NAWSA Subject File Woman Suffrage Amendment (History) HISTORICAL DATA CONCERNING THE NATIONAL AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION AND THE WOMAN MOVEMENT OF WHICH IT WAS A PART Compiled by Carrie Chapman Catt. NATIONAL AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION HISTORICAL DATA The Woman's Rights Movement, with accent upon the demand for education and civil rights, began with Mary Wollstonecraft in 1792 and closed in many countries in 1920 as a well organized movement counting millions of members and centering its main efforts on winning the vote. THE BEGINNING In the 18th century, scattered expressions of opinion pointed out undeniable wrongs of women and suggested the wisdom of removing the discriminations against them. These pronouncements were greatly stimulate by the world around discussion of "The Rights of Man", arising from the American and French Revolutions. In 1792 the first book on the need of uplifting the status of women was published by Mary Wollstonecraft, an English woman, entitled "The Vindication of Woman's Rights". The contents provided a remarkably clear statement of the principles inspiring the long struggle that followed. (Library contains six books on Mary Wollstonecraft including "The Vindication of Woman(s Rights", Section I, Numbers 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97). Between 1792 and 1848, the Woman question quickened its demands for attention. Most churches did not permit women members to vote, speak or pray in their services and some denied them the privilege if singing; in consequence, a growing spirit of self-assertion sprang up following the example of Anne Hutchinson. Many clergymen and elders responded with determined bitterness. Other controversies arose in different groups over incidents arising from the injustices of the Civil Code. Married women were not permitted to make a will to control their own property, nor collect and use their own wages. Outrageous cruelties arose in consequence and each one aroused discussion and protest. The most HISTORICAL DATE 2. urgent appeal to the public was for better educational facilities for girls and earning opportunities for women, especially widows. The World's Anti-Slavery Convention, held in London in 1840, proved to be the stimulus which stirred the rapidly growing contention to a head, an organization, and a definite purpose. The English Committee invited all Anti-Slavery Societies to send delegates, but evidently overlooked the fact that the invitation included women. In the Unites States many Anti-Slavery Societies had women members and several appointed women delegates to the London Congress. The most outstanding were Mrs. Lucretia Mott and Mrs. Wendell Phillips. Elizabeth Cady Stanton was a visitor as she accompanied her husband on her wedding tour. He was a delegate.After a long and extremely caustic debate, the women delegates were denied seats in the convention. (Full account, "History of Woman Suffrage", Vol. I, Chapter 3, Page 50). Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton allowed their interest in human slavery to pause while they planned the organized beginning of a"Woman's Rights Movement" in the United States which should uplift the status of women. FIRST ORGANIZATION Rights The first Woman's Convention ever held was called by Mrs. Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton at Seneca Falls, July 19-20, 1848. A "Declaration of Sentiments" consisting of eighteen grievances, in imitation of the Declaration of Independence was presented, adopted and signed by 100 men and women and became the practical basis of all "Woman Rights" platforms thereafter. No difference of opinion between groups ever arose over these fund amental demands. When differences arose, as occasionally they did, they were always caused by disputes over methods of procedure and never by disagreements over aims. (Full account - "History of Women Suffrage", Chapter IV., page 63) HISTORICAL DATA 3. NATIONAL ORGANIZATION Many State and Regional Conventions followed the one at Seneca Falls. One held at Worcester, Massachusetts in 1850 led to the beginning of the organized movement in Great Britain. Mrs. Taylor wrote an account of this convention for the Westminster Gazette. In consequence, an organization was fromed. John Stuart Mill, who afterwards married Mrs. Taylor, introduced a Suffrage bill in parliament in 1868 and published the booklet "The subjection of Women" which was used a s the handbook of the movement for many years. The Civil War checked the movement, but it gave it increased determination after its close. In May, 1869, the National Woman Suffrage Association was formed, and in November, 1869, a secession from the ranks occurred in the autum of the same year, and another national society was formed, call the American Woman Suffrage Association. Henry Ward Beecher was the first presidentof the American Association, and Elizabeth Cady Stanton was the first president of the National Association. Each of these two bodies held annual conventions for twenty years. There was no major difference in their program. Both agreed to appeal to all Constitutional Conventions, and to Legislatures for such enactments as were constitutional, for referendum state campaigns and an amendment to the Federal constitution. The first woman suffrage address was made before the United States Congress by Senator Sumner of Massachusetts in 1869. For fifty yeear thereafter, suffragists never failed to appear at each Congress with their plea for the referendum of a Federal Amendment. It was submitted June 4, 1919 and ratified August 26, 1920. 4. FEDERAL ACTION The first speech in Congress on woman suffrage was made by Seantor Charles Sumner of Massachusetts in 1869. A number of outstand- lawyers claimed that the wording of the Fourteenth Amendment extended the vote to women as well as to Negro men. Susan B. Anthony led in a test of this pronouncement, and in the year 1872 a number of women voted in different states. Miss Anthony was arrested, tried at Canandaigua, New York, and fined $100. for illegal voting. She never paid the fine. Mrs. Virginia L. Minor of St. Louis offered her vote which was refused and she brought suit. Her hsuband, a prominent lawyer, carried the case through the Supreme Court of the United States which, on March 29, 1875, rendered a decision that women were not enfranchised by the Fourteenth Amendment. When the possibilities of the Fourteenth Amendment had been exhausted, Senator A. A. Sargent of California presented the woman suffrage amendment in 1878. The wording and form remained unchanged until all women were enfranchised forty-two years later; "The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of Sex". Hearings were granted by every Congress thereafter, countless petitions presented, parades, flags, banners and bands gained additional attention, but the influence which finally won the submission of the Federal Amendment and its ratification by three-fourths of the States was the evidence of the acceptance by the States and the rest of the world of the principle of woman suffrage. The full story of the quest for the Federal Amendment will be found in a chapter of forty pages in the Fifth Volume of the "History of Woman Suffrage", also page 227, "Woman Suffrage and Politics", by Mrs. Catt and Mrs. Shuler. The climax of State pressure on the Congress took the form of resolutions from State Leg- 5. FEDERAL ACTION - (continued) islatures, asking the submission of the Federal Amendment. Fourteen State Legislatures in 1917 and twenty-six in 1919 made this appeal. The Twelfth Amendment made the shortest time of any yet added to the constitution nine months and thirteen days, but there were only seventeen states and thirteen had ratified. When the Woman Suffrage Amendment had been on its ratification journey for nine months and thirteen days, it had been ratified by thirty-four of the forty-eight states, but the significant point of the story is that twenty-five of these ratifications took place in special sessions. MUNICIPAL SUFFRAGE Was granted to the women of Kansas in 1887, but when the Supreme Court of Michigan declared similar action by that State to be unconstitutional, this method was discouraged. BY 1918 FULL SUFFRAGE on equal terms with men had been secured in fifteen states. 1869 - Wyoming By Legislature of Territory. 1893 - Colorado Referendum 1869 - Utah Constitutional Convention 1896 - Idaho Referendum 1910 - Washington Referendum 1911 - California Second Referendum 1912 - Kansas Third Referendum 1912 - Oregon Sixth Referendum 1912 - Arizona Referendum 1913 - Montana Referendum 1914 - Nevada Referendum 1917 - New York Second Referendum 1918 - South Dakota Fourth Referendum 1918 - Michigan Third Referendum 1918 - Oklahoma Referendum 1913 - The Territory of Alaska gave full suffrage to women as its first measure in its first Legislature. 1913 - Illinois woman lawyers formulated a 6. 1913 - Illinois - (continued) bill which would grant all forms of suffrage to women permissible by the constitution. It provided for a vote on Presidential Electors, for the important county officers, for all city, town, and village officers except police magistrates. The bill was passed in 1913 and shortly after a municipal election was held in Chicago. Illinois exerted more influence on the Federal campaign than any full suffrage state except New York, which exceeded Illinois in population. 1917 -The gain of New York by referendum, with a 100,000 favorable majority, because of its especially brilliant campaign and the fact that the women of the State had appealed to the voters by means of a petition signed by 1,030,000 women, had signally increased the favorable opinion of Congress. PRESIDENTIAL SUFFRAGE Twelve State Legislatures granted Presidential Suffrage to women and five of these included municipal suffrage. Two Southern State, Arkansas and Texas, had given women the right to vote in primary elections, which, owing to the peculiar political machinery of that section, was equivalent to Presidential Suffrage. These fourteen states, plus the fifteen full suffrage states, thus extended to the women of twenty-nine states, the right to vote for presidential electors in 1920. It was estimated that 15,500,000 women could now vote for President. The number of electoral votes which would be decided by women and men voters had risen from 91 to 306 within four years more than half the total. TEN INDIRECT INFLUENCES 1. Thirty-five states had passed joint resolutions, praying for a Constitutional Convention for the purpose of amending the Federal Constitution not necessarily for woman suffrage. 2. In the four states, New York, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, and New Jersey, which lost suffrage amendments in 1915, 1,250,000 votes were cast in favor. Pennsylvania and New Jersey, by the provisions of their constitutions, could not re-submit the amendment at once, but New York could and did. 3. Both national dominant parties had endorsed woman suffrage in their platforms although with a "States Rights" provision. 8. TEN INDIRECT INFLUENCES (continued) 4. Both candidates for President in 1920 had publicly endorsed the pending Woman Suffrage Amendment. 5. A very long list of Governors, Judges, Mayors, College Presidents, and other outstanding citizens had endorsed the Amendment. 6. Great Britian, in January, 1918, granted full suffrage to women. 7. British Colonies had either granted the vote to women or were promising to do so. 1893 - New Zealand 1902 - Australia, throughout the Continent. 1917 - Canada 8. Scandinavia Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, and Iceland had all granted the vote to women. 9. Russia went into a revolution before the Great War closed and among other "radical" measures, extended the universal vote to men and women which has not been withdrawn. [(1938)] 10. Germany, in revolution, granted universal suffrage to men and women before the amendment was ratified in the United States. [Although votes in Germany seem meaningless today, they have not been withdrawn (1938).] 9. WHERE WOMEN VOTE Revolutions arose in some countries after the World War including Russia and Germany and the liberal spirit in which the war had closed governed others, so that before the United States Federal Amendment was ratified, twenty-five other countries in the world had already enfranchised their women as follows: 1881 Isle of Man 1893 New Sealand 1902 Australia 1906 Finland 1907 Norway 1913 Iceland 1915 Denmark 1917 Russia 1918 Canada England Scotland Ireland Wales Germany Austria Hungary Norway 1919 British East Africa Belgium (partial) Holland Poland Rhodesia Rumania Servia Sweden The following countries granted the suffrage to women after the United States enfranchised women in 1920. Hawaii and Porto Rico followed the United promptly in the extension of the vote to the women of those two islands. 1925 Newfoundland, not a political part of Canada, gave full suffrage to women. 10. WHERE WOMEN VOTE - (continued) 1930 South Africa gave the vote to women by federal enactment. 1930 Turkey granted municipal suffrage and eligibility to office to women. 1931 Spain adopted a new constitution, granting suffrage to men and women at the age of twenty-three. 1937 The Philippines granted full suffrage to women. Brazil has extended full suffrage to women in a constitution not yet fully established in 1938. Scattered suffrage rights have been granted to women in other states in South America. Mexico has extended limited suffrage to women Yucatan and San Luis. The following excerpts from letters of mine, later returned to me, are inserted here in order to give an idea of the ways in which I gathered information about the lives of women in other countries. Japan - (Daily appointments for part of time spent in Tokyo.) "March 8 - "Visited Peeresses' School. March 9 - "Visited Miss Tsuda's School. March 10 - "Went to Peeresses' School to see tea ceremony. March 11 - "Visited Welcome Society. Dined with Professor and Mrs. Clement. March 12 - "Visited Girls' Industrial School. Evening went with Major and Mrs. Reed to Yoshimara (prostitutes' section). March 13 - "Visited Okura collection. Had tea at Mrs. Blattner, for Baron Inamura, Professor and Mrs. Terry, Major and Mrs. Reed, Miss Norma, Miss Emerson, Miss Boynton, Major and Mrs. Irons, all of whom are familiar with Japanese customs. March 14 - "Visited House of Peers, Y.W.C.A., and Girls' University. Had tea with Professor and Mrs. Vickers. March 15 - "Visited Imperial University, and Baron Shitusana's house and garden. March 16 - "Had tea with Mrs. Ozaki, wife of Mayor of Tokyo. Dined at Y.W.C.A. dormitory for girls. March 17 - "Called on Mrs. Clement and Miss Fisher. Went to street fair. March 18 - "Had talks with Mayor Ozaki and Mr. Hara, Head of Home for Discharged Prisoners. Had Mrs. Ozaki for tea. March 19 - "Attended meeting of Japanese ladies' Educational Association March 20 - "Had Miss Strout for tea. Dined with Professor and Mrs. Terry. March 21 - "Spent morning with Mrs. Nitobe. Lunched at Japanese restaurant. Talked with Mr Tameoka, Advisor on Charities to Home Department." Note sent from Kyoto: April 24 - "Tomorrow I'm to make a speech, with an interpreter to the Kyoto Province Educational Society. It's ever so funny the pomp with which such proceedings are conducted. Had a letter of introduction to the Governor of the Province, who, after much sending of messages, deigned to receive us the day before yesterday. That afternoon I had a message from an American woman here - to whom I also had a letter - She said that she wanted "copy" so I sent over some of my other letters of introduction and since then we've been overwhelmed with official attention, including an invitation to tea from the Governor's wife." Korea "May 22 - "This morning visited two palaces and this afternoon were taken by 'No. 2 concubine' of a high official to visit 'No. 1 concubine', who has rather magnificent quarters, as magnificence goes here. SHe is coming to visit us Monday, if the curious and important Miss Sonntag, in whose house we are 'paying guests', doesn't refuse to let her come. 'No. 2 concubine' has been converted to Christianity and therefore is no longer the mistress of the official, though she continues to live with her mother in the house which he provided for her. The wife has still another residence and heaven only knows how many more concubines there may be." China Peking - "Yesterday we went to the old Empress' summer palace and were to go on by donkey still farther into the country with a missionary who had arranged to take us to some of the villages to see the genuine country life. But alas! Our Chinese driver was misdirected --- and when we did reach the missionary it was too late for the country trip. The forgiving lady wanted us to go instead to visit a Manchu woman, who, in turn, invited us to dinner and so we had an interesting experience, though not the one we had planned. How I wish you could have seen the house and the food we ate - or tried to - still more the woman; painted up little daughter-in-law, who is a dear, and the son and husband, said to be seventeen, but apparently three or four years younger, who is bored to death with his bride and all other women---. Of course he didn't eat with us. That would have been beneath his dignity, though I think he was playing marbles in the outside court while we were with his mother and his wife." "This afternoon three young Chinese women, daughters of the former literary chancellor, and said to be very high class, came to take tea with us and tomorrow we are to visit them." "Today we visited two girls' schools and then went to see the young women who had tea with us yesterday. A wonderful place: all courtyards and little houses, with trunk after trunk of magnificent silk, satin and velvet garments, many of them fur-lined. They told us that their father, who died last year, had four hundred fur-lined garments." Shanghai - "June 28. We are just about to start for a day in the country with a Chinese trained nurse who speaks a little English. She is the daughter of farmer folk and will take us to her own village. We go part way by jinricksha, then cross the river in a sampan and make the rest of the journey in a wheelbarrow, a common conveyance hereabouts---. "Yesterday we went with a famous woman physician to visit four wealthy families in which she has patients. The first house looked on the outside like an apartment hotel and was not so very different in interior arrangement, for the man has a wife and eight concubines, all of whom, with all their children, live together, along with the oldest son's establishment of wife and child, though he keeps his concubine outside. (He's only twenty, but has a concubine already, in addition to wife and child.) At another house where the family, Chinese of course, is Roman Catholic, there are four married sons with their families with thirty children altogether." The Philippines Manila - "Monday afternoon the Deaconess at the Settlement House next door to us to visit in the neighborhood--- Most of the houses to which we went were nipa-thatched shacks standing on stilts and huddled higgledy-piggledy in the worst mud holes you ever saw. Pigs and chickens live under the house between the stilts, or, when the water is too deep for them there, upstairs on the open porch--- Almost everywhere we went they were gracious and hospitable, offering us flowers when we came away---" "Wednesday afternoon we had Captain and Mrs. Putnam for tea; Wednesday evening, Mrs. Calderon, Philippine Women's Club president, to call; Thursday afternoon, visit to famous Germinal Cigar Factory, where five or six hundred women are employed.--- "Friday morning a call from Miss Lopez and her brother. Another brother, Sixto, is still a political exile because he wont take the oath of allegiance.---Friday afternoon tea at Miss Robbins' to meet Mrs. de Veyra, wife of one of the most prominent members of the Assembly, and herself a charmer. Then a brief visit to sterilized milk station, maintained by Women's Club.--- "Saturday morning we were taken to the committee room where the chief members of the Assembly are working between sessions and there we met practically all the most prominent men in politics except the president of the Assembly, who was out of town; and we had a long talk with them about the independence of the Philippines.---Saturday evening we sent to the Girls' Dormitory of the Normal School, where there are girls from all the provinces; and they gave a series of dances, such as are characteristic of the different tribes." "Sunday evening, Egan, Editor of the "Manila Times", to whom I had a letter, come for tea. In the evening there was an elaborate Filipino dinner given for us by the wife of one of the members of the Assembly. We were the only Americans out of twenty guests. I was taken down to dinner by the Islands held by a Filipino, and had Quezon, the newly appointed Filipino representative in Washington, on the other side." "One of the men in Manila telegraphed to his friends here to look out for us and this morning we had a group of callers, including a visiting lieutenant-colonel and the captain of the local post, also the civilian lieutenant governor of the Province, all of whom have offered to take us to various interesting places and to get up an Igarrote dance for us.--- "We got out today for a three-mile walk and climb over muddy roads to some Igarrote houses which go the Manila houses three better in that there are no rooms, no furniture, and the pigs and the chickens live in the house instead of under it." New Zealand Wellington - (Sept. 21, '09) "We were taken to visit the training school for teachers, after which there was a 'morning tea'. We had just time to do a few little errands between that and luncheon, which we took down town with Mr. and Mrs. Atkinson, charming persons and very intelligent about public affairs. He is a lawyer and took me to his office afterwards to look up legislation for women. Then we went to an appointment with the Chief of the Old Age Pension Administration; then telegraph and telephone, owned and managed by the Government; then the Government offices for life and accident insurance. They all gave us statistics and documents until we came home in the rain laden like parcel delivery wagon." (Sept. 24) "Day before yesterday we had another tea at the Women's Club and after that dinner in much state with the Mayor and Mayoress.--- "Yesterday we had a long conference with the Chief of the Labot Department and another long one with the Attorney General of New Zealand.---We worked all this morning on law books with indeces of statutes for the last fifteen years to see what effect woman suffrage has had in legislation. This afternoon we're going to see some of the government cottages for working men, attend a meeting of a women's organization for the 'Protection of Women and Children,' visit the Secretary of the Tailoresses' Union, and have a talk about laws for women with the lawyer who lent me the statute book. This evening we've promised to spend with Miss Richmond, the interesting and well connected woman to whom I have a letter and who has introduced us to everyone of importance here." Australia Melbourne (Oct. 12, '09) "Yesterday I sent out most of my letters of introduction, had a talk with the present Federal Premier and with the previous Premier, to both of whom I had letters, visited the headquarters of the largest political organization of women in the country, called on the leading woman physician and attended, in the evening the annual meeting of a suburban branch of that same political organization --- "Wednesday afternoon we went to Parliament House -Federal Parliament, like our Congress - where the Premier took us round and the wit of the house, a man named Guy, gave a tea party for us to which he brought along the gayest collection of pert and elderly gentlement I've ever run across.--- We received much attention and various requests for further meetings from that Parliamentary tea-party." "Thursday morning we visited two of the University colleges, with the president of each as guides. We were to go to morning tea with the wife of one of the most important professors, but there wasn't time Thursday afternoon, Mrs. Strong, wife of a prominent clergyman, gave a little tea for us in some beautiful gardens, where there is a tea-house. Thursday evening we spent at Miss Vida Goldstein's house.--- "Friday afternoon there was a glorified tea-party at Parliament House, given for us by Mr. Fisher, former Premier and present leader of the opposition, i. e., the Labor Party. Had told him that I wished to meet some of the Labor people, men and women, so he got about twenty of them together, including half a dozen members of the Federal Parliament, and there were speeches of welcome, etc., also 'remarks,' by the American ladies. It's very curious, this habit of legislation tea-parties. Fancy it in Congress, with ten or fifteen senators and representatives leaving the session to drink tea with a parcel of women Here the tea-room is in a gallery overlooking the great hall and there are flowers and cakes and all the other 'fixings.' Friday evening Mrs Watson-Lister brought five friends to see us here at the house. "Sunday afternoon we went out to one of the suburbs for supper at the house of a lawyer interested in the peace movement and other reforms ---Monday afternoon the Premier's wife, Mrs. Deakin, had a pleasant reception for us. They live on the edge of the great Botanical Gardens, so after the party, supposed to be made up of women interested in social work, had assembled we walked over in little groups to the Gardens, which are wonderfully laid out and; though public, almost as secluded as a private estate. After walking in and out for half an hour, we came to a terrace overlooking a lake and there tables were spread very daintily and we had our elaborate tea. It seems that the tea-house can be reserved for private parties and apparently we had the whole place to ourselves, with the most charming grounds and view in Melbourne before our eyes. "Yesterday we visited the Women's Parliament, conducted by one of the women's organization. "Today we went over the largest private school for girls and then were taken in charge by the Labor leader in the State Parliament.---First he conducted us through the State Continuation School, where we had a very good luncheon prepared by the students. Then we went out to a suburb to see a great series of factories carried on by a department shop which manufactures nearly everything it and its branches in other cities sell." (Oct. 27) "Monday the University again and tea with the wife of one of the professors. Then in the evening a political meeting to celebrate the big vote of women, at which I made a poor speech. "Yesterday I wrote a little in the morning and went to call on the Premier's wife in the afternoon; and in the evening attended the annual meeting of another political organization of women.---After that we went on the reception of the National Council of Women, the meetings of which have occupied out time today and this evening." (Oct. 28) "Four meetings today besides a lunch party with the senator from Tasmania, who also took us to supper after the meeting last night---. Had to make a little speech last evening and though it was fairly good it was misreported with a glaringly false statement which I'm extremely sorry to have connected with my name." Sydney - (Nov. 2) "Mr. and Mrs. Watson met us at her sister's "station" (i. e., ranch) in "the Bush." and we had a very pleasant stay there. "Yesterday we saw the sheep shearing by machine, the characteristic sight of Australia and a pitiful sight it was; the poor patient beasties literally dumb before the shearers while their fleece was stripped off as if they were great potatoes twisted round to be peeled. Then they were turned out thin, scarred, and sometimes bleeding, into the pens." Siam - On train Bangkok to Petchaburi. (Dec. 18,1909) "The missionary head of a girls' school, with whom I have been staying and who is now sending me five hours by rail up country to some of her friends, has been thirty years in Siam and knows its women from A to Z --- "Thursday morning I went with her to visit one of her former pupils who has married an aide-de-camp of the Crown Prince and who showed us her house, her wedding gifts and her betel chewing outfit. Thursday afternoon one of the teachers and I drove with a Siamese girl and her small maid-servant - in addition to the coachman - to the annual exercises of the Catholic Convent School for Girls, and after that we went to call on another former pupil, now married to an Eurasian. "Yesterday morning was my record breaker for interesting experiences thus far; for Miss Cole took me to see a royal princess of the preceding generation who lives in the 'Second King's' palace enclosure, as do thirteen of her half-sisters and nieces, who are all pensioners of the King, and are surrounded by heavens only knows how many attendants and hangers-on. These ladies are all middle-aged now and of such high rank that they could not marry anyone except the King, ho has always to take some of his half-sisters, may be of royal descent on both sides. He didn't choose any of the particular half-sisters who now live in the 'Second King's' compound. They may not go outside the palace enclosure except by royal permission, and then they have to be attended by pages, soldiers, the royal physician and a royal carriage, all of which costs so much in tips that their pensions can rarely stand it even if they get permission. So they live year after year in the ruins of a past magnificence. Marvellously picturesque ruins to be sure, with colonaded walks and courtyards overgrown with shrubs, long cloisters, great empty halls, endless tumbledown little houses, formerly the swellings of the various wives, carved and gilded doors and windows, a rock shrine for the guardian spirit of the palace and endless other buildings. The princesses have innumerably little serving maids who crouch in their presence, serve them on bended knees, and creep on hand and knees across the floor; but they are as ragged and unkempt as most of the houses are squalid and as the princesses themselves are ugly with their blackened teeth, protruding jaws, delapidated clothing and eternal filthy chewing of betel nut. The princess whom we visited is an exception, for she purloined an education, reads English though she doesn't speak it, keeps herself and her house decent. She gave me her picture and some day I'll tell you the details of her girlish elopement with a half brother - not the Crown Prince - with whom she lived three days before she was discovered, brought back and publicly clubbed." (Dec. 20) "Arrived at Petchaburi the 18th at one; had luncheon, a half hour rest and then a drive with the missionary family---to two Laos villages of thatched houses where we climbed up under the roofs and visited several families. Sunday church and Sunday school and visits to poor Siamese houses near Mission; Monday ,morning market and more Siamese houses; Monday afternoon visited house of third in command in district and then Governor's house. He sent us in his own carriage, with outrider on horseback, to Palace Mountain, summer palace of the King. Today I took train at dawn to Phrapaton,---where a young American and a Siamese woman missionary have been taking me about." Burma Rangoon (Jan. 12, 1910) "We're in a sanatarium kept by an ex-medical missionary who's been here twenty years and can therefore help on the woman investigation.---. We start tonight for Mandalay and then return here. Mandalay ( Jan. 17, 1910) "Off with an interpreter early this morning to a rice harvesting village about five miles out; and after visited houses in the silk wearing section of the city Rangoon (Jan. 26, 1910) "I spent the morning hunting up a legal authority to answer my questions about the status of women. This afternoon worked on my report. Tonight a Baptist minister and his wife are going to take us to see the disreputable streets, the Japanese section being particularly notorious here as it is in every other city in the Orient that I've had a chance to find out about " India - On train Calcutta to Darjeeling (Feb. 4, 1910) "My program the last four days in Calcutta. "Tuesday. Call on woman missionary who has done report on women in Calcutta, also on clergyman for help in getting information; afternoon calls on persons to whom I had letters of introduction, including Hindu professor and Parsee women lawyer "Wednesday visited school for girls and disreputable section, had tea at Y.W.C.A. "Thursday zenana visiting, also two schools; reception for Hindu women students. "Friday work on report and two calls on Hindu women " Darjeeling - (Feb. 8) "This morning we went to the Nepauli service at #the Scotch Mission and then on to the weekly bazaar.--- This afternoon we walked down hill and up and down and up to a Sikkinese settlement and a llama temple and then visited some Nepauli and Butanese houses in Darjeeling." Jodhpur (Feb. 21, 1910) "We went this morning by special permission to the Fort here, high up on a mountain, where we were graciously permitted to see the armory and the jewel chamber with the most barbaric collection of gems, millions of dollars worth, and harnesses and trappings of gold and silver for the horses and elephants on state occasions ---This afternoon the English woman doctor took us to drive to the ancient capitol, now a city of temples and tombs only. We went to visit zenanas and villages, but there's no end of red tape about it and we've made the mistake of not bringing an English speaking servant to go about with us and we can't get one here. (Feb. 25) "Today we saw the departure of the Udaipur Maharanee and had tea with a Rajput princess, cousin of the Maharajah here, whose daughter dresses up for our benefit in what must have been at least 50,000 dollars worth of jewels and the most hideous staff-with-gold brocaded garments. (Feb. 26) "We had an interesting visit at a village some five miles away, to which we were taken by the English Resident's head clerk, a Brahmin who speaks excellent English. We were presented with temple offerings of fruit and cakes, which stand on our shelves at this minute." (Feb. 28) "This morning we visited four zenanas and then went unexpectedly to a polo game at which the Maharajah, who returned only last night from Bombay, came Jane A. Stewart Special Articles, Editorials, Reviews Philadelphia, Pa. My dear Dr Shaw: I have only recently learned that President Roosevelt when he was "on the fence" in February as he termed it, last wrote to the president of the National Congress of Mothers for her views on the subject of giving women the ballot. Mrs Schaff, (who favors educational and property qualifications for all voters) wrote him an extended letter setting forth her ideas from the standpoint of the protected, conservative women (who by the way, has a comfortable income of her own). Thought she has labored to get better laws for children, etc, she does not think she could have done better with the ballot in her hand! She is under the im- pression (gained in a brief flying trip last year) that only women of the worst type vote in the suffrage states. And she makes positive statements to that effect regarding Idaho where she says she was told while there that the majority of women who vote are bad women. She told the President this; and a great deal more, arguing that women should not be enfranchised; although as I have said, she favors educational and property qualification, and I believe would like to see women given the ballot on that basis. The President wrote thanking her for her letter which he declared had helped him to a decision on the matter. It is just possible that her letter caused his non-appearance at Miss Anthony's [?] celebration, as it was written I believe just prior to that event. I thought you ought to know these facts. They indicate where the opposition lies as regards the President. Mrs. Schaff's influence with him is very great. Possibly information regarding the real state of affairs in Idaho, Colorado etc. coming from some one like Mrs. Decker for instance would serve as an antidote with the President. It would be advantageous to the cause, in view of her personal influence with the President, if Mrs. Schaff could get a broader view of the subject, especially as relates to the working woman, with whose conditions and problems, she is quite [ignorant] unacquainted and I should judge not lacking in sympathy, if her interest were once aroused. With best wishes, Hoping you are well, Very Sincerely, Your [?] [?] A Stewart 1802 Berks St Philad. 5/9/06 [*Mrs Catt on History of W. suffrage*] THE STATES Prior to 1890, it had been the plan of the National and the American Associations to secure organizations in the states as auxiliaries. In a very few states both national associations had founded auxiliaries and it was the conflict of such organizations, working in the same field, that caused the merger of the National and the American into the National American Woman Suffrage Association. The new association continued the former plan of organization. The National Board led the campaign for Federal Suffrage and the State Boards led the efforts to secure State suffrage. The National gave its utmost assistance to all state campaigns and the State organizations gave stalwart help to the Federal campaign. -2- Before the passage of the Federal Amendment, fifteen states and the Territory of Alaska had granted full suffrage to women. Thirteen states granted the vote by a referendum to men voters. The record was: Wyoming 1869 By Act of Legislature Colorado 1893 " Referendum Idaho 1896 " " Utah 1896 Inserted in constitution. (See special account of Wyoming and Utah) Washington 1910 By Referendum California 1911 " " Arizona 1912 " " Kansas 1912 " " Oregon 1912 " " Nevada 1914 " " Montana 1914 " " New York 1917 " " Oklahoma 1918 " " South Dakota 1918 " " Michigan 1918 " " Territory of Alaska 1913 " Act of Legislature 1869 WYOMING The first government in the world to enfranchise women was Wyoming. The Union Pacific Railroad was being built across Wyoming in 1867. There was no organized government and the territory between Nebraska and the Rockies was known as The Great American Desert. A lawless, shifting population of adventurous men occupied the spaces adjacent to the new railroad. The better element petitioned the Congress for the protection of an organized government. It was allowed. The first election took place in September 1869, the purpose being to choose delegates to the first Legislature. At South Pass City, the largest town in the State, a settlement consisting of rows of shacks stretching along a ledge of the Wind River Mountains, three thousand persons were washing gold. Twenty of the most influential men, including all the candidates of both parties, were invited to dinner at the "shack of Mrs. Esther Morris, who had followed her husband and three sons into the trackless West." She presented the woman's cause to her guests and each candidate gave his solemn pledge that, if elected, he would introduce and support a woman suffrage bill. William H. Bright, Democrat, was elected, and was chosen president of the Council, or Senate, when the Legislature met October 1, 1869. Having given his promise, Mr. Bright set himself to the task of converting to woman suffrage the twenty-two men who composed the two Houses of the Legislature. The Legislature was unanimously Democratic. The Senate passed the suffrage bill, ages 6, nays 2, absent 1. the House passed it, ayes 6, nays 4, absent 1. The Governor, who must sign the bill, was an unmarried Republican. Some delegates were reported to have voted for woman suffrage with the expectation that the Governor would veto the measure. John W. Campbell signed the bill, however. He remembered that nineteen years before he, with other boys, had attended the First Woman Suffrage Convention held in Ohio at his birthplace, Salem. The Convention passed twenty-two resolutions. No man had been permitted to speak or vote at the convention, but when it was over, all the men who had been in attendance, met together and "endorsed all the ladies had said and done." The memory gave his courage and he signed the bill. When the Legislature met again, in 1871, a bill to repeal woman suffrage was introduced. The bill passed the House, ayes 9, nays 3, absent 1, every vote for repeal being Democratic and every vote against being Republican. The Repeal passed the Senate, ayes 5, all Democratic, and nays 4, all Republicans.Governor Campbell now promptly vetoed the bill. The House passed the repeal over the Governor's veto by the required two-thirds vote, ayes 9 all Democrats, Nays 2 Republicans, two absentees who had paired their votes. In the Senate the repeal did not secure a two-thirds vote, ayes 5 Democrats, nays 4 Republicans. Thus woman suffrage was preserved by a single vote. Never again was any attempt made to repeal woman suffrage in Wyoming. From the year 1869 to 1920, when the vote was won in the nation, every Governor, Chief Justice, as well as many prominent citizens, gave endorsement of the beneficence of woman suffrage. Not one reputable person in the State said over his own signature that "woman suffrage is other than an unpeachable success in Wyoming." WYOMING - Page 2 Immediately after the passage of the first woman suffrage bill, in 1869, Esther Morris was appointed Justice of the Peace. The appointment was reported to have been made in order to humiliate women, because of the failure expected of a woman in this post. Instead, forty cases were tried before her and no one was appealed. Women, too, were appointed to petit and grand juries and acquitted themselves with honor and ability. One jury, consisting of six men and six women, were locked up for the night, - the women in one room, the men in the other. A man bailiff guarded the men; a woman bailiff, the women. A drawing of the building where the first legislature met, the photographs of the first woman voter, the woman who proposed the vote for women in Wyoming, the man who introduced the bill, the Governor who signed the bill and vetoed the repeal, the first woman ever summoned to jury service, the first to serve on a petit jury, and the first to serve on a grand jury, the first woman bailiff, have been carefully preserved and are here presented. Wyoming grants complete credit for woman suffrage in the State to Mrs. Esther Morris. When the Territory of Wyoming applied for statehood, woman suffrage became part of the constitution, but there was a long and bitter struggle in Congress. Delegate James Carey felt obliged to telegraph the Wyoming Legislature that probably Congress would not grant statehood with woman suffrage in the constitution. The next day he read the answer received. "We will remain out of the Union a hundred years rather than come in without woman suffrage. In consequence, the House, March 1890, by a vote of 139 ayes to 127 nays voted to accept the constitution. The Senate accepted it in June 1890 by 29 ayes, 18 nays, 37 absent. Thus came the end of opposition to woman suffrage in Wyoming. For fifty years Wyoming pronounced false every prediction of anti-suffragists and gave so much evidence of positive good to the community arising from the votes of women that she became the direct cause of the establishment of woman suffrage in all the surrounding states. 1893 COLORADO When the Seneca Falls Convention laid the foundations for a campaign to liberate all women in the nation from legal oppression, there was no Colorado. When women were sitting in their Ninth National Convention in 1858 to demand legal rights for women, there were only three white women living in Denver. In 1868, Colorado was organized into a territory with a population of 5,000 women and 25,00 men. The first governor, Edward McCook, recommended woman suffrage and continued to be its supporter. When Colorado was approaching statehood in 1876, a lively suffrage agitation took place and school suffrage was put in the constitution. A referendum amendment campaign was conducted in 1877. The amendment was lost. Lucy Stone, Henry C. Blackwell, Susan B. Anthony, Dr. Alida C. Avery, Margaret W. Campbell, and other, came to aid the campaign, while no abler women in any state have supported the cause than those in Colorado led by two sisters, Mrs. Mary G. Campbell and Mrs. Katherine G. Patterson. There were no telephones or typewriters and few railroads then, but the campaign made a lasting impression upon the State. In 1893, another amendment was submitted and carried by a majority of 6,347. The reasons for this victory were several. The chief ones were the coming of the Populist Party which split the old parties temporarily, and the fact that the example of Wyoming had changed the public mind of Colorado. (Read Chapter XXIX, Volume IV, and Chapter V, Volume VI, History of Woman Suffrage, for details.) 19866 IDAHO Mrs. Abigail Scott Duniway, pioneer settler in Oregon between 1876 and 1895, gave one hundred and forty lectures on Woman Suffrage in Idaho. She addressed the Territorial Legislature in 1887 and in 1889 appealed to the constitutional convention. When the Republican State Convention met in 1894, Mrs. J. Ellen Foster, of Iowa, addressed the convention and proposed a woman suffrage plank in the platform which was promptly adopted. In January 1895, a constitutional amendment was submitted to the voters and, at almost the same moment, the National American Woman Suffrage Association, meeting in Atlanta, Georgia, established a new Committee on Organization with Carrie Chapman Catt, Chairman, and Mary Garrett Hay, Secretary. This Committee found a suffrage campaign under way in Idaho where there was practically no organization. The Committee appointed,as its first work, Mrs. Emma Smith Devoe to go to Idaho with the aim of establishing organization. Mrs. Devoe had had experience in South Dakota in the campaign of 1890. Mrs. Laura M. Johns went to Idaho in May 1895 and remained four months. The State was organized and in November a State Convention was held. In 1896 Mrs. Johns went again to Idaho and remained some months. In August Mrs. Catt joined her for a time. Mrs. Johns then returned to her home, having been in Idaho four months, and Mrs. Catt remained one month, speaking in all parts of the State. She -2- had the unique experience of attending four State political conventions, Republican, Democratic, Silver Republican, and Populist. Each party willingly placed a plank in its platform. Mary C. C. Bradford came in September and thus another speaker visited all parts of the State. It was a modest campaign, costing the National Association only $2,500 but political parties were not in dictatorial power and all had endorsed the woman suffrage amendment. Of sixty-five newspapers in the State, all but three were favorable. Again, Wyoming, the neighbor, wielded a decisive influence. The amendment was carried by 5,844. 1896 UTAH In 1870 the Legislature of Utah conferred the suffrage upon women as Wyoming had done and the bill was signed by Governor S. A. Mann. Women voted from 1870 to 1887. The women issued a paper, The Woman's Exponent. The Mormons of Utah practised polygamy. The Congress finally passed the Edmunds Tucker Act in 1887 which took the vote away from all women in the Territory where they had voted for seventeen years. In 1896 Utah became a state with full suffrage for men and women in the State Constitution. Most of the leaders of the National American Woman Suffrage Association had visited Utah, speaking and conferring with the women. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony visited Salt Lake in 1871; Mrs. Elizabeth LYle Saxon and Clara B. Colby in 1888; Miss Anthony, Anna Howard Shaw, Mary C. C. Bradford and Ellis Meredith of Colorado joined in a Utah convention in 1896; Carrie Chapman Catt and Mary Garrett Hay in 1899. Utah women came to the National annual conventions regularly. (See Chapter LXVI, Volume IV, History of Woman Suffrage) Congress made objection to the constitution, but it was accepted. 1910 WASHINGTON From 1896 to 1910 - fourteen years - no addition was made to the suffrage states. Washington became the fifth in 1910. Up to that date, there had been seventeen referenda of woman suffrage to state voters and fifteen had met with defeat. IN 1883 the Territorial Legislature of Washington, following the examples of Wyoming and Utah, extended full suffrage to women. In 1887 a man, convicted by a jury, some of which were women, contested the verdict upon the ground that women were not legal voters. By appointment of Grover Cleveland, several Southern Democrats had been appointed to the Supreme Court and these men were deeply prejudiced against woman suffrage. The Court declared the Washington Suffrage law invalid, because its object had not been properly described in its title. The next Legislature, 1889, reenacted the law with the defects corrected. Liquor interests arranged with election judges to refuse the vote of the wife of a saloon-keeper. She brought action and the case was decided by the Supreme Court of the Territory that the Legislature had no authority to enfranchise women. the woman refused to appeal and no one else could. The Constitutional Convention, preparing for statehood, submitted a separate suffrage amendment to male voters. The liquor forces secured a defeat. In 1909 an amendment was again submitted to be voted on in 1910. Mrs. Emma Smith Devoe had gone to Washington from South Dakota to live and had become president of the suffrage association. The National Convention met in Seattle. The campaign was modest and the cost did not exceed $6,000 but the nation was astounded by a victory of 24,000 majority. Washington gave a remarkable impulse to the suffrage cause throughout the nation. 1911 CALIFORNIA Five political parties had tickets in the field in 1910 and the breaking asunder of the dominant parties has always resulted in liberality. A suffrage amendment was submitted to be voted upon in 1911. There had been a royal amendment campaign in California in 1896 when all the Southern half of the State carried, but San Francisco defeated the Northern half and, hence, the State. In 1911, ten thousand suffragists worked early and late for six months and won. The majority, however, was only 3,500. San Francisco had again mobilized the lower elements to vote against the amendment. One newspaper in New York said, editorially, that the victory in California doubled suffrage sentiment in New York over night. Everywhere it stimulated the movement amazingly. Three states joined the line in 1912. 1912 ARIZONA The suffragists determined to secure suffrage through the constitution when statehood was approaching, if possible, or, if that failed, to work for the submission of a separate suffrage amendment. Vicious interests held a decisive balance of power in Arizona and both appeals were refused. Women asked for the submission of an amendment at each Legislature thereafter, but to no avail. IN 1898 Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt and Miss Mary Garrett Hay went to Arizona and secured the promise of a fine majority to extend the vote to women of the State. Their chief argument was a resolution, unanimously passed by the Colorado Legislature, pronouncing woman suffrage an "unimpeachable success". In the Territorial Legislature passed an act, granting the vote to women, but the Governor vetoed the measure. Although public sentiment was much aroused by the California victory of 1911, the Legislature of 1912 refused again to submit the amendment. The Initiative and Referendum had been adopted in Arizona and suffragists, so many times disappointed, turned from the stubborn Legislature to this new weapon. The petitions for a referendum were filed July 5, 1912. In November came the election. Meantime, a national Progressive Party had been organized with Theodore Roosevelt,a hero in Arizona, as its standard bearer and with a suffrage plank in its platform. Suddenly, the politicians turned about and put a plank, endorsing woman suffrage, in every platform. In consequence, every county was carried and the State gave a majority of 7,240 for the amendment. 1912 KANSAS This State had had two referenda before the victorious one of 1912, - one in 1867 and one in 1894 - and was the only state which had had municipal suffrage. This was won by the leadership of Laura M. Johns, president of the State Association and often pronounced the ablest of the presidents. The first effort to advertise suffrage by pageantry was made in Kansas in 1894. In many towns a large number of women met the speaker at the station with their buggies, decorated with yellow cheesecloth and sunflowers, and drove in procession about the streets, carrying announcements of the coming meeting. The audiences were larger in consequence, the women observed, and the plan spread, but the amendment was lost. The amendment of 1912 was carried by a majority of 10,787. There was great rejoicing over these three victories of 1912; church bells were rung, processions were formed, and sermons were preached, but at Pittsburg, Kansas, two hundred women gathered around a great bonfire to celebrate in a novel way with thousands looking on. The suffragists threw their old bonnets into the fire to symbolize the transformation of old politics for new. 1912 OREGON Here had been an indomitable leader, a pioneer, who had arrived by means of an overland covered wagon, Mrs. Abigail Scott Duniway. The State had, in all, six referenda. That of 1912 was secured by the Initiative and Referendum petitions. It was won by the argument of the map. Oregon is bounded on the North by Washington, where women vote; on the East, by Idaho and Wyoming where women vote; why should not the women of Oregon vote? The women won by a majority of 4,161. 1914 NEVADA In 1914 seven suffrage amendments were voted upon in as many states. The argument of the may won Nevada. "Bounded on the North by Oregon and Idaho, where women vote; on the East by Utah and Arizona where women vote; on the South and West by California where women vote; why should not the women of Nevada vote?" the suffragists asked in every conceivable way. "Out damned spot" they ejaculated over the black spot in the Great White West and the women won. 1914 MONTANA Jeanette Rankin was the young president of the Montana Suffrage Association. She used the slogan "Tell the People" and the voters granted the vote. North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska, Missouri, and Ohio voted "No" that year. 1917 NEW YORK Each state had its own suffrage problem. New York had the largest population of any state and an enormous proportion of the population of its cities, especially New York City, was composed of immigrants from all countries of the world. The population of the great City of New York was larger than that of all the thirteen colonies when they fought the Revolution. These facts made many suffragists feel that a referendum in the State would not be carried, but there were those who recognized that a victory by referendum in New York would bring to a successful conclusion the entire national campaign and this portion of the suffrage forces worked without pause to bring about that victory. All the suffrage workers were merged together in what was known as the Woman Suffrage Party. The members were classified by Assembly Districts and a leader was appointed for each district. This Assembly District leader, as soon as possible, secured captains for each Election District. When the work had gone far enough, a City Convention was held and 804 delegates and 200 alternates were present, representing every assembly district. This plan attracted the attention of politicians. The organization was precisely the same as that of Tammany Hall and that of the Republican Party. This organization was begun in 1909. For many years the suffragists had been urging the Legislature to submit an amendment to the State constitution, but this had been a half-hearted effort, because so few people thought it possible to carry an amendment in New York. Now, the faith and determination of the women became more vigorous and hopeful. Meanwhile, there had been many changes in methods. The Press Committees of New York had been changed to Publicity Committees and the rapidly expanding growth of advertising influenced future efforts to convert voters. Every possible plan to draw attention to the favorable consideration of the woman suffrage amendment was adopted. In former times a suffrage meeting meant hiring a hall and printing announcements. Now woman suffrage was taken to the street and every leader of an assembly district was expected to conduct as many of these meetings as was possible. Thousands of women, and very many men, organized and conducted meetings upon the street and thousands gathered to listen. The National Men's League was organized and there was an auxiliary in the State of New York. The Legislature in four states in 1914 submitted a woman suffrage amendment; - Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. The four states conducted a lively, far-reaching, energetic campaign, but Election Day brought defeat for all. The politicians were, as yet, not willing to give women the vote and the political parties had given out the order to turn the amendments down. NEW YORK - PAGE 2 The suffragists of New York met in Cooper Union immediately after the Election in 1915 at which time pledges of $100,000 for the next campaign were raised, and some workers, under the leadership of Mrs. Norman de R. Whitehouse, held a street meeting at midnight and announced the beginning of the next campaign. None of the states could re-submit an amendment which had been defeated except the State of New York. The work became more vigorous than ever. Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt had been Chairman of the Empire State Campaign Committee for 1914 and 1915. Now she became National President and Mrs. Norman de R. Whitehouse became the Chairman of the New York Campaign Committee. Two years more of campaigning, red hot all the time and never ceasing, continued until Election Day of 1917 when the vote for woman suffrage astonished the City, State and Nation. Outside the City of New York, the amendment, when all votes were counted, was lost by 1,510 votes, but in New York City the amendment was carried by 103,863 majority, so that the favorable majority for the State was 102,353. What were the reasons that made New York City such an exception to the conduct of all cities where woman suffrage had been voted upon? First, woman suffrage was carried to every resident in the City. Women, to the number of 1,030,000 had signed a petition to the voters of the State to extend the suffrage. The procession of the petitions, carried in a parade, covered more than half a mile and was the most conspicuous feature of those thousands who went marching by to the music of forty bands. The City section displayed its petitions in sixty-three ballot boxes, one for each assembly district, resting upon a decorated platform and each borne by four women. Ten million leaflets were distributed, schools for training women watchers were conducted and 10,000 watchers and poll workers were enrolled. Hundred of newspapers were served with daily news, including twenty-four foreign language papers. The voters were circularized. Friendly windows were filled with posters, silent speeches and printed appeals, and, as a climax, advertisements announcing the number of women petitioners for the vote and carrying various appeals to the voters were placed in the leading newspapers of the State. Huge billboards advertising suffrage lined the railroads and street cars and electric signs in the cities emphasized the women's appeal. There were now suffrage captains and assembly district leaders in the Woman Suffrage Party whose husbands were officers in Tammany Hall. The result was that the Executive Committee of Tammany Hall decided to keep "hands off" the election. The men of New York voted in November 1917 to extend the vote to the women of the State. The Congress and the Legislature had completed ratification of a Federal Amendment so that the women of all States were permitted to vote in November 1920. Each state won had given an enormous stimulus to the woman suffrage movement, but the pivotal turning points were the great cities of Chicago and New York. 1918 OKLAHOMA In 1899 Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt and Miss Mary Garrett Hay visited Oklahoma and attempted to secure the passage of a woman suffrage bill by the Legislature. That story has been told elsewhere. it was clear that bribery was introduced and defeated that effort. In 1910 suffragists obtained 40,000 signatures on an initiative petition and forced the submission of the question to the voters. This was defeated at the polls. In 1917 suffragists in Oklahoma began, again, to work for a State referendum. This was successful and the vote was to take place in November 1918. The Oklahoma constitution requires a majority of the highest number of votes cast in an election to secure the passage of an amendment. It has been rare, indeed, that any amendment, under such provisions, has been carried. The most sinister influence of the State were savagely opposed to woman suffrage. The National American Woman Suffrage Association gave eleven organizers to the State and spent $18,000 in the campaign. It is a long and curious story, but the majority for the amendment was 25,428 and this made a majority of all the votes cast at the election. It was a great victory. 1918 SOUTH DAKOTA This State had a total of seven referendum campaigns. It was one of the states where the foreign-born all voted on their "first papers" and citizenship was not a qualification for the vote. This foreign vote had weighed heavily in all prior defeats, but in 1918 there was a better and bigger campaign and the war had strengthened the bill for woman suffrage. The majority for women suffrage was 19,286. 1918 MICHIGAN Petitions of women to voters were a determining factor in this victory. Michigan obtained 202,000 names on these petitions. Both political parties aided the amendment instead of opposing it as had been usual. The amendment was carried by 34,506. The favorable majorities had been, for some time, growing larger. The National American Woman Suffrage Association had been contributing suffrage schools to the states in which campaigns were in progress for the purpose of instructing the workers. Later it supplied eighteen organizers, press helps, 100,000 posters, 2,528,000 pieces of literature, eighteen street banners, and 50,000 buttons. One requirement for assistance from the National Suffrage Association was that each state should secure signatures of women on petitions for suffrage. The combined number obtained by the three states which had had successful campaigns in 1918 was 310,687. The cost of these campaigns to the National Suffrage Association was $30,720 in addition to the expenses borne by the states. It will be observed that the campaigns were more thoroughly conducted than the earlier ones and, in addition, there was the favorable influence of late victories. 1913 ALASKA The first Territorial Legislature met in 1913. The National American Woman Suffrage Association circularized each Legislature with "Five reasons why Alaska should adopt Woman Suffrage" and had corresponded with some of the leading men of Alaska. There was no suffrage organization there, yet the first bill introduced into the first Legislature was one extending full suffrage to women. It passed unanimously and was the first bill approved by the Governor. 1913 ILLINOIS The political forces were stubbornly set against a referendum in Illinois. For years there had been an official Presidential Suffrage Committee in the National American Woman Suffrage Association, but no state had granted it. Women lawyers now conceived a new way to secure a vote. They drew up their bill and conducted their campaign with rare vigor and foresight, the Progressives being their chief political sponsors. The bill was carried and Illinois women were possessed of the right to vote for president of the United States, for municipal officers, and for state officers not named in the constitution as elected by the votes of male electors only. Again, a great impulse was given to the suffrage movement, but when the first election took place in April and the press of the country carried the headlines that 250,000 women had voted in Chicago, suffrage sentiment again doubled over night. The Illinois victory proved a pivotal one in the suffrage campaign. THE WOMEN WHO WON THE WOMEN WHO WON "The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex." This is the story of a crusade . . . told by the brave women who paraded, spoke on street corners, and suffered imprisonment and abuse to win for all women the precious right to vote. Produced by the Public Affairs Department of WEEI, CBS Radio in Boston WEEI First on your dial at 590 THE WOMEN WHO WON NARRATOR: Priscilla Fortescue WRITER-PRODUCER: Dick Horne ASSOCIATE PRODUCER: Art King Broadcase over WEEI-CBS Radio in Boston on Thursday, August 25, 1960 9:30 — 10:00 P.M. "THE WOMEN WHO WON" OPENING JUDGE JENNIE LOITMAN BARRON: "My daughters have said to me, 'what do you mean mother you couldn't vote. Why that's a fairy tale. You mean grandma couldn't vote? Why that's a fairy tale.' And I say, 'no dear, it was a nightmare, not a fairy tale'." PRISCILLA FORTESCUE: This is the story of that nightmare. .the story of the struggle of the women of America to become free. .the story of woman suffrage. Where does this story of the struggle for the right to vote begin? Perhaps it as in this letter written in 1776 by Abigail Adams to her husband John Adams who was attending the Continental Congress: WOMAN'S VOICE: "I long to hear that you have declared an independency, and, by the way, in the new code of laws which I suppose it will be necessary for you to make, I desire that you should remember the ladies and be more generous and favorable to them than your ancestors. .If particular care and attention are not paid to the ladies we are determined to foment a rebellion, and will not hold ourselves bound to obey any laws in which we had no voice or representation." PRISCILLA FORTESCUE: Those in attendance at the Continental Congress did not heed the warning sounded by Abigail Adams, and the rebellion she spoke of was fomented. (MORE) -2- FORTESCUE (CONTINUED) But why was there a need for a rebellion? What was lacking in this young democracy that sparked the women of America into their long crusade? It has been said that the women of the 19th Century had many duties, but few rights. Married women suffered a "civil death" under the common law. They had no title to their own earnings, had no right to property and could not even claim their children in case of legal separation. And, as startling as it may seem, there were no high schools for colleges open to women in the early 1800's. The rebellion, therefore, was justified. And the women began to organize. At first, women were drawn into the struggle to free the slaves. Later, their work in the abolition movement led to the launching of their own fight for equality. The story of the formal organization of the woman suffrage movement is told by Mrs. Edna Stantial, secretary of the Suffrage Archives Committee. MRS. EDNA STANTIAL: "In 1848 a group of women met at Seneca Falls, New York, and produced a declaration of rights as a protest against the action of men towards women. And in 1850 Lucy Stone organized the first women's rights convention in Western Massachusetts at which both men and women were in attendance. The American wing of the national movement was organized by Lucy Stone and Henry B. Blackwell, and an opposing organization was a national association by Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Ca[t][*d*]y Stanton. Through the efforts of Alice Stone Blackwell, the two organizations merged into the National [*National American Woman Suffrage Association*] [Women's] Suffrage Association. This was the organization which carried on the campaign until the final passage of the amendment by Congress." -3- (MUSIC: Battle Hymn of the Republic) PRISCILLA: The Civil War and the freeing of the slaves spurred the women of the nation on in their struggle for equal rights. One of those attracted to the cause was the celebrated Julia Ward Howe, whose stirring "Battle Hymn of the Republic" had carried armies into battle, and now became the battle cry of the suffrage movement. The first victory came to women in the Territory of Wyoming, which granted women suffrage in 1869. Wyoming's neighboring territory, Utah, enacted Woman Suffrage in 1870, and the spirit of freedom was kindled in women across the nation. Campaigning state by state, the women suffered setback after setback but gradually made a little headway. After 41 state amendment campaigns during 45 years, the tally sheet read: nine victories, 32 failures. But the campaign didn't falter. The women continued their fight, choosing as their weapons soapboxes on street corners, parades up New York's Fifth Avenue and pickets around the White House. It must be kept in mind that the only way women could obtain the vote was by appealing men. So the suffrage campaign was carried directly to the men. Speakers for the suffrage movement mounted their soapboxes at noontime outside of factories, or outside of saloons, or at theaters during intermissions. Occasionally the speakers were used for target practice by egg-throwing members of the audience. (MORE) -4- PRISCILLA (CONTINUED) One young college girl in Boston proved to be a very effective speaker for the suff[e]rage cause. At that time she was Miss Jennie Loitman. Now she is known nationally as Judge Jennie Loitman Barron, the American Mother of the Year in 1959. JUDGE BARRON: "I'm reminiscing. There have been so many anecdotes. I am thinking of one in particular. Miss Zara DuPont, Miss Mabel Willard, [Miss] Mrs. Maude Wood Perk, who was the first national president of the League of Women Voters... and accompanied by those three women, and as I remember also, Alice Stone Blackwell, who was known throughout the world as one of the greatest pioneers in woman suffrage, they asked me if I would accompany them on a Saturday night to speak from an open automobile, which I found was a big open truck, in Chelsea Square, where there were at that time many, many, outstanding, so-called saloons and cafes. Then we had the six-day work week. Pay day was on Saturday. We might have this repeated except for progress (perhaps we won't) on Friday night. But this was Saturday night. The custom was to go to the square where we were going to speak for woman suffrage, asking the men because you couldn't get the votes unless we could find some wonderful men who would vote for us, because we had no votes and unless men would listen and vote for us, there was no hope for progress. They asked if I would come along and I said I would. "Well, the custom was for one of the older women, Mabel Willard or Zara DuPont to get up and begin to talk to harangue the crowd. The crowd would hear someone speaking and 50 would come, 100, and they said that this square was a great square and we might have a thousand or more people. And after they got warmed up and the crowd got quite big, then they would pull me out, the young girl at college, and say 'now go to it.' We were having a very difficult time. Miss DuPont spoke; Mrs. Park spoke, a brilliant speaker and beautiful to look upon. And there were many people unfortunately under the influence of liquor. You see I told you Saturday was pay day, and the first place some of these men would go was the saloon. There were others who were obstinate, who wouldn't listen, who thought this was a great circus show to see women standing on top of an open truck talking, and it looked as if there was going to be pandemonium, when they said, 'now it is your turn.' I wasn't married then. They said, 'Miss Loitman, step forward'. And I stepped forward and there was hissing and booing and I tried to talk. I happened to have a resounding voice then also, and I was having a difficult time. And I heard the women behind me saying, 'What are we going to do?', when suddenly a man who was reeling on his feet...anyone would see he was under the influence of liquor...began to boo me. And you know, if you can think of an epithet, you sometimes save the day. And I looked at him and thought of my very wonderful mother, who was alive then, a woman who was well educated, poised, marvelous character and suddenly I could see the picture of my mother who couldn't vote and that reeling young man who was booing me, And I shouted to the crowd, 'That man can vote, and my mother and your mother can't!' Well, it turned the trick. The crowd turned on him. It was all I could do to save him from that moment on." -5- PRISCILLA: At other times Judge Barron, then Miss Loitman, was less fortunate, and she found herself dodging such missiles as stale eggs and overripe tomatoes, hurled by al[l]coholic listeners. JUDGE BARRON: "I didn't mind having things thrown at me. I was a young girl at college. May I say it added zest to the occasion because we realized the challenge was even greater than we thought it was and that there was a real fight on. But my heart ached when I saw women of the character, the integrity, of the capacity, of the brilliance, of the beauty, let us say, of Maud[e] [*no e*] Wood Park, Carrie Chapman Catt, who I saw missiles aimed at them simply because they believed they should have the same rights in the United States of America as men should have. . .the right to express themselves." PRISCILLA: Across the nation the suffrage sentiment was growing. And the stage was set in New York for a decisive victory, recalled for us now by Judge Barron. JUDGE BARRON: "I was asked to go to New York in 1917. New York had lost woman suffrage in 1915 on a referendum, when there was a constitutional amendment. Would I go there and go with another group from corner to corner speaking on streets. We would make five or six speeches a night. It was tough, but to a young girl it was exhilerating. And I can never forget and never will forget the night of victory. I had talked, spoken, for about six nights and we were asked to come to this big building. I don't remember where it was in New York City and wait to get the election returns. Now all of you who have been watching television with the two great conventions and the presidential election coming, have caught the spirit of what I am going to tell you about. . .except in those days we didn't have television. We just had telephones. We didn't have radio. "I came into this big room (it was eight o'clock) to wait for the returns, and remember, those returns came from men, not women. If we were to get the vote, it meant that liberal men with vision would have to cast enough votes to give women the vote. We were never forgetful of the great obligation we owed to men, and there were plenty of them or we wouldn't be doing what we are today. As I came into this vast hall, I saw about 50 telephones (of course, now we have television; you have all kinds of messages) on small tables manned by men and women. At about 11 o'clock or 11:15, a great number of people came into the room. There were women in white ermine coats who were coming from the theater. There were men with their collars up. There were poorly dressed women and poorly dressed men. Old and young of all -6- JUDGE BARRON (CONTINUED) kinds. There were a few onlookers who were against us. We'd wait. . .you could hear a pin drop. . .breathless to hear a report from the telephone. 'Five hundred more votes for woman suffrage", and a great cry would go up. I'm visualizing it now. And then from a corner of the room, '800 against.' And there wouldn't be any moans, and we all sat alert listening. Then Carrie Chapman Catt, a very tall, a very stately [*woman*], from a physical appearance, very impressive. . .and she stood up and she said, 'We need 900 to a thousand more votes.' She spoke in a loud voice. Perhaps the next telephone call will tell us the story. And I leaned forward. I wish you could have all seen the faces of those wonderful pioneers, those women who had worked. . .Anna Howard Shaw, who had been a physician, who gave it up, who became a minister, who gave it up to work for the rights for women because she felt that would help the whole United States. . .and all these marvelous women. And she looked forward and the telephone rang and we all listened. We didn't know what the call was. And I'll never forget her standing up and saying, 'Dear friends, from a far away corner up in the mountains, where men have vision, we have been given freedom.' "And women who had worked for many, many years. . .women in their 60's and 70's. . .broke down and cried with joy. And I put my things on and I walked out. And this I can never forget. There were five steps going up to this building and the snow had just begun to fall. I turned around and there was Carrie Chapman Catt. . .tall, stately. . .and Dr. Anna Howard Shaw, about whom many biographies have been written. . .short, pudgy, warm, gracious. . .and Carrie bent down because Anna Howard Shaw could never reach and kissed her and they kissed each other. And they looked at each other, and I can hear them saying quietly (not for television or radio), but to each other, 'Our work has just begun!' And I shall never forget that. And as I walked down the steps, there were five newsboys, young boys, shouting, 'Extra! Extra!', turning somersaults and shouting, 'The women have won! The women have won!" PRISCILLA: Inspired by the victory in New York, women. . .and men. . .intensified their efforts toward enactment of a federal amendment granting woman suffrage. Pickets and parades were used by the suffrage workers to dramatize their efforts. One of the prominent marchers in a parade through the streets of Boston was Mrs. William Lloyd Garrison, Junior, wife of the grandson of the great abolitionist editor, William Lloyd Garrison. At that time she -7- PRISCILLA (CONTINUED) was president of the Newton Suffrage League. Now 81 years old, she recalls that suffrage parade through staid old Boston. MRS. GARRISON: "Mrs. [*Lorenz Muther*] M[e]uther was my vice president at that time, and we marched at the head of the Newton group with a big gold-colored banner, which was the suffrage color. We met at Copley Square on Dartmouth Street and went down Boylston and up Tremont, up Park Street and down by the State House, where we were reviewed with all ceremony. Finally, we came down Beacon Street. It was quite a long parade, and I think then that we ended up at Mechanics Building where there was a big gathering. and Mayor Curley spoke to us." PRISCILLA: In New York suffrage workers were parading down Fifth Avenue. In the line of march was a very prominent suffrage worker from Cleveland, Ohio. . .Mrs. Malcolm McBride. MRS. MC BRIDE: "I took part in two parades. . .one in Ohio, in Cleveland. We had a splendid parade and everybody turned out and it was a great parade. And then I went to New York once and paraded up Fifth Avenue in a big parade, and I carried a very heavy plaque. . .banner, sort of a plaquard. I never knew what it said on it. I hope it said what was the right thing to say. But I carried it, and the wind blew. . .and I was very proud. And I walked up Fifth Avenue in that parade." PRISCILLA: One parade ended tragically. It was staged in Washington on the day before President Woodrow Wilson's inauguration. Here's how a newspaper reporter described the scene: -8- MAN'S VOICE: "Five thousand women, marching in the woman suffrage pageant today, practically fought their way foot by foot up Pennsylvania Avenue, through a surging throng that completely defied Washington police, swamped the marchers, and broke their procession into little companies. The women, trudging stoutly along under great difficulties, were able to complete their march only when troops of cavalry from Fort Myers were rushed into Washington to take charge of Pennsylvania Avenue. No inauguration has ever produced such scenes, which in many instances amounted to nothing less than riots." PRISCILLA: The nation's capitol also was the scene of near-riots when women pickets chained themselves to the gates of the White House to dramatize their struggle for the right to vote. In Boston pickets were arrested for parading in front of the State House on the day that President Wilson visited the Hub. One of those jailed was Mrs. Rosa Roewer, and she tells how she volunteered to go to jail for the suffrage cause. MRS. ROEWER: "I went to a meeting in Cambridge at Professor Laski's house, and I heard a Brookline woman say that President Wilson, as head of the Democratic party, could say to the senators, 'We need only two more senators to vote for the suffrage amendment. And, if we don't pass the suffrage amendment during this period of Congress, we may go down in the next election.' When I heard that all that was needed was two more senatorial votes, I said I would join that group. It was called the National Woman's Party. A few days later I heard they were asking for volunteers for women who would be willing, if necessary, to go to jail, so that when Wilson came back from Versailles, he would realize that the women were eager for suffrage as the people in Europe were for freedom. "Accordingly on the day that Wilson came to Boston, we were given placards, one of which read, 'President Wilson. You believed in Freedom for Czechoslovakia. Why not for the women of your own country? Wilson was approaching the State House, and we were walking up and down with our placards. Finally, just before his automobile appeared, the patrol wagon drove up and we were asked to enter this patrol wagon. We were, I think, fourteen or fifteen people. We entered it, of course, without protest. When we got down to the Charles Street jail and came before the judge, he should have dismissed our cases or put them on file. Then we wouldn't have gotten all the publicity. Instead, he fined us all." -9- PRISCILLA: By refusing to pay their fines, the women pickets had to remain in jail for six days. Mrs. Roewer was the last one to be released. MRS. ROEWER: "I happened to be the last one in jail. One of the Boston newspapers had said that my husband had said that he would sue anybody who paid my fine. Well, of course, he never had said that, but this Boston newspaper said that he had. Accordingly, young Thayer, the son of the former dean of the Harvard Law School, who had been spending the February 22nd weekend in New York, was told by some of his classmates when he got back that these women had been picketing. And he was dared to pay my fine. He didn't know that he might be arrested according to what the newspapers said, or sued by Mr. Roewer, so he paid the fine. Then after he had paid the fine, his friends said, "now you had better go home because you're going to be arrested. They will be after you.' Well, his mother called up her lawyer and, of course, when her lawyer. . .I think it was a Mr. Brown. . .called up my husband, my husband said, 'I never made that remark, but the paper did it because it sounded amusing." PRISCILLA: And what was the reaction of Mr. Roewer, an attorney, to the jailing of his wife? ATTORNEY ROEWER: "Well, I was somewhat amused, but since it was for a worthy cause to give women the vote in the United States, I went along with her 100 per cent. The only objection I saw to the whole procedure was that, as a result of my wife's being in jail, I visited her every afternoon, and there was always a box of candy or chocolates to consume, which led to my getting somewhat overweight. But it was the first time in many years that I had clients who would not plead guilty or would not appeal a case, many of whom would not give their names. And the only way that they could put on this demonstration for suffrage when President Wilson came to town was the method they employed. -10- PRISCILLA: Across the nation more and more men joined in sympathy with the suffrage movement. There were bankers and bakers, lawyers and laborers, and even a prizefighter from Cleveland. Mrs. McBride relates how a lightweight slugger ended up in the camp of the suffrage cause. MRS. MC BRIDE: "When we were working for the suffrage movement[*, there was*] a very conservative member of the suff[e]rage movement that I had dragged in, and she was very conservative. We used to have an office on Euclid Avenue, and the back of it was a curtain and the board used to meet behind the curtain. I drifted in behing the curtain after lunch and I heard Johnny Kilbain (you probably don't know who he was). He was a very good lightweight boxer and he held the title, not the national title. Well, he liked us very much. He was a very important member of the toughest ward in Cleveland. It was down in what we call Whiskey Island. And he came in and said he wanted to help and would like to have his picture taken with three or four members of the board on a flat car. Well, I thought that would never do for me, and I remained behind the curtain. And these three conservative members of the league. . .they were good workers, but they didn't want to have that kind of publicity. . .well, before they knew it they were whirling away in an automobile, having their picture taken on a flat car on Whiskey Island with Johnny Kilbain." PRISCILLA: With the Johnny Kilbains and other men throughout the country on their side, the women pressed their fight for suffrage in the 66th Congress. Finally, on June 4th, 1919, the 19th Amendment passed in the Senate and only needed ratification by three fourths of the states to become law. Mrs. Stantial recalls the campaign for ratification. MRS. STANTIAL: "Massachusetts we felt sure was going to be the first because we had our organization all set up under Mrs. Charles Sumner Bird. She had great political influence in the Republican party and the Republicans were in control. And we though surely that the amendment would be ratified in Massachusetts first. But we weren't the first. We went on, and Mrs. Catt went from state to state urging the women to ask the governors to call conventions. In some states. . .in Vermont for instance, the [*suffragists*] [suffragettes] -11- MRS. STANTIAL (CONTINUED) offered to pay the expenses of the members of the Legislature, if the governor would call a special session, but he refused. The big state was the 36th state down in Tennessee. It was interesting that there the members of the Legislature carried it so far they went across the border to prevent a quorum, but the governor called them back and it was ratified. Then, when they sent it up to Washington to the Secretary of State, Mrs. Catt went along because they were so afraid that something would happen to the copy of the proclamation from Tennessee. But Mrs. Catt went up to Washington with Mrs. Park and other women in the headquarters of the national association. The Secretary of State called at four o'clock in the morning, and Mrs. Catt turned to the group of women who were there and said, 'Ladies, the Secretary has signed the proclamation.' I guess bedlam let loose then in Washington." PRISCILLA: (Music under. . ."Battle Hymn of the Republic") And so it was. . .at eight o'clock in the morning on the 26th of August, 1920 that Secretary of State Bainbridge Colby signed the proclamation of the 19th Amendment which reads: MAN'S VOICE: "The right of the citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any state on account of sex." (MUSIC UP) ANNOUNCER: "The Women Who Won," narrated by Priscilla Fortescue, was written and produced by Dick Horne. Associate producer: Art King. This program has been pre-recorded and edited by the Public Affairs Department of WEEI. PRISCILLA: This is Priscilla Fortescue again. In conjunction with the preceding program on the 19th Amendment, I asked Mrs. Gregory Smith, President of the Massachusetts League of Women Voters, to explain briefly the obligation of -12- PRISCILLA (CONTINUED) the women of this country now that they have had the right to vote for the past 40 years. MRS. SMITH: 'Now that women have the right to vote, they have an obligation it seems to me to not only vote, but to be active in the political parties, if this is their desire. After all, a democracy works through the political parties to accomplish governmental things." ANNOUNCER: The preceding program has been a presentation of the Public Affairs Department of WEI-CBS Radio in Boston. The Massachusetts state primary will be held September 13th. Be sure to vote. PROTEST AGAINST THE UNJUST INTERPRETATION OF THE CONSTITUTION PRESENTED ON BEHALF OF THE WOMEN OF THE UNITED STATES BY OFFICERS OF THE NATIONAL WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION. To the President of the United States, the Governors of the States, and other Federal and State Officials, on the occasion of the Constitutional Centennial in Philadelphia, September 17th, 1887. Rejoicing as dwellers in this favored land that the noble series of celebrations in commemoration of the birth of a mighty nation have fittingly brought to a conclusion by the ceremonies of this day, we yet cannot allow the occasion to pass without reminding you that one-half the people who obey the laws of the United States are unjustly denied all place or part in the body politic. In the midst of the pomps and glories of this celebration women are only onlookers, voiceless and unrepresented. This denial of our chartered rights, this injustice of which we complain, is inflicted in defiance of the provisions of the Constitution you profess to honor. When we examine that instrument we find it is declared in the Preamble that it was : "Ordained and established by "The People of the United States," one-half of the people of the United States are women, yet they are allowed no voice, direct or indirect, in framing this Constitution or executing its provisions, we protest therefore that the words of the Preamble have been falsified for a hundred years. We find it declared in Art. I, Sec. 2, That "The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen by the people." One-half of the people of every State are women and yet they have never been permitted to choose the members of the House of Representatives. We protest therefore that this important provision of the Constitution has been shamefully violated and that the denial to women of the right thus plainly secured to them, has been a grievous wrong. We find that in Art. IV, Sec. 2, it is declared : "The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens of the several states." The Supreme Court of the United States has ruled that women are citizens, and yet these millions of citizens are denied the privilege of the ballot, which is throughout the land granted to male citizens and refused to female citizens. We protest therefore that in thus denying to women the exercise of the elective franchise, the fundamental rights of citizenship are witheld in defiance of a direct provision of the Constitution. We find that in Art. IV, Sec. 4, it is declared that : "The United States shall guarantee to every state in the Union a Republican form of Government." A Republic is defined as "a state governed by representatives elected by the citizens." One-half of the citizens of every state are women; they have never been permitted to elect the officials who have held rule over them. We protest therefore that the provisions of this article have never been fulfilled, and not a solitary state in the Union has a Republican form of Government. But, that on the contrary, each and every one is a despotism under which one-half the citizens are held in a condition of political slavery. The recital of these facts is the summary of a century of injustice. We solemnly and earnestly protest against its continuance, and demand that hereafter the Constitution of these United States shall be interpreted in accordance with the simple words in which it is framed. That there shall be no longer a cruel and unwarranted discrimination against any class of our citizens, but that in the future all people of the nation shall have an equal voice in choosing the rulers whose high mission it shall be to guide a true Republic on its course of glory. On behalf of the National Woman Suffrage Association, SUSAN B. ANTHONY, N. Y., Acting President. MATILDA JOSLYN GAGE, N. Y., Vice-President-at-Large. RACHEL G. FOSTER, PA., Corresponding Secretary. MARY WRIGHT SEWALL, IND., Chairman Executive Committee. LILLIE DEVEREUX BLAKE, N. Y., Vice-President for New York, Chairman Presentation Committee. [*Historical*] THE NATIONAL AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION The Woman Movement, afterwards called the Woman Suffrage Movement, had no definite beginning. Here, there, in many lands, outstanding men and women in public speech or published article defended the proposal to extend broader liberties to women. IN 1790, a young English woman, Mary Wollstonecraft, published an immortal book: "Vindication of the Rights of Women". Her courage and views were timidly praised by a few, but her alleged audacity was vituperously condemned by the overwhelming majority. Nevertheless, women thereafter, in increasing numbers, proclaimed their faith in more rights for women. In 1828, Sarah and Angelina Grimke freed their slaves in South Carolina, came North and lectured against slavery and for women's rights. Abby Kelly also began speaking at this time, condemning slavery and upholding rights for women. Frances Wright, born in Scotland in 1797, was the first women to lecture on political subjects in this country. These four women not only gave an enormous impulse to the woman movement in general, but set the example of women public speakers and, more than any others made it possible for later women to speak in public with freedom. Boston, in 1826, had opened a high school for girls, but, without reason, closed it in 1828 and nowhere in the world was there a public high school for girls. Yet, helpful things happened. In 1832, Lydia Maria Child published her History of Women. Catherine Beecher opened a higher school for girls in -2- Cincinnati. A public examination in geometry took place at Troy Seminary, established in Troy in 1820, which excited an amazing amount of comment, mostly condemning such studies for women since "higher mathematics were known to be quite beyond the mental grasp of the female". A "Female Anti-Slavery Society" was formed in Philadelphia in 1833, supposed to be the first woman's organization in the world. The same year Oberlin College was established, admitting boys and girls on equal terms. This was the first college in the modern world to offer to girls a college education. IN 1835, eight hundred women of New York petitioned Congress for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. It is believed that this was the first woman's petition in the world. The Boston "female Anti-Slavery Society" held its annual meeting with fifteen or twenty women present. Ten thousand men mobbed the meeting and the Mayor ordered its adjournment in order to protect the women. The women went to the house of their president and completed their business, but William Lloyd Garrison, found in the vicinity, was attacked by the mob and the authorities put him in jail for his protection. Thereafter, there was confusion between the Anti-Slavery and the Woman Movements. In 1836, Ernestine L. Rose, an exile from Poland, and Pauline Wright Davis attempted to circulate petitions in New York for the right of married women to own property, but the reported number of signatures obtained varies from five to eleven. Ernestine L. Rose made a speech before the Michigan State Legislature, the first by a woman before any legislature, and Abraham Lincoln made his famous pronouncement in favor of political equality for women the same year. In 1837, Mount Holyoke Seminary was established by Mary Lyon; Catherine Beecher published an essay -3- on the "Duty of American Females" which was answered by a pastoral letter issued by the general association of the Congregational Churches of Massachusetts and which bitterly condemned all attempts of women to do public work. There were many rejoinders in prose and poetry and the controversy placed the woman's rights movement before public notice and made it a burning question here and there. In 1840, Harriet Martineau visited the United States and reported only seven occupations open to women: teaching, needle work, keeping boarders, work in cotton factories, typesetting, bookbinding, and household service. A World's Anti-Slavery Convention was held in London that year with women delegates from America. After stormy discussion, in which it was vehemently voted to bar out the women, William Lloyd Garrison and Nathaniel P. Rogers refused to sit in the convention and sat in the gallery with the women. Lucretia Mott, a rejected delegate, and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, the bride of a delegate, planned, after their return to America, to call a convention of women, which should consider and plan a method for improving it. They did not do this until 1848, but Women's Rights moved on. Several states had now granted married women the right to make a will and Maine had given married women control of their own property, the first country in modern times to do so. In 1845, Margaret Fuller issued a clarion call for equal rights for women all along the line, and Kentucky granted the first vote to women, - school suffrage to widows and spinsters having taxable property. In 1846, the How sewing machine, "able to sew ten times as fast as a woman", was invented and anesthetics were discovered which, when used in maternity cases, brought forth several fierce sermons which declared -4- women were trying to dodge the penalty of the Curse. In 1847, Lucy Stone, graduating at Oberlin, was told that a professor would read her graduating essay as it would be indelicate to read it herself before the promiscuous audience. She refused to have it read since she could not read it herself. That year she made her first speech on women's rights in her brother's church in Massachusetts. Antoinette L. Brown, afterwards Lucy Stone's sister-in-law and the first woman minister theologically educated in the modern world, delivered her first lectures in Ohio and New York. Susan B. Anthony also made her first speech in Canajoharie, New York. thus, three immortal leaders of the woman's cause began their task the same year. In 1845, Samuel J. May, grandfather of Harriet May Mills, preached a sermon in Syracuse upon the Rights and Conditions of Women. In Europe two women had been speaking out, Helene Marie Weber, in 1844, published a book on "Women's Rights and Wrongs"; in England, Lady Morgan brought out a book "Woman and her Master". Women were, by this time, editing newspapers and magazines. Lydia Maria Child was publishing"The Anti-Slavery Standard"in New York and Margaret Fuller "The Dial" in Boston, Jane G. Swissholm edited"The Saturday Visitor" at Pittsburgh, and Rebecca Sanford "The True Kindred" at Akron, Ohio, and there were many others. These energetic and able women had directed the attention of many minds to the woman question and the controversy, grown livelierand more insistent year by year, had created an excellent background for an organized campaign. In 1848, Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, finding themselves in Seneca Falls, New York, planned to hold the long desired Women's Rights Convention. The call was issued by these two women together with Martha C. Wright (Mrs. Mott's sister, and -5- Mrs. Mary Ann McClintock, but was published in the press without signature. They allowed three days only for preparation which prevented an attendance of delegates from a distance, but the convention was held July 19th-20th, 1848. On a tea table in Mrs. McClintock's parlor, the four sponsors wrote the Woman's Declaration of Independence which became the basis of the seventy-two years organized campaign that followed. It was adopted at Seneca Falls and again in Rochester where the adjourned convention met two weeks later. The table is now in the Smithsonian Institution and the major part of the rights demanded have been granted. The Seneca Falls Convention was followed by others in Massachusetts, Ohio, Indiana, and Pennsylvania. The convention at Worcester, Massachusetts, deserves especial mention since a full account of it fell into the hands of Mrs. Taylor who afterwards became Mrs. John Stuart Mill. She wrote a report of the movement arising in America and endorsed its aim. From the appearance of that article in the dates the movement in Great Britain. The Civil War increased public opinion for woman's rights, but nearly disrupted the organization. The first National Woman Suffrage Convention after the War was held in New York in May 1866. Two national associations emerged from all the prior agitation: the National Woman Suffrage Association, led by Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, and the American, led by Lucy Stone and her husband, Henry B. Blackwell. -6- In 1890, after twenty years of separate activities, these two national bodies held a convention (Read History of Woman Suffrage for details) in Washington and merged into the National American Woman Suffrage Association. During the preceding twenty years rivalries, resentments, and personal antagonisms had prevented all attempts at unity and the union was a difficult task. The chief credit is due to Alice Stone Blackwell, the daughter of Lucy Stone, representing the American. She soon found a sympathetic aid in Mrs. May Wright Sewell, representing the National. The writer has remembered the joint private meeting of delegates of the two national groups,presided over by Mrs. Sewell, as the most remarkable parliamentary performance witnessed in a lifetime. From four in the afternoon until one o'clock in the morning, with a brief adjournment for dinner, motions, amendments, appeals, acrid debate and votes flew about in the tense atmosphere of the meeting where most nerves were on edge, while Mrs. Sewell remained standing, acting with astonishing alertness and with command of perfect mastery of parliamentary law. In the early morning hour the two organizations were successfully merged, officers being carefully chosen from the two associations now dissolved. Many of the former leaders of the movement had been laid at rest and others were too old and feeble to attend the convention and the remainder were elderly. Some had granted themselves no respite in the forty-two years of campaign since 1848. [*1937*] HISTORICAL DATA CONCERNING THE NATIONAL AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION AND THE WOMAN MOVEMENT OF WHICH IT WAS A PART NATIONAL AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION HISTORICAL DATA The Woman's Rights Movement, with accent upon the demand for education and civil rights, began with Mary Wollistonecraft in 1792 and closed in many countries in 1920 as a well organized movement counting millions of members and centering its main efforts on winning the vote. THE BEGINNING In the 18th Century, scattered expressions of opinion pointed out undeniable wrongs of women and suggested the wisdom of removing the discriminations against them. These pronouncements were greatly stimulated by the world-around discussion of "The Rights of Man", arising from the incidents of the American and French Revolutions. In 1792 the first book on the need of uplifting the status of women was published by Mary Wollistonecraft, and English woman, entitled "Vindication of the Rights of Woman". The contents proved a remarkably clear statement of the principles inspiring the long struggle that followed. (Library contains six books on Mary Wollstonecraft including the "Vindication of Woman's Rights", Section I, Numbers 92, 94, 95, 96, 97). Between 1792 and 1848, the Woman question quickened its demands for attention. Most churches did not permit women members to vote, speak or pray in their services and some denied them the privilege of singing; in consequence, a growing spirit of self-assertion sprang up following the example of Anne Hutchinson. Many clergymen and elders responded with determined bitterness. Other controversies arose in different groups over incidents arising from the injustices of the Civil Code. Married women were not permitted to make a will, to control their own property, nor collect and use their own wages. Outrageous cruelties arose in consequence and each one aroused discussion and protest. The most urgent appeal to the public was for better educational facilities for girls and earning opportunities for women, especially widows. The World's Anti-Slavery Convention, held in London in 1840, proved to be the stimulus which stirred the rapidly growing contention to a head, an organization, and a definite purpose. An English Committee invited all Anti-Slavery societies throughout the world to send delegates, but evidently overlooked the fact that the invitation included women. In the United States, many Anti-Slavery societies had women members and Lucretia Mott, Sarah P ugh, Abby Kimbec, Elizabeth Neal, Mary Grew of Philadelphia, Ann Green Phillips, Emily Winslow and Abby Southwick of Boston, were duly chosen as delegates and went to London. Elizabeth Cady Stanton was a visitor as she accompanied her husband, who was a delegate, on her wedding tour. After a long and extremely caustic debate, the women delegates were denied seats in the convention. (Full account, "History of woman Suffrage", Volume I Chapter 3 Page 50). Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton allowed their interest in human slavery to pause while they planned the organized beginning of a Women's Rights Movement in the United States which should correct the status of women. P age 2. FIRST ORGANIZATION The First Woman's Convention ever held was called by Mrs. Lucretia Mott, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Martha C. Wright, and Mary Ann Mc Clintock at Seneca Falls, New York, July 19-20, 1848. A "Declaration of Sentiments" consisting of eighteen grievances, in imitation of the Declaration of Independence, was presented, adopted and signed by one hundred men and women and became the practical basis of all "women's Rights" platforms thereafter. No difference of opinion between groups ever arose over these fundamental demands. When differences arose, as occasionally they did, they were always caused by differences over methods of procedure and never by disagreements over aims. (Full account "History of Woman Suffrage", Chapter IV, page 63). NATIONAL ORGANIZATION Many similar State and Regional conventions followed that at Seneca Falls. Massachusetts, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania and Indiana led in these early conventions. Two brought results especially noteworthy. The first Massachusetts convention was held in Worcester in 1850. A delegate sent newspaper comments to Mrs. Harriet Taylor, an English widow accustomed to use the pen. She wrote an account of the convention for the Westminster Review. In consequence, the first organization in Great Britain was established. John Stuart Mill, who afterwards married Mrs. Taylor, published "The Subjection of Woman: in 1867 which was used as a handbook by all workers in the movement for many years thereafter, and in 1868 he introduced the first woman suffrage bill in the British Parliament. The first convention in Ohio was held at Salem in the same year, 1850. A group of boys came to make fun, but remained as interested listeners. One was converted and later became the first governor of the Territory of Wyoming. In this capacity, in 1868, he signed the first woman suffrage bill passed by any legislative body. At the next session, the measure was repealed, but the same Governor Campbell vetoed the repeal and thus Wyoming became the first spot in the world to grant women a permanent vote upon the same terms as men. From 1850 to 1860 each year except one recorded national conventions held. The Civil War checked, but did not stop the woman's campaign and at its close, the movement went forward with an increased impetus. A National Equal Rights Association was formed, having for its aim the establishment of equal rights with white men for white women and Negroes, Many conventions were held, but the combined object did not secure unity amongthe members, and, in May 1869, the National Woman Suffrage Association was organized and in November of the same year the American Woman Suffrage Association was formed. Elizabeth Cady Stanton was elected the first president of the National Association and Henry Ward Beecher of the American. Each of these two bodies held annual conventions for twenty years. Each urged state and local groups to press for legislative action in order to correct discriminations against women under the Civil Code and also to secure the vote whenver possible. As each National P age 3. Organization sought to organize auxiliaries, the time came when there was overlapping effort and in 1890 the two national organizations were sensibly merged into one body called the National American Woman Suffrage Association which became the authority for the woman's campaign until the end. The object, as adopted in the Constitution, was; "to secure protection in their right to vote to the women citizens of the United States by appropriate national and state legislation." The interpretation of this paragraph pointed to three direct methods of work which were strictly followed. 1. Every State Constitutional Convention held was always accompanied by a strongest campaign possible in spport of a petition to include women suffrage in the constitution to be formulated. Many State Constitutions included a code of civil law. In such cases, the campaign pointed out legal discriminations against women's civil rights and sought more just laws. 2. Continuous appeals were made to State and Territorial Legislatures to grant such forms of suffrage to women as could be extended by Legislative action; and to submit State Constitutional Amendments which would extend full suffrage to women when ratified by a state-wide referendum. 3. Appeals to all sessions of the Congress to submit a Federal Amendment granting suffrage to women, when ratified by the prescribed two-thirds of the States, were made from 1878 when the amendment was first introduced. Before that date, many petitions were presented and hearings held, asking for the enfranchisement of women in the District of Columbia and in favor of the general subject. There was no major difference in the program of the National and the American groups, and none arose under the merged groups when they became the National American Woman Suffrage Association. Occasional differences developed concerning methods of procedure, but usually organizations formed to promote such purposes as, for example, "an educational qualification", "States rights only", or "holding the political party in power responsible" were short lived or came late in the campaign. The National American leaders who called the first convention in 1848, their descendents and constituents, composed the great majority of suffrage campaigners from first to last. Page 4. CALENDAR OF ANNUAL CONVENTIONS Year Place President Elected 1890 Washington, D.C. Union of American and National Associations Elizabeth Cady Stanton 1891 Washington, D.C. Feb. 22-26 Susan B. Anthony 1892 " " " " 19-21 " " " 1893 " " " Jan. 16-19 " " " 1894 " " " Feb. 15-20 " " " 1895 Atlanta, Ga. Jan. 31-Feb. 5 " " " 1896 Washington, D. C. Jan. 23-28 " " " 1897 Des Moines, Ia. " 26-29. " " " 1898 Washington, D. C. Feb. 13-19 " " " 1899 Grand Rapids, Mich. Apr. 27-May 3 " " " 1900 Washington, D. C. Feb. 8-14 Carrie Chapman Catt 1901 Minneapolis, Minn. June 1-5 " " " 1902 Washington, D. C. Feb. 14-18 " " " 1903 New Orleans, La. Mar. 15-25 " " " 1904 Washington, D. C. Feb. 11-17 Anna Howard Shaw 1905 Portland, Ore. June 28-July 5 " " " 1906 Baltimore, Md. Feb. 7-13 " " " 1907 Chicago, Ill. " 14-19 " " " 1908 Buffalo, N.Y. Oct. 15-21 " " " 1909 Seattle, Wash. July 1-6 " " " 1910 Washington D. C. Apr. 14-19 " " " 1911 Louisville, Ky. Oct. 19-25 " " " 1912 Philadelphia, Pa. Nov. 21-26 " " " 1913 Washington, D.C. Nov. 29-Dec. 5 " " " 1914 Nashville, Tenn. Nov. 12-17 " " " 1915 Washington, D.C. Dec. 14-19 Carrie Chapman Catt 1916 Atlantic City, N.J. Sept. 5-10 " " " 1917 Washington, D.C. Dec. 12-15 " " " 1918 and 1919 St. Louis, Mo. Mar. 24-29 " " " FEDERAL AMENDMENT SUBMITTED JUNE 4, 1919 1920 Chicago, Ill. Feb. 12-18 Carrie Chapman Catt FEDERAL AMENDMENT RATIFIED AUGUST 27, 1920 1921 Cleveland, Ohio Apr. 13 Carrie Chapman Catt 1922 New York, N.Y. Apr. 11 Executive Section - Carrie Chapman Catt 1925 Washington, D.C. Apr. 23 " " " " " 1929 New Rochelle, N.Y. Mar. 14 " " " " " 1936 New York, N.Y. Mar. 19 " " " " " 1939 New Rochelle, N.Y. May 2 " " " " " Page 5. FEDERAL ACTION The first speech in Congress on woman suffrage was made by Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts in 1869. A number of outstanding lawyers claimed that the wording of the 14th Amendment extended the vote to women as well as to Negro men. Susan B. Anthony led in a test of this pronouncement and in the year 1872 a number of women voted in different states. Miss Anthony was arrested, tried at Canandaigua, New York and fined $100 for illegal voting. She never paid the fine. Mrs. Virginia L. Minor of St. Louis offered her vote which was refused and she brought suit. Her husband, a prominent lawyer carried the case through the Supreme Court of the United States which, on March 29, 1875, rendered a decision that women were not enfranchised by the 14th Amendment. When the possibilities of the 14th Amendment had been exhausted, Senator A. A. Sargent of California presented the woman suffrage amendment in 1878. The wording and form remained unchanged until all women were enfranchised forty-two years later: "The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex." Hearings were granted by every Congress thereafter, countless petitions were presented, parades, flags, banners, and bands gained additional attention, but the influence which finally won the submission of the Federal Amendment and its ratification by three-fourths of the States was the evidence of the acceptance by the States and the rest of the world the principle of woman suffrage. The full story of the quest for the Federal Amendment will be found in a chapter of forty pages in the Fifth Volume of the History of Woman Suffrage, also page 227, Woman Suffrage and Politics, by Mrs. Catt and Mrs. Shuler. The climax of State pressure on the Congress took the form of resolutions from State Legislatures, asking the submission of the Federal Amendment. Fourteen State Legislatures in 1917 and twenty-six in 1919 made this appeal. The Twelfth Amendment made the shortest time of any yet added to the constitution - nine months and thirteen days, but there were only seventeen states and thirteen had ratified. When the Woman Suffrage Amendment had been on its ratification journey for nine months and thirteen days, it had been ratified by 34 of the 48 states, but the significant point of this story is that 25 of these ratifications took place in special sessions. Ratification was carried by a unanimous vote in both Houses of the Legislatures in eleven states. These were called "The Honor States". Ratification was carried by a unanimous vote in one House of the Legislature and nearly so in the other House in seven states. Page 6 STATE ACTION Before the Federal Amendment was ratified, the following action had been taken by States. SCHOOL SUFFRAGE This could be granted by Legislative action in some states, but not in all. Eighteen states had it. Kentucky 1838 Michigan 1875 Minnesota 1875 New Hampshire 1878 Massachusetts 1879 Vermont 1880 New York 1880 Mississippi 1880 Nebraska 1883 New Jersey 1887 North Dakota 1887 South Dakota 1887 Oklahoma 1890 Connecticut 1893 Ohio 1894 Delaware 1898 Wisconsin 1900 New Mexico 1910 SUFFRAGE ON TAXATION AND BONDING PROPOSITIONS Iowa New Jersey Louisiana Connecticut Mississippi Massachusetts Kentucky New Hampshire New Mexico MUNICIPAL SUFFRAGE was granted to the women of Kansas in 1887, but when the Supreme Court of Michigan declared similar action by that State to be unconstitutional, this method was discouraged. FULL SUFFRAGE on equal terms with men had been secured in fifteen states. 1869 Wyoming by Legislature of Territory 1893 Colorado Referendum 1896 Utah Constitutional Convention 1896 Idaho Referendum 1910 Washington Referendum 1911 California Second Referendum 1912 Kansas Third Referendum 1912 Oregon Sixth Referendum 1912 Arizona Referendum 1913 Montana Referendum 1914 Nevada Referendum 1917 New York Second Referendum Page 7. FULL SUFFRAGE: (continued) 1918 South Dakota by Fourth Referendum 1918 Michigan Third Referendum 1918 Oklahoma Referendum 1913 The Territory of Alaska gave full suffrage to women as its first measure in its full Legislature. 1913 Illinois women lawyers formulated a bill which would\ grant all forms of suffrage to women permissible by the constitution. It provided for a vote on Presidential Electors, for the important county officers, for all city, town and village officers except police magistrates. The bill was passed in 1913 and shortly after a municipal election was held in Chicago. When a quarter of a million women voted, it was said that favorable sentiment in the nation doubled over night. Owing to the fact that Chicago was the second city in size in the nation, Illinois exerted more influence on the Federal campaign than any full suffrage state except New York which exceeded Illinois in population. 1917 The gain of New York by referendum, with a 100,000 favorable majority, because of its especially brilliant campaign and the fact that the women of the State had appealed to the voters by means of a petition signed by 1,030,000 women, had signally increased the favorable opinion of Congress. PRESIDENTIAL SUFFRAGE Twelve State Legislatures granted presidential suffrage to women and five of these included municipal suffrage. Two Southern States had given women the right to vote in primary elections which, owing to the peculiar political machinery of that section, was equivalent to presidential suffrage. These fourteen states, plus the fifteen full suffrage states, thus extended to the women of twenty-nine states, the right to vote for presidential electors in 1920. It was estimated that 15,500,000 women could now vote for President. The number of electoral votes which could be decided by women and men voters had risen from 91 to 306 within four years by the grants of presidential suffrage or 41 more than half the total. TEN INDIRECT INFLUENCES 1. Thirty-five states had passed joint resolutions, praying for a Constitutional Convention for the purpose of amending the Federal Constitution not necessarily for women suffrage. 2. In the four States, New York, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts and New Jersey, which lost suffrage amendments in 1916, 1,250,000 votes were cast in favor. Pennsylvania and New Jersey, by Page 8. TEN INDIRECT INFLUENCES (continued) the provisions of their constitutions, could not re-submit the amendment at once, but New York could and did. 3. Both national dominant parties had endorsed woman suffrage in their platforms although with a "States Rights" provision. 4. Both candidates for president in 1920 had publicly endorsed the pending women suffrage amendment. 5. A very long list of Governors, Judges, Mayors, College Presidents, and other outstanding citizens had endorsed the Amendment. 6. Great Britain, in January 1918, granted full suffrage to women. 7. British Colonies had either granted the vote to women or were promising to do so. 1893 New Zealand 1902 Australia, throughout the Continent 1917 Canada 8. Scandinavia Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, and Iceland had all granted the vote to women. 9. Russia went into a revolution before the Great War closed and among other "radical" measures, extended the universal vote to men and women which has not been withdrawn (1938). 10. Germany, in revolution, granted universal suffrage to men and women before the amendment was ratified in the United States. Although votes in Germany seem meaningless today, they have not been withdrawn (1938). WHERE WOMEN VOTE Revolutions arose in some countries after the World War including Russia and Germany and the liberal spirit in which the war had closed governed others, so that before the United States Federal Amendment was ratified, twenty-five other countries in the world had already enfranchised their women as follows: 1881 Isle of Man 1893 New Zealand 1902 Australia 1906 Finland 1907 Norway 1915 Iceland 1915 Denmark 1917 Russia Page 9. WHERE WOMEN VOTE (continued) 1918 Canada England Scotland Iceland Wales Germany Austria Hungary Norway 1919 British East Africa Belgium (partial) Holland Poland Rhodesia Rumania Servia Sweden The following countries granted the suffrage to women after the United States enfranchised women in 1920. Hawaii and Porto Rico followed the United States promptly in the extension of the vote to the women of those two islands. 1925 Newfoundland, not a political part of Canada, gave full suffrage to women. 1930 South Africa gave the vote to women by federal enactment. 1930 Turkey granted municipal suffrage and eligibility to office to women. 1931 Spain adopted a new constitution, granting suffrage to men and women at the age of twenty-three. 1937 The Philippines granted full suffrage to women. Brazil has extended full suffrage to women in a constitution not yet fully established in 1938. Scattered suffrage rights have been granted to women in other states in South America. Mexico has extended limited suffrage to women in Yucatan and San Luis. [*Historical*] 1. Calvin said-"God hath chosen the foolish things of the world (women)to confound the wise (men) and the weak things of the world (women) to confound the things which are might (men):the base tings of the world and the things that are despised (women) to bring to noughtthose that are great and of high worth (men)." When this imperious proclimation spread over the European world, the Pope issued an ukase forbidding women to attend or teach in universities or to take administrative authority within the church. The entire Catholic and the new Protestant church united at that time,in the present day Hitler doctrine and the woman movement came,apparentlt to an end. Many women were pious and devoted church workers whose fathers had left them rich. 2. They would have become nuns in existing convents,had they been poorer,but several established convents of their own and became their leaders. A few Abbesses dared to oppose doctrines and orders received from Rome. Doubtless the failure to surrender to orders promptly,plus the wealth involved,may have had much to do with the tragic end of the women movement. Were I a clever young college-woman I'd make my life work to investigate,to study and to write a better history of that period than has yet been done. Perhaps most records have been destroyed. Womenn had Councils in several cities. I wonder if they kept minutes. There have been so many bonfiresof ideas that some of the 3. things those women did and said,may also have gone up in smoke and flame. One thing is certain. The number of women who were participants,in a public way,were not scattered individuals but, they were literally counted by hundreds. What did those women want. A man has said;they wanted to know. to think,to do,to work and to shine. Probably there was opposition to each ambition,with more hostility directed to the desire to shine. Years sped by,centuries passed,a new world was discovered and a settled. Now and then an isolated voice in China,India,Italy, England,or the United States was beginning where that woman's movement ended; as though she were a resurrected member of it,made made pronouncements of women's rights. 4. Then it happened that in 1848,a small woman's convention was held,followed by an other, in Rochester. In 1850 Ohio held one at Salem,followed by many,held in counties. There was a serious understanding of the meaning of these meetings. In Salem they planted a tree with pledges of what should happen when it grew up. I had the experience of going to Salem,with Ohio women,where we met under that broad spreading tree and told it that the pledges were now all fulfilled. Then came a Mass Convention,at Worcester, where Wendall Phillips read the resolutions and sweet-voiced Lucy Stone defended them. 5. The woman who became Mrs.John Stewart Mill wrote of this birth of a new movement and her husband became its leader in England. The Woman's movement had arisen again. They too wanted to know, to think,to do,to work,to shine,but meanwhile two new wants had been added. These American and British women wanted to own their own property and to vote for their own government. The want of a vote was so radical in its aim that it prevented many men and women from espousing the movement.For many years that demand was exceedingly unpopular. To secure rights to their own property and the wages they had earned was every womans keenest desire. Prior to 1890, The States [I] had been the plan of the National and the American associations to secure organizations in the states as auxiliaries. In a very few states both national associations had founded auxiliaries and it was the [certified?] of such organizations working in the secure field that caused the merger of the National and the American into the National-American Woman Suffrage Association. The new association continued the former plan of organization. The National Board led the campaign for Federal Suffrage and the State Boards led the efforts to secure state suffrage. The National gave its [??????] assistance to local state campaigns and the state organization gave statehood help all Federal campaigns. Before the passage of the Federal amendment, fifteen states and the Territory of Alaska had granted full suffrage to women. Thirteen states granted the vote by a referendum to men voters. The record was: [2 Columns] Wyoming 1869 By act of Legislature Colorado 1893 By referendum Idaho 1896 " " Utah 1896 Inserted in constitution. See special account of Wyoming and Utah. Washington 1910 By referendum California 1911 " " Arizona 1912 " " Kansas 1912 " " Oregon 1912 " " Nevada 1914 " " Montana 1914 " " New York 1917 " " Oklahoma 1918 " " South Dakota 1918 " " Michigan 1918 " " Territory of Alaska 1913 " Act of Legislature Wyoming. The first government in the world to enfranchise women was Wyoming [In 1869 the first Legislature of the Territory met.] The Union [?] Railroad was being built across Wyoming in 1867. There was no organized government [?] the territory between Nebraska and the Rockies was known as the Great American Desert. A lawless shifting population of adventurous men occupied the spaces adjacent to the new Railroad. The better element petitioned the Congress for the protection of an organized government. It was allowed. The first election took place in Sept. 1869, the purpose being to choose delegates, to the first Legislature. At South Pass City, the largest town in the State, a settlement consisting of [?] of shacks stretching along a ledge of the [?] River [?], 3000 persons were washing gold. Twenty of the most influential men including all the candidates of both parties were invited to dinner at the shack of Mrs. Esther Morris who had followed her husband and three sons into the [?] West." She presented the woman's case to her guests that each candidate gave her solemn pledge that if elected he would introduce and support a woman suffrage bill. Wm. H. Bright, Democrat was elected and was chosen president of the Council to Senate when the Legislature met Oct 1, 1869. Having given his promise, Mr. Bright set himself to the task of converting to woman suffrage the twenty two men who composed the two Houses of the Legislature. The Legislature was unanimously Democratic. The Senate passed the bill ayes 6 nays 2 absent 1, the House passed it ayes 6 nays 4 absent 1. The Governor who must sign the bill was an unmarried [and] Republican. Some delegates were persuaded to vote for woman suffrage with the expectation that the Governor would veto the measure. John W. [Campoul?] signed the bill however. He [remembered?] that 19 years before he with other boys had attended the First Woman Suffrage Convention in Ohio held at his birthplace Salem. The convention passed 22 resolutions. When it was over al the men who had been in attendance met together and "endorsed all the ladies had said and done." The memory gave him courage and he signed the bill. When the Legislature met again in 1871 a bill to repeal woman suffrage was introduced. The bill passed the House ayes 9 nays 3 absent 1 every vote for repeal being Democratic and every vote against being Republican the Repeal passed the Senate ayes 5 all Democratic and nays 4 all Republican. Gov. Campbell now promptly vetoed the bill. The House passed the repeal over the Governor's veto by the required two thirds vote ayes 9 all Democrats, nays 3 Republican, two absentees who had paired their votes. In the Senate the repeal did not secure a two thirds vote ayes 5 Democratic, nays 4 Republican. Thus woman suffrage was preserved by a single vote. Never again was any attempt made to repeal woman suffrage in Wyoming. From the year 1869 to 1920 [when women won the vote for the nation?] every Governor, Chief Justice as well as many prominent citizens gave endorsement of the Conference of woman suffrage. Not one reputable person in the State said over his own signature that woman suffrage is other than an [unproachable?] success in Wyoming". Immediately after the passage of the first woman suffrage bill in 1869 Esther Morris was appointed Justice of the Peace. The appointment was reported to have been made in order to humiliate women because of the failure expected of a women in this post. Indeed 40 cases were tried before her and not one was appealed. Women too were appointed to petit and grand juries and acquitted themselves with honor and ability. One jury consisting of six men and six women were locked up for the night, the women in one room, the men in the other. A man bailiff [ordered?] the men, a woman bailiff the women. A drawing of the building where the first legislature met, the photograph of the first woman voter, the woman who proposed the vote for women in Wyoming, the man who introduced the bill, the Governor who signed the bill and vetoed the repeal, the first woman ever summoned to jury service, the first to serve on a petit jury and the first to serve on a grand jury, the first woman bailiff, have been carefully preserved. Wyoming grants complete credit for woman suffrage in the State to Mrs. Esther Morris. When the territory of Wyoming applied for statehood, woman suffrage became part of the constitution but there was a long and bitter struggle in Congress. Delegate James Carey telegraphed the Wyoming Legislature that probably Congress would not grant statehood with woman suffrage in the constitution. The next day he read the answer received. "We will remain out of the Union a hundred years rather than come in without Woman Suffrage" The House Mch 1890 by a vote of 139 ayes to 129 nays voted to accept the constitution. The Senate accepted it in June 1890 by 29 ayes 18 nays 37 absent [accepted]. Thus came the end of opposition [in Wy] woman suffrage in Wyoming. For fifty years Wyoming pronounced false every prediction of anti suffragists and gave so much evidence of positive good to the community arising from the votes of women that she became the direct cause of the establishment of woman suffrage in all the surrounding states. but again parties were not in dictational power, all had endorsed the suffrage [plan] amendment and of the 65 newspapers all but three were favorable. Again Wyoming the neighbor wielded an important influence. The amendment was carried by a majority of 5844. [*3000 35 15000 9000 1[?]50.00*] Wanted William Balderston was in some capacity in the States. men in 1896 Mrs. Kate Green Mrs. Helen Young an attorney in 1896 Mrs. Eunice Pond Athey The New York Times Magazine, November 24, 1940. 5 WHAT WOMEN HAVE DONE WITH THE VOTE Today's voters—A long way from the days when women battled for the right to vote. By KATHLEEN McLAUGHLIN EVEN the fiercest misogynist would admit—if pushed—that history has been made by women, but unfortunately for yesterday's heroines it has nearly always been written by men. One result is that woman suffragists have had short shrift from most chroniclers of modern eras. And another consequence is that today's American girls know little and care less, understandably, about the pioneer suffragists' fight for the ballot. The vote, to them, is merely a contemporary blessing on a par with telephones, air mail—or capsule vitamins. A reminder of the fight that culminated in the Suffrage Amendment two decades ago comes this week with a national celebration, centered in New York. Called the Women's Centennial Congress—for it looks back a full hundred years, instead of a mere twenty—the event returns to the spotlight, not only its sponsoring unit, the National American Woman Suffrage Association, but also that doughty leader, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, whose strategy and generalship admittedly brought the crusade to success. Provocatively, the Congress program invites the world to put the yardstick against the progress of the feminine voter in America, to bring up both the rosy and the gloomy prophecies of the pre-women's suffrage days, to weigh these against the actualities of 1940, when, it is estimated, nearly 25,000,000 women went to the polls, and to decide whether there has been frustration or fulfillment. THOSE were stirring days when the suffragist phalanxes marched. How queerly the marchers looked and acted! How strongly they felt and talked! Their words sound strangely now across the years, although not so strangely as the pronunciamentos of their critics. Listen to Dr. Max G. Schlapp of the Cornell Medical School, addressing a group at the Colony Club in New York on March 10, 1907. His audience included Mrs. Andrew Carnegie, Mrs. J. B. Harriman, Mrs. Frederick Roosevelt, Mrs. Richard Irvin, Miss Jeanette Gilder and others. "The trouble with a woman who wants the vote is that she is too katabolic. It is a pathological condition. The moment you, if you are a woman, develop katabolic characteristics—which means mannishness —to any pronounced degree, you want the ballot and you won't be satisfied until you have it." Gaining of the vote, he went on to explain, meant the depopulation of the cradle and the unsexing, not virtual but real, of the mothers of the race. He recognized the trend as a definite disease. Suffragettes crashed the headlines in April, 1910, by a moderate but unmistakable hissing of President Taft on the occasion of his blunt address to their convention in Washington. The sibilants began at the back of the hall and gathered volume as he closed this sentence: "The theory that Hottentots or any uneducated, altogether unintelligent class is fitted for self-government at once, or to take part in government, is a theory that I wholly dissent from." After the interruption he went on imperturbably: "But this classification is not applicable to the question here." The rank and file of that army of women swept up Fifth Avenue, 15,000 strong, in the great suffrage parade of 1912. Next morning THE NEW YORK TIMES reported: "To begin with, the women did not belong to the genus crank, and this was something of a surprise to a good many people. They were rich, they were poor, they were white, they were colored, they were fashionable, they were factory girls; they were the whole kaleidoscope of New York life." Bright yellow banners of the suffrage forces in the United States, lettered in black with the slogan "Votes for Women," fluttered beside the striking purple, green and white standards of the Women's Political Union of Great Britain, long since familiar from coast to coast in the suffrage rallies. The flag-bearers wore white serge suits with tricolored sword sashes and especially designed parade hats of rough white straw with yellow ribbon bands. There was an overflow meeting in Carnegie Hall as a sequel to that parade, with galleries and boxes draped almost solidly with the rainbow silks of the participating organizations. The yellow of the Woman's Suffrage party mixed with the blue of the Equal Suffrage League, the red of the Political Equity Association, the mauve and pale green of the Collegiate Equal Suffrage League. A masculine element was present, too—the "Men's League for Suffrage," among whose members were such figures as Professor Charles Beard of Columbia and Dr. Max Eastman, the organization's executive secretary and chief enthusiast, and, eventually, Theodore Roosevelt. EVERY medium that ingenuity could devise or energy apply was used to forward their cause by the vote-seekers. They accepted the generous, frequent checks of Mrs. O. H. P. Belmont and others. They sought publicity with the devastating, now legendary loveliness of the late Inez Milholland, who, mounted upon a milk-white horse, led parade after parade in an all-white Joan of Arc costume. Miss Milholland (later Mrs. Eugene Boissevain) allied herself with the more militant units of the suffragist legions, whose techniques brought reiterant pangs to such conservatives as Mrs. Catt and Dr. Anna Howard Shaw. "General" Rosalie Jones, who led one troop of "pilgrims" in hoods, cloaks and staffs to Albany through ice and snow, and later piloted another, less pacific, crew to Washington, garnered spectacular and valuable publicity for the cause. "General" Jones and her followers brought up the rear of a historic cavalcade down the national capital's Pennsylvania Avenue, a long way behind the vanguard Miss Milholland had so bravely marshaled, through menacing, largely unsympathetic crowds. That event marked a turn in the adverse tide. For the brutal manhandling of women and girls in this procession brought about a Congressional investigation of charges against the Police Commissioner of the District of Columbia. Influential Senators and Representatives, even members of the police force assigned to protect the marchers, all testified to the assaults. Public (Continued on Page 21) AMERICAN MEN ARE AND OF A RIGHT OUGHT TO BE OUR SLAVES! RAISED A PET AMERICA THE LAND OF THE WOMAN - THE HOME OF THE GIRL ! Times Wide World and Harper's Weekly from T. F. Healy Collection Crusaders for suffrage, 1907. The New York Times Magazine, November 24, 1940. Brown Brothers Inez Milholland leading a suffragist parade in Washington. WOMEN AND THE VOTE (Continued from Page 5) opinion veered in favor of the women who wanted the vote enough to risk such indignities to achieve it. IT was not all stress and strain. Many a laugh came out of the campaigns. One of the loudest resounded in New York when Mrs. Gus Ruhlin of Brooklyn persuaded her retired prizefighter husband to stage a "suffrage prizefight" with one of his old cronies. Mrs. Catt and Dr. Shaw squirmed with dismay, but the nation howled with delight as the obliging bruiser who faced Gus in the ring commented good-naturedly: "I did not know the ladies wanted the vote, but now Gus's missus has told me about it, they has my support!" There was the blithe little Mrs. Sophie Loebinger of the Bronx, who went down with a group of women in taxicabs decorated with yellow satin ribbons, to call on the Aldermen about this matter of the vote. Midway of the hottest of the arguments, Mrs. Loebinger whipped out her vanity and powdered her nose. That was news in 1909--and publicity for the cause! There was scandal, too! The town buzzed with gossip about the disgraceful suffrage forces, who had boldly, publicly, put packages of cigarettes into gay baskets and gone up and down the aisles of Mr. Hammerstein's Victoria Theatre, offering them for sale. Mr. Hammerstein blushed and coughed about it, gruffly disclaiming any prior knowledge of their evil intent. He professed to be thoroughly humiliated at the spectacle of women vending cigarettes in his theatre, before his very eyes. The "stunt" had been borrowed from England, the suffragettes apologized meekly. Covered with confusion at the outburst of civic indignation, they went into temporary sackcloth and ashes. That incident gives an insight into woman's sphere during the pre-World War epoch. With con- tions stiffer than they are now and the masculine domination of "Life With Father" unrelaxed, it is understandable why women who sought the vote were lampooned in song, speech and print as harpies who plotted to overturn the natural order and precipitate chaos in an ideal world. Suffragettes then never dreamed in how few years a world conflict would send many barriers tumbling. They lived in a phase of our national existence when big plumed hats and long full skirts typified maximum elegance in feminine wear, and feminine behavior was as restricted as their prim wearers would have been in a sprint to catch a bus or trolley. Business girls were a long way from the day when they would become business executives. Women athletes were rare. Eleanora Sears, record walker, was the Alice Marble of those times and would have swooned at the suggestion that she don shorts and socks on her perambulations. Women on the whole were far more subdued, more sensitive to criticism, than they were after America was drawn into the war, and they found themselves projected into what came to be known as "this freedom"--of both jobs and manners. While they helped win the war, the suffrage battle was practically suspended. And after the armistice, up to the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920, there was still much talk about the "third sex," as those who sought the franchise were designated. TWENTY years after, thought woman's sphere has been transformed, no "third sex" has evolved. America has no matriarchate --yet. In fact, the proportion of women now represented in her legislative halls is small. There is one woman in the Presidential Cabinet. Two have been Governors, but none is a Governor now. Several years ago nine women at one time served in the lower house of the National Legislature--the record --but the number dropped sharply thereafter. The next Congress will include eight women-- a slight gain over recent years. Early experience of women in politics was disappointing to the suffragists. The newcomers approached the field in the traditional, tough, ward-heeler way. Many resolved to play masculine roles and did. A woman magistrate in New York supported only "because she's a woman" was brought to court and convicted of graft. Similar cases marred the record elsewhere. The lesson was bitter but well-learned. No woman aspiring to public office today dares ask concerted feminine endorsement unless she is "qualified for public office." A good man gets the backing of women now in preference to an unfit woman. THERE is no woman's bloc. Those optimists of 1920 who predicted that suffrage would purify politics, and those cynics who sneered that it would merely double the vote, have both been wrong. Politics still has not been cleansed in these United States. And there exist large corps of women politicians whose only query at election time is "What did the boss say about this one?" Yet it is as inaccurate to generalize about "the woman vote" as to dismiss women voters with the indictment, "They vote as their husbands tell them to." They just don't. In the main, women vote as men do--individually--and for every kind of reason--economic, social, out of prejudice or out of deep personal concern for their country's welfare. They have not purified politics, but they are steadily, undeniably raising its standards. The smoke-filled room still exists and serves its purpose as of yore. Few women ever have penetrated this retreat. Yet increasingly, politics is being taken into the drawing room. Women who have not caught the fever, who cannot talk the language, who do not know the implications, are the wallflowers now, when "campaigns are won between elections." WOMEN are advancing in politics now by the long road, which starts with doorbell ringing in the precincts. They are coming up slowly into the State Legislatures, in ever-increasing numbers. Two years ago New Hampshire had a candidate lift of fifty-seven women. Twenty-two were elected. Widows of Congressmen still go into office on their late husbands' coat-tails. But for shorter periods. They have to learn the rudiments, or forswear the salary. Their feminine constituents are ever more searching about legislative records, more impatient with bombastic poses in their representatives of either sex. The number of women who voted in the last election may be estimated, but how the women voted is anybody's guess. Both camps in the Presidential campaign saw a good sign, when the increased registration in New York State over 1936 revealed that the "new voters" would be 65 per cent women. But nobody will ever know precisely how the 65 per cent voted. The best guess is that they split their vote, in about the same proportion as the rest of the country--27 to 23. Mrs. Catt can be proud about that. And she is. 21 New, quicker, smarter way to file your snapshots . . . Permo Fotovue album No pasting. Slip photos into transparent packets of Eastman acetate. Both sides of each pocket show a picture. 12 pockets to a page. Room for negative behind each print. 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Exclusive with The GRAMOPHONE SHOP, Dept. T 18 East 48th Street, New York The New York Times Magazine, November 24, 1940. 1770's--Fathers and mothers dressed their children as small copies of themselves. THROUGH FRILLS TO FREEDOM By DOROTHIE BOBBE AN exhibition of children's fashions at the Brooklyn Museum affords an interesting insight into the sartorial evolution of the juniors in the past century and a half. It was, of course, the first parents of us all who invented clothes; and what the exhibit brings to mind is that parents, ever since, have borne a heavy responsibility. At first fathers and mothers met this responsibility by dressing their children as small copies of themselves, at least in public. Up to the end of the eighteenth century children, as children, had little standing in human society. They passed from babyhood to adulthood in a single leap, and the sooner the better. Indeed, boys wore long trousers at least forty years before men did, though this was undoubtedly to save the wear and tear on knees and stockings. Girls, of course, from the cradle up, were taught to concentrate on marriage, and thus their complexions and their bearing were constantly studied. Dolly Madison in early youth wore full-length gloves and a linen mask to keep the sun from striking her skin, and had a bonnet sewed firmly on her head every morning for the same reason--all for the sake of the woman the child would be. Some say that Rousseau, not a model family man himself, by his writings on home and education started a vogue for regarding children as a charming class, worthy of special regard and even tenderness for their own sake; and that Marie Antoinette, of all disciples, applied the principle to her sons' and daughter's clothing in particular. Others give the credit to the ensuing general realization of human history. Whatever the reason, it is at this period that the initial individuality appears in the wardrobe of the young. IF a pen-wielder were indeed the cause, it is likewise true that from that time on, down the years, writers, artists--even comic artists--have vastly influenced the Lilliputian vogue. World upheaval, national growth have played their part in children's dress. Also the ingrained awe, even in republican hearts, of kings and queens. When the Americans revolted against a King, rich small boys in New York, Massachusetts and Virginia stopped wearing powdered wigs and other symbols of aristocracy, and like their poorer brethren went into homespun and leather, both as a patriotic gesture and for utilitarian reasons, since boys of all classes had to ride their fathers' horses and shoulder their fathers' farm and home burdens while every man was a soldier. When the French revolted likewise, and their silk mills ceased to roll as egalite was bloodily demonstrated, the mothers of heavy-laden children everywhere learned the charm of cotton and thin muslins. But pretty soon the kings and queens were being followed again. Napoleon came, and had his only son dressed in 1810's--Napoleon's son set a style. short jacket and high-buttoned pantaloons and frills, and had the lad's portrait painted so. Forthwith, high waists and frills, enchantingly childish, appeared on boys and girls everywhere. The junior Empire mode was launched. Its life, however, was fairly brief, and the principal reason for its demise was the accession to the throne of England of a young girl queen, Victoria. For three-quarters of a century Victoria's austere and somewhat stuffy taste ruled not only the adult world but, overwhelmingly, the fashions of the young, both near and far, both rich and poor, tempered only by the naturally intruding Parisian elegances of another empress, the crinolined, decolletee Eugenie. Empire, as far as fashion was concerned, had meant no petticoats, and but flimsy pantaloons for both sexes. Victoria said "indecent," and on the instant, legs, even of the very young, became limbs, and were heavily swaddled once more. For the moment, the glad apostles of dress freedom subsided altogether into seeming obscurity. TRUE, girls and boys alike did enjoy short hair, but even this was topped, in the one case by monstrous bonnets with feathers, and in the other by ridiculous stovepipe hats. Frills were rampant-- Toby frills around neck and wrist and drawer and trouser leg. And soon long hair, for both sexes, came back, and tasseled velvet caps, and bows, and little low-crowned derby hats with loud tween suits. Youthful America did follow other paths, of course. The young United States was pushing westward, meeting wild country and wild Indians as it went. It learned from both. Boys who had the wilderness for a school learned from it the need, and the girls learned from the Indian women the method, of fashioning the tough hides of forest creatures into clothes--particularly shoes. These were indispensable lessons, with both parents fully occupied in the simple struggle to survive. The leather coat, the moccasin have been the friends of children ever since. Up to the Eighteen Fifties, boys and girls--particularly girls--indulged in no very violent sports. They played the ancient game of hopscotch, they threw jacks, they batted battledore with shut- Boys and girls, once held in ignominious subjection, have now flung their superfluous clothing away. 22 The New York Times Magazine, November 24, 1940. DOCTORS SAY, "YOU NEED VITAMIN B EVERY DAY!" BAKON YEAST contains 600% as much VITAMIN B Each teaspoonful of delicious BAKON YEAST contains 100 international units 1 teaspoonful of BAKON YEAST 100 International Units Orange Juice 31 1/5 Units Buttered Toast 4 Units Egg and Bacon 25 1/5 Units Milk, 18 Units Yes, 6 times as much Vitamin B as the fresh brewers yeast from which it is made! Compare BAKON YEAST with your regular food for Vitamin B content. Notice the small amount of BAKON YEAST required to give what your doctor calls a satisfactory daily supply of Vitamin B-- only 2 teaspoonfuls! Sprinkle a spoonful on your favorite breakfast dish, or mix in a glass of milk. Take a second spoonful of Bakon Yeast on your meat or vegetable at dinner, or in your soup! NOW You'll LIKE Yeast You will be delighted with its bacon-like flavor -- and you'll feel better, too! Don't wait -- send coupon today for generous FREE PACKAGE, and folder telling many ways to use--how it is smoked to a bacon-like flavor over fragrant hickory --why it's 6 times as potent in B Vitamins! At Department, Drug, Grocery and Health Food Stores: Table Shaker Size, 25c Family Economy Size, $1.00 Contains no meat, fat, salt, starch or sugar! CHILDREN LOVE IT! Sprinkle it on buttered toast or bread it's delicious! FREE GENEROUS SAMPLE PACKAGE BAKON YEAST, Inc., Dept. 2011 4 Staple Street, New York City Send FREE sample of BAKON YEAST. Name Address City State Dealer's Name Wake up and be ALERT If drowsy while studying or driving a car, take a whiff or two of Crown Lavender Smelling Salts. Their pungent odor is delightfully stimulating and refreshing. In use throughout the world for many years. Carry a purse-sized bottle with you at all times. AT DRUGGISTS or send 25c (coin or stamps) for purse-size bottle to Dept. A-3, Schieffelin & Co., 20 Cooper Square, New York, N. Y. Established 1794. CROWN LAVENDER SMELLING SALTS MOST POPULAR thing to talk about is the weather. "The Weather: How and Why" helps you know what you're talking about. Explains weather news and maps, gives tips on forecasting. 32 pages, 20 illustrations, glossary. 10c postpaid in U.S. Write Desk W, Circulation Dept., The New York Times, 229 West 43d St., New York City. CHILDREN'S CLOTHES (Continued from Page 7) principles were widely reviled, and her attire was hooted at in the streets; yet the fact remains that bloomers, at first discreetly shrouded by heavy skirts, later unveiled in all their utilitarian ugliness, slowly became the uniform of the female of the rising generation for athletic and gymnastic exercises--a revolution in themselves. Down went girls into heelless sneakers--they who once had suffered in home-made shoes on spikes because an eighteenth-century female, if she sometimes walked, almost never ran. A GENTEEL female, that is. There were others, in the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries both, who not only walked but worked. More and more the little children of the poor worked, many of them outside the home. They worked in field and factory, alongside their fathers and mothers. In the Eighteen Hundreds, little children of both sexes, clad in short trousers and nothing else, could be seen at the pitheads and close to the furnaces and at the canning-tables and breaking their backs at the cotton-rows. They worked three-quarters of the day, and had no use for shoes or stockings, hats or coats. Few of the more favored children, swathed in their layers of braided cloth and flannel and calico, were shocked. Some, perhaps, if they caught a glimpse, might have felt some envy, of uninhibited freedom of bodily movement -- particularly the girls; but absence of visible harness was itself a badge. Nudity meant poverty. The bulkier the clothes, the higher the standing. At the turn of the century, girls (of the upper classes) were faring better than boys. Both had passed through the plaids of Victoria's Scottish phase and the sailor suits and dresses and hats that British princes and princesses wore. But as Victoria grew old, small females at parties began to look a bit grandmotherly themselves, with their modified bustles and hideous bonnets and heavy silk dolman cloaks; while as for boys--they went feminine too. They were once more to be seen in the manner of old, in dresses long after they had left the toddling stage, and then into blouses and tam-o'-shanters. It was the end--or almost the end. The evil fairies did have one last fling, dropping the waists, or at least the sashes and belts, of boys and girls to around their hips, so that they appeared to be all body and no legs. Yet dropping the belts, of itself, was significant of a desire to remove restrictions on the body. The World War, of course, changed the picture completely. It destroyed, at last, all inhibitions in the clothes and manners of the elders. It also threw American fashionists more on their own, thus stimulating a native taste and ingenuity which, in the light of new health precepts that came along in force at much the same time, fairly grabbed at the chance to free children's bodies to bask in the discovered sun. Even babies benefited. Away went the long gowns, the binders, the pelisses, the quilted bonnets, the petticoats. Throughout, childhood, by degrees, came at last into its freedom. Even child labor was an odor in the nostrils. White House conference, State legislation, public nurseries, health and behavior clinics abounded; and the naked torsos of the children of the poor burned no longer at furnace fires, but were irradiated by the same sun that warmed the wealthy. Nudity was for all; and hygiene, which the exigencies of war had taught. With the discarding of repressions, superfluous clothing fell away. the gamut was run, from manners to no manners, and by the same token, from child clothes copying the parents' to parents often walking out as carbon copies of their little ones. ONCE, the girls wore capacious pockets suspended from her waistband outside her spreading interladen skirts. Nowadays, as she runs and leaps, and plays baseball and basketball and football; as she skates and swims and slides in close competition with her brother, her skirt, her blouse, her brief pants (to which the petticoats, the shift, the corset, the pantalettes of old have shrunk) would fit with ease into one of those old-time pockets, if indulgence left any need for such an article. The new war can do only one thing more for the very young. It can leave them something better than battles toward which to point--their bodies. ANTIQUE ENGLISH SILVER & CHINA For Gifts in Perfect Taste Above: One of a pair of George III Silver Entree Dishes by Craddock & Reid, London, 1816. $550. Right: One of a pair of old Derby Vases with green backgrounds. circa 1819. $200. James Robinson INC. 716 Fifth Avenue, New York AT 56th STREET Tailored SKIRTS DIRECT TO YOU - - from the VERMONT NATIVE WEAVERS Distinctively tailored in your choice of any Bridgewater Woolens--the exclusive creation of a community of woolcrafters! The native weavers cut their woolens to your measure and supply you direct. Be fitted to your own measure in any one of nine superb styles forecasting the best vogues for 1941. $6.25 post paid SATISFACTION GUARANTEED. Fine styling and tailoring, exclusive woolens and the native weavers' modest prices means unexcelled values. Satisfaction with every purchase is assured. Delivery ten days after order. Send for 16 SAMPLE SWATCHES AND FREE STYLE FOLDER. See the actual designs, colors, textures at the newest Bridgewater pure wool fabrics --and the smart skirt styles, including capes for town and country! Send today Vermont Natives Industries Dept. T2, Bridgewater, Vt. PRICE INCLUDES TAILORING FOR THE ONE MAN IN 7 WHO SHAVES EVERY DAY A Special Shave Cream--It Needs No Brush . . . Not Sticky or Greasy! MODERN LIFE now demands at least 1 man in 7 shave every day. This daily shaving often causes razor scrape--irritation. To help men solve this problem, we perfected Glider--a rich, soothing cream. It's like your wife's "vanishing" cream--not greasy or sticky. A BUFFER BETWEEN BLADE AND SKIN You first wash your face thoroughly with hot water to remove grit and the oily sebum that collects on whiskers every 24 hours. Then spread on Glider quickly and easily with your fingers. Never a brush. Instantly Glider forms a protective layer between the edge of your blade and the sensitive surface of your skin. It enables the razor's sharp edge to remove each completely softened whisker at the skin line without scraping or irritating the skin. Gently and easily your razor slides over the protected outer skin on your face. No extra pressure of force is necessary for a close, clean shave. MADE ESPECIALLY FOR THE 1 MAN IN 7 WHO SHAVES DAILY For men in responsible positions--doctors, lawyers, businessmen and others who must shave every day--Glider is invaluable. It eliminates the dangers frequent shaving may have for the tender face and leaves your skin smoother, cleaner. This special shave cream has been developed by The J. B. Williams Co., who have been making fine shaving preparations for over 100 years. TRY GLIDER AT OUR EXPENSE--We're so positive that Glider will give you more shaving comfort than anything you've ever used that we'll send you a generous tube ABSOLUTELY FREE. No stamps--no cartons--no dimes. Just send your name and address to The J. B. Williams Co., Dept. RG-45, Glastonbury, Conn., and we'll send you a tube of Glider. On this FREE trial test, we rest our case entirely. Don't delay--send in a penny post card today for your free tube of Glider. Everett B. Hurlburt PRESIDENT Other Books of the Week BIOGRAPHY THE YEAR 2000: A Critical Biography of Edward Bellamy. 404 pp. New York: Bookman Associates. $6. FRANCES ANNE By Edith, Marchioness of Londonderry. Illustrated, 315 pp. New York: St. Martin's Press. $6.25. The life and times of Frances Anne, Marchioness of Londonderry, and her husband, Charles, Third Marquess of Londonderry, key figure in the social and diplomatic world of the early nineteenth century. LINCOLN'S TEACHER. By Kunigunde Duncan. Illustrated. 177 pp. Great Barrington, Mass.: Advance Publishing Company. $3.50. Life of Mentor Graham, an influential figure of Lincoln's school days. DRAMA, THEATRE FOUR PLAYS. By William Inge. 304 pp. New York: Random House. $5. BLUE DENIM. By James Leo Herlihy and William Noble. Illustrated. 110 pp. New York: Random House. $2.95. Text of the recent Broadway play. BULWER AND MACREADY: A Chronicle of the Early Victorian Theatre. Edited by Charles Shattuck. Illustrated. 278 pp. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. $5.75. ECONOMICS, SOCIOLOGY PRICING IN BIG BUSINESS: A Case Approach. By A. D. H. Kaplan, Joel B. Diriam and Robert F. Lanzillotti. 344 pp. Washington, D. C.: The Brookings Institute. $5. THE ADVENT OF THE BRITISH LABOUR PARTY. By Phillip P. Poirier. 287 pp. New York: Columbia University Press. $4.50. CONFUCIAN CHINA AND ITS MODERN FATE: The Problem of Intellectual Continuity. By Joseph R. Levenson. Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press. $5. THE ROAD TO WIGAN PIER. By George Orwell. Illustrated. 264 pp. New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co. $4.50. An account of how industrial workers lived in north England in the Thirties. SELF-HELP MAKING THE MOST OF EVERY MOVE. By Garner Dodson. Illustrated. 256 pp. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons. $3.95. How to move your family easily and successfully. THE FORMULA FOR SUCCESS. Gustav Grossman. 270 pp. Westport, Conn.: Associated Booksellers. $4.50. The Grossmann Method of self-rationalization. THE HOUSE OF YOUR DREAMS: How to Plan and Get It. By W. A. Kirkpatrick, Illustrated. 198 pp. New York: McGraw-Hill Company. $5.50. HOW TO MAKE GOOD HOME MOVIES. By the Editors of Eastman Kodak Company. Illustrated. 192 pp. New York: Random House. $1.95. TRAVEL, DESCRIPTION ISTANBUL. Martin Hurlimann. Studio-Crowell. $6. Photographic tour of contemporary Istanbul, its art and architecture. GREAT CITIES OF THE WORLD. 384 pp. Illustrated. Maplewood, N. J., and New York: C. S. Hammond & Co. $7.50. EGYPTIAN YEARS. By L. A. Tregenza. 198 pp. New York: Oxford University Press. $5.75. A description of the Nile and journey into the eastern desert. SOPRANINO. By Patrick Ella and Colin Mudie. Illustrated. 222 pp. Fair Lawn, N. J. : Essential Books. $3. Adventures of two men crossing the Atlantic in a small boat. What is a Warrant? In the first place, why should you care? Well, warrants have shown far greater appreciation than any other type of stock in past markets and probably will do so again. For example, in the past decade, the common stock warrants of Atlas Corp., Tri-Continental, Richfield Oil, United Corp., and R.K.O., to name some, showed $500 investments appreciating up to as much as $100,000 in a few years! WHAT IS A WARRANT? A warrant is issued by the company itself giving you the right to buy company stock at a certain price for a specified period of time, which may be 1 year, 5 years, 10 years or with no limit at all, some warrants being perpetual (such as Tri-Continental). To see how much warrants can become very valuable look at the R.K.O. chart. In 1940 R.K.O. reorganized and warrants were issued which gave the right to buy R.K.O. common stock at $15 per share at any time up to 1947. In 1942 R.K.O. common stock was selling around $2.50 and with general pessimism rife, the warrants were selling on the N Y. Curb for 6 1/4 cents. Obviously few expected R.K.O. to sell above $15, where warrants would begin to have actual value. How the picture changed in 4 years! As we see in the chart, R.K.O. common advanced to $28 and the warrant being the right to buy at $15, was selling at $13. Why is a warrant so unique a vehicle for appreciation? When R. K. O. common went from $2.50 to $28, a $500 investment went to $5,625. When R.K.O. warrants went from 6 1/4c to $13, the same $500 investment went to $104,000. The warrant appreciated 20 times as much as the common. What about warrants in this market - today? There are more important long-term warrants actively trading today than at any time in the past 20 years. Among them are the warrants of General Tire & Rubber, Mack Trucks, Alleghany Corp., Sheraton Corp., Atlas Corp., Armour, Kerr-McGee, Molyb. Corp. of Am., Sperry Rand, Symington Wayne, and Tri-Cont., to name just a few. Every investor interested in capital appreciation, should know what opportunities exist in warrants. He should know why warrants are issued, what exactly they are, how they may be profitably bought and sold, and what warrants trade in today's market. He must study all of this carefully because in the hands of the uninformed, warrants hold at least as much danger as promise. If you are interested in capital appreciation, the best $2 investment you can make is in purchasing a copy of THE SPECULATIVE MERITS OF COMMON STOCK WARRANTS By Sidney Fried This book has earned the highest praise from some of the best minds in the securities field and from a host of average investors for its clarity of style and the worth of its information. It gives you the whole story of the common stock warrant. It also contains a full description of more than 100 outstanding warrants, and describes a method by which you can take advantage of current opportunities in warrants in today's market. For your copy, fill in the coupon, attach $2, and mail immediately. Or send for free descriptive folder. BETTY WHITE'S LATIN-AMERICAN DANCE BOOK shows you how Probably you can rumba, but are you up on your feet dancing when the music slides into a mambo, a cha cha cha, or a calypso? Or do you hang back wondering whether you can really do the Latin-American dances that are so popular and so much fun? They look tricky, but the wonderful thing is that they are really easy to learn and easy to do when you know how. And Betty White's book shows you how to dance them all, step-by-step, with full instructions, music, rhythms, plenty of pictures and easy-to-follow diagrams to guide you. Betty White's famous teach-yourself system, used in every one of her popular dance-instruction books, enables you to learn all the Latin-American dances - by yourself, with a partner, or in a group, just as you prefer. You'll be delighted to see how easy it is, and how popular you are when you can do all the new dances and the new steps. So send for your copy of BETTY WHITE'S LATIN-AMERICAN DANCE BOOK right now. You won't risk a cent - your money back if you are not 100% satisfied. N.Y. Sunday Times Aug 17 A man torn between the love of a woman and the lure of the ARENA A novel of tension, passion, and pageantry that carried Jason Kirk, sportswriter, from a dim corner at "21" to the sands of the bull rings - and a fateful relationship with Spain's number one matador. by CHARLES GRAYSON $3.95 at all booksellers Rinehart & Co., Inc. 3rd Big Printing! Escape from Corregidor by Edgar D. Whitcomb "One of the great stories of war adventure. You will want to tuck away this book for your sons and grandsons to read." - Pittsburgh Post Gazette At all bookstores, $4.50 Henry Regnery Company Chicago 4, Ill. ERNEST Hemingway the 21st interview in the famous series the PARIS REVIEW * fiction * art portfolios * commentary * poetry $1, now at your bookstore or from Paris Review, 401 E. 82 St., N. Y. 18 The Western Range (Continued from Page 1) terest in Western writing but through the books and periodicals they publish they also help to preserve local source materials that are rapidly disappearing. Can the nation-wide interest in Western books be partially attributed to escapism? It would seem so. Escapism is doubtless an overworked concept, yet it is hard not to believe that many readers do escape from Sputniks and intercontinental missiles by vicariously saddling up and riding away to a simpler era of six-gun and tomahawk, just as half a century ago readers escaped with the Virginian from the menace of anarchists and labor unions. Today, of course, we have more of everything - including things to escape from. Some analysts of the American mind have suggested that the "Westerns" of print and film afford our downtrodden males escape from a woman-dominated society. Even more intriguing is the idea that the American people are smitten with guilt feelings because of national inactivity in the face of pressing world problems, and therefore like to identify with a prime symbol of action in the Western hero. (Presumably the thousands who have read and watched that subtle Western study of human guilt, Walter Van Tilburg Clark's "The Oxbow Incident," have been vacationing from escapism.) If we must interpret the Western hero in terms of symbolism, I should like to suggest that we live in a time of heightened nationalistic feeling, and that the cowboy seems to be rapidly becoming our chief symbol of Americanism. He stands for a region never alienated from the rest of the nation by Civil War, a region comparatively remote from the European civilization that so strongly influences the East. He is, it appears to me, beginning to eclipse Uncle Sam. When our soldiers in the last war wanted to Americanize a Korean orphan they dressed him in cowboy garb - mercifully not in an Uncle Sam suit. National interest in the Western tradition is after all hardly separable from a much broader interest in the whole of the American past, which has within the last two decades acquired new richness of meaning in the light of international events. The American people, having survived total war and become the acknowledged leader of the free world, are more aware today of their own history, more ready to welcome the novelists and historians who can interpret it for them. The great popularity of Civil War books is part of this general interest in what has made America. So, too with book on the West. They illuminate for us this important segment of our past. They give us, in these questing times, a renewed sense of the American potential for greatness. Joseph Conrad (Continued from Page 4) are helpful; he uses R. L. Stevenson as a whipping boy quite unjustly ("The Beach at Falesá," which he sneers at in a footnote, is a remarkable story in its own quite un-Conradian way). He runs together, as illustrations of the kind of novel "Lord Jim" is not, "Middlemarch" and "Barchester Towers," as different from each other in complexity of meaning and in the use of the fictional imaginations as two novels could possibly be. And he is sometimes uncritically facile in his manipulation of Freudian or Jungian notions. But these are minor points. The book as a whole is a most valuable guide to Conrad the novelist, done with a critical scrupulosity that is a joy to watch in action. It is not easy reading, but the reader of Conrad will find it gives him new eyes. "Joseph Conrad and His Characters" is easy reading. Coming to it after Mr. Guérard's adult book, I find it plain childish. Chatty discourses about characters in Conrad's novels, treated as though they are people who exist apart from Conrad's invention of them, can be mildly amusing or stimulating - but only mildly. Of course Richard Curle would maintain (and rightly) that many of these characters are based on real people whom Conrad knew or had heard of, but that is beside the point. To be told that Charles Gould (in "Nostromo") "was naturally a self-contained man, probably a heritage from his British ancestors" is to be treated as a child. The book is not unintelligent; it is just unnecessary. Those who know Conrad will not want to read it and those who don't - well, they won't want to read it either. Mr. Curle knew Conrad personally, and the selection of Conrad's letters to him which he brought out in 1928 are of real value. This book, I am afraid, is not. There's a thrill on every page in THE Hours After Midnight The new book by JOSEPH HAYES Author of The Desperate Hours "A fast-paced chiller." - Cleveland Press "Has everything to make you jump with excitement." - Houston Press "Not only an entertaining terrifier; it also tries to answer the baffled parents who ask in despair, 'What makes them do it?'" - San Francisco Examiner $3.00, now at your bookstore RANDOM HOUSE STOP reading word by word READ with confidence speed and comprehension FREE Valuable Booklet How you can read better ... faster We also publish at $1.25 per copy "CUT YOUR READING TIME IN HALF" Check here and enclose payment if you wish this book as well. The Reading Laboratory, Inc. Dept. T, 500 5th Ave., N. Y. C., PE 6-0763 2024 Locust St., Phila. 3, Pa. Locust 8-4481 Please send me immediately, your new FREE booklet, "How can you read better ... faster." Name Address Phone UTOPIA An imaginative novel by Boris Dimondstein, Author of the "Call Within," a novel of love adventures and philosophy. $3.00 get from your dealer, or from Dimondstein Book Co., 50 East 13th St., N. Y. 3. Literarishe Heftn Pub. Tujunga, Calif. THE NEW YORK TIMES BOOK REVIEW DEMOCRATS REFUSE SUFFRAGISTS' REQUEST National Committee Won't Advise Wilson to Ask for Suffrage Amendment. WASHINGTON, June 17.--Members of the National Womans party in Washington today re disconsolate amid the fragments of fond hopes shattered. They called on a few members of the Democratic national committee, who were in session at the Shoreham. Mrs. Robert Baker asked that the committeemen advise the president to ask Congress to pass the Susan B. Anthony suffrage amendment as a war measure . On a vote the committee stood 4 to 2 in favor of obliging the ladies. When the suffragists returned a few hours later to see how the request to the president was worded, they were cruelly told that the committee had reconsidered its action. No quorum was present and the decision was invalid, was the explanation. Present at the meeting were Chairman Vance McCormick, Representative Carter Glass, Senator Jones (N. Mex.), E. D. Moore (Ohio), Treasurer Marsh (Iowa), and A. Mitchell Palmer (Pa.). Those who voted "No" when the proposal was made were Glass and Moore. The vote in the House on the woman suffrage amendment bears out the forecast of careful observers. Yet it was closer than expected. But another great victory has been won in what must begin to seem to even its bitterest opponents a cause that is destined to a complete triumph before very long. That the same session of Congress should have witnessed a two-thirds vote in the House for both prohibition and woman suffrage is rather less surprising than such a vote for only one of these reforms would have been. Yet the alignment upon the two questions was radically different, and significant of much in our politics. Sections and parties were cut to pieces in the vote upon prohibition. Even the supposedly hostile large States did not vote as a unit upon it. But this condition is true of yesterday's vote in a far smaller degree. On the surface, the Republicans were overwhelmingly for the amendment; the Democrats almost equally divided upon it. But, of course, this was not a party division. It was a sectional division. Not the Democratic party, but the South, was refusing to give its adherence to votes for women. Only two Democrats from New York, for instance, were recorded against the amendment, while of the 136 negative votes, 83 came from below Mason and Dixon's line. No one will expect similar action in the Senate at once. The condition that operated to give prohibition smoother sailing in that body than in the House operates upon suffrage in the reverse way. A few of the most populous States are not aligned against a host of smaller ones, each of the latter casting as many votes as any one of the former, but a considerable number of middle-sized States are associated against the rest. A two-thirds majority in the Senate means 64 votes. Thirty-three votes, that is, are enough to defeat the amendment, and these could be cast by a dozen States, voting solidly, if a few stray votes could be picked up in addition. The very narrowness of the vote in the House will stiffen opposition in the Senate. But there is no reason for anything but cheerfulness in the ranks of the suffragists. A more objectionable amendment than that which they are advocating was finally forced upon the Senate, after numberless rejections-- that providing for the popular election of Senators. In any retrospect of the long struggle, the vote in this State in November must loom as the drive that broke the centre. WILSON ENCOURAGES SUFFRAGE LEADERS Dr. Anna Shaw, After White House Call, Thinks He Will Support Fight in New Jersey. WOMEN TAKE NEW TACK Congressional Union Now Trying to Bring Local Pressure to Bear on Senators. Special to The New York Times. WASHINGTON, Jan. 14.--A delegation of women, representing the National Suffrage Organization, talked with President Wilson today in regard to the effort to grant the voting franchise to women in New Jersey, and came away with the belief that the President would indorse the proposal, according to Dr. Anna Howard Shaw. It was said at the White House, however, that the President had given no expression of opinion to the delegation and that anything that he had told Dr. Shaw and the others was of a non-committal character. Dr. Shaw was accomplished to the White House by Mrs. Medill McCormick of Chicago, Chairman of the Congressional Committee, and Mrs. Winston Churchill of Cornish, N. H., a member of the National Campaign Committee of the Suffrage Association. Dr. Shaw made this statement. Our representatives from the National American Woman Suffrage Association were most graciously and cordialy received by President Wilson this morning. A year ago, when members of the National Association called upon the President to enlist his support for our national amendment he very frankly stated that the question of woman suffrage was in his judgment, a matter for the States, and he has consistently maintained and reiterated this attitude of mind on many subsequent interviews. We did not speak with the President at all this morning upon his attitude toward suffrage as a national issue, but only in relation to the State of New Jersey, where the Democratic Party, as well as all other parties, have indorsed the submission of the woman suffrage amendment, which is now before the Legislature, and if passed will be submitted to the voters for a vote on the 12th of next September. The President was greatly interested in our statement of the situation in New Jersey, and he confessed that he had been so taken up with national affairs that he had not kept in touch with the status of the suffrage movement in his home State, and agreed that the advance of suffrage was so rapid that it was difficult to keep pace with it. We have come away from or interview with the distinct impression that very shortly the President will come out with a statement favorable to suffrage in the State of New Jersey. Democrats do not expect the President to make any stand in the New Jersey fight. The Congressional Union favoring woman suffrage is now directing its efforts toward arousing suffrage sentiment in the States of particular Senators, with a view to inducing their support for the constitutional amendment, as introduced by Senator Bristow of Kansas. A mass meeting tin Cooper Union to impress Senators Root and O'Gorman will be arranged by Miss Doris Stevens, who will open headquarters in New York. THE EVENING POST, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, MARCH PIONEER WOMEN IN SUFFRAGE It Was Not So Easy to Be a Suffragist Once as It Is Now, but These Women Were Undaunted Elizabeth Cady Stanton Susan B. Anthony Lucretia Mott Mrs. Guilford Dudley Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt Miss Mary Garrett Hay With all these hundreds of women coming from every part of the country, voters and non-voters alike, to the fiftieth convention of the National American Woman Suffrage Association in St. Louis this next week, one thinks for a minute of those other women, the pioneers. There is a kind of glory around their names now, but there was little glory about their lives. It is good to know a little bit of what they went through. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, one of the women who issued the call for the Woman's Rights Convention in Seneca Falls, July 19 and 20, 1848, was born November 12, 1815. She read the famous "Declaration of Sentiments" before that convention and proposed a resolution to grant the franchise to women. At that time many of her fellow workers for women's rights in other fields were opposed to her doing so because of the public ridicule that it would incur. By her advocacy, from 1840 to 1860, of the laws to give married women in New York their property rights, the status of women all over the United States has been elevated. Mrs. Stanton spent her lifetime in working for justice for women. She was one of the first conveners of the first National Woman Suffrage Convention in Washington, D. C., January, 1869. She was the president of the National Woman Suffrage Association for many years and the first president of the National American Woman Suffrage Association. Susan B. Anthony, who was born in Adams, Mass., February 15, 1820, devoted her whole lifetime of eighty-six years to the cause of woman's freedom. Like many early suffragists she was of Quaker descent. Her first efforts were for better opportunities and better pay for women school teachers. After the Woman's Rights Convention in Seneca Falls she awoke to women's need of emancipation in other fields. In 1851 she met Elizabeth Cady Stanton and gave herself to the suffrage cause, while continuing to work for temperance and the abolition of the slaves. She was persecuted, ostracized, mobbed, burned in effigy for all the reforms dear to her heart. Through the influence of Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony, a convention was called in Albany on February 14, 1854, to secure legislation for equal property rights for women and equal guardianship of children. The latter measure, granted by the Legislature, was repealed in 1860 while the women who worked for it were absorbed in protecting the interest of the negroes. Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton were joint editors of the Revolution, a paper for the advancement of equal suffrage. They, with Lucretia Mott and others, were conveners of the first National Woman Suffrage Association in January, 1869. Miss Anthony followed Mrs. Stanton as president of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, serving that association as national leader from 1892 to 1900, when she was followed by Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt from 1900 to 1904. Dr. Shaw was the third person to hold this office. She was president till 1915, when Mrs. Catt again became national leader. Lucy Stone, called the "Morning Star" of the woman's rights movement, was born August 13, 1818, on a farm near West Brookfield, Mass. She was the first Massachusetts woman to take a college degree. She worked nine years to earn money enough to put herself through Oberlin, where she graduated in 1847. Even in Oberlin she was not permitted to read her own commencement essay, as it "would not be proper" because she was a woman. In 1855 she was married to Henry Blackwell by Thomas Wentworth Higginson, the only clergyman who was willing to leave out the word "obey" in the marriage service. By mutual consent of husband and wife she was always called Lucy Stone, without taking her husband's family name. In Orange, N. J., where they lived when their daughter was born, Lucy Stone refused to pay her taxes unless she was given representation at the polls. The tax collectors sold her household goods, including the baby's cradle. With the baby on her knee the mother wrote her protest against taxation without representation. In 1866 she helped found the American Equal Rights Association. In 1869 she was co-founder of the American Woman Suffrage Association. In 1870 she and her husband began the Woman's Journal. In 1867 she campaigned in Kansas in the first State contest for suffrage for woman by a referendum vote. She died in 1893 after nearly fifty years of constant devotion to the advancement of women, her first woman's rights speech having been made in 1847. Mary A. Livermore made her first speech for suffrage in May, 1869, in Boston. She was the woman who then said: "Why don't these brothers of ours call us, the reserves, into action? We could help them." This same cry was echoed by women of all countries in the great war of 1914-1918. But it was first said by Mrs. Livermore, who had been a famous nurse during the Civil War. Mrs. Livermore, who had published the Agitator in Chicago, went to Boston in 1870 as one of the editors of the Woman's Journal, with Lucy Stone and Henry Blackwell. Assistant editors were: Julia Ward Howe, William Lloyd Garrison, and Col. Thomas Wentworth Higginson. One of Mrs. Livermore's greatest tasks was her report of the sanitary work done by women in the war. Through their patriotic services to the soldiery in the Civil War the United States first realized women's talent for administering great enterprises. The Rev. Antoinette Brown Blackwell, D.D., was the first woman in the country to be regularly ordained as a minister. She was born in Henrietta, N. Y., in 1825, studied at Oberlin Theological Seminary, and was ordained in a Congregational church in South Butler, N. Y., in 1853. She was married [*to Saml. C. Blackwell brother of Henry*] Blackwell. [*She*] was expelled the platform of the World's Temperance Convention in New York in 1853 because she was a woman. The resolution expelling her read somewhat as follows: "Resolved. That we recognize women as efficient helpers in the home, but not on the platform." She became pastor and afterwards pastor emeritus of All Souls' Unitarian Church in Elizabeth, N. J. Emily Blackwell, M.D., sister of Elizabeth, obtained permission in 1852 to enter the Medical College of Chicago. She was allowed to take the lectures but not to graduate. She journeyed from college to college - ten colleges in all - to find one which would take her in. She began attending the clinics in Bellevue, New York, but was not permitted to continue. In 1853 she was received for graduation in Western Reserve College, of Cleveland. She spent a year in London clinics and became assistant to Drs. Simpson, of St. Bartholomew's, Edinburgh. She went from Edinburgh to Marternite in Paris, where she was, with one exception, the only educated woman. The other women students were mainly peasant women being prepared as midwives. She, with her sister Elizabeth, with much difficulty raised $300 for the medical education of women in the United States. A year later a dispensary was incorporated and in 1857 a hospital was added, the New York Infirmary for Women and Children. The first woman physician in America received her degree of M.D. in Geneva, N. Y., in 1848. She was Elizabeth Blackwell and was born in Bristol, England. When she was twenty-one she determined to become a physician, but her application for admission was refused by nearly all of the leading medical colleges of the United States and Canada. A little medical college in Geneva accepted her, but although she was one of the most brilliant pupils, she suffered social ostracism in the town. She afterwards attended medical hospitals in Europe and practiced in several Continental hospitals. The New Amazons. To the Editor of the New York Times: The reproach that women do not or cannot fight in defense of hearth and home is removed by the organization in England of trained bands of women, who will be marshaled under Lady Castlereagh, and constitute an auxiliary force in the event of invasion. The women have thus passed another milestone on the road to achievement, and they are proving that they can not only fight for their rights, but for their country. In a recent editorial in THE NEW YORK TIMES, discussing Theodore Roosevelt's dictum on arms-bearing conferring the right to vote, it was stated that even if woman did not actually engage in warfare she was "no whit behind the man even in the matter of physical courage; if he risks his life to defend the flag, so does she in furnishing the men to defend it." This sentiment is admirable, but we have gone beyond mere sentiment now, and are taking our place as part and parcel of a defending army. JOAN OF YORK. New York, Dec. 18, 1914. Tipperary Up To Date As Sung As Bar Banquet We're a long way from Woman Suffrage, They've a long way to go; It's a hard road to Woman Suffrage, What they'd do we do not know. Good-by, both Dakotas; Farewell, Ohio State. We're a long, long way from Woman Suffrage, And we'll not tempt fate. It's a long way to Prohibition, They've a hard road to go; It's a long way here to Prohibition, We've tried it and we know. Good-by, California; Farewell, Missouri State. It's a long, long way to Prohibition, We're safe here up to date. It's a bad plan to re-call Judges, It's a poor way to go; It's a poor plan to re-call Judges, That's one thing that we know. Good-by, sad Progressives; Farewell, Teddy dear. IT's a d---- poor plan to re-call Judges, And we stand right here. [*N Y Herald - Tribune Nov 2 1947*] Tuesday Election Recalls Furor of First 'Baby-Carriage Vote' Day Before New York State's Women Went to Polls in 1918 for First Time, the Tribune Devoted 1 1/2 Columns to Explain Mysteries of Voting By Judith Crist "As the woman decide, so shall go the state election tomorrow. This is the opinion of all politicians, regardless of party." This was the report of the New York Tribune on Monday, Nov. 4, 1918, as New York State's women prepared to go to the polls for the first time. Granted state-wide suffrage the year before, the hobble-skirted novices in their sugar-loaf hats were to have a voice in deciding whether Alfred E. Smith would succeed the incumbent Republican Governor, Charles S. Whitman, as well as in selecting other state officers and members of the State Legislature form slates offered by the Republican, Democratic, Socialist and Prohibitionist parties. Just as there is speculation today on how the veterans' vote will go, so between registration and Election Day twenty-nine years ago politicos pondered the direction of the "baby-carriage vote." The Republican State Committee chairman declared that "Governor Whitman is a favorite of the women, especially upstate," since, as the Tribune advocated, he had "consistently advocated a government of, by and for the people-- both men and women people." 117 Seeking Office The Democrats simply reaffirmed their faith that women would "not vote to embarrass the President who stands for a League of Nations." Today there are 1,072,134 registered women voters in New York City alone. In the whole state there were then an estimated million. The Democrats reported that 380,000 women had registered in the city while the Republicans stuck to a conservative 350,000. There were 117 women seeking political office, four in the House of Representatives and the rest in state positions ranging from that of Lieutenant Governor, a position for which Mrs. Ella Reeve Bloor was the Socialist candidate, to that of Constable and Town Clerk. "It is no longer peculiar and almost vulgar," the Tribune assured its readers, "for a woman to aspire to public office." On the day before the elections the newspaper devoted a column and a half to explaining "How Women Voters Should Act at First Election." Proceeding in an "I see the cat. Where is the cat? The cat is on the chair" fashion, the writer described the mysteries of casting a vote and added thoughtfully, "In case of errors, two additional ballots will be allowed each voter." Waited for Sunshine On Nov. 5 the Tribune headline declared "Truce Terms Signed by U. S. and Allies Demand Full Surrender of Germany." Election Day dawned but, as the Tribune reported next day. "The baby-carriage vote did not come forth in earnest until the sun had gotten the better of the surly clouds which covered the sky in the morning." By noon, the report continued, "policemen were requisitioned to watch lines of perambulators and election officials had to be on their guard against toddlers who wandered about while their mothers were closeted behind the swinging canvas doors." As a concession to the new voters, the Board of Elections added portable huts, public schools and Red Cross workrooms to the barber shops and laundries usually requisitioned as polling places. A Mrs. Mary Waver, whose vote was recorded at five seconds past 6 a. m. at a public school on East Thirty-seventh Street, was probably the first woman to vote in the city. In some districts, among them Harlem and upper Washington Heights, it was reported, more women than men voted, although a tabulation of votes by sex was "frowned upon by suffrage leaders and men political leaders." There were women on practically all election boards. The Woman Suffrage party had 2,000 district captains out marshaling the vote. Forty Years for Three Minutes Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, president of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, and Miss Mary Garrett Hay, chairman of the Woman Suffrage party, voted together at 507 Columbus Avenue. "I worked for forty years to get a vote," Mrs. Catt told a Tribune reporter, "but it took me only three minutes to cast it." Miss Hay was more emotional. "It seemed as natural as breathing," she said. "I felt as if I'd always done it. I never in my life felt so self-respecting and so filled with a happy sense of responsibility." It was estimated that about 371,212 women had voted for the first time, but whether they were responsible for the election of Alfred E. Smith to the Governorship was never determined. Mrs. Ida B. Sammis, of Babylon, L. I., had become the first woman elected to the State Legislature. Headlines announced that the new Assemblywoman, supported by the Republican and Prohibitionist parties, would "Aid Sex and Fight Liquor." With reports that the voters of Oklahoma, Michigan and South Dakota had joined thirteen states and Alaska in adopting woman suffrage, Mrs. Catt announced happily, "Nov. 5, 1918, scored more victories for woman suffrage than were ever before crowded into any one Election Day." The Tribune issued editorial approval. "Here in New York," the newspaper said, "women voted as a matter of course. The great revolution that was to overturn a civilization arrived and everybody took it with calmness and a general chorus of approval." NEW YORK HERALD TRIBUNE, SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 2, 1947 New York State Women Voting for the Furst Time in 1918 New York State suffragettes cast their first vote One wonders also about the statement that artificially high security prices have resulted. At a time when prices of everything from pork to cement and from shoe leather to real estate are at peak levels, security prices have remained incomprehensively low. All this and much more will be fought out in the months to come. The government has put in several years preparing its case. The defendant firms, knowing what was coming, have also been making their preparations. We should at least get a fine, hard-hitting fight - a fight in all ways appropriate to an American election year, adding large quantities of heat and very little light to that democratic institution. Communist Justice The Germans are noted for their talent for rationalization. If a German has committed a crime, it does not take him long to find a reason why some one else was responsible.... cent news dispatches from Cairo indicate that up to five hundred persons have been dying daily in Egypt from cholera. Last Wednesday the number of deaths since the epidemic began was put officially at 6,132. One would think that the Egyptians would grasp with gratitude a helping hand from any source. But no, not a Jewish hand. The point is that disease germs know only one world, in contrast to homo sapiens. Humility and the Nobel Prize The award of the Noble peace prize for 1947 to the Quakers is surely one to meet the approval of all. The selection of the American Friends Service Committee in Philadelphia and the Friends Service Council in London has a complete and obvious rightness about it that makes any degree of explanation almost superfluous. As Gunnar Jahn, the chairman of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, said in alluding to the great humanitarian work of the Society of Friends?: "This reason is so obvious that fur- (From The Atlantic Monthly) TODAY no breath Of life's allowed For Autumn spins Her crystal shroud. Thread upon thread The earth is bound (November's needle Round and round). No wind may lift The fallen leaf; No flower split The face of grief. No flight of birds Distracts the eye Across the smooth Unravelled sky. The shuttle stilled Within the loom, Imprisoned in Her crystal womb. Earth waits a miracle - I too; Perhaps your spirit Might come through! ANNE MORROW LINDBERGH [*Jan 10, 1950 NY Times*] Once Powerful Suffrage Agency Disbands On Birthday of Mrs. Catt, Leader in Victory The National American Woman Suffrage Association quietly passed out of existence yesterday, on the ninety-first birthday anniversary of the late Carrie Chapman Catt. At a small private luncheon, ten board members voted to disband the once-mighty organization that won its big battle thirty years ago under the leadership of Mrs. Catt. Ever since the adoption of the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which gave American women the right to vote, the association had been been curtailing its activities. From 1920 onward, much of its spirit - and its membership - was diverted to the League of Women Voters, founded by Mrs. Catt as a non-partisan agency to make sure that women made intelligent use of their franchise. Although its membership dwindled, it continued to encourage women's suffrage groups in other countries, mainly by correspondence. In voting yesterday to go out of existence, the board made provision for keeping its cause alive. From the residue of funds it had received in past years, it gave $5,000 to the International Women's Alliance, which tries to promote women's suffrage abroad. It also gave $1,000 to help maintain the museum in Rochester that once was the home of Susan B. Anthony, an early suffrage leader. Its largest bequest - $25,000 - went to the League of Women Voters, "a living memorial to Mrs. Catt." Mrs. Catt, as president of the association from 1900 to 1904, then from 1915 until her death in 1947, was firmly identified with the successful phase in the organization's long history. It had dated back to 1890, under its own name, but its predecessors were founded in 1869. These were the National Woman Suffrage Association, with Miss Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton as leaders; and the American Woman Suffrage Association, led by Lucy Stone. The combined association had a total of five presidents - Mrs. Stanton, Miss Anthony, the late Dr. Anna Howard Shaw, Mrs. Catt and Mrs. F. Louise Slade, in whose home in 49 East Sixty-seventh Street yesterday's luncheon was held. Several of the board members and a few dozen other leaders in women's organizations were guests later at a tea given by the Carrie Chapman Catt Memorial Fund in the Women's University Club. The fund was created by the League of Women Voters to work with women's groups in other countries, as a tribute to the suffrage association. [*N.Y.Times Jan.10,1950*] [Jan 10, 1950 N. Y. Tribune] Women Dissolve Suffrage Group [Tribune 4/10/50] Association Set Up in '90; $31,000 Assets Allotted The National American Woman Suffrage Association, organized in 1890 to further the votes-for-women movement, was officially dissolved yesterday afternoon at a meeting at the home of Mrs. F. Slade, its president at 49 East Sixty-seventh Street. Assets of the association were disbursed as follows: $1,000 to the Susan B. Anthony Memorial, Inc., Rochester, N. Y.; $5,000 to the League of Women Voters, founded by the late Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt to carry on the political education and nonpartisan activities of women after the suffrage amendment to the Constitution was adopted in August, 1920. During the almost thirty years since the suffrage victory, the association has remained in existence for two purposes, leaders said yesterday - to further the work of the League of Women Voters, and to advance women suffrage movements abroad. Mrs. Catt was president until her death in 1947. Besides Mrs. Slade, those present yesterday were Miss Mary Gray Peck, corresponding secretary; Mrs. Halsey Wilson, recording secretary; Mrs. Raymond Brown, vice-president; Mrs. Mabel Russell, treasurer; Mrs. Alfred Lewis, Geneva, N. Y.; Mrs. George Piersol, Asheville, N. C.; Miss Esther Ogden; Mrs. Thomas B. Wells, and Miss Anna Lord Strauss, presidents of the League of Women Voters. Transcribed and reviewed by contributors participating in the By The People project at crowd.loc.gov.