NAWSA  Subject File  Woman's Rights Conventions

KENTUCKY WOMEN AND POLITICS.
                                          May 5 1900
   Mrs. Lida Calvert Obenchain, of Kentucky,
writing of the mass meeting lately
held to urge women to form an "Emergency
Association," and help elevate the 
politics of that State, says:
   Elder Powell, one of the speakers at the
great mass meeting, said that Kentucky
women must "carry religion into politics."
How in the world are we to carry religion
into politics when the cry goes eternally
up from press and from pulpit: "You
must keep out of politics.  Politics is not
your sphere.  The home is your sphere,
and the State is man's.  The State rests
on the home, and if you manage the
affairs of your home properly, that will be
service enough to the State."
   The Courier Journal reporter said:
   These 1,500 or more women sat there
and listened with breathless interest while
the city's foremost speakers, among the
clergy, told them the salvation of the
State and its politics depended upon them;

that the civilization of Kentucky's people
and the reputation of the State depended
on their efforts; and there was not
a woman present but left the building
firmly resolved to do all she could for the 
enlightenment and betterment of the people
of this Commonwealth.
   If the immortal gods wanted any "large
laughter," they might have found the 
occasion for it in this meeting. or perhaps
it takes a strong-minded woman to
see the utter absurdity in the spectacle of
these men, representatives of the class
that has sole charge of politics, laying
such tremendous responsibilities on disfranchised
women.  Women are the source
of all good, but they are not good enough
to vote.  They must keep out of politics,
and they must "carry religion into politics."
Their ideals are all wrong and they
are to blame for most of the trouble,
nevertheless "the salvation of the State
and its politics, the civilization of the
State and its reputation," depends on 
them.
   Oh, let us come down out of the clouds
of clerical eloquence, and get our feet on
a solid footing of plain common sense and 
logic!  If women are even half as good as
Bishop Dudley says they are, it is very
poor statesmanship to exclude so much
goodness and virtue from direct participation
in the affairs of government.  If they
are to carry religion into politics and save
the civilization and the reputation of the
State, they must have the ballot.  No
general sends his soldiers into battle unarmed,
and no statesman ever expected a
disfranchised class to revolutionize politics
and save the State.
   The Emergency Association has a membership
of three thousand.  If they take 
up their "good citizenship" work in sober
earnest, there will shortly be about three
thousand new members added to the
Kentucky Equal Rights Association. 


From the New York Christian Inquirer.                                                                                         1851
THE WOMAN'S RIGHTS CONVENTION
                  AT WORCESTER.
   We have read the report of the proceedings of
this Convention with lively interest and general satisfaction.
We confess ourselves to be much surprised 
at the prevailing good sense, propriety, and
moral elevation of the meeting.  No candid reader
can deny the existence of singular ability, honest
and pure aims, eloquent an forcible advocacy, and
a startling power in the reports and speeches of this
Convention.  For good or for evil, it seems to us to
be the most important meeting since that held in the
cabin of the Mayflower.  That meeting recognized
the social and political equality of one half the human
race; this asserts the social and political equality
of the other half, and of the whole.  Imagine
the difference which it would have made in our Declaration 
of Independence, to have inserted 'and women'
in the first clause of the self-evident truths  it
asserts: 'that all men and women are created equal!'
This Convention declares this to be the true interpretation
of the Declaration, and, at any rate, designs
to amend the popular reading of the instrument,
to this effect.  Nor is it a theoretical change
which is aimed at.  No more practical or tremendous
revolution was ever sought in society than that
which the Woman's Rights Convention inaugurates.
   To emancipate half the human race from its present
position of dependence on the other half-to
abolish every distinction between the sexes that can
be abolished, or which is maintained by statue or
conventional usage-to throw open all the employments
of society with equal freedom to men and
women-to allow no difference whatsoever, in the
eye of the law, in their duties or their rights-this,
we submit, is a reform, surpassing, in pregnancy of
purpose and potential results, any other now upon
the platform, if it do not outweigh Magna Charta
and our own Declaration themselves.  We very
well recollect the scorn with which the annual procession
of the first Abolitionists was greeted in Boston,
some thirty years ago.  The children had no
conception of 'the Bobolition Society,' but as of a
set of persons making themselves ridiculous for the
amusement of the public; but that 'Bobolition Society'
has shaken the Union to its centre, and filled
the world with sympathy and concern.  The Woman's
Rights Convention is, in like manner, a thing
for honest scorn to point its finger at; but a few
years may prove that we pointed the finger, not at
an illuminated balloon, but at the rising sun.
   We have no hesitation in acknowledging ourselves
to be among those who have regarded this movement
with decided distrust and distaste.  If we have
been more free than others to express this disgust,
we have perhaps rendered some service by representing 
a common sentiment with which this reform
has to contend.  We would be among the first to
acknowledge that our objections have not grown out
of any deliberate consideration of the principles involved
in the question.  They have been founded
on instinctive aversion, on an habitual respect for
public sentiment, on an irresistible feeling of the ludicrousness
of the proposed reform in its details.
Certainly, social instinct has its proper place in the
judgments we pass on the manners of both sexes.
What is offensive to good taste-meaning, by good
taste, the taste of the most educated and refined people,
has the burden of proof resting upon it when it
claims respect and attention.  But we should be the
last to assert that questions of right and rights have
no appeal from the bar of conventional taste to that
of reason.  And, however it may have been at the
outset, we think the Woman's Rights question has
now made good  its title to be heard in the superior 
court.
   The principles involved in this great question we
cannot now discuss; but we have a few thoughts
upon the attitude of the reformer towards society,
which we would respectfully commend to attention.
   If the female sex is injured in its present position,
it is an injury growing out of universal mistake-an
honest error, in which the sexes have conspired, without
intentional injustice on one side, or feeling of
wrong on the other.  Indeed, we could not admit
that there had been thus far any wrong or mistake
at all, except in details.  Mankind have hitherto

found the natural functions of the two sexes marking
out different spheres for them.  Thus far, as we
think, the circumstances of the world have compelled
a marked division of labor, and a marked difference
of culture and political position between the sexes.
The facts of superior bodily strength on the masculine
side, and of maternity on the feminine side,
small as they are now made to appear, are very great
and decisive facts in themselves, and have necessarily
governed the organization of society.  It is between
the sexes as between races-the strongest
rules; and it was hitherto been supposed to be of
service to the common interest of society, that this
rule should be legalized and embodied in the social
customs of every community.  As a fact, woman,
by her bodily weakness and her maternal office, was
from the first a comparatively private and domestic
creature; her education, from circumstances, was
totally different, her interests were different, the
sources of her happiness different from man's; and
as a fact, all these things, though with important
modifications, have continued to be so to to this day.
The fact has seemed to the world a final one.  It
has been thought that, in her present position, she
was in the best position relative to man, which her
nature or organization admitted of.  That she is
man's inferior in respect to all offices and duties requiring
great bodily powers, or great moral courage,
or great intellectual effort, has been almost universally
supposed-honestly thought too, and without
the least disposition to deny her equality; on this account,
in the scale of humanity.  For in respect to
moral sensibility, affections, manners, tastes, and the
passive virtues, woman has long been honestly felt 
to be the superior of man.  The political disfranchisement 
of women, and their seclusion from publicity,
have grown out of sincere convictions that
their nature and happiness demanded from man an
exemption from the cares and a protection from the
perils of the out-of-door world.  Mankind, in both
its parts, may have been utterly mistaken in this
judgement; but it has been nearly universal, and
thoroughly sincere-based thus far, we think, upon
staring facts and compulsory circumstances.
   In starting a radical reform upon this subject, it is
expedient that it should be put, not on the basis of
old grievances, but upon the ground of new light, of
recent and fresh experiences, of change of circumstances.
It may be that the relative position of the
sexes is so changed by and advancing civilization,
that the time has come for questioning the conclusion
of the world respecting woman's sphere.  All
surprise at opposition to this notion, all sense of injury,
all complaint of past injustice, ought to cease.
Woman's part has been the part which her actual
state made necessary.  If another and a better future
is opening, let us see it and rejoice in it as a
new gift from Providence.
   And we are not without suspicion that the time
for some great change has arrived.  At any rate, we
confess our surprise at the weight of the reasoning
brought forward by the recent Convention, and shall
endeavor henceforth to keep our masculine mind-
full, doubtless, of conventional prejudices-open to
the light which is shed upon the theme.
   Meanwhile,  we must beg the women who are pressing
this reform to consider that the conservatism of
instinct and taste, though not infallible, is respectable
and worth attention.  The opposition they will
receive is founded on prejudices that are not selfish,
but merely masculine.  It springs from no desire to
keep women down, but from a desire to keep them

up; from a feeling-mistaken it may be-that the
strength, and their dignity, and their happiness, lie
in their seclusion from the rivalries, strifes, and public
duties of life.  The strength and depth of the
respect and love for woman, as woman, which characterizes
this age, cannot be over-stated.  But woman
insists upon being respected a kindred intellect,
and a free competitor, and a political equal.  And
we have suspicions that she may surprise the conservative
world by making ner new pretensions good.
Only, meanwhile, let her respect the affectionate and
sincere prejudices-if they be prejudices-which
adhere to the other view; a view made venerable,
if not proved true, by the experience of all the ages
past.
   We hope to give the whole subject more attention
in future.  Indeed, it will force attention.  It may
be that the solution of many social problems, long
waiting an answer, is delayed by the neglect to take
woman's case into fuller consideration.  The success
of the present reform would give an entirely
new problem to political and social philosophers.  At
present, we endeavor to hold ourselves in a candid
suspense.

THE LIBERATOR. nov. 1 - 1851
[Correspondence of the Tribune.]
WOMAN'S RIGHTS CONVENTION AT
                  WORCESTER.
FIRST DAY-EVENING SESSION.
   The City Hall was crowded to its utmost capacity
before the hour of adjournment arrived.  It is estimated
that there are three thousand people present,
three-fourths of the assembly in the afternoon, and
nearly as large a proportion this evening, being women.
It is a sublime view to overlook from the platform
the vast assemblage that have come to listen
to the eloquent women who have made their appeal
to the justice of mankind for better education and
more thorough training of all their powers, and freedom
to use them as they may deem consistent with
their true interests and happiness, equal rights and
privileges in all the industrial pursuits of life and
political franchises of the people, equal opportunities
to fill the highest and best sphere of which they
are capable, and the right to determine for themselves 
what this shall be.
   Wm. H. Channing, of Boston, addressed the assembly.
He proposed merely to open the discussion
of Woman's political rights, which would engage
their attention this evening.  He then read portions
of a letter from Jeanne Deroin, of France, Editor
of the Voice of Woman, who was now in prison on 
account of her devotion to the cause of political liberty
for Woman.  Her offence was meeting with an 
assembly of working people in illegal numbers,
among whom she has been active in forming co-operative
unions.  She is described by Mrs. Blackwell,
their attention this evening.  He then read portions
of a letter from Jeanne Deroin, of France, Editor
of the Voice of Woman, who was now in prison on
account of her devotion to the cause of political liberty
for Woman.  Her offence was meeting with an
assembly of working people in illegal numbers,
among whom she has been active in forming co-operative
unions. She is described by Mrs. Blackwell,
of New York, as a woman of pure life, who
is striving to enfranchise her sex.  She addresses her 
letter from a prison in Paris.  'To the Convention of
Women of America,' and it is also signed by another
woman, engaged in the same cause, Paulina Roland,
who is likewise imprisoned for the same offence.
The following is the translation of the letter:
   To the Convention of the Women of America.
   DEAR SISTERS: Your courageous declaration of
Woman's Rights has resounded even to our prison,
and has filled out souls with inexpressible joy.
   In France, the re-action has suppressed the cry of
Liberty of the Women of the future.  Deprived,
like their brothers of the Democracy, the right of
Women to civil and political equality, and the fiscal
laws which trammel the liberty of the press, hinder
the propagation of those eternal truths which must 
regenerate humanity.
   They wish also-the Women of France-to found
a hospitable tribunal, which shall receive the cry of
the oppressed and suffering, and vindicate, in the
name of human solidarity, the social right for both
sexes equally; and where Woman, the Mother of
Humanity, may claim in the name of her children,
mutilated by tyranny, her right to true liberty, to the
complete development and free exercise of all her
faculties, and reveal that half of truth which is in
her, and without which no social work can be complete.
   The darkness of the re-action has obscured the
Sun of 1848, which seemed to rise so radiantly,
Why?  Because the revolutionary tempest, in overturning
at the same time the Throne and the Scaffold, 
in breaking the chain of the black slave, forgot
to break the chain of the most oppressed of all-of
Woman, the Pariah of humanity.
   'There shall be no more slaves,' said our brethren.
'We proclaim universal suffrage.  All shall have
the right to elect the agents who will carry out that
Constitution which should be based on the principles
of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity.  Let each one
come and deposit his vote; the barrier of privilege
is overturned before the electoral urn; there are no
more oppressed, no more masters and slaves.'
   Woman, wnstening to this appeal, rises and approaches
the liberating urn to exercise her right as
member of society.  (1) But the barrier of privilege
rises  so before her.  'You must wait,' they say!
But this claim alone Woman affirms the right,
no yet recognized, of the half of humanity-the
right of women to Liberty, Equality and Fraternity.
She obliges man to verify the fatal attack which he
makes on the integrity of his principles.
   And soon, in fact, during the wonderful days of
June, 1848, Liberty glides from her pedestal in the
flood of the victims of the re-action;-based on the
right of the strongest, she falls, overturned in the
name of 'the right of the strongest.'
   The Assembly kept silence in regard to the right
of one half of humanity-for which only one of its
members (2) raised his voice but in vain; no mention
was made of the right of Woman, [?]n a Constitution
framed in the name of Liberty, Equality and
Fraternity.
   It is in the name of these principles that Woman
comes to claim her right to make part in the Legislative
Assembly, and to help form the laws which 
must govern society, of which she is a member.
   She comes to demand of the electors the consecration
of the principle of equality by the election
of a Woman, and by this act (3) she obliges man to
prove the fundamental law which he has formed in
the sole name of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity,
is still based upon privilege.  And soon privilege
triumphs over this phantom of universal suffrage,
which, being but the half of itself, sinks on the 31st 
of May. 1850.
   But while those elected by the half of the people, 
by men alone, evoke force to stifle liberty, and forge 
restrictive laws to establish order by compression-
Woman, guided by fraternity-foreseeing incessant
struggles, and in hope of putting an end to them,
makes an appeal to the laborer to found Liberty and
Equality on fraternal solidarity.  The participation
of Woman gave to this work of enfranchisement an
eminently pacific character, and the laborer recognizes
the right of Woman, his companion in labor.
   The delegates of a hundred and four association,
united without distinction of sex. elected two Women
(4) with several of their brethren, to participate
equally with them in the administration of the interests 
of labor, and in the organization of the work of
solidarity.
   Fraternal associations were formed with the object
of enfranchising the laborer from the yoke of
spoliage and patronage; but, isolated in the midst of 
the Old World, their efforts could only produce a 
feeble amelioration for themselves.
   The union of associations based on fraternal soli-

-ness of the world.  As to moral equality, has she
not conquered it by the power of sentiment? It is,
therefore, by the sentiment of the love of humanity
that the mother of humanity will find power to accomplish
her high mission.  It is when she shall
have well comprehended the holy law of solidarity,
-which is not an obscure and mysterious dogina,
but a living providential fact-that the kingdom of
God promised by Jesus, and which is no other than
the kingdom of Equality and Justice, shall be realized
on earth.
   Sisters of America!  your socialist sisters of France
are united with you in the vindication of the right
of Woman to civil and political equality.  We have,
moreover, the profound conviction that it is only by
the power of association, based on solidarity; by the
union of the working classes of both sexes to organize
labor, can alone be acquired completely and
pacifically the civil and political equality of Woman,
and the oppressed, the Social Right for All.
   It is in this confidence, that from the depths of the 
jail which still imprisons our bodies without reaching
our hearts, we cry to you-Faith, Love, Hope-
and send to you our fraternal salutation.
                        (Signed,)                JEANNE DEROIN,
                                                        PAULINE ROLAND.
      Paris, Prison of St. Lagare, June 15, 1851.
   After reading the letter of Jeanne Deroine and
Pauline Roland, of France, Mr. Channing continued
his remarks.  He described three classes of persons
in the community: Manish Men-not manly but
manish; Womanish Woman, and those who think 
that woman will become masculine is she is admitted
to the rights and privileges she claims.  The first
comprise those men who pride themselves upon
their exclusive privileges; upon their animal and
physical superiority, and those things which they
have appropriated peculiarly to themselves.  The
second are those women who esteem the things most 
which will please the perverted taster of man, and
who take pleasure in those flatteries which the womanly
woman despises from the bottom of her heart;
and the third are those whose ideal of womanhood
is seen in the frail and delicate beauty, the supineness
and submissive spirit of the woman of fashion.
He portrayed the true ideal of a perfect manhood,
that in which courage, and vigor, and manly beauty,
are blended with the gentleness, tenderness and
delicacy of woman.  He only is the hero who blends
these qualities in his nature.  He alluded to the
highest and most perfect type of true manliness, the
Saviour of the World, in whom the moral energy,
wisdom and firmness of a true humanity were blended
with the utmost purity, tenderness and love.  He
also dwelt upon the characteristics of a true womanhood,
and showed how much mankind need her purifying 
and restraining influence in the affairs of the
Government and the State.
   The following Letter from Miss MARTINEAU was
read to the Convention:-
                      CROMER, [England,] Aug. 3, 1851.
   MY DEAR MADAM: I beg to thank you heartily for
your kindness in sending me the Report of the Proceedings
of your 'Woman's Rights Convention.'  I
had gathered what I could from the newspapers concerning
it, but I was gratified at being able to read,
in a collected form, addresses so full of earnestness
and sound truth as I found most of the speeches to
be.  I hope you are aware of the interest excited in 
this country by that Convention; the strongest proof
of which is the appearance of an article on the subject
in The Westminster Review, (for July,) as
thorough-going as any of your own addresses, and
from the pen (at least, as it is understood here,) of 
one of our very first men-Mr. John S. Mill.  I am
not without hope that this article will materially
strengthen your hands, and I am sure it cannot by
cheer your hearts.
   As for me, my thoughts and best wishes will be
with you when you meet in October.  I cannot accept
you hearty invitation to attend your Convention,
as my home duties will not allow of my leaving my
own country.  But you may be assured of my warm
and unrestricted sympathy.  Ever since I became
capable of thinking for myself, I have clearly seen-
and I have said it till my listeners and readers are
probably tired of hearing it-that there can by but
one true method in the treatment of each human being,
of either sex, of any color, and under any outward
circumstances-to ascertain what are the powers
of that being, to cultivate them to the utmost,
and then to see what action they will find for themselves.
This has probably never been done for men, 
unless in some rare individual cases.  It has certainly 
never been done for women: and, till it is done,
all debating about what woman's intellect is-all
speculation, or laying down the law, as to what is
woman's sphere, is a mere beating of the air.  A
priori conceptions have long been found worthless
in physical science, and nothings was really effected
till the experimental method was clearly made out
and strictly applied in practice, and the same principle
holds most certainly through the whole range of
Moral Science.  Whether we regard the physical
fact of what women are able to do, or the moral fact
of what woman ought to do, it is equally necessary
to abstain from making any decision prior to experiment.
We see plainly enough the waste of time
and thought among the men who once talked of Nature
abhorring a vacuum, or disputed at great length
as to whether angels could go from end to end without
passing through the middle; and the day will
come when it will appear to be no less absurd to
have argued, as men and women are arguing now,
about what woman ought to do, before it was ascertained
what woman can do.  Let us once see a hundred 
women educated up to the highest point that
education at present reaches-let them be supplied
with such knowledge as their faculties are found to
crave, and let them be free to use, apply and increase
their knowledge as their faculties shall instigate,
and it will presently appear what is the sphere of
each of the hundred.  One may be discovering
comets, like Miss Herschel; one may be laying
open the mathematical structure of the universe,
like Mrs. Somerville; another may be analyzing the
chemical relations of Nature in the laboratory;
another may be penetrating the mysteries of physiology;
others may be applying Science in the healing 
of diseases; others may be investigating the laws of
social relations, learning the great natural laws un-

of the whole human being occasion not only the
most strength, but the highest elevation: not only 
the warmest sympathy, but the deepest purity.  The
highest and purest beings among women seem now
to be those who, far from being idle, find among their
restricted opportunities some means of strenuous
action; and I cannot doubt that, if an active social
career were open to all women, with due means
of preparation for it, those who are high and holy
now would be high and holy then, and would be
joined by an innumerable company of just spirits
from among those whose energies are now pining
and fretting in enforced idleness or unworthy
frivolity, or brought down into pursuits and aims
which are any thing by pure and peaceable.  In
regard to this old controversy-of Influence vs. Office-
it appears to me that, if Influence is good and
Office is bad for human morals and character, Man's
present position is one of such hardship as it is almost
most profane to contemplate; and if, on the contrary,
Office is good and a life of Influence is bad, Woman
has an instant right to claim that her position
be amended.
   With every wish that your meeting may be a
happy one, and your great cause a flourishing one,
I am, dear Madam, your, faithfully,
                                            HARRIET MARTINEAU.

laws which trammel the liberty of the press, hinder
the propagation of those eternal truths which must 
regenerate humanity.
   They wish also-the Women of France-to found
a hospitable tribunal, which shall receive the cry of
the oppressed the suffering, and vindicate, in the
name of human solidarity, the social right for both
sexes equally; and where Woman, the Mother of
Humanity, may claim in the name of her children,
mutilated by tyranny, her right to true liberty, to the
complete development and free exercise of all her
faculties, and reveal that half of truth which is in 
her, and without which no social work can complete.
   The darkness of the re-action has obscured the
Sun on 1848, which seemed to rise so radiantly.
Why?  Because the revolutionary tempest, in overturning
at the same time the Throne and the Scaffold, 
in breaking the chain of the black slave, forgot
to break the chain  of the most oppressed of all-of
Woman, the Pariah of humanity.
   'There shall be no more slaves,' said our brethren.
'We proclaim universal suffrage.  All shall have
the right to elect the agents who will carry out that
Constitution which should be based on the principles
of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity.  Let each one
come and deposit his vote; the barrier of privilege
is overturned before the electoral urn; there are no
more oppressed, no more masters and slaves.'
   Woman, wnestening of this appeal, rises and approaches
the liberating urn to exercise her right as
member of society.  (1) But the barrier of privilege
rises [?]so before her. 'You must wait,' they say!
But this claim alone Woman affirms the right,
not yet recognized, of the half of humanity-the
right of Women to Liberty, Equality and Fraternity.
She obliges man to verify the fatal attack which he
makes on the integrity of his principles.
   And soon, in fact, during the wonderful days of
June, 1848, Liberty glides from her pedestal in the
flood of the victims of the re-action;-based on the
right of the strongest, she falls, overturned in the
name of 'the right of the strongest.'
   The Assembly kept silence in regard to the right
of one half of humanity-for which only one of its
members (2) raised his voice but in vain; no mention
was made of the right of Woman, [?]n a Constitution
framed in the name of Liberty, Equality and
Fraternity.
   It is in the name of these principles that Woman
comes to claim her right to make part in the Legislative
Assembly, and to help form the laws which
must govern society, of which she is a member.
   She comes to demand of the electors the consecration
of the principle of equality by the election
of a Woman, and by this act (3) she obliges man to
prove the fundamental law which eh has formed in
the sole name of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity,
is still based upon privilege.  And soon privilege
triumphs over this phantom of universal suffrage,
which, being but the half of itself, sinks on the 31st
of May. 1850.
   But while those elected by the half of the people,
by men alone, evoke force to stifle liberty, and forge
restrictive laws to establish order by compression-
Woman, guided by fraternity-foreseeing incessant
struggles, and in hope of putting an end to them,
makes an appeal to the laborer to fonnd Liberty and
Equality on fraternal solidarity.  The participation
of Woman gave to this work of enfranchisement an
eminently pacific character, and the laborer recognizes
the right of Woman, his companion in labor.
   The delegates of a hundred and four associations,
united without distinction of sex.  elected two Women
(4) with several of their brethren, to participate
equally with them in the administration of the interests
of labor, and in the organization of the work of
solidarity.
   Fraternal associations were formed with the object
of enfranchising the laborer from the yoke of
spoliage and patronage; but, isolated in the midst of
the Old World, their efforts could only produce a
feeble amelioration for themselves.
   The union of associations based on fraternal solidarity
had for its end the organization of labor, that
is to say, an equable division of labor, of instruments,
and of the products of labor.
   The means were, the union of labor and of credit
among the workers of all professions, in order to acquire
the instruments of labor, and the necessary
materials, and to form a mutual guarantee for the
education of their children, and to provide for the
needs of the old, the sick, and the infirm.
   In this organization (5) all the workers, without
distinction of sex or profession, having an equal
right to election, and being eligible for all functions,
and all having equally the initiative and the sovereign
decision in the acts of common interests-they
laid the foundations of a new society based on Liberty,
Equality and Fraternity.
   It is in the name of law framed by Man only-by
those elected by privilege-that the old world, wishing
to stifle in the germ the holy work of pacific enfranchisement,
has shut up within the walls of a
prison those who had founded it, those elected by
the laborers.
   But the impulse has been given-a grand act has
been accomplished.  The right of Woman has been
recognized by the laborers, and they have consecrated
that right by the election of those who had
claimed it in vain for both sexes, before the electoral
urn, and before the electoral committees.  They
have received the true civil baptism; elected by the
laborers to accomplish the mission of enfranchisement,
after having shared their rights and their duties,
they share to-day their captivity.
   It is from the depths of their prison that they address
to you the relation of these facts, which contain
in themselves high instruction.  It is by labor,
it is by entering resolutely into the ranks of the
working people, that Women will conquer the civil
and political equality on which depends the happi-
   1.  The 27th of Feb., 1848, Pauline Roland presented
herself before the electoral re-union, to claim
the right of nominating the Mayor of the city where
she lived.  Having been refused, she claimed in
April, the same year, the right to take part in the
elections for the Constituent Assembly, and was
again refused.
   2.  Victor Considerant.
   3.  In April, 1849, Jeanne Deroin claimed for Woman
the right of eligibility, by presenting herself as
a candidate for the Legislative Assembly, and she sustained
this right before the preparatory electoral reunions
of Paris.
   4. The 3d of Oct., 1849, Pauline Roland and Jeanne
Deroin, delegates from the Fraternal Associations,
were elected members of the Central Committee of
the Associative Unions.
   5.  This Central Committee was for the Fraternal 
Associations what the Constituent Assembly was for
the French Republic in 1848.

dencacy of woman.  He only is the hero who dreams
these qualities in his nature.  He alluded to the
highest and most perfect type of true manliness, the
Saviour of the World, in whom the moral energy,
wisdom and firmness of a true humanity were blended
with the utmost purity, tenderness and love.  He
also dwelt upon the characteristics of a true womanhood,
and showed how much mankind need her purifying 
and restraining influence in the affairs of the
Government and the State.
   The following Letter from Miss MARTINEAU was
read to the Convention:-
         Cromer, [England,] Aug. 3, 1851.
   MY DEAR MADAM: I beg to thank you heartily for
your kindness in sending me the Report of the Proceedings
of your 'Woman's Rights Convention.'  I
had gathered what I could from the newspapers concerning
it, but I was gratified at being able to read,
in a collected form, addresses so full of earnestness
and sound truth as I found most of the speeches to
be.  I hope you are aware of the interest excited in
this country by that Convention; the strongest proof
of which is the appearance of an article on the subject
in The Westminster Review, (for July,) as
thorough-going as any of your own addresses, and
from the pen (at least, as it is understood here,) of
one of our very first men-Mr. John S. Mill.  I am
not without hope that this article will materially
strengthen your hands, and I am sure it cannot but
cheer your hearts.
   As for me, my thoughts and best wishes will be
with you when you meet in October.  I cannot accept
you hearty invitation to attend your Convention,
as my home duties will not allow of my leaving my
own country.  But you may be assured of my warm 
and unrestricted sympathy.  Ever since I became 
capable of thinking for myself, I have clearly seen-
and I have said it till my listeners and readers are
probably tired of hearing it-that there can be but
one true method in the treatment of each human being,
of either sex, of any color, and under any outward
circumstances-to ascertain what are the powers
of that being, to cultivate them to the utmost,
and then to see what action they will find for themselves.
This has probably never been done for men,
unless in some rare individual cases.  It has certainly
never been done for women: and, till it is done,
all debating about what woman's intellect is-all
speculation, or laying down the law, as to what is
woman's sphere, is a mere beating of the air.  A
priori conceptions have long been found worthless
in physical science, and nothing was really effected
till the experimental method was clearly made out
and strictly applied in practice, and the same principle
holds most certainly through the whole range of
Moral Science.  Whether we regard the physical
fact that women are able to do, or the moral fact
of what woman ought to do, it is equally necessary
to abstain from making any decision prior to experiment.
We see plainly enough the waste of time
and thought among the men who once talked of Nature
abhorring a vacuum, or disputed at great length
as to whether angels could go from end to end without
passing through the middle; and the day will
come when it will appear to be no less absurd to
have argued, as men and women are arguing now,
about what woman ought to do, before it was ascertained
what woman can do.  Let us once see a hundred
women educated up too the highest point that
education at present reaches-let them be supplied
with such knowledge as their faculties are found to
crave, and let them be free to use, apply and increase
their knowledge as their faculties shall instigate,
and it will presently appear what is the sphere of
each of the hundred.  One may be discovering
comets, like Miss Herschel; one may be laying
open the mathematical structure of the universe,
like Mrs. Somerville; another may be analyzing the
chemical relations of Nature in the laboratory;
another may be penetrating the mysteries of physiology;
other may be applying Science in the healing 
of diseases; others may be investigating the laws of
social relations, learning the great natural laws under
which society, like every thing else.  proceeds;
others, again, may be actively carrying out the social
arrangements which have been formed under
these laws; and other may be chiefly occupied in
family business, in the duties of the wife and mother,
and the ruler of a household.  If, among the hundred
women, a great diversity of powers should appear,
(which I have no doubt would be the case,)
there will always be plenty of scope and material
for the greatest amount and variety of power that
can be brought out.  If not-if it should appear
that women fall below men in all but the domestic 
function-then it will be well that the experiment
has been tried; and the trial had better go on forever,
that woman's sphere may forever determine itself,
to the satisfaction of everybody.
   It is clear that Education, to be what I demand on
behalf of woman, must be intended to issue in active
life.  A man's medical education would be worth
little, if it was not a preparation for practice.  The
astronomer and the chemist would put little force
into their studies, if it was certain that they must
leave off in four or five years, and do nothing for the
rest of their lives; and no man could possibly feel
much interest in political and social morals, if he
knew that he must, all his life long, pay taxes, but
neither speak nor move about public affairs.  Women,
like men, must be educated with a view to action,
or their studies cannot be called Education,
and no judgement can be formed of the scope of their
faculties.  The pursuit must be the life's business,
or it will be mere pastime or an irksome task.  This
was alway my point of difference with one who carefully
cherished a reverence for woman-the late
Dr. Channing.  How much we spoke and wrote of
the old controversy-INFLUENCE vs. OFFICE!  He
would have had any woman study any thing that her
faculties led her to, whether physical science, or
law, government and political economy; but he
would have had her stop at the study.  From the
moment she entered the hospital as physician, and
not nurse; from the moment she took her place in a
court of justice in the jury-box, and not the witness-box;
from the moment she brought her mind and
her voice into the legislature, instead of discussing
the principles of laws at home; from the moment
she enounced and administered justice, instead of
looking upon if from afar, as a thing with which she
had no concern-she would, he feared, lose her influence
as an observing intelligence, standing by in
a state of purity, 'unspotted from the world.'  My
conviction always was, that an intelligence never
carried out into action could not be worth much;
and that, if all the action of human life was of a
character so tainted as to be unfit for woman, it
could be no better for men, and we ought all to sit
down together to let barbarism overtake us once
more.  My own conviction is, that the natural action


               Woman's Rights Convention.
   There was a numerously attended "Woman's
Rights Convention" in Session at Syracuse for
three days of last week.  In the Syracuse Journal 
we have a full report of the proceedings.
Delegates were in attendance from several States,
many of whom were Women of strong and cultivated 
minds.                                       185[?]
   The Resolutions and Debates in this Convention
show that Females in America, if not oppressed 
and degraded, are, in their own judgment
at least, deprived of manifold and essential
rights.  The object of their Conventions is to assert,
demand and obtain these rights.  We had
thought that many, indeed most of the griefs of
which Women complain, were imaginary; and
that for all the "Rights" withheld they enjoy
compensating exemptions.  In this, however, we
may be entirely mistaken, and we therefore
listen attentively to what is aid on the other
side of the question.
   But if these inequalities of privilege and discrepancies
of right are to be reformed, there is,
it strikes us, a difficulty beyond the reach of Reformers.
The evil originated and exists, not
more in the organization of society than in the
constitution and nature of its members.  Indeed
civilized society seems to have been organized in
harmony with the design and purpose of the Creator.
It has seemed to us, therefore, that in America,
when Woman's lot was fortunate, they were
a favored rather than an injured class, and that
their wrongs spring from infirmities incident to
human nature rather than from defects in the organization
of society.  Nature, therefore, is to
blame for much that "Woman's Rights" people
charge upon society.  Nature, for example, either
erred in dividing the human Family into Males
and Females, or it errs when it invests a feminine
body with a masculine mind.  And these exceptions 
to a rule occasion, we apprehend, the
supposed necessity for Reform.  No person can
read the Letters, Appeals, Speeches &c. &c. of
Women prominent in this movement, without
recognizing master minds, indomitable will, and
vaulting ambition; nor without regretting, as
they doubtless do, that they had not been born
men.
   But perhaps all this is erroneous, and that the
equality sought for is attainable.  To redress all
the real wrongs of Women-and the baseness,
treachery, ingratitude and brutality of Men cruelly
wrong too many Women-we are prepared
to second any effort.  But these familiar, every
day, vulgar wrongs do not seem to claim much
attention from "Woman's Rights Convention."
With these Philanthropists the Woman betrayed
by a seducer, deserted by a profligate husband,
beaten by brutal, or left to support the children
of drunken ones, are less obnoxious than the
"Usurpers" and "Tyrants" who withhold from
tenderly nurtured and eligibly situated Ladies
the "Right" of Practising Law, the "Right"
of Voting, the "Right" of holding Office, &c. &c.
   We subjoin enough of the Syracuse Resolutions
submitted to the Convention to show its "griefs"
and the remedies proposed.

   Mrs. ROSE submitted the following Resolution:
   Resolved, That we ask not four our Rights as a gift of
Charity, but as an act of Justice.  For it is in accordance
with the Principles of a Republic-That as a woman has
to pay taxes to maintain Government, she has a right to
participate in the formation and administration of it;
that, as she is amenable to the laws of her country, she is
entitled to a voice in their enactment, and to ail the protective
advantages they can bestow; and, as she is liable
as man to all the vicissitudes of life, she ought to enjoy
the same social rights and privileges.  And any difference,
therefore in the political, civil and social rights, on account 
of sex, is in direct violation of the principles of
Justice and Humanity, and as such, ought to be held up to
the contempt and derision of every liver of human freedom.
   Mrs. L N. FOWLER, (Secretary,) said she would 
give her speech in the form of resolutions, or 
homoepathically:-
   Whereas, We see in the human body, that, through
each organ elects from the same life founts, and nourishment 
requisite for its growth, nutrition and assimilation,
yet that each, from the highest and lowest function,
has an individual of its own, independent of all the others,
therefore in order to follow out the analogy of nature, let
us-
   Resolved, That in the great body politic or in the great
social body, each one, irrespective of sex, talent or capability
for a lighter or lower mission, fulfill the great ends
of their being.
   Resolved, That, as it is said by many, that the race has 
become dwarfed in body and mind, through the folly and
imbecility of woman, and that it is chiefly by their instrumentality,
that it can be redeemed: Therefore-
   Resolved, That all women be recommended, yea, earnestly
entreated, to understand thoroughly the human organism
in its physiological and anatomical relations, that
there may be a more harmonious development, and that
the curse of physical weakness and deterioration be in a
measure removed from the race,
   Miss ANTHONY then read the following resolutions
from Mrs. STANTION, sent with her letter:-
   1.  Resolved, That it is the duty of the women of those
States in which woman has now by law a right to the property 
she inherits, to refuse to pay taxes so long as she is
unrepresented in the government.
   2.  Resolved, That the highest interest of the race demand
that man and woman be educated together.  This
isolation of the sexes in all places of business and pleasure
is crippling to the intellect of woman, and destructive of
the best affections of man.
   3.  Resolved, That while we rejoice in the fact, that we
now have physicians of both soul and body from our own
sex, we still feel the need of woman in the legal profession,
whose intellect, sharpened by her own interests, may suggest
more liberal interpretations of our present laws, or
show the necessity of a new Code, far better and higher,
more wise and just, than that now disgraces our
statute books.
   The editor of the Syracuse Journal, who was in
constant attendance, speaks thus favorably, and
justly we doubt not, of the deliberations of the
Convention:-
   All who attended any portion of the Convention, or the
whole, will unite with us in pronouncing it the most dignified,
orderly and interesting deliberative body ever convened
in this city.  The officers-and, most especially, the
distinguished woman who occupied the President's chair-
evinced a thorough acquaintance with the duties of their
stations, and performed them in admirable manner.  The
speakers, who were mostly of the number who have devoted
themselves in a considerable degree to the advocacy of the
objects for the promotion of which the Convention was
held, were women of decided ability, and they appeared in
the capacity of public speakers to equal advantage with
any who have ever participated in meetings of like nature
in this "City of Conventions."
   No person acquainted with the doings of the assemblage,
and competent to pass judgment in the matter, will deny
that there was a greater amount of talent in the recent
Woman's Rights Convention, than has characterized any
political gathering in this State during ten years past, and
probably s longer period, if ever  It was a peculiar kind
of talent, it is true.  The possessors of it are women who
have "made their mark" in the republic of letters.  Several
have been acknowledged, for years, as among the foremost
of the literati of the country and have not seen their 
best days of usefulness.  For compact logic, eloquent and
correct expression, and the making of frequent and plain
points we have never met the equals of two or three of 
the number.  The appearance of all before the audience
was modest and unassuming, though prompt, energetic and
confident.  Business was brought forward, calmly deliberated
upon, and disposed of which unanimity, and in a spirit
becoming true women, and which would add an unknown
dignity, and consequent influence, to the transactions of
public assemblies of the "lords."

Alice Blackwell
note in 182 WRT Conv

"We talked the matter over, and decided that it was time something
was done for the women as well as for the Negroes. and that the
best way to do it was to hold a convention. We did not know then how
much co-operation we should have. The anti-slavery people were full of
their own work, but Mr. Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Gerrit Smith, Henry
C. Wright, and most of the abolitionists who were on the side of
Mr. Garrison, were in favor of equal rights for women. We had not any
money or any organization, and the question arose, how are we ever to
make this woman's rights convention known? We agreed that we would divide
the correspondence. Some should write to one State and some to
another, to see whom we could get to unite in calling the convention.
"I went to Mr. Garrison, and I shall never forget the tender sympathy
with which he spoke to me about it. I said, 'We haven't any money or
any friends, and we don't know what to do, only that we are bound
to have a convention.' And he said to me, [Thre never was] 'There
never was a movement that began so small and so poor as the anti-slavery
movement but it was rich in truth, and, because it was, it has
succeeded so far, and it will succeed. Yours is just as true, and it
will succeed. Never be discouraged!' Mr. Garrison and Mr. Phillips
were constantly suggesting methods of work, and name of person to
whom to write. At length a list of names was secured. A wealth of character
and nobility joined in the call for that first convention."
(4)

THE LIBERATOR.                     [*Dec 5 1856*]
THE LIBERATOR.
WOMAN'S RIGHTS CONVENTION IN NEW
                             YORK.
   In response to a call from Mrs. Paulina Wright Davis
and Mrs. Lucy stone (Blackwell), President and
Secretary of the last year's Woman's Rights Convention,
those interested in Woman's Rights met on Tuesday
morning of last week, in the Tabernacle, New
York city, to the number of a thousand.  Three-fourths
of those present were ladies.
   The Convention was called to order by Mrs. Paulina
Wright Davis, who stated that at a little meeting which
they had held the night before, they had determined
upon a list of officers, and she proposed Mrs. LUCY
STONE (BLACKWELL) for President of the Convention.
   The nomination was accepted, and the organization
of the meeting completed by the choice of the following
officers:-
   Vice Presidents-Mrs. Lucretia Mott, of Pa.; Mrs.
Lucretia Mott, of Ohio; Mr. T. W. Higginson, of Mass.;
Mrs. Cornelia Moore, of N.J.; Mr. A. Bronson Alcott,
of N. H.; Mrs. Sarah H. Halleck, of New York;
and Mrs. C. I. H. Nichols, of Kansas.
   Secretaries-Mrs. Martha C. Wright, of New York;
Mr. Oliver Johnson, of New York, and Mrs. Henrietta
Johnson, of New Jersey.
   Business Committee-Mrs. Ernestine L. Rose, Mr.
Wendell Phillips, Miss Susan B. Anthony, Mr. T. W.
Higginson, Mr. James Mott, Mrs. M. A. W. Johnson,
and Mr. William Green, Jr.
   Treasurer-Mr. Wendell Phillips.
   Finance Committee-Miss Susan B. Anthony.
   The PRESIDENT, in a speech of some length, then detailed
the progress which had been made since the commencement
of the Woman's Rights movement.  When
they began, there was not a wife who could own what
she earned-there was not one now in New York-nor
was there one who could make a will, unless her husband
stated in it that he gave her his permission, or
who could hold property, unless it was vested in trustees.
Now, in Massachusetts, they had been heard before
a Constitutional Convention, and their petition for
suffrage rejected only because, as they had but two
thousand names to it, the Convention inferred that the 
great mass of the women of Massachusetts did not desire
it.  And two years ago, when the men of Massachusetts 
took the control of the State out of the hands
of the Hunkerism of Boston statutes were passed giving
married women the right to own property, real or
personal to their own earnings, and to make a will.
Maine, New Hampshire and Rhode Island had modified
their statutes very considerably.  In Vermont, according
to the old law, when a man died leaving no children, 
half his property went to his wife and half to 
the State.  They now thought more of the wife than of 
the State there.  In New York, Mrs. Rose and Susan 
B. Anthony had been before the Legislature, and for
the last two years, there had been a bill before the Legislature
providing that when a husband is a drunkard
or a profligate, his wife shall have a right to what she
earns.  Ohio had modified her laws very much, and
Wisconsin had given almost all that they could ask,
except the right of suffrage.  And last year, there were
three manly men found there, who dared report in favor
of free suffrage for women as well as men.  In
Michigan, it was proposed, two years ago, that women
should have the right to their own babies; (parenthetically
to the audience, 'None of you have;') but there
was one Mormon member of the Legislature, who defeated
the bill.  Still further West, in Nebraska, when
Mrs. Bloomer sent in a petition asking that women
should have a right to vote, a bill to that effect passed
the House, and in the Senate went to a third reading,
and was lost only on account of the early closing of the 
session.  They would get the right first there, if any
where, and she knew scores of women who would go to
Nebraska to live, when they could get the right of suffrage
there, for they said it was better to be citizens
than to be subjects.  They had claimed, too, for women,
the advantages of a higher and broader culture,
and there were springing up all over the land female 
colleges  Her curse was upon them for their results;
her blessing for what they stood for.  They were all
second-rate, but they showed that woman's claim of the
highest opportunity for culture would be granted to her.
Horace Mann had told her that at Antioch College, a
woman had solved problems in mathematics which no
man there could do.  In England, too, there was some
agitation.  She had lately seen an article in the London
Times, and last winter, a petition, which was sent to
Parliament by the Howitts, Harriet Martineau, and
Mrs. Jameson, was presented by Lord Brougham, and
received with respect.  The admirable essay of Mr.
Higginson on Woman and her Wishes, and a Sermon by
Theodore Parker, had been reprinted there.  A compilation
of British Law in relation to Women had also
been published.  During the Presidential campaign,

law, and forced them into the untold tortures of unwilling
maternity, cursing their offspring in the very begetting
with the infernal inheritance of physical and
moral pollution.  This deprivation of personal liberty
had, through all the ages, been working with terrible
effect on the destiny of woman and the race.  Out of
this assumption had grown up with the marriage institution
a system of legalized prostitution, which gave
man unbounded license to sensual indulgence, degrading
him to the mere level of animal life, while it robbed
woman of beauty, health and vigor, turned the sweetness
and loveliness of her nature to the bitterness of
discontent, and changed all her love to loathing.  Let
her be rescued from this profanation; give her the supreme 
control of her most sacred function, and would
the world longer be peopled with such swarms of half-made
wretches, the offspring of bitterness and hate, as
now oozed out from the pestilential dens of our thronged
cities, to be thrust into the charnel house or throttled
on the gallows?
   Mrs. ROSE presented the Business Committee's report,
and it was read by Mrs. Paulina Wright Davis, 
as follows:-
   Resolved, That the close of a Presidential election
affords a peculiarly appropriate occasion to renew the
demands of woman for a consistent application of Democratic 
principles.
   Resolved, That the Republican party, appealing constantly 
through its orators to female sympathies, and
using for one of its most popular rallying cries a female
name, is peculiarly pledged by consistency to do
justice to woman hereafter, in States where it holds
control.
   Resolved, That the Democratic party, also, must be
utterly false to its name and its professed principles, or
else must extend their application to both halves of the
human race.
   Resolved, That the present uncertain and inconsistent
position of Woman in our community-not fully recognized
either as a slave or as an equal-taxed, but
not represented-authorized to earn property, but not
free to control it-allowed to obtain education, but not
encouraged to use it-permitted to prepare papers for
scientific bodies, but not to read them-urged to form
political opinions, but not allowed to vote upon them-
all mark a traditional period in human history which
cannot long endure.
   Resolved, That the main power of the Woman's 
Rights movement lies in this: that while always demanding 
for Woman better education, better employment
and better laws, it has always kept steadily in
view the one cardinal demand-for the RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE-
as being, in a Democracy, the symbol and the
guaranty of all other rights.
   Resolved, That the monopoly of the Elective Franchise,
and thereby all the powers of legislative government,
by man, solely on the ground of sex, is a usurpation, 
condemned alike by reason and common sense;
subversive of all the principles of justice; oppressive
and demoralizing in its operations, and insulting to
the dignity of human nature.
   Resolved, That while the constant progress of laws,
education and industry prove that our efforts for Woman
in these respects are not wasted, we yet proclaim
ourselves unsatisfied, and are only encouraged to renewed
efforts until the whole be gained.
   After a few remarks from Mrs. Lucretia Mott on
the importance of brief speeches, the President announced
that a letter had been received from Mr. Francis 
Jackson, of Boston, enclosing $50; and Rev. T
W. Higginson read a letter from the Rev. Samuel Johnson,
of Salem.
   Miss SUSAN B. ANTHONY spoke on the necessity of
the dissemination of printed matter on this subject.
She named the Lily, the Woman's Advocate, and said 
they had some documents for sale at the platform.
   A Gentle man offered a lot of resolutions, and although
the President stated that they would go to the
Business Committee, proceeded to read them.  They
provided for the preparation and publication of a full 
report of the proceedings of the Convention, and also
for offering premiums for essays on various subjects,
one of which was, whether if the state of society were
such that girls of fifteen could, by some light, mechanical
labor be rendered pecuniarily independent, it would
be favorable to general morality.
   Mrs. ERNESTINE L. ROSE made some remarks on Mr
Johnson's letter, that it was not true that the mother
was deprived of her own children.  She had been all
over the Northern States, and she had never been in a
county where some man was not claiming his child, and
trying to tear it from its mother.  Not that he cared a 
copper for it, but to tantalize its mother.
   The PRESIDENT said that a slip had been sent up to
the platform, on which it was written that women had
control of their property.  This was not true.  She
knew of many a men man, who, taking advantage of
a mean law, married a young girl for her property, and
paid his debts with it.  There was a great work to do

six and eighteen, was allowed to vote in person or by
proxy, as she chose.  His principle was, if women were
not to be allowed to vote, they shall not be taxed.  If
this were not done, he would have Bancroft and Hildreth
sealed books, and allow Mr. Gilmore Simms to
have his own way with the history of all the States.
He thought that the little editors who wore coats, and
therefore presumed to say that Ms. Somerville and
Charlotte Bronte stepped out of their sphere, exhibited
at least courage.
                                 SECOND DAY.
   The Convention was called to order by the President,
Mrs. Lucy Stone (Blackwell), and the minutes of the 
previous day were read by the Secretary, Mrs. Martha
C. Wright, who, by the way, and not Mrs. Paulina
Wright Davis, originally called the Convention to order.
Nearly 500 people were present.  The first resolution
was read.
   Mrs. ERNESTINE L. ROSE said that she hoped that if
there was any opposition to the resolution which had
just been read, it would be expressed.  During the last 
election, although she was in Europe, still, the fire of
freedom shed its benign rays across the ocean.  Political 
parties were dissolved; the question now was Freedom
or Slavery.  This Convention, too, based its action
not merely upon woman's rights, but upon human
rights.  She moved that this resolution be put to vote.
   Mr. MOORE said that during the late Presidential
canvass, he heard more than once from the oldest member
of Congress, that the struggle for freedom was based 
on the equal rights of every human being.  This
struggle was based on the same principle.
   Mr. T. W. HIGGINSON hope I that they should have
more speaking from the floor and less from the platform
than yesterday.  It was positively true that the Republican
party was pledged to support the cause of
Woman, as they had called upon women to support 
their cause.  If there was any real Democratic party
in the country, it must be in favor of Woman's Rights.
He was invited to speak in Montpelier by those who
were endeavoring to obtain an appropriation from the
Vermont Legislature for Kansas, and when he arrived
there, the meeting was delayed a day, in order that the
women of Montpelier might be notified and come to the
meeting; 'for,' said the originators of the movement,
'if we get the women in the galleries to respond to
your speech, the Legislature can't stand the double
fire.'  He related some noble instances of womanly heroism 
in Kansas, and offered the following resolution:
   Resolved, That the warm sympathies of this Convention
are respectfully offered to those noble women in
England who are struggling against wrongs even greater
than those of American women, but the same in
kind; and we trust that they will follow out their demand
in logical consistency, until they comprise the 
full claim for the equality of the sexes before the law.
   Mr. Higginson eulogized the principal asserters of
Woman's Rights in England.  The English movement
encountered greater obstacles than the American.
English women had superb frames, magnificent muscles,
they could speak three or four languages, but they had
no views.  He thanked god that he lived in a State
where women had views.  Man and woman were one
before God, and so long as Woman was a slave, Man
was a despot; so long as her education was partial,
Man's must be partial; and there was need of Woman's
Rights Conventions to save the reputation of the century
in history.
   An Elderly Lady asked what was meant by female
views?
   Mr. HIGGINSON would refer that to the women.
   Mrs. ROSE said the English women did think, but
they had not the moral courage to express themselves.
It was her good fortune in London to see not only some
of the women who were well known, but some young
women who were not yet known to America.  Miss
Smith, Miss Fox, daughter of the member of Parliament,
and Miss Parkes, were the prime movers in the
petition to Parliament.  But in England, men were not 
yet represented.  If human rights were not recognized,
of course it was difficult to secure the recognition of
woman's rights.  The ladies of England, too, had to
struggle against aristocratic prejudices, but they had
some sympathizers among the titled; and she thought
they would present a petition this winter, which should
count its signers by tens of thousands.  She offered
the following resolution:-
Resolved, That we also present our assurances of respect 
and esteem to the supporters and co-workers in 
the cause of Woman in Paris, the worthy successors of 
Pauline Roland and Jeanne Derouen, who, in the face 
of Imperial despotism, dare to tell the truth.
   Mrs. Rose said that she dared not name the lovers of
freedom in Paris, for their names might be echoed in
Paris, and there were prisons there.  They wrote, but
they could not publish in Paris; they were obliged to
do that in Sardinia, and circulate their publications
privately.  Among the French women, there was a

America had no precedent.  The President proceeded 
to urge the adoption of the resolutions gracefully and
persuasively, at considerable length.  She said one
thing which may be quoted: 'It is not in our stars,
but in ourselves, that we are underlings.'
   Mr. KINGSBURY, an elderly gentlemen, urged that 
nature and revelation were harmonious, and the Convention
adjourned.
                     AFTERNOON SESSION
   After the re-reading of the resolutions,
   Mr. HENRY BLACKWELL spoke of the utility of discussion,
and the importance of bringing up all possible
objections to feminine freedom.  The current idea was
that these women were trying to unsex themselves, to
obtain something which, if obtained, would be unenjoyable
by them.  He reviewed the disabilities under
which women labored in the State of New York.  They
complained that any husband, drunken or otherwise,
could rub his wife of her earnings and her children.
When the wife died, the husband had by law the whole
of her property; when the husband died, the wife
could get but one third of her husband's estate.  No
man could hesitate to place woman on an equality with
man, so far as these things were concerned, but he
thought that the right of suffrage was still clearer.
The basis of representation was, the government rested
on the consent of the governed.  It was a maxim
the world over, that every man, however ignorant, was
better qualified to make laws for himself than any other
man, however wise, was to make laws for him.  The
law should be made by those who had to obey it.  From
two things women had been shut out-business and
war, production and destruction.  He thought that if
woman's right to engage in military affairs were conceded,
it would annihilate war.  With regard to business,
he demanded that the unconscious legislation of
public opinion should allow woman to engage in any
business which she could engage in, and not sneer at
her.  Half the marriages whish were now contracted
would not be, were women pecuniarily independent.
He did not advocate celibacy.  He knew that a man
was but half a man until he was well and worthily
married.  He believed that there was not a man or woman
among them who was not capable of such a marriage,
and they all knew how few such there were.  If
he believed that the command to wives to obey their
husbands was to be understood as the gentleman who
spoke of it this morning seemed to understand it,
he should first of all command his wife never to bey
him.
   Miss SUSAN B. ANTHONY said that several gentlemen
had brought her donations.  Two gentlemen from New 
England had brought her $65.
   A woman said that when she was a child, her heart
began to study this cause.  When she went to the district
school in the country, she remembered that when
the trustee came to the examination, after it was over,
he complimented the boys, and told them that study
would open to them the avenues of wealth and fame.
He then complimented the girls, and told them there
had been a few bright examples of female eminence in
literature.  She expected something more, but he sat
down, and her heart sat down.  If this were all, what
hope was there in study for her?  She had been made
to hesitate, not so much by Paul, as by the fact that
Christ selected none of his apostles from among women.
The only argument which could be urged against it,
the physical weakness of woman, could have been removed
by miraculous support from him.
   Dr. WELLINGTON made some remarks, and the first
three resolutions were adopted.
   The PRESIDENT then read a letter from Mrs. Antoinett
L. Brown Blackwell, suggesting the appointment
of a committee to prepare a memorial to the Legislatures 
of the States, asking for such changes as are desirable
in the legislation of the various States.
   Mr. WENDELL PHILLIPS thought it would be better
to recommend to the women of the several States to
commence such movements.  The essence of American
liberty was, that every body and every class should
have the power to protect itself.  The central idea of
our Revolution was, no privileged class.  Every class
ought to have that strength which could be derived 
alone from the struggle to protect itself.  All he asked 
was that woman should have a field-that she should
have a right to try.  Goethe had said, that if you
planted an oak in a flower-pot, on of two things would
happen-either the oak would dwarf, or the flower-pot
must break.  Let it break.  He insisted on the right of
suffrage, as comprehending all other rights.  Put half
the wealth of Wall street on the votes of women, and
Wall street men would feel the necessity of educating 
women.  Open to them the career of labor, and they
have the incentive to study.  One half the temptations
before which man's devotion to his ideal gave way
arose from his necessity of providing for helpless daughters.
   After some remarks from LUCRETIA MOTT, who
thought they should remonstrate and demand, rather

far better be given to reclaim these votaries of vice.
From the right to earn property, they came to the right
to control it and dispose of it.  They asked for the
wife an equal share in the property accumulated by the
married pair.  And when the man died, even the third 
which the law gave to her went at her death to his fifty
ninth cousin, although she might have a mother or sister
living.  The laws of the country denied her right
to her children.  Good men did not need these laws;
bad men should not have them.  Woman must be able
to be not only a wife, not only a mother, but a capable
teacher of her offspring.  Intellect, virtue, happiness,
life, death, all recognized a sex.  Woman's claims were
based on her humanity.  Tell her not what Paul said,
or what Peter said.  The rights of woman had an existence
long before Peter or Paul lived or wrote.
(Cheers and hisses.)
   Mrs. LUCRETIA MOTT was next assigned the floor by
the President.  She spoke of the early steps taken by
woman in the anti-slavery movement, and said that
when Maria Edgeworth published her first works, she
did not think it decorous to put her name on the title-page.
She then spoke of the Apostolic arguments, and
of the general aspect of the cause.  There was a marriage
relation, she said, in which the independence of
the husband and wife would be equal, the dependence
mutual, and their obligations reciprocal.  She presented
the following resolution:-
   Resolved, That as the poor slave's alleged contentment
with his servile and cruel bondage only proves
the depth of his degradation, so the assertion with regard 
to woman, that she has all the rights she wants,
only proves how far the restraints and disabilities to
which she has been subjected have rendered her insensible
to the blessings of true liberty.
   The resolution was adopted.
   The time and place of the next Convention was then
referred to the Central Committee, which was to hold a
meeting that day.
   The PRESIDENT then said a few words.  She would
like, for one six months, to give the men the occupation
of the fashionable women; she would like for them to
have a dress nine times a day, and crochet dogs and 
cats, and wear long dresses, and then to tell them that
they had nothing to do with public affairs, and see then
if they would be patient under it.  Horace Greeley, in
the letter which had been read to them, had said that
he did not think woman's intellect equal to man's.  He
had struggled his way to greatness.  He spoke, and
the great listened.  Suppose he had been told by his
mother, 'Here is your brother beside you, you can have
no place in the great school of life; you may pay taxes,
but he shall make the laws,'  And if such a mountain
of lead as that weighed on his heart, all the while
he was struggling to be somebody, did they think that
he would have ever become what he was now?  She
was glad that he had not had the trial.  When history
came to tell that in the year 1856, in New York, a
woman could not own her own earnings, or her own
baby, and a Kansas Free-State man could not hold his
own property, then people would say that law-makers
in New York and border-ruffians in Kansas were very
much alike then.  She concluded by recommending
some tracts which were for sale on the platform, and
the Convention adjourned sine die.

B. Anthony had been before the Legislature, and for
the last two years, there had been a bill before the Legislature
providing that when a husband is a drunkard 
or a profligate, his wife shall have a right to what she
earns.  Ohio had modified her laws very much, and
Wisconsin had given almost all that they could ask,
except the right of suffrage.  And last year, there were
three manly men found there, who dared report in favor
of free suffrage for women as well as men.  In
Michigan, it was proposed, two years ago, that women
should have the right to their own babies; (parenthetically
to the audience, 'None of you have;') but there
was one Mormon member of the Legislature, who defeated
the bill.  Still further West, in Nebraska, when
Mrs. Bloomer sent in a petition asking that women
should have a right to vote, a bill to that effect passed
the House, and in the Senate went to a third reading,
and was lost only on account of the early closing of the
session.  They would get the right first there, if any
where, and she knew scores of women who would go to
Nebraska to live, when they could get the right of suffrage
there, for they said it was better to be citizens
than to be subjects.  They had claimed, too, for women,
the advantages of a higher and broader culture,
and there were springing up all over the land female
colleges  Her curse was upon them for their results;
her blessing for what they stood for.  They were all
second-rate, but they showed that woman's claim of the
highest opportunity for culture would be granted to her.
Horace Mann had told her that at Antioch College, a
woman had solved problems in mathematics which no
man there could do.  in England, too, there was some
agitation.  She had lately seen an article in the London
Times, and last winter, a petition, which was sent to
Parliament by the Howitts, Harriet Martineau, and
Mrs. Jameson, was presented by Lord Brougham, and
received with respect.  The admirable essay of Mr.
Higginson on Woman and her Wishes, and a Sermon by
Theodore Parker, had been reprinted there.  A compilation
of British Law in relation to Women had also 
been published.  During the Presidential campaign,
every where the Republicans had said that there would
be seats reserved for the ladies at their meetings, and
when Mr. Fremont was to be seen in New York, there
was no peace among the people until Jessie came out
too.  They all recognized woman's right to have something
at least to do with politics.  And so she came
there with fresher hope in her heart.  They had advertised 
that certain speakers would be present, but if any
man or woman had an earnest word to say for or
against them, God forbid that any such should be
crowded out.  They should commence their sessions at
10 1/2 A. M., and 7 1/2 P. M.
   Mrs. ROSE, Chairman of the Business Committee,
asked that Committee to retire.
   Mrs. MARY F. DAVIS was then introduced.  She
commenced with a sketch of the condition of woman in
the earlier and more barbarous ages, when man little
thought that the passive being by his side, whom he
regarded as scarcely better than his horse, was to be
his redeeming angel, and traced the progress of the
emancipation of woman in knowledge and action,
bringing the memory of queens and auteresses to witness
and illustrate it.  In the material realm, woman's
power was very great.  it was in a great measure by
the women of England that the abolition of slavery
on English soil was effected, and she hoped that this
influence of woman would soon make itself felt over the
land of the free and the home of the brave.  But more
than this was her influence spiritual and artistic.  In
the far future, woman would be able to love without
self-annihilation at the shrine of her devotion.  But
there was a long work to do first.  She read passages
from Judge Reeve's statement of the law in relation to
woman, asserting the right of the husband to the person
of his wife, which was, under the law, as complete
as that of the master to his slave.  If she could bind
herself by a contract, she would be liable to imprisonment
for violating it, and might thus be taken from her
husband.  This the law would not allow; therefore,
she must not have the right to make contracts.  This
right of the husband to the person of the woman, Mrs.
Davis thought one of the most prolific causes of woman's
woes, producing, as it did, a mass of legalized
licentiousness, which was as destructive to the health
and morals of the offspring as the health and happiness
of the wife.  A beautiful woman, whose husband
was a rich and influential man, and who had a number
of beautiful children, took prussic acid not long ago.
People wondered why she, the favored one, should do
the fearful deed.  She (Mrs. Davis) had read her heart,
and she knew that the marble halls in which she lived 
were a prison to her, and her silken robes were chains
that bound her to a tyrant's lust.  How many a wretched
woman trembled at the sound of a familiar voice,
which should fill her soul with music, and quailed at
the glance of that eye which should send the sunshine
dancing to her heart!  How many went to their lord-like
menials for the pittance which their necessities required,
and felt all their nature outraged by the sense
of beggary forced on them by the grudgingness of the
bestowal!  How many more found themselves chained
for life to monsters of intemperance and vice, who
robbed them of their earnings under the sanction of the

subversive of all the principles of justice; oppressive
and demoralizing in its operations, and insulting to
the dignity of human nature.
   Resolved, That while the constant progress of laws,
education and industry prove that our efforts for Woman
in these respects are not wasted, we yet proclaim
ourselves unsatisfied, and are only encouraged to renewed 
efforts until the whole be gained.
   After a few remarks from Mrs. Lucretia Mott on
the importance of brief speeches, the President announced
that a letter had been received from Mr. Francis
Jackson, of Boston, enclosing $50; and Rev.T
W. Higginson read a letter from the Rev. Samuel Johnson,
of Salem.
   Miss SUSAN B. ANTHONY spoke on the necessity of
the dissemination of printed matter on this subject.
She named the Lily, the Woman's Advocate, and said
they had some documents for sale at the platform.
   A Gentleman offered a lot of resolutions, and although
the President stated that they would go to the 
Business Committee, proceeded to read them.  They
provided for the preparation and publication of a full
report of the proceedings of the Convention, and also
for offering premiums for essays on various subjects,
on of which was, whether if the state of society were
such that girls of fifteen could, by some light, mechanical
labor be rendered pecuniarily independent, it would
be favorable to general morality.
   Mrs. ERNESTINE L. ROSE made some remarks on Mr
Johnson's letter, that it was not true that the mother
was deprived of her own children.  She had been all
over the Northern States, and she had never been in a
county were some man was not claiming his child, and
trying to tear it from its mother.  Not that he cared a 
copper for it, but to tantalize its mother.
   The PRESIDENT said that a slip had been sent up to
the platform, on which it was written that women had
control of their property.  This was not true.  She
knew of many a men man, who, taking advantage of 
a mean law, married a young girl of her property, and
paid his debts with it.  There was a great work to do
An alarming amount of ignorance was to be overcome
Only the other day she heard a woman say, 'O! yes;
this Woman's Rights will be a fine thing; then I can
go down to Stewart's. and run up a big bill, and my
husband will pay for it.'  Woman's Rights was not 
running up big bills at Stewart's.  The Printer's Union
at Boston discountenanced the employment of female
compositors; that was unworthy of them.  If this Convention
should awaken in one woman an earnest purpose
to be a noble woman and to be herself, if it should
make one man reverence his mother more, it will not
have been in vain.
   The Convention then adjourned.
                                EVENING SESSION.
   The Convention reassembled at 7 1/2 0'clock; about five
hundred people were present.
   Mrs. ELIZABETH JONES spoke for an hour and a quarter
on the wants of woman, what had been done for
her, and what remained for her to do for herself,  Her
ideal of a woman was one who could not only make
bread and darn stockings, but also be the equal of her
companion in judgment and scholastic attainments, and
in her ability to earn an independent living.
   Mr. WENDELL PHILLIPS was then introduced.  He
said that he had been told that the Times of [?]-day
threatened the women that if they went on, they would 
forfeit the protection of the men.  Perhaps it might not
be needed.  Nine-tenths of all the men could not defend
their right to vote so well as the woman who had just
sat down.  The situation of woman was a complete
index of civilization; Utah was barbarism.  The Saxon
race had led the van in the elevation of woman.  The
first line of Saxon history was written by Tacitus, when 
he chronicled that 'on all great question, they consult 
their women.'  Europe had known three phases: the
dominion of bullies-of brute force; the dominion of
wealth, which we now saw; and the dominion of brain,
which was to come.  In this new reign, a career for
woman would be opened.  We lived in a government
where the N. Y. Herald and the N. Y. Tribune were
more really the governing power than Franklin Pierce.
Woman's right to vote he regarded as the nucleus of
all her rights; he considered it to be founded on the
great American principle, that the tax-list and the ballot-box
always went together.  If it were based upon
intellectual capacity, why, Mrs. Somerville or Harriet
Martineau could spare brains enough to set up all the
editors who had ever ridiculed the movement, and not
miss any.  (Laughter and applause.)  The two great
objects of society were the production of wealth and
thought.  Woman had more of the elements of thrift
than man; she saved more than half of the wealth
that was saved.  And who would say that woman was
not the equal of man in giving impulse to public opinion?
The most advanced ideas of France, the social
teacher of Europe, had been first discussed in the saloons
of woman.  Woman could not now be educated, 
because she had no motive for opening books.  She
could secure through them only the name of Bluestocking.
But the statute-books of the States lad begun to
change all that.  In Kentucky, women were allowed
to vote.  In the election of trustees for the school fund,
every widow in this State, who had a child between

Woman's Rights in England.  The English movement
encountered greater obstacles than the American,
English women had superb frames, magnificent muscles,
they could speak three of four languages, but they had
no views.  He thanked God that he lived in a State
where women had views.  Man and Woman were one
before God, and so long as Woman was a slave, Man
was a despot; so long as her education was partial,
Man's must be partial; and there was need of Woman's
Rights Conventions to save the reputation of the century
in history.
   An Elderly Lady asked what was meant by female
view?
   Mr. HIGGINSON would refer that to the women.
   Mrs. ROSE said the English women did think, but
they had not the moral courage to express themselves.
It was her good fortune in London to see not only some
of the women who were well known, but some young
women who were not yet known to America.  Miss
Smith, Miss Fox, daughter of the member of Parliament,
and Miss Parkes, were the prime movers in the
petition of Parliament.  But in England, men were not
yet represented.  If human rights were not recognized,
of course it was difficult to secure the recognition of
woman's rights.  The ladies of England, too, had to
struggle against aristocratic prejudices, but they had
some sympathizers among the titled; and she thought
they would present a petition this winter, which should
count its signers by tens of thousands.  She offered
the following resolution:-
   Resolved, That we also present our assurances of respect
and esteem to the supporters and co-workers in
the cause of Woman in Paris, the worthy successors of
Pauline Roland and Jeanne Derouen, who, in the face
of Imperial despotism, dare to tell the truth.
   Mrs. Rose said that she dared not name the lovers of
freedom in Paris, for their names might be echoed in
Paris, and there were prisons there.  They wrote, but
they could not publish in Paris; they were obliged to
do that in Sardinia, and circulate their publications
privately.  Among the French women, there was a 
total absence of jealousy of talents and of worth.  But
poor France was now oppressed as it had never been oppressed
before.  Men and women were privately imprisoned, 
and no paper dared to publish an account of
it.  When they spoke there of freedom, they were
obliged to look well to the windows and doors.
   A young Gentleman, with a very faint suspicion of
a mustache, wished Mr. Higginson to inform him whether
the claim for woman's rights was founded in nature
or revelation.
   Mr. HIGGINSON said that the Women's Rights movement
comprised men and women of the widest range of
opinion, from those who claim to be strict Calvinists to
those who would resent the imputation of having any
religion at all.  He believed, too, that there were Roman
Catholics who were believers in Woman's Rights.
Mrs. Antoinette Brown Blackwell had been spending
her time lately in ciphering woman's rights out of the
Bible, and she had done it as clearly as the clergymen
of the city ciphered out their respective religions.  For
himself, he derived his idea of woman's rights from the
eternal laws of God.  Was the gentleman answered?
   The Gentleman thought that he was not answered.
He maintained that this claim of woman's rights was
peculiar to this age, and to a very small portion of the
world.  Now, if the claim were founded in nature, it
would be found every where.  It could not founded 
in nature, nor was it founded in nature, which required
that woman should obey man.  (Loud applause and
hisses.)  He contended that the physical frame of woman
dictated her sphere.  Her voice was fitted for the
parlor, and not for the rostrum.  God had made angels
to sing, and had given them voices; He had made men
to do good, and had given them powers to do good.  he
had made women for a particular purpose, and had
given them powers for that.  He had been led to these
remarks by the rambling and desultory language he
had heard.
   Mr. HIGGINSON said that there were a good many
races that did not know that two and two make four.
According to the gentleman's idea of natural laws,
therefore, it was not natural that two and two should
make four.
   The PRESIDENT answered the interrogatory of the
young gentleman with the Golden Rule, and said, she
believed that when Paul said there was no distinction
between Jew or Gentile, bond or free, male or female,
he meant what he said.  Whatever in the Bible conflicts
with the Golden Rule, never came down from
heaven.  Then, as to nature, capacity indicated rights.
The capacity to speak indicated the right to do so.  The
gentleman had spoken of the feebleness of woman's
voice.  Why, all Europe had listened with delight to
Rachel and Jenny Lind.  The Nova Scotia women were
voting for member of Parliament, and yet babies were 
born and dinners cooked there as well as elsewhere
Among Quakers, women spoke in meetings, and never
promised to bey when they were married; and yet
the pleasant faces of the Quaker men proved that they
were not henpecked.  The gentleman need not be so
particular about a precedent.  Columbus had no precedent.
The noble queen whose jewels discovered.

would open to them the avenues of wealth and fame.
He then complimented the girls, and told them there
had been a few bright examples of female eminence in
literature.  She expected something more, but he sat
down, and her heart sat down.  If this were all, what
hope was there in study for her?  She had been made
to hesitate, not so much by Paul, as by the fact that
Christ selected none of his apostles from among women.
The only argument which could be urged against it,
the physical weakness of woman, could have been removed 
by miraculous support from him.
   Dr. WELLINGTON made some remarks, and the first
three resolutions were adopted.
   The PRESIDENT then read a letter from Mrs. Antoinett
L. Brown Blackwell, suggesting the appointment
of a committee to prepare a memorial to the Legislatures
of the States, asking for such changes as are desirable
in the legislation of the various States.
   Mr. WENDELL PHILLIPS thought it would be better
to recommend to the women of the several States to
commence such movements.  The essence of American
liberty was, that every body and every class should
have the power to protect itself.  The central idea of
our Revolution was, no privileged class.  Every class
ought to have that strength which could be derived
alone from the struggle to protect itself.  All he asked
was that woman should have a field-that she should 
have a right to try.  Goethe had said, that if you
planted an oak in a flower-pot, one of two things would
happen-either the oak would dwarf, or the flower-pot
must break.  Let it break.  he insisted on the right of
suffrage, as comprehending all other rights.  Put half
the wealth of Wall street on the votes of women, and
Wall street men would feel the necessity of educating
women.  Open to them the career of labor, and they
have the incentive to study.  One half the temptations
before which man's devotion to his ideal gave way
arose from his necessity of providing for helpless daughters.
   After some remarks from LUCRETIA MOTT, who
thought they should remonstrate and demand, rather
than petition, a letter was read from HORACE GREELEY,
defining his position in regard to the movement.
   The Convention then adjourned.
                               EVENING SESSION.
   At 7 1/2 P. M., the Convention reassembled.  The audience
was twice as large as during the day.
   Mr. T. W. HIGGINSON spoke of the lack of reverence 
for women among men.  Voltaire had said that ideas
were like beards- -women and young men had none;
Lessing, that a woman who thought, was like a man
who put on rouge-ridiculous; Maginn, that we liked
to hear a few words of wit from a woman, just as we
liked a few words from a parrot, because it was unexpected.
If women wanted to know what men really
thought of the charms of the delicacy and ignorance
which they flattered, they must go, not to the ball-room
or the parlor, but to the oyster-house or to some worse 
place.  There they would hear them jeer with their
jeering companions at the folly they had puffed up by
their flattery.  It was not fragility of frame or mind
that men reverenced in women.  He continued to speak
of the prejudice which women were obliged to encounter,
and the difficulties under which they labored.
During the latter portion of his remarks, a corps of
rowdies in the galleries, who seemed to want to hear a
woman, made a great deal of noise.
   Mrs. ROSE was then introduced.  She said the claims
of woman were educational, industrial, legal and political.
They claimed equality with men.  The Declaration
of Independence knew no sex.  By it, all that
they asked was granted in theory.  If they compared
woman's education in the present with that in the past,
they would find grounds for rejoicing; if they compared
it with what it should be, they would find equal
cause for exertion.  The education of boys was by no
means perfect, but it was far superior to that of girls.
She considered that there was no sphere higher than
the domestic.  Mothers had charge of childhood in its
most plastic state; they ought to have all the advantages
which education could give them, in their triple 
duty of wife, sister and teacher.  The ordeal to which
women are subjected by a prejudiced public opinion,
required far greater heroism than the battle-field.  The
young man, in addition to his literary education, received
an industrial one.  In the name of the purity
and nature of woman, she demanded the same for woman.
What was the sphere which had been assigned
her?  Why, the kitchen, the needle, and the school-room.
But even in the school-room, men received twice
as much as women, and in the kitchen, what was considered 
drudgery in a woman, and paid for at the rate
of $6 to $12 per month, was for a man considered a
profession, and paid at the rate of $60 a month.  What
was left for her but to sell herself for food and clothing
either in matrimony or out of it; and it would require
a wise head to determine which was the worse.  From
childhood, the girl was brought up to believe that the
end of her being was to answer the purpose of man
to toy away an idle hour, or to do menial service for
him.  What wonder was it that we saw along the streets
at night so many evidences of barbarism?  The millions
which were sent to initiate the inhabitants of the
Fejee Islands into the mysteries of rum drinking, had

came to tell that in the year 1836, in New York, a
woman could not own her own earnings, or her own
baby, and a Kansas Free-State man could not hold his
own property, then people would say that law-makers
in New York and border ruffians in Kansas were very
much alike then.  She concluded by recommending
some tracts which were for sale on the platform, and
the Convention adjourned sine die.

THE LIBERATOR.
AN 'INFERNAL COVENANT'-THE PARTIES TO
   IT-SLAVERY TRIUMPHANT-DUTY OF THE
   NORTH.
                          ROCKFORD, Ill., Nov. 16, 1856.
To S. J. MAY:
   DEAR FRIEND,-The battle is fought; Slavery has
triumphed, and, by your consent, is to rule the nation
for four years.  I say, by your consent, because, though
you did all you thought was right to defeat it, and
struggled most earnestly to secure the victory to Liberty
in Kansas, yet you entered the conflict, with the understanding
that if Slavery got the majority, she might
rule you and the whole nation for four year.  This
was the agreement between you and your confederates;
if you got the majority, Liberty was to rule, in Kansas,
for four years, by the consent of both parties; but if
your confederates triumphed, Slavery was to rule, not
only Kansas, but the nation, for four years, with the
consent of both parties.  You wanted Fremont to be
your President; but if you could not get him, you
consented to accept Buchanan and Slavery, if they got
the majority.
   This government is a voluntary association.  You
were not born a member of it.  You came into that
compact voluntarily, knowing that slavery was, in fact,
the principal party and manager in the firm, and had
the same constitutional right to get the majority and
rule the nation that you had; and that you voluntarily
came under a constitutional obligation to admit its right
to interpret and administer the government as it should
deem wise and best, and to submit to its behes[?]s and to
help execute them.  Had you triumphed, you would
have expected the same course in reference to the rights
of Liberty from the defeated party.  But you are defeated,
and now you must fulfil your part of the bargain;
quietly consent that Slavery may rule, receive
the behests of the Slave Oligarchy as law, and help execute
them-as Adams, Giddings, Sumner, Banks,
Wilson and Hale have ever done.  You admit that Slavery
has certain constitutional rights, and while it
keeps within the boundaries of those rights, you consent
that it may rule the nation.
   Yours, in THE LIBERATOR, dated Oct. 21st, is before
me.  Not one allusion is in it to the one question at
issue, i. e., Did you invest Fremont with power to keep
slavery out of Kansas, knowing that he would use that
power to protect and perpetuate slavery in the fifteen
States where it now exists, 'under the shield of State
sovereignty'?  Would your moral nature (I care
not about a man's political nature, except as it
obfuscates and stultifies his moral nature) allow you to 
invest a man with power to keep piracy out of Syracuse,
knowing that he would use that power to establish 
piracy in Auburn?  To get a power that will keep the
'sum of all villanies' out of Kansas, you create a
power that you know will be used to keep it in Virginia.
In the same sense in which your vote goes to keep theft,
robbery, adultery, murder and piracy out of Lawrence,
it goes to perpetrate and protect these crimes in St.
Louis.  It seems impossible to me that your moral nature
can justify you in doing this.  Yet, this letter 
now before me is but an attempt to justify yourself
and other in such a course.
   No matter what John Q. Adams, Joshua R. Giddings,
John P. Hale, Henry Wilson, John G. Palfrey,

done the past twenty-five years, that human life is sacred-
that neither God nor man can have a right to 
take it; that war and preparations for war are opposed
to the essential laws and rights of our nature,
and to the spirit and teachings of Jesus, in whose steps
you are happy to be able to tread?  If such is now
your conviction, can you stand erect in conscious innocence
before your own manhood, and be sternly and
nobly true to your moral nature, and vote for the right
'to declare war, issue letter of marque and reprisal,
to raise and support armies, to create and sustain a
navy,' and vote for a commander-in chief of the army
and navy, and invest him with power which he assures 
you he shall use to shoot down the slave, should be attempt
to assert his freedom, as Washington did his?
   Is the sanctity and glory of humanity the one deep,
holy, ever-present conviction of your head and feeling
of your heart?  It is with me; I had thought it was
with you.  Am I mistaken?  Tempest-tossed and driven
amid this storm of revolution, my only hope is in
a stern, resolute, unfaltering, but calm, loving fidelity
to this one idea, the absolute sanctity of human life and
liberty.  I know that, as men and women come to worship
and reverence God in themselves, and to surround
themselves with the majesty and glory of absolute sanctity,
as they do their God, life, liberty and happiness
will be secure.  You cannot lead men to respect life by 
voting for the right to kill; you cannot induce them to
love peace by voting for the right to declare war; you
cannot induce men to respect liberty and to abolish
slavery by empowering a man to sustain slavery, for
one hour, any where in the universe.  To vote to perpetuate 
slavery in Virginia is to yield up the citadel of 
of liberty, i. e., the principle that slavery is a wrong
which no power can make right. 
                                                     HENRY C. WRIGHT.
            APPLICATION OF THE PROBE.
                                  New Ipswich, Nov. 26, 1856.
FRIEND GARRISON:
   The question, 'Will the Republican party of '56, as
personified in John C. Fremont, ultimately rise higher 
in the scale of human liberty than "liberty and
Union"?' seems just now to be an important one.
Abolitionists, being well persuaded that the Republican
movement was merely a spasmodic affection for the 
slave, and terror of vassalage on their own part, prophesied
that with the hurlyburley of President-making
would culminate the fire of their resolutions.  I have
no doubt that in olden as well as modern times, prophets
were pleased to witness the fulfilment of their predictions,
and may have instituted means to that end.
   Drop a Disunion field-hand into the midst of a nest
of Kansas Republicans, and the result is a bomb-shell
panic, each and all running and shouting, 'Come out
of her, my people!'  The very voice of the oracle,
crying, 'Make no covenant with death, nor agreement
with hell!' sets their souls to Belshazzar's trembling
air!
   Sabbath evening, Nov. 23d, Mr. D. M. Allen, of
Westminster, Mass., subsoiled the churches and the
Republican party with master skill and force.  Laying
down a free platform, calling no man master, nor responsible
to any but God and the Right, he brought the
galled jade to wincing terms instanter.  Priest and
layman, doctors, and merchants, representatives and
scholars, all together plunged 'i' the imminent deadly
breach' made in their premises by the direct logic and
eloquence of the speaker.
   The major count against the Church was, that of
dereliction of Christian duty, and consequent responsibility
for the existence and woes of slavery.  The laymen
were ahead of the clergy.  A minister present denied
the facts; said that the church had not the power
to abolish slavery, (Mr. Barnes to the contrary, not-withstanding,)
and that statistics proved that the clergy
were and always had been in advance of the laity.
This novel position was suddenly carried by the force
of the speaker and concurrence of the assembly.  A
very learned physician here interposed with a pertinent
fact. 'The Rev. Nehemiah Adams was to exchange
with a brother in the Lord, but, lo and behold! the
people-the parish of this supple brother-barred the
church door in the reverend gentleman's face!'  This
was a true Paixhan.  The speaker having before stated
similar facts-the doctor coming in which a corroboration,
all so stunning-be assured the effect was cheering
to an audience who for the most part liked the truth.
   To the oft-repeated question, 'How shall we dissolve 
the Union?' the reply was , 'Cease voting!  Cease all
complicity with the Government!'  'And what shall
we do after the dissolution?'  'Do your duty first;
God will be responsible for all else-will point out to
you all future and contingent.'  'No man hath
seen God at any time.'  Might we not with equal propriety
say, 'No republican hath seen God at any 
time'?  The words 'God' and 'conscience' were to
them seemingly a complete jargon.  Their God is Commerce,
and Banks (on the Exchange) is their prophet.
'Give us our idol, our Union!'  (Ah! the blood-

get them a support and start, that he is afraid of any
examination of any offices that they are in, and of the
consequences to their safety and his own reputation; for
he is well informed of what is going on, as are also his
colleagues.  Nothing would more effectually expose the
present administration, than a rigid examination of the
local land offices, if it was laid before the people.
Fraudulent pre-emption claims filed under the graduating
law in fictitious names, to keep back the sale of
valuable lands until a reduction by the law should take
place-monies returned to speculators just previous to
the last issue of Military Bounty Land Warrants, to
enable them to buy warrants and enter the same valuable 
lands at a reduced price-fees unauthorized by
law, and forbidden by instructions, collected to an immense
amount, would make up a splendid expose of
fraud and corruption and imposition on the landed population,
the hard-laboring people, and give ample employment 
to an examining agent-if he rigidly and
fearlessly executed his duty, carefully and fully examining
maps, records, files and erasures, not forgetting
interlineations, &c.
   The foregoing facts, notoriously and glaringly before
the people of this section of county, have made them
heartily tired of Democratic rule, and they believe in
no other remedy than a change, a vital change-reform,
perfect reform-and they have come to the conclusion,
that whoever has the place of power and authority will
be impelled by a regard for posterity so far as to make
the constitutional rights of the people a paramount
question, and rise above any sectional feelings.
                                                                    A. READER.
          ANTI-SLAVERY INDIFFERENCE
   Extract of a letter from Aaron M. Powell, an Agent
of the American Anti-Slavery Society, dated Easton,
Washington county, N. Y., Nov. 26, 1856:-
   'We find the people very much in the condition of
one, just recovering from a sever attack of fever, weak
in spirit, exhausted and irritable.
   I have been more or less conversant with the condition
of our cause in this county for the past six years,
and during that time I have never known so little interest 
in, or sympathy with, the genuine, ultra anti-slavery
movement.  Our meetings have been attended 
by limited numbers; those who come out seem unusually
indifferent.  The effects of lowering the moral 
standard to accommodate the Republican phase of the
late campaign, are painfully apparent among those
heretofore recognized as abolitionists in this region.
Few there are, a very few, noble exceptions.  It is true
many have rejected the platform of slavery extension,
an in its stead have adopted that of non-extension;
but it is also lamentably true, that of those who have
heretofore committed themselves to the cause of immediate
and universal emancipation, many are now
apparently contented with the issue of non-extension
merely.
   Though Union Village alone has contributed four
hundred dollars for Kansas, to collect funds for the
American Anti-Slavery Society seems well nigh impossible;
a condition of things very unlike that which existed
on my last visit here.  If what is true of this vicinity
is true of all others, it requires little of the prophetic
to foretell that it will be a severe ordeal through
which the genuine Anti-Slavery movement must pass
to regain the original vigor which has been absorbed
by the political elements of the late campaign.
   We are forced to recognise the unfortunate aspects to
which I have referred, but I am by no means disheartened.
   our friend C. L. Remond strikes most efficient blows 
for freedom, of which you well know him to be capable.
Miss Remond speaks briefly, but very much to the point,
and in an impressive manner.
   With full confidence in the sentiment beautifully expressed
by one of our American poets that
             'One accent of the Holy Ghost,
             The heedless world hath never lost,'
I am strong in the faith that our cause is sure of ultimate
triumph.  The important issue for the present 
crisis is, 'No union with Slaveholders, religiously or
politically!'
   Our meetings yesterday afternoon and evening were
more successful than heretofore.'
   We understand that Dr. J. S. ROCK, of this city,
has prepared two lectures, one on 'Distinguished Women,'
and the other on 'The varieties in the Human
Family,' which he will deliver before Lyceums the
present season.  He has also a lecture on 'Slavery as
it is, and Slavery as it designs to be,' which he will
deliver before anti-slavery courses.  During the present
month, he will lecture chiefly in Maine and New 
Hampshire.  He has met with several misfortunes in
his pecuniary matters, and his object in lecturing is to
assist him to repair his losses, and enable him to pursue
his ethnological investigations.  The Bee says-
   'Dr. Rock is an easy, fluent, and most agreeable
speaker, no less than an original thinker.  His lecture

   AN ALLEGED SLAVER IN CUSTODY.  On Saturday of
last week, at the old city of Salem, three men were
taken into custody by the police of that place, having
been seen in a secluded spot called Pickering's Point,
at South Salem, under circumstances indicating that
they had buried treasure there.  The men were all
Spaniards or Portuguese, one proving to be a cigar
dealer in Boston, named DeMena, another stated to be
his brother-in-law, and the third suspected to be Henrico 
DeCosta, who had been indicted in New York for
fitting out he brig Braman (formerly of Salem) for
the slave trade, and who had recently escaped from the
custody of the United States Marshal at the St. Nicholas 
Hotel.  After some explanation, the two Bostonians
were released under a pledge that they would appear at
the subsequent examination of the other party, who
was detained and committed to jail.  Telegraphic despatches
were interchanged with New York, and the
stranger was detained until Tuesday afternoon, when
he was delivered over to the United States Marshal,
Freeman, of this city, for examination in Boston.
Strenuous efforts were made at Salem to procure the
release of the man supposed to be DeCosta, and it is believed
that the buried money was removed on Saturday
night by accomplices, said to be his supercargo and
 pilot.  In this city, on Tuesday evening, DeMena produced
the cash, $5000, to release the stranger on bail,
but on Wednesday morning delivered him up again,
when the latter threatened to make a clean breast of
the matter, and acknowledged that he was a slaver, and
had destroyed the vessel off Cape Cod.  This fellow
then disavowed the name of Costa, and declared himself
to be Joaquin Negret, that he had sailed in the
schooner Tete from Wilmington (N. C.,) with the purpose
of making a slave voyage, that his vessel was
wrecked near Cape Cod, and he had reached the shore
at Salem after much hardship, in one of the schooner's
boats.  He stated further that when his schooner went
down, he had taken care to remove $10,000 from on
board, which was designed for trading purposes, and
that it had been buried in the sand at Salem beach by
himself, the mate and a sailor, who had come ashore
with him in the boat; and he even gave the description
of the spot in which the treasure was to be found.  An
investigation showed that the story was a falsehood,
although Negret insisted that it was not, and that the
money must have been removed by his companions.
DeMena was arrested on Wednesday, and put under
bonds of $10,000 for examination on Monday next before
United States Commissioner, C. L. Woodbury.  Mr.
DeMena has furnished the required bail, and is at liberty.
The examination will probably disclose imporant
facts.-Boston Courier
   THE CHURCH AND SLAVERY.  Parry & McMillan, of
Philadelphia, have just issued a work of 196 pages.
entitled 'The Church and Slavery, by Albert Barnes.'
The author of this essay is one of the clearest and ablest
divines of the Presbyterian Church.  His published
works are widely known on both sides of the Atlantic.
His style is animated, clear, logical and argumentative.
The present publication is a dispassionate and candid
view of the great social problem of the age.  We quote
a passage from the introduction:
   'I write over my own name.  It is not because I suppose
that my name will have any special claim in influencing
the public mind; and not because I suppose
it to be important that I should 'define my position,'
as if the public had any particular interest in my position;
and not because I suppose that the public will
concern itself long to learn how any one individual
thinks or feels on any subject that he may deem of
special importance; but because I think it fair and
manly that a man should be willing to attach his name
to any sentiments which he holds, and which he 
chooses, for any reason, to submit to the consideration
of mankind.  I have no wish also to deny that I desire 
that my name should be found associated with any
well-directed effort to remove slavery from the earth.
I believe that the religion which I profess is opposed to
the whole spirit and tendency of slavery; that its fair
and legitimate application would remove the last remnant
of it from the world; and that in every effort
which I may make to show to my fellow-men the evils
of the system, or to promote universal emancipation,
I am performing the appropriate duty of a Christian
man, and of a minister of the gospel of Christ.'
   MISS FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS.  This young lady,
known to our readers as the authoress of a creditable
little book of poems, and to others as the niece of Wm.
Watkins, the 'Colored Baltimorean,' who used to write
so well for THE LIBERATOR, has been laboring as an
anti-slavery lecturer, and is now engaged in Philadelphia
in that capacity.  She addressed a meeting one
evening last week in the Assembly Buildings in Chestnut
street, which was attended by a highly respectable
and intelligent audience, and to whom she is represented
as having given the fullest satisfaction.  Miss Watkins
is described as a lady of prepossessing appearance
and manners, and her style of speaking, which is highly 
poetical, is said to be quite touching and effective.
Her address at the Assembly Buildings was so well received
and excited so much interest, that she was requested
to speak again in Philadelphia.
      From the St. Louis Republican, Nov. 14.
   LYNCH LAW IN KANSAS. A gentleman from the
southern part of Kansas informs us, that one of those
acts not unusual in all the new Territories of the West,
recently occurred on Pottawatomie creek, in Kansas
Territory.  Various robberies had been committed in
that region; the people turned out and apprehended
two persons, who were believed to be concerned in robbing
a peaceable citizen, named Briscoe Davis, of all
his property, and the widow Cornett of $100 in cash,
a horse, and all her property.  After due examination,
they were hung with the ropes taken from the necks
of the animals stolen by them.  One of the men thus
hanged by virtue of the Lynch law, is supposed to have
borne the name of Partridge, and has been quite a conspicuous
character in that Territory.  The name of the
other was not known.  These, men, it is said, were hanged
for robbery and other crimes committed by them,

                                 APPEAL
                       OF THE MANAGERS
                                    OF
                      THE TWENTY-THIRD
                National Anti-Slavery Bazaar,
                           IN BEHALF OF
                             THE CAUSE
The Bazaar will be opened on TUESDAY, Dec. 23,
   at 10 o'clock, A.M., HALL 15, WINTER STREET.
   All that the Ladies-Managers resident in France,
Switzerland and Italy could do, as well as those at 
home, conjointly with their friends in Great Britain,
has been already successfully done, to make the Bazaar
an unequalled occasion for the purchase of Christmas
and New Year's Presents, and all sorts of beutiful
and useful things.  It now only remains for them
to entreat general co-operation-the co-operation of all
made aware by the recent teachings of the times, that
the cause is their own no less than ours;-that it is
wisest to look far ahead in moral enterprises, nor spare 
toil nor treasure at the beginning.
   We ask for donations of money.  It will be
spent, as aforetime, by the AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY
SOCIETY, in awakening that high, right feeling
in the hearts of men, which displaces corrupt
statesmen, rebukes servile politicians succors fugitive
slaves, upholds the truth, stands by freedom, and
defies tyranny, by demanding the immediate abolition
of slavery.  And as our undertaking is national, we
ask the help and sympathy of persons of every State
and city of the nation, to free our land from its now
ruling curse.
   We ask (to save expenses) of gentlemen friendly
to our object, who are manufactures and mechanics,
   A number of pieces of Lowell Cotten,
   Packs of blank Cards,
   Reams of Note-Paper,
   Envelopes to correspond,
   Narrow gilt Picture-Frames;
and, without more specification, of all of such as they
have, nothing doubting a great crowd of purchasers.
   We entreat of friends in the country and city,
for the Refreshment-Table, milk, cream, tea, sugar,
coffee, eggs, bread, cake, crackers, butter, cheese,
hams (thoroughly boiled,) all kinds of cooked
meats, potatoes, apples, and all sorts of preserved
fruits.
   Donations may be addressed to the Ladies-Managers
at 21 Cornhill, Boston, Mass., or to 138 Nassau street,
New York, or to either of the undersigned at their respective
homes.
              MARIA WESTON CHAPMAN,
              MARY MAY,
              LOUISA LORING,
              ELIZA LEE FOLLEN,
              ANNE WARREN WESTON,
              ANN GREEN PHILLIPS,
              SARAH SHAW RUSSELL,
              FRANCES MARY ROBBINS,
              HELEN E. GARRISON,
              ANN REBECCA BRAMHALL,
              SARAH H. SOUTHWICK,
              MARY WILLEY,
              ABBY FRANCIS,
              ANNA SHAW GREENE,
              MARY GRAY CHAPMAN,
              ELIZABETH GAY,
              HENRIETTA SARGENT,
              SARAH RUSSELL MAY,
              CAROLINE WESTON,
              SUSAN C. CABOT,
              MARY H. JACKSON,
              SARAH BLAKE SHAW,
              LYDIA D. PARKER,
              ELIZA F. EDDY,
              EVELINA A. S. SMITH,
              ELIZABETH VON ARNIM,
              AUGUSTA KING,
              ELIZA H. APTHORP,
      FESTIVE COMMEMORATION
                        OF THE
      TWENTY-FIFTH ANNIVERSARY  
                        OF THE
      MASSACHUSETTS ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY.          
   On New Year's Evening, 1857, a quarter of a century
will have been completed since the formation of the
Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society-originally called
the New England Anti-Slavery Society-the parent of
all similar associations in the land.  Believing that a
period of time fraught with so many thrilling reminiscences,
and crowded with events of unsurpassed historical
importance, should not be allowed to pass without
a fitting observance, the Board of Managers have made
arrangements for a PUBLIC SOCIAL FESTIVAL to
commemorate this suggestive event, on the evening of        

nor responsible
to any but God and the Right, he brought the 
galled jade to wincing terms instanter.  Priest and 
layman, doctors and merchants, representatives and 
scholars, all together plunged 'i' the imminent deadly
breach' made in their premises by the direct logic and 
eloquence of the speaker.
   The major count against the Church was, that of
dereliction of Christian duty, and consequent responsibility 
for the existence and woes of slavery.  The laymen 
were ahead of the clergy.  A minister present denied 
the facts; said that the Church had not the power 
to abolish slavery, (Mr. Barnes to the contrary, notwithstanding,) 
and that statistics proved that the clergy 
were and always had been in advance of the laity.
This novel position was suddenly carried by the force
of the speaker and concurrence of the assembly.  A
very learned physician here interposed with a pertinent
fact.  'The Rev. Nehemiah Adams was to exchange
with a brother in the Lord, but, lo and behold! the
people—the parish of this supple brother—barred the
church door in the reverend gentleman's face!'  This
was a true Paixhan.  The speaker having before stated
similar facts—the doctor coming in with a corroboration, 
all so stunning—be assured the effect was cheering
to an audience who for the most part liked the truth.
   To the oft-repeated question, 'How shall we dissolve
the Union?' the reply was, 'Cease voting!  Cease all
complicity with the Government!'  'And what shall
we do after the dissolution?'  'Do your duty first;
God will be responsible for all else—will point out to
you all future and contingent action.'  'No man hath
seen God at any time.'  Might we not with equal propriety
say, 'No Republican hath seen God at any
time'?  The words 'God' and 'conscience' were to
them seemingly a complete jargon. Their God is Commerce,
and Banks (on the Exchange) is their prophet.
'Give us our idol, our Union!'  (Ah! the bloodstains!  
Not all the perfume of Southern spice groves
will take the smell out of this rotten compact, this
parchment sealed with the clot of mothers' blood!)
'Give use the dictum of great Mammon!  Give us whole
burnt and striped and thonged and gashed offerings to
our holy Moloch!'  And this the moral growth of the
19th century!  O, what faith, what patience, what
long-suffering must possess the reformer, in dealing
with such a stupid and time-serving people!
   Mr. Allen has the qualities of a strong debater—mild,
resolute and penetrating.  Assailed like Socrates by the
sophists, he maintained himself with Socratic energy
      The sweetest flower that smiles on Afric sands,
         When trodden under foot smells sweeter still;
      And dying Freedom, smote by ruffian hands,
         Takes unction new: even so her lovers will!
                                                                         R. G.
                    ----------------------------
               EXTORTION AND PECULATION.
                      Conneea Co., Alabama, Oct. 25, 1856.
MR. EDITOR:
   A reader of your excellent paper, I have waited with
much anxiety to see you come out on the corruption and
frauds that are carried on in the land offices of this
section of the Union, not only on the planting population,
but actually on the government itself.  Under the
late laws passed for the benefit of the planting interest,
the frauds and impositions that have been practised on
the people, under the name of fees, well known to the
President and his Cabinet, which they dare not deny,
almost exceed belief.  During all former administrations,
an examiner was annually sent round to ascertain
not only the condition of the land offices, but also
the conduct of subordinates in them; but since Mr.
Pierce's Democratic rule,  this excellent preventive
has been dropped, and a Gardner might now go on
without apprehension of detection.
   Every forty acre tract now purchased by a poor man,
instead of costing, agreeably to law, twelve and a half
cents per acre, before the skinning process is got
through with by the subordinates, costs from fifteen to
twenty cents per acre,—the official collecting a tax,
in the form of fees, contrary to law and instructions,
of twenty per cent. on all the public money which passes
through his hands, received from this description of
purchasers, which amounts to tens of thousands of dollars,
besides the three thousand dollars per annum got
on the sales of public lands, including salary, making
altogether a compensation astounding.
   Now, all this is known to our Democratic rulers, and
the notorious, open-daylight, high-handed fraud and
imposition practised on the people and the government,
have so disgusted the mass of planters with high-sounding
Democracy, that they are full willing for a change,
and afraid to trust Democracy any longer, fearing a
continuance of the same impositions.  Indeed, they feel
a hope that any other administration, for its own sake,
would put down the glaring frauds practised on them,
and ultimately compel the defrauders to return to the
abused planters the unauthorized sums filched from
them under the name of FEES.
   The fact is, Gen. Pierce has put into office so many
broken-down, insolvent, gambling, drinking cousins, to
                                                               when existed
on my last visit here.  If what is true of this vicinity
is true of all others, it requires little of the prophetic
to foretell that it will be a severe ordeal through
which the genuine Anti-Slavery movement must pass
to regain the original vigor which has been absorbed
by the political elements of the late campaign.
   We are forced to recognise the unfortunate aspects to
which I have referred, but I am by no means disheartened.
   Our friend C. L. Remond strikes most efficient blows
for freedom, of which you well know him to be capable.
Miss Remond speaks briefly, but very much to the point,
and in an impressive manner.
   With full confidence in the sentiment beautifully expressed
by one of our American poets, that
      'One accent of the Holy Ghost,
      The heedless word hath never lost,'
I am strong in the faith that our cause is sure of ultimate
triumph.  The important issue for the present
crisis is, 'No union with Slaveholders, religiously or
politically!'
   Our meetings yesterday afternoon and evening were
more successful than heretofore.'
                        --------------------------
      We understand that Dr. J. S. ROCK, of this city,
has prepared two lectures, one on 'Distinguished Women,'
and the other on 'The Varieties in the Human
Family,' which he will deliver before Lyceums the
present season.  He has also a lecture on 'Slavery as
it is, and Slavery as it designs to be,' which he will
deliver before anti-slavery courses.  During the present
month, he will lecture chiefly in Maine and New
Hampshire.  He has met with several misfortunes in
his pecuniary matters, and his object in lecturing is to
assist him to repair his losses, and enable him to pursue
his ethnological investigations.  The Bee says—
   'Dr. Rock is an easy, fluent, and most agreeable
speaker, no less than an original thinker.  His lecture
on the 'Races,' received with such signal marks of favor
all over New England, and in several of the Western
States—and which was delivered before the Massachusetts
Legislature with so much satisfaction—is favorable
evidence of superior mental and oratorical
powers; and shows full well, that though his skin is of
a darker hue than is work by a majority of the community,
he is in no respect inferior, but equal, to
our popular lectures generally.  He is also a most
worthy and esteemed man and citizen, as many Bostonians
well know.  We would earnestly suggest to committees
and others who are getting up courses of lectures
to include Dr. Rock.  His "Distinguished Women"
will grace any lecture-room, and edify and please
any audience in New England.'
                        -----------------------
   WOMAN'S RIGHTS CONVENTION. We have occupied a
large portion of our last page with the proceedings of
the late Woman's Rights Convention at New York, as
we find them reported in the Tribune.  Since they were
struck off, we have received a more full report in the
New York Times, but cannot now substitute the one
for the other.  This Convention appears to have been
eminently successful.  The speaking was of a high
order—earnest, eloquent, and directly to the point—
and the attendance very encouraging. In a private note
to us, our gifted friend Lucy Stone (Blackwell) says of
the Convention:---'With rare earnestness, our best men
and women gave their best thoughts to a large audiance
that, from first to last, listened with the deepest interest.  
We have a little healthful opposition from a theological
student, who denied that our claims were found
either in Nature or Revelation.  The Times warned us
that if we secured equal rights, man would not protect 
us; while the Express answered that, as the abolitionists
were once driven out of this city, but now controal
the Republican party, so it would not be strange if this
Woman's Rights party should, at no distant day, become
a controaling political party.  The press was far
more respectful in its tone than it was at the time our
last convention was held here, when the clerical mass at
the Semi-World's Temperance Convention shamed and
silenced common rowdies.  We employed a good phonographic
reporter, and hope to have the proceedings in
pamphlet form before Christmas.  The most important
plan of action was proposed by Rev. Antionette Brown
Blackwell, viz., a memorial on behalf of the Convention,
to be addressed to each State legislature, asking that
measures may be taken to secure political and legal
equality for women, by the respective States.'
                      -----------------------
         FOREFATHERS' DAY AT PLYMOUTH.
   The Abolitionists of the Old Colony will maintain
their accustiomed notice of this approaching Anniversary
by appropriate Anti-Slavery meetings in PLYMOUTH,
on Saturday evening, Dec. 20th, and Sunday,
day and evening, Dec. 21st, which they invite all
friends of freedom, both of the body and of the mind,
far and near, to attend.
      Among the speakers who are confidently expected
to be present are—WM. LLOYD GARRISON, EDMUND
QUINCY, WENDELL PHILLIPS, NATH'L H. WHITING, &c.
   In connexion with the above, will be held a quarterly
meeting of the old Colony Anti-Slavery Society.
                           BOURNE SPOONER, President.
                     I have no wish also to deny that I desire
that my name should be found associated with any
well-directed effort to remove slavery from the earth.
I believe that the religion which I profess is opposed to
the whole spirit and tendency of slavery; that its fair
and legitimate application would remove the last remnant
of it from the world; and that in every effort
which I may make to show to my fellow-men the evils
of the system, or to promote universal emancipation,
I am performing the appropriate duty of a Christian
man, and of a minister of the gospel of Christ.'
                     ----------------------------
   MISS FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS.  This young lady,
known to our readers as the authoress of a creditable
little book of poems, and to others as the niece of Wm.
Watkins the 'Colored Baltimorean,' who used to write
so well for THE LIBERATOR, has been laboring as an
anti-slavery lecturer, and is now engaged in Philadelphia
in that capacity. She addressed a meeting one
evening last week in the Assembly Buildings in Chestnut
street, which was attended by a highly respectable
and intelligent audience, and to whom she is represented
as having given the fullest satisfaction.  Miss Watkins
is described as a lady of prepossessing appearance
and manners, and her style of speaking, which is highly
poetical, is said to be quite touching and effective.
Her address at the Assembly Buildings was so well received
and excited so much interest, that she was requested
to speak again in Philadelphia.
             ---------------------------
     From the St. Louis Republican, Nov. 14.
   LYNCH LAW IN KANSAS.  A gentleman from the
southern part of Kansas informs us, that one of those
acts not unusual in all the new Territories of the West,
recently occurred on Pottawatomie creek, in Kansas
Territory.  Various robberies had been committed in
that region ; the people turned out and apprehended
two persons, who were believed to be concerned in robbing
a peaceable citizen, named Briscoe Davis, of all
his property, and the widow Cornett of $110 in cash,
a horse and all her property.  After due examination,
they were hung with the ropes taken from the necks
of the animals stolen by them.  One of the men thus
hanged by virtue of the Lynch law, is supposed to have
borne the name of Partridge, and has been quite a conspicuous
character in that Territory.  The name of the
other was not known. These men, it is said, were hanged
for robbery and other crimes committed by them,
and not from any political consideration.
                   ---------------------------
      The point made by a Republican speaker in New
York, the other day, was not a bad one.  'Toombs,'
said he, 'boasted that the time would come when he
could call the roll of his slaves in the shadow of Bunker
Hill Monument.  The time has come—hark' he
calls: 'Rufus Choate,'—'Here;' 'B. F. Hallett,'—
'Here;' 'Charles G. Greene,'—'Here;' 'C. H.
Peaslee,'—'Here.'  Shouts of laughter followed the
hit; but there is a melancholy moral in it—it is true.
                                 -----
      Gov. Wise, of Virginia, has appointed fifty-two
delegates from that State to the Southern Commercial
Convention, to meet in Savannah, Geo, on the 8th of
December.  These are divided in the proportion of
four from each of the three Congressional Districts.
Senator R. M. T. Hunter heads the list.
                                 -----
      The Constitutionalist, of Augusta, Ga., admits
that in the late elections, the Republican party manifested
a formidable strength, and that, though defeated,
they are not conquered.  Of Fremont, this slave-trading
journal entertains the following mild opinion:
   'A man covered all over with the disgrace of peculation
and falsehood—a renegade—an apostate—a
swizzler—a man false to every sentiment of honor, of
patriotism and virtue.'
                        ----------------------
   DEATH OF CONVERS FRANCIS. On Thursday, the
27th ult., at Wayland, Mass., died Convers Francis,
aged 90. Mr. Francis was the father of Rev. Dr. Convers
Francis, the Professor of Pulpit Eloquence in the
Cambridge Divinity School, and of Mrs. Lydia Maria
Child, the distinguished author.  He was an excellent
and liberal man, and the philanthropic societies of the
day were much aided by his active and substantial benevolence.  
The illness of the last three years of his
life was alleviated by the constant attentions of his
gifted daughter, whose filial ministrations have withdrawn
her almost entirely from the pleasures of literary
labor and the companionship of literary friends.—New
York Evening Post.
             -------------------------------
   Death of Rev. Dr. Peabody.--Rev. Ephraim
Peabody, D. D., minister of King's chapel, in Boston,
died at his residence in this city on Friday morning, at
half-past nine o'clock, aged 49.  He was born in the
town of Wilton, N. H., in 1807, graduated at Bowdoin
College in 1827, studied divinity at the Theological
School in Cambridge, and was subsequently settled as
pastor of the Unitarian Churches in Cincinnati and
New Belford.  In 1846, he succeeded the late Dr.
Greenwood as pastor of King's Chapel.  His health
has been for some years declining, and a voyage to Europe
in 1853 failed to restore it.
   Official Vote of Indiana for President.--
Fremont 94,376, Buchanan 118,672, Fillmore 22,386.
Buchanan's plurality over Fremont is 24,296, and his
majority over Fremont and Fillmore together, 1910.
The aggregate vote is 235,434.
   Official Vote of Louisiana.--Buchanan, 22,-
164 ; Fillmore, 20,709.  Buchanan's majority, 1455.
      The Journal of Commerce makes up tables
of the popular vote, giving Buchanan over Fremont
thus far 478,014, which will be increased by the
returns yet to come in. 
      Twelve of the superb capitals which
were to surmount the great columns in the new custom
house at New Orleans, La., costing $3000 each, were
recently lost in the ship Oliphant.
            SARAH SHAW RUSSELL,
            FRANCES MARY ROBBINS,
            HELEN E. GARRISON,
            ANN REBECCA BRAMHALL,
            SARAH H. SOUTHWICK,
            MARY WILLEY,
            ABBY FRANCIS,
            ANNA SHAW GREENE,
            MARY GRAY CHAPMAN,
            ELIZABETH GAY,
            HENRIETTA SARGENT,
            SARAH RUSSELL MAY,
            CAROLINE WESTON,
            SUSAN C. CABOT,
            MARY H. JACKSON,
            SARAH BLAKE SHAW,
            LYDIA D. PARKER,
            ELIZA F. EDDY,
            EVELINA A. S. SMITH,
            ELIZABETH VON ARNIM,
            AUGUSTA KING,
            ELIZA H. APTHORP.
              -----------------------
          FESTIVE COMMEMORATION
                         OF THE
       TWENTY-FIFTH ANNIVERSARY
                         OF THE
MASSACHUSETTS ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY.
   On New Year's Evening, 1857, a quarter of a century
will have been completed since the formation of the
Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society--originally called
the New England Anti-Slavery Society--the parent of
all similar associations in the land.  Believing that a
period of time fraught with so many thrilling reminiscences, 
and crowded with events of unsurpassed historical
importance, should not be allowed to pass without
a fitting observance, the Board of Managers have made
arrangements for a PUBLIC SOCIAL FESTIVAL to
commemorate this suggestive event, on the evening of
January 1st, 1857, in this city ; and they hereby cordially
invite all the friends of freedom, far and near,
without regard to sex or complexion, to participate in
this celebration, which cannot fail to be deeply interesting
to all present, as well as to 'help the cause along'
to its triumphant consummation.  A supper will
be provided by that distinguished caterer, Mr. J. B.
SMITH ; after which there will be music, sentiments,
speeches, &c., appropriate to the occasion.  As the National
Anti-Slavery Bazaar will not close till Saturday,
January 3d, an additional motive will be furnished to
friends in the country to visit the city on the occasion
designated.  It is hoped and believed that there will be
a numerous attendance.
   Price of tickets, $1.00 each--to be had at the Anti-
Slavery Office, 21 Cornhill.  Those intending to be 
present are requested to make seasonable application,
in order to secure a place at the tables.
   Further particulars hereafter.
                              FRANCIS JACKSON, President.
        ROBERT F. WALLCUT, Sec.
               ---------------------------------
                  SPECIAL CONTRIBUTIONS
To the American Anti-Slavery Society, in aid of the
                        New Series of Tracts. 
COLLECTIONS BY MRS. FRANCES H. DRAKE OF LEOMINSTER.
Leominster, Mass.--Mira Burrage $1, James H. Carter
      50c, Isaac Cowdry 25c.
Fitchburg, Mass.--Mr. Page 50c, Isaac Hartwell 25c,
      friend 8c.
Clinton, Mass.--Rev. C. M. Bowers 1, Sylvia McCollum
      18c.
Lancaster, Mass.--Rev. George M. Bartol 50c, Mary
      G. Thompson 50c, Abby Huzzy 50c.
Groton, Mass.--J. W. Spaulding 50c, Emeline S. Wood
      50c, four friends 1 17.
Pepperell, Mass.--Rev. E. P. Smith 87c, Mr. Stevens
      25c, friend 20c, E. M. Hobart 35c, S. Parmenter
      18c, D. E. Lawrence 25c, S. H. Chapman
      25c, Henry Jewett 50c, B. W. Wright 10c.
Nashua, N. H.--Rev. E. E. Adams 50c, S. B. Butler
      25c, M. A. Wheeler 12c, Mrs. Rogers 25c, Mrs. J.
      Andrews 25c, R. Dane 13c, Edwin Allen 25c.
Amherst, N. H.--Luther Elliot 52c.
Milford, N. H.--Wm. T. Richardson 25c, Frederick
      Crosby 50c, Mrs. Hidden 25c, Nathan J. Foster
      18c, David Woolson 20c, Dr. Eldridge 20c, Mrs.
      Hannah Chase 25c, G. Wheeler 85c.  Esther H.
      Burns 50c.
Lowell, Mass.--A. L. Brooks 1, Rev. T. B. Thayer 50c,
      Mrs. Doten 25c, E. H. Shepard 20c, Rv. Mr.
      Henks 25c, A. Mansur 8c.
Boston, Mass.--R. H. Ober 2.
Rev Peter Gardiner, Philadelphia, 1.
ALSO, DONATIONS TO THE AMERICAN A. S. SOCIETY,
       COLLECTED BY MRS. FRANCES H. DRAKE.
Seth Chandler, Nashua, N. H.,                          $1 00
Charles Taylor, do.                                              0 50
Eugene Hutchinson, Milford, N. H.,                    1 00
Mrs. Abigail Livermore, do.                                 0 50
Mrs. A. M. H. Burns, do.                                      0 50
Mrs. Caroline A. Pride, Fitchburg, Mass.             1 00
Waldo Wallace, do.                                             1 00
Moses Sawyer, North Weare, N. H., to redeem
            pledge                                                    5 00
                                     FRANCIS JACKSON, Treas.

The Liberator.
Our country is the world - our countrymen are all mankind.
J.B. Yerrinton & Son, Printers.
Boston, Mass., Friday, November 15, 1850. 
Whole No. 1036

The Liberator is published every Friday morning, at the Anti-Slavery Office, 21 Cornhill.

Robert F. Walleut, General Agent.
Terms - $2.50 per annum, in advance.
All remittances are to be made, and all letters relating to the pecuniary concerns of the paper are to be directed (Post Paid,) to the General Agent.
Five copies will be sent to one address for ten dollars, if payment be made in advance.
Advertisements making less than a square inserted three times for 75 cts. - one square for $1.00.
The Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania and Ohio Anti-Slavery Societies are authorised to receive subscriptions for the Liberator. 

Financial Committee. - Francis Jackson, Ellis Gray Loring, Edmund Quincy, Samuel Philbrick, Wendell Phillips. [This Committee is responsible only for the financial economy of the paper - not for any of its debts.]

No Union With Slaveholders!
The U.S. Constitution 'A covenant with death and an agreement with hell.'
'Yes! It cannot be denied - the slaveholding lords of the South prescribed, as a condition of their assent to the Constitution, three special provisions to secure teh perpetuity of their dominion over their slaves. The first was immunity, for twenty years, of preserving the African slave trade; the second was the stipulation to surrender fugitive slaves - an engagement positively prohibited by the laws of God, delivered from Sinai; and thirdly, the exaction, fatal to the principles of popular respresentation, of a representation for slaves - for articles of merchandize, under the name of persons... To call government thus constituted a democracy, is to insult the understanding of mankind. It is doubly tainted with the infection of riches and slavery. Its reciprocal operation upon the government of the nation is to establish an artificial majority in the slave representation over that of the free people, in the American Congress, and thereby to make the PRESERVATION, PROPAGATION AND PERPETUATION OF SLAVERY THE VITAL AND ANIMATING SPIRIT OF THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT.' - John Quincy Adams.

The Liberator.
Proceedings
Of the Woman's rights convention held at Worcester, Oct. 23d and 24th, 1850.
Pursuant to a call previously issued, a Convention to consider the rights, duties, and relations of women, met at Brinley Hall, Worcester, Mass., on Wednesday, Oct. 23d, at 10 o'clock. 
The Convention was called to order by Sarah Earle, of Worcester.
On motion of Mary A. W. Johnson of Ohio, Joseph C. Hathaway of western New York, was chosen President, pro tem.
On motion of Phebe Gocdwi, of Pennslyvania, Eliza J. Kenny, of Massachusetts, was chosen Secretary, pro tem.
On motion of Eliza Barney, of Massachusetts, a Nominating Committee was appointed by the Chair, via.: - Eliza Barney, of Mass.; Mrs. Nichols, of Vt.; Asa Foster, of N.H.; Charles C. Burleigh of Conn.'; Lyida Dennett, of Me.; Pliny Sexton, of N.Y.; M. A. W. Johnson, of Ohio; Rebecca Plumley of Pa.; Susan R. Harris, of R. I.
The call, of the Convention was then read by the President Mr. Hathaway.
The Committee on nominating officers reported the following list, which was adopted by the Convention:
President - Paulina W. Davis, of R.I.
Vice President - William H. Channing, of N.Y. Sarah Tyndale, of Penn.
Secretaries - Hannah Mr. Darlington, of Penn. Joseph C. Hathaway, of N.Y.
The President elect, Mrs. Paulina W. Davis, took the chair, and read an address. (See last page.)
On motion of Mrs. Mott, the consideration of the publication of the President's address was left open for further discussion. 
On motion of M.A.W. Johnson, the Nominating Committee were appointed to nominate a Business Committee.
Mrs. Mott spoke at length upon the condition of the women, and the duties devolving upon this Convention, that it may do its part toward her elevation.

married parties, demand a thorough revisal, so that all rights be equal between them; - the wife have, during life, an equal control over the property gained by their mutual toil and sacrifices; - be heir to her husband precisely to that extent that he is heir to her; and entitled, at her death, to dispose by will of the same share of the joint property as he is.
On motion, adjourned, to meet to-morrow morning, at half past nine.

Morning session, Oct. 24.
The Convention met at half past nine, A. M.
The President read the following impromptu poem, suggested by the Convention:
A Women's Rights Convention! 
There's music in the word; 
Through every vein of living frame, 
My warm life-blood is stirred.
A Women's Rights Convention! 
Deny it every man; 
Then right the evil done her 
That instant, if ye can.
A Woman's Rights Convention
Is not laid low in dust;
A better time is coming,
Because it will and must.
A Woman's Rights Convention!
Ring out the word on high;
If my brother man will help me,
To help myself I'll try;
And with the power given me
By one all-gracious Lord,
Obtain my right, in every light,
By ploughshare, not by sword.
A Woman of this 19th Century.

The minutes of yesterday's afternoon and evening sessions were read by J.C. Hathaway, and adopted.
Letters addressed to the Convention were read from Mrs. E.C. Stanton and O.S. Fowier, by M.A.W. Johnson, and one from Samuel J. May, by Mr. Hathaway.
Wm. H. Channing, from the Business Committee, reported a series of resolutions.
Resolved, That as women alone can learn by experience, and prove by works, what is their rightful

subject of appointing a Central Committee, whose object it should be to promote the designs of this Convention during the coming year, accompanying them with appropriate remarks.
Mrs. Tyndale of Philadelphia, spoke of the business capacities of women, and the necessity of engaging in active duties to promote their own development.
W. H. Channing rose to thank his sister for her noble conduct. If he were her son, he should be proud of a mother who could stand up here and give such words of encouragement, and who had done such deeds.
Miss Martha H. Mowry, physician, of Providence, Lucy Stone, S. S. Foster, Mrs. Mott and Miss Brown, occupied the floor till a late hour.
The resolutions were unanimously adopted, and, with the other documents of the Convention, referred to the Central Committee for publication.
Proceeds of the contributions, $119.65.
Adjourned, sine die.

Central Committee
Paulina W. Davis, Providence, R.I., Chairman.
Sarah H. Earle, Worcester, Mass., Secretary.
Wm. H. Channing, Boston, " "
Wendell Phillips, " " Treasurer.
Mary A. W. Johnson, Salem, Ohio.
Gerrit Smith, Peterboro', N.Y.
J.G. Forman, West Bridgewater, Mass.
Martha Mowry, Providence, R.I.
Lucy Stone, West Brookfield, Mass.
Joseph C. Hathaway, Farmington, N.Y.
Abby K. Foster, Worcester, Mass.
Pliny Sexton, Palmyra, N.Y.
J. Elizabeth Jones, Salem, Ohio.
William Elder, Philadelphia.
William Stedman, Randolph, Ohio, Stark co.
Emily Robinson, Marlborough, Ohio, "
Abby H. Price, Hopedale, Mass.
William Lloyd Garrison, Boston.

Committee on Education,
Eliza Barney, Nantucket, Mass., Chairman.
Marian Blackwell, Cincinnati, O., Secretary.
Elizabeth C. Stanton, Seneca Falls, N.Y.
Eliza Taft, Dedham, Mass.
C.F.H. Nichols, Brattleboro', Vtl.







The Call of the Convention was then read by the 
President, Mr. Hathaway.
     The Committee on nominating officers reported the 
following list, which was adopted by the Convention:
     President - PAULINA W. DAVIS, of R. I.
    Vice Presidents - William H. Channing,  of N. Y.
                                Sarah Tyndale, of Penn.
    Secretaries - Hannah M. Darlington, of Penn.
                         Joseph C. Hathaway, of N. Y.
     The President elect, Mrs. Paulina W. Davis, took the chair, and read an address.  (See last page.)
      On motion of Mrs. Mott, the consideration of the publication of the President's address was left open for further discussion.
      On motion of M. A. W. Johnson, the Nominating Committee were appointed to nominate a Business Committee.
      Mrs. Mott spoke at length upon the condition of women, and the duties devolving upon this Convention, that it may do its part toward her elevation.
      Mrs. Johnson, from the committee to appoint a Business Committee, reported the following names, which were adopted by the Convention :---
      M. A. W. Johnson, of Ohio; Wm. Lloyd Garrison, of Mass.; Ernestine L. Rose, of N. Y.; Harriet K. Hunt, of Mass.; Wm. H. Channing, of N. Y.; E. W. Capron, of R. I.; Abby H. Price, of Mass.; Wm. Fish, of Hopedale; Samuel May, Jr., of Mass.; Susan Sisson, of R. I.; Anna Q. T. Parsons, of Mass.
      On motion of Mr. Foster, a committee of four on the roll and on finance was appointed, viz. :---Martin Stowell, Sarah Hallock, Dr. Martin, Susan R. Harris. 
      On motion of Mr. Foster, all persons present were invited to take part in the discussions, but those only who enrolled their names as members be allowed to vote.
      Mr. Hathaway, one of the Secretaries, read letters from Elizur Wright, E. A. Lukens, L. A. Hine and Elizabeth Wilson.
      On motion of Mr. Foster, voted, that all business for this Convention be submitted to the Business Committee.
      On motion of Mrs. Earle, voted, that when we adjourn, we adjourn to meet this afternoon, at 2 o'clock.
      On motion of Mr. Foster, Frederick Douglass was added to the Business Committee.
      On motion, adjourned.
      AFTERNOON SESSION. The Convention met at 2 o'clock. The President, Mrs. P. W. Davis, in the chair.
      The minutes of the morning session were read by H. M. Darlington, and adopted.
      Mrs. Price then offered an address.
      Mr. Wm. H. Channing, from the Business Committee, reported a preamble and resolution, which were discussed by Mr. Channing, Mrs. Rose, Mrs. A. K. Foster, and C. C. Burleigh. The following are the resolutions :---
      Whereas, the very contracted sphere of action prescribed for woman, arising from an unjust view of her nature, capacities and powers, and from the infringement of her just rights as an equal with man, is highly injurious to her physical, mental and moral development; therefore,
      Resolved, That we will not cease our earnest endeavors to secure for her political, legal and social equality with man, until her proper sphere is determined,---by what alone should determine it,---her Powers and Capacities, strengthened and refined by an education in accordance with her nature.
      On motion, adjourned, to meet at 7 o'clock, P. M.
      EVENING SESSION. Mrs. P. W. Davis in the chair. 
      Business of the Convention---The discussion of the preamble and resolution offered at the morning session. Speakers---Wm. H. Channing and Lucretia Mott.
      Wendell Phillips, on behalf of the Business Committee, reported several resolutions, which were discussed by W. Phillips, Mrs. Rose, Mrs. Mott, Mrs. A. K. Foster, James N. Buffum, and Stephen S. Foster. The resolutions were as follows:---
      Resolved, That every human being of full age, and resident for a proper length of time on the soil of the nation, who is required to obey law, is entitled to a voice in its enactments; that every such person, whose property or labor is taxed for the support of government, is entitled to a direct share in such government. Therefore,
      Resolved, That women are clearly entitled to the right of suffrage, and to be considered eligible to office; the omission to demand which, on her part, is a palpable recreancy to duty; and the denial of which is a gross usurpation, on the part of man, no longer to be endured; and that every party which claims to represent the humanity, civilization and progress of the age, is bound to inscribe on its banners, Equality before the law, without distinction of sex or color.
      Resolved, That political rights acknowledge no sex, and therefore the word 'male' should be stricken from every State Constitution.
      Resolved, That the laws of property, as affecting


                 Because it will and must.
             A Woman's rights Convention!
                 Ring out the word on high;
             If my brother man will help me,
                 To help myself I'll try;
             And with the power given me
                 By one all-gracious Lord,
             Obtain my right, in every light,
                 By ploughshare, not by sword.
                          A WOMAN OF THE 19TH CENTURY.

      The minutes of yesterday's afternoon and evening sessions were read by J. C. Hathaway, and adopted.
      Letters addressed to the Convention were read from Mrs. E. C. Stanton and O.S. Fowler, by M. A. W. Johnson, and one from Samuel J. May, by Mr. Hathaway.
      Wm. H. Channing, from the Business Committee, reported a series of resolutions.
      Resolved, That as women alone can learn by experience, and prove by works, what is their rightful sphere of duty, we recommend, as next-steps, that they should demand and secure---
      1. Education in primary and high schools, universities, medical, legal and theological institutions, as comprehensive and exact as their abilities prompt them to seek, and their capabilities fit them to receive:
      2. Partnerships in the labors, gains, risks and remunerations of productive industry, with such limits only as are assigned by taste, intuitive judgement, r their measure of spiritual and physical vigor, as tested by experiment:
      3. A co-equal share in the formation and administration of law, municipal, State, and national, through legislative assemblies, courts and executive offices:
      4. Such as may become the guardians of pure morals and honorable manners---a high court of appeal in cases of outrage which cannot be and are not touched by civil or ecclesiastical organizations, as at present existing, and a medium for expressing the highest views of justice dictated by human conscience and sanctioned by Holy Inspiration.
      Resolved, That a Central Committee be appointed by this Convention, empowered to enlarge their numbers: (2) Industrial avocations; (3) Civil and political rights and regulations; (4) Social relations; who shall correspond with each other and with the Central Committee, hold meetings in their respective neighborhoods, gather statistics, facts and illustrations, raise funds for purposes of publication; and through the press, tracts, books, and the living agent, guide public opinion upward and onward in the grand social reform of establishing woman's co-sovereignty with man.
      Resolved, That the Central Committee be authorised to call other Conventions, at such times and places as they shall see fit; and that they hold office until the next annual Convention.
      H. K. Hunt read an able essay upon the medical education of women.
      Wendell Phillips reported another series of resolutions, which were discussed by Mrs. Ball, of Worcester, Miss Brown, of Ohio, and C. C. Burleigh.
      Resolved, That since the prospect of honorable and useful employment, in after life, for the faculties we are laboring to discipline, is the keenest stimulus to fidelity in the use of educational advantages, and since the best education is that we give ourselves in the struggles, employments, and discipline of life; therefore, it is impossible that woman should make full use of the instruction already accorded to her, or that her career should do justice to her faculties, until the avenues to the various civil and professional employments are thrown open to arouse her ambition and call forth all her nature.
       Resolved, That every effort to educate woman, until you accord to her her rights, and arouse her conscience by the weight of her responsibilities, is futile, and a waste of labor.
      Resolved, That the cause we are met to advocate,---the claim for woman of all her natural and civil rights,---bids us remember the million and half of slave women at the South, the most grossly wronged and foully outraged of all women; and in every effort for an improvement in our civilization, we will bear in our heart of hearts the memory of the trampled womanhood of the plantation, and omit no effort to raise it to a share in the rights we claim for ourselves.
      On motion, adjourned till 2 o'clock, P. M.
      AFTERNOON SESSION. The President, Mrs. P. W. Davis, in the chair.
      Business before the Convention---The discussion of the resolutions offered at the morning session. Speakers---Dr. Alcott, Mrs. Rose, Sojourner Truth, Mrs. Brown, Mrs. Mott, Frederick Douglass, Wm. Lloyd Garrison, C. C. Burleigh, and A. K. Foster.
      Adjourned, to meet at 7 o'clock, P. M.
      EVENING SESSION. Convened at 7 o'clock, P. M. President in the chair.
      William H. Channing read a preamble and a series of resolutions, presented in the morning, upon the


      Wendell Phillips,             Treasurer.
      Mary A. W. Johnson, Salem, Ohio.
      Gerrit Smith, Peterboro', N. Y.
      J. G. Forman, West Bridgewater, Mass.
      Martha Mowry, Providence, R. I.
      Lucy Stone, West Brookfield, Mass.
      Joseph C. Hathaway, Farmington, N. Y.
      Abby K. Foster, Worcester, Mass.
      Pliny Sexton, Palmyra, N. Y.
      J. Elizabeth Jones, Salem, Ohio.
      William Elder, Philadelphia.
      William Stedman, Randolph, Ohio, Stark co.
      Emily Robinson, Marlborough, Ohio,       "
      Abby H. Price, Hopedale, Mass.
      William Lloyd Garrison, Boston.
                       COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION.
      Eliza Barney, Nantucket, Mass., Chairman.
      Marian Blackwell, Cincinnati, O., Secretary.
      Elizabeth C. Stanton, Seneca Falls, N. Y.
      Eliza Taft, Dedham, Mass.
      C. F. H. Nichols, Brattleboro', Vt.
      Calvin Fairbanks, Me.
      Hannah Darlingtor., Kennet Square, Penn.

                COMMITTEE ON INDUSTRIAL AVOCATIONS.
      Charles F. Hovey, Boston, Mass., Chairman.
      Philinda Jones, Worcester, Mass., Secretary.
      Harriet K. Hunt, Boston,        "
      Elizabeth Blackwell, England.
      Benjamin S. Treanor, Boston, Mass.
      Ebenezer D. Draper, Hopedale, Milford, Mass.
      Phebe Goodwin, Delaware county, Penn.
      Alice Jackson, Avondale, West Chester co., Pa.
      Maria Waring, Dublin, Ireland.

COMMITTEE ON CIVIL AND POLITICAL FUNCTIONS.
      Ernestine L. Rose, New York, Chairman.
      Lucy Stone, West Brookfield, Mass., Secretary.
      Wendell Phillips, Boston, Mass.
      Hannah Stickney, Philadelphia, Penn.
      Sarah Hallock, Milton, N. Y.
      Abby K. Foster, Worcester, Mass.
      Charles C. Burleigh, Plainfield, Conn.
      Elizabeth C. Stanton, Seneca Falls, N. Y.
      William L. Garrison, Boston, Mass.

               COMMITTEE ON SOCIAL RELATIONS
      Lucretia Mott, Philadelphia, Pa., Chairman.
      William H. Channing, Boston, Mass., Secretary.
      Anna Q. T. Parsons, Boston, Mass.
      William H. Fish, Hopedale, Milford, Mass.
      Rebecca Plumley, Philadelphia, Penn.
      Elizabeth B. Chase, Valley Falls, R. I.
      J. G. Forman, West Bridgewater, Mass.
      Henry Fish, Hopedale, Milford, Mass.
      Mary Grew, Philadelphia, Penn.

A sub-Committee from the Central Committee, to act as a 
                     Committee of Publication.
      Paulina W. Davis,           William L. Garrison, 
                        William H. Channing.
                                    ---------
      LETTER FROM ELIZABETH WILSON.
                                 CADIZ, (Ohio,) Sept. 27, 1850.
DEAR FRIENDS AND FELLOW-LABORERS:
      I would consider it both an honor and a privilege to be with you on the occasion of your meeting, but I regret to say it will not be in my power to be personally present with you; but I am with you in spirit, and I pray God to bless every member of your Convention, and direct your deliberations, that they may redound to His glory, and promote the interests of the human family.
I rejoice that the friends of reform begin to awaken on this subject, and to adopt concentrated action, as in union there is strength. There is no reform in progress in which the well-being of the human family is more involved than the one which has brought you together. Nothing short of an immediate miracle could prevent the deleterious effects of such an excess of authority  in either party as is experienced by the male part of community over the female. Both the governor and the governed are encompassed with evil tendencies peculiar to their situation. There is nothing more demoralizing to any portion of the community than arbitrary power. And a majority of men show by their conduct that they are not exempt from its contaminating influence. Hence the pride, vain boasting, wrath, strife, licentiousness, murder and war. On the part of woman, the position in society which she occupies has a tendency to paralyze her energies,physical, moral and intellectual---lower her independence and self-respect, and render her a servile, frivolous, insignificant,useless member of community. What a powerfully deleterious influence these evils of our social system must necessarily produce in society! That many men and women surmount every obstacle, and prove beyond dispute that they are in possession of and exercise every attribute that would adorn and elevate humanity, we gladly admit; but that their position in society has the evil tendencies we have specified, we think there are few who consider the subject will deny. Hence the question has heavy claims on the Christian philanthropist. The phrase 'Woman's Rights,' conveys a very inadequate idea of the magnitude of this question. 
man's glory; but for a woman to appear as an advocate, or use her intellectual exertions for the promotion of any good cause, is to present herself as a victim to the shafts of persecution. The exercise of speech and intellect man claims as his monopoly, a concomitant of his sovereignty. As Milton:
  'For contemplation he, and valor formed;
   For softness she, and sweet attractive grace;
   He, for God only; she, for God in him;
   His fair large front, and eye sublime, declared
   Absolute rule.'(! !)
Idolatry !--- 'She, for God in him.' (! !)
 Man cannot sympathize with woman in the pain and attendant evils with the deprivation of her rights inflict on her. No---he scoffs at the idea of woman talking of being divested of her rights; because he considers her an inferior being to himself. What portion of the human family ever usurped authority over another portion, but represented themselves to be superior? Christ says, ' If any would be great, let him be the servant.' Superior is a term wholly unknown in the Bible, with reference to human beings. That all mankind are created equal is a Bible doctrine. A majority of men will acknowledge abstractly that women do not enjoy their rights; but when any amendment is proposed, they will fly the course, and begin to justify woman's deprivation of rights from the Bible. The Bible is a slandered book.
A great part of our moral and theological teachings gives perverted views of the Bible, a mere play on words, on this question, and are powerful obstacles, together with legal enactment, in the way of woman's elevation.
It has been my earnest desire to use the mental powers God has given me, however feeble, to remove this slander from the book of God. We call on man to produce his testimony from the Bible, showing his authority to govern woman, or stand before the world as an arrogant usurper. It may be said, the wife's duty to obey implies the husband's right to command. Obey what? For him 'to nourish and cherish her,' as she is his own body, 'as the Lord the church.' Her obedience must correspond to his duty; her obedience is passive, not active. He must treat her in the manner he would wish himself to be treated, were she head and he body. Would he suppose it would have any tendency to cheer and gladden his heart for her to rule him? Every human being has an inherent love of liberty, and cannot be happy without its enjoyment; consequently, the husband, in the performance of his duty, as 'nourisher and cherisher,' cannot deprive the wife of her liberty. There is not an example or scripture record of husbands ruling their wives. Wives acted as freely in family government as did husbands.
Supposing it true, that the husband had authority from the Bible to rule his wife, which we utterly deny, how does that constitute men in cumulo a great hereditary aristocracy, with plenary power to rule all women? Nor will a majority of women's tame submission, and saying that they will have all the rights they want, (a very convenient way to throw off responsibility,) give him the right to rule. Women cannot alienate their natural rights more than men, and for the same reason, because the duties they impose are unchangeable. As woman is endowed with the power of self-government equal with man, it is an unmistakable indication that she was intended by the Creator to govern herself, and she succeeds fully equal to man in the use of this power. 
It is a despicable, pitiful thing to hear a woman representing herself as lower in the scale of creation than man, having fewer rights; thus dishonoring her Creator, who 'made her in His own image, and crowned her head with glory and honor, and  set her over the works of his hands,'equally with man. Women are to be pitied. This low, servile, cringing disposition is the legitimate fruit of a perverted social organization, which has governed them from their birth. But, thanks to our great Creator, a love of liberty in  woman, as well as in man, is inherent; it may be paralyzed but not eradicated, and woman does love liberty as well as man. We believe there are few women who do not think they are unjustly dealt with, though a majority are afraid to say so; they fear the sneers, and sarcasms, and menaces of men, and the sneers and no less bitter sarcasms of a number of their own sex, who profess they 'have all the rights they want.' There is generally little complaining in despotism, though great suffering may be experienced. Nor is it peculiar to women to become so degraded by bondage that they would prefer to live in comparative slavery, rather than encounter perils and contumely attendant on their emancipation. Nor is this any indication that God designed them for slaves.
The Jews (whose history is a transcript of human nature) preferred the bondage of Egypt, with its fleshpots and the comparative quiet they enjoyed there, to the turmoil and privations consequent upon the obtaining of their liberty, and proposed to make a captain and return to their bondage, and talked of stoning Moses, their great liberator, for his instrumentality in their emancipation. Notwithstanding their low, ser-
                                   LETTER FROM O. S. FOWLER
TO THE OFFICERS OF THE WOMAN'S CONVENTION, 
      WORCESTER, MASS. : 
     Professional appointments at the West will prevent my complying with the invitation of the Committee to be present during the deliberations of your body, and I therefore take this opportunity to express to you a few sentiments touching the general subject of your Convention.
   To say that I regard the elevation of woman and putting her in her proper position as the most important work--- a work more potential on the destinies of man than any other, and more absolutely necessary to the progress of the race--- is but to express a truism, uttered a thousand times before, not by myself merely, but by all who take any interest in bettering the condition of man.
As in agriculture, every month brings its particular kind of labor, so every period of the world's destiny, and every age, brings its particular kind of work in order to promote progression; and the work of this age is to perfect woman, and thereby the race. It is a great work, greater than any which has yet claimed the attention of mankind; no more important, ay, no more imperious---- one which must positively and absolutely be accomplished, and by the present generation; and your movement shows that you have [[??]] this general fact, and set yourselves at work for its performance.
   But by what means can so necessary a work be accomplished? for in proportion to the value and importance of the work, is it necessary that just the right means, and they alone, should be employed, and in just the right manner. Far be it from me to dicdate to your body touching this head; but pardon me if, from the inexpressibly deep interest I have in this subject, I offer for your consideration the following suggestions. 
    The two sexes, in their collective capacity, bear precisely the same relations to each other with the individual husbands and wives sustain to one another. This is a fundamental truth, and embodies those landmarks which furnish infallible guides as to the best means of improving the condition of woman. Your Convention is based on the pre-supposition that woman occupies a position inferior to what actually belongs to her, and inquires, By what means can she be elevated to her proper sphere? Suppose, then, a wife occupies a position below that of her husband, by whom and by what instrumentalities can she most effectually be elevated? It is not alone for her to complain of her inferior position,  nor is it for her, by her own exertions alone, to make herself what she should be. In this matter, the husband has quite as much interest as the wife, and has more to do. As the improvement of the wife should come more from the husband than from herself, and as the improvement of the husband should be originated and accomplished more by the wife than by the husband; or, more properly, as every husband should consult his wife how he and she together can most effectually perfect him, so it is not for women to meet together in convention alone, to consult and labor the elevation of her sex; bit it si even more proper for a man to meet in convention, and inquire, 'How can we elevate the female sex?' and then labor for that end; but the true method is for man and woman to meet together in counsel, each putting the wisdom of the one and the warm aspirations of the other together, in search after female perfection, at the same time that other conventions may properly be called of both sexes, inquiring how the masculine can be purified, developed and perfected.
    This law passes a slight criticism on your convention's being conducted wholly by females; better even that, than to allow the subject to be wholly neglected. Still, your effort would not stand in the way of a convention of both sexes, having the same inquiry which now occupies tour philanthropic body; and I trust the day is not far distant when such conventions shall be frequent, and their deliberations most effectual in the promotion of the great and glorious end you seek, for I regarded no object to be accomplished as at all comparing in the importance, or in moral sublimity and beauty, with the perfect of your sex. 
    The plain fact is this: all conventions of deliberation of woman without man are just as defective as the unmarried woman at fifty; just as all deliberations of men, either political, religious, mechanical, agricultural, or whatever they may be, are exactly like a bachelor at seventy. Or thus, as in the economy of nature, no man can be a man until he has become thoroughly identified and incorporated with a female companion, and no woman can put on either the beauties or glories of the feminine until she has become devoted to and assimilated with on of the opposite sex, so none of the common ends of society, accomplished by either sex individually, without the assistance of the other, can be otherwise than most lame and imperfect. In other words, man has certain qualities which require to be infused into every thing appertaining to the public, and the respective qualities now it ha mainly the latter; though, thank Heaven! woman is beginning to study, and will ultimately add to science those female influences just shown to be requisite in every thing that concerns humanity. Of course, then, it is not only proper, but absolutely necessary, that we have female lecturers on science, and female speakers on all those subjects which belong to or interest humanity.
    This general law, applied to individuals, passes which encomiums on the noble stand taken by Lucretia Mott and some others of her sex, who, nobly breaking away from the trammels of aristocracy, which points the finger of scorn and ridicule at female speakers, have practically exemplified the law in question, by speaking before large bodies of both sexes. Their doctrines we do not now either commend or disapprove, but congratulate society on the fact that they opened their mouths in public and with such ability as to have given respectability to a custom before disreputable, and broken the ice so that others can now follow in their noble footsteps. 
    To run out the great principle here developed in detail, and to apply I to the decisions of thousands of those subjects and questions which come withing the consideration of your honorable body, is not necessary, because the general law here developed is too unequivocal and its application too plain to require it. the race is not always to remain what it is and has been, but that the perfect reality of the past and the present is to be superseded by that almost celestiality ' which kings and prophets waited for, and sought, but never found;' that, in short, society is to be regenerated, and a millennium with all its glories is soon to be established, and the face become perfected far beyond what we have seen or heart, or it 'hath entered into the heart of man to conceive,' is a truth, written, not upon a page of prophecy alone, but upon the nature of man, and as clearly evinced by those throes of society and transitions through which it is so rapidly passing, as the first dawning of the sun evinces the prospective coming of its noon-time glory.
    When God made man, He did not trifle. It was His last work, His greatest work. All the power, all the wisdom, all the benevolence, in short, every characteristic of the Deity was brought into the most infinitely intense state of activity and power in the creation of man. To have the race always continue to be what it thus far has been, would be disreputable to its Author.
    The evils of the past and present will only contrast the more gloriously with the beauties and perfections of the future. But this ordination and perfection of the race is to be accomplished by means; for God always works by instrumentalities, and in this case, human instrumentalities are to be the direct agencies for bringing about this infinitely glorious change.
    Now, are those agencies to be our forward by man alone? No, for he is inadequate to the task; nor, for a like reason, can they be put forth by woman alone. 
    In short, the relations of the masculine and feminine to each other, and those laws which govern this whole subject, show that in the regeneration of the race, female agencies and influences are to be quite as efficacious and efficient as those of a man; and if the world, as a whole, cannot be regenerated without both the masculine and the feminine efforts combined, then individual societies cannot be changed from bad to good by either sex singly. As children cannot be completely educated by either the mother alone or the father, so, in training race after race for higher and still higher achievements, it will require both the masculine influences of all the fathers husbands and brothers of every nation and town under heaven, as well as all the mothers, sisters and wives; for every generation stands exactly in the same relation to the next generation, which the fathers and mothers stand to individual families of children.
    Do not, however, understand me, as to this general law, to criticize the movements of your body, because they come exclusively from women. Man has not heretofore done what he can do for woman. It is better than woman try to do alone, than that nothing be done; but it is to be hoped that your convention will provoke man to rise in all the interest which man should feel in the perfection of the feminine, and join with woman in devising and executing those ways and means which shall place woman in the position she was originally created to occupy; for let it be remembered, that woman was created perfect, and that her nature is all that even a God could make it, both for her own happiness and for the happiness of society; and when we ascertain what her natural sphere is, and place her in it, we shall do the very thing exactly for the perfection of not her alone, but all mankind.
    Whilst, therefore, I pray with all my soul for spiritual influences to overshadow and guide the deliberations of your assembly, I remain, as I long have been, 
    Yours for the perfection of woman,
                                                            O.S. FOWLER.
    New York, Oct. 14th, 1850.
                                                          -----------
    Other letters and addresses read at the Convention will be published in the next Liberator.


182                     THE LIBERATOR.                     VOL. XX. NO. 46.
The Liberator.
No Union with Slaveholders !
BOSTON, NOV. 15, 1850.
RECEPTION MEETING.
    A gathering of the friends of Reform, International 
Amity, and Universal Emancipation,
will take place in FANEUIL HALL, THIS
(FRIDAY) EVENING, the 15th inst., at 7 o'clock, 
for the purpose of congratulating Mr.
GEORGE THOMPSON, M. P. of England,
on his arrival in this country, and of sympathising 
with him in the various reformatory movements 
in which he has been so honorably distinguished 
since his last visit to the United
States. Addresses will be delivered on the
occasion by Messrs. Thompson, Phillips, Garrison, 
and Douglass.
    [?] The galleries specially reserved for the
Ladies.
    On behalf of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery
Society,

FRANCIS JACKSON,
WENDELL PHILLIPS,
WM. LLOYD GARRISON,
EDMUND QUINCY,
SAMUEL MAY, JA.,
} Committee
    [?] We consider it wholly unnecessary to urge the
friends of 'Reform, International Amity, and Universal 
Emancipation,' to be present at this Reception
Meeting, in overwhelming numbers; for we have no
doubt Faneuil Hall will be crowded to its utmost capacity. 
Those who would obtain entrance must go
early. An express train is the be run from Lynn, and
the attendance from the neighboring towns will be
numerous. There never has landed on these shores
a more intrepid, devoted and meritorious advocate of
human freedom, without regard to clime or color—or
one more strongly desirous of the peace, prosperity
and happiness of this republic—or one more deserving 
of the general regard and a most enthusiastic
welcome—than GEORGE THOMPSON. 'Honor
to whom to honor.'
    It will be seen, by the notice below, that our colored 
fellow-citizens intend giving Mr. Thompson a 
special reception in the Belknap street meeting-house
on Monday evening next. It will be hearty!
    [?] Mr. Thompson will attend a gathering of the
friends of freedom in the City Hall, Worcester, on
Thursday afternoon and evening, next week.

A WELCOME MEETING
TO
GEORGE THOMPSON, Esq., M. P.,
Will be tendered by the colored citizens of Boston,
at Belknap street church, on Monday evening, Nov.
18, 1850. Exercises will commence at 7 o'clock.
John S. Hilton,    William H. Logan,
Wm. C. Nell,        Edward Jackson,
Robert Johnson, Wm. Johnson,
Henry Weeden,   Abraham Gaul.

LECTURES BY GEORGE THOMPSON,
ESQ., M. P.
At the earnest invitation of numerous friends, this
distinguished philanthropist and eloquent orator has
consented to deliver a course of
FIVE LECTURES
in Boston, to commence on Tuesday evening, the
26th instant, and to continue on Friday, the 29th;
Tuesday, the 2d; Friday, the 5th; and Tuesday, the

FAREWELL SOIREE TO GEORGE THOMPSON, 
ESQ., M. P.,
    Previous to his embarkation for America.
On Wednesday evening, Oct. 16, a meeting was
held at the London Tavern, Bishopsgate street, London, 
for the purpose of bidding farewell to the honorable 
Member for the Tower Hamlets, previous to
his leaving England for the United States. The objects 
of the Soiree were two-fold, a testimony of respect 
and admiration for the character and public
services of Mr. GEORGE THOMPSON, and also as an expression 
of earnest wishes for his success in a mission,
so far at least as its anti-slavery aspect is concerned,
it may be said without the slightest hyperbole that he
carries with him the sympathy of the entire population 
of the United Kingdom, and the fervent wishes
of the wise and good in every enlightened portion
of the globe.
    The time of Mr. Thompson's departure having become 
known only a few days prior to his sailing from
Liverpool, it was impossible to make arrangements
for a demonstration upon such an extended scale as
his friends were anxious to make in his favor. Two
parties contested for the privilege of giving the farewell 
entertainment to a man, of whom it may be
said pre-eminently, that the people delight to honor.
The first was intended as a national demonstration in
the Metropolis; the second as an entertainment from
his constituents of the Tower Hamlets alone, numbering 
upwards of 21,000 electors, and a population of
half a million. The claim of the latter was strongly
urged, upon the ground that, as Mr. Thompson was
their representative in Parliament, he was peculiarly
their property, and they had, therefore, a clear right
of preference. The multiplicity of the honorable
gentleman's engagements, however, in the cause of
the National Reform Association,—his laborious exertions 
in which have at times considerably impaired
his health, and sometimes rendered his friends even
anxious respecting his life,—prevented his acceptance
of either invitation, and circumstances compelled the
abandonment of all idea of an entertainment of any
thing like a public nature. Indeed, it was felt, that
were publicity to be given to the Soiree, and tickets
thrown open to all purchasers, the largest room in
London would be inadequate to the accommodation
of one tithe of the number who would have sought
admittance. On the other hand, it was known that
the most painful disappointment would be experienced, 
were no opportunity afforded his more immediate
friends of bidding him an affectionate farewell. In
this state of things, a third course was suggested and
adopted, as the only one practicable under the circumstances.
For some time past, a series of private
Soirees have been held in the Metropolis, in connection 
with the Council of the National Reform Association. 
The Executive Committee resolved to convert 
the next monthly gathering of that kind into a
Valedictory Soiree to Mr. Thompson. The circle of
invitations was, accordingly, extended to the utmost
limit of convenience, but all advertisements or notices 
in the public journals, not only of the Soiree
itself, but also the fact of the honorable gentleman's
intended departure, were carefully avoided, for the
reason before stated, as well as in compliance with the
desire of Mr. Thompson himself, that the meeting
should assume as little of a public demonstration as
possible.
    Upwards of 600 ladies and gentlemen met together
on the occasion. After partaking of tea, coffee, &c.,
in the ante-chambers, the company proceeded to the
large and elegant hall of this celebrated establishment 
of Messrs. Bathe & Co. Among the distinguished 
persons present were Sir Joshua Walmsley, M. P.,
President of the National Reform Association; John
Williams, Esq. M. P., Treasurer, Henry Tindal Atkinson, 
Esq., Barrister at Law; Denis McDonnel,
Esq., R. Le Blond, Esq., Henry James Slack, Esq.,

    Appended is a verbatim report of the addresses delivered 
at the soiree. The enthusiastic spirit that pervaded 
the assembly would baffle the most skilful reporter, 
possessed of the most graphic powers of description, 
to convey to paper. There was a completeness 
of arrangement, and a degree of refinement imparted 
to the details, probably unequalled in any previous 
meeting. For this perfection, the Association
were greatly indebted to the gratuitous services of
Henry James Slack and Thorold Wood, Esqs., the latter 
of whom undertook the superintendence of the 
musical arrangements, and himself presided at the
piano forte.
    There was an appropriateness in the farewell soiree
to Mr. George Thompson being held in connection
with the National Reform Association, previous to his
visit to the American Anti-Slavery Society; holding
as these organizations severally do, parallel positions
in their respective countries. The former is laboring
for the political, the latter for the personal enfranchisement 
of millions of their oppressed fellow-countrymen. 
There is no man who, from his antecedents,
is so thoroughly qualified to sustain the character of
the Dais-man of both races, and to lay his hand upon
the heads, and unite in his own person the reformers on
both sides of the Atlantic; none who can so truly represent 
to the American republicans the universal feeling 
of the people of Great Britain. It is by no means
surprising that, in the various speeches at the soiree,
there should have been traceable such an unity of
spirit and undesigned coincidence of sentiment. Between 
the cis-Atlantic and trans-Atlantic abolitionists. 
The expressions of attachment to America, per
se, in her pristine condition—in the character which
Providence intended her to sustain as a real anti-slavery 
republic for black and white—the refuge of the
oppressed of all countries, and the germ of the mightiest 
empire in the world—was strong and fervent.
The denunciation of America in her vitiated condition—
in that state of moral leprosy by which she has
rendered herself unfit for communion with the civilized 
world‚in her anomalous character of a pro-slavery 
republic‚in her transformation from the refuge 
from the world's oppression to the greatest oppressor 
in the world—was equally strong and fervent.
That condemnation was, nevertheless, conveyed, in
terms more of sorrow than of anger; not with imprecations 
for her national destruction as one of the
greatest enemies of human liberty and happiness, but
with aspirations for her repentance and reformation,
and the resumption of her rightful moral position
among the nations of the earth. The feeling evinced 
towards the United States at the London Tavern
is that of the people of Great Britain, and in this respect, 
Mr. George Thompson will more legitimately
sustain the office of ambassador from this country
than does Sir H. L. Bulwer at Washington.
—
SIR JOSHUA WALMSLEY, M.P., having taken the
chair, MISS CUBITT, MRS. MARTIN, and MRS. SEYMOUR, 
assisted by a choir of thirteen professional vocalists, 
immediately commenced
THE PEOPLE'S ANTHEM.
The Poetry by Ebenezer Elliott.—Music by William Thorold Wood.
1.
CHORUS.
When wilt thou save the people?
Oh! God of mercy, when?
Not king and lords, but nations!
Not thrones and crowns, but men!

QUARTETT AND SEMI-CHORUS
Flowers of thy heart, oh! God, are they;
Let them not pass like weeds away—
Their heritage a winter's day.
CHORUS.—God save the people!
2.
CHORUS.
Shall crime breed crime for ever,

this country to a triumphant issue, he was induced,
in the year 1835, to visit that land of the free—the
United States of America. I say 'the land of the
free,' for it must be confessed that, with all its
faults, it still deserves to be so called. (Hear.) If
there be, indeed, the foul blot of slavery upon its
escutcheon, it becomes us to bear in mind that
England left it there, and that it is not many years
since we ourselves wiped the same stigma from our
national character. During his stay in America, our
friend rendered most invaluable aid to the cause of
the oppressed sons of Africa; and although the advocates 
of slavery hunted for his life, and drove him
ignominiously from their shores, yet the seed that he
then sowed has brought forward an abundant harvest; 
and now, after a lapse of fifteen years, he is
going back to behold the gratifying result of his heroic 
exertions; to witness the wonderful progress
made in that great and mighty movement for freedom, 
which, I doubt not, is approaching to a triumphant 
issue; for the first time, I am confident, is not
far distant, when, delivered from this just reproach,
America will, beyond the power of any one to gainsay 
her title, become, in every sense of the word,
'the land of the free.' (Cheers.) But, ladies and
gentlemen, leaving, for a moment, the friend we
have assembled to honor, and turning to the Association 
whose interests we have met to promote, allow
me to inform you of our more recent proceedings.
On Monday last, we had a large, enthusiastic, and
most influential meeting in this room, the proceedings 
of which have called forth the remarks of a
journal which deserves, at all times, to be spoken of
with the greatest possible respect as the leader of
the public mind upon important questions. That paper 
says that we are telling the people nothing new,
but are merely repeating the old story over again.—
We plead guilty to the accusation. What then? Why,
we ask the Times, ought we to be placed by the
government in such a position as to be under the
necessity of pleading for the rights of the people
over and over again? (Hear.) Is it our fault that
we are here again to-night to reiterate the same demand 
on behalf of our country? Let our rulers act
justly, and give the people their constitutional rights,
and they will no longer hear of our agitation. The
people ask no more than their rights, and the will
take no less. (Cheers.) Let me tell our governors
that the time is coming—ay, is even at hand— when
they will be compelled to yield. Justice, common
sense, constitutional rights and the will of the great
body of the people are all with us; and what mere
state power can stand against such a combination?
    We have been accused, again and again, of desiring 
to improve the condition of the middle classes,
but without any desire to benefit our poorer brethren 
of the industrial classes. We repudiate the
charge. Let the men who have branded us with it,
or thought for a moment we deserved it, strive and
vie with us who shall be the foremost and most earnest 
in promoting the great object of equal rights for
every man in the country. But, ladies and gentlemen, 
I am here to-night as your Chairman, not to
take up your time, but to give place to others. I
know that my task will be a simple and easy one.
I know that, in the presence of such an assembly,
this meeting will be conducted with that order which
has ever characterized the proceedings of the meetings 
of the National Reform Association, the more
especially upon an occasion like this, when we have
the presence of so many of the fair sex with us. I have
not come here to make a speech. I knew that there
would be gentlemen present far more able to address
this large auditory than myself. I came here simply
to conduct this interesting meeting according to the
best of my ability, and simply to lay its programme
before you. To the intellectual addresses of several 
gentlemen now upon the platform, I am happy to
say that, through the able assistance of our friend
Mr. Slack, we shall have the gratification of the
production of several admirable pieces of music,
adapted to the occasion; and, at a subsequent period 
of the evening, we shall have the high treat of
listening to the farewell speech of our honorable and
most esteemed friend, Mr. George Thompson, before 
he leaves us to visit the United States; although
I rejoice to state his absence will only be for a few
months. (Hear and cheers.) I am sure that we all
fervently hope to see him return at the appointed
time in the enjoyment of renewed health, strength,
and vigor, even still more improved and advanced,
if it be possible, in his views respecting human lib-

are pointed to the fact, that poor children are sold by
the pound, and that man, with all the intellectual
powers and faculties of his soul, is put upon the
auction-table, and sold as property by his fellow-man.
And who can answer such a taunt? Who can say
that the Americans themselves are really free?
Who can assert that they understand their own freedom? 
Pity the slave! Who can refrain from doing
that, if he but calls to his imagination the poor creature, 
torn from the ties of family, and not only that,
torn absolutely from the ties of virtue, and virtue
made a vice and crime in him—who can feel that
which cleaves to the man, and not curse slavery from
his inmost soul? [cheers.] But there is something
even more to be pitied than the poor bondman, and
that is, the man who buys and sells the slave; who
damns himself by crushing the virtue of his brother
man. We say that the man who sells his fellow-
creature for time, sells himself for eternity. [Hear.]
Pity, then, the men who, with some noble aspirations,
are so utterly misguided as to check the very noblest!
Pity that community, which might raise itself to a
height which no other community of its time can
dare pretend to equal, and which yet degrades itself
below the very lowest, when it might mount to an almost 
angelic crown!
    I do not tax America with exclusive inconsistency:
that inconsistency reigns, unfortunately, all over the
globe. It reigns in Rome, where in the name of
the Christian religion, and by the deeds of the assumed 
successors of the apostles, his liberty and
rights are denied to man, and where education itself
is made to consist in a lie, and, by order of the Conclave, 
the sun is declared to be two yards wide.
[Cheers.] There is the same inconsistency in Germany; 
there where, no long time ago, one of the
possessors of white slaves ordered her white slave's
teeth to be drawn, because she thought they would
look better in her own head. [Sensation.] Yes;
that horrible anecdote is true! There is the same
thing existing in that country that pretends to march
in, and dominate to Europe; that will tell, if it can,
if it dare, German, that shall not be free; that it
will cheat, if it can, France out of its freedom; that
has crushed Hungary; that would lay its claw upon
Italy, and hold its aspirations down;— a power that, 
wherever there is a land to be trampled upon and
oppressed, would take the rod and the sword, and
march there to do its diabolical work. There is
Russia whose white slaves are sold from one end of
the country to the other; where they many be used
just as the owner pleases; and where they are treated 
in as cruel a manner as any State in America
can show an example of. Oh! these things are not
limited to that new continent, where we planted the
institution of slavery. In their inconsistency, let us
never forget this. As we know that our friend goes
to America, in that honest, frank, kindly spirit, with
which we have heard him address every audience
here—not wanting in courage, but always rather
pouring oil upon the waters, than seeking to raise
a storm; as I know he will go there to argue with
men as men, for their own sakes; to tell them the duties 
of kindness in a spirit of kindness; to plead
with them; to reason with them; not to degrade
them; so I hope the best from his kindly and
just, and to them merciful interposition. And he
goes, too, at a noble time, as he goes with a noble
confidence; for what compliment can be made
to any country greater than this—that probably at
the very last meeting at which he may speak in public 
before he leaves these shores, he comes to you,
his friends—he speaks that which he knows will be
wafted right across the Atlantic—and he pays the
Americans the compliment to say, 'I go there, not
to pander to their vices, but to tell them of them;
not to simmer over their crimes, and hide them, but
to declare, and endeavor to uproot them.' Could he
pay a higher compliment to the United States of 
America, than by proclaiming that he comes upon
such a mission? Could he put a nobler or juster
trust in them? NO; he knows that there are
good and true men who will defend him—ay, to
the peril of their lives, and to the end of their lives!
—but he knows, too, that whoever stands before men
in a just and holy cause, sands so strong, that the
most demon-hearted dare not assail him; that he
stands there in the strength of that which is greater
than any thing else that man can command—in the
strength of abstract virtue and right itself, which
man must proclaim himself a devil to endeavor to
put down. [Cheers.]

    MR. GEORGE THOMPSON, upon rising, was greeted 
with the most prolonged and enthusiastic cheering 
accompanied by the waving of hats and handkerchiefs; 
so rapturous and long-continued was the
applause, that the honorable gentleman, evidently
laboring under deep emotion, was compelled to resume 
his seat. Silence having been at length obtained, 
he again arose, and proceeded to address the
meeting, as follows:—
    LADIES AND GENTLEMEN,—Fifteen years ago,
when in that great country which I am about to revisit, 
I had sometimes to contend with more than argument, 
or even prejudice—with malignity and violence. 
I was enabled, however, to stand unflinching 
in the presence of those raised in behalf of the
slave. (Hear._ On this occasion, my trial is much
greater, and I must confess my inability to thank
you, in adequate language, for your response to the
'farewell' so beautifully expressed in the eloquent
music of the accomplished lady who has been your
well selected delegate. (Cheers.) With all my
heart, I thank her for her free service here to-night.
I can assure her and you, that the sweet strains to
which I have listened will not be forgotten. They
will accompany me over the Atlantic ocean. I shall
hear them when gazing on that 'azure brow' on
which 'Time writes no wrinkle.' Her voice and
this scene shall support and cheer me, should it be
my fate again to stand confronted with the opposition
I formerly met,—and which, while I am in the path
of duty, I shall not be reluctant to face. (Hear.)
At such a meeting as this, I may perhaps be forgiven, 
if I very briefly refer to some of the incidents
connected with my public life. (Hear.) Twenty
years ago, I was prompted by youthful feelings to
offer my very humble assistance to the cause of the
800,000 slaves in our West India colonies. After
laboring between two and three years in that cause,
the voice of the British people compelled the Legislature 
to degree the abolition of the accursed system.
I shall always look back upon this part of my history 
with sincere satisfaction, and shall preserve with
honest pride the testimonials presented to me by
those who witnessed and shared my labors. While
the Act of Emancipation was under discussion, the
friends who were interested in my future welfare
proposed to me that I should qualify myself for the
bar. All the assistance I required was offered me,
and I was on the point of commencing my studies.
An event, however occurred, which altered my destiny. 
In the spring of 1833, this city was visited
by a glorious being from the United States of America. 
He came with the blessings of two millions
of slaves, and the unmitigated hatred of the friends
of oppression. He came to expose the artifices of
those who were seeking to delude the people of
England into the support of a mock abolition
scheme which had been devised in America, under
pretence of colonizing Africa with free people of
color. I took him to me heart the moment he arrived. 
I knew he was branded as a 'fanatic,' but I
knew his fanaticism was in the cause of humanity. 
I knew he had been the 'companion of felons,'
and the 'tenant of a dungeon,' in Baltimore; but I
knew, also, that it was for the offence of denouncing 
the horrid traffic in 'slaves and the souls of men.'
I knew that a price had been set upon his head,
but I knew that it was for devising the means of
deliverance for his countrymen in chains, and for
consecrating his powers to the cause of universal
freedom. (cheers.)
    While I rebuke America for her sin in the matter 
of slavery, I cannot forget that this man is her
son; nor will I despair of her repentance while,
on the soil of the Pilgrim Fathers, she produces
such men as William Lloyd Garrison. (Loud
and prolonged cheering.) When this distinguished
philanthropist first came to these shores, he was
comparatively alone in this efforts on behalf of his
country. Not so now. He has so multiplied himself, 
that on my return to the United States, I have
no doubt I shall find his name is Legion. For his
sake, and for the sake of those like him, I will
hope for the best things to happen in America.
    While Mr. Garrison was in this country, he laid
before me the state of the anti-slavery cause in
his native land. My heart burned within me to become 
his fellow-laborer, and I suggested to him the
idea of my going to the United States. He strongly
urged me to do so. I knew full well the sacrifices

A WELCOME MEETING
TO
GEORGE THOMPSON, Esq., M.P.,
Will be tendered by the colored citizens of Boston,
at Belknap street church, on Monday evening, Nov.
18, 1850. Exercises will commence at 7 o'clock.
John S. Hilton, William H. Logan,
Wm. C. Nell, Edward Jackson,
Robert Johnson, Wm. Johnson,
Henry Weeden, Abraham Gual.
LECTURES BY GEORGE THOMPSON,
ESQ., M.P.
At the earnest invitation of numerous friends, this
distinguished philanthropist and eloquent orator has
consented to deliver a course of 
FIVE LECTURES
in Boston, to commence on Tuesday evening, the
26th instant, and to continue on Friday, the 29th;
Tuesday the 2d; Friday, the 5th; and Tuesday, the 
9th of December.
The first three Lectures will embrace the History,
Condition and Prospects of British India; the last two
will be on the Reform Movements of Great Britain.
Further particulars will be hereafter announced.
Tickets for the Course, One Dollar each. Single
Lecture Ticket 25 cents. For sale at 21 Cornhill.
EQUAL HUMAN RIGHTS
With the greatest satisfaction, we have devoted a
large portion of our present number to the proceedings
of the Woman's Right Convention, held at
Worcester on the 23d and 24th ultimo. A candid
and careful perusal of them is due to the Convention
itself, and to the object for which it assembled-an object
which cannot be exaggerated either in interest or
importance. The report of the speeches made on the
occasion ought to have been full and accurate; but 
we believe no reporter was employed for the purpose
by the Convention-an omission much to the regretted,
as at no other general gathering have we ever
heard a better succession of speeches. The aim
and spirit of the meeting, however, may be gathered
from the Resolutions that were discussed and adopted.
In these, every thing sought or demanded is explicitly
avowed.
STATE ELECTION
The annual State election took place in the Commonwealth,
on Monday last. It has resulted in the 
complete prostration of the Whig party, and in a manner
highly auspicious to the cause of freedom and 
humanity. There is no choice of Governor; and as
the Senate will be strongly Anti-Whig, and the House
of Representatives probably about equally divided,
the prospect is that Gov. Briggs will not be re-elected;
and that Hon. Robert C. Winthrop will have
leave to remain at him, and either the Hon. Stephen
C. Phillips or Charles Sumner, Esq., be elected to fill
his place in the U.S. Senate. So much for Daniel
Webster's effort to bind Massachusetts to the car of
the Southern Juggernaut!
The following is the state of the votes given in Boston:
-For Governor- Briggs, 5942; Boutwell, 1903;
Phillips, 1075. Majority for Briggs over all others,
2960. Last year his majority was 3269.
In 308 towns in the Commonwealth, the result is as
follows: -Briggs, (Whig,) 53,983; Boutwell, (Dem.)
34,454; Phillips (Free Soil,) 27,389; Scattering,
474. Of course, there is no choice of Governor by
the people.
Of the State Senators elected, 22 belong to the Coalition,
(Dem. and Free Soil,) and only 10 to the Whigs.
The latter have succeeded in Suffolk, Hampshire and
Barnsable; the former in Essex, (2,) Middlesex, Worcester,
Franklin, Berkshire, Norfolk, Bristol, Plymouth-
thus securing them an absolute majority of
the Senate against all contingencies. There are five
vacancies- 3 in Essex, and 2 in Hampden.
According to the latest returns, the Atlas makes the
House of Representatives to stand as follows:-
Whigs, 161; Opposition, 156; no choice, 80.
For members of Congress-in the Second District,
the vote is as follows:-Upham, (Whig,) 6045; Rantoul,
(Dem.) 4537; Sewall, (Free Soil,) 3146. No
choice. Mr. Upham wants 1638. In September, he
needed only 341.
Third District-Duncan, (Whig,) 5860; Brown,
(Dem.) 3666; Higginson, (Free Soil,) 2538. No
choice. Mr. Duncan lacks 346 votes.
Fourth District-Thompson, 5641; Palfrey, 4918;
Frothingham, 3788. No choice.
Fifth District-Barton, 4317; Knowlton, 4165;
Allen, 5767. No choice.
Sixth District-Davis, 6751; Chapin, 4957; Huntington,
2393. No choice.
Seventh District-Goodrich, 3313; Bishop, 2670;
Scattering, 452; probably no choice.
Eighth District-Walley, 4365; Mann, 6895;
Whittaker, 2270. Mann's majority, 260.
Ninth District-Fowler, 6682; Little, 3181; Seat.
723. Mr. F has a large majority.
Tenth District-It looks as if Zeno Scudder (Whig)
was elected, but the vote is close.
vert the next monthly gathering of that kind into a
Valedictory Soiree to Mr. Thompson. The circle of
invitations was, accordingly, extended to the utmost
limit of convenience, but all advertisements or notices
in the public journals, not only of the Soiree
itself, but also the fact of the honorable gentleman's
intended departure, were carefully avoided, for the
reason before stated, as well as in compliance with the
desire of Mr. Thompson himself, that the meeting
should assume as little of a public demonstration as
possible.
Upwards of 600 ladies and gentlemen met together
on the occasion. After partaking of tea, coffee, &c.,
in the ante-chambers, the company proceeded to the
large and elegant hall of this celebrated establishment
of Messrs. Bathe & Co. Among the distinguished
persons present were Sir Joshua Walmsley, M.p.,
President of the National Reform Association; John
Williams, Esq. M.p., Treasurer, Henry Tindal Atkinson,
Esq., Barrister at Law; Denis McDonnell,
Esq., R. Le Blond, Esq., Henry James Slack, Esq.,
author of the 'Ministry of the Beautiful,' &c.; John
Gowssmith, Esq., merchant; and John Matson, Esq.,
member of the Executive Committee; -Robert Espire,
Esq., of Sydenham; T.J. Serle, Esq., one of the
Editors of the Weekly Despatch; J. Thwaites, Esq.,
W. Algee Conner, A. Kendall W [D???ll], [J?] Bishop,
J. Peppercorn, W.A.H.Haws, B. Glover, of Berry,
Lancashire; W. Howard, G. Newman, D. Parker,
J.D. Skillet,  W. Statham and W. Allman, members
of the Council; and J. Hubbersty, Esq., Secretary; -
London; Drs. Oxley, Bainbridge and Elmore; G.E. 
Dawes, Esq., Solicitor; H.J. Brown, Esq., M.R.
C.S.; F.B. Knuckey, Esq., Solicitor; Wm. Carpenter,
Esq., Editor of Lloyd's Despatch, &e. ; William
Wells Brown, W. Farmer, C. Wooltonton, E. Gosbell, 
W. Brooks, Esqrs., John Scoffern, Esq., M.B. Professor
of Chemistry; F. J. Smith, Esq., Russian Broker;
J. Charles, Esq., merchant; J. Lambert, Esq., of
Barbadoes; Rev. T. Warren, James Passmore Edwards,
Esq., Editor of 'The Public Good' ; J.F.
Mollet, Esq., merchant; James Beal, Esq., ; J. Dyer
and J. Terry, Esqs., Churchwardens of Clerkenwell;
J. Dix, W. Beston and W. Croucher, Guardians of
do. ; Robert Smith, Esq., late Secretary of the Anti-
Slavery Leauge; W. Martin, Esq., J. Nelson, Esq.,
T. Cockshaw, Esq.. P. Crellin, Esq., and a large attendance
of the leaders of the reform movement in
the Metropolis and throughout the country.
Numerous letters were received from members of
Parliament, and gentlemen of influence, regretting
their inability, from the shortness of notice, absence
from London, and other causes, to be present on the 
occasion. Lord Dudley Coutts Stuart, M.P., intimated
that he should have been present, had the
state of his health permitted of his attendance at an
evening meeting. William Johnson Fox, Esq., M.
P., and Joseph Hume, Esq., M.P.., were unwillingly
absent from a similar cause. James Wyld, Esq., M.
P., W. Williams, Esq., M.p., Henry Vincent, Esq.,
the Reverends D. Thomas and Hugh Seaborn, Edward
Miall, Esq., Editor of the Nonconformist, J.C.
Williams, Esq., Secretary of the British Anti-State
Church Association, and other gentlemen of eminence
and influence, were absent from previous engagements
from which they were unable to relieve themselves;
but all entering deeply into the objects of the meeting,
and breathing prayers for the success of Mr. 
Thompson in his mission, The spirit that pervaded
the whole communications may be gathered from the
following letter, by one of the most pure-minded, ardent
and sincere reformers in England, William Lovett,
Esq., who has given evidence of his devotion to
the cause of democracy, by suffering a long imprisonment
for its fearless advocacy.
16 South Row, New Road,
October 14th, 1850.
DEAR SIR:
I beg to acknowledge the receipt of the circular respecting
the soiree to our friend, Mr. G. Thompson,
on Wednesday next. Having a permanent engagement
on that evening, I shall not be able to attend
myself,  but I will do all I can to give the subject publicity
among my friends. and to induce as many as I 
can to be present on that occasion; for all of the public
men I know, there is no one of whose public services
and great abilities I have a higher estimation,
and none who have shown a more honest, determined
and outspoken desire to benefit the millions, than has
our friend, Mr. G. Thompson. I am glad to learn
that he is once more about to join his voice and efforts
to those of the brave ban of American abolitionists,
whose unwearied exertions and fervent protestations
against the deep and deadly injustice of negro
slavery continue to spread and widen, and make
their power felt, despite all the efforts that have been
made to crush them. That they may yet live to witness
the triumph of their labors in America, as our 
friend, George Thompson, has lived to see the fruits
of his labors in our colonies, and that American democracy
may be purified of that last remnant of kingly
dominion, is the ardent desire of
WM. LOVETT.
TO WILLIAM FARMER, ESQ.
SIR JOSHUA WALMSLEY, M.P., having taken the
chair, Miss CUBITT, Mrs. MARTIN, and Mrs. SEYMOUR,
assisted by a choir of thirteen professional vocalists,
immediately commenced
THE PEOPLE'S ANTHEM
The Poetry by Ebenezer Elliott.-Music by William Thorold
Wood.
1.
CHORUS.
When wilt though save the people?
Oh! God of mercy, when?
Not king and lords, but nations!
Not thrones and crowns, but men!
QUARTET AND SEMI-CHORUS.
Flowers of thy heart, oh! God, are they;
Let them not pass like weeds away-
Their heritage a winter's day.
CHORUS.-God save the people!
2.
CHORUS
Shall crime breed crime for ever,
Strength aiding still the strong?
Is it they will, oh, Father!
That man shall toil for wrong?
QUARTET AND SEMI-CHORUS.
'No!' say thy mountains: 'No!' thy skies:
'Man's clouded sun shall brightly rise,
And songs [?] instead of sighs.'
CHORUS.-God save the people!
The above beautiful anthem having been enthusiastically
encored; at its termination

The Chairman (was was received with loud applause) 
rose and said: --Ladies and gentlemen, I 
am glad to have an opportunity of prefacing the few
observations I have to make, in opening the proceedings 
of the evening, with the words 'Ladies and 
gentlemen.' (Cheers.) I rejoice to see so numerous 
and brilliant amongst us. It is, indeed, a gratifying sight,
assuring us, as it does, that we are engaged in a
right cause, and are pursuing it in a right manner;
for where the ladies are, and wherever they take an
interest, we may rely upon it that virtue, good sense
and progress will be secured. (Hear.) The present
is one of a series of social meetings established in 
consequence of its having been found, by the Council 
of the National Reform Association, expedient to
assemble as frequently as convenient - at least once
a month - the earnest reformers, and representatives
of the various local associations, in and around the
metropolis; that we might consult, and take counsel 
together, how best to promote the great object we
have at heart, and to advance the cause which we
believe to be just, right, and honest in the sight of
all men - the cause of the people. (Hear.) But on
the present occasion, we have enlarged the circle of
our invitations, and introduced the new feature of
vocal music into our proceedings, for the purpose of
doing honor to a man to whom I am confident it is
the delight of us all to render every possible mark
of admiration, respect and affection. (Loud cheers.)
As he is now present, I shall say little respecting
him, although, perhaps, no individual in this room
is capable of feeling more warmly towards him than
I do. I have experienced the invaluable benefit of 
his counsel, advice and assistance, in the good work
that we have for a long series of years been endeavoring 
to promote. But it is not to the cause of national 
reform alone that I must refer when speaking
of the services of Mr. Thompson. All who know hi
history are aware that he has most zealously worked 
in other causes equally virtuous and just as ours,
in which has has labored with an earnestness, ability,
and success, which few could equal, none excel.
(Cheers.) It has been my good fortune to be the
fellow-laborer of Mr. Thompson in the vineyard of 
reform, and to some extent, also, in that of free trade;
but most especially have we had the pleasure and
privilege of working together in the furtherance of
parliamentary and financial reform. I have witnessed 
the effects of his untiring zeal, his manly intelligence, 
and the electric power of his eloquence, in
every part of the kingdom. (Hear.) And after such
a lengthened and extensive experience, I have the
satisfaction of being able to state that at no meeting
has there been a failure, or anything worthy the 
name of opposition. In some instances, individuals
who had listened to his voice nineteen or twenty
years ago, have come forward and declared - 'My
first lesson in public virtue and political righteousness 
was learned from the lips of that good man.'
(Hear.) 'I am now,' said one, 'a minister of religion; 
but I should never have attained that high and
important position, had I not listened to the soul-inspiring 
eloquence of George Thompson.' (Cheers.)
This has been the case, not in a solitary instance,
but in several. I myself received this noble testimony 
as to the result of our friend's labors, from the
lips of a minister of religion; it was most cheering
to my heart, as his friend and associate, and I have
deemed this a fitting occasion to narrate an incident
which I know must be most pleasing to an assembly
of his warm admirers. But some perhaps may tell
me, that there is nothing peculiar in the case of 
Mr. Thompson; that many men, besides him, have
advocated various good causes. True; but few with 
the same ability, none with more earnestness, and, 
permit me to add, more entirely free from all personal 
considerations. (Loud cheers.) I purposely take
this opportunity  of publicly making this declaration,
because I know that a contrary statement has been
put forth by men, who are, probably, under the influence 
of envy of the possessor of splendid talents
which they themselves cannot approach within an
immeasurable distance. In no one instance has my
friend taken fee or reward in the cause he has nobly 
advocate. (Hear, hear.) Having most powerfully 
aided in conducting the anti-slavery contest in

[?] which
has ever characterised the proceedings of the meetings 
of the National Reform Association, the more
especially upon an occasion like this, when we have
the presence of so many of the fair sex with us. I have
not come here to make a speech. I knew that there
would be gentlemen present far more able to address
this large auditory than myself. I came here simply
to conduct this interesting meeting according to the
best of my ability, and simply to lay its programme
before you. To the intellectual addresses of sever-
al gentlemen now upon the platform, I am happy to
say that, through the able assistance of our friend
Mr. Slack, we shall have the gratification of the
production of several admirable pieces of music,
adapted to the occasion; and, at a subsequent period 
of the evening, we shall have the high treat of
listening to the farewell speech of our honorable and
most esteemed friend, Mr. George Thompson, before 
he leaves us to visit the United States; although
I rejoice to state his absence will only be for a few
months. (Hear and cheers.) I am sure that we all
fervently hope to see him return at the appointed
time in the enjoyment of renewed health, strength,
and vigor, even still more improved and advanced,
if it be possible, in this views respecting human liberty 
and progress. This would, indeed, be a sorrowful 
parting were our beloved friend about to leave
us permanently. It would be an event which we
should all most deeply regret. (Hear.) But while
we are sensible of the loss we are about to sustain in
his absence, even for a brief period, we can yet look
forward joyously to the time when he will come back
to us to fulfill those important duties which he has always 
been so ready to undertake for the benefit of 
his fellow-man. (The honorable President sat down
amidst loud cheers.)

G. Thompson, Esq., M.P., then rose, and was
greeted with the most rapturous applause. He said
-Ladies and gentlemen, my friend in the chair has
been most fortunate in the call he has made; but I
have obtained his permission to make one on my own
behalf. You have already been informed that it is
my intention to visit once again the United States of
America; and I am happy to recognise upon this
platform a friend from that country, (hear), who, al-
thought not of the same complexion with ourselves,
is, I am sure, not the less welcome amongst us on
that account. (Loud cheers.) He is a man into whose
soul the iron of an accursed bondage has entered, but
who has obtained in this country that which has been
denied him upon the soil of his birth, the liberty
which God gave him, but which unrighteous men
had deprived him of. I know it will not be the most
promising prelude to my arrival in America, that I
should, so immediately before my departure from
England, identify myself, as I now do publicly, with
one of her persecuted and outcast children. (Cheers.)
I desire for my friend, William Wells Brown, a 
fugitive from American slavery, a kind reception at
your hands. (Prolonged and enthusiastic cheering,
and waving of hats and handkerchiefs.) I wish it to
go forth to America, that I esteem it a privilege and
an honor to-night to sit side by side on this platform,
in the centre of the British metropolis, and before a
large, intelligent and influential auditory of my fellow-
countrymen and countrywomen, with one of the
down-trodden children of that great but guilty country. 
(Loud cheers.)
Mr. WILLIAM WELLS BROWN, upon rising, was
received with the most enthusiastic cheers, again
and again repeated, accompanied by the waving of
hats and handkerchiefs.
[We regret that the crowded state of our columns,
this week, prevents us from publishing the speech of
Mr. Brown in this connexion. It shall appear, however, 
in the next Liberator.]
The Chairman. - In my position, to night, I am,
to a certain extent, an autocrat. I shall venture to
call upon a gentleman, who little expects at this moment 
that I am about to do so, but who I know is 
always ready and willing to aid a good cause. I
beg to call upon John Thwaites, Esq. (Cheers.)
[We are obliged to postpone the speech of Mr. T.
until the next Liberator.]
THOMAS JANES SERLE, Esw., [who was received
with loud applause,] then said:
Sir Joshua Walmsley, Ladies and Gentlemen, --I
do not think that the last speak should have inti-
mated any intention to abstain from attending our
 meetings, because he has been called upon to speak,
inasmuch as the only consequence will be that you,
Sir, will have the trouble of sending for him. [Hear
and laughter.] Addressing myself, in the first instance, 
to that deeply interesting part of our proceedings 
this evening, which I feel it is incumbent
upon me in some degree to notice - the bidding farewell 
to that most esteemed friend, whom we are
about for a season to lose -- allow me to say, what
indeed I most sincerely feel, that he is not going to
America upon some other business, but upon a cause
which is essentially ours. [Hear.] If he can, in any
degree, tend to solve the great problem of America
-slavery; if from that which, with all its faults, is
the noblest community which ever sprang from the
brain, the heart, the industry, the energy, and the
enterprise of man; if he can wipe from the community 
its only damning stigma, --he will indeed
have carried the banner of freedom to the very limits 
of the earth, and have planted it where it never
can be struck down. No enemy will ever dare to
reproach us again, if he can once make that republic, 
an any sense, the commonwealth of universal
freedom. [Hear.] American slavery is the one reproach 
perpetually cast in our teeth, whenever we
endeavor to promote democratic institutions; then
the finger of scorn is pointed across the Atlantic, 
and we are told, 'Look at the slavery of America!' 
We are reminded that the stripes upon her
banner are the stripes of the negro lash, and the stars
the bruises of the knots tied upon it. [Hear.] We

just, and to them merciful interposition. And he
goes, too, at a noble time, as he goes with a noble
confidence; for what compliment can be made
to any country greater than this--that probably at 
the very last meeting at which me may speak in public 
before he leaves these shores, he comes to you,
his friends--he speaks that which he knows will be
wafted right across the Atlantic--and he pays the
Americans the compliment to say, 'I go there, not
to pander to their vices, but to tell them of them;
not to simmer over their crimes, and hide them, but
to declare, and endeavor to uproot them.' Could he
pay a higher compliment to the United States of
American, than by proclaiming that he comes upon
such a mission? No; he knows that there are
good and true men who will defend him--ay, to
the peril of their lives, and to the end of their lives!
--but he knows, too, that whoever stands before men
in a just and holy cause, stands so strong, that the
most demon-hearted dare not assail him; that he
stands there in the strength of that which is greater
than any thing else that man can command--in the
strength of abstract virtue and right itself, which
man must proclaim himself a devil to endeavor to
put down. [Cheers.]
I do trust, then, that his mission will not be fruitless 
there, as I am sure it will not be fruitless here.
Whatever he does towards abating the curse of slavery, 
whatever he does towards showing how England 
appreciates slavery, --how thoroughly, when we
know, at all events, by the case others, what is
right and what is wrong--if he only brings back
to us reproofs from America, and shows wherein we
are inconsistent, we shall be exceedingly obliged to
him. [Hear.] If he will only bring back to us proofs
that there men of a certain class and description,
even, are equal--that there the franchise is somewhat
justly divided--that there the qualifications, such as
exist, are not mere accidents of birth or situation--
if he will come back and tell us that there men of
integrity, and whom their neighbors trust, rise by the
mere force of their character, without the aid of fortuitous 
and adventitious circumstances, to the highest 
offices of the State--if he can point by knowledge
to such men as Fillmore, whose family occupied a
sphere of industry before he had taken his place among
the princes and potentates of the earth--if he can 
come and tell us some of these things, in returning
from the errand upon which we are sending him,--
knowing that he will bear our mission infinitely better
than we can prompt it, although we could put all our
hearts and intellects into his bosom and head--if, I
say, he can do us that good work, and wipe away
that cruel brand of disgrace--if he can enable us to
point to that model republic which is doubling its
population every twenty years, which is stretching
its giant arms from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and
which is taking the means of forming a transit from
once ocean to the other on its own territory, and at
the same time cutting a canal which shall join the
two hemispheres, which shall bring England to pass
through its own India, its own China, to its own
Australia--if he can bring this giant empire, which
must in a few years be the greatest power upon earth
to be also the best, most consistent, free and noble--
he will not only have unchained Europe, and we shall
welcome him as our deliverer, as he has gone forth
to be the deliverer of others. Let me then conclude
by wishing him, what the song will ere long wish
him, in pleasanter accents than I can command,--

'Farewell to a friend of the People!
God speed him across the wide sea!
Success to his noble endeavor,
The poor down-trodden slave to set free.'

Mr. Serle resumed his seat amidst prolonged and
enthusiastic cheers.
The following beautiful song (most exquisitely arranged 
as a solo, quartett, and chorus) entitled
'Farewell to the People!' was then sung by Miss
Cubitt and the choir. The poetry is the production of
a member of the Council of the National Reform Association--
Henry James Slack, Esq., author of the 
'Ministry of the Beautiful.' The music composed 
expressly for the occasion, and dedicated to George
Thompson, Esq., M.P., by Wm. Thorold Wood, Esq.:
I.
Farewell to a friend of the People!
God speed him across the wide sea!
Success to his noble endeavor,
The poor down-trodden slave to set free.
II.
Farewell to a friend of the People!
America's sons he will aid,
To take from the name of their nation,
The foul stain that slaveholding has made.
III.
Farewell to a friend of the People!
God speed him, where'er he may roam!
And soon, from his mission of freedom,
May we joyously welcome him home.

The appropriateness of the words to the occasion,
the extreme beauty of the music, and the exquisite
execution of Miss Cubitt, and her professional assistants, 
elicited a most enthusiastic and unanimous encore; 
the whole company rising and continuing
standing during the repetition. The last note of the
song had scarcely died upon the ears, when the
meeting, wrought up to the highest pitch of enthusiasm, 
gave expression to the warmth of their feelings
by prolonged and most rapturous cheering, and other
demonstrations of applause towards the honorable
gentleman for whom this parting tribute of admiration, 
respect and affection was intended.

ing the horrid traffic in 'slaves and the souls of men.'
I knew that a price had been set upon his head,
but I knew that it was for devising the means of
deliverance for his countrymen in chains, and for
consecrating his powers to the cause of universal
freedom. (Cheers.)
While I rebuke America for her sin in the matter 
of slavery, I cannot forget that this man is her
son; nor will I despair of her repentance while,
on the soil of the Pilgrim Fathers, she produces
such men as WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. (Loud
and prolonged cheering.) When this distinguished
philanthropist first came to these shores, he was
comparatively alone in his efforts on behalf of his
country. Not so now. He has so multiplied himself, 
that on my return to the United States, I have
no doubt I shall find his name is Legion. For his
sake, and for the sake of those like him, I will
hope for the best things to happen in America.
While Mr. Garrison was in this country, he laid
before me the state of the anti-slavery cause in
his native land. My heart burned within me to become 
his fellow-laborer, and I suggested to him the
idea of my going to the United States. He strongly
urges me to do so. I knew full well the sacrifices
I should be called upon to make, but I reasoned, that
if any measure of success had followed my labors
here, it was my duty to renew those labors in
behalf of the millions still in bondage. Before Mr.
Garrison departed, and not far from this spot, I gave
him my hand, and a promise that, if this fellow-laborers 
in New England should be of opinion that
I could render any service to the cause of freedom,
I would follow him to America. Not long after, I
received an invitation from the American Anti-Sla
very Society, and at once proceeded to redeem my
pledge. In doing so, I bade farewell to the British
Bar, and cast in my lot with the persecuted abolitionists 
of the United States. (Cheers.) My friends
on the other side know that I sought not their silver 
not their gold. They know, too, that I did not
 spare myself, or seek to shun the reproach then
connected with the advocacy of anti-slavery principles; 
and they also know, that it was their solicitude
for my safety, and not any want of devotion to the
cause on my part, that led to my return to this country, 
after fourteen months of unceasing labor among
them. Let me speak well of America. If I was
not disappointed in my expectation that I might be
roughly handled by the opponents of my doctrines,
neither was I disappointed in the reception I met
with from the friends of the slave. Talk of persecution! 
I would pass through such persecution
a thousand times, to be permitted to have such
fellow-laborers, and to enjoy again the sweet intercourse 
I was permitted to have with the American
abolitionists of 1834 and '35--men and women worthy 
of any age or country, and entitled to be ranked
amongst the noblest reformers the world has seen.
(Cheers.)
I have been sometimes asked if I can forgive 
America. I have nothing to forgive. There is
certainly much to lament, when we look at slavery, 
but there is also much to admire. Who can forget 
that America is the land of Franklin, of Washington, 
of Jefferson, of the elder and younger Adams, 
of Madison, of Jefferson, of Warren, and a host
of others--men worthy to claim their descent from
the heroic spirits who landed from the Mayflower on
Plymouth Rock? Who can look at the men and
women, who, in every part of the free States, have
taken up the cause of the slave, and despair of seeing 
slavery abolished throughout the entire continent? 
(Loud cheers.) If I had hope when I was
last in America, how much more ground is there for
hope now--now that the subject is universally
discussed, and men by the thousands are advocating the
cause, who were inveterate opposers at the time I
was one of a small and despised band? It needs no
gift of prophecy to foretell that the time is approaching 
when the polluted thing will be cast out of the
camp; when the people of the United States will
yield to the voice of justice, will act up to their own
political principles, and will extirpate the crying
abomination--
'Consign it to remorseless fire,
Watch till the latest spark expire;
Then strew its ashes on the wind,
Nor leave an atom wreck behind.'  (Cheers.)

When we are disposed to discontent at the slow
progress of events in the United States, let us remember 
home. Let us think of the many years
during which Clarkson and Wilberforce labored,
apparently without effect, to abolish the slave trade,
and how long it was before the people of this country 
turned to righteousness, and let the oppressed go
free. (Cheers.) Upon my return to England, in
1836, I found work enough to do in seeking the
abolition of what was called the apprenticeship system, 
which was but another edition of slavery. (Hear.)
I undertook, with others, what seemed the hopeless
task of bringing about the extinction of that system,
and succeeded in doing so two years before the
period prescribed by Act of Parliament. Ere the
1st of August, 1838, arrived, I had the gratification
of seeing the last remnant of slavery in our own
colonies utterly annihilated. (Cheers.) I had yet
work before me. I then thought I might do something 
for the millions of India. I trust the time is
not far distant, when the people of this country will
awaken to a sense of their responsibility to the
150,000,000 of their fellow-subjects on the plains of
that portion of our territorial possessions. [Hear.]
I visited that profoundly interesting country, and, after 
having made myself acquainted with its capabilities, 
as well as the character and condition of its
inhabitants, returned to England, resolved, as God
gave me the opportunity, to aid in developing the
resources and emancipating the teeming but misgoverned 
population of that vast region. [Cheers.] I
subsequently embarked in the anti-corn law agitation, 
and for nineteen months poured out my strength
in that cause, without fee or reward. [Loud cheers.]

WHOLE NO. 1036. THE LIBERATOR.

Myself, and other advocates of freedom, are sometimes branded with the epithet of 'stipendiary demagogues.' Why we should be so, even if we received remuneration for our efforts, I do not know. 'The laborer is worthy of his hire.' [Hear.] The man who devotes his time and energies to the service of the people should, at all events, be supplied with the means of feeding and clothing his family at home. [Hear.] But the fact is, as regards myself, I have never been a stipendiary demagogue. I stand here to-night openly to declare that, after twenty years of unceasing labor, I never made a bargain in my life; nor have I ever received one shilling of the people's money. [Loud and prolonged cheering.] And I here publicly defy all England to point to the hour when I ever entered into any pecuniary compact with reference to the advocacy of any cause I have espoused. [Renewed cheering.] It is true, I received £200 annually, for some time, for advocating the anti-slavery cause in this country; and my wife, who sits behind me, [cheers,] will tell you whether that was very much too large a sum to enable her, with our family, to keep the wolf from the door. [Hear.] My labors for the past two years, as you know, have been freely given to the cause of national reform in this country.
Sir, I am going again to America. I long to be there; and yet, paradoxical as the statement may appear, I do not wish the journey shortened one mile. I want again to see that element of which I am so fond. I am desirous of living, for a fortnight, 'a life on the ocean wave.' I anticipate much benefit to my health from the voyage. I long once again to gaze upon
'That glorious mirror, where th' Almighty's form 
Glasses itself in tempests.'
I want to see those women, who remained calm and self-possessed amidst an American mob of 5,000 'gentlemen of property and standing,' (hear,) while they scattered the abolition tracts to the winds, tore down the anti-slavery sign-board, and stamped it beneath their democratic feet! Yes, I am, indeed, anxious to see those glorious beings! Oh! that the women of England would take up this great question of parliamentary and financial reform as the American women have taken up the slave question! Why, the cause of freedom is, to a great extent, sustained, as my friend William Wells Brown knows, in New England, by the women. (Hear, hear.) Lecturers are continued in the field, and newspapers are kept in existence, and all by the exertions of these women. In the very city where, fifteen years back, I could not, for love or money, obtain a hall, church, or chapel to lecture in--in that very city where stands the cradle of liberty, 'old Faneuil Hall,' from the platform of which I was denounced as a pest to civilized society, at the same time that I was denounced by the President, Andrew Jackson, in his message to the Congress--in that very city, and in that identical building, Faneuil Hall, you may see, during ten days every Christmas, one of the most magnificent bazaars the world contains, enriched, I am happy to say, by the contributions of the women of England, Ireland, Scotland, and, in some degree, from Wales--although I hope soon to a much greater extent by the kind exertions of Mr. John Williams and his lady, ('Hear, hear,' from Mr. Williams)--the whole proceeds of which bazaar are devoted to the support of the operations of the American Anti-Slavery Society. (Cheers.)
   But, my friends, although I am going to America, I shall not be absent from you long. (Hear.) The visit which I am about to pay is one which has been promised by me for some years. I was expected last autumn, but much more the present year. I shall make my sojourn in America a short one, because I am not unmindful of the solemn engagements I am under in this country. I see many gentlemen present, to whom I am deeply indebted for the proud position I occupy, as a representative of as noble a constituency as any in the realm. (Hear.) Let them not suppose, for a moment, that I am insensible at once to the honor and responsibility connected with that important trust. No, my friends: rely upon it, I shall return and discharge my duties to the people of the Tower Hamlets. (Hear.) I will also do my best, when I return, to give effect to the efforts of the National Reform Association, by supporting our excellent and honorable friend in the chair, and his worthy colleagues in the House of Commons, when they shall there renew the battle for the people's rights. Do not be misled, my friends, by any sinister places for their own patrician paupers. The time is coming when there will be great and glorious revolution in this country in regard to the administration of its affairs. There will be no violence; no spoliation; no sudden and spasmodic breaking up of the frame work of society; but a certain, gradual progress in the elevation of the people to their proper scale in the community of their great kingdom. Wait for that time; but meanwhile take not one retrograde step. Demand parliamentary and financial reform, if only to keep free trade. (Hear, hear.) The spirit of protection, I have said, is not dead-it sleepeth; and there are those who are still dreaming of it. Mr. Chowler is singing the song of-
Mount and make ready then,
Sons of the mountain glen,
All the free traders are over the border!
(Laughter.) Keep your ground, my friends, and let the farmer sit like Patience on a monument, a little while longer-it will only be on Punch's monument, I am happy to say (hear)-lamenting over wheat at forty-five shillings a quarter, and he will soon get off his pedestal and join our ranks. [Hear.] Yes, we shall have him with us, and he will be one of the best grumblers in our number. We shall have the sturdy yeomen of England pouring in their contributions to our exchequer to such an extent that Mr. Williams, our Treasurer, will have to work double tides, in order to balance his books. [Laughter.] But, in the mean time, let us hold fast what we have obtained, and press onward for that which will set other matters right as well as the corn laws.
   Sir, I rejoice in common with yourself, that we have so many of the ladies of the metropolis with us to-night. Parliamentary and financial is, in fact, a women's question. [Hear.] We need their aid, and we have a right to ask it. We want them to train up their children in the principles we are promulgating amongst the present generation. The best of all normal schools, in every sense, is a mother's knee. We should, indeed, by glad to see the women of England at our meetings. Our cause, I repeat, is theirs. It is a question, not only of freedom for their sons, but a plenty for their cupboards. The issues of this great struggle of ours enters into all their daily occupations. It meets them on the breakfast table, and regulates the thickness of the bread they deal out to their hungry children, as well as the quantity and quality of the butter which is spread upon it. It determines the number of spoonfuls which they put in the pot when they count noses-one, two, three, four, and one for the pot! [Laughter.] It is not only a tea question, but it is a sugar question; it is a calico question; it is a sarsenet question, There is no matter of house-hold economy, of which it is not an ingredient. We want not only to make their sons free-free by birth, but not free because born within the boundary of some rotten borough- we want no such spurious titles to the elective franchise as are derived from burgage tenure, or freedom is decayed, pestiferous old cities-we want them to have the vote because they are Victoria's subjects, the victorious defenders of England's glory, and the creators of all England's wealth. If they would like to have twenty shillings under the present system-if they would prefer fewer visits from gentlemen in black, with ink-bottles attached to their button-holes, and who periodically leave timeous refreshers at their doors-if they wish to see a free-scope for the industry and enterprise of their children-then let them join with us.
   There is nothing of violence in our principles, still less in our movements. We are levellers, it is true, but, then, we level upwards, and not downwards. [Hear, hear.] We seek to take nothing from the rich, but to give something to the poor, or, rather, to enable those that are poor to become rich, through the fruits of their own industry. Oh, my friends, it is to me often a grievous and afflicting thought, that, in the valleys of Egypt, under the dominion of its despotic pacha, or on the plains of India, where men are ever by millions on the verge of starvation, I have never seen poverty so deep, so helpless, so hopeless, and yet so underserved, as that which I have witnessed in my native land! [Hear.] But, why should it be so? All realms are tributary to us; beneath us are exhaustless mines of wealth, richer far than California; around us is the sea, the great highway of all the nations of the earth, and with all the nations of the earth
such as those by the influence of which the poor 
sempstress is robbed of three-fourths of her scanty
earnings (hear)--the tea-tax, the soap-tax, the sugar-tax,
and all those crafily devised and invisible machines
for taking from attenuated poverty the little 
that is has. (Loud cheers). The common cry, 'Do
not let women meddle with politics,' is sheer cant
and absurdity. Why, even now, and in perfect conformity
with fashionable conventionalities, they do
meddle with them repeatedly ; and, in numerous instances,
the very men from whom this rubbish about
non-interference falls, when it servers their own corrupt
party purposes, absolutely and earnestly beg
and entreat them, unjustly and unfairly, to meddle
with politics, as some present known, to their cost. 
'O, do not teach women politics,' simpers some
smirking aristocrat, whos own mental powers are of 
such dwarfish proportions that he is of little more use
in the creation, expect to display upon his person the 
artistic taste of Moses & Sons; to stand outside 
their door, at the corner of the Minories, attired in
the most fashionable garments, of the most recent
cut (laughter); and yet, who does that same puerile
dandy go to in the borough which he wishes to represent?
Is it the men only that he applies to? or is 
it not also to the influence of the women to which he
makes his appeal? [Hear.] Who does he get to 
make his rosetts, and wear them, too; to clap their
slender, kid- hands, and wave their delicate
white handkerchiefs, in applause, when he is chaired?
[Hear, and laughter.] What influence does he bring
to bear upon the tradesmen during the canvass?
Why, the women, certainly. Our friend, Mr. Williams, 
could a tale unfold upon this subject, whose
lightest world would be startling in your ears--I am
sure he will forgive me for referring to him--he
could tell you how the honest tradesmen is visited by
ladies in satin slippers, and when he was rolled out
a carpet on which they have condescended to walk
into his shop, he has found that their business has
been to coerce, if they could, independent tradesmen
into voting for a Tory candidate, even in a
large metropolitan borough. [Hear.] Therefore it
is that I say that the assertion, that women do not
meddle in politics, is untrue. Let women meddle intelligently, 
independently and virtuously with politics,
or do not let them meddle with them at all. 
Well, we ask them again to join us in this great
cause. Collect for us; our Treasurer wants money.
We cannot do without it. We are obliged to say to
him --
'Put money i' they purse, Roderigo.'
Do not let Mr. Williams be the 'First Lord' of an empty 
treasury; because he will be sure to draw checks,
even if he draws them upon himself; nothing will
keep his pen form paper. [Laughter.] We shall not
stick fast with a portly treasurer like him, I am 
sure. [Hear.] But, my friends, we must not be content
to support the cause of reform with mere applause, 
however rapturous. The sincerity of our political
faith must be tested by the zealousness of our 
labors in its diffusion. All religion and morals
preach to us this doctrine. Christianity tell us that 
faith without works is dead. Even the Koran, notwithstanding
its fatalism and predestination, teaches
us the samel esson. 'Three things,' said Mahomet, 
'are necessary to enable the faithful to reach Paradise--
prayer, fasting and almsgiving.' Prayer brings
him half way ; fasting takes him the other half ; but
he cannot obtain admittance to the celestial city,
nor enter into possession of the black-eye houries
with all the other delights of paradise, excpet
through the medium of almsgiving or good works.
Well, politically, we have been the most religious 
people in the world, so far as the first two virtues
are concerned. We have prayed long enough; we 
have been incessantly telling the House of Commons,
'And your petitioners will ever pray. (Laughter.)
Victoria's subjects have been instant in season
and out of season in the duty of prayer. As 
for fasting, why, we have had not merely thirty days,
but actually thirty consecutive years, of rigid abstinence. 
The Mahometan fast is called the Ramadan, 
and continues but for one month annually, and that
only between sunrise and sundown. I had a Mahomedan
with me when I was in India, who pulled a 
very long face during those thirty days, although 
he fasted only from morning till night ; but the people
of this country fasted from 1815 to 1846, (hear,)
until the labors, sagacity, administrative talent, and 
eloquence, all combined, of that illustrious man [?]
and patience unto the end. Many grow weary and 
fall away, because they do not see the fruit of their 
exertions. Such were never made to be reformers.
To my male friends here I would say, be bold. Do
not compromise the truth for the sake of present 
prosperity. Be content to abide the issue
of its publication in its integrity and fulness. All
great truths which are designed to save the world
are unpopular when first preached. How often has
it happened in the history of our race, that some 
inspired man has turned the world upside down by
the intrepid advocacy of some great truth aimed at
the crying evil of the day! It was as if a giant hand
had plucked a mountain from its base, and hurled it 
into the ocean. The worldly and the timid were 
alarmed lest their cock-boats should be upset in the
commotion, and perhaps they were. But, ere long,
the rock that caused so much dread became a beacon
to guide the richly-freighted and stately vessel
into the harbor of security and peace. (Cheers.)
SO will it be in this cause. We must courageously 
assert the rights of the people. We must demand
those rights. We must not be shaken from our
purpose by the prognostications of the cowardly and
the selfish. We must not be weary because success
seems distant, We must steadily continue to sow
the seed in hopes and faith, and though the harvest
should not be gathered in while we live, we may die
in the full assurance that posterity will see it wave 
over our graves. This is emphatically the age of
reforms. It is an age in which Reformers, in all
countries, may blend their energies and work together
in common cause. Listen to the sounds 
around you, and be up and doing! There is
A voice on every wave,
A sound on every sea,
The watch - word of the brave, 
The anthem of the free: 
From steep to steep it rings, 
Through Europe's many climes, 
A knell to despot kings,
A sentence on their crimes.
From every giant hill, companion of the cloud,
The startled echo leaps to give it back aloud ! 
Where'er a wind is rushing,
Where'er a stream is gushing,
The swelling sounds are heard
Of man to freeman calling,
Of broken fetters falling; 
And, like the carol of a cageless bird,
The bursting shout of Freedom's rallying world.'

The honorable gentleman having resumed his seat,
the audience rose en masse, and continued for some 
minutes most enthusiastically cheering, and waving
hats and handkerchiefs.
The Chairman then rose and said: - After the
magnificent address to which we have just listened, it
would be bad taste in me to call upon any other
speaker. We will not impair the extraordinary effect
produced upon our minds by the brilliant eloquence
of Mr. Thompson. (Hear.)
The following pieces of music were then sung by
the choir, the latter being loudly encored: --
SONG OF THE ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.
I.
SOLO.
Away where the sunlight is brightening, 
Away where its last beams expire, 
I speed with the flash of the lightning, 
I fly on the wings of the wire!
By me are earth's barriers riven,
By me are its boundaries spread;
A word, and the impulse is given,
A touch, and the mission has sped.
CHORUS.
Hurrah! 'tis the best conjuration
That science, the wizard, has done!
Through me nation speaks unto nation,
Till all are united in one.
II.
Ere the voice of the echo had spoken --
Ere thought could recoil from its birth--
If the links of my path were unbroken,
My flight would encompass the earth ; 
From the bright star that gleams far above us,
Flashed onward through measureless space
A welcome from voices that love us,
[?]
Like one who wraps the drapery of his couch
About him, and lies down to pleasant dreams'
Once more, to each and all, farewell!
JOHN WILLIAMS, Esq. M.P., in seconding the
resolutions, said:
Ladies and Gentlemen,--After the eloquent address
that you have been privileged to listen to this 
evening, I will not trespass at any length upon your 
attention. Indeed, I feel so deep an interest in the
success of my friend Mr. Thompson wherever he
goes, and the sympathies of my heart have been so
strongly called out towards him while he was pouring
out those melodious strains of eloquence we 
have heard to-night, that I could not, where I otherwise
disposed, make any lengthened remarks. 
The resolution having been put, was carried amidst
loud cheers. 
The Chairman having briefly returned thanks, three
cheers were severally given for Mr. Thompson, Mrs.
Thompson, and the National Reform Association ; 
and the proceedings of a meeting which will long live
in the memory of those who witnessed it were brought
to a close.
BOSTON, Nov. 10, 1850.
WM. L. GARRISON:
MY DEAR SIR -- In my letter to Mrs. Davis, published
in the Liberator of last week, there is a misprint,
which, as it affects a statement of fact, I must
beg you to correct. In speaking of the difficulty of 
procuring an education, I wished to make my point as
strong as possible, and I said, 'I could speak from 
experience, for that although no money was spared
upon my own education, I was hourly obliged to lament 
its insufficiency.' This sentence was printed, 
'no money was spent,' which not only destroyed my 
point but is in itself a falsehood. I wish it to be
clearly understood, that I think the best education
which a woman of wealth and intellect can procure
for herself in New England, entirely inadequate to 
her personal necessities. What, then, is the fate of 
the poor?
Hastily but sincerely your friend,
CAROLINE W. H. DALL.
DEAR MR. GARRISON:
Will you give me space to say that, when I made
the appointments (published in last week's Liberator)
for Mr. Pillsbury to lecture in Seekonk, &c., on Wednesday
and Thursday of this week, it had entirely escaped
my mind that the Annual Meeting of the 
Rhode Island Anti-Slavery Society was to be held on
those days in Providence? I regret any, the slight-
est, appearance of a designed interference with that
meeting, and have done what I could, at the late hour
at which the matter occurred to me, to have the ap-
pointments recalled.
                               SAMUEL MAY, JR.

PETITIONS FOR THE REPEAL OF THE
FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States:
We, the undersigned, inhabitants of ------------------------.
believing the law passed at the last session of Con-
gress, in relation to the surrender of fugitive slaves, to
be immoral, inhuman and unconstitutional, respect-
fully ask for immediate repeal.

To the Honorable Senate and House of Representatives of
the Commonwealth of Massachusetts:
We, the undersigned, inhabitants of ------------------------,
believing the law passed at the last session of Con-
gress, in relation to the surrender of fugitive slaves, to
be immoral, inhuman and unconstitutional, and sub-
versive of all the safeguards of individual liberty, re-
spectfully ask your honorable [?]

183

   Elisa Arnold, seventeen years old, has been
sentenced to be hanged in Columbus county, N. C.,
for shooting an old man named Dyson, who reproved
im. An appeal was taken.

    Officer Salvin, and Jno. Corcorad, of Phila-
delphia, deputy constable, have died from the effects
[?] wounds received in arresting a rowdy named
Riley.

   Counsel for the Fugitive Slave,- Messrs. Charles
Samner, R. H. Dana, Jr. S. E. Sewall, William Minot,
 and J. C. Park, are understood to be selected by the 
[?] Committee' to act as counsel in any Fugi-
[?] case which may come to legal investigation.-
[?]

 Mississippi. - Judge Sharkey, the President of the 
Nashville Convention, recently addressed a great
union meeting at Natchez, at which he declared, in 
the language of Jackson, that the Union must and 
shall be preserved. He asserted that a majority of 
the members of the Nashville Convention were de-
cidelly opposed to disunion. Senator Foote has been
welcomed to Jackson, Mississippi, by a great proces-
sion and the firing of cannon. The General will im-
middiately commence campaigning the State against 
disunion.

The Industrial Exhibition.- Governor Brigs has ap-
pointed the following gentlemen a committee for the
purpose of securing to contributors belonging to Mas-
sachusetts  the requisite facilities for the reception of
[?] of American Industry and Art at the In-
dustrial Exhibition in London in 1851, viz: - Marshal
P. Wilder, Henry N. Hooper, Edward Riddle, Bos-
ton; Alexander De Witt, Oxford ; Samuel L. Crocker, 
[?] ; William A. Burke, Lowell; Joshua Aiken,
[?]; David Carson, Dalton; Charles Stearns,
Springfield; Erastus B. Bigelow, Clinton.

The World's Fair.- A. U. S. vessel will be grated
to convey articles to be sent from this country to the
World's Fair. Projects are on foot to charter vessels
for passengers at a low rate. It is believed that first 
[?] ships can be obtained to convey one hundred
passengers, for $60 a piece both ways, with privilege
of remaining in Europe three months. If some such
arrangement could be made, thousands would avail
themselves of it to visit the old world.

 Complete U. S. Census of Boston.- The total popu-
lation of Boston, by the United States census, as 
[?] with the State Census taken last spring, is
as [?] :-
 Population by State Census     137,788
  "              " United States Census  136,866

Decrease of population under U.S.
Census                                1,922

The Oldest Person in St. Lawrence County.- Assis-
tant Marshal Stilman, while taking census in Depeys-
ter, found a venerable negress 114 years of age. She
is one of the slaves emancipated by the law of Con-
neticut abolishing slavery.

ANTI-SLAVERY BAZAAR.
The Committee beg leave to present a few addi-
tional statements to the consideration of such friend
as [?] heretofore assisted us by furnishing table
from their respective towns.
  We confidently trust that all such will continue 
the efforts, taking no discouragement from the cir-
cumstance that all the articles hitherto contributed
may not have found a market at the Boston Bazaar.
The sale at various country Fairs has produced an
equal amount of good to the Cause. Nor are we con-
vinced of any thing more fully than that the number
of rules at any Bazaar is in exact proportion to the 
number and variety of articles displayed. We are 
careful to mention this, because the donations of our
Trans-Atlantic friends have been so generous as to
create an impression, in some minds, that it may be
wise to diminish our own labors, particularly in thie
departments of Embroidery and Fancy Needle Work
in which our contributors of Great Britain so highly
excel. This opinion is erroneous.  All donations
of this kind among ourselves  are as needed and salea-

'hear,' from Mr. Williams)- the whole proceeds of which bazaar are devoted to the support of operations of the American Anti-Slavery society. (Cheers.) But, my friends, although I am going to America, I shall not be absent from you long. (Hear.) The visit which I am about to pay as one which has been promised by me for some years. I was expected last autumn, but much more the present year. I shall make my sojourn in America a short one, because I am not unmindful of the solemn engagements I am under in this country. I see many gentlemen present, to whom I am deeply indebted for the proud position I occupy, as a representative of as noble 
 a constituency as any in this realm. (Hear.) Let them not suppose, for a moment, that I am insensible at once to the honor and responsibility connected with that important trust. No, my friends: rely upon it, I shall return and discharge my duties to the people of the Tower Hamlets. I will also do my best, when I return, to give affect to the efforts of the National Reform Association, by supporting our excellent and honorable friend in the chair, and his worthy colleagues in the House of Commons, when they shall renew the battle for the people's rights. Do not be misled, my friends, by any sinister misrepresentation. I am not going to abandon the Tower Hamlets until the Tower Hamlets abandon me. (Loud and prolonged cheering.) I promise the people of that constituency, any rumor to the contrary notwithstanding (loud cries of 'Hear!') that they shall find me amongst them when the toscin sounds. (Renewed cheering.)

But now, to get away from that which is personal to myself to a better topic, allow me to come back to the objects of the National Reform Association, by asking the question, What are we here to-night for? To advance a great and noble enterprise – the enfranchisement of the intelligence and industry of the British Isles! Seven hundred and fifty thousand is the whole number of persons in this kingdom that have votes Well Lord John Russell or any other man, come forward and publicly state that 750,000 men, out of a population of 30,000,000 are all that worthy of the franchise in Christian England? (Cries of 'No.') That amongst all the fathers, husbands, brothers, employers and employees of this unrivaled, enlightened, and religious country, 730,000 alone are able to discriminate properly between man and man, as to who shall represent them in the Commons' House of Parliament? Dare you insult people of England by making such and such an assertion? If he could not, and would not, why then he stands convicted before this country of a crime of perpetuating a monstrous injustice against the population. Are we not in the constant habit of submitting a great many most important questions to the decision of the people? Are they competent to determine every question, except that of who shall represent them in parliament?

But I will not put the franchise on the Lowground of policy; it is the people's right and I demand it up on the ground. (Cheers.) As a citizen of this country, I possess no right which I am not conscious belongs as fully to my fellow-subjects. I can see no reason why I in particular should have a vote and my neighbor not have one. Although I wish success to all means of obtaining the franchise, and think that free-land-societies are excellent – excellent in the beginning, excellent in the progress, and excellent in the end; excellent in the personal and social, as well as the political advantages which they confer-I do not take so niggardly a view of this grand question as to set it before a man as the goal to which he shall strive for five or seven years, and then, it may be, to see it receded from his grasp. A man's vote to depend upon the possession of a forty-schilling freehold! Why, he gets it, rejoices in it, anticipates a general election, when he shall march side by side with the booted squire to the country polling-booth. His wife is smitten with illness; she pines; she needs medical care; she calls in the physician; she dies; he buries her; he clothes himself and his children in decent morning; in the grave of his wife lies his franchise; for he has been compelled to sell his freehold to give her a burial. (Loud and prolonged cheering.) I do not wonder at the opposition we meet with in our efforts to advance this cause. Not that it is very formidable; we can bear all that we meet with, either in the well-leaded type of the diurnal press, or in the shape of insolence and taunts in the House of Commons. But we must so remember that our opponents have much at issue. One good thing has been done, and it is only the beginning of the end - the abolition of the corn-laws. (Cheers.) I do not believe there are 10 men in this country, save the landlords themselves who have grasped the issues of that great question. Look at the poor landlords now! Time was, when we was at ninety shillings, and the Treasury door was wide open. (A voice, 'I remember when we were 7 pounds a quarter.') Well, my friend, if that was so, that was, indeed, a ' good time. (Laughter.) Where at one hundred and fourty shillings! William Pitt in power! war in Europe! small constituencies, and small bread! (Loud cheers.) But what is the state of the case at the present time - what the condition of the coroneted breadmonger now? (Hear.) A diminished roll before him, Sir Joshua Walmsley behind him! Do you wonder that he is perplexed between this Scylla and Charybdis? Are you astonished at his consternation and alarm? Are you surprised with the spirit of protection walks to earth like a troubled ghost? Keep your ground; for depend on it, mighty events are to be involved by this great question of free trade in the people's food. There are no really disastrous issues likely to result from it; it will only oblige certain gentleman to turn their attention to some mode of making an honest living. It will, no doubt, diminish the number of government places, and thereby throw their sons upon their hands. They will not be able to go to the Secretary of War, the Colonial Secretary, or some dispenser of patronage, and choose their own

tem - if they would prefer fewer visits from gentleman in black, with ink-bottles attach their buttonholes, and the who periodically leave timeous refreshers at their doors - if they wish to see a free scope for the industry and enterprise are their children - then let them join with us.

There is nothing of violence in our principles, still less in our movements. We are levelers, it is true, but, then, we level upwards, and not downwards. [Hear, hear.] We seek to take nothing from the rich, but to give something to the poor, or, rather, to enable those that are poor to become rich, through the fruits of their own industry. Oh, my friend, it is to me often a grievance and reflecting thought, that, in the valleys of Egypt, under the dominion of its despotic pacha, or on the plans of India, where men are ever by millions on the verge of starvation, I have never seen poverty so deep, so helpless, so hopeless, and yet so undeserved as that which I have witnessed in my native land! [Hear.] But, why should it be so? All realms are tributary to us; beneath us are the exhaustless minds of wealth, richer far than California; around us is the sea, the great highway of all of the nations of the earth, and with all the nations of the earth we have dealings. What river is there that our ships do not ascend? What creek do they not penetrate? what bay have we not entered, and where exchange could be made between man and man, where it is that you find not British industry and British enterprise? [Cheers.] Our sons should all be rich; there should be no poverty but that which is the fruit of crime, and nurtured by vice. O, yes, virtuous industry should indeed have a leave to live in England. But why is it otherwise? Because our national affairs are not well administered. I never like to select men and blame them individually, as though upon them were chargeable for all the evils of the system. I have no grudge against aristocracy as such. I am no brawler against rank and degrees in society. I know there must ever be an aristocratcy. You cannot level man. There is no Procrustean bed to which you can bring every member of the community, along getting some and shortening others. I want all men to see before them a higher position than that wish they have yet attained. I want the thoughts which travel to eternity to have free scope, and the logical and honorable ambition of men to have an opportunity of legitimate gratification. I cannot speak of any class as 'Mr. Merchant Plunderer,' or 'Mr. Lawyer Swindler.' = trymen, their worst enemies are their own appetites and unthrifty propensities.' We do not say to the people, 'Sit still and wait for your political and social redemption;' on the contrary, we tell them - 'Who would be free, himself must strike the blow;' but not a blow at his fellow-man. His tire it is not his neighbors, but his own on curb plus an appetite. Strike first of blow at self, with all his self imposed degradation, and all its bitter slavery; make yourself free, and then, my friends, you may pass the proudest in the land, and he must make way for the majesty of virtue - for the son of God! [Cheers.] Well, what are our means for effecting this change? The foolishness of preaching. [Cheers.] The influence we employ is that of understanding upon understanding and will upon will. We are promoting our cause tonight. Tea-parties did the business for the corn-laws. Here are the women of England took the lead. It is one of the most pleasing reflections in my life, that I was the first man who ever addressed a female audience upon that great question. At Manchester, I attended many large meetings of the women of England, and drew up the petition which they laid at the feet of the queen, praying for the repeal of the tax on peoples food. I wasn't able to do more. I brought them to labor for the funds of that association. I knew there were through my experience. I had seen the powerful influence of their increasing labors. Well, to-night I again asked the women of England to join with us in promoting the cause of the National Reform Association. There is an elevating and purifying influence in their presence which will always refine and improve the tone of our proceedings. [Hearm hear.] What man, for example, would be tempted to-night to commit - or, if tempted, would commit - an act of contra bonos mores, in the presence of the ladies here assembled? Who does not feel himself a better man for our present meeting haven't even made a mixed assembly, instead of one composed of men only? and why, I ask, should it not be so? Is there anything on feminine in there tendering add to our cars? I know of no sex in mind [hear]; Or if there be a distinction in the mental powers of the two sexes, give me women's wit before man's; women's constancy before man's. I speak it to our shame. [Hear, hear.] No, my friends, women are never out of place in a good cause. 

'No radiant pearl that crested Fortune wares;
No gem that, sparkling, hangs from Beanty's ears;
Not the bright stars, which night's blue arch adorn,
No rising Sun's that killed the vernal morn, 
Shine with such lustere as a tear which breaks, 
For human woe, down women's lovely cheeks'

[Cheers.] It has been my privilege, more than that of any other man in the kingdom, to deliver addresses to the women of Great Britain, and I am not afraid to ask a question, whether those who have embraced and labored for the objects I have recommended have been worse wives, daughters, or mothers, in consequence of their becoming reformers. - When did you ever hear of any quarrel having in suit about me or my doctrines? [Hear and laughter.] No, woman has her duties, which are dictated best by herself. Women's rights may be left a women's keeping. You can force nothing wrong upon her while she cherishes that which is the lustere of her sex - her native modesty, her shrinking bashfulness. But she may be bold and announcing, and it endeavoring to procure the abolition of bad laws;

Are necessary to enable the faithful to reach paradise - prayer, fasting, and almsgiving.' Prayer brings him halfway; fasting takes him the other half; but he cannot obtain admittance to the celestial city, nor enter into possession of the black-eyed houries with all the other delights of paradise, except through the medium of almsgiving or good works. Well, politically, we have been the most religious people in the world, so far as the first two virtues are concerned. We have prayed long and; we have been incessantly telling the house of commons, 'And your petitioners will ever pray. (Laughter.) Victoria's subjects have been instant in season and out of season in the duty of prayer. As for fasting, why, we have had not merely days, but actually thirty consecutive years, of rigid abstinence. The Mahometan fast is called the Ramadan, it continues but for one month annually, and that only between the sunrise and sundown. I had a Mohammad on with me when I was in India, who pulled a very long face during those 30 days, although he fasted only from morning till night; but the people of this country fasted from 1815 to 1846, (hear,) until the labors, sagacity, administrative talent, and eloquence, all combined, of that illustrious man, now no more, put an end to the system. (Cheers.) And here, my friends, allow me, in passing, to remind you of his last words in the House of Commons. You know whom I allude. (Hear.) May I not with truth say of him -

'This was the noblest Roman of them all:
All of the conspirators, save only he,
Did that they did in envy of great Ceasar.
He only, in a general honest thought
And common good to all, made one of them.
His life was gentle, and the elements 
So mixed in him, that Nature might stand up
And say to all the world - "That was a man!"

(Cheers.) Well, what were his last words? 'Every day's observation of events convinces me, more clearly than ever, that upon the maintenance of the principles of free trade, the peach and welfare of the country depend.' (Hear.) Such was the dying testimony of the greatest statesman of the day: let him write his own epitaph. Well, I think no one can deny that we have had prayer and fasting enough, But what is the third act the Mussulman most perform, in order to obtain admission to paradise? Why, he must give.  (Hear.) To prayer, fasting, long faces, empty stomachs, and the bowing the head like a bulrush, he must add the efficacious and life-giving virtue of good words - he must give. Give, my friends, to your own cause. Oh, it is a luxury to give! it will sanctify all you leave behind. Open your niggard soul. If you ever saw that would refuse to give, fine it; Play a fine to our Treasurer and it's behalf. But I have made my appeal to-night especially to the ladies. Before I sit down, I will relate a little love story, containing a similar lesson that I have just a dude from the Koran. Once upon a time, a rustic Swain and Damso live near each other. He became smitten with her charms, but had not courage to tell his love -

'But let concealment, like a worm i' the bud,
Feed on his' not 'damask,' but 'russet cheek.'

At length, fighting she was becoming an object of attraction to other swains, and that he was in danger of losing her, he was induced to do white, and fashionable society, is called 'popping the question.' (Laughter.) His heart was full, but his lips were closed; he could not bring his courage to the sticking point; while she, poor thing, cast down her eyes, and was perfectly mute, but fully understanding for what particular purpose he had brought her to that lonely place. At length, a bird began to sing on John's side of the road, and a lucky thought struck him. 'Bessy,' said he with a gentle squeeze of the arm, 'dost hear you bird?' - 'Ay, lad,' said she. 'What does it seem to sing to thee?' 'Why, Bessy,' said he, 'it seems to me to sing, 'I love thee! I love thee!"' They proceeded on in silence until a bird began to sing on the damsel's side of the road. 'Johnny,' said she, 'dost hear that bird?' 'Ay, lass,' said he. 'Well what does it seem to thee to sing?' 'I cannot tell,' said he. 'What did thy bird sing?' 'My bird sang,' said he, with another gentle squeeze, "I love thee, I love thee!" 'Well' said she. 'my bird sings, "Shew it! shew it!"' (Loud cheers and laughter.) Now here are we up on this platform, choristers that may vie with any in England; I will not say America, less I should offend the vanity of brother Jonathan. Well, your birds have been singing all this evening, and you have, but your applause interpreted their notes to mean "I love thee! I love thee!' Listen to the song of our bird, 'Shew it! shew it!' (Loud cheers.) Shew your approval of the principles of the National Reform Association by enrolling your names as members; by distributing its tracks; by carrying out doctrines to the end of the world. 'Workman! cqrry it into the shop; take it with you to the Forge; while you are at the anvil, hammer the truth that she'll make your country free enters the soles of your hearty and athletic countryman. Women of England, and of London in particular, show your zeal and this caused by helping us not only with your smiles, your plaudits and your good words, but with your contributions and your earnest labors. I have already spoken in so long that I fear I have worried you. (Loud cries of 'No, no') With one word more of exhortation I will conclude. If you enlist in the cars, let it be for the war – let there be no looking back. Take time to count the cost. Consider well what sacrifices you will be called to make, what laborers to endure, what ridicule to bear, and what opposition to contend against. If you embark with us, it must be without stipulations as to time, or success, or any other contingency. Duty is ours, events belong to God. If you embark with us let it be with a determination to labor on in faith

1. 
SOLO.
Away where the sunlight is brightening,
Away where it's last beams expire,
Hi speed with the flash of the lightning,
I fly on the wings of the wire!
By me are earth's barriers riven,
By me are its boundaries spread;
A word, and the impulse is given,
A touch, and the mission has sped.

CHORUS.
Hurrah! 'tis the best conjuration
That science, the wizard, has done!
Through me nation speaks unto nation, 
till all are united in one.

II.
Ere the voice of the echo had spoken -
Ere though could recoil from its birth -
If the links of my path were unbroken,
My flight would encompass the earth;
From the bright star that gleams far above us,
Flashed onward through measureless space
A welcome from voices that love us,
My own in a second would trace.
CHORUS. - Hurrah, &c. 

III.
Oh, would that some kindred communion
To man we could hope to impart,
That a bond of such magical union
Might link every heart onto heart. 
Not a tear that we not seek to smother
Would then fall alone or uncared;
not a joy but the heart of another
Would thrill with the bliss that it shared
CHORUS - Hurrah! &ct.

IV. 
We need not, should fat give denial, 
This fanciful dream wholly sprun;
Let sympathy touch but the dial,
A chord shall be struck in return.
No wish need be kept unimparted, 
Or lost, as on selfishness thrown;
But each, from the heart as it farted, 
Would find a response in our own.

CHORUS. 
Oh! let love take the world and prepare it, 
As swift to respond as to receive;
Let us bear but of sorrow to share it,
And let us bear but of sorrow to share it,
And know but the want, to releive!

NOW WE PRAY FOR OUR COUNTRY.
Now pray we for our country,
That England long may be
The holy and the happy, 
And the gloriously free.
Who blesseth her is blessed -
So peace be in her walls,
Enjoy in all her palaces,
The cottages in Halls.

Mr. G Thompson then Rosen said: – 'Ladies and Gentlemen – there is one duty we must not separate without performing, and that is, to pass a well-merited vote of thanks to our Chairman, whose entire consecration to the cause of the people should endear him to all of our hearts. (Cheers.) Sir Joshua Walmsley, - whome I am proud to call my friend, - has most ably presided over us on this occasion; but I do not request you thank him meerly for this single service, but I am desirous that ther vote you are about to give should be one of confidence in him as President of the National Reform Associated. [Hear.] He deserves your confidence in that capacity and he requires it to sustain him and his future laborers. Certain I am, as I am of my own existence, that he will never be found faithless to the cause of the people. [Cheers.] And now, my friends, in the fall feeling in my heart, allow me to say to each and all of you - farewell! There are some young men here: how they learn nothing from the scene they have witnesses evening? Let them learn from me, that, and their journey through life, they will find a proud satisfaction, which will frequently sustain them when weary and foot-sore, in reflecting that they have done something to promote the welfare and freedom of the human race. [Cheers.] There are those in this assembly, who have heard my addresses for the last twenty five years now. I espouse then, as I believed, the cause of truth and freedom. I have given my services freely; but I have not been one by robes, but rags. I have not been attracted by wealth and titles, but by the cries of those who stood in need of my help, and whom I thought I might be able, in any way to serve. For that portion of the human race, I hope I should be able to continue my labor for many years. How long that may be depends on God's will, not mine. I will do the best I can while I live. Let young men put their hands to this cause; it will do them good; it will dignify them; ennoble them; ripen their powers; they will become better man for the very exertions they have made in this cause. And if they want any thing to inspire them, let them look at the generous tribute of respect paid to me to-night, and be assured that, if they live for the people, the people will ultimately not forget them.

I will conclude in the language of one of the sweetest poets in America, - 

'So live, that when why summons comes to join
The innumerable caravan that moves
To the mysterious realm, where each shall take
His chamber and the silent halls of death,
Though go not, like the quarry slave at night,
Scoured to his dungeon, but sustained and soothed
Buy an unfaltering trust, approach why grave,

PETITIONS FOR THE REPEAL OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:

We, the undersigned, inhabitants of ________________, believing the law passed at the last session of Congress, in relation to the surrender of fugitive slaves, to be a moral, and human and unconstitutional, respectfully asked for its immediate repeal. 
                                                                                 
-------

To the Honorable Senate and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts

We, the undersigned, inhabitants of __________________, believing the law passed in the last session of Congress, in relation to the surrender of fugitive slaves, to be a moral, and human, and unconstitutional, and subversive to all the safeguards of individual liberty [?] Specifically ask your honorable bodies to protect against the same, in the name of the Commonwealth, and to request the Senators and instruct Representatives of the State to make every effort for its immediate repeal. 

--------

It will be remembered, that by a law pass at the time of the Latimer agitation, the Commonwealth refused to use of its jails for the detention of persons claimed as slaves - a most righteous and praiseworthy act. The United States Government now threatens to punish with six months' imprisonment, the men or women of this Commonwealth who shall aid or comfort the slave, inconvenienced or embarrass the slave hunter. Let us ask our Legislature that no state jail shall be used for such a purpose. If the Union needs jails for those who obey God, let the Union build them.

To the Honorable Senate and House of Representatives of Massachusetts:

We, the undersigned, inhabitants of ______________, respectfully ask your honorable bodies to prohibit the use of jails of the Commonwealth for the imprisonment of anyone sentence to imprisonment under the law passed at the last session of Congress for the surrender of fugitive slaves.

TO THE FRIENDS OF THE FUGITIVE.
Alarmed at the operation of the new Fugitive Slave Law, the Fugitives from slavery are pressing Northward. Many have been applied to flee precipitately, leaving behind them all the little they have acquired since they escaped from slavery. They are coming to us and increasing numbers, and they look to us for aid. Oppressed by the tyranny of a heartless and God-defying government, who will help them? Their first and most honest desire is for employment. That is the greatest charity which finds it for them. Help us, then, all of you friends of the fugitive, to extend to them this charity, this simple justice. Let all, who know, or can learn the places which may be filled by these men, women and youth, give information by letter or otherwise to ROBERT F. WALLCUT, or SAMUAL MAY, JR., 21 Cornhill, Boston. 

Friend, whoever you are that reads these lines, this appeal is made to you. Cannot you find or procure, one or more places where the hunted slave may abide securely, and work through the winter? We want you to attend to this AT ONCE.

N. B. Manty of the fugatives come very poorly provided with clothing; and those who have garments of any kind to spare, will be sure to confer them on the suffering and needy, by sending them marked 'For fugatives,' at 21 Cornhill, as above. 

To CORRESPONDENTS. A letter from Henry C. Wright is in type; also a letter to the Editor of the Boston Post; but we have no room for them this week. On file - a letter from James Haughton, of Dublin, to H. C, Wright; an adverse letter on Woman's Rights from Henry Grew, of Philadelphia; the proceedings of the annual meeting of the Boston Female A. S. Society; an office account of the Weymouth and Braintree A. Fair - is &ct. &ct. 

As the present number of the liberator is extremely interesting, and deserving of a wide circulation, we have printed a considerable number of extra copies for sale, which may be obtained at 21 Cornhill.

MORTIFYING BLUNDER. On our last page maybe found the excellent introductory address read at the late Women's Rights Convention, at Worcester, by its estimable President Mrs. Paulina Wright Davis, of Providence, R. I.; but by an unfortunate oversight, an introductory paragraph, stating where and by whom it was delivered, was omitted, so that it appears without any caption whatever. The mistake was not discovered until too late to be corrected on our outside form. 

In the first series of resolutions presented by Wm. Henry Channing, at the Convention, there is an omission in the second resolution, which impairs the sense; but we print it as it was forwarded by the secretary, who as transcribing it, appears to have left out a portion of it accidentally.

[?] statements to the consideration of such friend as have heretofore assisted us by furnishing table from their respective towns. 

We confidently trust that all such will continue their efforts, taking no discouragement from the circumstance that all the articles hitherto contributed may not have found a market at the Boston Bazaar. Their sale at carious country Fairs has produced an equal amount of good to the Cause. Nor are we convinced of any thing more fully than that the number of sales at any Bazaar is an exact proportion to the number of varied and articles displayed. We are careful to mention this, because the donations of our Trans-Atlantic friends have been so generous as to create an impression, and some minds, that it may be wise to diminish our own labors, particularly in those departments of Embroidery and Fancy Needle Work in which our contributors of Great Britain so highly excel. This opinion is erroneous. All donations of this kind among ourselves are as needed and saleable as ever. Useful articles of every kind are highly desirable, and we hope that friends from the country towns may furnish larger supplies of Stockings, Mittens, ect., than heretofore, as we have never been able in this respect to meet the demand. Any donations of materials, such as cell, cotton, Lynden, calico, etc., will be gratefully received by any member of the committee. 

THE LIBERTY BELL will be published at the opening of the Bazaar, and will, we trust, include a wider circle of distinguished writers than ever before. We solicit pecuniary donations from all who hitherto give in aid of its publication, from all, indeed, who feel as we do, its importance as a most valuable instrumentality.  

Those of our Committee in Europe will be happy to spend any money that may be sent to them in the purchase of such rare foreign articles that are not to be found in our shops. Any money for this purpose or for the LIBERRTY BELL, may be sent by mail to A. W. Welton, Weymouth, Mass. 

The work before us is so great, the laborers comparatively so few, that the committee feel important to present with us early few practical suggestions, that it may bemmen

SIXTH COURSE OF ANTI-SLAVERY LECTURES.
The six course of Lectures before the Salem Female Anti-Slavery Society, comprising eight in number, will be delivered on successive SUNDAY evenings, at Lyceum Hall, at the 7 o'clock. The remainder of the course will be delivered by the following gentleman, viz:-

Nov. 17. O. B. Frothingham, of Salem.
" 24.        Wm. L. Garrison, "
Tickets for the course, 37 1-2 cts. Single Lecture, 6 1-4 cts. 
E. J. KENNY, Rec. Sec.

MASSACHUSETTS CHAPLIN COMMITTEE.
[?] MOODY, having been duly appointed an Agent of the 'Chaplin Fund Committee,' will speak on the subject of his imprisonment, and the means of his deliverance, in 

Newburyport, Sunday, Nov. 17. 
Portsmouth, Monday,   " 18.
Portland, Wednesday,  " 20. 

The friends of freedom and humanity at the above named places will please to make the necessary arrangements for the meetings. 

PARKER PILLSBURY,

An agent of the Mass. Anti-Slavery Society, will lecture as follows:

North Bridgewater, Saturday and Sunday evenings, November 16 and 17. 
East Bridgewater, Tuesday, Novembver 19.
Bridgewater, Wesnesday,    " 20.
Plympton, Thursday, " 21. 
Middleboro', Friday,   "22. 

W. M. FERNALD will discourse the philosophy of Divine and Human Law, in particular reference to the Fugative Slave Bill, next Sunday afternoon at Washington Hall, 21 Broomfeild st. 

ADULT
DAY AND EVENING SCHOOL,
For Colored People, (male and female,) under Rev. Mrs. Grime's Church, Southhac Street. 

A BENEVOLENT Christian public are solicited for aid to receive, all FREE, who are willing to be instructed, and not able to pay. The smallest donation in money, books, or stationary, placed in the hands of Rev. Mr. Grimes, gratefully received and accounted for.

Visitors are invited after Monday, 4th December. November 15. 

The Fugative Slave Bill:

US History and Unconstitutionality, with an account of the Seizure and Enslavement of James Hamlet, and his subsequent restoration to liberty. Third Edition. Price 5 cts. For sale by BELA MARSH, 25 Cornhil. 3t. Nov. 15. 

WANTED,

A situation as housekeeper, or superintendent of an Institution involving trust or responsibility, by an American Lady, with best references. 

Apply tro Mrs. A. B. ALCOTT, No, 50 High st., or Francis Jackson, 7 Hollis st. November 15.



THE LIBERATOR. VOL. XX. NO. 46.

POETRY
For the Liberator.
THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW.
Denounce, repeal, and nullify the bill!
   This is the word, the universal cry;
Denounce it!—'tis the sovereign people's will;
   And mouthing demagogues, who vainly try
To pillar up the noxious, bloody thing,
Will round their ears its falling mbers bring.

Startled humanity was pained and shocked,
   And stunn'd, and staggered back, as well it might,
When on the public ear the tidings broke,
   That such a hateful thing had seen the light,
And passed into a living law, upheld
By Northern voters, ratified and sealed.

Democracy! a bastard, dough-faced tribe
   Of office-seekers have disgraced thy name;
The truckling varlets, not above a bribe,
   Have brought upon themselves eternal shame,
And on their country a disgraceful stain,
That sophists try to cover up in vain.

Three recreant Northern Whigs, too, had a share
   In helping through the diabolie bill;
Let in their outraged constituents take care
   That better men henceforth their places fill;
And let the traitors in oblivion sink,
Or stand as beacons on Destruction's brink.

Like Lucifer, the godlike Daniel fell:
   Samson of Whiggery, shorn are thy locks!
Thy fame, which once did mightily excel,
   Now upon Slavery's bloody altar smokes,
And sends abroad so horrible a stench,
As all our sympathies with thee to quench.

Let Whig and Democrat forgotten be—
   To actions look, not to an empty name—
Give us the man, whate'er his titles be,
   True to humanity—despite of fame,
Daring to play an honest, manly part;
This is the man we honor in our heart.

When comes the tug of war, the good, the true,
   Cast off the fetters of the partizan;
And pledge themselves at Freedom's shrine anew,
   Remembering but the brotherhood of man;
And all uniting 'gainst the common foe,
They proudly triumph in his overthrow.

Thank Heaven! at once the Northern voice arose,
   Deeper and louder than Niagara's roar,
Vowing the vile enactment to oppose;
   And soon those vows to earth's remotest shore
Shall ring in majesty and thundering tones,
Till tyrants quake and tremble on their thrones.

Denounce the bill, all ye who cannot bend
   To tyranny the coward's supple knee;
Denounce it, ye who, knowing, dare defend
   The rights of man, the blessings of the free;
Denounce it with a withering voice of scorn,
As a foul thing of barbarism born.

Denounce it, ye, who would not see the soil
   On which for Freedom's sake your fathers bled,
Polluted by the tyrannous and vile
   Slave-hunter's stealthy, desecrating tread,
Hunting the flying fugitive to death:—
Denounce it now, and with your latest breath.

Denounce it, ye who would not madly rush,
   Hostile to Freedom's ever onward ear;
Destined ere long triumphantly to crush
   The advocates of slavery and war:
Denounce it, ye who would not bow the neck
Obsequious at the Southern Moloch's beck.

Denounce it, ye who wish your country's weal;

Our homes shall 'hide the outcast,' when
   His galling chains are broken,
And tyrants find the will of men
   As chaff, when God hath spoken.
Chicago, Oct. 15, 1850.                    Paulina.

Reformatory.
   Usage assigns to the Chair of such Conventions
as this, the duty of stating the objects of the meeting.
But the published call under which we are convened
presents such a summary of those objects as may
suffice for mere statement; and the subject matters
to be submitted, the discussion of them, and the action
contemplated by this Convention, are equally
familiar to us all.
   This leaves me at liberty to occupy you for a few
moments with some general reflections upon the
attitude and relations of our movement to the times
and circumstances, and upon the proper spirit and
method of promoting it.
   I do not even intend to treat these topics formally,
and I do not hope to do it successfully; for nothing
less than a complete philosophy of reform could answer
such inquiries, and that philosophy, it is very
certain, the world has not yet discovered.
   Human rights and their reasons are neither mysterious
nor difficult. The world has never been ignorant
of them, nor insensible to them; and human
wrongs and their evils are just as familiar to experience,
and as well understood; but all this is not
enough to secure to mankind the possession of the
one, or to relieve them from the felt burden and suffering
of the other. A creed of abstract truths, or a
catechism of general principles, and a completely
digested list of grievances, altogether, are not enough
to adjust a practical reform to its proper work, else
Prophets and Apostles been more successful, and left
us less to wish and to do.
   It is one thing to issue a declaration pf rights or a
declaration of wrongs to the world, but quite another
thing wisely and happily to commend the subject to
the world's acceptance, and so to secure the desired
reformation. Every element of success is, in its own
place and degree, equally important, but the very
starting point is the adjustment of the reformer to
his work, and next after that is the adjustment of his
work to those conditions of the times which he seeks
to influence
   Those who prefer the end in view to all other
things, are not contented with their own zeal and the
discharge of their duty to their conscience. They
desire the highest good for their fellow-beings, and
are not satisfied with merely clearing their own skirts;
and they esteem martyrdom a failure at least, if not a
fault, in the method of their action. It is not the
salvation of their own souls they are thinking of, but
the salvation of the world; and they will not willingly
accept a discharge or rejection in its stead. It
is their business to preach righteousness and rebuke
sin, but they have no quarrel with 'the world that
lieth in wickedness,' and their mission is not merely
to judge and condemn, but to save alike the oppressor
and the oppressed. Right principles and conformable
means are the first necessities of a great enterprise,
but without right apprehensions and tempers
and expedient methods, the most beneficent purposes
must utterly fail. Who is sufficient for these things?
   Divine Providence has been baffled through all the
ages of disorder and suffering for want of fitting
agents and adapted means. Reformations of religion
have proved but little better than the substitution of
a new error for an old one, and civil revolutions have
resolved themselves into mere civil insurrections, until
history had become but a monument of buried hopes.
   The European movement of 1848 was wanting
neither in theory nor example for its safe direction,
but it has nevertheless almost fallen into contempt.
   We may not, therefore, rely upon a good cause
and good intentions alone, without danger of deplorable
disappointment.
   The reformation which we purpose, in its utmost
scope, is radical and universal. It is not the mere
perfecting of a progress already in motion, a detail
of some established plan, but it is an epochal movement—
the emancipation of a class, the redemption
of hald the world, and a conforming re-organization
of all social, political and industrial interests and institutions.
Moreover it is a movement without ex [?]
rising light; and it is the work of a whole creation
day to separate the light from the darkness. 
    the rule of differences between the sexes must
of necessity be the thing which each estimates most 
highly in the other, and it is not at all wonderful that
some of woman's artificial incapacities and slaveries
may seem to be necessary to some of her excellen-
cies, just as the chivalry that makes man a butcher
of his kind still glares like a glory in the eyes of ad-
miring womanhood; and all the more because it
seems so much above and unlike her own powers
and achievements. Nature does not teach that men
and women are equal, but only that they are unlike;
an unlikeness so naturally related and dependent
that their respective differences in their balance
establish, instead of destroying, their equality. 
    Men are not in fact, and to all intents, equal among
themselves, but their theoretical equality for all the
purposes of justice is more easily seen and allowed
than what we are here to claim form women. Higher
views, nicer distinctions, and a deeper philosophy are
required to see and feel the truths of woman's rights; 
and besides, the maxims upon which men distribute
justice to each other have been battle-cries for ages,
while the doctrine of woman's true relations in life
is a new science, the revelation of an advanced age,
--perhaps, indeed, the very last grand movement of
humanity towards its highest destiny--too new to 
be yet fully understood, too grand to grow out of the 
broad and coarse generalities which the infancy and
barbarism of society could comprehend.
    The rule of force and fraud must be well nigh
overturned, and learning and religion ad the fine
arts must have cultivated the earth into the tone of 
wisdom and justice tempered by the most beneficent 
affections, before woman can be fully installed in her
highest offices. We must be gentle with the ignorance
and patient under the injustice which these causes 
induce. Long-suffering is a quality of the highest wisdom, 
and charity beareth all things, for it hopeth all things. 
 It will be seen that I am assuming the point that the 
redemption of the inferior, if it comes at all, must 
come from the superior. The elevation of the favored 
caste can have no other providential purpose than that 
when it is elevated near enough to goodness and truth, it 
shall draw its dependencies with it. 
But, however this may be in the affairs of men as they 
are involved with each other, it is clearly so in the matter
 of woman's elevation. The tyrant sex, if such we choose
 to term it, holds such natural and necessary relations to
 the victims of injustice, that neither rebellion nor 
revolution, neither defiance nor resistance, nor any mode of 
assault or defense incident to party antagonism, is either
 possible, expedient or proper.  Our claim must rest in its 
justice, and conquer by its converting truth.  We take the
 ground, that whatever has been achieved for the race belongs
 to it, and must not be usurped by any class or caste.  The
 rights and liberties of one human being cannot be made the
 property of another, though they were redeemed for him or
 her by the life of that other ; for rights cannot be forfeited by
 way of salvage, and they are in their nature unpurchasable 
and inalienable.  
We claim for woman a full and generous investiture of all
 the blessings which the other sex has solely or by her aid
 achieved for themselves. We appeal from their injustice and 
selfishness to their principles and affections.
For some centuries now, the best of them have been asserting,
 with their lives, the liberties and rights of the race; and it is
 not for the few endowed with the highest intellect , the
 largest frame, or even the soundest morals, that the claim
 has been maintained, but broadly and bravely and nobly it
 has been held that wherever a faculty is given, its highest 
activities are chartered by the Creator, and all objects alike, 
whether they minister to the necessities of our animal life or
 to the superior powers of the human soul, and so become 
wants more imperative, because nobler than the bread that 
perishes in the use, are, of common right, equally open to ALL; 
and that all artificial restraints, for whatever reason imposed,
 are alike culpable for their presumption, their folly, and their 
cruelty.
It is pitiable ignorance and arrogance for either man or woman
 now to prescribe and limit the sphere of woman. It remains for 
the greatest women whom appropriate culture and happiest 
influences shall yet develop, to say and to show what are woman's 
capacities and relations in the world. 
I will not accept the concession of an equality which means identity
 or resemblance of faculty and function.  I do not base her claims
 upon any such parallelism of constitution or attainment. 
I ask
liberty 
without its usually associated independence.  We must insist
on separate property where the interests are identical, and 
a division of profits where the very being of the partners is 
blended.  We must demand provisions for differences of policy,
 where there should be no shadow of controversy; and the free
 choice of industrial avocations and general education, without 
respect to the distinctions of sex and natural differences of faculty.
In principle these things are not difficult or doubtful, and
 they are therefore not inpossible, or hopeless in practice,
 but they need great clearness in system and steadiness of 
direction to get them allowance and adoption in the actual life
 of the world.  The opposition should be consulted where it
 can be done without injurious consequences.  Truth must 
not be suppressed, nor principles crippled, yet strong meats 
should not be given to babes.  Nor should the strong use their 
liberties so as to become a stumbling block to the weak.  
Above all things, we owe it to the earnest expectation of the 
age that stands trembling in mingles hope and fear of the great 
experiment, to lay its foundations broadly and securely in
 philosophic truth, and to form and fashion it in practical 
righteousness.  To accomplish this, we cannot be too careful 
or too brace, too gentle or too firm ; and yet with right dispositions
 and honest efforts, we cannot fail of doing our share of the
 great work, and thereby advancing the highest interests of 
humanity. 

From the New Englander. 
WENDELL PHILLIPS.
Wendell Phillips is the Patrick Henry of New England.  If he has
 less natural eloquence , less thrilling pathos, than the orator
 of the revolution, he has more polish and as much power of 
origination. He is a ripe scholar, a lawyer of not ordinary calibre, 
a magazine writer of considerable note, and a reformer of 
the most radical school.  He is the pet speaker of the East. 
 He has great power of perception, sincere sympathy for the 
oppressed, and wonderful command over the stores of varied 
knowledge treasured up in his retentive memory.  He has the
 gifts that universities cannot bestow, the current coin that
 cannot be counterfeited, and will be widely circulated, - the 
prophet's vision, the poet's fancy, the light of genius.  He is at
 home on the mountain- top, and when he soars skyward he
 is not lost among the clouds. He has all the sagacity of the
 man of business united with the enthusiasm of the utopian.
  He seems to be equally related to Maia the eloquent, and
 Jupiter the thunderer.  He admires the eternal, the infinite,
 the heaven-like, the God- approximating in the nature of man, 
whatever may be the color of the envelope that contained
 these attributes. 
Mr. Phillips's speeches have in them the breath of life-hens 
they live long to swell the bosom and make the heart throb. 
He does not go to the lamp of the old schools to light his torch
, but dips it into the sun, which accounts for its gorgeous 
effulgence.  He is something of the metaphysician, but is too much
absorbed in the work of revolutionizing public sentiment to devote
his attention to subtle research and profound analysis.  He
makes but little preparation, and always speaks extemporaneously; 
consequently some of his addresses are like a beautiful damsel 
in dishabille.  His quotations then are ringlets rolled up in papers,
and the main part of the lecture like a loose gown which now
and then release a neck of pearl and a voluptuous bust of 
snowy whiteness and beautiful proportions.  He is often brilliant,
never tedious.  Sometimes his scholarship is seen conspicuously,
but it is never pompously displayed.  When the father of the
fugitive slave law committed political suicide in the Senate of
the United States, Mr. Phillips took him for a subject, and 
dissected him in the presence of a college of reformers.  
While in the process, he discovered that the book which ought
to have circulated through the heart had ascended to the brain.
Upon a more minute examination, it was ascertained that 
the bunch of muscles, commonly called the heart, was 
completely dried up and quite black, to say nothing of its 
hollowness. 
It is a rich treat to hear Wendell Phillips speak to a large
and appreciative audience.  Let the reader fancy he is at a 
mass meeting in some forest temple.  The sun shines as though
it was delighted with the gathering ; the shy birds perch in
silence on the neighboring trees, as though they were
astonished at the proceeding ; a song makes the welkin ring 
with melody.  The chairman announces the name of a favorite
speaker.  A genteel man steps gracefully upon the platform. 
He is neatly, not foppishly,
those distinguished men ever were, even in their palmiest days.
Wendell Phillips is universally esteemed and beloved.  Even 
those who hate his creed, and dread his power, admire his 
disinterested kindness and irresistible eloquence.
CRAYON.

MEETING AT TOWANDA.
Agreeable to previous notice given, a large and respectable 
meeting of the colored population of the colored population 
of Bradford county assembled at the Liberty Hall, in Toward. 
The meeting was call to order by Rev.  Joshua C. Johnson, 
and on motion, John Carter was called to the Chair, and 
David Jones chosen Secretary .
The Chairman stated the object of the meeting, and speeches
were made by S. Cooper, J.C. Johnson and Henry Butler,
upon the unconstitutionality of the Fugitive Slave Law, and
its bearing on the free colored citizens of Pennsylvania.
On motion, a committee of six was appointed to draft resolutions,
consisting of Solomon Cooper, J. C. Johnson, David Jones, Timothy 
Coggins, John Carter, Simon Thurston.
The Committee reported the following preamble and resolutions:-
Whereas, The Congress of the United States has passed a
Fugitive Law that is very grievous to be borne, and endangers
the liberty of all who wear a sable brow, free or bond ; therefore, 
it become us to be united as one man and oppose oppression
as our father did in their struggles for freedom in '76, and we
pledge our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.
Resolved, That the late law passed by Congress, termed the 
Fugitive Slave Bill, leaves the colored citizens of the State of
Pennsylvania, unprotected from the merciless slave-hunters 
of the South.
Resolved, That the Declaration of Independence shows plainly 
that is was not the original intention of its signers to 
perpetuate slavery in this republic.  
Resolved, That before we will submit to be dragged into
Southern bondage by the man-stealers of the South, we will 
die in the defense of our right to liberty.
Resolved, That we request all Northern Representatives in 
Congress to use all their influence to repeal a law that is so
 unjust in the eyes of the civilized world, and so contrary to
the teaching of Christianity.
RESOLUTIONS OF ELMIRA
At a meeting called by the colored citizens of Elmira, which was held at their church on Tuesday evening, Oct. 8th, 1850,
On motion, J. Johnson was chosen Chairman, and J.W. 
Jones, Secretary.  The object of the meeting having been 
stated,on motion, the proceedings of the great mass meeting
 which was held in the Park, New York, on the 5th inst., were 
read by T.F. Adkins.  On motion, a committee of five were appointed 
to prepare resolutions expressive of the object of the meeting. 
 The following were appointed such committee :-S.S. Brant. J.W. 
Jones, J. Lee, P. Gard, T.F. Adkins.
The committee reported the following Resolutions, which 
were unanimously adopted:-
Resolved, That we, the colored citizens of Elmira, do hereby
 form ourselves into a society for the purpose of protecting 
ourselves against those persons,( slave-catchers) prowling
 through different parts of this and other States since the
 passing of that diabolical act of Sept, 18th, 1850, which consigns
 free-men of other States to the awful state of brutality which
 the fiendish slaveholders of the Southern States think desirable
 for their colored brethren, but are not willing to try it themselves.
Resolved, That we do hereby protest against it, in all its features, 
and consider it a disgrace to those who pass such an act in this 
enlightened age ; that we have heretofore always wished to
 cherish and obey the law at the sacrifice of our lives; and 
that we do not intend to emigrate from this place, though 
every one of us be assassinated.
Resolved, That as we have been sustained in our course 
by the citizens of Elmira, we declare that, if
Transient Boarding.
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quiet home at house, No. 2 1-2 Central Court.  Terms, 75
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Sept. 20
JOHN M. SPEAR.
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Deeper and louder than Niagara's roar, 
Vowing the vile enactment to oppose ;
  And soon those vows to earth's remotest shore
Shall ring in majesty and thundering tones,
Till tyrants quake and tremble on their thrones. 

Denounce the bill, all ye who cannot bend
  To tyranny the coward's supple knee ;
Denounce it, ye who, knowing, dare defend
  The rights of man, the blessings of the free ;
Denounce it with a withering voice of scorn,
As a foul thing of barbarism born. 

Denounce it, ye, who would not see the soil
  On which for Freedom's sake your fathers bled,
Polluted by the tyrannous and vile
  Slave-hunter's stealthy, desecrating tread,
Hunting the flying fugitive to death :--
Denounce it now, and with your latest breath.

Denounce it, ye who would not madly rush, 
  Hostile to Freedom's ever onward car ;
Destined ere long triumphantly to crush
  The advocates of slavery and war :
Denounce it, ye who would not bow the neck
Obsequious at the Southern Moloch's beck.

Denounce it, ye who wish your country's weal ;
  Denounce it, as ye would not aid the blow
By tyrants struck, her destiny to seal,
  And Freedom's altars basely overthrow;
Denounce it, as you would not basely be
A land of slaves, but nationally free.

Denounce it, ye who would not wish to lend
  Your influence to robbery and fraud ;
Denounce it, as ye would not dare defend
  Theft, rapine, murder, nor be heard to applaud
Th' abettors of a foul, abhorrent deed,
Against which heaven and earth united plead. 

Denounce the bill, by all to manhood dear ;
  Denounce it by thy brother's hopeless sigh ;
Denounce it by thy fetter'd sister's tear--
  By every human, every tender tie ;
Denounce it, as ye hope your sins forgiven--
Denounce it, as your souls would enter heaven.

God's law is higher than the laws of man,
  And he who, knowing, rashly dares despise,
On the broad road to ruin takes the van,
  And when the rebel's refuges of lies
Are swept away, where shall the rebel stand,
Safe on the right, or on the other hand?

Thank God ! a voice from the four winds of heaven
  Stirs even Indifference in its easy-chair,
Crying, 'The fugitive must not be given
  Back to the spoiler, and to blank despair !'
We will not, cannot give a brother back--
Humanity forbids th' inhuman act.

On Zion's watch-towers, watchmen long asleep
  Are startled from Conservatism's dreams,
And from their easy cushions upward leap,
  While Freedom's pennon from the watch-tower
    streams,
Her champions battling bravely in the cause 
Of outraged Nature's violated laws.

Pray Heaven increase an hundred fold their zeal,
  And let them utter no uncertain sound,
Till tyrants, with their hireling minions, feel
  That Freedom holds invulnerable ground ;
At least throughout New England, where her fires,
Lit by our fathers, but with time expire.

Cold is that heart, and blighted, scared and dead
  To the warm promptings of the law of love,
Who for th' enslaver of his kind can plead,
  Regardless of the mandate from above,
'Break every yoke, and let th' oppressed go free' ;
A law from which no just appeal can be.

May Heaven dispel the sombre, threat'ning cloud
  That o'er the nation ominously lowers,
And nerve its ministers to cry aloud,
  Against enactments of the higher powers,
At variance with th' eternal laws of God,
Till sound repentance save us from the rod !      M. 

                   From the Chicago Tribune.
                     TO MILLARD FILLMORE.
   May God forgive thee, through his Son,
      For man can pardon never ;
   The deed of guilt that thou hast done,
      Will brand thy name forever ;
   That name which might have stood beside
      The Father of his nation,
   Is doomed, through ages, to abide
      A theme of execration. 
   That name, the hallowed ties of earth
      Will widely, rudely sever ;
   That name has darkened home and hearth,
      To be illumined--never !
   The blushes of indignant shame
      On manly cheeks are glowing,
   For thou has tarnished Freedom's name--
      In dust her laurels strewing.

   The spirit of the martyred dead
      In glory hath arisen--
   Think not to bow a freeman's head
      By threats of fine and prison !

is their business to preach righteousness and rebuke
sin, but they have no quarrel with 'the world that
lieth in wickedness,' and their mission is not merely
to judge and condemn, but to save alike the oppressor
and the oppressed.  Right principles and conformable
means are the first necessities of a great enterprise,
but without right apprehensions and tempers
and expedient methods, the most beneficent purposes
must utterly fail.  Who is sufficient for these things?
   Divine Providence has been baffled through all the
ages of disorder and suffering for want of fitting
agents and adapted means.  Reformations of religion
have proved but little better than the substitution of
a new error for an old one, and civil revolutions have 
resolved themselves into mere civil insurrections, until
history has become but a monument of buried hopes.
   The European movement of 1848 was wanting
neither in theory nor example for its safe direction,
but it has nevertheless almost fallen into contempt.
   We may not, therefore, rely upon a good cause
and good intentions alone, without danger of deplorable
disappointment.
   The reformation which we purpose, in its utmost 
scope, is radical and universal.  It is not the mere 
perfecting of a progress already in motion, a detail
of some established plan, but it is an epochal movement--
the emancipation of a class, the redemption
of half the world, and a conforming re-organization
of all social, political, and industrial interests and institutions.  
Moreover, it is a movement without example
among the enterprizes of associated reformations,
for it has no purpose of arming the oppressed
against the oppressor, or of separating the parties, or
setting up independence, or of severing the relations
of either. 
   Its intended changes are to be wrought in the intimate
texture of all society organizations, without
violence, or any form of antagonism. It seeks to 
replace the worn out with the living and the beautiful,
so as to reconstruct without overturning, and to
regenerate without destroying; and nothing of the 
spirit, tone, temper or method of insurrection, is proper
or allowable to us and our work. 
   Human societies have been long working and
fighting their way up from what we scornfully call
barbarism, into what we boastfully call modern civilization ;
but, as yet, the advancement has been
chiefly in ordering and methodizing the lower instincts
of our nature, and organizing society under
their impulses.  The intellect or the masses has received
immense development, and the gentler affections
have got something relieved from the dominion
of force ; but the institutions among men are not yet
modelled after the highest things in our natures.
The masterdom of the strong hand and bold spirit is
not yet over, for men have not yet established all
those natural claims against each other, which seem
to demand physical force and physical courage for
their vindication.  But the age of war is drawing 
towards a close, and that of peace (whose methods
and end alike are harmony) is dawning, and the
uprising of womanhood is its prophecy and foretaste.
   The first principles of human rights have now
for a long time been abstractly held and believed, 
and both in Europe and America whole communities
have put them into practical operation in some of
their bearings.  Equality before the law, and the 
right of the governed to choose their governers, are
established maxims of reformed political science ; but
in the countries most advanced, these doctrines and
their actual benefits are as yet enjoyed exclusively
by the sex that in the battle-field and the public forum
have wrenched them from the old time tyrannies. 
Woman is yet denied them, because she has not yet
so asserted or won them for herself, for political justice
pivots itself upon the barbarous principle that
'Who would be free, themselves must strike the 
blow.'  Its furthest progress toward magnanimity is
to give arms to helplessness.  It has not yet learned
to give justice.  For this rule of barbarism there is
this much justification, that although every human
being is naturally entitled to every right of the race,
the enjoyment and administration of all rights require
such culture and conditions of their subject as
usually lead him to claim and struggle for them ; 
and the contented slave is left in slavery, and the 
ignorant man in darkness, on the inference that he
cannot use what he does not desire.  This is indeed
true of the animal instincts, but it is false of the 
nobler soul ; and men must learn that the higher faculties
must be first awakened, and then gratified,
before they have done their duty to their race.  The
ministry of angels to dependent humanity is the
method of Divine Providence, and among men the
law of heaven is, the 'elder shall serve the younger.'
But let us not complain that the hardier sex
overvalue the force which heretofore has figured
most in the world's affairs. 'They know not what
they do,' is the apology that crucified womanhood
must concede in justice and pity to the wrong doers. 
In the order of things, the material word was to be 
first subdued.  For this coarse conflict, the larger
bones and stronger sinews of manhood are especially
adapted, and it is a law of muscles and of all
matter that might shall overcome right.  It is the
law of the vegetable world, and it is the law of the 
animal world, as well as the law of the animal instincts 
and the physical organization of men too ;
but it is not the law of spirits and affection.  They
are of the nature which charge themselves with the
atonement for all evils, and burden themselves with
all the sufferings which they would remove.
   This wisdom is pure, and peaceable, and gentle,
and full of mercy and of good fruits. 
   Besides the feebler frame, which, under the dynasty
of muscles, degrades, there remains, even after
justice has got the upper hand of force in the world's 
judgements, a mysterious and undefined difference
of sex that seriously embarrasses the question of
equality ; or if that is granted in terms, of equal fitness,
for avocations and positions which heretofore
have been the monopoly of men.  Old ideas and
habits of mind survive the facts which produced
them, as the shadows of night stretch far into the
morning, sheltered in nooks and valleys from the
   We claim for woman a full and generous investiture
of all the blessings which the other sex has
solely or by her aid achieved for themselves.  We
appeal from their injustice and selfishness to their
principles and affections. 
   For some centuries now, the best of them have
been asserting, with their lives, the liberties and
rights of the race ; and it is not for the few endowed
with the highest intellect, the largest frame, or
even the soundest morals, that the claim has been
maintained, but broadly and bravely and nobly it has
been held that wherever a faculty is given, its highest
activities are chartered by the Creator, and all 
objects alike, whether they minister to the necessities
of our animal life or to the superior powers of
the human soul, and so become wants more imperative,
because nobler than the bread that perishes in 
the use, are, of common right, equally open to ALL ; 
and that all artificial restraints, for whatever reason
imposed, are alike culpable for their presumption,
their folly, and their cruelty.
   It is pitiable ignorance and arrogance for either
man or woman now to prescribe and limit the sphere
of woman.  It remains for the greatest women
whom appropriate culture and happiest influences
shall yet develop, to say and to show what are woman's
capacities and relations in the world.
   I will not accept the concession of an equality
which means identity or resemblance of faculty and
function.  I do not base her claims upon any
such parallelism of constitution or attainment.  I ask
only freedom for the natural unfolding of her powers, 
the conditions most favorable for her possibilities
of growth, and, the full play of all those incentives,
which have made man her master, and then,
with all her natural impulses and the whole heaven
of hope to invite: I ask that she shall fill the place
that she can attain to, without settling any unmeaning
questions of sex and sphere, that people gossip
about for want of principles of truth, or the faculty
to reason upon them. 
   But it is not with the topics of our reform and the
discussion of them that I am now concerned.  It is
of its position in the world's opinion, and the causes,
that I am thinking ; and I seek to derive hints and 
suggestions as in the method and manner of successful
advocacy from the inquiry ; but especially am I
solicitous that the good cause may suffer no detriment
from the theoretical principles its friends may
assume, or the spirit with which they shall maintain
them.  It is fair to presume that such causes as have
obscured the questions in the general judgement of
the governing sex, must also more or less darken the
counsels of those most anxious for truth and right.
If our demand were simply for chartered rights,
civil and political, such as get acknowledgement in 
paper constitutions, there would be no ground of
doubt.  We could plead our common humanity, and
claim its equal justice.  We have no trouble in saying
that the natural right of self-government is so
clearly due to every human being alike, that it needs
no argument ; and if some or a majority of women
would not exercise this right, this is no ground for
taking it from those who would.  And the question
of the control and enjoyment of her own property
and partnership in all that she helps her husband to
earn and save, needs only to be stated to command
instant assent.  Her appropriate avocations might
not be so easily settled that a programme could be
completed on theoretical principles merely ; but we
need argue no such difficulties while we ask only
for liberty of choice, and opportunities of adaption ; 
and the question of her education is solved by the 
simple principle, that whatever she can receive is her
absolute due.
   Yet all these points being so easily disposed of,
so far as they are mere matters of controversy, the
advocates of the right need one the less the wisest
and kindest consideration for all the resistance we
must encounter, and the most forbearing patience
under the injustice and insolence to which we must
expose ourselves.  And we can help ourselves to
much of the prudence and some of the knowledge
we shall need, by treating the prejudices of the
public as considerately as if there were principles,
and the customs of society as if they once had some
temporary necessity, and so meet them with the
greater force for all the consequence which we concede
to them.  For a prejudice is just like any other
error of judgement, and a custom has sometime had
some fitness to things more or less necessary, and is
not an utter absurdity, even though the reason on
which it was based is lost or removed.  Who shall
say that there is nothing serious, or respectable, or
just, in the repugnance with which our propositions
are received?  The politician who knows his own
corruption may be excused for an earnest wish to
save his wife and daughter from the taint, and he
must be excused, too, for not knowing that the
corruption would be cured by the saving virtue for
which he dreads the risk. 
   There may be real though very foolish tenderness
in the motive which refuses to open the trades and
professions that she could cultivate and practise
with equal profit and credit to herself.  The chivalry
that worships womanhood is not mean, though, it
at the same time enslaves the objects of its over-fond
care.
   And it is even possible that men may deprive
women of their property and liberties, personal and
political, with the kindly purpose of accommodating
their supposed incapacities for the offices and duties
of human life.  harsh judgements and harsh words
will neither weaken the opposition, nor strengthen
our hands.  Our address is to the highest sentiment
of the times, and the tone and spirit due to it and
becoming to ourselves, are courtesy and respectfulness.
All the strength and truth of complaint, and 
all the eloquence of denunciation, are easy of attainment ;
but the wisdom of affirmative principles
and positive science, and the adjustment of reformatory
measures to the exigencies of the times and circumstances, 
are just as much more useful as they
are more difficult.  A profound expediency, as true
to principle as it is careful of success, is, above all
things, difficult and necessary.  We have to claim


to devote his attention to subtle research and
profound analysis.  He makes but little preparation,
and always speaks extemporaneously ; consequently
some of his addresses are like a beautiful damsel in
dishabille.  His quotations then are ringlets rolled up
in papers, and the main part of the lecture like a 
loose gown which now and then reveals a neck of
pearl and a voluptuous bust of snowy whiteness and
beautiful proportions.  he is often brilliant, never
tedious.  Sometimes his scholarship is seen conspicuously,
but it is never pompously displayed. 
when the father of the fugitive slave law committed
political suicide in the Senate of the United States,
Mr. Phillips took him for a subject, and dissected him
in the presence of a college of reformers.  while in 
the process, he discovered that the blood which ought
to have circulate through the heart had ascended to 
the brain.  Upon a more minute examination, it was
ascertained that the bunch of muscles, commonly
called the heart, was completely dried up and quite
black, to say nothing of its hollowness.
   It is a rich treat to hear Wendell Phillips speaks to
a large and appreciative audience.  Let the reader
fancy he is at a mass meeting in some forest temple.
The sun shines as though it was delighted with the
gathering ; the shy birds perch in silence on the 
neighboring trees, as though they were astonished at
the proceeding ; a song makes the welkin ring with
melody.  The chairman announced the name of a
favorite speaker.  A genteel man steps gracefully
upon the platform.  He is neatly, not foppishly,
dressed.  A pleasant smile illuminates his noble face.
He leaps at a single bound into the middle of the 
subject.  He reasons, and his logic is on fire ; he describes,
and the subject is daguerreotyped on the
retina of memory ; he quotes from some classic
author, and the excerpt is like an apple of gold in a
picture of silver ; he tells a story, and the impression
it gives is indelible ; he makes an appeal, and tears
flow freely ; he declaims, and the people are intensely
excited ; he soars, and his lips are touched with a 
live coal from the altar of inspiration.  When he
stops, the hearer has a pain in his side, and work for
his pocket-handkerchief.  Mr. Phillips believes in a 
'higher law,' so he appeals to the sense of the everlasting 
in man.  'He plays the Titanic game of
rocks, and not a game of tennis-balls,' and yet he
floods the heart with singular and thrilling pleasure.
He is the primed mouth-piece of an eloquent discharge
who presents, applies the linstock and fires
off, and the conservatives who stand with their fingers
in their ears are startled by the report.  Is there a 
mob?  His words are like oil on the troubled billows
of the chafed sea ; he rebukes the winds of strife and
the waves of faction, and there is a great calm.  The
serene face of his bosom-friend, the leader of the
league, is radiant with smiles ; the severe from of a 
turncoat or a tyrant present begins to relax ; the
dough-face is ashamed of himself, and determines
that hereafter he will be 'a doer and not dough ;' the
stiff-limbed find a hinge in his joints, and his supple
knees boy in homage to the speaker. 
   But I must find some fault, or I shall be deemed a
flatterer.  Let me see--what shall I say? 'Oh, he
is an impracticable radical ; he goes for the dissolution
of the Union, the dismemberment of the church,
the destruction of the political parties.' In this he
is party right and partly wrong. 'The Christian
should do for Christ's sake what the worldling does
for the sake of humanity,' then there will be no
necessity for such a reproof. The body politic should
sever the leprous limb of slavery, and then America
would not limp so as to become a laughing-stock and
a by-word to the nations of the earth.  The political
parties at the North are leavened with anti-slavery
doctrines, and it is hoped they will soon rise to the
level of that benevolence which will render such rebukes
inappropriate.  I declare it is difficult for me
to find any fault in him.  Reader, you may be Herod, 
but I cannot be Pilate and consent to his crucifixion. 
I must confess that I love the man, although I cannot 
endorse all his creed.  It is a pity that he limits his
usefulness by his fierce warfare against men and
measures that are too long or too short for his iron
bedstead. 
   Mr. Phillips is a man of fortune, and one of the
distinguished few who contribute to support the enterprise
in which he feels an interest as much as he
expends in sustaining himself and family.  Physically,
he is a noble specimen of a man.  His head is
sparingly covered with reddish hair,--
'The golden treasure nature showers down
On those foredoomed to wear fame's golden crown.'
   A phrenologist would pronounce his head worth
more than the South would be willing or able to give
for it.  He has large ideality and sublimity, hence 
he soars.  He has large comparison and casuality,
so he reasons by analogy.  he has large hope and
benevolence, and the genial sunshine of a good nature
irradiates his countenance.  He has large firmness
and adhesiveness, and he abides by his friends
through evil and good report.  His face is pleasant,
and indicates exquisite taste, pure generosity and Roman
firmness.  He is now in the full vigor of manhood,
and ever ready at a moment's warning to battle
for what he deems the right.  Wo be unto the
man who enters the arena with him, for he wields
a two-edged sword of Damascus steel.  Many strong
men have been slain by him ; yea, many mighty men
have fallen before him.  Had he united with either
of the great political parties, he would have been
chosen as a champion ; for he is as brilliant as
Choate, without his bedlamitish idiosyncrasies ; 
clear as Clay, without his accommodating, human-sacrificing,
compromising disposition ; learned as 
Winthrop, without his bookishness and drawing-room
mannerism ; genial as Cass, without his dullness ;
fiery as Benton, without his unapproachable self-sufficiency.
he would entertain a promiscuous audience
better than either of the above-named men.  He
is not so logical as the late lamented Daniel Webster,
not so luminous as the ever-consistent Calhoun,
not so learned as the second Adams, not so thrilling
as Kentucky's favorite ; and yet he is a more instructive
and more interesting speaker than either of
                                                                     
J. W. Jones, Secretary.  The object of the meeting
having been stated, on motion, the proceedings of
the great mass meeting which was held in the Park,
New York, on the 5th inst., were read by T. F. Adkins. 
On motion, a committee of five were appointed
to prepare resolutions expressive of the object of 
the meeting.  The following were appointed such
committee :--S. S. Brant, J. W. Jones, J. Lee, P.
Gard, T. F. Adkins. 
   The committee reported the following Resolutions,
which were unanimously adopted :--
   Resolved, That we, the colored citizens of Elmira,
do hereby form ourselves into a society for the purpose
of protecting ourselves against those persons,
(slave-catchers) prowling through different parts of
this and other States since the passing of that diabolical
act of Sept. 18th, 1850, which consigns freemen
of other States to that awful state of brutality
which the fiendish slaveholders of the Southern
States think desirable for their colored brethren,
but are not willing to try it themselves. 
   Resolved, That we do hereby protest against it,
in all its features, and consider it a disgrace to those
who pass such an act in this enlightened age ; that
we have heretofore always wished to cherish and
obey the law, but we are determined to resist this
law at the sacrifice of our lives ; and the we do not
intend to emigrate from this place, though every one
of us be assassinated. 
   Resolved, That as we have been sustained in our 
course by the citizens of Elmira, we declare that, if
we discover any person or persons in the act of aiding
or making themselves tools of the slave-catcher,
we will be prepared to meet them as enemies.
That we return our thanks to the citizens of Elmira
for the sympathy which they have manifested towards
us.
   Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting
be published in the village papers, the N. Y. Tribune,
the North Star, and the Impartial Citizen. 
                                         J. W. JONES, Secretary.
       ----------------------------------------
         From the Fall River Weekly News.
     ANTI-FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW MEETING.
   Pursuant to call a numerously signed, a very large
meeting of our citizens opposed to the fugitive slave
law recently enacted by Congress, was held at the 
Town Hall on Monday evening.  The meeting was
called to order by Rev. A. Bronson, and organised by
the choice of Hon. N. B. Borden, Chairman, and Mr.
John Westhall, Secretary.  A Committee, consiting
of Messrs. Westhall, Fowler, Dawley, Bronson
and Adams, was appointed to draft a series of resolutions,
who reported the following :--
   Whereas, The Congress of the United States has
passed a law at its late session, respecting fugitives
from labor or service escaping from a Territory or
State, which law contains provisions of an alarming
character, and dangerous to the rights and liberties
of American citizens ;
   And whereas, it is the right of the people to express
their opinions upon the laws passed by Congress
whenever they may deem it necessary, and
to disapprove of them when unjust or arbitrary, or
subversive of their rights and privileged ;
   Therefore, Resolved, That we utterly disapprove
of the said law, because it contains no provision for
the right of trial by jury for the alleged fugitive from
service or labor. 
   It annuls his right to the benefit of the writ of 
habeas corpus. 
   It allows the denial to him of the rights of freedom,
on the testimony of ex parte affidavits presented by
the claimants. 
   It authorises a single Commissioner, appointed by
judges only, and subjected to the control of no advising
or consenting power, to determine and reject,
in a summary manner, the right of a man to himself,
contrary to the rights, privileges, and safeguards of
the common law.
   It punishes by fine and imprisonment, the performance
of duties enjoined alike by Humanity and
Christianity. 
   Resolved, That such a law, being unworthy of a
Christian and civilized people, it becomes the duty
of all good citizens to demand its repeal, with all
its noxious provisions to their fullest extent, at the
earliest moment practicable.
   Resolved, That we deem it to be the duty of the
Legislature of this State to provide all Constitutional
means for the protection and defence of all our
citizens whose rights may be assailed or endangered
by this law. 
   Resolved, That as we may have amongst us those
who may be placed in bondage by this law, we will
do all in our power to prevent such a result, by every
means proper for American citizens to adopt.
   Resolved, That whenever a law commands us to
perform acts which contravene duties devolving upon
us, as above all human laws, it is our highest duty
to obey God rather than man.
   Mr. Fowler was the principal speaker on the occasion,
and occupied the time with a speech of about
an hour's length.  The Fugitive Slave Bill, the Texas
Boundary, the Ten Million Appropriation, and
the corruption of sundry Congressmen were the
chief topics of his address.  He was followed by
Messrs. Westall and Bronson, in a few very brief
remarks.  The doctrine of forcible resistance to the
law was openly and boldly advocated.
               ----------------------------------
   THE FUGITIVE SLAVE BILL.  It seems (says the
Lockport courier) that the passage of the recent
slave bill has excited among the colored people--
free men as well as fugitives--strong apprehensions
in regard to their personal safety.  At a meeting of
the colored citizens held in this village last evening,
the proceedings were closed by the adoption of the 
following resolution :--
   Resolved, That as colored American citizens,
residents of the village of Lockport, we solemnly 
pledge ourselves to each other and before Heaven,
that we will use all the power with which our Creator
has endowed us to prevent the abduction or capture
of any one of our people--even unto death. 

TORAL may be seen in the following :--
            VALENTINE MOTT, M. D.,
Prof. Surgery, Medical College, N. Y., says--
   'It gives me pleasure to certify the value and efficacy
of Ayer's CHERRY PECTORAL, which
consider peculiarly adapted to cure diseases of the
throat and lungs.'
    THE RT. REV. LORD BISHOP FIELD
writes in a letter to a friend, who was fast sinking
under an affection of the Lungs--'Try the CHERRY
PECTORAL, and if any medicine can give you relief,
with the blessing of God that will.'
           CHIEF JUSTICE EUSTIS
of Louisiana, writes that 'a young daughter of his
was cured of several severe attacks of Croup by the
CHERRY PECTORAL.'
          ASTHMA AND BRONCHITIS.
The Canadian Journal of Medical Science
states that 'Asthma and Bronchitis, so prevalent in
this inclement climate, has yielded with surprising
rapidity to Ayer's CHERRY PECTORAL, and we
cannot too strongly recommend this skilful preparation
to the Profession and public generally.'
   Let the relieved sufferer speak for himself :--
                                    HARTFORD, Jan. 26, 1847.
   Dr. C. J. Ayer : Dear Sir--Having been rescued
from a painful and dangerous disease by your medicine,
gratitude prompts me to send you this acknowledgement,
not only in justice to you, but for the information
of others in like affliction.
   A slight cold upon the lungs, neglected at first, became
so severe that spitting of blood, a violent cough
and profuse night sweats followed and fastened upon
me.  I became emaciated, could not sleep, was distressed
by my cough, and a pain through my chest,
and in short had all the alarming symptoms of quick
consumption.  No medicine seemed at all to reach
my case, until I providentially tried your CHERRY
PECTORAL, which soon relieved, and now has
cured me.
      Yours with respect,                 E. A. STEWART.
                            ALBANY, N. Y., April 17, 1848.
   Dr. Ayer, Lowell : Dear Sir--I have for years been
afflicted with Ashma in the worst form ; so that I have
been obliged to sleep in my chair for a larger part of
the time, being unable to breathe on my bed.  I 
had tried a great many medicines to no purpose, until
my Physician prescribed, as an experiment, you
CHERRY PECTORAL>
   At first, it seemed to make me worse, but in less
than a week I began to experience the most gratifying
relief from its use ; and now, in four weeks, the
disease is entirely removed.  I can sleep in my bed
with comfort, and enjoy a state of health which I had
never expected to enjoy.
                                              GEORGE S. FARRANT.
   Prepared by J. C. AYER, Chemist, Lowell, Mass.,
and sold by all Druggists and Dealers in Medicine.
   Sept. 20                              tD13
------------------------------------------------------------
                       DRS. CLARK & PORTER'S
                  ANTI-SCROFULOUS PANACEA.
A PREPARATION of extraordinary power, for
the cure of Scrofulous Affections, Humors of
every description, secondary Syphilis, ill-conditioned
Ulcers, Fever or Mercurial Sores, chronic Liver and 
Kidney Diseases, Costiveness, spitting of Blood, Erysipelas
general Debility common to Females, Cold 
Feet, sluggish Circulation, &c. A sure and certain cure
or Scrofulous Tumors on the neck, which it will
never fail to remove, if taken according to directions,
and faithfully persevered in.
                                          --
                             For the Liberator.
                 ANTI-SCROFULOUS PANACEA.
   From numerous respectable testimonies setting forth
the beneficial effects of Drs. Clark & Porter's Panacea,
we feel it a duty to recommend this popular medicine 
to those afflicted with scrofulous humors, and
all diseases arising from an impure state of the blood.
We know several persons who have tested the virtues
of this panacea, and they consider it for the purposes
for which it was designed, the best preparation yet
offered to the public.  It has been administered with
success for chronic diseases of the liver and kidneys
and various other complaints, including pulmonary
consumption, with ulceration of the lungs, as stated
in the certificates of cures.  We have no hesitation in
saying that we believe the Anti-Scrofulous Panacea
will do all that the proprietors claim for it, and tha
it will take precedence of all other preparations now
in use.  ***This is a volunteer notice on the part
of the writer, who has no other interest in the sale of
the medicine farther than the wish to make it more
extensively known and appreciated.  WE are glad to
learn that the increasing demand for Drs. CLARK &
PORTER's panacea induced them to relinquish their
old quarters in Carver street for the elegant and more
spacious establishment No. 382 Washington street,
Liberty Tree Block.  Success to their enterprise !
                                                                           W. 
        Having derived much benefit from the use of
this panacea, we say 'ditto' to W's certificate.--
Ed. Lib.                                                      Sept. 6
------------------------------------------------------
             Consumption !  Consumption !
                              DR. FIELD, 
     (Member of the Mass. Medical Society,)
BELIEVING in the curability of Consumption, will
continue to devote himself to the examination
and treatment of diseases of the THROAT, HEART and
LUNGS ;--also to DYSPEPSIA and LIVER COMPLAINT, as
being often connected with consumption, and frequently
the cause of it. 
        Office hours from 9 to 2 o'clock.
                                       GEO. FIELD, M. D.,
     132 Court st., near the Revere House, Boston.
   Oct. 11                                ly
------------------------------------------------------------
                              JOHN A. BOLLES,
        10 COURT STREET,   -   -   -   -   BOSTON,
Attorney and Commissioner for Maine, New Hamp
       shire, Vermont, New Jersey, Pennsylvania
                             Ohio, and Indiana.

NATIONAL WOMAN'S RIGHT CONVENTIONS
(Prepared in 1919 by Alice Stone Blackwell for Ida Porter-Boyer)
Organized   Presiding
1848            James Moss
1850             Mrs. Paulina Wright Davis
1851              "        "          "             "
1852              Lucretia Moss
1853              Frances D. Gage
1854              Sarah H. Earle
1855              Paulina Wright David
1856              Lucy Stone
1857              No Convention held
1858               Susan B. Anthony
1859               Lucretia Mott
1860               Martha C. Wright
1861               Elizabeth Cady Stanton 
No conventions were held for several years following the
Civil War.
Name changed in 1866 to American Equal Rights Association.
1866 Lucretia Mott, President
Name changed in 1869 to American Woman Suffrage Association.
1869 - Henry Ward Beecher. president
1870  -  "           "        "              "
1871 - Mrs. H. M. Tracy Cutler
1872 - Lucy Stone
1873-  Col. Thomas Wentworth Higginson
1874 - Mrs. Julia Ward Howe
1875 - Bishop Gilbert Haven
1876 - Mrs. Mary A. Livermore
1877 - Mr. William Lloyd Garrison
1878 - Rev. Henry Ward Beecher
1879 - Mrs. Rebecca N. Hazard
1880 - Mrs. Henry B. Blackwell
1881 - Dr. Mary F. Thomas
1882 - Hon. Erasmus M. Correll
1883 - Mrs. Elizabeth B. Chace
1884 - Mrs. Mary B. Clay
1885 to 1880 - Hon William Dudley Foulke
In 1890 the American Woman Suffrage Association and the National
Woman Suffrage Association were merged into the National American
Woman Suffrage Association
1890-1892  Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton
1892-1900  Miss Susan B. Anthony
1900-1904  Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt
1904-1915  Dr. Anna Howard Shaw
1915-1920  Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt
In 1920 the National League of Women Voters succeeded the National
American Woman Suffrage Association.
Mrs. Maud Wood Park was 1st President.

COPY
To the annual meeting of the Equal Rights Association
to be held on the 14th Inst.
Circumstances prevent my being with you at this time.
While my interest in the great cause for which we are
associated remains unchanged, it has occurred to me to suggest
for your consideration, - that the claims of the Freedman
having many advocate,-the united efforts of the Society,
as an organization, be discontinued; and that hereafter, as
occasion demands, Woman's Right Conventions, so successfully
held in years past, should be resumed.
I herewith resign my office in the Association, though
a continued subscriber to its funds.
(signed) Lucretia Mott


Transcribed and reviewed by contributors participating in the By The People project at crowd.loc.gov.