Lake"! And he was
repeating it like an idiot.
(To be continued.)

THE SHOE IS ON
THE OTHER FOOT
Many of the writers and speakers
for the dry cause these days are waxing
facetious and even justly sarcastic
about the great plea being made for
patriotic adherence to the provisions
of the NRA with the very same arguments
that have been used for opposing
prohibition. The Christian Advocate,
August 31, has the following
delightful editorial to the point:-
"It is one of the great ironies of
the time, that this country is rejecting
prohibition, 'that governmental interferer
with personal liberty,' just now.

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For this is a moment when the  most
colossal governmental interference
with personal liberty ever dreamed
of in time of peace is in progress. It
lays hands on the job, the working
hours, the pay and the privileges of
every citizen who has a job or hopes
to have one.
"When King Rehoboam was asked
to relax the strictness of his father's
control over his subjects, he said, in
a grim parable, 'My little finger is
thicker than my father's thigh.' NRA
has the Eighteenth Amendment looking
like a 'Keep off the grass' sign on
the courthouse yard.
"The strangeness of what has come
to pass, that one prohibition is denounced,
and fifty, far more drastic,
are imposed, has nothing to do with
the merits of either the Eighteenth
Amendment or the NRA.
"But this strangeness grows out of
two facts. Three-fourths of those who
are busy imposing the many new restrictions
on personal liberty have
vehemently favored removing the
single one. Half of them, certainly,
object to the Eighteenth Amendment
for the specific reason that it is 'an intolerable
invasion of the citizen's
sacred rights.'
"We believe prohibition is at least
as demonstrable a piece of national
wisdom as some prohibitions now
being enforced under the Blue Eagle.
"But if it were ten times the interferer
with genuine personal liberty
that it has been, what is left of the
personal liberty argument among those
who are urging the Blue Eagle because
its values outweigh its dangers?
"They must look pretty foolish,
even to themselves, when they see
that what was yesterday their rather
stupid objection to prohibition has today
become their NRA creed, confession
of faith, and ten commandments."

576  (16)     THE UNION SIGNAL
Circulation Department
MRS. AGNES WERTS
Executive Secretary
THE UNION SIGNAL ............... $1.00 a year
Single copies, 5c each; per 100 ........... $2.00
THE YOUNG CRUSADER .............. 35c a year

Single copies, 5 cents each; per 100 ...... $2.00
Seven subscriptions of the Young Crusader @
35c each, sent at one time, on subscription free;
or, secure seven and retain 35c.  Request for
premium to accompany list.  A club of ten, sent
at one time (no premium allowed),  $3.00.

To Foreign Countries
THE UNION SIGNAL ............... $1.75 a year
THE YOUNG CRUSADER .............. 53c a year
THE UNION SIGNAL, Evanston, Illinois
______________________________

SUBSCRIPTION may commence with the current
issue.
NOTICE OF EXPIRATION is sent to the subscriber
two or three weeks before the renewal is due,
so that by the immediate attention to this reminder
not an issue need be missed.  RENEW
PROMPTLY.  No subscription can be predated.
CHANGE OF ADDRESS.  Give both your old and
your new addresses when you desire a change.
Address all communications to
THE UNION SIGNAL, Evanston, Illinois
______________________________

STATE CONVENTIONS
N. AGNES WERTS
The present days are filled with golden
opportunity for ardent advocates of the UNION
SIGNAL and YOUNG CRUSADER.  State
conventions are in order and the majority
of state directors have reported arrangements
for UNION SIGNAL and YOUNG CRUSADER
demonstrations.

Readers, please go up to your state convention
prepared to give a helping hand to 
your state director of National publications.
As the National director, the writer is in a
position to know that many state directors
have been working on their UNION SIGNAL
programs for state conventions every since
the National convention in Milwaukee.  They
have been in constant correspondence with
this office and if you could read their letters
and realize how earnestly they are trying
to work out every detail in giving you
something worth while and entertaining, you
would determine to encourage them with
your hearty interest and cooperation.

Please do not disappoint your comrades, 
the state directors.  If you cannot take your
own subscription -- either new or renewal --
to your state convention, send it and with 
yours if possible send another.  If you are
fortunate and can attend, be sure to be in 
your place when the UNION SIGNAL and 
YOUNG CRUSADER demonstrations come on
the program.  Be ready with your attention,
your subscriptions, your approbation, and
your applause.  Do not fail to tell your coworker
of your appreciation of her effort in
behalf of your cause and mine.  I am sure
I may be pardoned when I say that to my
mind, no phase of the W.C.T.U. work is
more important than the circulation of the
UNION SIGNAL, not only among our membership,
but far and wide.

If we are to work out our educational
program, we must have a medium of publicity
which is within the reach of everyone.
The name of that medium is UNION SIGNAL.
Therefore, may we all pull together -- you 
in your small corner, and I in mine, to increase
its circulation.  Your corner happens
to be in your state and through your state
convention.  Your representative is your state
director of National publications.  "Uphold
her hands" by your responsive cooperation.


STATE CONVENTIONS

Maine, Belfast -- September  20-22.
Virginia, Richmond -- September  25-28.
Kansas, Newton -- September  26-29.
North Dakota, Fargo -- September 28--
October 1.
Rhode Island, Warren -- October  3-4.
Nebraska, Aurora -- October  3-5.
Iowa, Marion -- October  3-6.
Idaho (South), Buhl -- October  4-6.
Pennsylvania, Norristown -- October  5-9.
New York, Jamestown -- October  5-10.
Kentucky, Berea -- October  10-12.
Illinois, Decatur -- October  10-13.
Maryland, Chestertown -- October  11-13.
Washington (West), Tacoma -- October  16-20.
Alabama, Tuscaloosa -- October  17-18.
Massachusetts, Worcester -- October  17-19.
West Virginia, Parkersburg -- October  17-19.
Michigan, Traverse City -- October  17-20.
Oregon, Portland -- October  17-20.
Washington (East), Yakima -- October 17-20.
Delaware, Wilmington -- October  18-20.
Connecticut, New Haven -- October  19-20.
District of Columbia, Washington -- October  19-20.
South Carolina, Columbia -- October 20.
North Carolina, Spencer -- October  23-24.
Vermont, Burlington -- October  23-25.
California (North), Oakland -- October  23-27.
Georgia, Augusta -- October  24-26.
New Hampshire, Berlin -- October  24-26.
California (South), Hollywood -- October  24-27.
New Jersey, East Orange -- October  24-28.
Indiana, Indianapolis -- October  26-30.
Tennessee, Knoxville -- October.
Arizona, Douglas -- October.
Florida, Daytona -- November  7-9.


WHAT WILL BE THE EFFECT OF
REPEAL ON DRY STATES?

Repeatedly has this country been
assured that repeal would mean that
each state would choose for itself the
kind of liquor control desired and that
those states desiring prohibition
would be protected by the National
Government.  The experience of dry
states in pre-prohibition days is testimony 
to the fallacy of the argument.
An article in Zion's Herald illustrates
the asset that national prohibition has
proven to be even to those states that
were dry before 1920.

The writer quotes statistics for Waterville,
Maine, a town of 15,500 population,
for the three decades 1900-
1930: "During this period Maine had
constitutional prohibition; but from
1900 to 1920 outside license reached
into Main to market intoxicants and
to discredit prohibition.  Not only were
intoxicants shipped into our state in
every possible way, but also our enforcement
officials were bribed if possible
to permit the hidden and open 
sale of intoxicants in Maine."

When national prohibition came,
this lawlessness was greatly decreased.
These conditions obtaining before
1920 are those which wet propaganda
are constantly asserting began since
1920 and should therefore be laid at
prohibition's door, but the statistics
bear out the writer's claim:
                        Total Arrests        Total Arrests
                          All Causes          Intoxication
1900-1910             3795                   2870
1910-1920             4703                   3620
1920-1930             1757                     675

Average annual arrests were
1900-1910              379.5                   287
1910-1920              470.3                   362
1920-1930              175.7                     67.5

The increase of arrests in the second 
decade (1910-1920) is a sharp
contrast to the decrease in the third 
decade when national prohibition was
acting to protect the citizens in communities
which previously, although
dry according to their own laws and
desires, were, nevertheless, unprotected
on their borders.

______________________________
YOU CAN'T TAKE THEM 
WITH YOU

Let Your Dollars Carry On!

Put the National W.C.T.U. in your will
and let your work in the great cause 
continue when your labors here have 
ceased.

MAKE YOUR WILL TODAY
TOMORROW NEVER COMES

If your will is made, add a codicil
Legal name:  --National Woman's
Christian Temperance Union, 
incorporated under the laws of the 
State of Illinois.
______________________________
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______________________________

The nation that doth bow
the knee
To God shall His great goodness
see;
The nation that doth evil
sow
As surely will his judgments
know.
______________________________

THE INDEX

Vol. XLII     JANUARY, 1934     No. 10
______________________________

"A Happy New Year"

We have occasion ourselves to enter on
a "Happy New Year," for the DEFICIT
that has been hanging on THE INDEX for
8 months is wiped out.  The gifts mentioned
below give us again a clean slate
and we begin the new year with praise to
God for this manifestation of His favor.
Mr. Grumbine's check to pay for subscriptions
for the Lebanon County readers, together
with Miss Boyer's check for Lancaster
County folk did the business.  Miss
Boyer wants it to be known that her
helpers in several sections of the county
are just as much entitled as she is for this.
Year by year these good Lancaster County
women have been doing this work and we
are grateful to them.

Good words also continue to come to
us.  One writes from New York state: "I
cannot express in words how much I think
of your little paper.  As soon as I receive
it other papers are laid aside until I read
it through."  A New Jersey man: "I have
prayed for you and wished to contribute
to your work, but it has been years since
I have earned money, but I had an old
piece of machinery and a man came along
and gave me $2 for it.  Here is the half
for the needs of the Lord's work."  (Such
gifts make us humble.)  Another New Jersey
man writes: "I think I'd like 2 copies
of THE INDEX instead of only one.  It
keeps up the right standard."  These are
only three samples of the letters that help
make our New Year a happy one to begin
with.

To each and every reader we extend our 
heartiest greeting for a Happy New Year.
May God bless and lead you all and us
also in these troublous times.  Without
Him the future looks black enough.  May
we all fervently pray that our Nation shall
be brought to repentance and confession
that His face may once more smile upon
us as a people.

(Receipts Nov. 16 to Dec. 15, inclusive.)
$37.00     T. S. Grumbine (Lebanon subs.).
  16.05     Miss Anna M. Boyer and helpers.
    6.00     (Misses Mary and Nancy Lee and
                Brother William).
    5.00     Harrisburg cash, (B. F. Cousins,
                G. L. Bennett and Sister).
    4.25     Miss G. A. Crevelling (for 
                Montoursville subs.).
    4.00     Mrs. A. R. Huber.
    3.00     Rev. Chas. Eckels (for Carlisle
                subs.).
    2.00     G. P. Simpson, Rev. F. T. Cartwright,
                Rev. S. C. Gamble
    1.20     Hamline S. S. Class.
    1.00     J. C. Wiley, Miss M. J. Ellet, Milton
                Conover, Hbg. cash, Rev. T. 
                M. Furey, W. W. Minturn, H.
                M. Ney, Miss A. V. Snyder, O.
                M. Bruner, W. F. Varney.
    2.70     From 9 persons in small sums.
P.S. As THE INDEX is now out of
"the red" let us each do our part to keep
it free of debt.
____________________

THE VOTE FOR REPEAL

The Department of Commerce of the U.
S. estimates the qualified vote of our land
at 70,000,000.  Less than 15,000,000 of the 
votes were cast for repeal of the 18th
Amendment.  This is just a very little
more than one-fifth of the voting population
of the Country, and but little more
than one-third of the vote of last November.
The Wets cried out against the Prohibition
Amendment as having been 
adopted by a minority (which was not
true).  What will they have to say now
that they have had a popular expression
that gives them the votes of only about
one-fifth of the people?  Shame on the
lack of patriotism of the non-voters on
this question, as well as those who sold
their votes for Repeal, not for "a mess of
pottage," but for a mug of beer and the
hope of the tainted patronage which the
Government held out as additional reward.
American politics have sunk to almost 
the lowest depths, and unless the people
sink their little political differences and
get together in solid phalanx for the right,
the judgment of God will fall still more
heavily upon us and our Nation meet the
fate which as come upon other nations
who failed to measure up to righteousness.
____________________
---When the 18th Amendment was
adopted meetings were held for praise and
thanksgiving to Almighty God.  Where is
the prayer-meeting to be held to praise
and thank Bacchus, the god of wine, now
that the 21st Amendment has been
proclaimed.  We feel sure that no company
of wet devotees will assemble anywhere
to give thanks to Almighty God.




1794                                                                    THE INDEX

THE INDEX
Entered at the Post Office at Harrisburg, Pa., 
as Second Class Matter.

Published Monthly by the Pennsylvania Prohibition League

George Hart ...............................President
Mrs. Ada Marshall Prugh ............Secretary
Dr. B. E. P. Prugh ............... Editor and Treasurer
Per year, outside Harrisburg .......................... 15 Cents
Per year, in City of Harrisburg ....................... 25 Cents
   Post Office Address, Box 455, Harrisburg, Pa.
Edward E. Blake ........................................National Chairman
   82 W. Washington St., Chicago, Ill.
Geo. D. Harger .........................................State Chairman
                  Wabash Station, Pittsburgh, Pa.

PLEASE ENCLOSE STAMPS
The Index receives numerous requests.
Kindly enclose postage for reply.

CHEERING ELECTION RETURNS
   The Registration books of Dauphin County (Harrisburg) show only about 50 registered Prohibitionists in the county. A few of us went to the Primary and wrote in the names of 6 county candidates. At the November election these candidates polled from 861 to 1,283 votes, and this with no campaign, whatever, made.
   In Venango County, under the leadership of the old war horse, David B. McCalmont, an old-time campaign was waged. Some of the candidates were endorsed Drys and others straight-out Prohibition nominees. The vote ranged from 1,580 for Jury Commissioner to 4,084 for District Attorney on fusion tickets, and 3,765 for Sheriff on a straight ticket. The cities of Franklin and Oil City and boroughs of Rouseville and Emlenton and township of
Cornplanter went wet but all other boroughs and townships in the county went dry under the beer option vote.
   In York County three Dry Republicans were endorsed and polled from 1,207 to 1,302 Prohibition votes, while three straight Prohibition candidates polled votes ranging from 1,476 to 1,810. This was an increase of 50% over the 1932 record.
   Word comes from Montgomery County that "5,440 straight Prohibition votes" were polled for Wm. F. Dannehower for Common Pleas Judge.
   We have often noted that the candidates appearing on the straight Prohibition ticket only poll a larger Prohibition vote than that cast for endorsed Drys. Wonder if this is not an argument for the Prohibitionists to let the old parties decide for themselves who shall be their officials and also an argument for all drys to leave their old parties and mass themselves under a dry banner, whether Prohibition be the name inscribed upon it or
some other party name. Certain it is that in electing the candidates of the old wet party machine we at the same time elect the wet machine to continued power, while the elected Dry can do little if anything for prohibition.
———————
BOOTLEGGING AND SCANDALS JUST BEGINNING

   The President formally announces the repeal of national prohibition in one breath and in the next pleads for temperance. 
   On the day after repeal became effective Will Rogers writes: "The noble experiment
is just starting. States are going to have scandals over the sale of liquor, and politicians will fight over the taxes on it."
   Scandals? Politicians mixed up with the liquor business? Surely somebody has been fooled! This new Utopia, described by the mighty forces which brought about the repeal of prohibition, wasn't supposed to have any scandals. Repeal was supposed to have wiped out all of the politician's chances at corruption in the liquor business, wasn't it? Or did we misunderstand the promises made by the Wets. And then there was something about the
bootlegger. Prohibition was supposed to wipe him out, too. And yet on the morning after repeal, in our morning papers we read such headings as:
   PAIR BOOKED AFTER AGENTS FIND STILL.
   TWO ARRESTED UNDER NEW STATE LIQUOR ACT.
   RUM RUNNERS LAND CARGO.
   ENLARGED FORCE TO COMBAT BOOTLEGGERS.
                                            —The National Voice.
   (This record from The National Voice, of Los Angeles, could be reproduced from experiences in all parts of the land. None are so blind as those who are wilfully so. Every sensible man or woman knows that we are returning to the old conditions which so outraged the people that the 18th Amendment was adopted. Next time there will be a prohibition party in power when booze is outlawed, whatever its name may be, and the law will then be enforced. God hasten the day. Editor.)
———————
   —It is said that the Government at Washington is feeling a bit uneasy over the liquor situation, especially as the 21st Amendment expressly forbids the transportation of liquors into any dry territory. Enforcement of this law, if honestly attempted, will be found a much more difficult job than enforcement of the 18th Amendment was. Of course, Congress can
repeal the laws it has enacted, but we doubt whether it can be as easily stampeded
when it meets again as at its first session. At least, interesting days are coming.
   —No, you can't make a man good by law, but if those responsible for law enforcement
will fulfil their oath of office they can keep men from doing a lot of wicked things.



                                                       THE INDEX                                                           1795

A SORRY SPECTACLE

   The legislation enacted in Pennsylvania for control of the liquor traffic has put the State outright into the booze business. It is said that about 300 liquor stores are to be established, of which 3 are to be in Harrisburg and 2 others in Dauphin County. It is also reported that before the dead line for filing applications was reached, 15,845 were on file for the 2,000 to 2,500 jobs that will be necessary to take care of the whole business, the salaries ranging from $900 to $5,000 a year. The positions are to be filled after civil service examinations, and the paper containing the questions to be asked came from outside the State and no one of the applicants saw them until the day of the examination, December 16 (the day after this issue of THE INDEX went to press). The examinations were held in 36 places over the State. We suppose that we shall be called narrow but we cannot see how
any man who counts himself a servant of God can take any part in thus bringing the
bottle to his neighbor's lips, for it is written, "Woe to him that buildeth a town with blood and stablisheth a city by iniquity! Woe unto him that giveth his  neighbor drink, that puttest they bottle to him and makest him drunken also!"
   It is reported that the House Ways and Means Committee of Congress has decided to propose $2.60 a gallon internal (infernal, it should be called) revenue tax on whisky, $5.00 a barrel on beer, 16c a gallon on wines up to 14% strength, 40c a gallon from that to 24%, and $2.60 for wines above 24%. Blended and rectified spirits are to be taxed $2.76 a gallon.
Alas that America has sunk so low!

License Fees
   In addition liquor legislation in Pennsylvania provides for a license fee for breweries of $1,000; for wineries of $250; and for distilleries as follows: $2,500 for a capacity of less than 500,000 proof gallons annually; $5,000 for a capacity between 500,000 gallons and 2,000,000 gallons; $10,000 between 2 and 5 millions; $15,000 between 5 and 10 millions; and $25,000 for 10,000,000 or more.

Restaurant and Hotels
   License fees for hotels and restaurants are graded according to the population of towns and cities:
   In towns up to 1,500 . . . . . . . .    $150.00
   Between 1,500 and 10,000 . . .      200.00
   Between 10,000 and 50,000 . .      300.00
   Between 50,000 and 100,000 .      400.00 
   Between 100,000 and 140,000      500.00
   140,000 or more . . . . . . . . . . . .      600.00
   The above hotel and restaurant fees are to be collected for the use of the municipalities in which they are located and in townships of the 2nd class for the use of the school districts therein. Again, alas, for the people that depend upon this blood money for the use of their schools or municipalities!

PILING UP THE NATIONAL DEBT

   "The piper will be to pay." The Roosevelt Administration, exercising its powers granted at the last session of Congress, has created a large number of departments that are spending money with a lavish hand in so-called "Recovery" activities. The National Industrial Recovery Board has issued the following figures as representing the sums that the various recovery projects will use before the end of their activities:
Public Works . . . . . . . . . . .   $3,150,000,000
Agricultural Act . . . . . . . . .     1,100,000,000
Farm Credits . . . . . . . . . . .     2,845,000,000
Home Loans . . . . . . . . . . .      2,200,000,000
Federal Relief . . . . . . . . . .         500,000,000
Tennessee Valley . . . . . . .           50,000,000
Conservation Work . . . . .         250,000,000
Bank Insurance . . . . . . . .       2,000,000,000
                                             ————————
      Total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $12,095,000,000
   This is about half as much as the present national debt. The people will have to be taxed in some way to raise the cash with which to pay this debt. So far as we can see we are thus preparing an enormous burden for our children to bear. Shall it be that we shall be plunged into the depths in which England and other European countries find themselves? The picture is a true one and not very bright.
    The multitude of paying jobs the NRA in its many branches is providing (not for the unemployed) but for a very large number of persons who were not needing employment is astounding. The Washington Post asserts that "the local (Washington) pay roll of the organization is on a basis of $2,642,197 a year." To this must, of course, be added the large number of higher-ups throughout the nation. Salaries rate from $12,000 a year down to $714. General Johnson gets $6,000 flat while his secretary (really a deputy administrator). 6 months ago a $25 a week stenographer for the Democrat National Committee, has had 3 boosts until now her actual flat salary is $5,780. NRA is proving a very expensive proposition.
———————
NRA INCONSISTENCIES
   
   As we understand it the NRA compels other businesses to observe an 8-hour day. At the same time some of its own employes have been compelled to work almost twice that many hours. We know of one who was almost prostrate when the Sabbath arrived because of the continued long hours of service during the week, but who, because of having been out of work for so long, did not dare complain about this overwork lest discharge might follow.
———————
   David Lloyd George: "If we are going to found the prosperity of the country, its commercial prosperity, its industrial prosperity, upon an impregnable basis, we must cleanse the foundations of the rest of alcohol."

1796                                   The Index

Keep Your Eyes Open
In Scribner's Magazine more than 2
years ago appeared the following:  An ExCriminal
Explodes a Popular Notion-
After Repeal-More Crime or Less?
He says, "Speaking as a man who knows
his underworld, I predict that the repeal
of the 18th Amendment will precipitate an
unparalleled orgy of crime, the opinions of
the Wets, reputable or otherwise, to the
contrary notwithstanding.  Every underworld
buzzard knows what will occur if
prohibition is ditched, and they are preparing
for it."
Senator Copeland is reported to have
said: "Gangsters are turning their efforts
to kidnapping and when repeal takes place
we shall see a general increase in kidnappings.
Before I left N. Y. Department
of Justice agents reported to me they had
identified 50 different protective rackets
in that city alone.  Today these same agents
inform me they have added 100 other
rackets to that list, therefore I do not
hesitate to say that kidnappings will increase 
with the repeal of prohibition."
Keep your eyes open to see the flood 
of lawlessness along all lines following
repeal.  Since the advent of beer kidnapping
has increased 100%, fatalities, in 
large cities, from 100 to 500%.

A Weird Congratulation
James A. Farley,
Washington, D. C.
Please accept my best wishes on your 
political demise.  You rose, reigned, dictated
and have to your credit the defeat
of the greatest piece or moral legislation
ever enacted for the protection of women
and children.  For you to be annihilated
by 300,000 majority in your own city-I
cite you the words Mene, Mene, Tekel
Upharsin.  Next time you go to early mass
ask the Holy Father to interpret these
words to you.  (Signed) J. Frank Norris.

Dr. Norris is the militant pastor of a
Dallas, Texas, church.  In an article in
The Fellowship Forum he writes:  "The
same Jim Farley who led the liquor forces
and by use of patronage defeated the 18th
Amendment, he was annihilated in New
York by an overwhelming majority.  He
made a speech there Monday night before
the mayor's election next day, in which
he made the National Administration the
issue. * * * As Jim Farley strode over this
Country holding the big stick of patronage
of the National Administration, people
were made to wonder 'What meat hath
this our Caesar fed upon?' * * * The issue
of loyalty to the President was made paramount.
There is no mistaking what has
happened to Farleyism.  His dictatorship
was short, only 8 months.  New York is
Jim Farley's home. * * * It is also the
home of the President, and now for the
Country to witness the delightful spectacle
of seeing both Tammany Hall and Farley
annihilated-it is indeed refreshing."

Pardons After Repeal
Governor Rolph, of California, we are
told, has promised to release all those who
have been convicted of violating the Prohibition
laws just as soon as the 18th
Amendment is repealed.  He has also
loudly proclaimed his intent to pardon any
one of the lynchers in San Jose.  A state
having such a governor is to be pitied.  In
contrast, Judge McDevitt, of Philadelphia,
has let it be known that he will grant no
paroles to liquor law violators after the 
repeal of prohibition.  A governor who 
endorses lynching strikes at the foundation
of law and order and ought to be 
impeached and removed from office.  Never
before have we heard it given as a reason
for release from punishment for lawbreaking,
that the law had been changed.  A
law cannot be enacted that is retroactive,
that would punish a man for something
he had done before its enactment; then 
why should the law's repeal be retroactive
and release a man from the penalty for
lawbreaking, that the law had been changed.  A
law cannot be enacted that is retroactive, 
that would punish a man for something
had had done before its enactment; then
why should the law's repeal be retroactive
and release a man from the penalty for
lawbreaking?  He had defied the law and
why should he go free?  And why should
any man be permitted to hold the high
office of governor of any state who will
put a premium on law breaking, as Governor
Rolph practically does.  Besides,
these lynchers destroyed much valuable 
public property in carrying out their nefarious
deed.  "Two wrongs can never
make a right."

Is America Under A Dictator?
The following press dispatch comes from
London:
Stanley Baldwin, lord president of the
council, asserted at a rally today, "It certainly
would be interesting to see what
the backwash of America will be in 12 or
18 months.  Thank God we are not an
hysterical nation.  The ordinary constitution
has certainly broken down in the
United States and they are practically under
a dictatorship.  Great Britain is the 
sole guardian of democracy."
    At the same rally, speaking on the
achievements of the national government
Prime Minister McDonald said,  "The
British National Government today is the
greatest steadying influence in the world; 
and Foreign Secretary, Sir John Simon
said, "Even in the United States the Americans 
are putting their faith in a man,
and not an institution."
      It is sometimes well for us to "see ourselves
as others see us."  If America is
not now in the hands of a dictator she
seems perilously close to it.

A Little Straw
Notwithstanding that their parents at
the recent election voted 3 to 2 in favor
of repeal of the 18th Amendment, their
sons and daughters in the Junior High
School of South Side, Franklin, Pa., voted
416 to 83 against repeal.  And yet the
wets told us the young were going to the
dogs through drink.


Will the "Drys" Get Together?
An Open Letter to All
Organizations and Persons
Supporting the 18th Amendment

Dear Friends:
      We are facing resubmission and as Dr. Poling says, "Utter frankness
now among the fighting forces of Prohibition is the first requisite for united
action."
       In discussing the future course of the dry forces, there seems to be
general agreement that an entirely new line of action should be followed.
In view of this, we believe the following "utterly frank" and pertinent
statement deserves your thoughtful attention.
      It emphasizes our present situation and the causes leading thereto.  It
points out mistakes which we should be brave enough to acknowledge and
wise enough to profit by.

The Present Reaction

Reaction against Prohibition is
based on misinformation and caused
in part by wet propaganda supported
by wealthy tax dodgers and
enthusiastically promoted by venal
politicians.  The foundation for this
reaction, however, lies solely in the
non-enforcement policy of the administrators
of the law in the larger
cities of our country.  The sins and
crimes of this non-enforcement have
been skillfully laid by the wets upon
the Prohibition law itself.
     Non-enforcement is a direct outgrowth
of the fact that national prohibition 
was enacted without political-party
sponsorship.  No party was
responsible for its enactment, and no
party was committed to its enforcement,
hence it is that in the great
cities now the dominating influence
in politics, party policies have proven
more potent than the Constitution
itself, which is openly flouted.
      Political machines in the larger
cities have even gone farther and
made alliances with gangdom and
have permitted and protected illegal
practices of all sorts, while at
the same time delivering votes with
great regularity and in vast numbers
to "higher-ups" in the same party
some of which are dry.

The Tragic Election of 1932

The conventions of 1932 showed
plainly the elements which really control
the two major parties, and effectively
demonstrated the wetness of
them both.
      In this election, both parties in
their platforms forsook National
Prohibition, and by differing methods
advised a return to the legalization of
the liquor traffic.  The difference between
them on Prohibition was indefinite 
and confusing.  There was 
no real difference.  It was a sham
battle.  The opportunity for the
"drys" to unite and cast an overwhelming
protest vote was the greatest 
in history.
     Many "drys" look upon the election 
of 1932 as tragedy, and it was.
But not for the reasons that some
think.  It was not the election of a 
repeal administration nor the loss of
many "dry" congressmen which made
it a tragedy, but the fact that under
the guidance of their own leaders,
most of the "drys" were led into the
camp of the enemy and induced actually
to vote against Prohibition by

-1-





supporting wet parties and wet platforms.

This was a major error at a critical
time, and should mark the end of 
any leadership which "declares a
moratorium on conscience" and becomes
so imbued with hero worship
as to follow a good man even when
he goes wrong.

Let Us Not Fear to Face the Facts

Some "dry" leaders now realize
that this was a strategic error
if nothing more, and more of them
must realize it if we are to adopt
right methods for the future.

It is well to point out that this
egregious mistake was made because
of two wrong ideas, one of which
teaches us to follow personalities instead
of principles, and the other
which believes that a half-wet, half-
dry party will ever advocate or enforce
Prohibition.

The omni-partisan, bi-partisan,
non-partisan methods of making Prohibition
effective have had their day.
They have reached the end of the
road. They will not serve our present
need. Such plans are reduced to
absurdity when you see the vast majority
of drys voting for wet platforms
and then petitioning the candidates
they voted for not to carry
out the platform principles for which
the drys themselves voted.

Some realization of the breakdown
in methods and leadership seems to
have been felt. For since the election
many "dry" leaders are urging that
we need a "dry" party, that "drys"
must get together politically, and that
partisan action is now necessary.

One of the most notable of these
leaders has written, "A Prohibition
party offers the only plan and the
only way we can function nationally."
This is profoundly true, for we
must boldly face several important
facts:

1. Both major parties have proven
beyond any doubt over a long period
of evasion, double dealing, and duplicity,
their entire incapacity for

- 2 -

handling the Prohibition issue in a
a candid, statesmanlike manner.

2. These two major parties have
definitely abandoned any semblance
of support to National Prohibition.
There is no hope that they will ever
take up the issue again.

3. The nomination and election of
"dry" Congressional candidates, by
pronouncedly "wet" major parties,
can no longer be expected or hoped
for.

4. Nor should it be forgotten that
a vast number of the electorate have
lost confidence in the ability of these
parties efficiently to handle even the
ordinary matters of government, to
say nothing of a great sociological
problem like Prohibition.

5. We can make no progress as
long as those who believe in Prohibition
continue to vote with those who
oppose it.

6. The "good man" theory of
government is unsound. We do not
vote for men alone, but for their parties
and their party platforms. The
party is always more potent than its
candidate.

In view of these facts, an entirely
new type of strategy is necessary -
a strategy established not on the
principle of taking what we can get
or of asking for half a loaf or of
choosing the least of two evils, but a
strategy based on an outright fight
for the things we want. We can not
compromise our way to victory.

Here, then, is the new strategy:-

A. From now on, name our own
loyal candidates for Congress, on our
own party ticket. Beginning with
any special elections to fill vacancies,
nominate all Congressional candidates
as Prohibition Party candidates - not
as "Independents" or as "drys"
under some meaningless name, nor,
least of all, as "dry" Republicans or
Democrats. (The same principle to
apply to legislative candidates.)

B. Let all "dry" organizations
and forces get behind these candidates
without question or quibble or

qualification and make a determined
fight for their election.

C. Let us present a united front
in every district and demand the respect
or the public by showing our
determination to stand together behind
our candidates and not to supinely 
accept those named for us by
wet party machines.

A comparison of this strategy with
that which previously has been followed
is illuminating.

If you win on the above plan, you
have a congressman representing a
definite principle and program. If
you lose, you have an organization
of a permanent party which may be
strengthened for use in future elections.

In the case of an independent, if
he wins, he represents nothing and
nobody. If he loses, your temporary 
organization disintegrates and there
are no permanent results, as his candidacy
is largely personal.

In the case of a "dry" Democrat
or Republican, if he wins, you have
strengthened his wet party organization
by giving it dry support. If he
loses, you have done nothing which
leaves a permanent effect. In office,
this kind of congressman must constantly
choose between his loyalty to 
party and his loyalty to our principle.
Owing his nomination and election
to his party organization, it is
inevitable that they will eventually
control his vote in Congress, as we
have seen through many sad experiences.

Shall We Unite, and Where?

This is a plea for united effort on
the part of the "drys." We are a
unit in our principles and we are a
unit in our objective, but we need
now to unite behind the only method
which has not been tried and found
wanting. We must have united action
at the right place - the ballot
box. The new strategy must be an
outright effort to place a Prohibition
Party behind the Prohibition law.

- 3 -

If the "drys" are willing to sacrifice
their party affiliation for Prohibition,
there are enough of them
right now to carry the nation in a
general election. If they are not
willing to make this sacrifice, it
means a few more years of wandering
in the wilderness.

Why We Need the Party

The submission of repeal must be
met by whatever hasty, united fighting
strength the dry forces may
be able to get together. We must
look farther ahead than the present
situation. This makes apparent three
reasons for needing the Party:

1. Even though we succeed in defeating
repeal and in saving the 18th
Amendment, we still will not have
National Prohibition, because enforcement
will be in the hands of one
wet party nationally and two wet
parties in the States and the larger
cities. The law unenforced and betrayed
will thus increase the opposition
to it on the part of the unthinking.
We should begin work now to
elect to power city, county, and State
administrations committed to Prohibition
enforcement.

2. During the recent election,
your message to voters was "vote
for dry Congressmen." Yet, in three
districts out of four there were no
"dry" congressional candidates. You
had no machinery for nominating 
them. The thing that kept many
Prohibition Party candidates out of
the field was the fact that four years
ago we dismantled our party organization
to help lick Al Smith.
This will not occur again.

3. The cause needs a party champion.
One of the most distressing
things during the past eighty years has
been the fact that while many of you
were supporting a party for its supposed
friendliness to Prohibition, the
speakers of that party were either
apologetic, or silent, or openly hostile
to Prohibition. Because Prohibition
has had no platform defenders dur-

ing political campaigns, the public
has been an easy prey for "wet"
propagandists.

This logically leads to a consideration
of the claims of the Prohibition
Party.

What Price Loyalty?

We are well aware it has become
the practice in some quarters to underrate
and belittle the Prohibition
Party. But let us remember that but
for its pioneering there would be no
Prohibition movement and no 18th
Amendment. It ante-dates all other
organizations. Their leadership came
largely from our ranks. Their inspiration
came from our example. We
say this, not boastfully, not to claim
undue credit, but that our service to
the cause may not be forgotten.

Through fifty years of agitation and
education before the adoption of the
18th Amendment, in season and out
of season, we advocated National
Prohibition, as against high license,
local option, county option and State
Prohibition. Eventually other organizations
came very near to the standard 
we set, and at an opportune
time in the Nation's history, through
co-operative effort, National Prohibition
was enacted. Our principle was
honored, but our method was scorned,
yet that method now looms as the
only remedy in a desperate situation.

The Prohibition Party has kept the
Prohibition faith. It has proven that
it can be depended upon not to backslide,
nor surrender, nor retreat. In
the 1932 election it held aloft the
only banner to which the friends of
Prohibition could repair. It offered
the only course by which "drys"
could register a protest which would
be heard. Those who voted its ticket
have no cause for regret, no explanation
to make, no excuses to offer.

You can not blame us for insisting
that those who kept the faith and
proved loyal, and those who originally
laid down the program which it
is now proposed to follow, those

- 4 -

whose vision and judgment have been
justified by events, have proven better
guides and leaders and statesmen
than those who failed us in a great
crisis.

The Prohibition Party has earned
the right to speak, and the right to
be heard. It is not narrow partisanship
which says that it can perform
a distinct service to our common
cause if it is permitted to function
without the opposition of those who
should be its friends.

The Name

There may be some who object to
our name. Yet prejudice against the
name among those favoring Prohibition
has grown less and less since the
adoption of the 18th Amendment. 
Again and again you have heard
"dry" Republicans and "dry"
Democrats in public meetings refer
to themselves as "prohibitionists."
There seems to be no prejudice. It is a
mistake to think that the general
public is prejudiced against the name.
There were more than 700,000 in only
three States who in 1932 cast their
ballots for the United States Senatorial
candidates on the Prohibition
ticket. Whenever Prohibitionists
have made an adequate campaign, the
public has shown no disinclination to
vote the Prohibition ticket. If any
prejudice exists worth regarding, it
seems to be among the drys themselves.

Nevertheless our National Convention
has power to change the name.
Most of our people are open minded
on the subject, and if a majority
want a change of name, it will not
be difficult to bring it about.

That Matter of Leaders

The constant hope for the miraculous
appearance of some great National
figure to lead the hosts of Prohibition,
has been the will-o'-the-wisp
which has led us into the bog of futility.
There was but one Messiah.
Present-day politics will not produce

another. It develops no prophets,
nor reformers, and very few leaders.
Its products are chiefly followers
with their ears to the ground and
their feet in the trough.

It is always a mistake to train our
people to follow persons. They should
be taught to follow principles. The
lesson of the last campaign should be
sufficient illustration of this point.

Outstanding leaders have their
place, but we need to save ourselves
from the hero worship which has been
so disastrous. Men often fail us, but
sound principles never.

The idea of capturing great leaders
from the major parties has been
tried. The result was disappointing.
It brought us no increase in our
vote.

Good organization produces more
votes than great leaders, and when
we have developed followers with
convictions, and have built an organization
which can not be fooled or
frightened or side-tracked, then leaders
will come to us, or we will have
developed our own.

We now have in the ranks of the
Prohibition Party men equal in ability,
and we believe far superior in
principle, patriotism, and self-sacrifice,
to those named for public office
by the major parties. If your
organizations will back us up, it will
add to the number of these leaders
and leave no reason for us not having
as candidates our own undoubted
friends.

Weakness or Strength?

Our actual strength is much greater
than our vote, and our potential
strength is greater still. We can expect
votes only from those who believe
in Prohibition. If they choose
to vote against us, surely that is no
fault of the Party.

It is a notable fact that the Prohibition
Party showed a steady
growth right up to the time when
non-partisan organizations began
teaching the erroneous doctrine that

- 5 -

it was not necessary to go outside of
the old parties to get Prohibition, and
that you could vote with "wet" parties
and still be a good Prohibitionist.
This teaching, so hostile to our
program and culminating in the
events of the recent election, did indeed
sap much of the strength which
would normally be ours.

It is well to point out that if your
organizations take the same antagonistic
attitude towards a new party as
they have towards ours, its strength
will be no greater than ours. On the
other hand, we believe that if the
other "dry" organizations will give
us their united political support, we
can and will grow faster and stronger
than any new party which may be
formed.

What Kind of Platform?

Our party has taken the attitude
that the platform should be broad
enough for all enemies of the liquor
traffic to stand upon. Our platforms
have always covered outstanding
questions and issues. They have invariably
been progressive, while not
being unsafely radical. They have
as a whole been sound and farsighted.
The best evidence of this is the fact
that all four amendments to our
Constitution adopted since the Civil
War amendments were first declared
for politically by the Prohibition
Party.

Whatever the platforms, most national
elections have been fought and
won on one issue. Nothing better
could happen to America than to
elect to power a political party committed
to a great moral reform. The
cleansing power of adherence to a
great principle can not be overestimated.

Here Is Your New Party

But some say: "We need a NEW
party." All right - three-fourths of
those voting the Prohibition ticket
in 1932 were persons who had never
voted it before. Hundreds of thous-

ands of others would have voluntarily
done the same, had not "dry leaders"
misled them into doing otherwise.
Our party is now 75% new.
A new organization is being built,
new leaders are being developed. Our
new adherents are being used in
places of activity and leadership.

The advocates of a new party
should be sure that they are not
sponsoring simply another party. We
have one Prohibition Party. Two of
them would simply complicate the
situation, much as it has been complicated
by a multiplicity of "dry"
organizations with similar purposes
and objectives. We need not so much
more organizations as a concentration
of power in the ones we have.

It is a mistake to withhold support
from the present Prohibition Party
awaiting the formation of a new one.
The best assurance of a new amalgamation
of forces is to make the
Prohibition Party so strong that it
will attract the others.

The spirit of our Party towards
any new political lineup is shown by
the fact that our last National Convention
voted to withdraw its candidates
in favor of greater outstanding
leaders of any larger movement.
We spent our own money in the attempt
to create a new alignment, but
the effort was fruitless.

This Is What We Ask

After considering this review of
the situation, we are hoping that you
will realize that the time has come
for all organizations supporting the
18th Amendment to recognize the
Prohibition Party as the proper representative
of our common cause in
the political field, to act with it instead
of against it, and to extend it

their friendly, sincere and aggressive
support. This is not asking any more
of you than you would have to give
to any new party in which you were
placing hope of success.

As you now recognize the Woman's
Christian Temperance Union
as the proper representative of the
Prohibition cause among women, so
you should recognize the Prohibition
Party as the proper representative
of the Prohibition cause in politics.

We are now taking the necessary
steps to see that our Party functions
in a larger and better measure than
ever before, and we hope for your
cordial support in a genuine effort
for the drys to present a united
front and elect to power a political
party committed to a National Prohibition
policy and to a thorough
cleanup of American politics. Will
you be with us in this effort?

The future of Prohibition without
a party behind it is hopeless. Under
these circumstances, we believe
that every leader in the organizations
upholding the 18th Amendment owes
a duty to his constituents and his
country to give serious consideration
to the claims of the Prohibition
Party.

Surely you will not consent to continue
the old, out-worn methods
which play into the hands of corrupt
party machines, make Prohibition a
plaything of politicians, and waste
valuable time and sacrificial funds
without making real progress.

The time is now ripe for action.

Prohibition National Committee,
Edward E. Blake, Chairman,
82 W. Washington St.,
Chicago, Illinois.

Additional copies of this folder for distribution 10c per dozen; 50 cents per hundred;
$4.00 per thousand, carriage prepaid. Order from Prohibition National Committee, 82
W. Washington St., Chicago, Ill.

If you are in harmony with the ideas outlined herein, get in touch with Prohibition
National Headquarters, Room 512, 82 W. Washington St., Chicago, and ask for a
sample of the "National Prohibitionist."

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Transcribed and reviewed by contributors participating in the By The People project at crowd.loc.gov.