Title Guarantee & Trust Company, Southern Banking and Trust Company. Atlanta, Ga. H.M. ATKINSON, President T.C. ERWIN, Vice Pres. S.J. BRADLEY, Cashier FELIX CAMP, Title Officer (PERSONAL.) Sept. 16th, 1901. W.H. Baldwin, Esq., #128 Broadway, New York, N.Y. Dear Billy:- I inclose leading editorial clipped from the Saturday evening's Journal; perhaps you have seen it. I think the tone of it exceptionally good and it represents the real sentiment of this part of the country. I thought that you might at sometime have an opportunity of showing it to him as it is really so representative and sincere. Yours sincerely, H.M. Atkinson 15340[*[Enc. in Baldwin 9-18-01]*][[shorthand]] [*[1901]*] [*P.F*] BELLEVUE AVENUE NEWPORT R.I. Sept. 16th [*[01]*] Dear Theodore: I have not sent you a Telegram for I did not know what to say. You have had enough to bother you lately & I didn't want to add to the pile. It is an awful business at best but that can't be helped - After all if one's superior officer is shot down at one's side, his place must be filled & the fight must go on. One doesn't want [*15341*]promotion that way, naturally - but one can't always choose - You have all our love, confidence & sympathy & best wishes - of that you may be sure - Yours ever Winthrop Chanler [*15342*]PP7 [ackd?] 9-21-1901 34 EAST THIRTY-NINTH STREET, NEW YORK. September 16, 1901. My Dear Mr. President:- Mrs. Davis and I wish you a very prosperous and successful administration. I do not quite know how to put more into words. The Almighty has lifted you to the highest honor in our country, and that His Hand may guide you in your work, is the prayer of every lover of his country and of every friend of yours. It must seem wonderfully strange to you how rapidly great honors have fallen to your lot. I look back with great pleasure upon our friendly & confidential relations 15343during your term as Governor. We did not always agree, and we are likely to disagree on a few points, or, rather, on the way of attaining certain points. But this is, I hope and believe, mainly because we are both of positive opinion, and is not a disagreement in the essential part of what we think wise in politics and greater questions. Am I not right? Friends I hope we shall always be, in and out of politics, and it is a very great pleasure to me that our wives are such good friends. I met President McKinley but once, and that was last winter. I learned to know him much better than I used to, during the campaign last year, and I grew to admire him very much. Now that you are called upon to take up the duties of President, I wish you success and happiness with all my heart. Yours very sincerely, Gherardi Davis. [*15344*]Citizens Union of the City of New York [*P2*] Officers: Chairman: R. Fulton Cutting, Manhattan Vice-Chairmen: Ludwig Nissen, Brooklyn Fielding L. Marshall, Bronx John W. Weed, Queens Arthur Hollick, Richmond E.R.L. Gould, Treasurer Thos. A. Fulton, Secretary Telephone, 1937 18th Street City Committee: Clark H. Abbott, John Anderson, Matthew Beattie, Louis Beer, M.S. Bentham, A.J. Boulton, James R. Burnet, John C. Cassidy, Arthur F. Cosby, James B. Connell, R. Fulton Cutting, John Davis, Chas. Jerome Edwards, Thomas Fitzpatrick, Reuben Freeman, Paul Fuller, Wm. J. Goggins, S. Goldenkrans, E.R.L. Gould, Henry A. Goulden, Franklin Grady, Abner S. Haight, Richard L. Halle, Philip Hamburger, John T. Hand, Marcus Helfand, Henry Hentz, Alfred E. Hinrichs, Arthur Hollick, Wm. H. Huller, Francis C. Huntington, Jos. J. Kaapes, Edwin S. Kassing, Fred'k S. Lamb, Joseph Laroque, John Brooke Leavitt, Wm. Lieberman, Wm. H. McCarthy, Samuel McCready, Wallace Macfarlane, John Mackie, Joseph McGuinness, Fielding L. Marshall, Chas. B. Meyer, Chas. C. Nadal, Ludwig Nissen, Robert C. Ogden, Willis L. Ogden, Stephen H. Olin, Adolph Openhym, Alexander E. Orr, Geo. Foster Peabody, Daniel Quigley, Jas. B. Reynolds, Alfred H. Riedel, Armand B. Rodriguez, R.H. Rosenblatt, Rudolph Rubens, Gustav H. Schwab, Samuel Seabury, Alfred P.W. Seaman, DeWitt J. Seligman, Isaac N. Seligman, August H. Stebbins, Chas. H. Strong, J. Edward Swanstrom, Wm, Telford, Gustav W. Thompson, W.B. Vernam, John DeWitt Warner, John W. Weed, Adolph Wieber, Everett P. Wheeler, Wm. F. Wyckoff, W.H. Ziegler. Rcvd 9/17/1901 HEADQUARTERS. 34 UNION SQUARE EAST. NEW YORK. Sept 16 1901. Hon Theodore Roosevelt. Dear Mr. President. Things here are very critical or I would not venture to write at this time, but I am confident Mr. McKinley wished us well & I know you do. What is due the dead is always determined to my mind by what the dead would wish done & no great man ever desired a good work halted because he had passed on. The nominations for mayor etc must be determined upon this week, probably by Tuesday night. {Dates fixed by law cannot be altered} At the last meeting of the conference to select candidates, the drift was unmistakably toward Mr. Cutting, I know the Republicans would take him but he will not let us use his name. Woodriff & Morris were with him Saturday urging him to accept I believe & I am sure he refused; no one urges that Cutting [*15345*]2 is the only man who ought to be mayor but we in the G its Union and Morris & others also know since the Kings County Convention of the G. U. declared for Coler by a vote of 3 or 4 to 1, that Warner or Gutting are the only men in sight who can surely hold the radicals in the fusion camp should Tammany nominate Coler. The Republicans will not take Warner & will take Gutting, he should be made to accept, he is supersensitive as to what is honorable. Can you help without in any way seeming to interfere or dictate? May I repeat to the newspapers such portions of our interview when you were last leaving N. Y. & an indicated below, spoken before that horrible deed at Buffalo & when no one dreamed you would so soon be president & therefore could not be accused of desiring to influence the election. This is your city & you had a right to speak to me as you did. Your confidence that Mayors Platt, Morris & the Rep organization thoroughly desire an honorable union & that non partisanship in city affairs is the right path for patriotic men to pursue [*15346*]3 That under present conditions an independent or anti Tammany Democrat should be selected for Mayor & every effort made to secure the candidature of the very best men even for the smaller offices "every alderman of the city of N. Y. ought to be big enough to be mayor", Jas McKeen of Brooklyn had refused the use of his name for a large office, but set an example in volunteering to run for Alderman. Your remarks that "if Cutting could be elected mayor of N.Y. I should feel the millennium had arrived. Cannot you wire me an answer directly or indirectly. Yours very truly Thos A. Fulton. Of course this letter is unofficial & confidential, Mr. Cutting would take my head off if he knew I wrote it. [*15347*][shorthand][*November Century*] [*To President Roosevelt, With the regard and respect of the Author*] [*3. 9 cc*] [*[Acked 9-24-1901*] THE COMFORT OF THE TREES. THE DYING PRESIDENT: SEPTEMBER, 1901. BY R. W. G. Gentle and generous, brave-hearted, kind, And full of love and trust was he, our chief; He never harmed a soul! Oh, dull and blind And cruel, the hand that smote, beyond belief! Strike him? It could not be! Soon should we find 'T was but a torturing dream—our sudden grief!— Then sobs and wailings down the northern wind Like the wild voice of shipwreck from a reef! By false hope lulled (his courage gave us hope!) By day, by night we watched,—until unfurled At last the word of fate!—Our memories Cherish one tender thought in their sad scope: He, looking from the window on this world, Found comfort in the moving green of the trees. SEPTEMBER 16, 1901. Richard Watson Gilder [*15348*](FOR ENCL SEE EVEITYRAN 9-14-01] to Mr. Depew ask "your cousin," and these apologized to me for so doing. I did not object to it at that time and you may be quite sure that as President I hope you will always think of me and call me so. I heard of Uncle Jimmie in London last week and that he was going to the Continent: but I think he is coming home - and all the sooner that he may greet you his other nephew as President of the United States. With my best wishes also to your wife, Faithfully yours, Archibald Gracie For Hon. Theo. Roosevelt, President United States PP7 Sept. 16'/01 [shorthand] 21 Tyson St. New Brighton Staten Island Actd 9-20-1901 My dear Theodore, I telegraphed early Saturday "my warmest congratulations "to you as President and "my sympathies in the "trying ordeal you were "about to undergo." I wanted to be among the first to greet you but from the enclosed Postal just received I see that my telegram was not forwarded (to wherever you were) as I had requested and was not delivered. My best wishes go to you for the success [*15349*] of your Administration. may the unexampledadvance in prosperity begun by Mr. McKinley be even exceeded by you in all that goes to make our Country great and happy. Your training and the difficulties you have surmounted, pre-eminently fit you for the great and unsolved question that now confront us. It may be that Mr. McKinley had reached the highest point of usefulness and a Divine Providence has wisely willed that his mantle should now fall upon you to take up the work where he left off as you [2] were better fitted for it and have many years ahead of you for its accomplishment - per aspera ad astra. I have followed your career, step by step, ever since the early years of our intimacy. I went west and have had my nose close to the grindstone working for the material existence of those dependent upon me, so that unfortunately our meetings have been few and far between. About the last time, was when at some function in the Equitable Building you introduced me. [*15350*]EDITORIAL ROOMS GUNTON'S MAGAZINE UNION SQUARE NEW YORK September 16th, 1901. Theodore Roosevelt, President United States, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Roosevelt, You are now president of the United States. The suddenness of the call and the calamity causing it make condolence rather than congratulation the proper word, but be assured that in the trying ordeal to which you have been called we shall all stand ready to hold up your hands. It needs more than ordinary courage and fortitude to do the best under such conditions, yet that is what we expect. The people are your friends: may they be more so at the close of your term. I have a few things that I would like to say at the proper time, but not now. Always yours, George [?]TELEGRAM. [*PP7*] [*rcvd 9-20-1901*] Executive Mansion, Washington. 32PO.R.RA. 50-D.H...6:15 pm New-York, Sept. 16, 1901. Hon Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. Permit me to congratulate you and our country that in this hour of national adversity your strong arm is at the helm. Am here few days from Atlanta and in behalf the people the State your mother's nativity, assure you a cordial welcome there when you make your promised visit. Clark Howell, [shorthand?] [*15352*]EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT THE CENTURY MAGAZINE UNION SQUARE NEW YORK R. W. Gilder, Editor R. U. Johnson, Associate Editor, C. C. Buel, Assistant Editor Sept. 16. 1901. [*ackd 9-17-1901*] Dear President Roosevelt; I want you to know, in these trying & sorrowful times, that you are upborne by the confidence and good wishes of everybody I come in contact with. People are not speaking half- halfheartedly of your Administration. They expect it to be success. They know you are patriotic to the core in the best sense, and that you are fortified by rare experience in the public service; and we who know your ambitions for the Country hope through you for large benefits for humanity. I didn't vote for you (solely on the Philippine issue) but I am glad that you were elected and not some other man. I heartily wish you well and I hope [*15353*] to live to write a companion-piece to the lines "On a Candidate Accused of Youth." With due respect, Faithfully yours, R. U. Johnson To the Hon Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States. [*15354*][shorthand] [*PPF ackd 9-21-1901*] Pride's Crossing September 16th. My dear Theodore At this supreme moment of your life, will you permit an old friend to send you a few words of greeting - The eyes of our whole Country now turn to you, in hope & confidence that you [*15355*]will fall [s??lt] the high place, to which you have been so suddenly called - While I cannot but feel that you have no easy task before you I have the fullest confidence in your ability, energy & earnest desire to do your best for the welfare of our beloved land - God grant that your administration may be a wise & successful one, to which your children & all who are interested in you may look with pride and satisfaction - I hope & expect great things from you & feel sure that I shall not be disappointed - with heartiest good wishes Belicoe me ever Very cordially yours Lucy Kean [*PPF ackd 9-21-1901*] 101 BRATTLE STREET CAMBRIDGE. September 16. 1901. My dear Mr President - Our Sympathy is with you and our confidence is strong in you - What a marvelous five years you have had! God Bless You - Ever faithfully Yours William Lawrence To the President of the United States [*15357*][[shorthand]]How proud we all feel [of how] and happy Edith must be With lots of love for you all I am Yours Affec. George? C Lee Jr. [*PPF ackd 9-20-1901*] Sept. 16, 1901 [[shorthand]] 44 STATE STREET BOSTON. Dear Theodore, Just a few lines to tell you how perfectly delighted I am that you are now President. it was a most horrible shock to us to learn of President McKinley's death; but in you we all feel we have one who will continue to carry out his policy [*15358*] Editorial Department THE BROOKLYN DAILY EAGLE. Wm. Hester, President Brooklyn, N.Y September 16 190(1) Wm. V. Hester, Sec'y & Treas. H. F. Gunnison, Bus. Manager. [*Ackd 9/17/1901*] The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States Washington D.C. My Dear Governor: For that is the title I like to call you best, the title under which you made me a most devoted follower. Just as a mere atom in the avalanche of letters of admiration and confidence you are receiving I wish this to reach you to know that one of the "Heart to Heart" group is grateful that in the sad event of the past week that you should be the man of emergency. I felt you to be a man of destiny and have always been proud to have known you as I did in Albany. Our paths may not cross again for sometime at least, but I want you to know that the newspaper boys here are confident of the result of your administration and that this reporter at least will always take pride in the thought that perhaps something he has written has helped your wonderful career, if even in the tiniest degree. Sincerely yours Justin McCarthy Jr [*15360*][[shorthand]] WATERTOWN DAILY TIMES EDITORIAL ROOMS W.D. McKINSTRY. P. P. F Watertown, N.Y. Sept. 16, 1901 Mr. President: I sent to Oyster Bay an answer to your kind note from Buffalo. The sad event that has come so unexpectedly and which you were then so confident would not occur, has, I suppose, changed all your thought and possibly those matters you then desired to see me about and talk over are not now important. But I thank you for your confidence and desire to renew to the president that allegiance I have always held to the governor, the vice-president and the [man?]. On the country press we are near to the people and know [*15361*] the common thought. That thoughtvoices itself with all whom I met in the expression, "Thank God for Roosevelt!" How [wonderful?] are the ways of God! How blind our mortal eyes! I opposed with all my might your acceptance of the nomination of vice president and felt hurt that you did accept it. I believed it a trick to destroy your future and to rob this state of a governor it seemed could not be spared. But G.W. Odell, whom I doubted, has continued in your way, and now, in the nation's crisis, you, in whom all have confidence are in place to take the helm and steady the ship of state. I am impressed with the manifestation of God's providence, over-ruling all human wisdom and working for ultimate good. I join you in grief for the wise, pure and brave president who is gone. I greet you, Mr. President, with assurance of renewed loyalty, sharing the confidence which all people feel and which already realizes good wishes for your successful administration. God bless you and keep you. Yours Respectfully, W. D. McKinstry [*15362*]855 [700] East Main Street. Rochester, N.Y. Sept. 16, 1901 PP7 Acred 9-20-1901 Dear Theodore I send you the assurance of my sympathy. The job is a big job but the more I think about it, and about you, the better my hopes are. Faithfully Edward S. Martin (241 West 54th St. New York) 15363A.P. Montant P.O. Box 2271 New York Sept 16th 1901 PFF ackd 9-21-1901 My dear Theodore Only a few lines from an old friend. What a crushing blow! & how terrible must have been the last few days for you. Have been ill & confined to this house at Oyster Bay since last Friday & you don't know how much we all have thought of you & yours [*15364]your have but to command me. Your friends will now be counted by the millions but none will be truer to you that the old Oyster Bay friends of your early public career & child home. Our hearts are with you and we earnestly pray for a crowning of your efforts in behalf of our Much loved country. Fondest love for you all yours from Annie the children & affectly Yours Gussie [MONTANT] Would that we could lighten the weight on your heart & no burden of responsibility on your shoulders. Gald bless you! my dear boy. & may he grant you strength to bear up under this blow. The whole country is back of you as a unit & our faith & belief in you is our comfort today. Draw on our friendship when you need it & bear in mind that if there is any way in which I can possibly serve you [*15365*][[shorthand]] [*ppF ackd 9-20-1901*] United States Senate, WASHINGTON,D.C. Omaha, Sept. 16, 1901 Mr. President: Sir: It is with pleasure I convey to your excellency the fact that popular sentiment in Nebraska, so far as I have been advised, among all partisans and especially among republicans, has given rise to many expressions of confidence and esteem in respect to yourself, and hearty wishes for the success of your administration. A little later these kindly sentiments entertained by republicans will find convenient form of public expression. In carrying the heavy burden which fate has decreed must be assumed by you, the earnest support of Nebraska's senators shall from the outset be available to you. I have no hesitancy in thus speaking for my absent colleague. As much may be said for our two republican congressmen; and I do not look to see serious antagonism at the hands of our populist members. I believe I am in position to assure your excellency that Nebraska Republicans in Congress will promptly respond to your recommendations to Congress by their affirmative votes and cheerfully co-operate with you in all measures in line with the policy it is your avowed purpose to pursue. As for myself I need not assure you, Mr. President, that it will be a pleasure to do all I can to aid and sustain your administration. Yours truly, J. Millard Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States U.S.S. [*15366*] Sept 16 1901 PAUL MORTON, 77 JACKON STREET, CHICAGO. [CF ackd 9-20-1901*] My dear Colonel Deploring as much as any man can, the lamentable taking off of Mr McKinley I congratulate the country that you are available as his successor I congratulate you with my whole heart on being President now, although it was only a matter of time. I am delighted and [*15367*]P.S God help the anarchist that attempts your life and fails in his first effortSo is everybody at your conduct since the very sad affair - That you may take excellent care of yourself not work too hard. Enjoy life as much as ever and be our President a very long time is the Earnest wish of Your friend Paul Morton To Col Theodore Roosevelt President [*15368*] [shorthand][*Ackd 9/17/1901*] 1728, 21st St. N. W., Washington, D. C., Sept. 16. 1901. President Roosevelt, My dear Mr. President: You know, without my telling, how the hearts of my household lean some out to you in prayer and tender sympathy in this hour of trial and sorrow. I know with what a feeling of reluctance and almost honor, you take up the great work left you by this dead President; but at the same time I know you trust in the God of our fathers; that you know the ability, the self-faire and exalted character to do the work you are called upon to do, as ones father and martyr Presidents did - and that doing the work and duty that each day brings as you always [*15369*]2 harm done - as God gives you to see it- you will grandly do the work of President of the U.S. God bless and preserve your life, Your friend, James M. North. [*15370*]that such notoriety can only have the worst effect upon men of his stamp. Again apologizing for this letter - and with all respect - Believe me, yours faithfully W. D. Perrin Bishop of British Columbia [shorthand] [*SEP 16 1901*] [*Ansd 9-24-1901*] My dear Sir. I trust that you will forgive my intrusion, but I feel constrained to write first to assure you of our most earnest prayers that in this difficult juncture you may have the special guidance and blessing of GOD, and be an instrument in His Hands for good to [*15371*]the whole people - My other object is to express a hope that no sensational Reports may be allowed in the newspaper of the acts or words of the miserable man who has taken the President's life. May I humbly venture to suggest that a proclamation should be issued by yourself to the effect that nothing will be published beyond the fact that on a particular day the murderer will undergo the extreme penalty of the law - If after this, the newspapers care to publish any reports, the public will know that they are absolutely untrue. Already in the west, the murderer's photograph has been published and it is evident [*15372*][*[FOR ATTACHMENT SEE 9-16-01]*] [*W H. General President*] [*Ackd File PPF asks for address of Miss Carlow*] Naples 16th September When last year you were so kind as to send me a copy of your splendid book / the rough riders / and I had the pleasure to send you my photo on horse back, I was so far from supposing I would salute you as the President of the U.S. of America It was here a general cry of indignation against the anarchists [*15373*]when the cable brought up the fatal news of the attempt, news which unfortunately proved to be mortal. The Italian Nation, which suffered so much from the anarchists of Patterson, where the assassination of the King was comploted, hopes, that the murder be hanged, and severe measures be taken against those rascals. I wish you good luck in your new so eminent place and I hope you will be so kind as to give me the address of your sister in law (Miss Carrow) from [*15374*] whom we have got no more news since she left for America I am here in Naples as a Colonel of 24th Field artillery Regiment. With kindest regards I remain Yours sincerely Col. Quaratesi I hope you will excuse my bad english! [*15374*]TELEGRAM. [*ppf acted 9-20-1901*] Executive Mansion, Washington. 46WU.WH.RA.39-D.H..2:18 pm. New-York, September 16,1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President United States, Care Comdr. Cowles, U.S.N. Washington D.C. You were already sure of loyal and earnest support in this trying emergency but your admirable remarks at Buffalo will intensify its zeal. You can depend on the warmest good wishes and a united front in your home city. [shorthand] Whitelaw Reid. [*15375*]Douglas Robinson [*ppf*] No. 23 WEST 26th STREET. New York Sept. 16. 1901. Dear Theodore, Only a line to tell you how much every one I have seen or heard of here appreciates your statement to the country before taking the oath. I have heard but one comment & nay verdicts to same you could not have changed one word or altered your statement in any way it was simply perfect. You have lifted a weight off of every ones mind here altho they were all sure you would do the with the right thing & you have put the doubters to flight they are in full retreat see the reports of the Sunday markets & markets here. They are an indication of public sentiment & confidence [*15376*]& an open tribute to you. I am so glad to hear from Bob that you are well & that you have stood the nervous strain so well. We all know you will take care of the future for the country & for your self I say yourself & yourself now because more than I can express to every citizen of this country I am so glad to hear from Bob that Root is to be so close to your administration } Now about some one else You know I am not an Evening Post follower & yet I cannot help feeling it voice the sentiment of every one & have seen that [open] you ought to think it well over before [bring] bringing "our mutual friend" too strongly or prominently before the country as an important part of the Administration. I do not want to advise. Your judgments always better than mine & yet I perhaps ought to tell you public sentiment [xxx] here as that is the only way I can help you Love from Corinne. Yours D. Robinson.FIFTY-SIXTH CONGRESS. ROBERT R. HITT, Ill, Chairman. Robert Adams, Jr., Pa. Robert G. Cousins, Iowa. William Alden Smith, Mich. Joel P. Heatwole, Minn. Frederick H. Gillett, Mass. Charles N. Fowler, N. J. Charles B. Landis, Ind. Frank G. Clarke, N. H. Seth W. Brown, Ohio Hugh A. Dinsmore, Ark. Champ Clark, Mo. John S. Williams, Miss. Albert S. Berry, Ky. William M. Howard, Ga. Albert S. Burleson, Texas. Townsend Scudder, N. Y. Henry Hayes, Clerk. Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives U. S., Washington, D.C., —, 190 strong president. I can see on every side that people who doubted are gaining confidence. One of my desires has been to see you president by direct election, it will be gratified, and then, may the second administration be as joyful as the present opens sad. Townsend Scudder To the Hon. Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States. [*15378*] [[shorthand]] FIFTY-SIXTH CONGRESS. ROBERT R. HITT, Ill, Chairman. Robert Adams, Jr., Pa. Robert G. Cousins, Iowa. William Alden Smith, Mich. Joel P. Heatwole, Minn. Frederick H. Gillett, Mass. Charles N. Fowler, N. J. Charles B. Landis, Ind. Frank G. Clarke, N. H. Seth W. Brown, Ohio Hugh A. Dinsmore, Ark. Champ Clark, Mo. John S. Williams, Miss. Albert S. Berry, Ky. William M. Howard, Ga. Albert S. Burleson, Texas. Townsend Scudder, N. Y. Henry Hayes, Clerk. Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives U. S., Glen Head, N.Y. [Washington, D. C.,] Sept 16, 1901 [*PPF ack'd 9-20-1901*] My dear Mr. Roosevelt May God bless, guide and protect you. I do not congratulate you, the time is unfitting. May I say we are proud of you, through all these trying days your deportment has been superb. Being from Oyster Bay many ask me what sort of a president you will make. I have pride in answering a just, a conservative a safe, a [*15377*] John J. Sly. Stenographer. [*File Ackd 9/21/1901.* NOTARY WITH SEAL. TELEPHONE, SENECA NO. 170. [871 Willicott Square,] 507 D. S Morgan Bldg. Buffalo N. Y., Sept. 16/01. My dear Will:- I did not find out of you who was to stand for my bill, whether you or Uncle Sam, but you can send me whatever you think proper & I will be perfectly satisfied. Hope the changes in the administration will tend to make your place better. Sincerely John J. Sly. [*15379*][shorthand] [*ppf ackd 9-28-1901*] San Sebastien Spain - Legation of the United States Madrid [9-16-01] Dear Theodore: Greatness has come to you and in the saddest possible way — Little did we think — you or I — in that small row-boat on Oyster Bay five years ago — (when you told me you had no future and I insisted you had—) how it would all come about! The Lord has given you power and responsibility beyond most men — alive today — You [*15380*]have courage and conviction of what is right more almost than anyone I know — May you have also strength and patience, and may God preserve your life from danger. We send our love to you and Edith —  Always affectionately yours Maria Longworth Storer San Sebastien [August] [*[Sept?]*] 16th 1901 [*15381*][[shorthand]] [*ppF ackd 9-20-1901 MCJ*] [*[9-16-01]*] BROWNLAND COTTAGES MANCHESTER-BY-THE-SEA MASSACHUSETTS My Dear Colonel Roosevelt Although in the sequence of your friends I stand so far away, I beg the privilege of drawing near to express to you my fullest sympathy in this great epoch of your life. John has told me of yours, and Miss Roosevelts, kind wishes to have me visit you at Oyster Bay some time this month. Now, this cannot be [*15382*]and though I may never meet either of you face to face I am with cordial best wishes truly Your friend Mary E. McIlhenny September 16th 1901. [*15383*][*Ackd 9/17/1901 [9-16-01]*] 15 Union Square New York City My dear Mr. President:- Notwithstanding the sad circumstances surrounding your summons to the high office for which we all feel you are so admirably qualified, will you allow me to extend my sincere good wishes for the future? [*15384*] May your administration be as peaceful and as happy as I know it will be wise and honorable. - Believe me to be always. Faithfully yours, W.H. Treadwell [shorthand] 16 September. 1901- His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States. [*15385*]His abundance to do the duties He has raised you up to perform. That is the essence of our faith on you - this faith of your friends in you. You must and will be worthy of that faith and trust in you which all the right sort of Americans have. How you will do it - God knows. He must have known or he would not have planted that trust in ou in our hearts. So be of good cheer in the trials that [*[ca 9-16-01] P.F*]. [*wire*] THE CENTURY ASSOCIATION. 7 WEST FORTY-THIRD STREET. My Dear Colonel: The blow which we all dreaded and feared so has fallen, and this [fearful] terrible inexorable crushing weighty responsibility has borne itself down up on you. I don't know what I can say to you in this solemn hour only that I believe God will give you strength out of [*15386*][*Ansd. 9/16/1901*] THE CENTURY ASSOCIATION. 7 WEST FORTY-THIRD STREET. may come. The men and women behind you are not fickle. They believe in righteousness. They will follow you. Your opportunity is great, but the awfulness of your responsibility for good or for evil appals me. How it must weight on you. And here I am bothering you and keeping you from work. Goodbye. WA White [*15388*]P.2. Wilcox & Miner Counsellors at Law Room 816 Ellicott Square. Ansley Wilcox Buffalo. N.Y. Worthington C. Miner Ackd 9/17/1901 Sept. 16th, 1901. My dear Mr. President:- It was stated to me by some of our friends, just after your train started this morning, that a mistake seemed to have been made in omitting to ask Senator Hanna and Senator Fairbanks to be present when you took your oath on Saturday. I noticed that they were not present, but never heard anything said about it until now. I had not been particularly impressed by it. When we were at Milburn's house Saturday afternoon, in meeting Senator Depew I did speak to him about it, saying that as a New York Senator I hoped he was going to be present, and he came; but, as you know, I did not seek out any one or ask any one to come. I did not happen to meet either Senator Hanna or Senator Fairbanks at the time, but I am told now that they were at Senator Milburn's house when the Cabinet started down for the administration of the oath, and that they left about the same time and drove by my house to the Club, apparently not being asked to stop there. This was told me not at all as coming from either of them, and no intimation was given that they had ever mentioned the circumstance. My informant did not indicate that he or any one criticised you or me for the omission, if there was an omission, but he individually thought that whoever had charge of making up the party had probably omitted to ask these two Senators to join it. This idea may be entirely incorrect, but I think it best to send it to you at once, so that if there is anything in it you can act while these two gentlemen are still with you. My earnest thoughts and most heartfeld good wishes are going with you on your journey today, and will go with you on the greater journey which is before you. Always sincerely your friend, Ansley Wilcox. To the President, Executive Mansion Washington, D.C. Spo Del. 15390 [shorthand]Wolcott, Edward O Florence, le Sept. 16th 1901 My dear Mr. President: The tragic circumstance which compels your assumption of the grave duties of President forbids any message but one: yet that one I wish to send you.- After the first shock to the country and the necessary disturbance of news plans and affairs, there will come a great feeling of relief that the burdens of the Presidency are to be borne by a man whose love of country transcends all other emotions, whose abilities have been tried, and whose integrity and unselfishness no man questions. You will receive, as well, the unfaltering support and confidence of every loyal member of your party. My ability to serve you is limited, now that I am no longer in public life, but as I can, I shall help.- I am sailing for home on the 5th of October, on the same ship with the Lodges, unless he will now conclude to return earlier. With every sentiment of respect and friendship, Yours Sincerely Edwd O. Wolcott Hon. Theodore Roosevelt} President }[*ALBANY, N.Y. OCT 30 11-AM 1901*] [*POSTE ITALIANE 20*] [*POSTE ITALIANE 20*] Private General Theodore Roosevelt President of the U.S. of America Executive Mansion [Albany] Washington D.C. [*F*] [*15393*][ATTACHED TO QUARATESI 9/16/01]The Outlook Co. Publishers 287 Fourth Avenue (near 23d Street) New York Lawrence F. Abbott. President William B. Howland, Treasurer Cable Address Prosthen Newyork The Outlook Lyman Abbott. Editor in Chief Hamilton W. Mable. Associate Editor [*PP7 acted 9-20-1901*] [shorthand] September 17, 1901. My dear Mr. President : Your note of September 14th with regard to your article on Judge Taft comes during my father's absence in Maine. The article will appear in this week's Outlook, now on the press. I had already prepared a note to precede the article, stating that it was written while you were still Vice-President, and it therefore must be taken as a personal and not as an official utterance. We all here believe that the article is of especial value to the country at this time. My father telegraphed to you the other day from Maine of his personal feelings of sympathy and confidence. Will you allow me to add my own. I think you can scarcely understand or even know at present what a felling of pride and confidence your attitude and words during the last few days have given not only your personal friends but the whole body of American citizens. I sincerely believe that under your inspiration and example every humane and patriotic citizen has taken a new resolve to do what he can for the service of his country. I want to thank you heartily and unaffectedly for the inspiration which your words and actions and spirit in this time of extraordinary trial have been to me. I am, with sincere respect and admiration, Yours faithfully, Lawrence F. Abbot [*15394*] Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States.for of all men that I know or know of, you are the one who I should instantly select as best fitted in every respect for the great office which you now occupy; and to say that I am proud of my Colonel, but feebly expresses it. Some time when I am in Washington I [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 9/17/1901 [CA 9-17-01]*] 38 BROAD STREET, NEW YORK. Dear Colonel Roosevelt, I cannot express to you how glad I am that at this time of national grief that it is you upon whom devolves the main responsibility of the country's wellfare and prosperity, [*15395*] hope you will let me come and see you for just long enough to congratulate you in person, though it is the United States that should be congratulated rather than you. I wish I could impress upon you how much your friends fear for your personal safety and how much afraid they are that you will not allow adequate precautions to be taken. It is not now only your own life or a hand full of Rough Riders, but it is the whole country, and please, my dear Colonel, do be careful. I am always yours most faithfully Henry W. Rull. [*15396*]Tufts College, Mass. of President McKinley's assassination and I have not found one who did not express satisfaction that the new tender was upon you. Since this dreadful thing was to be, there is a feeling of almost universal gratitude, a sense of the Providential ordering of mysterious events there Mr. McKinley's responsibility should now devolve upon one so conscientious, [*15398*] [*ppf*] [*ackd*] [*9-20-1901*] Tufts College, Mass. 17 Sept. 1901 - President Roosevelt, My Dear Sir; I cannot resist the impulse in this hour to reach out to you a hand of sympathy and welcome. I know how hard and trying your position is. But I beg to assure you that the people have the greatest confidence in you. I have met many sorrows in various walks of life once the terrible calamity [*15397*]Tufts College, Mass. so lofty in spirit, so courageous, so thoroughly equipped and patriotic as you. You can count upon the American people standing around you and upholding you. God will surely add his blessing. With the highest regard, I am. Very Truly, E. H. Capen. [*15399*][shorthand][*[Enc. in Whitridge 9-18-01]*] [*Destroy*] Norfolk Hotel Brighton 17 Sep. [01] My dear Whitridge, I think you will like to I know that there is no mistake about the sympathy which old & young, rich & poor, have for the poor President & his family - it has struck me very much, people have been moved who never seemed to care for anything but their own family - I suppose you knew him personally, but to judge only from his public work he was a strong man with [*15400*]sound views on most points- Your wonderful country is sure to find a worthy successor indeed I suppose has one already — Long May he & your Country flourish. I have shot my last grouse! it may seem absurd but it makes me very melancholy — I haven't my game book by me but I think I think I have seen just 120000 grouse killed on my own shootings - you will say what a waste of time & energy! but I am afraid I would do it again if I had the chance — This was the best year I ever had, & we got 3522 brace in 15 days- there was no sign of disease but we hear that it is very bad on High Force & Wemmergill in the north of Yorkshire -—spite of the sport which was very good there was a gloom over all our proceedings in the thought that it was the last season — the leave takings were dreadful & to my honor a Deputation waited on me! Nelly will know my feelings! Please give our love to your Lucy & Nelly & the boys in fact to all of you vy faithfully yours W. S. Deacon [*15401*]Bar Harbor, Maine Sept 17 1901 My dear friend Only to tell you how heartily I thank God that You have been raised up and prepared for this sad emergency and how sincerely Ibelieve in your Courage, ability and devotion. I know you will have "grace and grit" for these heavy responsibilities Our prayers and hopes will go with you and I am sure you will have the people of all parties with you. I do trust you will keep well and that the Children are all right again With warm regards to Mrs Roosevelt and best wishes I am Always yours Sincerely W. E. Dodge [*15403*] President T. Roosevelt[shorthand] [*PPF ackd 9-21-1901*] [9-17-01] 1820 Jefferson Place Washington D.C. My dear Theodore, Our thoughts have been with you in deep sympathy during these last sad days & in loving interest also, knowing how deeply you appreciate the great trust reposed in you, the responsibility resting upon you. [*15404*]September 17th, 1901- P.S. It is surely needless to say how deeply we have felt the national sorrow & the horror of the deed - Dear old fellow:-Maybe this is not exactly respectful to my President - but I am very pleased to think you are just where you ought to be, & where you will be a blessing to the whole country. With love from us both to Edith & yourself Your affct. Cousin Maud Elliott [*15405*] [*[ENCL IN GRACIE 9-14-01]*] POSTAL CARD-ONE CENT. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. THIS SIDE IS FOR THE ADDRESS ONLY. Archibald Gracie Esq. 21 Tysen St. New Brighton S. I. [*15406*]Form No. 37. WHITEHALL ST. FERRY. Official Business Western Union Telegraph Company. NY Sept 14. 1901 Mr Gracie, Albany NY reports that your message today to President Roosevelt care Secty Loeb could not be delivered as both parties have gone to Buffalo B. F. Fithian Mgr NEW BRIGHTON N.Y. SEP 14 6 - PM 1901HARRY A. GARFIELD. JAMES R. GARFIELD. FREDERIC C. HOWE. ------ MAX J. RUDOLPH. GARFIELD, GARFIELD & HOWE, ATTORNEYS AND COUNSELORS AT LAW, GARFIELD BUILDING, CLEVELAND, OHIO. [shorthand] [*ppf ackd 9-20-1901*] September 17. 1901. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: I beg to send you this personal note. The occasion excuses it. The great burdens, the high duties of the Presidency have come upon you under circumstances which increase their gravity; yet in this you have reason for satisfaction because the people of our country know you are equal to the task. To me there is cause for special congratulation that you are to lead and administer the affairs of our Nation at this critical period. Please extend to Mrs Roosevelt and accept for yourself my earnest hope that your highest aspirations may be attained Very sincerely James Rudolph Garfield [*15407*][For I. enclosure ser 8-29-03, (W. Post)]Exhibit "E" REPORT ON THE PRESENT CONDITIONS AT LA GRANJA. by J. W. Gilmore, September 17, 1901. La Carlota, Occidental Negros, September 17, 1901. Hon. Fred W. Atkinson, Manila, P. I. Sir: I have the honor to present herewith the following report on the conditions now existing at La Granja, and their bearing upon the prospects for successful work in Agriculture. The estate contains about 1915 acres (775 hectares) and lies at the base of the mountains about 16 miles from the port of San Enrique, and about 6 miles from La Carlota. The roads during the present, or rainy, season are almost impassable. However the river and the private tramway make passage from San Enrique to La Carlota possible at all seasons. During the past two months small bands of Babylanes have been causing trouble on the plantations near the mountains. On September 6th a band came into Castellana and killed five natives, guards, wounded three and captured their arms and ammunition. On the same day Captain Kennon, 6th Infantry, and his guard, killed one officer of this band near La Granja, and the manager of the 154082 plantation adjacent on the North lost his life. Dates have been set for subsequent raids. Because of this unsettled state of affairs it is necessary to go about the estate and to and from it armed. Having to take these precautions makes the work doubly arduous. However, the American troops have a permanent station there now and a telegraph line is in process of construction. The estate itself is very well situated for diversified work. The elevation of 410 feet renders it suitable for cereal, vegetable and fruit crops, as well as for sugar. Portions of it are suitable for light stock raising. The soil, too, is fertile and the estate well watered. But the present difficulty of access and the poor facilities for transporting supplies and products are marked disadvantages. At present there is upon the estate one small but good stone house, having cement floor and corrugated iron sides and roof. The mill and sugar house, constructed of bamboo and nipa, is practically in ruins. The roof and gables are either out of place or lacking. However, the building can be repaired. A bamboo and nipa house has recently been constructed for the use of the soldiers, but they prefer to live in a brick structure near the observatory. The nipa house is now being used as a school house. The old observatory is still in pretty good condition, though a new floor would add much to its efficiency as a laboratory of the like. 154093 The implements have, for the most part, been burned or stolen by the insurrectos. The cane masher has rusted a great deal, but it can be used. The turbine however is now off of its foundations. There are two plows, a clod crusher and a considerable quantity of odds and ends which could be of little use. Some of these things are in the storehouse and some of them are in the soldiers' quarters. Many of the scientific instruments have been carried away or destroyed. Those that still remain are in the house of Mr. Araneta at his Louisiana plantation. They consist mainly of meterological and chemical apparatus. Some of them were damaged in moving. The roads are so bad during the rainy season that it would be impracticable to remove them until the dry season. There are also in Mr. Araneta's house about 330 volumes of books belonging to the estate. Because there are no suitable buildings at La Granja for housing these books and instruments, I suggest that they remain in the possession of Mr. Araneta until such houses are built. However, if it is thought that they could be put in the observatory at La Granja and guarded there, it can be done. Most of the land of the estate is now idle and growing to weeds and grass. There are about 76.5 acres planted to cane which will yield estimated about $1,000 worth of sugar. The cane fields have recently been cultivated, but the cane does not look so well as that on some other plantations. I think this is due to neglect during its early growth. There 154104 are about 8 acres of rice which has been planted and cultivated on shared by the people. The rest of the estate which is planted at all is in permanent crops such as betel palms, coffee, cacao, pineapple and abaca. This island has recently been visited by a plague among carabaos and the loss to nearly all the planters has been great. We now have six at La Granja, but this number is not at all adequate for the work of the approaching cane season. Because of the scarcity the price has gone up to $75 - $100 per head. There are eight horses belonging to the estate (I believe) but they are now in the military service. The labor on the estate has been under the immediate direction of three overseers, and it was thought best for the present not to change this. From four to twelve laborers are employed as the weather permits to dry the corn and cultivate the cane. Three laborers, however, have not received any pay since April 30th. Because of the unsettled state of things no more laborers have been employed than were necessary to look after the cane, rice and corn, so the other fields have been allowed to grow up in weeds and grass. The cane crop will be ready to harvest about the last of November. But in order to harvest this crop, repairs to machinery and buildings to the amount of about $35.00 will be necessary. It will also require about $1500.00 worth of wood, and carabaos and carts to the amount of $4000 at present prices. [*15411*]5 The time is very short in which to complete these arrangements for the supply of wood is now limited. Carts would have to be made and carabaos brought perhaps from Leyte. I suggest therefore that steps be taken to sell the present crop in the field to some of the nearby planters. This, however, will not be an easy matter because most of the planters have more cane than they have carabaos to handle it. According to Mr. Araneta's books, the estate is indebted to the amount of $707.44 for labor since April 30th and rent of oxen. This also includes part of the contract price due to laborers for bringing the cane to maturity. I suggest that this amount be paid as soon as that is completed and his books audited. He will turn them over if not otherwise ordered. It seems well to say something here about the plans of work for the immediate future of La Granja. The prime interests of the people of this island are cane growing and sugar making. Therefore, better varieties of cane should be introduced here from Louisiana and Hawaii. So far as I have seen only one variety of cane is grown here; and while I have not seen [and while I have not] analyses of the purity of the juice or the sugar contend (?) yet I do not believe that it is one of the highest quality. Then, too, instead of spending money repairing the old furnaces and evaporating kettles, I think it would be wise to introduce improved machinery which would admit of burning the crushed cane under the boilers. Such [*15412*]6 F/o. machinery would mean a great saving in fuel, and it would produce sugar of first quality unrefined. To introduce such machinery however, would necessitate a considerable expenditure of money at first; but if permanent work is to be established here it would pay in the end. Steps should also be taken to practice a more diversified system of agriculture than is at present practiced; and also to illustrate the relation of stock raising to agriculture in keeping up the fertility of the soil, etc. This system would increase the resources of the planters by an increased production and by diminishing their losses during locust ravages. Several planters have experssed a desire for the introduction of cereal and forage crops. I believe that the earliest usefulness of the institution will be manifested along practical, industrial lines. Its usefulness as an education institution will follow as practical methods are introduced. In order to direct the work properly a man should be provided, preferably a Filipino, who speaks English. This arrangement is necessary until I become proficient in Spanish and the dialect to direct the work personally. So far Mr. Fallon, the teacher here, has finally assisted me in getting started in the work, and to him our hearty thanks are due. I suggest that the institution be supplied with an official letter head for business correspondence. If none are already at hand I suggest that the following be printed in [*15413*]7 suitable type in the upper left hand corner of the sheet: Department of Public Instruction for the Philippine Islands Division of Agriculture. La Granja Experimental Station, Occidental Negros. I might give here an itemized list of equipment and funds necessary to begin work in a permanent way. But aside from those things which I have already stated it seems best to leave that for the Director. On account of bad roads and unsettled conditions work of improvement could not progress rapidly until the dry season. However the field of usefulness for the institution is large and the equipment should be the best. Respectfully submitted, J. W. Gilmore, Instructor in Agricultural School, La Granja, Negros. [*15414*][FOR 3 ENCLS SEE CA 9-17-01]([For 1. attachment see ca 9-01) 38 Clarges St. London w. Sept. 17. 1901 P.F. My Dear Mr. President For such you are, and the fact is not to be overlooked even in the intimacy of private correspondence. I cabled you from Paris as soon as I heard the terrible news of McKinley's death. Like Lincoln he died at the very height of his fame and popularity, and he leaves a great name in history. The task which falls on you will be heavier than his, for we are the beginning of a new epoch in our own history, in the world's history, and in our relations to the rest of the 15415to sail on Oct. 12th, but if you want me a telegram addressed CRUDE, London (which is my registered cable address) will bring me at once - for as you well know if an opportunity offers to be associated with you in public life I should immediately and permanently sever all business connections. If I do not hear from you I shall remain till Oct 12 and come to see you as soon as I arrive - say about Oct. 21st Meanwhile with every good wish, I am as Always Your Sincere friend F.V. Greene Hon Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States world; and his murder at this period will have a far reaching effect, the exact measure of which no man can now estimate. That you will succeed I do not in the least doubt and that I wish you success you well know. You can readily understand how much I regret being absent at such a time as this. I have undertaken certain matters for my associates in business which I do not feel justified in dropping without good cause; they will be finished in time for me 15416[*PP7 ackd 9-21-1901*] STATE OF SOUTH DAKOTA [*P.F.*] EXECUTIVE CHAMBER PIERRE Eureka, S. Dak., Sep. 17th, 1901. To His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. Dear President:- In the gloom of the terrible tragedy which removed our most beloved President, the people look to you with absolute confidence and hope. Permit me on behalf of the people of South Dakota to pledge to you their earnest prayers and loyal support. You stand today as the personification of civic honesty,- the ideal American Statesmen. To me personnaly your public life has been an inspiration. In a great measure whatever I have been able to accomplish for the good of this State, particularly during the last eight months as Governor, I feel I owe to you, having in a humble way attempted to emulate your example in enforcing upon every appointee, every officer, in every department of state, those principles and precepts which make politics and civil government instruments for the greatest prosperity and happiness of all the people. In the multitude of tremendous responsibilities suddenly forced upon you let me give you a word of cheer: The people, - I am particularly voicing the sentiments of the people of my own state, - the people love and admire you, and will support you in your continued efforts to make our form and administration of civil government the best and most perfect among the nations on earth. May the Almighty Ruler of Nations sustain and protect you. Most respectfully yours, Charles N. Herreid Governor. 15417TELEGRAM. [*PP7 Ackd 9-20-1901*] Executive Mansion, Washington. 52WU.ME.RA. 43-Paid...4:14 pm Watkins N.Y. Sept 17, 1901. President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington D.C. Sharing the universal grief, to me also a deep personal sorrow, may I express my profound thankfulness at your first official work while reassuring the whole people have justified our confidence, who have long known and entirely trust you as his worthy successor. Henry Hitchcock. [*15418*][[shorthand]][shorthand] EXECUTIVE MANSION PORTO-RICO [*Ack'd 9/23/1901 P.P.F. Pa.*] September 17. 1901 My dear Mr. President: I only write a few words to carry my regards and deep sympathy with you in the trying times of the last ten days. I know your heart's feelings. And now you move on with the loving confidence of your countrymen, their expectations and help. There is some occasion for me to write to you soon, and I will do so by next mail through Mr. Cortelyou: Ever faithfully yours HoN. Miriam H. Hunt. [*15419*][???] ppy ackd 9-21-1901 (9-17-01) Dear Theodore May God help, guide and protect you, and may you become embedded as deeply, in the hearts of 15420 your country men.as you. You already are in the hearts of your friends, who believe in you, love you, and trust you absolutely. Yours ever Ahu Lee 15421 Westport - Sept 17th[[shorthand]] [*PPF ackd 9-30-1901*] Sept 17. 1901. 2.DURHAM PLACE. CHELSEA.S.W. Dear Mr. President, I venture to add a line to the gigantic volume of your correspondence. For some years, & even before I saw the advantage of meeting you, I have been among the Englishmen who have followed your career with deep & growing interest; I have long felt that you were destined for the highest position in the service of your country. now that you have been called to that great office, may I offer you my sincere good wishes for your success & satisfaction, in all personal & public [*15422*] respects, & through all the bravery & responsibilities of your period of power. It is I am sure the cordial wish of many others in this country, besides Yours truly, Sidney Low The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States 15423honor you as a man. I have the honor to be, Very sincerely, B. H. McCalla [[shorthand]] [*Personal PPF ackd 9-20-1901*] UNITED STATES SHIP KEARSARGE. Fort Monroe, September 17, 1901. Dear Mr. Roosevelt: For many years I have followed your advancement in political life, with the keenest interest and admiration, and I have always felt that some day you would deservedly reach the highest office in the gift of the nation In the face of our great and heartfelt [*15424*]Vice President was directed by the Infinite Power from Above, in whom we believe, for the good and welfare of our Country. I need scarcely add that the friends you made in the Navy, while you were Assistant Secretary, believe that great good to the service will come from your knowledge of what is required efficiently You can be assured of the loyal support and confidence of the very many who appreciate you public service and sorrow for the very sad fate of President McKinley whom all honored and respected, and to whom I am under great personal obligation for his kindness since, I find it almost impossible to express to you what I would like to say. I know of no one so worthy as yourself, or so prepared, to assume the high office of the Presidency of the United States, and I believe 15425 that your nomination as the[*Ansd 9-24-1901*] [[shorthand]] Confidential & Private GUTHRIE, CRAVATH & HENDERSON, No. 40 WALL STREET. NEW YORK, Sept.17,1901. Dear Mr. President, I hesitate in congratulating you on your elevation to the Presidency, because of the sad circumstances attending it ; but I can unhesitatingly congratulate you on your wise and happy declaration of a conservative policy along the lines of the late illustrious President. If I may speak of myself to you, I am getting on well enough, being employed by a leading Wall Street law firm, and am grinding away at the law, with the hope of some day branching out for myself. I have been (if you will permit me to use a slang phrase) "chewing the rag" the last week to find out what my duty is in the present situation, and, from keeping my ears open and my mouth shut, I have reached a conclusion, namely, that there is a large probability there will be a determined attack upon your life by some reckless character, in emulation of the one who murdered the President. Now, from my experience with you in the field, I know your defiant disposition, about as well as anyone ; but I think the time has come when you must temper it a bit and give way for the sake of others-- for the sake of the country, to say nothing of your family. You simply must, for a time at least, be most thoroughly and completely guarded, however distasteful it may be to you, but this should be done with the least possible show. My proposition is this, that, at least, most of the people you have close to you at all times should be of "the right sort". I am convinced that your Secretary, Billy [*15426*]Loeb is dead game ; but you should, I think, have around you more than one, and more than two, who will shoot--and quickly. I would respectfully suggest that in the humble capacity, of, say, a stenographer to you, or possibly to your private secretary, I might be useful in this respect.. If you feel you owe it to others to avail yourself of such services, kindly advise me. It would be a most horrible success for the Anarachists, and a most harrowing thing for the country, should they succeed in boring you fatally. This is no time for sentiment--but discretion, and a large consideration for others. You must have about you at all times at least a few people who will watch and shoot. There would, of course, be a perfect understanding between Mr. Loeb and me, and others, especially as to the privacy of your preparedness for attack, but particularly with regard to keeping it out of the newspapers, though we night have to do some very positive lying if quizzed. I am so impressed with the importance of this matter and the efficacy, as well as discretion, of the protection of the Executive, in this direction, that I have presumed to urge upon Secretary Root his approval of this method, among others. The point, as you will see, in my suggestion is that ( as far as it goes) there would be no appearance of a guard, and yet at least one of such stenographers would be expected to be always near you. Whether my suggestion meets your serious consideration or not, it is not necessary for me to ask you to hold this letter strictly confidential and keep it off the files. [*15427*]If you favor me with a reply, kindly ask your secretary to enclose same in a plain envelope to my house address below. I have the honor to remain Yours most respectfully and devotedly, [?] J. McCann 97 Clark Street, Brooklyn, New York. [*15428*][For attachment see 9-21-01][shorthand] [*PF*] [*ppf ackd 9-20-1901*] Secretary of State's Office, Albany. Sep. 17th 1901 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President: To the multitude of congratulations which you are doubtless receiving from your friends everywhere, permit me to add my hearty good wishes for your success and for that of your administration. In entering upon your new and arduous duties, I am sure you must greatly regret, as we all do, the terrible tragedy through which these duties have been devolved upon you. On account of this sad and unexpected event, and of the changed conditions which must necessarily follow, a trying situation presents itself, which will require the earnest support of all your old friends and as many new ones as can be got, in order to encourage and uphold you in the performance of those duties. I need not dwell on the political situation in this state and in the importance of having behind you an organized body of men to support and uphold you in your efforts for good government, for you are doubtless familiar with the situation. [*15429*]Existing conditions, it seems to me, make it important that you have such support for the future in order that the reward which you well deserve, and which your true friends desire for you, may be obtained at the polls in nineteen hundred and four. I am such a poor judge of what ought to be done to further this object that I hesitate to offer any advice, and yet I venture to make a single suggestion: I infer that change will take place in the cabinet, and in view of such a contingency, it seems to me that it would be the path of wisdom to offer to Senator Platt the office of Secretary of the Treasury. He is in every respect well qualified for the office: his views on the great financial questions of the day are sound, and the business men of New York, and in fact of the whole nation have confidence in his integrity and ability. His many friends urged President Harrison to appoint Senator Platt to that office, and I believe at that time the Senator would, if appointed consider it a great honor. I do not know now whether or not the place would be acceptable, but I do think that his many friends in this state would be very much pleased to have it offered to him--even if he declined it. I have been told that in 1898, certain men, who heretofore had been associated with the Senator in politics, thought the time opportune to enter upon a movement to retire him, but the old veteran of of many a successfully fought political battle with the genius of the general who anticipates and takes advantage of every shifting event on the field, snatched victory from apparent defeat by nominating you for Governor. Subsequently events took place which were not satisfactory to your friends, but now the scenes have shifted again, and in your favor, and you may do now, what Senator Platt did in 1898--you may associate him and his friends with yourself, and thus head off effectually the movement which recently met with considerable support in this state having for its object your defeat at the convention in 1904. With the backing of the organization, or of so much of it as may follow the Senator, and with the warm support of your individual friends, I see no reason why you may not have splendid success. At any rate, whether this suggestion of mine meets with your approval or not, believe me when I state that it is made with the best of intentions by a sincere well-wisher. Yours truly John T. McDonough 15430pp7 Ackd 9-20-1901 Watertown Daily Times Editorial Rooms W.D. McKinstry. Watertown, N.Y., Sept. [19th?] Mr. President- Your letter of the 14th at Buffalo, received today. I had mailed a letter to you yesterday. If convenient to you I will try and go to Washington next week, or at any date you may suggest. Your wishes are my command. Respectfully, W.D. McKinstry P.S. I shall hope to have my wife accompany me as she much needs a trip and rest from trying household cares and should like to her convenience. 15431arrived yesterday and with the immense public preparation triumphant character, we did not know how or where to cancel celebrations for their reception - - but I had suggested to my front that I would be sent to represent Canada at the President's funeral we had not expected it to be so soon, and it was practically agreed that I would make the offer to your government - but a telegram last night from the British Embassy, made it clear I could not arrive in time - I can only repeat how deeply we all feel for you and believe me my dear Colonel. Yrs very truly Minto. [shorthand] Sept-17-01. CITADEL, QUEBEC. My dear Colonel Roosevelt, I must write you a few lines to tell you how terribly shocked I was to hear of this horrible loss which has fallen upon your people.. I have of course telegraphed officially [*PPF Ackd. 9-20-1901*] [*15432*]and ismi officially expressing his grief everyone in Canada feels, but I hope you will not mind my saying to also to agree directly, and also that I do rejoice to know that there is a man who knows no fear - of responsibility - or other scares - who will step up to take the reins and I wish you every true faith and success. We really will not know what to ch here to show our respect. The Duke and Duchess of Cornwall only [*15433*]Let me only hope, this [letter] may not be a bore, arriving in the midst, of unexpected pressure of work & responsibility that has suddenly come into your life. Please read the enclosed article from an English newspaper and you will then know what I also think of our hero President and "May God bless him" Yours Very Sincerely Minnie Paget [[shorthand]] [*PPF ackd 10-11-1901*] September 17th 35 Belgrave Square London. Dear President Roosevelt In this hour, bless my beloved country, is under the sorrowing cloud of a national bereavement, I hope you will forgive my irresistable desire to send you a few words of heartfelt sympathyThis great & good man, who has been removed from the World's Stage; under such tragic circumstances, has given us an example of Christian fortitude in death, that we may all remember with honour & respect. and above all his martyrdom has awakened an intense feeling throughout the world, especially in Great Britain. Here, we mourn with a touching display of true emotion. The loss of America's foremost citizen, & leader, and his memory seems as dear to them, as deep, that of Washington or Lincoln to us. Signs of mourning throughout the Kingdom are so universal, that I feel it may be a comfort to our people, to realize, here one & all across the Sea wept with her in her horror. I hope you have not forgotten me? And it seems to have brought me nearer my dear country, to have written you this letter. *15435*[*PPF ackd 9-20-1901*] District Attorney's Office. County of New York EUGENE A. PHILBIN DISTRICT ATTORNEY. September 17th, 1901. [[shorthand]] To his Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, President. My dear sir:- It hardly seems appropriate to congratulate you upon attaining the greatest honor an American citizen can conceive of under such overwhelmingly sad circumstances, and yet it would seem inappropriate if some word of appreciation of the honor and the opportunity was not uttered. Those who have had the privilege of really knowing you cannot but feel that the nation is most fortunate in having the place left vacant by the recent awful tragedy filled by one whose devotion to the interests of the public has only been equalled by his ability to gratify it by the highest character of service. I doubt if there ever was a man who went into the Presidential office possessing so completely the confidence of the country. All trade conditions give eloquent testimony of this fact, there being not the slightest indication of the uncertainty that usually follows such an important change in government. While it is not possible for us finite beings to understand [*15436*](2) why one who was filling his high office so conscientiously should be suddenly stricken down and a great nation deprived of his guidance, yet we can appreciate the wisdom of the Supreme Being in giving us a successor who will realize the great duty thus suddenly cast upon him, and who will discharge it with surpassing zeal and ability. I am, my dear sir, Very respectfully yours, Eugene A. Philbin 15437BOARDMAN, PLATT & SOLEY MILLS BUILDING 35 WALL STREET, NEW YORK ALBERT B BOARDMAN FRANK H. PLATT JAMES RUSSELL SOLEY TIMOTHY D. MERWIN WILLIAM F. DUNNING GEORGE SEWELL BONNER FRANCIS G. KIMBALL CHARLES L. KINGSLEY WALTER F. WOOD [*PPF ackd 9-20-1901*] New York, September 17, 1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt Washington, D. C. My Dear Sir: I did not answer your letter of September 10th, from Buffalo, because conditions had so changed that I could see that an answer to it would be of no use. If you still desire to see me, and will let me know, I will go to Washington any day next week, after Tuesday. Wishing you all manner of success, I am, Yours very truly, Frank H. Platt, H.E. [*15438*][[shorthand]][*PPF ackd. 9-20-1901*] ST. GEORGE'S RECTORY, 209 EAST 16TH ST. Dear Mr. President — overwhelmed as you [must] are by [just] duties and cares innumerable - one word of greeting you must have from me. I have known you for years, and with the years confidence and deep regard have always grown. I Believe you are well fitted for the high charge that now is yours. And in it and under its vast responsibilities, your own singleness and steadfastness of purpose — and God's grace will sustain and direct you. May God almighty have you under His protection and guide your feet into the way of Peace. always most sincerely and obediently my dear Mr. President. Yours to command, W. S Rainsford [[shorthand]] Sep 17, 1907 [*15439*][shorthand] [*PP7*] TELEGRAPH OFFICE POUGHKEEPSIE, NEW YORK [*acred 9-20-1901*] CRUMWOLD HALL. HYDE PARK-ON-HUDSON. September 17. 1901 Dear Theodore - I can not let the present occasion pass by without joining my mite to the countless expressions of cheer & good will you are daily receiving. I think all your real friends should express to you their sympathy in the trying times you have just gone. [*15140*]through and admiration for your words and bearing. I have lately been in contact with men of power in this nation and it has pleased me beyond measure to hear expressions of the utmost confidence in your ability to honor yourself and the country in the position to which you have so tragically been called. I know your independence of character, but such expressions can not be displeasing to you. Sincerely yours Arch. Rogers Arch Rogers 15441[*PPF ackd. 9-21-1901*] POST-OFFICE ADDRESS HYDE PARK, N. Y. TELEGRAMS, POUGHKEEPSIE, N. Y. Sept. 17th 1901 Dear Theodore, It seems quite impossible to put into words how much I feel for you. The burden and responsibility are crushing, and the way it has come to you, makes it once even more difficult. Trust we all know you will come through all right. You are doing splendidly in all you have said and anything you have done. I think as often of your father, and how proud he would have been of you. God help you always, dear old fellow. Your affec. J. Roosevelt Roosevelt [*J ( ) Roosevelt Roosevelt?*] [*15442*][[shorthand]][shorthand] [*PPF*] [*ackd 9-20-1901*] State of New York. Court of Appeals. Judges Chambers. Albany Sept 17 1901 My dear Mr. President In these days of the nations affliction the thought of the people is not alone for the dead but also for the living. While our hearts are bowed down in grief as we follow the mortal remains of our beloved president to their last resting place, we take courage in the thought, [*15443*]up from the hearts of the loyal christian men and women of this land, for your safety and guidance in the strenuous days to come, none will be more fervent and sincere than those of Mrs. Werner, who joins me in this letter, and of Your friend and servant To the President Wm E Werner [*Werner*]that in the Providence of God, the great burden of the hour has been cast upon the shoulders of a strong, brave and resolute man, under whom we can take no backward step but shall march hopefully and steadily onward toward the fulfillment of our great destiny. Among the countless prayers that will go [*15444*][shorthand] [*PPF ackd 9-28-1901*] Sep. 17. 1901. My dear Teddy I feel I must send you a line to express Missys and my sympathy with you in the terrible sorrow, which has fallen on you all as a people, and especially on you as the New Head of the American Nation. Under any other circumstances this letter would have been one of warm congratulation on your becoming President not [*15445*]merely because Missy and I have always been attached to you personally, but also because I believe you to be the very man for the post; but in this hour of national grief when we English cousins feel the sorrow which has fallen on America almost as keenly as if we were under one and the same government, as we are of the same race, religion and language, I can only say that we both pray that you may have the strength, as we know you have the courage to [guide?] and govern the fortunes of your people in the ways of peace prosperity and international goodwill that God who has thought fit to place you in such an exalted position may give you His guidance and wisdom is the earnest hope of both Missy and your old friend H.N. Wolyche-Whitman 15446Form No. 260. THE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPANY. INCORPORATED 21,000 OFFICES IN AMERICA. CABLE SERVICE TO ALL THE WORLD. THOS. T. ECKERT, President and General Manager. Receiver's No. Time Filed Check SEND the following message subject to the terms } on back hereof, which are hereby agree to. } Sept. 17th, 1901. 189 To Dr. Charles McBurney, 28 West 37th Street, New York City. [*Copy- PF.*] I beg you, dear Doctor, to give no interview on our recent case even in self defense. Anything now published coming from individual doctors would only tend to increase threatened medical scandal. Am inviting Buffalo doctors to meet tonight and act unitedly in denying sensational interviews and refusing all further individual statements. Would you agree to this. Please confer with Janeway and all others out of Buffalo, and answer quickly. Ansley Wilcox. READ THE NOTICE AND AGREEMENT ON BACK. [*15447*][*(Enc. m Wilcox 11-20-02)*] ALL MESSAGES TAKEN BY THIS COMPANY ARE SUBJECT TO THE FOLLOWING TERMS:. To guard against mistakes or delays, the sender of a message should order it REPEATED; that is, telegraphed back to the originating office for comparison. For this, one-half the regular rate is charged in addition. It is agreed between the sender of the following message and this Company, that said Company shall not be liable for mistakes or delays in the transmission or delivery, or for non-delivery of any UNREPEATED message, beyond the amount received for sending the same; nor for mistakes or delays in the transmission or delivery, or. for non-delivery of any REPEATED message, beyond fifty times the sum received for sending the same, unless specially insured, nor in any case for delays arising from unavoidable interruption in the working of its lines, or for errors in cipher or obscure messages. And this Company is hereby made the agent of the sender, without liability, to forward any message over the lines of any other Company when necessary to reach its destination. Correctness in the transmission of a message to any point on the lines of this Company can be INSURED by contract in writing, stating agreed amount of risk, and payment of premium thereon, at the following rates, in addition to the usual charge for repeated messages, viz, one per cent. for any distance not exceeding 1,000 miles, and two per cent. for any greater distance. No employee of the Company is authorized to vary the foregoing. No responsibility regarding messages attaches to this Company until the same are presented and accepted at one of its transmitting offices; and if a message is sent to such office by one of the Company's messengers, he acts for that purpose as the agent of the sender. Messages will be delivered free within the established free delivery limits of the terminal office. For delivery at a greater distance, a special charge will be made to cover the cost of such delivery. The Company will not be liable for damages or statutory penalties in any case where the claim is not presented in writing within sixty days after the message is filed with the Company for transmission. THOS. T. ECKERT, President and General Manager. WILCOX & MINER. ROOM 816 ELLICOTT SQUARE. COUNSELLORS AT LAW. BUFFALO, N.Y. ANSLEY WILCOX. WORTHINGTON C. MINER. [*Copy*] Sept. 17th, 1901. To Drs. M.D. Mann, Herman Mynter, Roswell Park, Eugene Wasdin, CHarles G. Stockton, John Parmenter; also Drs. Charles Cary, H.D. Gaylord, H.G. Matzinger, and others. My dear Sirs: You have probably seen or heard how certain sensational journals, and particularly the New York World of yesterday, are trying to create a scandal by publications indicating dissensions and backbiting among the surgeons and physicians who attended the late President. Other papers are publishing interviews with some of yourselves, apparently authentic, which are not so sensational in their form, and yet appear to contain more or less important discrepancies in their account of the facts which can be made the basis of vicious inferences by persons of evil disposition. As the friend and warm well-wisher of all of you, and the ardent admirer of your profession and especially of its Buffalo representatives, I beg and implore you, one and all, absolutely to stop giving interviews to the newspapers. If any interviews have gone forth which are not yet published, I beg you to try to suppress them by all possible means. I venture to say that it should make no difference to you how great the provocation or other inducement may be, or how careful you may be in your statements. If as individuals you allow yourselves to be quoted, you will be certain to fall into the hands of yellow journalists who will rend you to pieces quicker than Mr. Bostock's hyenas would. I venture to suggest that you try to get together somewhere this evening, perhaps after the convention of the Public Health Association, and, without consulting him, I venture to suggest Dr. Charles Cary's house, or, if any of you prefer it, my own house, No. 641 Delaware Avenue, as the place for meeting. You could perhaps prepare and issue some joint statement to be signed by you, disavowing all sensational interviews and everything in the way of mutual recrimination, and denying all differences of opinion upon essential facts and refusing to give interviews in the future. This might do some good, and if such a line of policy is lived up to, it will save the profession and the city from what threatens to be a great discredit. I hope that this suggestion will not seem to any of you to be too presumptuous. I am inspired to make it only by the fact that I believe there is no layman who is on terms of personal and professional friendship with a larger number of yourselves than I am. Yours very sincerely, Ansley Wilcox. [*15448*][Encl. in Wilcox 11-20-02]P7 Sept. 17, 1901 Sacamore Park Hamilton Dearest Theodore, I love you and I am thinking of you and believe in you always. Ever affectionately, Constance Lodge Gardner [*15449][*Ackd 9-24-1901*] [9-17-01] My dear Mr. President Amidst the flood of letters and telegrams which you have received, and will receive, assuring you of confidence and support, will you accept our prayers for your personal well being - no less than our most sincere and earnest wishes that God will guide, guard and prosper you in the great work that is before you Faithfully Wm J. Terengs. Albany Sept. 17. 01. [*15450*][CA 9-17-01] EXHIBIT "F" Monthly Report- Day School. Monthly Report- Night School. Monthly Report- Teacher's Class. Bi-Monthly Report- Municipal School Board. Inspection Report of Public Schools. Report of Absences of Teachers. Circular dated October 5, 1901. Circular dated October 19, 1901. Circular dated October 21, 1901. Circular dated October 28, 1901. Circular dated November 6, 1901. Circular dated November 7, 1901. Circular dated December 1, 1901. Circular dated December 10, 1901 (Spanish). Report for month of February, 1902. Report on School Buildings. Report on School Supplies Report on work of American Teachers. Circular dated Decmber 30, 1901. Circular to Division Superintendents dated January 24, 1902. Circular to Division Superintendents, without date. Circular to Division Superintendents dated July 7, 1902. Telegram to Division Superintendents dated July 8, 1902. Circular to Division Superintendents dated July 24, 1902. Circular to Division Superintendents dated August 28, 19 02. [*15451*][ENCL IN GILMORE 9-17-01][* [CA 9-17-01] *] NIGHT SCHOOL.-MONTHLY REPORT. ...Pueblo, ...Barrio, ....Province. Month ending....190 ...Teacher. Enrollment.-Male... Female... Total... Average daily attendance, Male... Female... Total... Percentage of attendance... Number of nights taught... Number of holidays... Number of aspirantes attending... Qualifications of aspirantes for appointment... PROGRAM. Needs of schools... REMARKS:- [*15452*] Teacher. [*13069*][ENCL IN GILMORE 9-17-01]Exhibit "F" DAY SCHOOL. - MONTHLY REPORT. [GA? 9-17-01] _______Pueblo, _____________Barrio, __________Province. Month ending ___________190 ____________Teacher. Enrollment, .............. -Boys_____Girls______Total Average daily attendance,. -Boys______Girls______Total Percentage of attendance,...-Boys______Girls______Total Number of days taught __________________ Number of holidays ______________________ Names of holidays and date of each __________ DAILY PROGRAM. A.M. P.M. 15453 13070[ENCL IN GILMORE 9-17-01]THE NEW PRESIDENT'S POLICY. Berlin Papers Draw Attention to Opposing interests of Germany and This Country in South America. BERLIN, Sept. 17.-The German press devotes considerable attention to President Roosevelt's alleged declaration of policy, expressing great satisfaction with his indorsement of the utterances of President McKinley as to reciprocity. "We hope," says the Lokal Anzeiger, "that he will succeed in placing the economic relations of the United States and Europe upon a secure basis." The Kleine Journal observes: "This declaration inaugurates a new era in the economic history of the United States-an era of tariff concessions to Europe." Mr. Roosevelt's remarks with reference to promoting transportation facilities with South America are widely commented upon. "They deserve the greatest attention." says the National Zeitung," since the commercial interests of the United States in South America are opposed to those of Germany, which has found an important and valuable market there." The Berliner Tageblatt also points out the importance to Germany of Mr. Roosevelt's recommendation. The Vossische Zeitung concludes a long editorial as follows: "All in all, President Roosevelt favors an extension of the economic power of the United States in all directions and of its political power on the American Continent." The National Zeitung summarizes the new President's character as follows: "He is an interesting and many-sided President, full of activity and life, wholehearted, warm-blooded, and an enthusiastic optimist." [*15454*] MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 16, 1901. TO FOLLOW IN THE FOOTSTEPS OF McKINLEY. Roosevelt Outlines the Policy He will Follow as President of the United States. FOR THE COUNTRY'S GOOD A Policy for the Peace, the Honor and the Prosperity of the Republic. Buffalo, Sept. 16,-President Roosevelt has outlined in some detail the policy he will follow during his incumbency of office. It will be remembered that only a few moments before he took the oath of office he stated with much definiteness: "It shall be my aim to continue absolutely unbroken the policy of President McKinley for the 'peace,' and he emphasized that word-"prosperity and honor of the country." Yesterday the President gathered some personal friends in Buffalo and those members of the cabinet who were here, and gave to them such ideas as he has already established for the conduct of public affairs and his own policy. In no sense are they divergent from what has been understood as Mr. McKinley's policy. This policy as outlined to his friends at yesterday's conference will be for a more liberal and extensive recipirocity in the purchases and sale of commodities so that the over-production of this country can be satisfactorily disposed of by fair and equitable arrangements with foreign countries. The abolition entirely of commercial war with other countries and the adoption of reciprocity treaties. The abolition of such tariffs on foreign goods as are no longer needed for revenue, if such abolition can be had without harm to our industries and labor. Direct commercial lines should be established between the eastern coast of the United States and the ports in South America and the Pacific coast ports and Mexico, Central America and South America. The encouraging of the merchant marine and the building of ships which shall carry the American flag and be owned and controlled by Americans and American capital; the building and completion as soon as possible of the isthmian canal so as to give direct water communication with the coasts of Central America, South America and Mexico; the construction of a cable owned by the government, connecting our mainland with our foreign possessions, notably Hawaii and the Philippines; the uses of conciliatory methods of arbitration in all disputes with foreign nations so as to avoid armed strife; the protection of the savings of the people in banks and in other forms of investment by the preservation of the commercial prosperity of the country and the placing in positions of trust men of only the highest integrity. [*15455*][[shorthand]] [*P.P.F.*] R.M.S. OCEANIC 1901 off New York, September 18. Your Excellency, I do not like to leave American waters without thanking you personally for the courtesy you showed me when I had the good fortune to meet you at Buffalo. And I should even like to express to you as chief of the state my grateful recognition of the extraordinary and unexpected good will and hospitality with which I have been received throughout the United States. Since I had the honour of meeting your excellency a sad event then unexpected has placed you at the head of this great country. I trust you will not deem it [*15457*] [*PPF ackd. 9-20-1901*] LONG ISLAND R.R. CO., 128 BROADWAY, N.Y. Sept. 18, 1901. Dear Mr. Roosevelt, Enclosed clip from Atlanta is important enough for you to see it. Harry Atkinson and Jeffy Coolidge own the Journal. Truly yours, [*[Baldwin]*] W. H. Baldwin Jr. [[shorthand]] Theodore Roosevelt President [*15456*][*[for1 encs. see 9-14-01 Atkinson & Baldwin 9-18-01]*] intrusive on my part if I express my earnest hope and belief that your term of office may bind yet closer to gather the sympathies and interests of the two greatest nations and should it ever be without my power to work to that same and I trust that your counsels will not be refused to me. I am your excellency's most cordial wellwisher C. F. Moberly Bell, His Excellency President Theodore Roosevelt[[shorthand]] [*P.P.F.*] R.M.S. OCEANIC 1901 off New York, September 18. Your Excellency, I do not like to leave American waters without thanking you personally for the courtesy you showed me when I had the good fortune to meet you at Buffalo. And I should even like to express to you as chief of the state my grateful recognition of the extraordinary and unexpected good will and hospitality with which I have been received throughout the United States. Since I had the honour of meeting your excellency a sad event then unexpected has placed you at the head of this great country. I trust you will not deem it [*15457*] [*PPF ackd. 9-20-1901*] LONG ISLAND R.R. CO., 128 BROADWAY, N.Y. Sept. 18, 1901. Dear Mr. Roosevelt, Enclosed clip from Atlanta is important enough for you to see it. Harry Atkinson and Jeffy Coolidge own the Journal. Truly yours, [*[Baldwin]*] W. H. Baldwin Jr. [[shorthand]] Theodore Roosevelt President [*15456*][*[For 7 encs see 9-14-01 "Atkinson & Baldwin 9-18-01]*] intrusive on my part if I express my earnest hope and belief that your term of office may bind yet closer together the sympathies and interests of the two greatest nations. And should it ever be within my power to work to that same end I trust that your counsels will not be refused to me. I am Your Excellencys most cordial wellwisher C. F. Moberly Bell His Excellency President Theodore Rooseveltso that you were a necessity to the success of the ticket because of the fact that you had immense strength in the hearts of a large part of the people for the first place. While the people who supported you deplore the cause of our elevation as much as you do. Personal [*PPF ackd 9-20-1901*] New York Sept 16th 1901 [*PF*] AB SAKS CRAINTE My Dear Theodore, While I know that you are still the same dear old self I cannot feel that your former title of familiar address is quite proper for me to use & so I use your full names. [*15458*]My heart has been with you during all these trying times. I know from the manner in which you spoke to me when I saw you on thirty fourth street recently how distressed you were about your children so that the terrible ordeal you have had to go through has been doubly trying I know from your character what you must feel at being placed in the Presidential Chair in this tragic way & you may on this account think too much of your being President by accident but Theodore remember and justly [*15459*]to you I am at your disposal in the smallest way. Douglas knows where to find me for you & I will always be there Believe with the greatest admiration for an old friend true as steel Yours as ever August Belmont A B SANS CRAINTE their reception of you as their President must prove to you how much you are their choice Nothing could be more patriotic and in every word precisely to the point & suiting the situation than your public utterances. They have given confidence [*15460*]and we all admire you for them. I know you will let me say that I hope you won't underrate how much you are the choice of the people, how well fitted they believe you to be & how satisfied they clearly are that your administration, will be sound & for the greatest possible good of the whole country. I tell you this in all sincerity for you are my friend first & after that I am a Democrat as you know. If at any time I can in my humble way be of service [*15461*] THE PENNSYLVANIA RAILROAD COMPANY. Office of the President, Philadelphia, September 18,1901. General Office Broad Street Station. [*PPF ackd 9-20-1901*] Dear Sir: I take much pleasure in extending the courtesies of the Pennsylvania Railroad to yourself and Mrs. Roosevelt. I am, Yours very truly, A Krassett President. [shorthand] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C. [*15462*]recollection of our meeting at Washington in 1895. I call myself a well-wisher and may claim the privilege to express a confident interest in what I have no doubt will be a brilliant and notable career. Yours very truly, Curzon [*PPF*] DIEU ET MON DROIT Viceregal Lodge Simla September 18 1901 Dear Mr Roosevelt Though it is over a sad and unforeseen track that you have passed to the Presidential Chair, I should yet like to say [*15463*]how glad I am to see you in a position to which your abilities & [position] prestige must in any case before long have raised you, but which your friends will rejoice to see you occupy while you are still in the prime of vigour and I may almost say (being your exact contemporary) of Youth. I have no right to include myself among them. But at least I may be entitled from my [*15464*][[shorthand]] [*PPF acks 9-20-1901*] Sep 18.1901. Knickerbocker Club, 319 Fifth Avenue. My dear Colonel May I say that the beginning could not have been better, and that I am sure it will be my pleasure to say splendid at the end of your term as president. Most sincerely, Horace K. Devereux [*15465*]TELEGRAM [*PPF ackd 9-20-1901*] Executive Mansion, Washington. 20 WU CY GI 89 Paid---1:45p Hotel Colorado Glenwood Springs Colo Sept 18. Theodore Roosevelt, President U. S. On my return from the mountains I have learned of the death of President McKinley and your succession to the Presidency. I pray God may give you strength, wisdom and courage to meet the duties devolved upon you, that in this high office you may still continue to contribute to your country's good everywhere. You will find support and earnest aid amongst those who constitute the great body of the country's thoughtful citizenship for the things vital to do well being and that too irrespective of party affiliations and spirits. James H. Eckels. [shorthand] [*15467*] 22. West 57th Street, New York. Sept 18. 1901. [*Ackd 9/27/1901 PPF*] My dear Teddy, You do not know how the hearts of your old friends are with you at this time - There is but the one feeling of trust & confidence in you personally, however [*15468*]good old days of 1880, rejoice in your success. The loyal support that you have is unprecedented - it is universal throughout the land & above all party considerations. The beginning you have made justifies that support - in the opinion of all, you have been guided by consummate wisdom. With absolute faith in you, I am Ever your friend, Ralph N. Ellis grave the responsibilities & honors that have been thrust upon you. Though I have been separated from you for so many years, not a step in your career has been lost - all Americans are better & richer by reason of it - how much more do those of us who shared your friendship in the [*15469*] — among many other writers. — especially good things - Hector has told us often of the McKinleys, and had filled us with respect for them both, we grieved with you for them, with a real grief. That you should appoint a day for Prayer and mourning weighs much with us. Dear Colonel Roosevelt May God guide and guard you. Affec. yours Edward Ferguson Please give our love and sympathy to Mrs. Roosevelt [*PPF ackd 9-30-1901*] [[shorthand]] AAYNT. NOVAR, N.B. Rosslin Sept. 18th. 1901 Dear Colonel Roosevelt, One has been holding ones breath this last week. The excitement and sympathy over here have been very great. I first ventured writing to Anna, but I feel impelled [*15470*] to add a little line, to you and Mrs. Roosevelt that you and she may know how full our hearts have been. There is a heartfelt satisfaction that the great nation should have as its leader - - so true a man. One that is worthy. I transcribed for Anna some of the newspaper writing. It's quite curious as well as gratifying - how well you are known here. And this people values you for your best that is in you. The Editor of the Westminster - a friend of ours, writes [*15471*][*PPF ackd 9-20-1901*] Cable Address : "Biblehous Newyork." JOHN FOX, D.D., } Correspnding WILLIAM I. HAEN, D.D. } Secretaries. WILLIAM FOULKE, Treasurer. American Bible Society, Bible House, New York. September 18, 1901. Post-office Address Box B, Station D, New York. The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. Sir: The Bible Society Record for July contained your address delivered before the Long Island Bible Society in June, by your kind permission. We understood ourselves to be at liberty to make further use of the address, and we now desire to reprint it in a little leaflet which might suitably contain your picture, which also appeared in the Magazine. At various religious meetings of Bible societies, ecclesiastical gatherings and elsewhere, such a leaflet, we believe, would be of the greatest interest and value at the present time and would do much to further the interests of the Society, as well as to commend the Holy Scriptures. Before making this use of the address, however, it seems best that we should let you know of our intentions, as we should not wish in the slightest particular to go contrary to your wishes. May I ask you to send us your consent at your convenience, and may I add, not only for myself but I am sure also for all the officers and Managers of the Society the assurance of our deepest interest in your administration and of our earnest prayers that the blessing of God may be upon you. Our esteemed Treasurer, Mr. William Foulke, especially desires to be included in this assurance. On behalf of the Society I have the honor to be, Yours very sincerely, John Fox Corresponding Secretary. [*15472*]fl to fo[*PPF ackd 9-21-1901*] COPY. EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT THE CENTURY MAGAZINE UNION SQUARE NEW YORK September 18, 1901. R.W. GILDER, EDITOR. R. U. JOHNSON, ASSOCIATE EDITOR. C.C.BUEL, ASSISTANT EDITOR. My dear Mr. President: Mr. Douglas Robinson has, perhaps, told you of a talk we had the other day, and I will not undertake at this moment to mention what is being prepared for the magazine concerning your accession. I refer now to the question of a Life, coming up to the time of the beginning of your Presidency. This, of course, we would not think of without your cordial consent. My idea was something like Owen Wister's "Life of Grant," which perhaps you have seen- to be printed, perhaps, first in the magazine and then to be brought out in book form. Perhaps if you thought well of it, Wister would be the one to do it. I have said nothing to him about it. One of these days The Century wants your autobiography, but now, and at any rate, this Life. I would not think of trobling you were there not necessity of proceeding promptly. I want to express my great surprise and sincere gratitude for the few lines you were so thoughtful as to send me in response to my note. You have made a noble beginning. Always sincerely and respectfully yours, R.W. Gilder. To the Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Oyster Bay, N. Y. [* * Surprise at you having time for this kindness*] [*15473*][shorthand notation][*PPF ackd 9-21-1901*] [shorthand] EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT THE CENTURY MAGAZINE UNION SQUARE NEW YORK September 18, 1901. R.W. GILDER, EDITOR. R. U. JOHNSON, ASSOCIATE EDITOR. C.C.BUEL, ASSISTANT EDITOR. My dear Mr. President: Mr. Douglas Robinson has, perhaps, told you of a talk we had the other day, and I will not undertake at this moment to mention what is being prepared for the magazine concerning your accession. I refer now to the question of a Life, coming up to the time of the beginning of your Presidency. This, of course, we would not think of without your cordial consent. My idea was something like Owen Wister's "Life of Grant," which perhaps you have seen- to be printed, perhaps, first in the magazine and then to be brought out in book form. Perhaps if you thought well of it, Wister would be the one to do it. I have said nothing to him about it. One of these days The Century wants your autobiography, but now, and at any rate, this Life. I would not think of troubling you were there not necessity of proceeding promptly. I want to express my great surprise and sincere gratitude for the few lines you were so thoughtful as to send me in response to my note. Always sincerely and respectfully, [*You have made a noble beginning -*] R.W. Gilder. To the Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Oyster Bay, N. Y. [*15474*]Frank B. Noyes, Clark Howell, Thomas M. Patterson, President. First Vice President. Second Vice President. Melville E. Stone, Valentine P. Snyder, General Manager. Treasurer. The Associated Press. Directors Stephen O'Meara, Charles W. Knapp, Whitelaw Reid, Charles P. Taft, Don C. Sertg, Harvey W. Scott, W. L. McLean, Frank B. Noyes, Albert J. Barr, Thomas G. Rapier, George Thompson, Herman Riddler, Victor F. Lawson, M. H. deYoung, Charles H. Grasty. ALBANY, N. Y. GEO. E. GRAHAM, CORRESPONDENT. EMPIRE THEATRE BUILDING Telephone, Albany, 1085. Albany, N. Y. Sept. 18th, 1901. Mr. Wm. Loeb, Confidential Secretary, To President, Washington, D. C. My dear Billy:- I send you for the President to see a clipping of my article on the President's policy together with some foreign newspaper remarks about it. No where have I seen a single criticism of his course although I have watched the papers closely. State to him for me please that his alertness in taking hold of this situation has made firends [f] for him, of every business man in this country. As ever yours, G. E. Graham (Enclosures) [*15475*]PPF [shorthand] ackd 9-20-1901 73 BROADWAY. NEW YORK. September 18th 1901. Dear Mr. President:- Your every utterance since the great responsibility has fallen upon you has been splendid, has touched the popular heart, and has inspired implicit confidence. May God preserve you to realize a magnificent administration. Very respectfully, Clameret A. Griscom. The President, Washington D.C. *PPF ackd 9-20-1901*] FIFTY-SIXTH CONGRESS. Committee on Military Affairs House of Representatives U.S. Washington Sept 18, 1901 Dear Mr. President: While deeply lamenting the awful calamity which removed our President, I feel like congratulating the country that you stand, or stood, next in line so that the Executive power of the Government is still in safe hands. I am especially delighted with the outline of your policy as given with such clearness in the press and earnestly hope you be spared to carry it out completely. [*15478*]So far as I can cooperate on the floor to make your administration the greatest success I beg to assure you of my hearty cooperation. The country believes in your courage and patriotism and ability to carry on successfully the great affairs of Government. Sincerely yours J A T Hull Theo Roosevelt President U.S. [*15479*]PPF ackd 9-20-1901 Office of Bartlett S. Johnston & Co. Bankers and Brokers, 239 E. German Street, Baltimore Sept. 18 1901. Mr, President:- Now that the business of your Administration is about to commence, pardon me for presuming to say anything looking like giving advice, but I am deeply interested in the success of your administration. Keep the Treasury Department as far from Wall St influences as possible. That crowd of financiers is loaded down with new rail-road and industrial securities and mix their own peril with the country's peril. This Subsidy matter, as it was last year, reeked with political jobbery. I know it was stated that the subsidy was bought and paid for during the last campaign. It is the most unpopular measure now before Congress. When you are running over, in your mind, available men for office, don't forget Charles J. Bonaparte. It is needless to tell you that he would bring honor and credit to any position, and it is worthy of note that he stands to-day at the head of the laity of the Catholic Church in the United States. I hope, Mr. President, that you will understand my motive in writing you the above. I do not feel capable of advising you in any sense of the word, but I do feel that I know something of public opinion, and I take great interest in your administration. I want it to be what I know you mean it to be, an honor to your country and yourself. Most respectfully yours, Bartlett S. Johnston [shorthand]Perhaps the thought that is uppermost in my mind is one of thankfulness for the fortune of our dear country in having such as you, God bless you, in the second place at such a crisis; and for the aspect that concerns yourself, that you should have held your office as so truly the choice of your fellow countrymen because of what you are, that your accession to the Presidency comes with a propriety [*PPF ackd 9-20-1901*] N.Y.C. 18 Sept. 1901. Dear Theodore: During all this dreadful time you have been most constantly in our thoughts and in the vast and fearful responsibility that has come upon you painfully you have indeed out most heartfelt love and sympathy. That you will prove fully equal to the burden I do not doubt in the least. we cannot ordinarily hope for in such a case. I suppose that one's own time naturally seems the most important of any, but surely we do stand at the beginning of great things, with which you are to be so greatly concerned. You know that you have now, as always, my most earnest wishes for your success and happiness. Faithfully yours C. Grant La Farge [*15482*] [[shorthand]][*Caluhoun*] [*Lincoln, R. T.*] 15 BROAD ST. NEW YORK, [* PPF ansd 9-20-1901*] September 18th 1901 My dear Mr. President: When I had the pleasure of seeing you at Buffalo, neither of us I think supposed that the great burden of care which is now yours was so soon to fall upon you. I do not congratulate you, for I have seen too much [*15483*] of the drancy side of the Presidential Robe, to think of it as an enviable garment, but I do hope that you will have the strength & courage to carry you through a successful administration. You have the [?] and confidence of all & the knowledge of this must be a help to you in the many troubles you must meet. [*15484*]No one can wish you a happy triumph over them all more sincerely than I do. Believe me Faithfully yours Robert T Lincoln [[shorthand]]you, now and always! Affectionately Yours M. Florence Locke [shorthand] 1818 Corcoran Street Sept 18th 1901 [*[9-18-01]*] [*PPF*] [*recd*] [*9-20-1901*] My dear Theodore, At this time when the too recent tragic event overshadows our nation I will not trouble you with the many heartfelt words which would be needed were I fully to express all that I feel - and all the good things which I wish for you. I have asked God - from my heart for many blessing for you [*15485*]on your elevation to the highest place, with its attendant immense responsibilities. It is needless to say what high hopes I have for you - and - for our country ! May I give you a very pregnant text (from the Old Testament) in the name of our two dear Mothers — yours - and mine — with their blessing? "The man that [*15486*] knoweth his God shall do great exploits". Let this be the underlying "motif" of your administration. With your faithfulness to duty and to the Right — and with God's help — nothing should be impossible to you! May God bless you, and defend and guide[*PF*] NORTH EAST HARBOR. MAINE. Sept. 18. 1901. My dear Mr. President: I am much touched that at this busy and momentous epoch in your life, you should have found time to write to me so promptly in acknowledgment of a letter that really called for no reply. I think you have found [*15487*] I shall serve you in any way in my power. Yours faithfully, and respectfully, Lester Len. President Roosevelt.yourself ideally through the throes of this most trying ordeal. I read with great satisfaction, to-day, that you had asked the whole cabinet to stay with you through your whole term. I congratulate you and this Country that you served on with whose policy you are in so complete accord. Really, if President McKinley had known that his speech at Buffalo was to be his last official utterance, he could scarcely have uttered himself more worthily. I expect to reach New York on the 25th of Sept. at my home after that when you may want to see me, I shall hold myself subject to your call. In the meanwhile, I am sure you know how gladly 15488with that justice Charity, Energy and unsinerving loyalty and patriotism which have characterized your administration fine times thus far and given such satisfaction to all those who have at heart the peace, the properity and progress of the nation. I am My Dear President, with sentiments of highest esteem, Devotedly Yours, Jno. McMackin Hon, Theodore Roosevelt, President United States. [[shorthand]] [*PPF ackd 9-20-1901*] STATE OF NEW YORK Commissioner of Labor Statistics ALBANY Sept 18. 1901. My Dear President: Divine Providence in its mysterious ways has seen fit to raise you to the highest office within the gift of the American Nation by permitting, for some wise design of its own, the Judaical assassination of the good and well beloved Will McKinley. We can only say with the deceased: "God's will, not ours, be done." Today the American people, the whole civilized world, deplores this dastardly act against lawfully constituted authority and mourns the loss of our who was in exemplary Chief Magistrate and a private citizen beyond reproach, [*15489*]Now that the nation has paid due honour to our beloved Wm. McKinley, it turns to you with sympathy, with confidence, with hope and readiness to uphold your arms in sustaining and carrying on successfully the arduous burden of State so unexpectedly laid upon you. I thank God personally that our destiny has been confided to your hands and I now desire, as a dear friend, to express to you my most sincere sympathy in this moment of national bereavement and personal trial and pray earnestly that He who holds all nations in His hands may give you length of days to serve this great United States of America [*15490*]We know & appreciate that in Edith you have a wife endowed far above the average with those attributes so necessary for the wife of a public man & one who will preside over the many official & social functions that will fall to her lot as the "First Lady of the Land" with a grace & dignity that cannot fail to please all & every one - I am afraid I am a [*PPF ackd 9-28-1901*] 76 CANNING STREET, LIVERPOOL. 18th Sept. 1901 My Dear Theodore, Most sincerely do we sympathize with you & the whole American nation at the great loss you have sustained by the untimely & lamentable death of President McKinley - A terribly sad & tragic ending to the life of a truly great [*15491*]and noble man. One wonders in these days of enlightenment & education that such miscreants can exist & be found capable of executing such dastardly crimes. And now you are the President! — and we of your connection residing in Liverpool join in offering our congratulations, wishing you health & strength & that you may be spared to fulfil & carry through successfully the many duties pertaining to such an exalted office. We feel that in you the nation has one who will do his duty without fear or favor & discharge all the duties with dignity & determination. Further [*15492*][*Maxey*] [[shorthand]] CURO DUM QUIESCO 76 CANNING STREET, LIVERPOOL. 2 bad hand at expressing myself as I would like to do nor can I now have that kindly co-operation always so freely given of my late Father-in-law. One whom had he survived 100, have been among the first to console, then congratulate & wish you God speed upon attaining [*15493*]the great responsibility that rests upon you as President of the United States. In conclusion Tessie & I hope once your term of office expires to be able to visit the States & have the honor of, at least, shaking hands with the President! With my best regards to you & yours Believe me Yours very Sincerely M. H. Maxwell [*15494*][*71*] ANSON JUDD UPSON Chancellor INCORPORATED 1 MAY 1784 JAMES RUSSELL PARSONS JR Secretary of University WILLIAM CROSWELL DOANE Vice-chancellor University of the State of New York Director College and High School Departments HENRY I. KNICKERBOCKER Head clerk Departments ADMINISTRATIVE COLLEGE HIGH SCHOOL HOME EDUCATION STATE LIBRARY STATE MUSEUM [*[PPR]*] Dictated In reply to yours of Regents office Albany N.Y. Sep. 18, 1901 Dear Theodore: I want you to know how deeply I sympathize with you in this trying ordeal through which you are passing, for naturally even in the sorrow of of this national calamity my thoughts turn to you. It must be a great source of strength to see how fully and completely you have the confidence of the people and how firm is the conviction that the administration of the youngest and the freest of the Presidents of the United States will be all that would be desired. Faithfully & affectionately yours JR Parsons jr [*15495*]Falmouth Frisides [shorthand] [*Ansd 9-19-1901*] September 18th 1901. My dear Theodore. Our thoughts have been so much with you, during these terrible days that I must send you our sympathy - & at the same time, our congratulations, on the way you are received, & appreciated, by all. With love [*15496*]in which la Punnett, Helen, & Sons join. I am Yours most Amicably Gertrude R Punnett. [* 15497 *]PPF [shorthand] ackd 9-27-1901 Oyster Bay, September 18, 1901 My dear Colonel Roosevelt: I cannot send the accompanying resolutions without adding a word on my own account; feeling sure that such privilege will be allowed me as an old friend. When the sad news reached us on Saturday morning, my first thought was not so much of the President whose work was done, as of the man whose tasks lay before him, with all its tremendous responsibilities. Perhaps you can read that thought in the resolution which relates to yourself. It seemed to me that your old friends and neighbors ought to be the first to pray for the guidance and help essential to you success. Apart from the distressing circumstances which have brought it about, your occupancy of the highest position in the land is a source of pride and gratification to them beyond the power of words to express. They believe in you they trust you they feel sure that you will bring to the discharge of the duties of your exalted position all that fidelity, zeal, energy and high principle which have marked your whole course as a public man; and you may rest assured that they will give you their loyal and unwavering sympathy and support. For myself I will only say, that but one way appears in which any personal service can be rendered you. I am not competent to advise the president of the United States, not can I hope to give him any direct help in his administration. But this I can do: invoke for him Divine guidance and aid. And this I will do, both in public and private. This is my pledge of fealty to you, my President, at the beginning of your term of office. It may perhaps be some comfort to know that in one Church and one family in Oyster Bay you will not be forgotten in the daily prayer. Excuse this intrusion upon your time; my letter is longer than I intended. God bless you, and make your administration successful beyond even our highest expectation. With warmest regards, Most cordially yours, Alexander F. Russell [For enc. see 9-18-01][ca 9-18-01] At a meeting of the citizens of Oyster Bay held in the Town Hall on Saturday, Sept. 14,, 1901, the following Resolutions were unanimously adopted, and the secretary was directed to send a copy thereof to President Roosevelt. Resolved that we have heard with the deepest sorrow of the tragic death of our beloved President, William McKinley. Resolved that we hereby desire to put on record out most sincere and heartfelt sympathy with Mrs. McKinley and the family of the late President, and pray that God may comfort and support them in this hour of sore trial. Resolved that we extend out sympathy to our honored fellow townsman--Vice President Roosevelt--in this unexpected emergency and invoke for his strength and wisdom to meet the profound responsibilities suddenly thrust upon him. Resolved that we view with the deepest indignation and abhorrence the principles and teachings which have found their natural culmination in a crime that has horrified and saddened the entire civilized world; and that we call for the adoption of all lawful and just measures tending to promote that respect for law and obedience to rightful authority without which our modern civilization is impossible. Resolved that a Committee be appointed to arrange for a general meeting of our citizens to be held on the day and at the hour selected for the public funeral services. Attest: Alexander P. Russell Secretary [Enc in Russell 9-18-01]TELEGRAM. PPF ackd 9-20-1901 Executive Mansion, Washington 8W PO.KN.RA. 22-D.H. Stamp, 5:32 pm Bakersfield, California, September 18, 1901. The President, Washington D.C. Your comrades Army of Santiago send warm personal greeting and best wishes to you and safety to you in your exalted position. W.R. Shafter. [shorthand] TELEGRAM RECEIVED. Department of State Sep 18 10 11 AM 1901 Chief Clerk's Office WH RA WR 14 via French BIARRITE Sept. 18th President, Care Sec State Washn Please treat our house as yours. Suit your convenience. Storer. 10AM. (Copy received at White House). CK We have copy[For 1. attachment see 9-18-01 "Col. Montgomery. . . "][*[For 1 enc. see Deacon to Whitridge 9-17-01]*] [[shorthand]] [*PPF ackd 9-30-1901*] BALNAKEILLY, PITLOCHRY, N.B. Sept-18-1901 My dear Roosevelt I hope you will find time to read a short personal note which carries to you and yours the warmest good wishes of a very old friend. Since the time when you and I were at the same time investigating Hubert O Thompson and his contemporary rascals I have followed your course with keen and affectionate [*15504*]and touched by the immense and universal interest and sympathy which is shown everywhere in this country for our people and for you at this time — I enclose one of many letters which I have had on the subject which may interest you — We pray that health and every blessing may attend you and I am Yours very truly F. W. Whitridge appreciation The exigencies of fortune or lack of fortune constrained me shortly after that time to a comparatively private life, but I have rejoiced in your good work and in your success all of which you have deserved and honestly won. Now that you have attained to one of the greatest positions in this world I look forward with the greatest hope and confidence to your future, and my wife and I, wish to send to you and Mrs. Roosevelt our heart felt congratulations. You would be struck [*15505*]J.S. & H. A. WISE, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, COMMERCIAL CABLE BUILDING, 20 BROAD STREET, NEW YORK. JOHN S. WISE HENRY A. WISE. JOHN S. WISE JR. September 18, 1901. To the President, Mr. President:- The death and burial of President M'Kinley was one of the most awful and distressing things I have ever witnessed. I cannot, under the circumstances, congratulate you upon your accession, lest the congratulation should seem tainted with insensibility at the loss of M'Kinley. But you know what my sentiments are and always have been toward you. When you have time and I will not be an intruder I want you to let me come to Washington and talk to you quietly and in perfect confidence and freedom about the Southern situation. It is now as bad as it can be, but in my opinion you have an opportunity which never occurred before and may never occur again to immortalize yourself in dealing with that situation and to build up for yourself a monument more lasting than brass. The situation has caused me years of anxious thought. I do not claim that my views are infallible or even correct, but they have the merit of distinctiveness, and if valuable at all will be valuable to you before you take any decisive action. I shall hold myself subject to your summons and lay aside all other business whenever you notify me that it will be convenient and agreeable to talk with you, for I do not believe there is any subject now before you more important or more far-reaching in its results to our whole people than the proper conduct 15506-2- of our party in the Southern States. As matters stand now there is no hope. The opportunity is one of building up a Republican party as strong and as respectable in the Southern States as it is in any portion of the North and West. I only ask that you hear me for my cause. Respectfully, DEPT OF STATE SEP 18 1901 2NDASSTSECRETARY Col Montgomery This seems to be personal for the President T. Roosevelt Coley OK[attached to Storer 9-18-01]Louisville Courier-Journal September 18, 1901. ANARCHY Must Be Crushed By Laws of the Land. BOARD OF TRADE MEETING. MEASURES DEMANDED FOR PROTECTION OF PRESIDENT. BRADLEY ON ASSASSINATION. Pleads For the Better Element To See That Lynching and Kindred Crimes Are Abolished. OTHER STIRRING SPEECHES. The best citizenship of Louisville was represented at the open meeting of the Board of Trade at Exchange Hall at noon yesterday. The gathering was the result of a call to take action on the death of President McKinley, and the large attendance of scores of the leading men of commercial, industrial and professional Louisville was a clear indication of the sorrow the business element felt and the desire it had to express it. When the assemblage was called to order at 12 o'clock by Mr. Charles Earl Currie, the board's first vice president and acting president in the absence of Mr. Marion E. Taylor, the hall was well filled. Mr. Currie reviewed the situation in a speech that carried conviction with it. At its conclusion Mr. Charles T. Ballard moved that the chair appoint a committee to prepare suitable resolutions, and upon the motion's prevailing Mr. Currie named Col. Thomas W. Bullitt, Mr. Ballard and Mr. William A. Robinson. The committee retired, and during its deliberation good talks were made by Judge H. W. Bruce and Mr. Donald McDonald. The latter brought forth the business side, as well as the personal and political side, of the country's loss. * * * The Resolutions. ------ The committee announced ready to report at this juncture and Mr. Charles T. Ballard read the following resolutions: Resolved, That the following paper be and is adopted as expressing the sense of this meeting : The tragic death of the President of the United States, with its attendant circumstances and far-reaching consequences, demands an expression from the business men and from every class of society. Sympathy, deep and earnest, goes out from every heart for the lovely and sorrowing wife, and this we express tenderly and sincerely to her. Abhorrence for the crime is so natural, so certain, so intense in all but the most depraved hearts, and the crime itself is so dark and so deep that it seems almost like mockery to attempt its expression in words. But beyond sympathy and beyond anger and indignation, this event demands of the country careful reflection and energetic action, lest a recurrence of such scenes may become usual. We cannot hide from ourselves that Mr. McKinley was murdered because his countrymen had called him to the Chief Magistracy of the nation. The blow was struck at him not as an individual, but as the representative of the Government and of the law of the United States. Neither can we conceal from ourselves that the assassin is but one of a considerable organization, whose expressed aim is the destruction of government and of law ; whose avowed purpose is the murder of the officers of that Government and law. This is a new and utterly surprising phase in Anglo-Saxon civilization. It has not been provided against in our laws, perhaps not even in our Constitution, because hitherto not dreamed of as possible among our people and under our free institutions. We are proud to believe that it is a foreign importation-having its origin and growth among the worst people of Governments foreign in spirit to our own. But, however or whencesoever it has come, it is with us ; a society pledged to anarchy; with murder and arson as its avowed weapons of war; and it must be met and crushed; but crushed by the law, and under the law, and not outside the law. Each generation has its own peculiar problems to solve, and this is one of the great problems with which the Twentieth century opens on the world. We cannot doubt that the intelligence and integrity of this country will be equal to the occasion. It is fundamental in our conceptions of government that opinions, whether of religion, morals or government, are not subject to judicial prosecution or punishment. Punishment is reserved for overt acts of crime. Nor will we now be drawn by excitement or anger from this wholesome principle, which indeed is the very bulwark of our freedom. * * * Freedom and License. -------- But there is a distinction between freedom and license. The sending of obscene or blasphemous matter through the mails is made an offense against the law, and freedom of speech or of the press is not thereby abridged. It becomes a prime duty of our statesmen and lawmakers to define the distinction between license and freedom, and while protecting freedom to curb license. The public teaching or publication of murder and arson as an art or as a duty is license, not freedom. Under the law as it now exists an assault upon or even the deliberate murder of the President of the United States is not an offense against the United States or its law. The Government and courts of the United States are powerless to punish or to take cognizance of the crime. The nature of the offense and the extent of the punishment depends wholly upon the law of the State wherein the assault happens to have been made, and differs widely in different States. If President McKinley had survived the attack made on him the extreme punishment therefor under the laws of New York would have been imprisonment for ten years. In Kentucky it would have been imprisonment from one to five years at the discretion of the jury. The murder of or an assault upon the President as such is indeed not an offense against any law. Yet in truth it is an assault upon the nation, upon all its people. They call him to that high office. They are entitled to his service, and when, because he obeys their call, he is stricken by the hand of the assassin, the majesty of the nation is stricken. We believe it to be a sound policy and a high duty that the murder of or an assault upon the President of the United States should be made a crime against the United States punishable by the courts. Its process should reach to the limits of the Union and conspirators, whether in Buffalo, Paterson or Chicago, should be brought to the bar of that Government whose majesty has been defiled. Whether policy should extend such a law beyond the Chief Executive is a matter not necessary here to consider. But the country should be protected by the strong arm of its own law against assaults upon its Chief Magistrate. its highest representative. If necessary to achieve that end the Constitution of the United States should be amended accordingly. [*15509*] * * * Tribute to McKinley. ----- We desire to place upon record our appreciation of the character and service of Mr. McKinley as President of the United States. His private life was without reproach. Virtue was his guide and standard. This is nobly attested by the fact that through two exciting and bitter campaigns his private life was never assailed. Private virtue in public life is the noblest tribute to republican institutions. In his public life Mr. McKinley, from the date of his accession to the presidency, grew steadily in public confidence. He seemed to grow in intellectual and moral force as he was called to act in the grave emergencies which confronted his Administration. In peace and in war the honor and credit of the country have been sustained, and in history the name of Wm. McKinley will stand honorably connected with the great questions which have arisen and which have been settled during his term of office. Into the peace of the grave he carries with him the love and the honor of his countrymen. But, however deeply we may deplore the loss of the country in the death of its President; however indignation may be excited toward the perpetrator of the dreadful crime and his instigators, it is a source of profound satisfaction that even the murder of a President cannot shake or even cause a tremor in the foundation of the grand structure of our government. Under its wise provisions when one great man passes from the scene of public duty another is there to take his place. When Mr. McKinley passed away his powers and his duty devolved upon another. His intellect and integrity, guided by a high purpose and a lofty courage, at once inspired confidence in the wise conduct of the Government and banished apprehension of disturbances in the financial and general business affairs of the country. Let him be protected against the arm of the assassin. The president and secretary of this meeting are directed to forward copies of this paper to Mrs. McKinley, to President Roosevelt and to the senators and Representatives in Congress from the State of Kentucky. * * * Gov. Bradley's Strong Words. ------ The resolutions as read were adopted unanimously, after which former Gov. W. O Bradley was called to the platform. He made a brilliant address, expressing sorrow at the death of the President and calling for a stricter enforcement of the laws already in existence. Lynching was severely condemned. A rising up of the better citizens of the country to secure a better enforcement of the laws was urged. Gov. Bradley stated at the beginning that he had prepared no speech for the meeting. The address, however, was eloquent, and the few extracts given herewith do not do the speaker justice. The applause throughout was hearty. In part Gov. Bradley's speech is as follows: There is no man in the land inbued with the spirit of humanity who did not regret the death of the President and whose heart did not go out in sympathy to his suffering widow and all those who had been special objects of his affection. I have noticed a disposition to place the entire responsibility upon foreigners whose teaching in their native lands was vicious and anarchistic. While it is true that such foreigners live amongst us, it is equally true that in assassination they are merely imitating our own people. The spirit of anarchy is largely abroad in our land. Such a spirit inspires the turnpike raider, the whitecaps, the disturbers of political gatherings, the corruptionists, who stifle the voice of the people fairly expressed at the polls, the lyncher who burns at the stake those who are afterwards ascertained to be guiltless. The spirit of anarchy inspires all these. It cannot be denied that such unlawful conduct has for some time disgraced this fair land, nor can it be denied that assassination has become common in many localities of the country. The great need at last is the enforcement of the laws we have, and if the better class would rise in their majesty and demand the enforcement of the laws, it would go further to give protection than any other step that could be taken. The trouble is that the best citizens too often fail to do their duty because of a lack of time on account of business engagements. To these men we must look for hope and protection, and until they awaken to a full realization of the demands of the hour there can be but little hope of betterment. * * * Liberty and License. ------- It is true that the laws might be effectually amended so that one who attempts assassination should be punished with death, or those who teach the bloody doctrine of anarchy should be confined in prison. Liberty is one thing. License quite a different thing. One whose teachings or conduct is calculated to destroy human life and to strike down the rulers of our country or these who are in office or who differ from them is a common disturber of the peace. The Government has as much right to prevent the promulgation of the doctrine of anarchy as it has to prevent the practice of Mormonism; has as much, aye more right; because, of the two, the former is the more damnable crime. The people of this country have been remiss in their duties. If the death of our martyred President should lead to all awakening of public sentiment, to a more active and faithful enforcement of the law, to the passage of such laws as may be necessary to more amply punish crime, then, indeed, horrible as was his taking off, distressing and heart-breaking as it may have been to a loving family and a devoted people, it will prove a blessing in disguise, and of him it may be well said that in death as in life he served his country well. * * * Political Cowardice. -------- We should not forget while discussing the courses which led to this cruel act that a political cowardice, affecting all political parties, in failing to regulate more carefully the character of people who yearly invade our shores, has led to the settlement among us of a class of people whose teachings inspire such cowards as Czolgosz. It is too late now to remedy the mistakes of the past, but by the passage and enforcement of proper legislation we may prevent this country in the future from being made the dumping ground of the off-scum of foreign countries. We may congratulate the country upon the fact that President McKinley has such a worthy successor. Roosevelt is not only possessed of great ability and unflinching courage, but is the soul of honor and the very essence of true Americanism. In his hands the interests of the country will not suffer, and I predict for him a wise, successful and patriotic administration. In such an hour, surrounded by such difficulties, enveloped in the shadow of the world's most cruel tragedy, it is the duty of every patriotic American to give him loyal support. And those who fail, those who try to depreciate him, are not good citizens. The meeting then adjourned. ------------------- ------------------- [*15510*]FAVORS THE CANTEEN ---- ---- American Public Health Association Believes it Should be Re-established. --------- ARMY SURGEON'S VIEWS. --------- Capt. Munson Gave Some Interesting Statistics Concerning Soldier Life. --------- [*Buffalo Commercial Sept. 18, 1901,*] [*THE B*] A number of matters of great importance and very general interest to the people of the United States were discussed by the delegates attending the convention of the American Public Health Association, at the meeting in the 74th regiment armory this morning. The first to be taken up was the army canteen or post exchange question. Capt. Edward L. Munson. assistant surgeon in the U. S. army, read an exceedingly interesting paper on "Some Results of the Army Canteen or Post Exchange, from the Standpoint of Discipline and Hygiene," which was received with great applause by the delegates. Capt. Munson prefaced the reading of his paper by saying that he wished to call the attention of the members of the association to some results of a statistical study made by him with respect to the influence of the army canteen, as it existed prior to the passage of recent legislation curtailing its operation, upon the health, morals, and efficiency of troops. He said the figures which he was about to quote were taken from the official records of the war department, and that they could be readily verified by anyone interested. He then continued: The canteen system was first authorized by the war department in the year 1889, and during the next two years it gradually supplanted the old system of sutlers' posts and post traders' stores throughout the army. An excellent idea of the apparent effects of the system can thus be obtained by comparing the seven years 1885-1891, before the canteen system was thoroughly established, with the six years 1892-1897, after this system had come into general operation. The years 1898-1900 are not included, since, although they show an even more marked improvement than the last period mentioned, which is apparently only to be attributed to the beneficial influence of the canteen, it is thought that conditions of peace can not properly be compared with those of the active service of the past three years, and hence these years are left out of consideration. Figures for the periods first named would appear, however, to be sufficiently conclusive. With respect to admissions to sick report for alcoholism, the rates for the decade 1878-1887 amounted to an average of 64.28 per 1,000 strength. This rate diminished as canteens were gradually established throughout the army, omitting fractions, as follows: 46, 44, 44, 41, 37, 34, 32, 31, 30. Comparing the whole period 1885-1891 with the whole period of 1892-1897, the average annual number of admissions to sick report was reduced by 23.6 per cent. In 1890 there were seventeen army posts at which the admission rate for alcoholism exceeded 10 per cent. of the garrison strength. In 1891 the number of such posts had decreased to eleven, and in the following years diminished at the following rate: 10, 7, 4, 5, 2, 2. As a single instance, in 1889 the post of Willets' Point had an admission rate of 222.97 per 1,000 strength. For 1890, during which year the canteen was established at that post, the rate fell to 157.5, and in 1891 was further reduced to 70.46. The gravity of the cases of alcoholism was also reduced through the influence of the canteen; the rate for cases of delirium tremens for the period of 1892-1897 showing a diminution of 31.3 per cent., as compared with the seven-year period before the canteen was established. For the same periods, also, the rates for insanity were reduced by 31.7 per cent., and the number of days of service lost to the government from this cause, was decreased by 40.9 per cent. For the year ending June 30, 1898, the profits of the post exchanges in operation throughout the army amounted to a total of no less than $323,661.51; which sum was returned to the men and expended to improve their food, purchase reading matter and gymnasium and athletic equipment and in other ways make their lot more comfortable and the military service more attractive. The effect of this betterment of conditions was at once shown in a remarkable decrease in the rate of desertions; the percentage of these being 9.18 for the period 1882-1891, and but 4.53 for the period of 1892- 1897. This reduction in desertions was practically progressive as post exchanges were established throughout the army-the rate of desertions for the two years prior to the war with Spain being scarcely one-fourth as great as the rate for the three years immediately preceding the introduction of the canteen system into the army. As each United States soldier costs the government $1,014.66 annually, this decrease in desertions meant, for those years, a money saving to the government of more than $2,000,000. The number of soldiers depositing with army paymasters for the period 1892-1898 as compared with the average for the pre-canteen period 1883-1891, increased by 133 per cent.-a deposit by the soldier being practically a bond for the good behavior of the latter and his continuance in the service. Finally, the establishment of the canteen was followed by an extraordinary diminution in the number of convictions by court martial for drunkenness, the pre-canteen period mentioned having an annual average of 372.5 such convictions, while the annual average for the same cause after the canteen system was established was but 160.6. The year before the canteen system was established the convictions by court martial for drunkenness numbered 423; in 1894, the third year after the system had been generally established throughout the army, they had fallen to 120. Much might be said to show the remarkable influence which the canteen, with its restricted sale of beer and light wines, has had in preserving the health of troops, maintaining discipline and promoting temperance; but in view of the figures above given further argument on this subject would seem to be unnecessary. The canteen, as formerly operated, was a positive element for good. It was so regarded by 95 per cent. of the more than 600 officers of the army who have made reports concerning its influence to the secretary of war. Its misguided opponents could merely oppose theory to facts and sentiment to statistics. Backed by political prestige, theory and sentiment have temporarily succeeded in destroying an institution whose influence was wholly beneficial, much to the sorrow of those who have the true interests of the soldier at heart, and who must treat with human nature as it exists in the army, rather than attempt the attainment of impossible ideals. [*15511*] The reading of Capt. Munson's paper was followed by an interesting discussion, in which several of the delegates advanced arguments in favor of the army canteen. No one had anything to say against it. Dr. Charles R. Greenleaf, assistant surgeon-general, who has had charge of the sanitary arrangements in the Philippines, was the first speaker. "I have just returned from the Philippines," he said. "I visited a great many army posts while there, and I can testify to a very general consensus of opinion among army men that the soldiers have suffered a severe loss in the curtailment of the army canteen or post exchange." One of the delegates who took part in the discussion characterized the recent legislation curtailing the operation of the army canteen as "a step backwards in sanitation and temperance, to say nothing of morality. At the conclusion of the discussion the following resolution, offered by Dr. C. A. Lindsley, was adopted, with but one dissenting vote: Resolved, That this body deplores any action in curtailing the operation of army canteens or post exchanges, as formerly existing in the United States, and in the interest of general and military sanitation and temperance recommends their re-establishment. Dr. Greenleaf read a paper describing what had been done in the way of improving sanitary conditions in the Philippines since the American occupation, and a similar paper regarding Porto Rico was read by Dr. Smith, who has been in charge of the work there. The remainder of the morning session was devoted to reports of committees appointed to investigate different phases of yellow fever, and to a general discussion of the subject. The program for the afternoon session at 3 o'clock was as follows: Report of the committee on disposal of refuse materials Rudolf Hering, C. E., chairman, vice-president A. P. H. A., New York city; "Refuse Disposal in the District of Columbia," Dr. William C. Woodward, health officer, District of Columbia; "The Bacterial Purification of Water by Freezing," H. W. Clark chemist of the state board of health of Massachusetts, Boston, Mass.; report of the committee on the relation of forestry to the public health, Prof. William H. Brewer, chairman, New Haven, Conn.; report of the committee on car sanitation, Prof. S. H. Woodbridge, chairman, Boston, Mass. The evening session, at 8 o'clock, will be devoted to the discussion of two committee reports, that of the committee on the cause, prevention and duration of infectious diseases, by Dr. A. Walter Suiter, chairman, Herkimer, N. Y., and that of the committee on disinfectants and disinfection, by Dr. Hibbert W. Hill, Boston, Mass. First Evening Session. Mayor Diehl, who was to have delivered the address of welcome at last evening's meeting of the association, was out of the city, having gone to Washington on the train which bore the remains of President McKinley to the national capital, and the address of welcome was therefore delivered by Ansley Wilcox. Mr. Wilcox referred to the assassination of the President and its effect upon the people of Buffalo and of the whole country, spoke of the beauties of the exposition and concluded as follows: And when you visit our exposition first at night, and see its loveliness emerge from the early darkness with a gradual glow of splendor, as the electrical illumination begins, and as you face that beautiful pinnacled tower, quivering with light at every point, which looked down upon the Temple of Music where our President was shot down by the assassin, you will feel, I know, that you stand before a shrine, where all that is good and beautiful in the hearts and minds of this nation has produced its best results-a shrine which ought to be and will be, visited during the few brief weeks of its remaining existence by all of the American people, rich and poor alike, with feelings of reverence and awe for the achievement which it represents and for the good man, our national leader, who fell at its feet. You will think of his unwilling successor, still throbbing with the energy and fearlessness of youth, but serious and conservative through experience and the growing wisdom of advancing years, whose honest, manly heart, heavily laden with new cares, is now following the body of his former chief from Washington to Canton, and you will say "God bless him! May his achievements be equal to his high purposes!" And then, when you look again upon that vibrant tower of light, and think of the tragedy which was enacted at its feet and of the way in which the American people calmed themselves in their intense grief, and how the reins of power dropping from lifeless hands were taken up peacefully by the strong hands of the appointed successor, with no dissension and no change of the great national policies which the people had approved, you will say again with heartfelt joy, "Whatever may happen to our individutl leaders, the government at Washington still lives," and in spite of defects and shortcomings, it towers among the nations of the earth, shedding brilliant and steadfast light, as our electric tower does amidst the beautiful buildings which surround it. President Lee of the association in his annual address also spoke of the assassination of the President. He said the anarchists ought to be deported to the Isle of Pines and allowed to occupy that solitary spot in company with the lepers. ------------------------------------------------- [*15512*][*PPF ackd 9-20-1901*] EDGAR T. BRACKETT. ATTORNEY AND COUNSELOR AT LAW, SARATOGA SPRINGS, N.Y. September 19" 1901 My dear Mr President. — I have purposely waited until now, to send you my congratulations and good wishes. And I send you both from the very bottom of my heart. I predict nothing but good in your Administration; that it will be strong and brilliant, with all proper conservation. You have borne the burden of the last few days with a beautiful dignity that commends you to everyone If, in any of the hours of your Administration there is any help I can give you, I am sure that you know it will be given with the utmost goodwill. With every hope and wish for your success, I am Yours truly, Edgar T. Brackett The President Theodore Roosevelt [*15513*][shorthand notation]I am none the less pleased and proud that you have achieved greatness. Perhaps you will not recollect the writer; it certainly is many years since we last saw each other. I think the last occasion was just after your marriage - you were passing through Liverpool and stayed, I forget how long, a night or two, with us. But I can best recall you years before that when you came down to "Clifton" at Waterloo. I can see you now, lying flat down on the floor in front of a bookcase with several books open all round you - you used to skin animals and birds in those days I remember. And then, I am not quite sure whether it was you or Cousin Ellie, but I fancy it was you, performing gymnastic feats on the door of the drawing room at Aunt Ella's house [*Ackd. File ppy Pr*] 10 Urquhart Street Ballarat Victoria Australia 19th September. 01 My dear Cousin Theodore, May I be permitted to offer my congratulations on your having attained such an exalted position. I feel inclined to do so and also to express every good wish for your future safety and success feeling sure that, although the sentiments are uttered by one who occupies a very humble position as a citizen in a far away city of Australia, you will nevertheless understand they are from the heart and are free from any feelings except those of pure joy and pride at your brilliant career. I have often [*15514*]read about you and remember prophesy's some years ago that you would not stop in your flight until you had reached the highest pinnacle. The fact that you have attained that point under circumstances which everyone regrets, make no difference - You had already graduated for the position which was so suddenly thrust upon you and whilst one regrets that so good a man as President McKinley should have been sacrificed in such a dastardly manner one need not on that account withhold the expression of congratulation from his successor in office. Even in this far away city of Ballarat the feeling of horror and regret at the crime has been manifest and sincere and in writing to Loulie yesterday I told her that had it been the king of England instead of the President of the United States, the expression of sorrow could not have been surpassed! Before the news of Mr McKinley's death arrived prayers were offered up for his recovery and since the sad event occurred flags have flown from scores of buildings till yesterday, making the city look as if it were in its holiday garb were it not for the fact that the flags hung half mast. I have often felt inclined to write to you and sincerely wish I had done so years ago. I felt this very keenly the other day when I read in a Melbourne paper that a certain gentleman residing in that city, in giving a little information concerning you spoke about having visited your home and that he had since been in communication with you. I felt then what I had lost - it seemed to come home to me so to speak but if I have not written to [*15515*]in Liverpool. I used to think in those days that you were the strongest fellow I had ever seen. I am glad to notice that you have proved yourself to be just as strong intellectually. If at any time, in the midst of your multitudinous duties, you have a spare moment you might send me a few lines. I would like to know some- thing more about you and yours than I do. I saw a charming picture of your children in an illustrated paper a little while ago. I wished then that I possessed a photograph of yourself and family. Would it be asking too much to make a request for me now? I am writing as cousin to cousin and will be glad if you will accept the assurance of my goodwill towards you as well as my congratulations. I haven't [*15516*]many male relatives left now. Another Jimusie died some years ago then Uncle Irvine & the beginning of the present year death claimed the dear old man (I think you were fond of Uncle Jimusie) perhaps it is partly these heavy losses that has inclined my thoughts to you. Kindly convey my sincere regards to your wife as well as my good wishes she does not know me, but this I know you have a most charming partner with whom to chare your exalted position. Believe me dear Theodore Your affectionate cousin Stuart E. Bullock.[Ausd?] 9-23-1951 STATE OF NEW YORK LEGISLATIVE REPORTERS ASSOCIATION Albany, Sept. 19, 1901 My Dear Mr. Roosevelt: I have a deep sense of personal gratification over the appreciative Editorial Expressions towards yourself contained recently in my newspapers, the N.Y. Evening Post and the Brooklyn Eagle. As you now know, their words are but tokens of the hearty goodwill, sympathy and confidence tendered you by practically all the press regardless of political bias. To a newspaper worker like myself who was privileged to be in such close touch with you during your labors as Governor there is keen satisfaction in contemplating this deserved recognition of one who has done so well as a public official often under most trying conditions and in the face of apparently insuperable obstacles. My regret is that I shall not be numbered hereafter among the Washington correspondents. I always 15517 STATE OF NEW YORK LEGISLATIVE REPORTERS ASSOCIATION Albany fret I gained inspiration to write the best that was in me through our frequent talks, and I should have been glad indeed had affairs so shaped themselves as to let me continue, in other fields, work along those lines. It might then have seemed I was contributing, in a small way, to the success of your future public efforts. May I wish your every encouragement! With cordial regards, Sincerely Yours, E. G. Guyler[*PPF Ackd 9-20-1901*] State of New York, Senate Chamber. Albany. 105 East 57th Street New York, Sept. 19/1901 My dear Mr. President I have not written you before, both because I did not want to trespass on your time during a period when I knew that you had to bear so great a burden of care and trouble, and because I really have not felt that I could write until this day had passed. That you have my heartfelt wishes for a successful administration of the great office which I have always looked forward to your filling by election — and still do — I need not tell you. Nor do I need to say that I am as sure of that success as though it were already a thing of the past. [*15519*]The whole country is confident — a thing that must be more than gratifying to you at such a time — but with me it is a feeling of absolute faith. With ever the same loyalty, I am Yours faithfully N. A. Elsberg Hon. Theodore Roosevelt Washington, D.C. [[shorthand]] [*15520*]day and see you — so don't think for a moment of answering. [[shorthand]] [* [9-19-01] *] Dear Theodore. You have been continually in my mind during all these trying days and I have followed with the truest and most heartfelt interest every step of the drama in which you have played such a part. It is very terrible to feel that in this free land such an awful tragedy can happen and certainly Wm McKinley with his character and ability was a strange [*15521*]victim of such a plot, if plot it was. You have my best wishes for the future dear Theodore and it is one bright spot in all this business that you are to be at the head of the Government. Springy will have to cross the ocean to see you. Do you remember one hot summer night years ago when we walked around Worthington & you felt rather depressed about the future & I tried to cheer you up? Pray remember me to Mrs. Roosevelt & the children, all of whom must be in a state of excitement and proud of you. I am sure your friends are. And none more than Your old friend William W. Endicott Danvers. Mass. Sept. 19.1901. My wife says- "I cannot be left out and you must send in my name all good wishes." I shall drop in more [*15522*]PPF Ackd 9-21-190 Boston, Sept. 19. 1901 P2 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, My dear Theodore, I have thought of you often during the past week, and have felt for you much sympathy in the sad ordeal, and strong interest in your succession to the Presidency. As an old friend, I send these few lines to tell you how glad I am that in this time of public distress the leadership in national 15523affairs devolve on you, in whose strong traits I have complete confidence. In this day of keen struggle between the social forces of the world, it is fortunate for the American people that we are to have as chief magistrate one, who while keenly alive to our Commercial needs and ethnological destiny, will not hesitate to rebuke the claims of sheer materialism, nor to use his enthusiasm, uncompromising rectitude and intelligent sympathy in support of noble ideals and truly democratic development. I wish you God speed in your high office, and am with hearty respect. Yours always sincerely, Robert Grant. [shorthand] PPF ackd 9-21-1901 Fort Slocum, NY. Sept 19, 1901. Mr. President: Permit me to salute you with great respect and admiration - our Commander-in-chief. We-the Army-mourn the loss of our late beloved chief, and the people of the United States have suffered an inexpressible loss, but the people are to be congratulated in finding Theodore Roosevelt at the helm, for the ship will be steered upon its course of prosperity with that courage and sincerity of purpose which characterizes all that he does. It would be hard for me to express to you, Mr. President, the deep feeling of loyalty and admiration with which the army regards its new chief. I wish you God speed; and every success. Believe me to be Your Most Faithful Servant, Robt L. Howzer, Captain 6th Cavalry His Excellency The President of the United States. [*ackd 10/24/1901 PPF*] FIFTY-SIXTH CONGRESS. JOSEPH G. CANNON, ILL. HENRY H. BINGHAM, PA. WILLIAM W. GROUT, VT. JAMES A. HEMENWAY, IND. SAMUEL S. BARNEY, WIS. WILLIAM H. MOODY, MASS. SAMUEL J. PUGH, KY. HENRY C. VAN VOORHIS, OHIO. JAMES T. McCLEARY, MINN. LUCIUS N. LITTAUER, NY. LEONIDAS F. LIVINGSTON, GA. THOMAS C. McRAE, ARK. JOHN M. ALLEN, MISS. JOHN C. BELL, COL. RICE A. PIERCE, TENN. MAECENAS E. BENTON, MD. GEORGE W. TAYLOR, ALA. JAMES C. COURTS, CLERK. JOHN D CREMER, ASSIST. CLERK. COMMITTEE ON APPROPRIATIONS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. WASHINGTON,D.C. ,190 Gloversville, N. Y. Oct., 19, 1901 President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My Dear Roosevelt:- Some time since I received the enclosed letter from Mr. Theodore F. Seward, with the request that I present it in person to you, and induce you to write a statement for his "Appeal". The outrageous comments of the Southern Press, on your having Mr. Booker T. Washington dine with you at the White House, have induced me to send this letter to you at once. I know of no single principle that has endeared you more to the people of our country than your oft expressed statement that you esteemed every man according to his own accomplishments without consideration of his race, color or religion. With kind regards, I am, Faithfully yours, Lucius N. Littauer Dic.L.N.L. [*15526*]the newspapers here, the one this morning being that Hay is going to stay. I am sure I hope so for then you will have both him & Root. The newspapers here were rather adrift about you & what you represented at first & the Department of Foreign Affairs sent me word that they would like some statement as to the facts of your life & your political views. On the promise that I should not appear in any way I furnished them with a statement & they controlling their press as they do have used Private Sept 19th 1901 Dear Theodore - I do not mean to burden you with letters but I cannot refrain from thanking you from the bottom of my heart for your letter of the 9th from Buffalo. It was so good of you to write to me at such a moment in the midst of such strain & anxiety & Ithe representatives of government, law & order. These men are the enemies of government, society & patriotism. We should fight them as we would fight any other armed enemy. I hope and believe that we shall pass stringent legislation against them, & for the restriction of immigration; break up their gangs in Paterson & elsewhere & have a law making it a capital offence to attempt to injure or kill the President or Vice President. All sorts of reports as to the Cabinet are in value your doing so more than I can say. All you write about McKinley, his representative character & his nearness to the people is profoundly true. But the scoundrel who murdered him is not the weak man of unbalanced mind brooding over an imaginary wrong like Bellingham, or Lawrence [of] or Guiteau, a sporadic type [commands] known at all periods of history; he is the legitimate result of an organized body formed among other things for the murder of [*15528*]are weak minds inflamed by the event & therefore dangerous. By the way Amen to what you say of Hearst & the Journal- it is an efficient cause in breeding Anarchists & murder. Once more dear Theodore take care of yourself. I am not surprised at what you say of Vermont Illinois [&c]. And now it is good to feel that you have all the strong sentiment behind independent of the event. I am longing to be at home, longing to see you & Edith. Ever yrs H. C. Lodge 2 [*[9-19-01]*] it with excellent effect. Friendly from the beginning the tone of the press is now not only kindly & appreciative but well informed. I am to meet M. de Pressensé [?] the editor of the "Temps" - which is an official organ at breakfast on Monday & I shall be able perhaps to give him some useful information. The sympathy here was very marked & not only by the flags, bound with crape, everywhereof route is left to the President. We must not tie you down to Nicaragua for I am strongly inclined to think that Panama is best. We are so distressed about the children. Poor Alice & poor little Quentin. It is cruel to think that baby should have suffered so. What a terrible trial for Edith & then to have this great national calamity come. Give her our dearest love. You & yours are ever in our thoughts. Do take care of yourself & keep well guarded. Just at this moment there but in the tone of the people. I think I shall have some things to tell you of interest bearing on reciprocity from what I have learned here & in Russia. I had a pleasant note from Lord Lansdowne a day or two ago about the treaty & I have strong hopes that we shall get one which you can [give] lay before Congress in December & which we can promptly ratify. Then the canal bill can be passed at once & we must be careful that the choice [*15530*][*Ackd 10-21-1901 File PPL*] [Form No. 73A. AUDAX AT FIDELIS Queensland SD Railway Locomotive Branch, Brisbane OFFICE, 19th Sept. 1901 [*Private*] MEMORANDUM To Colonel Roosevelt Washington D.C. Dear Sir, Is Joe Ferris still at Medora? I never heard anything from there since /85. Pender lost his seat for the Wick Bourghs through my folks not supporting him. We afterwards became friends, but not a word could I get out of him regarding Nemela Ranch. I have Stones & mining rights in Sandon British Columbia. My partner who is now managing comes from fifeshire Scotland. I came down here over a year ago and accepted a Gov. appointment as Manager of Lead Mines. I have made enought to retire on. I was married for the first time on the day you became President reckoning difference on time. My best wishes. Yours Sincerely J. H. Macaulay [*15531*]Private Colonel. Roosevelt Washington D.C.Queens SD Railway Locomotive Branch Brisbane Office 19th. Sept 1901 MEMORANDUM To Colonel Theodore Roosevelt President of United States of America Dear Sir, We are all sorry for the cause that has elevated you the Head of the Greatest English speaking nation, but it is gratifying to know that a very strong man is there. I most heartily congratulate you upon being President of the United Sates of America, and I have no doubt that when the time comes that you retire from your high position you will leave a name for honesty as strength that will live for ever in the Archives of your nation. You have fulfilled my Prophecy of F/83 that you would be President Faithfully Yours J Henderson Macaulay[[shorthand]] [*PPF ackd 9-21-1901*] Williamstown. Mass. September 19, 1901 My dear Roosevelt. Forgive me for using for this time the old form of address, but as one of your father's oldest surviving friends I cannot refrain from writing a few words of affectionate interest and sympathy — to let you know how closely and loyally we watch the full development of your career in life. It seems impossible to realize that so few years have passed since you began to make your mark at Harvard: poor George! how he would have shouted had he been alive now. I am on my way to the Episcopal Convention in San Francisco and I hope to join with the whole body of delegates there in offering prayers for your guidance through all the dangers and difficulties of the responsible position to which God in His providence has called you. Surely you must feel the deep reality of this call, as leader of this great nation, my adopted country. [*15533*] May you have a long and prosperous life - strong in the approval of all good people, happy in your sweet wife and family and successful in your Councils and policy! Please don't think of acknowledging this note- I shall hope to see Mrs. Cowles on our return and hear about you from her. Believe me with great regard Yours very sincerely Henry E. Pellew The Hon Pellew Theodore Roosevelt 1637 Mass Ave NW Washington DC GEO. C. PERKINS. 10 MARKET STREET. [shorthand] [*Ackd 9-26-1901 File*] SAN FRANCISCO, September 19th 1901 Hon Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States. My Dear Mr. President. I have just returned from the memorial service in memory of our beloved late President. I feel that I cannot let the day pass until I write extending you my heartfelt sympathy in this hour of your great responsibility anxiety and trial through which you are passing. But the people believe in your patriotism ability and integrity of purpose, and we all know that the administration of the affairs of our great nation are safe in your hands. You were elected by the popular vote of the people upon a platform the principles of which have been the polar star of your political career; and that you again make declaration of that creed brings you, if possible, nearer in touch with the people. I congratulate you in wisely retaining the present very able cabinet, as each member of it, like your good self has the respect and confidence of the people. It is I am [*15535*]GEO. C. PERKINS. 10 MARKET STREET. SAN FRANCISCO, sure needless for me to say that I believe you will have the co-operation and united support of both Houses of Congress in legislating for the benefit of our common country. May the Great Ruler of all guide and sustain you as the Chief Magistrate of our great nation prayeth your friend and admirer. Geo C. Perkins 15536 Senator Perkins Delivers an Address Over in Oakland. At the First Congregational Church tonight 2000 people listened to the words in memoriam which were uttered by three men who had personal acquaintance with President McKinley. The services were out of the ordinary, for the Rev. Charles R. Brown, pastor of the church, had invited the former pastor, the Rev. J. K. McLean; United States Senator George C. Perkins and Hon. Fredrick S. Stratton to take part. After the opening exercises and a prayer by Dr. Brown the congregation united with the choir in singing "Nearer, My God, to Thee." The pastor then introduced Mr. Stratton, who said: Gives Personal Recollections. No one who ever saw or heard President McKinley can ever forget his kindly face and his benignant smile. We labor under the grief of a personal loss-we who only a short time ago had the privilege of meeting him as a Magistrate and as a man. He had a sincere affection for his country. His speeches were wise, and no public man since the days of Blaine ever uttered so many ideas with such uniformity of character. President McKinley will survive himself. The forward march of the republic will not be stayed, The nation will wipe away its tears. The present and future are ours for all things. Senator Perkins was then presented to the congregation. He said: [*15537*] Compared With Lincoln. No President since the days of Lincoln is so enshrined in the hearts of the people. To-day throughout the land there is a feeling of grief over personal bereavement that a loved one has been taken when it seemed as if we could not spare him, as if his mission was half performed. But in the language of our Lincoln "this is a government of the people, for the people and by the people," and will endure for all time if we, as individuals, do our duty. President McKinley came from the people. He never forgot that he was of the people, and it was his conscientious desire to do his duty that he could thus win the approval of the people. Liberty gave an assassin the chance to strike his cowardly blow. But it was not the liberty that makes for right. This is not a time to talk of vengeance. "Vengeance is mine," saith the Lord. The great American people will plan some method and will devise some way by which anarchism will be driven out of this land. (Great applause.) I believe as earnestly as I believe anything that Theodore Roosevelt will keep the declaration he made that insofar as in his power lay, by the help of divine Providence, he will maintain and carry on the splendid policy which was inaugurated by President McKinley five years ago. With his upright character, sterling integrity and convictions of right and duty we can safely leave the reins of government to Theodore Roosevelt. [*15536*]GEO. C. PERKINS. 10 MARKET STREET. SAN FRANCISCO. sure needless for me to say that I believe you will have the co-operation and united support of both Houses of Congress in legislating for the benefit of our common country. May the Great Ruler of all guide and sustain you as the Chief Magistrate of our great nation, prayeth your friend and admirer. Geo. C. Perkins Senator Perkins Delivers an Address Over in Oakland. At the First Congregational Church tonight 2000 people listened to the words in memoriam which were uttered by three men who had personal acquaintance with President McKinley. The services were out of the ordinary, for the Rev. Charles R. Brown, pastor of the church, had invited the former pastor, the Rev. J. K. McLean; United States Senator George C. Perkins, and Hon. Fredrick S. Stratton to take part. After the opening exercises and a prayer by Dr. Brown the congregation united with the choir in singing "Nearer, My God, to Thee." The pastor then introduced Mr. Stratton, who said: Gives Personal Recollections. No one who ever saw or heard President McKinley can ever forget his kindly face and his benignant smile. We labor under the grief of a personal loss-we who only a short time ago had the privilege of meeting him as a Magistrate and as a man. He had a sincere affection for his country. His speeches were wise, and no public man since the days of Blaine ever uttered so many ideas with such uniformity of character. President McKinley will survive himself. The forward march of the republic will not be stayed. The nation will wipe away its tears. The present and future are ours for all things. Senator Perkins was then presented to the congregation. He said: [*15537*] Compared with Lincoln No President since the days of Lincoln is so enshrined in the hearts of the people. To-day throughout the land there is a feeling of grief over personal bereavement that a loved one has been taken when it seemed as if we could not spare him, as if his mission was half performed. But in the language of our Lincoln "this is a government of the people, for the people and by the people," and will endure for all time if we, as individuals, do our duty. President McKinley came from the people, He never forgot that he was of the people, and it was his conscientious desire to do his duty that he could thus win the approval of the people. Liberty gave an assassin the chance to strike his cowardly blow. But it was not the liberty that makes for right. This is not a time to talk of vengeance. "Vengeance is mine," saith the Lord. The great American people will plan some method and will devise some way by which anarchism will be driven out of this land. (Great applause.) I believe as earnestly as I believe anything that Theodore Roosevelt will keep the declaration he made that insofar as in his power lay, by the help of divine Providence, he will maintain and carry on the splendid policy which was inaugurated by President McKinley five years ago. With this upright character, sterling integrity and convictions of right and duty we can safely leave the reins of government to Theodore Roosevelt. [*15536*][[shorthand]] [*Ansd 9-23-1901*] [*over*] Sept 19 1901 My dear Theodore; I want to tell you how more than content, how glad I am for my country to have you at the helm. It is hard on you - personally to have it come like this and you will lose a certain pleasure which would have come with the office later in the normal way, [*15538*]but for the country it is all gain and a great good. I believe so deeply and entirely [p] in some things you stand for and which play little part in most of our politicians conceptions of duty to the State. that, apart from any thing you may do or any time you may have to meet, I am glad for the American people to have you in the Whitehouse. It will help us all to bring up our sons better. Yours and always Florence Bayard La Farge [*15539*][*PPF ackd 9-20-1901*] The Sun. EDITOR'S OFFICE. September 19, 1901. [[shorthand]] The. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. President:- Guided by your instructions I have submitted to Mr. Dana the purport of your talk with Mr. Hay concerning the new treaty; your ideas concerning the Danish islands, and other matters which you wished me to submit to him. I have the honor to say to you that according to your ideas I am at liberty to visit you in Washington at any time you may suggest and receive from your hands the new views of the British government concerning the amendments to the treaty as spoken of by Secretary Hay and yourself. As to New York state matters you will I know carry out your own conscientious ideas, and yet I am in honor bound to regard the wishes expressed by yourself in Buffalo the other day that I am to be in the future as in the past frank , candid and truthful with you. Your attached friend, Edward G. Riggs [*15540*][For 1 enc. see "To Follow In..." 9-17-01][[shorthand]] Canada Sept 19 [*Ackd 9-26-1901*] Dear Friend I have just this minute heard of the grief that has come to us all. God help us, and may He strengthen your hands and give you of His wisdom to guide. Our love and confidence you have in fullest measure as your backing. We can give no more. The poor, poor widow! I have had no leave to hear any of the particulars yet and have hardly the courage to read. Are we never to get beyond the reach of the assassin; lulled that may at any manner strike our civilization! Let us have calm and wise and [*15541*]I am fully ready to go home by the time this letter reaches you. Of the Alabama trip there is, of course, now an end, and it is as well. There will always be time for that. just legislature this winter upon the horror. Since they will not live within society, let the fiend be thrust beyond its pale and taken at their word: I would that all the civilized world would unite at the invitation of our country to take concerted action to do that. Our prayers are yours. God bless you and all that are under our roof. Will you give my loyal greetings to Mrs Roosevelt. I am glad you two are together in the days that are coming, for so they shall be easier far. Ever your friend Jacob A. Riis [[shorthand]] [*15542*]honest and upright manhood which he has spoken through the different papers for the people of the whole world to see. I have a personal letter which I wish to forward to his Hon. sir the President but would like to meet him as the papers states he will be in oysterbay in a short time Please advise what you think best for me and greatly oblige. will forward you a paper from Brooklyn with this mail and I sincerely hope that Brooklyn Sept 19 [*File Ackd 9-21-1901*] [* [1901] *] Dear Brother Loeb. Your letter of July 25 came at hand and in answer will say the reason my not answering is this I have been on the sick list since Aug 1. and confined to my bed with chills and feavor but am now able to get out and around the house but some what weak for this reason I was not able to make a statement to you in regards to seeing Mr Roosvelt but I received a note from him when [*15543*] 2 he left home to go to Colerado that on his return home to write to him and he would see me at oysterbay I will enclose that note from him and wish you would return it to me my reasons for not sending him word was on account of sickness of his children thought best to let the matter drop untill some other time when it would be more suitable and the Hon- Sir was out of his trouble and leaving the cloud to pass over for a brighter one for 3 him and his family thin befell a much darker one by the hand of an assasan to strike down our beloved President and cast the nation in heart broken grief, therefore calling upon the Hon. Thedore Roosvelt to take the reigns of our beloved nation to preform the duties of his predessesor in a way befiting his just and honerable prinicipals for all times to come and at the same time getting the good will of the people for his [15544][9-19-01] You will assend to the topmost round of the ladder of fame is the sincere wish of a true brother Hoping to here from you at your earlyess convience and advise as regards where to send the Presidents letter to oysterbay or Washington. Moses Rodgers. 2166 Fulton St. Bklyn N.Y. 15545[[shorthand]] [*PPF ackd 9-21-1901*] September 19th 1901 CALUMET CLUB 267 FIFTH AVENUE My Dear Theodore; I cannot help telling you how my cousinly affection has grown into almost too intense admiration for you. You have said and done the right things at the right times & I know that you are the right man in the right place. — Please bear in mind that if at anytime I can be of help to you that you may rely on my brains, tact & general knowledge of the ways of men coupled with all the energy I possess. [*15546*]I offer this feely & unreservedly hoping that you will take me at my word in case you should ever want some one in whom you can place your absolute confidence. Your cousin, Cornelius Rooseveltshorthand ackd 9/25/1901 New York 110 E. 4th Street. Sept. 19th 01. To the Hon. Theodore Roosevelt President of the U.S. Washington D.C. Dear Sir, I take the liberty to adress these lines to you because I would be infinitly thankful to you for informing me, if anybody has already secured the right for translation into German of your books, especially of the "ranch life and hunting trail?" I would like to give German readers the opportunity of becoming acquainted with your interesting works and to make a german Translation 15546to be published in Berlin or Leipzig. I had the pleasure of meeting you some years ago in the Social Reform Club, when I admired your speech and reply in discussion very much. I have kept the readers of the "Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung ", to which I send fourtnightly "New - York letters; posted on your great deeds in war and peace. I should like it immensely well, to be able, also to offer to the German public your original books on Western life. Enclosing my card, I remain Mr President Yours most respectfully Mrs Clara Ruge 15549congratulate you in person. With kindest remembrances from both Mrs Schuyler and myself, I remain, Yours sincerely, Philip Schuyler [*ppt*] [* STATION, EDZELL 8 MILES TELEGRAMS, TARPSIDE 4 MILES Ackd 9-30-1901 *] Sept. 19, 1901. MILLDEN LODGE. EDZELL, FORFARSHIRE. [* shorthand *] My dear Roosevelt, It is a long distance from a grouse moor in Scotland to the White House, but the birds must wait, while I send you a line, telling you how very glad I am that you are where you are -- [*15550*]The anxious days we passed in this out of the way Glen, while so much was hanging on the hours as they passed, are not to be forgotten. and the universal expressions of sympathy and grief expressed in the little towns of this north eastern Scotland were as sincere as they were unexpected. We were all delighted at the policy you indicated, and which we knew you would follow, even if you had not given utterance to it, and I trust that your Presidential Term will be as illustrious a one as that of your lamented predecessor. I sail for New York on the 25th inst., and hope shortly after my arrival to run on to Washington for a day to see you, and [*15551 *]heart is more full of sorrow than is yours today and under the circumstances, congratulations are ill-timed and inappropriate. I am confident of your great success and look forward to an administration which will be distinguished above all others. You have begun admirably. Your few remarks on taking the sash were inspiring in their simplicity. [* shorthand *] [* PPF *] [* ackd 9-21-1901 *] Sept 19, 1901 THE UNION LEAGUE CLUB NEW YORK My dear Theodore, My thoughts have been with you the past week, and though in the presence of an awful national calamity, I cannot help rejoicing that the country is so blessed in this great extremity, in having you to look to as its President. I believe no man's [* 15552 *] their honesty an in their sagacity. The retention of President McKinley's cabinet is an act of political foresight so far reaching in its ultimate effect, to say nothing of its immediate influence, as to claim it the act of a statesman and a political genius. I have heard nothing but promises for you among business and club men. Confidence in your coming administration is universal. I thank God, my dear Theodore, that you are at the head of the Government. May He protect and guide you is the earnest prayer of Your most sincerely, Henry L. Sheafer [* 15553 *] John M. Walden Acud Bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church. 9/26/1901 Resident in Cincinnati. PPF. Pa Bishop's Rooms, [shorthand] Western Methodist Book Concern, 220 West Fourth Street, Cincinnati, Ohio, Sep 19 1901 President Roosevelt Honored Sir: I having taken part in the sad but loving service held everywhere to-day in memory of President McKinley, now, as one he was pleased to name an "old and prized friend," assure you that I cordially share in the feeling of confidence in you as his successor so generally and obviously manifest. It is and shall be my prayer that the God of our Fathers, in whom President McKinley implicitly trusted and whom he loved, may guide you in your high duties and sustain you amid your great responsibilities. Respectfully and Sincerely Yours John M. Walden am convinced that what we discussed is the safe and wise policy to pursue in the South. Yours very truly, Booker T. Washington. [[shorthand]] BOOKER T. WASHINGTON TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. Sept. 19, 1901 President Theodore Roosevelt, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. My dear President Roosevelt:- Your kind letter of September 14th has been received, and of course we were all prepared to hear your decision to the effect that you could not come South at present, through we earnestly hope that the time is not far off when you can come. In regard to your wish to see me, I would say that I am to deliver an address before the Brooklyn Institute of Arts and Sciences on the 26th of September and shall be returning through Washington about the 27th or 28th and will arrange my affairs so that I can see you in Washington on one of those dates. I shall hope to telegraph you ahead the time of my arrival. You will excuse me when I say that I think you will follow the safe course so far as the South is concerned by going very slow at present. The more I have thought of our last conversation the more I [*15555*]Sept 20/01 [shorthand] [*Ansd 9-25-1901*] Union Club, Fifth Avenue & 21st Street. My dear Colonel Permit me to congratulate the country & our state at your becoming the successor of Mr. McKinley - in 1904, all [*15558*] [* [a9-1901] *] MRS. CLARA RUGE NORDDEUTSCHE ALLGEMEINE ZEITUNG 110 EAST 47TH STREET BERLIN NEW YORK [*15557*]you will, in Washington, allow me to voice slightly on one of your sayings on June 5th Van Cortlandt Park — With great loyalty sincerity & friendship to you Most respectfully & sincerely yrs McCoskry Butt those who know you will then be ready to congratulate you I am sure the success of your administration will compel it. Though our meeting will not be at Oyster Bay this fall, yet I presume [*15559*] [[shorthand]] [*ansd 9-25-1901*] Sept 20/01 Union Club, Fifth Avenue & 21st Street. My dear Colonel Permit me to congratulate the country & our state at your becoming the successor of Mr. McKinley In 1904, all [*[a9-1901]*] MRS. CLARA RUGE NORDDEUTSCHE ALLGEMEINE ZEITUNG BERLIN 110 EAST 47TH STREET NEW YORK [*15557*]those who know you will then be ready to congratulate you & are sure the success of your administration will compell it. Though our meeting will not be at Oyster Bay this fall, yet I presume [* 15559 *] you will, in Washington, allow me to reminisce slightly on one of your sayings on June 15th at VanCortland Park. with great loyalty sincerity & friendship for you Most respectfully & sincerely yours McCoskry Butt.stop over in Washington, where I will take pleasure in paying my respects to our President Yours Truly J. D. Cameron [*[CAMERON?]*] [[shorthand]] [*PPF ackd*] 10-1-1901*] Sep 20/01 DONEGAL MARIETTA, PENN. Dear Mr President On our return from New England I found your kind note of the 26th inst. Mrs Cameron returns to [*15560*]Europe on the 16th of next month but before sailing expects to be in Washington for a day when she will call to see you and Mrs Roosevelt. I expect to go south for the winter, early in December, and will [*15561*][shorthand] [*For 1. enclosure see 3-1901*] [*[9-20-01] ppf ackd 9-21-1901*] My dear Mr. Roosevelt. Father received a letter from Uncle Charley saying you wanted a house, and as Father was just leaving for Canada to get once our house, he asked me to send [*15563*]you this catalogue and to especially much protection. Father will write you on his return. Most sincerely yours Lallie Cary Batan a. U. Y. Sept 20th 01. [*15563*]TELEGRAM [**[?] 9-14-1901**] EXECUTIVE MANSION, [**[?]**] Washington, 8 p.m. 24 WU HD JM 16 Paid New York, Sep. 20, 1901. President Roosevelt, Washington,D.C. Mantle of beloved dead has fallen on shoulders that will wear it well. Vivat crescat floreat. A. P. Doyle, Paulist. [**415 W59**] 15564[**9-20-01**] EXPOSITION TO THE Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States of America, Relating to Reductions in the American Tariffs, On duties of the principal Cuban products, Formulated by the General Centre of Merchants and Manufacturers of the Island of Cuba. 15565To the Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States of America Washington. Honorable Sir: Each day that elapses of the life of the people of Cuba, marks a new feature in the decadency of her economical situation. At the termination of the war, the metallic reserves were invested in the reconstruction and the development of Agriculture, which is the basis of the prosperity of this country, the sugar and tobacco crops, that were obtained at the cost of great sacrifices, were either sold at the lowest prices, which failed to cover the expenses of production, or still remain stored in the Island, as it happened with tobacco grown last year, valueless and without demand, which not only defrauded the expectations founded them, but also deprived the Trade of its resources, owing to the impossibility for growers to re-imburse the sums that had been advanced them on aforesaid crops; hence, the difficulties of all sorts, producers are laboring under and which have already acquired such alarming proportions, that they curtail business and have promoted the exportation of the circulating specie, on which account, fears regarding a monetary crisis, commence to be entertained and overwhelm the strongest minds. The present situation of the Island is plainly evinced by the Commercial Balance, the 15565comparison of whose figures shows a difference of over $40.000,000 against the exportation, for the period comprised between 1st of January 1899 and to-day, which demonstrates in the most evident manner, the reality of the dreadful situation the inhabitants of Cuba are placed in. The Cuban sugar and tobacco production, jointly with all the industries derived therefrom, or that are in connection with them, will decrease until they totally disappear, if the Government of the United States, that assumed, at a supreme moment, the duty of pacifying the Island and of re-establishing her former prosperity, do not come quickly forward to remedy the evils depicted in foregoing broad lines, and do not open the market of the great Republic to the products of this county, granting them, to the proportional extent that corresponds to their respective condition, on being imported into the Union, the total suppression of, or an adequate reduction on the duties they are liable to, at present. The effects of such concessions would be to virtually put an end to the evils that afflict this Island, to considerably increase the trade between the United States and Cuba and to promote a larger exploration to this Island of American manufactures and produces in general, (an increase that has already been reached, owing to the modifications introduced by the Government of Intervention in the Cuban Tariff and which constitute a fair compensation) and if few more amendments, which would leave the Cuban products unaffected, were made in aforesaid Tariff, their efficiency would be evinced by a further increase in the United States exports and a larger traffic between both countries. Such a system of commercial relations between the United States and Cuba, would be of a mere character of RELIEF, temporally granted by the Congress of the intervening Nation, to prevent the total ruin of this Island from being consumated and would afford an unequivocal proof of the beneficial designs the United States Government entertain regarding Cuba, in the meanwhile her own government is established and whom will correspond the task of negotiating with the United States, the definitive Mercantile Relations that are to rule in future between both countries. THE GENERAL CENTRE OF MERCHANTS AND MANUFACTURERS OF THE ISLAND OF CUBA, that justifiably represent both elements that Corporation draws its name from, and daily hear the complaints of those who unsuccessfully contend against unsurmountable obstacles, which have already done away with all their energies, making ourselves the echo of the voice of all those who work and produce, we respectfully apply to you, and submit to your consideration the petitions hereafter formulated and, separately, the reasons upon which they are founded. 1st. - That Molasses and raw Sugars, up to No. 16 of the Dutch Standard, manufactured in Cuba, be admitted in the United States, free of all duties. 2d. - That Tobacco leaf, grown in Cuba, and classified under Paragraph No. 213 of the United States Customs Tariffs, on being imported into the United States, if Wrappers, 2 15567be liable to a duty of $1.00 per pound, and not specified and unstemmed Fillers, to one of 20 cents, per pound. 3d. — That on Cigars, Cigarettes and Cheroots of all sorts, manufactured in Cuba and mentioned in Paragraph No. 217 of the United States Customs Tariffs, a duty of $2.50 per pound, be levied and the Surtax of 25% ad valorem, altogether suppressed. 4th. — That a rebate of 40% shall be made on the duties Alcohol, Brandies, and Rums, immediate produces of the sugar cane and Sweetmeats, manufactured in Cuba, with Cuban fruits, are liable to at present, according to respective Paragraphs of the United States Customs Tariffs. 5th. — That no internal tax or impost, which might annul foregoing solicited concessions, shall be established in the United States. Sir: The situation the Island of Cuba is placed in, on account of the causes the GENERAL CENTRE OF MERCHANTS AND MANUFACTURERS have superficially exposed you, is such, that the remedies the producing classes unanimously request and the country at large, anxiously and ardently solicit of you, admit no delay; were their application to be postponed till the definitive organization of the Independent State, however rapidly the preliminary preparations might be carried to effect, it is impossible to reckon the detriments such delay would cause and the numberless difficulties created by the acute economical crisis now prevailing in the Island, that would, ipso factor, incumber the path of the new Government. I therefore, respecfully entreat you, either in virtue of the constitutional authority vested in you, or requesting Congress, in your first Message, to grant you the necessary authorization, to immediately establish ample Commercial Franchises, adjusted to foregoing petitions, between the United States,-the almost exclusive market for our products,—and Cuba, as a measure of urgent necessity and indispensable for the salvation of the Island. I am, Mr. President, with assurance of utmost regard and consideration, Your most respectful servant, Francisco Gamba President Havana, September the 20th 1901. [*15568*][Ans'd 9-20-1901**] [[shorthand]] EMITTE SPIRITUM TUUM Sept. 20, 1901 Mr. President. I beg leave to inclose the following message from his Eminence Cardinal Moran expressing the feelings of deep regret and sympathy of the Catholics of Australia for the horrible crime committed against our late lamented President. I avail myself of this occasion to express the earnest hope that your administration will be creditable to [*15569*]yourself, and will redound to the material prosperity of our beloved country. Faithfully your servant James Card. Gibbons. "To Cardinal Gibbons Baltimore. The Catholics of Australia express their horror at the diabolical crime and convey to the Government of the United States their heartfelt sympathy. Cardinal Moran" [*15570*]CASH CAPITAL $1,500,000. A. W. DAMON, President. CHAS E. GALACAR, Vice Pres. S. J. HALL, Secretary W. J. MACKAY, Asst Secy. F. H. WILLIAMS, Treasurer. Incorporated 1849 Springfield Insurance Company FIRE & MARINE SPRINGFIELD, MASS. M. F. GOVAN & CO., REAL ESTATE AND INSURANCE ROME, GA. [*Ansd 9-24-1901*] [[shorthand]] Agency at Rome Ga SEP 20 1901 His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt, President My dear Sir, Permit me to suggest the propriety of you visiting your mother's old home at Roswell You are the only president we have had for a long time with any Southern blood in him, and we want to know you. Come down and get acquainted with your own people. We will extend you a hearty welcome There are no anarchist here, this is their Ireland, they cant live here; the climate don't suit them. Very respectfully yours, M F. Govan [* 15571 *][*Ansd 9-24-1901*] TELEGRAM Executive Mansion, Washington. 19 WU MA JM 29 D.H. San Francisco, Calif., Sep. 20, 1901. President Roosevelt, Executive Mansion: With your friends, I feel that you will meet the expectations of the American people. God speed you in your new responsibilities. Will write you in a few days. M. A. Gunst 15572[[shorthand]] [*ppF ackd 9-21-1907*] President's Office, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. Sept. 20, 1901 My dear Mr. President I cannot help writing you a line to tell you of the Glorious confidence in your future, which is enough to brighten even the valley of the shadow of death. If I can ever be of the slightest help to you, call on me without hesitation; and in any event, count upon me as a firm friend who believes in you from [*15573*] [*PPF ackd 9-21-1907*] TELEGRAM. Executive Mansion, Washington. 5PO DA JM 58 D.H. 6p.m. New York Sep. 20,1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, The President: Replying your telegram, am here directors meeting ASSOCIATED PRESS and have other matters, probably keeping me here until Friday next week. Will be glad stop by there on way home, or if you prefer can run down to Washington for day in meantime. Am at hotel Earlington 27th street near Broadway, where will await your reply. Clark Howell. [[shorthand]] [*15575*] *illegible short hand____________________________________________________________ start to finish. I trust that your new burdens will not prevent us from seeing you at our Bicentennial - Of course we have neither the right nor the wish to stand in the way of public necessity; and we cannot help regarding our anniversary as of sufficient national import to be itself in some sort a public claim. Faithfully Yours Nathan Twining Hadley [*15574*][*shorthand notations*] My dear Mr. President. I cannot help writing you a line to tell you of the glorious confidence in your future, which is enough to brighten even the valley of the shadows of death. If I can ever be of the slightest help to you, call on me without hesitating and in any event, count upon me as a firm friend who believes in you from TELEGRAM Executive Mansion Washington. 5 PO DA JM 58 D.H. 6 p.m. New York Sep.20,1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, The President: Replying to your telegram, am here directors meeting ASSOCIATED PRESS and have other matters, probably keeping me here until Friday next week. Will be glad stop by there on way home, or if prefer can run down to Washington for day in meantime. Am at hotel Earlington 27th street near Broadway, where will await your reply. Clark Howell [15575] [*shorthand notations*]worth having. With sincere regard Yours Faithfully H. H. Kohlsaat To President Roosevelt [*ackd ppF*] THE CHICAGO RECORD-HERALD EDITOR'S ROOM Sept 20, 1901 Dear Mr. President There is one universal opinion as near as I can judge - — i. e . . "President Roosevelt has at one stroke won the confidence of the whole people" There is not one discordant note in all our exchanges. Republicanto resign in 1902 & Mr Herrick would fill out the two years, he could have gone for the four year term, but did not want to leave the country, as you know he is Natl Committeeman from Ohio, if you desire to carry out the promise. I would suggest you write Mr Herrick very soon as I am sure he would greatly appreciate the attention, you know him well, he is a or Democrat Chicago business men feel bouyant & have faith in your good judgement an show by your utterance of Saturday & the selec- tion of the Cabinet. There is one appointment which Prest. McKinley made & pressed on the recipient & that was Myron T Herrick as Ambassador to Italy, the understanding was that Mr Meyer wasshorthand Boston Sept 20. 1901. PPF ackd 9-21-1901 Dear Theodore; Although you are receiving thousands of letters, I cannot help writing to wish you God-speed in shaping the new relations of this country in lives that is may well retain indefinitely. Your sincerely - A. Lawrence Lowell - 15578[*PPF ackd 9-20-1901*] Sept. 20. 1901. DELOS McCURDY My dear Mr. President of the United States You were told that if, at any time, "during the four pregnant years to come", you thought that I could aid you, all you had to do was say so and the best of my ability would be employed in your service. So admirable is all you have done since the tragedy that the repetition of the offer amounts to little more than an unneccessary expression of my confidence in you. With great respect for, and perfect trust in you, I remain, always. Faithfully yours Delos McCurdy Hon Theodore Roosevelt President &c [[shorthand]] [*15579*][*PPF ackd 9-26-1901*] State of New York Office of the Secretary of State, Albany, Sept. 20, 1901. [*Capt Loeffer Has it come?*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Oyster Bay, N.Y. Dear Sir:- I send you by express to-day, a box containing one set of the Revised Debates of the Constitutional Convention. Very truly yours, John T. McDonough Secretary of State. [*look at Box in State Dining room.*] [*15580*][*Ansd 9-24-1901*] First M. E. Church, C. E. Manchester, Pastor. Canton, Ohio, Sept. 20, 1901. 190 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, My dear President: I greatly desired to call upon you and pay my respects while you were in Canton, but was under great pressure on account of sad duties in connection with the death and funeral services of our beloved President McKinley. It was also my understanding that you desired to be in seclusion while here. After the funeral, with several of the officiating clergymen I made an attempt to call upon you, but failed to find you at the residence of Mrs. Harter. My dear Mr. President, may I take this opportunity of expressing to you my high appreciation of you, and to assure you of my sympathies and prayers, as you enter upon the great duties of your high office? I beg to remain Your obedient servant, C. E. Manchester 232 15581[shorthand] Oleau N.Y. Sept 20 1901 PPF ackd 9-21-1901 State of New York. Senate Chamber. Albany. My dear Roosevelt: Custom seems to make it necessary that I should burden you with a letter for the purpose of saying that which you know better than any words of mine can express that my heart is with you in these trying hours. May God confound your enemies andspare your life for your country's sake. Please remember me to Mrs. Roosevelt and believe me always Yours Sincerely Frank W. Higgins To President Roosevelt [*15583*][*ackd 9-23-1901*] [[shorthand]] TELEGRAM Executive Mansion Washington 18 WU MA JM 103 Paid 2 ex 640pm Cambridge, Mass., Sep. 20, 1901. President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington: Mr. President: After our grief and mourning, new life and hope begin to-day. Allow one of your most sincere admirers to welcome this new time with the warmest wish that your Government may be a continuous satisfaction to yourself and a blessing to your country. May I as a German add, with every good German-American, the hope that under your leadership the peaceful relations between Germany and the United States may grow strong. Pray consider my services new and always at your disposal toward dispelling possible apprehension on the continent and toward creating mutual understanding between the two countries. Respectfully yours, Hugo Munsterberg, Harvard University. [*15584*][*Ansd 9-23-1901*] Boston, Mass., 23 Court St., 20 September, 1901. My dear Roosevelt, I am writing you, not as you are President but a friend whom I value and in whose fortunes I am much interested. I should have written earlier except that I wished the lapse of a little time to somewhat mitigate the pain and the shock of the "deep damnation of the taking off" of your official predecessor. I congratulate you upon the radical change of life -- upon your escape from a purely decorative office to one in which every faculty will have room for the fullest exercise. You come to the presidency under more favorable auspices than any one before you; in the very hey-day of manhood; with health and strength such as few can boast; with talents of a higher order disciplined and developed by all the educational opportunities which modern life affords; with a prestige and a hold upon the admiration and affection of the people at large without regard to party lines such as no other man in public life to-day enjoys. The titular head of the American people, you may easily be their real head as well -- their real leader at a time of all others when wise leadership is most needed. New domestic problems of great pith and moment are crying loudly for solution, while the international relations- 2 - and responsibilities of the United States have assumed a complexity and a consequence never before attached to them. That your aims are of the highest and that you will devote yourself to your new functions in a spirit of patriotic consecration, I need no assurance. The highest measure of success, therefore, should attend and reward your efforts, and that the event may amply justify the fortunate beginnings is the cordial wish of Yours sincerely, Richard Olney The President, White House, Washington, D.C. [*15586*][*[FOR ATTACHMENT SEE 9-20-01]*] to express to you the universal feeling of happiness that in our bereavement the helm is in the hands of one with whom the Country will be so safe. These who have known you are happy in the assurance that the great office to which you have been called - the most exalted to which any human being can be elevated, - as honored as it was by your predecessor will be no less honored by you. Your brief utterances have made a profound impression. You have the whole nation behind you. The Country is at this [[shorthand]] [*Ansd. 9-24-1901*] POST ADDRESS, YORK - MAINE Sept. 20th,1901. "ROCK LEDGE" YORK HARBOR, MAINE. Colonel Theodore Roosevelt: President of The United States: Executive Mansion Washington: My dear Colonel Roosevelt: For this once I want to write the old name. - This is not a time in which to use the term Congratulations. But I hope you will allow one who ever since he first met you has always felt himself your friend and has been honored by your friendship, [*15587*]time as united in it's faith in you as in its grief for President McKinley. We who have known you, rest in the knowledge that this faith will never be shakken. Knowing as I do the feeling of the South as well as of you North towards you, I believe that with your broad sympathies and other qualities which we love to think are representative of both sections you have the greatest opportunity that any President has ever _________________________________________________________________ had. Among them is that of doing away with the last lingering trace of sectionalism. You stand for all America and America - one America stands behind you. And now, Mr. President, as I have been of old your friend I am that still and always shall be. Respectfully yours Thos. Nelson Page. [*15588*]the assurances of confidence which come to you from all portions of the world. To me it is almost bewildering to think of you at the White House, with what conflicting emotions must you find yourself installed there. I thank God that in this great crisis our country can depend upon one of whom we are perfectly sure. GROTON SCHOOL GROTON, MASS. [*Ansd 9-21-1901*] [[shorthand]] Sep. 20.1901. My dear Theodore, I want you to know that your friends in Groton have been following you in these strange sad experiences of the last week with deep sympathy & affection. At such a time it must be a tremendous inspiration to receive [*15589*] And through these coming years you will become stronger with the strength which He will give you. It is a [?] to think that in our public service, I shall pray for you as for many years I have prayed for you in private. Life must seem a solemn & sacred thing to you in these days. God grant that you may long be spared & that you may come to a successful issue the fine work to which you have so long devoted yourself. Do not think of acknowledging this letter. I simply write in order to tell you that my heart goes with you into this new life. Fanny joins me in love for [??] given I am affectionately yours, Endicott Peabody. [Peabody] [*15590*][shorthand] [*Ansd 9-24-1901*] TELEGRAM. Executive Mansion, Washington. 1 PO HS JM 60 Paid 7 ex Night 915am Sept.21,1901. Atlanta, Ga., Sep.20,1901. His Excellency, The President: Permit us to say God speed to the descendant of Archibald Bullock and Daniel Stewart, through whose great deeds you became an honorary member of this chapter. May your every act be guided by wisdom, justice, and moderation, assured as you are that thousands of devoted Georgians are praying daily for your welfare. Mrs William Lawson Peele, Regent; Joseph Habersham, Chapter D.A.R. [*15591*][*File ppp pr.*] 49 Broadway New York September 20, 1901. Mr. John S. Wise 20 Broad Street New York City. My dear Mr. Wise: Your letter of the 18th is before me. The President proposes to carry out the plans and policies of his predecessor, one of which contemplates the renomination of General Burnett as United States Attorney for the Southern District, and I have consented, after Mr. Roosevelt had explained to me his intention, to favor his reappointment. You know, of course, that my feeling towards you is most friendly and I should be glad to see any of your ambitions realized, but this is a case where I am not free to give you my support. Yours truly yours, T. C. Platt HA [*15592*][[shorthand]] [*ppf ackd 9-21-1901*] Sept. 20, 1901. Dear Mr. President, My prayers and sympathies have been with you most heartily during these say my feelings, but they are very strong in hope for you & faith in you. Yours, truly, Lemuel Ely Quigg. [*15593*]National Asphalt Company Office of Avery D. Andrews, Vice President and Gen'l Counsel. No. 11 Broadway, New York, N.Y. September 20, 1901 Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr President: While I am deeply grieved and sincerely regret the untimely ending of our beloved President, I am more than pleased that you should be the one to succeed him, and it is with the greatest confidence and satisfaction that I look forward to a continuation of the era of prosperity and peace which prevailed before and since the Spanish-American War during his administration. I trust sincerely that you will not thnk my sorrow is any the less deeply felt, or that my sense of propriety is dimmed by the avariciousness which characterizes the usual office seeker, when I write this letter to you as an application for a position under your administration. I am, as you are aware, extremely desirous of a life in the Army, and it is with this end in view that I write to ask your kindly influence to secure for me an appointment in the Army as Captain and Quartermaster. You knew me, Colonel, as Private Secretary to General Andrews in the Police Department, and you knew me later in Cuba as an officer of the 71st Regiment, and you can therefore judge whether I am capable of filling such position as I desire. While I did not achieve anything brilliant in Cuba, you will recall that I at least did not flinch from my duty. You suggested, sometime ago, that I secure the endorsement of my 15595 -2- superior officers. My superior officers were Colonel Downs, Lieutenant- Colonel Smith and Major Whittle. I therefore doubt very much whether their endorsement of me would be of any value. I am not acquainted with any Congressman or with any Senator, and hence I cannot obtain any endorsement in that direction. I could, however, I believe, secure the endorsement of General Greene, but he is at present absent in Europe, and will not return until late in October, and as time is of the essence of importance, for the vacancies in the Quartermaster's Department will not long remain unoccupied, I have taken the liberty of sending this letter to you, hoping that you will grant my request when time will permit. I enclose herewith a copy of a letter written by General Andrews to you relative to the position of Military Secretary at the time you were Governor of New York. Again apologizing for intruding upon you at this time, and assuring you that I would not do so were it not that time is of the essence of importance in making such an application for appointment as Captain and Quartermaster, I am, with very great respect, Your obedient servant, A.L. Robertson 15596[For enc. see 11-29-98]Office of the Principal, Central High School St. Paul, Minn. Sept. 20, 1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. Sir: You may possibly, though not probably, recall that in the course of our conversation at the Commercial Club here you expressed the desire to see an article of mine on "The West Indian and Pacific Islands in Relation to the Isthmian Canal." (Independent, Mch.1, 1900.) This was accordingly sent. Since then I have written another article going over the same ground in part, but dealing more especially with the proposed neutralization of the canal. I now take the liberty of enclosing a copy of this, together with a letter from Dr. Albert Shaw, editor of the Review of Review relative to it. I hope that you will read this letter whether you find time to read my article or not. The view which is there expressed about the State Department in relation to this canal question is all but universally held by men of all shades of political opinion, excepting only men of the Charles Elliot Norton stripe. Since your announcement that the Cabinet would hold over this is the one regret which I have heard on all hands among your friends in the Commercial and Rough Rider clubs of this city. No one believes that without a change in the State Department the Canal question can be brought to a solution that will satisfy the people and meet the expectations of your friends. This and the Porto Rican tariff were the two weak spots of the last administration. I should be obliged for the return of Dr. Shaw's letter. I take pleasure in subscribing myself "one of the original Roosevelt men." Very respectfully, Edward Van Dyke Robinson (Ph.D., Leipzig). 15597[For enc. see 9-20-01][*From Edward Van Dyke Robinson, Ph.D., [9-20-01] St. Paul, Minn.*] THE CONTROL OF THE NICARAGUA CANAL. It has been assumed, in all the discussion of the last few months, that there are but two possible alternatives respecting the Nicaragua Canal: either fortification, or neutralization. If this be the case, then it is very questionable policy for the United States to become involved in the matter. The plan of a "fortified canal" sounds very patriotic, and is undoubtedly the most popular, especially among such as have become intoxicated by the smell of gunpowder. But a very slight knowledge of the canal route, and of international law, suffices to show that to erect fortifications is simply to play into the hands of any power with whom we might chance to be at war. For, in the first place, effective fortification is impossible. Not to speak of the ease with which the locks could be destroyed by secret agents of a hostile power, we are confronted by the ugly fact that the great dam on the Pacific side, standing less than three miles from the open sea, and offering a target which even a Spanish gunner could not miss, would be wrecked by a single shell. Against this contingency, what would it avail even if every mile of the canal were lined with forts and bristling with cannon? Moreover, unfortified places are by the laws of modern warfare exempt from bombardment. To fortify the canal is to forfeit this immunity. It at once invites and justifies attack: whereasto leave the canal unfortified is to place technically in the wrong all who assail it. As for the idea that a hostile fleet might pass the canal if unfortified, that is too preposterous for argument. No commander who valued his life or fleet would thrust them in[so] a canal operated by an enemy. Dynamite is too cheap, and the Maine is too eloquent an object lesson. To neutralize the canal, on the other hand, is to throw about it all the sanctity of international law. For this reason, it has been advocated, not alone by peace propagandists and idealists generally, but also by some of a more practical character, who considered it the best measure of protecting the canal. In support of their views, these men have pointed out that England, recognizing the futility of fortifications, secured the neutralization of the Suez canal as a measure of protection. So long as the only alternative to fortification is neutralization, this argument is unanswerable. But let us not deceive ourselves with words, International law is not self executing, and international guarantees are valuable only in proportion to the force which stands ready to compel their observance. Does any one imagine that the neutrality of the Suez canal would be respected in case of war between England and any of the great powers? If so, he imagines what no one in England expects. The elaborate preparations for utilizing the Cape route in case of such a war indicate that the British government cherishes no illusions as to the value of paper promises. The value of neutralization as a protection to the Nicaragua canal, with [*15598*]2 its numerous dams and locks, is still more doubtful. Even though it should prevent open attacks, it would avail nothing against the midnight dynamiter. In spite of a guarantee of neutrality by every nation on earth, nothing but a large force of reliable troops, patrolling every foot of the canal, could insure its safety in any war involving the United States. For it would be our most vulnerable point, and the one certain to be first attacked. Neutralization would thus fail to accomplish its avowed object, the protection of the canal. Moreover, it could scarcely fail to prove a positive menace, both to our own interests and the peace of the world. For all the nations joining in the guarantee would have an equal right to land tropps for the protection of the canal: including, of course, the nation with whom we chanced to be at war. Could any situation more absurd or intolerable be imagined! So far from dedicating the canal forever to the uses of peace, as claimed by its advocates, neutralization would be the surest way to make it the scene of active hostilities, in the event of war, and the source of interminable international broils, in time of peace. Was our experience in the Tridominium at Samoa so peaceful and fortunate that we are anxious to get up a government, not of three nations, but of all nations, on the American isthmus? The advocates of neutralization will doubtless seek to break the force of this reasoning by denying any purpose to set up [any] a government on the isthmus. Neither was there any such purpose, originally, respecting either Samoa or Egypt. But did this prevent the unintended from happening? In point of fact, what men intend may be of interest to the student of ethics, but it has no bearing on the consequences of their acts. From certain conditions certain results inevitably follow, rebus ipsis dictantibus. When disorders broke out in Egypt which threatened the destruction of the canal, it became imperative for some one to intervene. The refusal of France to participate left this duty to England. She undertook it with extreme reluctance, cherishing the hope of an early withdrawal. This hope was vain. The time has never come, nor will it ever come, short of the millenium, when Egypt, left to her own resources, could maintain an honest an orderly government. Therefore if England withdraws, some other nation must and will take her place, to safeguard the world's commerce. It is needless to point out how completely these conditions are reproduced in Nicaragua. Does anyone suppose that an interoceanic canal, and the commerce of the world, could or would long remain at the mercy of the military mobs and dictators who constantly contend there for the privilege of plundering the people? It is a settled fact, as certain as anything in the range of human affairs, that the construction of the canal means the speedy establishment of a foreign government over the surrounding territory. In all probability, this result will follow long before the canal is finished. The only question open to discussion is, who shall conduct this government? If the canal be neutralized, all parties to the compact will have an equal right 155993 to representation in the government; and we shall have a monstrosity beside which the three-fold government of Samoa was peaceful and pleasing to look upon -- a monstrosity filled, like the Grecian horse, with armed men bearing death and destruction to those who thought it a token of peace. If three nations were kept in constant turmoil for 20 years, and more than once brought to the verge of war, over these distant islands in the southern seas, what would happen if the rival interests of all nations were let loose to plot and counterplot at a point of such vital importances, as the Nicaragua canal? Ex pede Herculem. The solution of the problem is therefore neither fortification nor neutralization; since neither affords adequate protection, and both involve the certainty of dangerous foreign complications. It can be solved only on three conditions: (a), that a foreign control be established over the canal region, (b), that this be exercised by one nation for the benefit of all, and (c), that it have adequate military and naval bases in the vicinity. These conditions are, it will be noted, all present in the case of the Suez canal. If the United States is not ready to assume, in respect of the Nicaragua canal, this responsibility, which follows by the sheer force of circumstances from the construction of the canal, then it is nothing short of suicidal folly for the United States either to build the canal or suffer it to be built. If this responsibility is to be assume, the first care must be to secure prior possession of the strategic points commanding all the approaches, before work is begun on the canal. Gibralter, Malta and Aden must be duplicated in American waters. Naval warfare is now "an affair of coal and cables", and fortified naval and coaling stations within easy reach of the entrances are indispensable, if our possession of the canal is not to depend upon the forbearance of other nations. And unless they are secured before the canal is undertaken, we shall find they are not to be had except at the cost of war. This necessity is accentuated by the fact that France at Martinique and Guadaloupe, and England at Bermuda, Nassau, Jamaica and Santa Lucia already hold strategic positions of the forst rank, with reference both to our own coasts and the future canal. If any other strongholds on these waters be permitted to pass into the hands of powerful rival nations, it will not be safe to build the canal; and we shall have either to double our fleet or resign all claim to the influence which we have wielded in this hemisphere for nearly a century. In any event, such an acquisition by an Europen nation would mark the definite abandonment on our part of the Monroe Doctrine. Among the positions suitable for naval and coaling stations, which are still open to acquisition, one of the most important is St. Thomas. A treaty of purchase was negotiated by Seward, approved by the inhabitants, ratified by Denmark, but defeated in the Senate. Through these events, the value of this splendid land 156004 locked harbor, commanding the Anagada passage, has become so well known that its sale to another nation would certainly arouse a popular tempest in this country. But there is danger in delay. If it be true, as reported, that the negotiations with Denmark are not progressing because $3400000 is the largest sum offered, then the government is guilty of an incredibly penny wise and pound foolish policy. It is an open secret, despite all denials of the official press, that certain Europen nations have sought and are still seeking these islands; and it is not wise to put the friendship of Denmark to too severe a test. Another harbor of altogether exceptional value, on account both of its formation and its location, is Santa Ana in the Island of Curacao, off the Venezuelan coast. It was here that Cervera's fleet put in for coal and supplies, on their run from Martinique to Cuba; a fact significant of its strategic position. This island is the headquarters of the Dutch colony embracing, besides Curacao, the islands of Aruba, Bonaire, Saba, St. Eustatius and half of St. Martin, having a total area of 403 square miles, and a population, largely English speaking, of about 50000. Curacao lies far enough from the continent to escape the torrential rains, so that the climate is dry, equable, and healthy, even for northern races. The harbor, "one of the finest and most commodious in the West Indies", is reached by a narrow passage between projecting headlands crowned by massive forts. It is a remarkable fiord-like bay, running far inland, perfectly land locked, impregnable to attack, and so deep that the largest vessels can everywhere lie along shore. It is situated very near all routes passing south of Porto Rico, and within two days of the canal. There is no other port in the southern Caribbean so admirable adapted for a coaling station and naval headquarters. It is also the natural entrepot for South American trade, but at present, owing to its isolated position, in Dutch hands, the revenues show a considerable annual deficit. For this reason it is probable that an offer of purchase at a liberal price would receive consideration, provided it covered all the Dutch Islands. One of the most serious obstacles to the construction and successful operation of any canal in this vicinity is the climate. At Panama, hardly enough well persons remained to care for the sick, during some stages of the work. The failure of the Panama plan was brought some stages of the work. The failure of the Panama plan was brought about largely by the delay and expense caused by the deadly "Chagres fever". The danger from this source is lessened at Nicaragua, which is outside the equatorial belt of calms, by the health-giving trade winds; but the advantage is offset by the greater moisture at Nicaragua, the rainfall there being 20 to 25 feet per annum, whereas it is only 10 to 12 feet at Panama. No white man can endure such a combination of heat and moisture without speedy deterioration. It follows, therefore, that if the disastrous experience of Panama is not to be repeated, provision must be made to employ permanently two shifts of men for all positions which cannot be filled by acclimated negroes. This is the only way to keep the death rate, and consequently the wages, and losses from [*15601*]5 delay and inefficiency, within reasonable bounds. The establishment of a sanitarium in the vicinity, where the engineers, officers and troops may be recruited in health when off duty, is therefore a simple business proposition. For this purpose there is no place so well adapted as Old Providence, St. Andrews and the Corn islands. In fact, the main land is out of the question, even on the Pacific side, because of the heat, moisture and malaria; and these are the only islands, aside from mere patches of coral, nearer than Jamaica. They are therefore absolutely indispensable if such a station is to be established. All three lie to the northeast of the canal, directly on the route from all Gulf and Atlantic ports. Old Providence (Vieja Providencia) is 4 1/2 by 2 1/2 miles in size, from 300 to 1190 feet above the sea and possessed of a useful port of refuge in Catalina Harbor. It lies about 150 miles off shore, and 225 miles from the entrance to the canal. It served as the headquarters of the buccaneers in the early days, and again of the patriot Gen.Aury, during the war of independence. Its distance from the land protects it from the frightful torrential rains, while its small size and elevation render the climate cool and delightful. The official sailing directions published by the United States Hydrographic Office (Vol. 11, p.209) declare[s] that "it is remarkably healthy and extremely fertile and rears abundance of stock". In all respects, therefore, it meets the requirements of an ideal sanitarium. It is furthermore supplemented by the neighboring island of ST. Andrew (San Andreas), also an early settlement of the buccaneers and at present claimed by Columbia. This island is about 7 miles long by 1 1/2 wide, 340 feet high, and of the same general character and climate as Old Providence. Still further south are the Great and Little Corn Islands, which belong to Nicaragua: the former 2 1/2 by 2 miles in size, and reaching 370 feet elevation. These lie only 30 miles off shore, and 90 miles from the canal. But they nevertheless outside the belt of heavy rains. The Sailing Directions (II, pp. 238-239) thus describe the larger island: "It is a most convenient spot to recruit the health of a vessel's crew-- The island being free of swamps is considered remarkably healthy, and it is fertile". On account of its proximity to the canal, this island acquires a value even greater, in some respects, than either Old Providence or St. Andrew, in spite of their greater size. This may serve to explain why the report has more than once been spread that it was on the point of being purchased by some European nation. To permit such an alienation of any of these islands would be blunder scarce less pruductive of evil than in the case of St. Thomas or Curaçao. Natural harbors are entirely lacking at the entrance of the canal, and indeed for a long distance in both directions. Yet the need of fortified ports of refuge, with cable connections, in that vicinity is too obvious for discussion. For this reason, American naval officers have repeatedly urged that the only first class harbor on the Atlantic side, a harbor large enough to float the navies of all nations, Chiriqui Lagoon, should be secured. Among the latest [*15602*]6 to advise this action are Captain Mahan, and Rear-Admiral Bradford, Chief of the Bureau of Equipment. Inasmuch as a report was published on Dec. 10 that the gunboat Bancroft had sailed for Chiriqui Lagoon to investigate its adaptability for naval purposes, we may be permitted to hope that the government is at last moving in the matter. The adjoining country is almost uninhabited, and the purchase of a narrow strip running through to Golfo Dulce, and including Golfito, on the Pacific, another fine land locked harbor, ought not to be difficult of accomplishment. The Pacific coast is everywhere singularly barren both of good harbors and of outlying islands. This condition naturally emphasizes the value of such as do exist. Golfito would render admirable service as a port of refuge, corresponding to Chiriqui Lagoon. But where shall we find anything corresponding to Curacao and St. Thomas? A survey of the entire coast, north and south, reveals but two positions possessing equal advantages for naval purposes: the Galapagos islands, and Magdalena bay. The Galapagos islands lie on the equator, some 700 miles south of the canal, and 600 miles from the coast of Ecuador. They include six large and nine smaller islands, all of volcanic origin, having a combined area of 2400 square miles. This is nearly one-fifth larger than the state of Delaware: yet they have no government, and their population does not exceed 200. Cold ocean currents render their climate like that of places many degrees removed from the equator. At the sea level, very little rain falls, a fact which, in this latitude, contributes much to their healthfulness; but the moisture is condensed on its mountain slopes and feeds an abundant vegetation on the upper levels. They have several serviceable harbors and anchorages, which could be greatly improved and fortified at no great expense. They constitute the only island stronghold nearer than Hawaii. Finally, they lie directly on the route to all South American ports, and very near the route to New Zealand, Samoa or Australia. It is not surprising, therefore, that their value has long been recognized. M. Paul Deschanel called attention to it nearly twenty years ago. A. Silva White, the well known English geographer, published in the United Service Magazine of September, 1894, an able article whose purpose appeared in its title: "The Galapagos Islands, a Needed Foothold in the Pacific Ocean." And at the last session of Congress, rumors of their impending sale by Ecuador became so definite that Senator Lodge introduced a resolution of inquiry. This alone probably hindered the transaction at that time. But it is not consistent with either our safety or our dignity for us to continue the part of the "dog in the manger". If we will not or cannot utilize these points of vantage, we must stand aside for others, whether we will or no. As the Galapagos group corresponds to Curacao, so Magdalena bay corresponds, in its general direction and importance, to St. Thomas. It is on the west coast of Lower California, nearly half way between San Francisco and Nicaragua, and on the direct route [*15603*]7 of all vessels plying between northern Asia or the United States and the canal. It is a noble sheet of water, measuring some 12 miles by 15 in size, perfectly land locked, and so deep that vessels of any size can enter regardless of tide and weather, a thing not possible even at San Francisco nor any other port south of Puget sound. It is by far the most important location for a coaling. station north of the canal, as the Galapagos islands are on the south. Yet its shores now contain only ten houses! In fact, the whole of Lower California has not to exceed 40000 people, chiefly American miners and Indians. It is, moreover, a natural pendant to California, having no land connection with Mexico, except across the Colorado river. Its acquisition , therefore, ought not to be a matter of great difficulty. But if this is impractical, no time should be lost in buying or leasing the harbor itself. Once the canal is begun, values will rise so as to render this impossible. These islands and harbors by no means exhaust the list of desirable positions: but they possess the elements of strategic importance in the fullest measure, and with today cases of operations, our control of the canal, whether fortified or neutralized or neither, would never be secure. The delay caused by the amendment of the Hay-Pauncefote treaty is nothing short of providential, in that it affords a last opportunity to make good our previous neglect. Shall we embrace it? Or shall history record that the voyage of the Oregon and the lessons of the Spanish-American war were wasted on a people who refused to learn, even from experience? [*15604*]of President of the United States and one can't help looking forward to the time when - at the end of this term - which you have entered upon with so much sadness you will be elected Chief Executative again by the Nation. People of [*PPF ackd 9-20-1901*] TF Aneatilos My dear Theodore I realize that this is perhaps hardly the time for congratulations and yet I would like to tell you how more than glad I am that you now hold the position [*15605*]September Twentieth [[shorthand]] all shades of political optimism seem just now mistook in their feeling toward you of goodwill & encouragement. Accept my sincere & very best wishes for your success in your administration & Believe me Sincerely yours Virginia Roosevelt [*15606*]9-20-01 MAPLETON ISLIP L. I. Mr. President Please accept my hearty congratulation on your ascension to the highest position in the gift of the American people. I was one of your admirers who was sorely disappointed at the last Nat. Republican Convention I wanted you for another term as Governor of New York, but Providence willed it otherwise, evidently you were destined to fill an important gap at a most dreadful crisis in the history of this country. I wish you great success you enjoy the confidence of the people, may God grant you health and strength and shield you from harm, is the earnest prayer of your many friends as well as Yours Very truly Chas. A. Schieren Sept 20 - 1901[9-20-01] Ackd 9/23/1901 Private. Washington, D. C. August 8, 1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Oyster Bay, N.Y. Dear Sir:- If the enclosed prediction should prove to be true, no one would be more highly pleased than the subscriber, a high private in the rear ranks of the great Republican party, a native of Ohio, but a legal resident of Missouri, employed in Washington. Very truly, R. R. Sweet September 20th- I failed to mail this sheet when written, having mislaid it, but will venture to do so at this late date, even though it will hardly reach your hands. While sincerely regretting the death of President McKinley, in common with hosts of old soldiers, am glad his place is to be filled by the subject of the within sketch. September 20th-[For enc. see 8-8-01][*Ansd 9-24-1901*] [shorthand] Utica, N. Y. September 20th 1901 Dear Mr. President Now that the last sad rites have been paid to our martyred President, I shall not forbear longer to express to you the cordial and earnest good wishes I entertain for the success of your administration. It had long been my hope to see you in due time in the Presidency, but, as you will recall from our conversations in Albany, I thought the surest way to [*15609*]it was through the Governor-Generalship of the Philippines, for which I considered (and everywhere proclaimed) you the best qualified man in the country. But the people thrust the Vice-Presidency upon you. And now destiny, taking its own course has confounded the plans of all, and for mortals there is nothing but silence. Silent acquiescence! And, on your part, I am sure, the strenuous determination to execute the high office which has devolved upon you to the very best of your ability, seeking patiently what is wise and doing bravely what is right with an utter disregard of consequences. So will you win the confidence and support of your fellow- citizens, who are already strongly predisposed in your favor. Of this result I have myself no shadow of doubt, as I publicly stated yesterday in my memorial address (of which you may perhaps care to see a copy). If, Mr. President, I can in any way be of assistance to you in the great work that has fallen upon you, I beg you will command my services. My best wishes and active support are already yours. I remain, my dear Mr. President, Ever most faithfully yours, J. G. Schussman [*15610*] President Rooseveltsince you assumed the reins of government. The change at Washington has ceased to be an Element of Consideration in forecasting the future = Renan Mote concerning Marcus Aurelius. that "what man wanting at his birth was the kin of a fairy". The "fairy" seems to have presided at your birth for your career since you left college has the mark of Destiny [shorthand] [*Ansd 9-23-1901*] FAIRLAWN, STAMFORD. Sept 20 1901 Dear Mr President I know the sentiments of the men represented in the Chamber of Commerce, and I know that there is not the slightest doubt that the mantle of McKinley has fallen upon shoulders that will bear it worthily and well. Among the men whose opinion you would value, there is profound satisfaction with your words & action [*15611*]I believe in the over ruling hand of Providence and the "higher powers" have stood by your side. Just think how hard you tried to avoid the nomination for the Vice Presidency but the Convention was wiser than it knew. May the good [*15612*] God give you strength on to the End. Your responsibility is enormous now my dear Mr President I could not help writing this but Don't give yourself trouble even to acknowledge it Yours truly Chas Stewart Smith To the President Washington[shorthand] LOUIS STERN, 32 to 46 WEST TWENTY-THIRD ST. [*PPF ackd 9-21-1901*] NEW YORK, Sept 20 1901 President Theo Roosevelt Washington D.C. My dear Mr. President: In the midst of the universal mourning for our late beloved President I feel somewhat reluctant to address and congratulate you on your succession to the Presidency. To me it appears, as if an allwise Providence has again safeguarded our beloved Country in this great crisis, in you being elected to the Vice Presidency last November, and now filling the highest office in the land. The Country is too well acquainted with your sturdy Patriotism and love, for all that makes [*15613*]life worth while living for and knows that under your administration the nation will continue to prosper and progress as heretofore. With best regards, believe me as heretofore Very sincerely yours, Louis Stern [*15614*]Private [*P.F.*] [*[1901]*] The New York Press. OFFICE OF THE EDITOR. ERVIN WARDMAN. Sept 20 Dear Mr President, New Jersey a land slide for you. Connecticut all right. A tremendous vote for you in this State, but the city does not look right yet I think the State ticket is in danger unless be Stern made a fool convention, but you may pull it through. Sincerely always Ervin Wardman [*15615*][*Dun Ansd 9-21-1901*] [shorthand] FOR THE PROMOTION OF TRADE. DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN. DUN'S REVIEW. PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY R. G. DUNN & CO. DUN BUILDING, NEW YORK. New York, Sep 20, 1901 190 Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. My dear Mr. Roosevelt :- As editor of this trade paper, and one of the editors of the New York Tribune, I am anxious to keep in close touch with you, and will gladly give you the hearty support of my pen. Especially in matters pertaining to financial legislation, I should be glad to know where you stand, and will assure you that no trust will be violated. The air is full of schemes to improve currency, and in case you care to give me some idea of your own views, I shall be better able to work with you. In the preparation of a weekly trade report, my dispatches from all parts of the country keep me in close accord with business conditions, and if at any time I can be of service by furnishing you statistics or impressions regarding any branch of industry, it will be a pleasure to serve you and the country for which we both wish supremacy. if yo have time to glance over the enclosed proof of my "obituary excelsior" you will see that Dun's Review is heartily with you, pro bono publico. Respectfully Yours, Henry Chapman Watson Editor Dun's Review. [*15616*] 290 Broadway[*4*] and am glad to know they have fully recovered. Faithfully yours, Joseph Wheeler [*Ansd 9-24-1901*] [shorthand]* [*Wheeler*] [*Joseph.*] THE NEWPORT CASINO. Sept 20th 1901 To The President. Dear Mr President. It would not be possible for me to express the grief I have felt at the great calamity which has befallen us. For such a crime to be committed when so good [*15617*]President of our great country I must not burden you with a long letter but must say I have every confidence your administration will be notable, able & successful & to say you have my best wished in the future as you have had them in the past. I was faint to hear of the richness of your children and kind a man seems dreadful beyond conception. It is also unfortunate for me as I know you would have much preferred to have remained as you were until 1904 when you would have been selected beyond question by the party which has elected you Governor of the Empire State & Vice[*Ansd 9-28-1901 File*] Glasgow, Montana, September 20/1901. Theodore Roosevelt, Esq., Oyster Bay, New York. Dear Mr. Roosevelt:- I just came in town from my ranch and intended writing you in regard to some big bear that are about thirty miles from my place. I put in a few days to locate them so that I could be certain if you came you could get them; but it rained so hard, I could find plenty of sign, but not where one could be sure of getting them. The bear tracks are the largest I ever seen; I thought it would be a nice trip if you could come and kill them and get back to the railroad in ten days, which you could do, easily. Since coming to town I have learned of the assassination of President McKinley and much as I wished to see you President, I am sorry to see it under these circumstances; one thing, let me caution you to always have an escort or guard; as Roosevelt you are safe anywhere but as [*15619*]2 President, some crank is liable to stab you in the back at any time. I suppose under present conditions, it would not be possible for you to come west; these bear have been seen in this locality for the past three or four years, and I shall not kill them; I shall save them for you or if you are unable to come probably Teddy, Jr, would like to come out and try his hand; or Dr. Lambert might like a try at them. While I was out here, after my store burned, my dwelling house was burned and among many other things burned was one book that I valued more than anything else; the book you wrote of your Bighorn trip; if you can tell me where I can get this book, it will be a great favor. I think I am on the road to success now, as I have a good ranch and a very good start of cattle and a little money to buy more, as I am able to care for them; and as you know, I am better adapted to that than the mercantile business. [*15620*]3. Whenever you wish to hunt, I have plenty of horses, and am in the hunters paradise of Montana; it is less than three years since there were six Buffalo killed within a few miles of my ranch. Herds of Antelope, and Blacktail & Whitetail deer in the bottoms and I seen ten mountain sheep while out looking for the bear, and lots of big wolves, and when you can spare the time, I and my outfit are at your service. My nearest neighbor is about forty five miles, so you see if you should come, you would not be troubled with office seekers. Hoping you may always be appreciated by the public, as you always have been, I remain, Yours Very Truly, John Willis [*15621*][For attachment see 9-20-01][shorthand] Willis, John, Glasgow, Mont., Sept. 20, 1901. Has been trying to locate some bear, and invites the President co come and kill them. Cautions the President to have an escort as some crank may attempt his life. [Hist house burned] Would like some information as to where he can get a copy of the book written by the President on his Bighorn trip, as the copy he has was destroyed by fire. His ranch outfit is at the sisposal of the President at any time de desires to have hunt. [*15622*][attached to Willis 9-20-01][*Ansd 9-23-1901*] [shorthand] UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT, NEW YORK. Sept. 21st 1901. To his Excellency President Roosevelt. Washington D.C. Dear Mr. President Now that the last sad ceremonies are over at Canton and you have fully entered upon the duties of your exalted position. I wish to express my hope [*15623*] that you will not permit the manner of your cominginto office to mar, so far as it may be avoided, your proper enjoyment of the great dignity and power of the position. And I wish to extend to the Country, through you as its recognized head, my congratulations that, in the midst of sorrow at its great loss, and hatred of the abhorrent act which caused it, the good fortune remains that the one upon whom have so suddenly devolved such great responsibilities, is in every way competent and qualified to meet them. Trusting that you will regard it as a part of your duty to take every possible precaution to safeguard your valuable life Very respectfully, Your obedient servant Geo. B. Adams [*15624*][shorthand] Colorado Springs 21st September [*Ackd 9-26-1901*] [* [ca. 9-21-01] *] My dear Mr. President, I feel that it will not be a liberty to tell you that you have been followed by our sincere sympathy through these trying days. I believe I am one of the few who can realize how terrible [*15625*]wishes for you, and the present administration. I pray that you will not be at the trouble of acknowledging this: I well know what the answering of personal letters is to one as occupied as yourself. I am, Yours respectfully & sincerely, Chester A. Arthur was the ordeal through which you have passed, for I was constantly with my father during those sad and anxious months which followed the tragedy of 1881. That time, I know, shortened his life by many years. My wife and sister join me in all good [*15626*] 37 W9" st New York, Sept. 21, 1901 - [shorthand] [*recd 9/26/1901 PPF P*] My Dear President Roosevelt - At every step in your political career I have written to you, and now when you have reached the highest point I write to wish you God speed. I never felt so proud of any thing as I did of your words "For the peace, for the prosperity and for the honor of our beloved country" Yours sincerely, W. L. O'Callaghan Harvard '80 [*15627*] His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt President of U.S1 Ella [[shorthand]] have welcomed this high honour- & watched with such loving interest every step of your way. Supporting you with their sympathy & their prayers! & we can only hope it is given them to know. May God be with you to guide you. In this quiet corner so far removed from all the rush & press of your affairs, remember [*ppf ackd 10-1-1901*] [*PF*] 1,SYDENMAN AVENUE LIVERPOOL Sept 21st 1901. My dear Theodore Altho I know you will be so inundated with letters, that you can scarcely find time to read them, I still feel that I should like to tell you of the deep interest with which I am following [*15628*] that no one will watch with a more true & sincere interest, your noble fulfilment of the duties of your office than your affectionate Aunt Ella S. Bulloch My Mother & sister ask me to give you your their cordial good wishes. My best Love to Edith (over)you in thought & prayer at this momentous crisis in your career, & to give you my most Earnest & heartfelt good wishes that you may be blessed to your people as a wise & great President. The solemnity of your call, under such tragic circumstances my sympathy in the heavy burden of anxiety & responsibility I rejoice to think you have so able a helpmeet will I feel sure, lay upon you an even deeper sense of responsibility than if you had come to this high office under happier & brighter auspices. My thoughts constantly turn to all those dear ones of your own blood & kindred who would [*15629*]Translation. Imperial Legation of Turkey, Washington, September 21, 1901. Mr Secretary of State: I have the honor to inform Your Excellency that by his telegram of to-day General Isaac Khan, the Persian Minister, now at Brussels, requests me to remind you that the 28th September being the anniversary of the birthday of His Imperial Majesty the Shah of Persia, it would be better, in consequence of his absence, for Your Excellency to kindly address directly to Teheran the customary congratulations from the Government of the United States of America. Accept, Mr. Secretary of State, etc. Chekib His Excellency Mr. John Hay, etc., etc., etc. [*15630*][Enc. in Hill 9-26-01]OFFICE OF THE United States Army & Navy Journal, BENNETT BUILDING, 93-101 NASSAU ST. COR.FULTON. A Weekly Newspaper, Devoted to the Interests of the ARMY & NAVY, & National Guard. [*Ansd 9-24-1901 Personal*] New York. September 21, 1901 To the President. Dear Colonel Roosevelt: I had thought of writing to tell you how much satisfaction I find in the thought that in the distressing circumstances attending the loss of our Chief Ruler we have had in the line of succession one so competent to take his place, and so worthy of the confidence and respect of all good citizens. I refrained because I knew that I should have an opportunity to say what I wish to say more fully than I could in a personal letter to you. I enclose a copy of what I have said to the Army and the Navy, with the assurance that it is the expression of honest belief, and that it will in my judgment meet with the cordial concurrence of the Services. Knowing your father, as I did, and having so much the advantage of you in age, I have felt something in the nature of a fatherly interest in your career, but now that you sit in the seat of the Great Father I presume that our relations are reversed. Whatever concerns you in a lesser or greater station has always been of interest to me and it is especially so now that your [*15631*]public service is to be so intimately identified with the prosperity of the great country which I love with the passionate devotion of a young man for the mistress of his heart. With the sincere hope that God will guard you as well as guide you, I am, Very respectfully, Your obedient servant, Wm Conant Church [*15632*][For 1 enc. see 9-21-01 Army & Navy Journal]DIRECTORS. Major General Joseph Wheeler, Major General Leonard Wood, Theodore Roosevelt, Ferdinand W. Pick, Nicholas Murray Butler, Albert Shaw, Wm. H. Baldwin, Jr., Gilbert K. Harroun. [shorthand] [*Ansd 9-23-1901*] THE CUBAN EDUCATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 1898. Sept. 21, 1901. Major General Joseph Wheeler, Pres. Gilbert K. Harroun, Sec'y & Treas. OFFICE, 289 FOURTH AVENUE, Sept. 21, 1901. New York, 1900. To his Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, Pres. of the United States, and Director of the Cuban Educational Association of the U. S. A. Sir: It has become my sad duty to inform you that Mr. Gilbert K. Harroun, Secretary, Treasurer and Managing Director of the Cuban Educational Association of the United States of America, departed into the Great Beyond Sept. 12th, at Plattsburgh, N. Y., and was buried Sept 15 in the family plot in Evergreen Cemetery at Crofu, Genesee Co., N. Y. Very Respectfully yours, Laura Darby Conger Executrix. [*15633*][FOR ENC. SEE 9-13-01]Albert B. Cummins, Des Moines, Iowa. [shorthand] [*ackd 9/25/1901 P.P.F.*] September 21, 1901. My dear Mr. President: Upon my return from Canton this morning I find your note of the 14th instant. While I deeply regret that I cannot see you in Iowa during the campaign just opening, I recognize that your conclusion is inevitable and know that your time and energy now belong to the whole country. I was at Washington on Tuesday, and at Canton on Thursday, and am still profoundly depressed with the universal sorrow. In company with Senator Allison, I called upon you Tuesday afternoon, but was unfortunate enough to find the Cabinet with you and could only leave my card. I wanted to say that we of the West have absolute confidence in you and in the success of your administration. You have entered upon the most difficult duties that the World imposes upon [*15634*] statesmanship, under the most trying circumstances which a man can encounter, and all that your friends, situated as I am, can do to help you is to express the implicit faith that we all feel in your integrity, your courage, your intelligence, and your wisdom. I am conscious of a greater personal interest in your administration than I have ever felt in my country's affairs, and if there comes a time when I can aid you in any manner, however trivial or unimportant, I beg that you will command me without stint. I enter upon my campaign on Monday next and it is not probable that I shall be in Washington until after the election, but I expect to be there during the month of November, Yours cordially, Hon. A. B. Cummins Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, Washington. [*15635*]Wm. Dudley Foulke, Richmond, Indiana. [shorthand] [*ansd 9/24/1901 P.F.*] September 21st 1901 My dear Mr Roosevelt: I rejoice greatly, that after our deep affliction, the government should fall into such hands as yours. May God preserve you and bless you! You may always command me - at any time, in any place and for any purpose - I am as ever your deeply devoted friend, Hon Wm Dudley Foulke [*15636*][*PF*] THE CHICAGO CLUB Sept 21st - 01 Dear Colonel Now that the funeral ceremonies of the late President are over and you have settled down in a measure to your arduous duties, I venture to write you this humble note to tell you what pleasure and pride your dignity and bearing thro' this whole matter has given me. [*15637*] 2 what you said at Buffalo was just what every good citizen would have had you say, and your decision to retain the cabinet of Mr McKinley in its entirety was the very thing to smooth the nervousness and anxiety of that element which was most dubious, and I must add most ignorant. I have heard at Pittsburg and here nothing but praises for you. If the Republican machinedoes not give you its genuine and whole-souled support it will be most remiss in the performance of its duty and what is fair and right. You souls your individuality and personal wishes for the good of the party when you allowed your self to be run for the Vice-Presidency and since thro' that act you have now become President they must in honor bound stand to your colors. It seems almost silly for me to me to mention my respect and admiration for you Colonel because it has been such a potent fact since first we met in San Antonio. But I want you to know that I am losing no sleep over the Country's future so long as I have the satisfaction of knowing you are issuing the orders and are to remain its "K.O." With Cordial Regards to Mrs. Roosevelt and all and with best wishes believe me yours to count on always Jno. C. Greenway 237 Costen / Pittsburg[[shorthand]] [*ansd 9-24-1901*] Chicago. September 21st, 1901. The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C. Mr. President: I have long been in the habit of writing occasional letters from impulse, and am doing it now. I see in many of the newspapers, -not infallible authority, but it will pass when there is a cloud of newspapers to quote, that you are resolutely avoiding a display of a guard, or permitting yourself to be so guarded so as to make a display. I have but one thing to say about it; you are the man who can afford to be guarded as Chief Magistrate, and I think you would do a good service if you took the responsibility of establishing that guard, quietly and unostentatiously as might be, but establish it. You can do this on account of your unquestioned personal courage, courage as a soldier, and wherever there is a demand for that high quality, and I think it would be the part of wisdom to do it, and that is the opinion of the judicious. The problem certainly is one that is perplexing. I cannot help adding that your acts as President of the United States have profoundly impressed the people, that it is fortunate you were at hand when the frightful tragedy at Buffalo occurred. I think [*15638*]nobody has found fault, certainly no one to whom it is of the least importance to pay the slightest attention. With great respect, Murat Halstead [*15639*] [*Ansd 9-25-1901*] [shorthand] Chestnut Hill, Sept. 21 1901 My dear Theodore I suppose that I ought to have written you before this but I am very dilatory and slow when anything in the letter line is to be attended to. I congratulate you most heartily on your accession to the Presidency and feel sure that you will administer he affairs of the nation with honor to yourself and to the satisfaction of the people. Edith will grace the White House as it has never been before. I am sure of it. Wishing you all success in your career as President, I remain Yours truly George C. Lee [*15640*]"TRUTH AND DUTY." [*Ansd 9-24-1901*] Carroll Institute, TENTH STR, NEAR K, N. W., Washington, D. C. [shorthand] Sept 21. 1901. To His Excellency The Hon Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States Executive Mansion. Honorable Sir; The Carroll Institute tenders the use of its Gymnasium to your Excellencies children, and our Instructor will be pleased to serve you at any hour you may suggest. such instruction will be strictly private. Our Gymnasium is one of the best equipped in the city, and the Instructor fully capable, having had some thirty years experience in athletics. Your humble servant Wm H. Lepley Asst Sec'y [*199 15641*]STATE OF NEW YORK LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR'S ROOM ALBANY [*Ansd 9-24-1901*] [shorthand] Brooklyn, New York, Sept. 21, 1901. The President, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- Knowing how deeply you are interested in the approaching Mayoralty campaign, and believing you would be pleased to learn something of the details of the proceedings, I have taken the liberty of writing you, hoping you might lend your influence to the course by writing or sending word to Seth Low, urging him to accept the nomination. The Committee made up of representatives of all the anti-Tammany organizations has had a number of meetings both by sub committee and general committee. The names of many reputable democrats and republicans were submitted and thoroughly discussed. The republican members in conference did not suggest any names and made it distinctly understood they would accept a democrat who was acceptable to all the other members of the Conference Committee. It seemed to me, however, from the first that the only logical outcome of the conferences was the selection of Seth Low, as he combined all the essential qualities--independence, knowledge of the city's needs, ability to conduct municipal affairs wisely and honestly and in a forceful manner, while his experience as a condidate [candidate] on former occasions would enable him to formulate the issues in public speeches better than any one else that could be named. Some of the Citizen's Union representatives after talking Low evinced a disposition to drop him--only because republicans were willing to [*15642*]The President----2 support him--but eventually Mr. Morris and myself convinced them that Mr. Low had not made any compromising agreement with any one and he was unanimously chosen. Now I would not like to have Mr. Low upset all that has been accomplished by declining to accept the nomination thus tendered, as some people fear he is apt to do, and I hope you will in some way indicate to him your personal interest in the success of the anti-Tammany movement, and bring to bear such influence as you may have with him to induce him to enter the race, in which he alone in my judgment can come out the victor. Trusting you may be able to comply with my desire, I remain, Very sincerely yours, Timothy L. Woodruff Eighth Avenue and 18th Street. [*15643*][[shorthand]] [*PPF ackd 9-27-1901*] V.V.N. Ranch Bovina Texas Sept 21st 1901 My dear Colonel; I have just heard, with deep regret, of the fould murder of President McKinley and write to wish you every success in your new capacity. I hope that your term may be one of unequaled prosperity and full of honour & general - esteem for you. Very Sincerely Yours W.S. Simpson Troop D 1st U.S.V.C. [*15644*][*Enclosed in Dana, 9-26-01] The Grange. Toronto, September 21st 1901. Dear Mr. Dana, It is stated, I know not on what authority, that Kruger is going to appeal to the new President for intervention. Intervention will of course be refused. But in the manner of refusing, the President, if so minded, might do something to calm the extreme spirit of violence and [*15646*]vengeance and thus help to terminate this miserable war. American opinion has had weight. I am not sure that, had it been in its normal state, there would have been a war. You will possibly be dealing with the subject. I am thinking of sending you for the Sunday edition a paper on the connection of English poetry with English history, if the subject is not too dry. Very truly yours Goldwin Smith [*15647*]our constitution to assume. My heart is full of sympathy and love for you, and may a kind Providence watch over and protect you. I am, Sincerely yours, N. D. Sperry House of Representatives, Washington. New Haven, Conn., Sept. 21, 1901. [*Ansd 9-23-1901*] [[shorthand]] To the President of the United States. My Dear Sir:- Until to-day I have not written you a word of sympathy or congratulations in relation to the position which you now occupy, for I deemed it somewhat improper to do so until after the burial of our late President. To-day I simply write to say that I hope you will be spared during the remainder of your term, to perform the duties of President of the United States. My heart goes out towards you, for the circumstances under which you enter upon the office of President, when the hearts of the people have not forgotten their late President, must be very trying to you. I assure you of my loyalty and support in the trying position you are called upon under [*15648*] EMBASSY OF THE UNITED STATES ST. PETERSBURG. [*Ackd 10-5-1901 CF*] [shorthand] 21 September, 1901. Mr. President, In order to serve your interests and to assist your Administration in every way in which I may be able, I have the honor to place at your disposal my resignation as United States Ambassador to Russia. I beg you to accept, Sir, with my earnest wishes for your welfare and success, the assurance of my highest personal respect. Your Obedient Servant, Charlemagne Tower. His Excellency Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. [*15650*]LeRoy and Phelps Place Washington D.C. [*Ansd 9-25-1901*] [shorthand] Waldorf Astoria New York Sept. 21st 1901 My Dear President Permit me as a fellow citizen to extend to you my heartiest congratulations In the terrible National affliction through which we have passed. The outpouring of Sincere love for our Martyred President and the great trust and confidence riposed in our new President fills the patriot with throbs of joy and makes him feel proud of being an American citizen With the help of God and the prayers and good wishes of your fellow countrymen which you have in a most marked degree. Your administration will be a most brilliant one - a fitting climax to your already young remarkable career. Wishing you every success and happiness I beg to remain Sincerely Yours Thomas F. Walsh [*15651*][*PF*] UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT Sept 21, 1901 President Theodore Roosevelt. Dear President Roosevelt: The bearer of this letter, Señor Flaviano Abreu, is a man of highest distinction and worth, who has deserved well of this country for his services in the cause of peace in his native Philippine Islands. No man among his people is more reliable or [*15652*] better informed, and I am sure it will interest you to talk with him. His son-in-law Señor Buencamino, a man distinguished by his loyalty to our government, and a leader of the Federal Party has two sons at school in Berkeley under my care. They have been here for a year, and through my continued acquaintance with the family, I have learned to value highly the intelligence and reliability of all its [*15653*]members. With highest respect and cordial good wishes I am, Most faithfully yours, Benj. I. Wheeler. Berkeley, Sept. 21, ,1901.Form No. 168. THE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPANY. INCORPORATED 21,000 OFFICES IN AMERICA. CABLE SERVICE TO ALL This Company TRANSMITS and DELIVERS messages only on conditions limiting its liability, which have been assented to by the sender of the following message. Errors can be guarded against only by repeating a message back to the sending station for comparison, and the Company will not hold itself liable for errors or delays in transmission or delivery of Unrepeated Messages, beyond the amount of tolls paid thereon, nor in any case where the claim is not presented in writing within sixty days after the message is filed with the Company for transmission. This is an UNREPEATED MESSAGE, and is delivered by request of the sender, under the conditions named above. THOS. T. ECKERT, President and General Manager. RECEIVED at Governor's Island, N.Y. 10 NY .JH.B. GovernorsIsland, NY. Replying to your service of date. Ours dated Sept 15th to Adjutant General GovernorsIsland NY sined Brooke received from Branch office at 108 Am and forwarded to NewYork at 207 Am Sept 15th. The original bears no time of filing at Branch office. Buffalo, N.Y. Sept 21- [*[01]*] 7IOP [*15654*] [*BROOKLYN, N.Y. SEP 21 4 30 PM 1901*] To the President of the United States, or his Personal Secretary Washington, D.C [*BROOKLYN, N.Y. SEP 21 4 30 PM 1901*] 27962 415 [*15655*][Enc. in Brooke 9-24-01] [attached to Mc Cann 9-17-01] SEP 22 1901 WASHINGTON, D.C. REC'D 1901 SEP 22 5-AM Form No. 168. THE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPANY. -INCORPORATED- 21,000 OFFICES IN AMERICA. CABLE SERVICE TO ALL This Company TRANSMITS and DELIVERS messages only on conditions limiting its liability, which have been assented to by the sender of the following message. Errors can be guarded against only by repeating a message back to the sending station for comparison, and the Company will not hold itself liable for errors or delays in transmission or delivery of Unrepeated Messages, beyond the amount of tolls paid thereon, nor in any case where the claim is not presented in writing within sixty days after the message is filed with the Company for transmission. This is an UNREPEATED MESSAGE, and is delivered by request of the sender, under the conditions named above. THOS. T. ECKERT, President and General Manager. Received at Governor's Island, N.Y. 10 NY .JH.B. GovernorsIsland, NY. Replying to your service of date. Ours dated Sept 15th to Adjutant General GovernorsIsland NY sined Brooke received from Branch office at 108 Am and forwarded to NewYork at 207 Am Sept 15th. The original bears no time of filing at Branch office. Buffalo, N.Y. Sept 21 - [01] 7I0P [*15654*][Enc. in Brooke 9-24-01] [attached to Mc Cann 9-17-01] SEP 22 1901 WASHINGTON, D.C. REC'D 1901 SEP 22 5-AM PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT. HONORABLE THEODORE ROOSEVELT took the oath of office as President of the United States on last Saturday, September 14. He is the youngest man who ever occupied that high office. We predict that he will prove to be one of the ablest. Coming to it under such sad circumstances he assumes an added responsibility. Half a dozen years ago, when he was achieving his first great distinction as head of the National Civil Service Commission, THE PILOT said that he had in him the material out of which to make a first rate President,-unbounded patriotism, unbounded courage, extraordinary ability and absolute honesty. Since that time he has made history, for his country and for himself. While the war with Spain was impending he took time by the forelock in buying or chartering ships, weapons and ammunition for the naval service. To him it is said we are indebted for issuing the secret orders under which Dewey sailed to Manila and victory. When his work of preparation in the Navy Department was completed he promptly resigned the position of Assist- ant Secretary, to take active service in the field. He had written of valiant deeds, he had preached the gospel of the strenuous life and he consistently risked his own when the time came for practising what he had preached. He organized the regiment of Rough Riders comprising one of the most motley, heterogeneous body of soldiers that ever was gathered under the banner of a regular army, "Men rich in histories untold, Who boasted not, though more than bold." College graduates and cow-boys, veterans of the regular army and deputy sheriffs from the Western border, fashionable dandies and "bad men," all united in the common bond of bravery. The campaign in which he led them was brief, but it was no holiday march under the broiling July sun of the tropics, and it was no mean foe whom they defeated at San Juan Hill. So much for his personal bravery. He is equally possessed of the higher quality of moral courage. He is a man with good red blood in his veins, a faculty of thinking for himself, and of doing and saying exactly as he thinks. He is a partisan in politics, but an honest one, and his Americanism is of too true a kind to be tainted with racial prejudice. For he himself is a scion of four races, Dutch, Irish, French, and Scotch. Our British cousins are already acclaiming him an "Anglo-Saxon," although he has been presented to a Boston audience by one of his classmates as a man whose chief distinction was that "he had not a drop of English blood in his veins." His policy as President will be American, without any prefix pro or con. [*15656*] President Roosevelt will be forty-three years of age on October 27. Nearly half of his life has been spent in public service, yet he has found time to write over a dozen important books, chiefly historical or biographical, besides countless pamphlets, essays, and other papers. He is a man of winning personality, though he does not aim to be "magnetic." He is frank of speech and manner, and his word is as good as his bond any and every time. The country could not find a better man to meet the present grave emergency, if indeed it could find an- other so good as Theodore Roosevelt.ARMY AND NAVY JOURNAL. (ESTABLISHED 1868,) ARMY AND NAVY GAZETTE. (ESTABLISHED 1879.) SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 21, 1901. WILLIAM McKINLEY. As the coffin was about to be closed over the mortal remains of William McKinley his brother, Abner, called attention to one omission in the completeness of the garb in which he had been arrayed for his final journey. That was the absence from the button hole of the President of the insignia of the Loyal Legion which usually appeared there. This emblem and the button of the Grand Army of the Republic were the visible symbols of the tie that bound him to the soldiers of the Republic in a nearer and more intimate relation than that of the constitutional Commander-in-Chief, demanding, by virtue of his official position, the respect and loyal service of every soldier. To all old soldiers the President was "Major" McKinley, a rank bestowed upon him "for gallant and meritorious service at the battles of Opequan, Cedar Creek and Fisher's Hill." Few of the men wearing a uniform to-day in any army in the world can claim more extended experience in actual service on the field of battle than our dead President. He was a boy of 18 when he enlisted, and only 22 when he was mustered out of volunteer service, with his rank of major, July 20, 1865, after four years of faithful, arduous and gallant service. He first carried a musket in the ranks for fourteen months and was accustomed to allude to this experience as one of the most valuable and educational of his whole career. He was commissioned second lieutenant Sept. 24, 1862, his commission as first lieutenant being Feb. 7, 1863. Seventeen months later, July 25, 1864, he was promoted to captain. The regiment in which he served, the 23d, was famous among the famed regiments of Ohio volunteers. It numbered among its field officers, besides McKinley, Rutherford B. Hayes, afterwards President of the United States; Stanley Matthews, a Judge of the United States Supreme Court, and those tried and true soldiers of the regular Army, William S. Rosecrans and Eliakin P. Scammon. Under the skillful hands of these, its first Colonels, it was speedily shaped into one of the most efficient organizations of the famous Kanawha Division commanded by Jacob B. Cox of Ohio, afterwards Secretary of the Interior under Grant. In its battle record, and its honor roll of killed and wounded, the 23d Ohio ranked among the seven regiments taking the lead among the 198 regiments Ohio sent to the field. Young McKinley shared in its fortunes of honor and hardship and on several occasions proved himself worthy of special mention for exceptional gallant and efficient service. The first war experience of the 23d Ohio was in Western Virginia under General Rosecrans, its introduction to severe fighting being at Carnifex Ferry, Sept. 10, 1861. Shortly after the regiment went into winter quarters at Fayetteville, marching in the spring of 1862 to Parkersburg and there taking the cars to join the forces of McClellan in Virginia. It arrived there in time to bear a distinguished part in the battle of South Mountain, leading Cox's division; which held the right of Burnside's corps, being the first regiment engaged, making three successful charges in the fight and losing in action nearly 200 men, or one-half of their effectives. "The colors of the regiment were riddled, the blue field was completely carried away by shot and shell." Crippled as the 23d was, it still bore its part in the following and decisive battle of Antietam. In July, 1863, the regiment was sent to check the raid of John Morgan into Ohio and we next hear of it as part of Crook's division sent to cut the principal lines of communication between Richmond and the southwest. McKinley participated in the battle of Cloyd Mountain and in the advance on Lexington and Lynchburg, marching "almost continuously," as he himself said, "for two months, fighting often, with little food or sleep, crossing three ranges of the Alleghanies four times, the ranges of the Blue Ridge twice, and marching several times all day and night without sleeping." This experience was followed by the picturesque night battle of Berryville, and the battle of Winchester, where Hayes's brigade, to which the 23d belonged, had the extreme right of Crook's command in a flank attack. Next came Opequan, Fisher's Hill and the terrible surprise at Cedar Creek. Speaking of the Kanawha Division, with which McKinley's fortunes as a soldier were identified, General George Crook, no mean judge, said seventeen years after the war: "I challenge history to show an organization which was more distinguished for all soldierly qualities." [*15657*] It was such a school of valor and duty that William McKinley was trained for that life's work which has made his name famous among the great rulers. He was born at Niles, Trumbull county, Ohio, Jan. 29, 1843, one of a family of eight children. In his early youth his family moved to Poland, Mahoning county, Ohio, where he received his education in the local academy, and made himself known among his boy associates as a leader in the school debates, and as president of the literary society. He was destined for college, but after a short period of Allegheny College, Meadville, Pa., sickness compelled a temporary suspension of his studies. Before they could be resumed a change in his father's fortunes compelled young McKinley to accept a position as school teacher, receiving $25 a month and "boarding around." Then came the war to give a new direction to the young school teacher's thoughts and ambitions. Following the war he took up the study of law, graduating from the Albany, N.Y., law school in 1867, and being admitted to the bar at Canton, O. As a lawyer he soon became noted as a public speaker and a nomination for district attorney followed. His election in a strong Democratic district was a surprise and triumph, but he was always known as the best vote getter seen on the Ohio stump. A renomination for district attorney resulted, however, in McKinley's defeat by a narrow majority of forty-five votes. Elected to Congress in 1876 he served seven terms and was defeated for an eighth term. In 1889 he was an unsuccessful candidate for Speaker of the House against Thomas B. Reed. As chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means he identified himself with the financial and industrial policies which subsequently assured the success of the Republican party in which he was so prominent as a leader. McKinley's election as governor of Ohio followed and his re-election by a plurality of 80,000 votes. His prominence in the party led to the suggestion of his name as a candidate for the Presidency as early as 1880 and at each national convention from that time on. His loyalty to John Sherman, the candidate of his State in 1888, and his indignant refusal to permit the use of his name against Sherman was all that prevented Major McKinley's nomination for the Presidency in 1888. Again in 1892 the prize was once more within his grasp and rejected this time because of his fidelity to Harrison. Thus like Caesar did McKinley twice, if not thrice, "a kingly crown refuse." His nomination and election to the chief office in the Republic came in 1896 without any sacrifice of his delicate sense of honor, and his re-election for a second term in 1900 brought him to the culmination of his career. President McKinley's administration of the office of the President was so closely identified with the Spanish war, and the opening up to the United States of the new career which followed, that its history has been told with unusual fullness- when it concerns a civil officer- in the columns of this paper. Speaking of him as a public man we may say of him, as he said of Garfield in a speech delivered Jan. 19, 1886: "He advanced in public confidence, and whenever he met with or addressed the people he enlarged the circle of his admiring followers and friends. His brief term in the Presidency, so tragically ended, gave promise of large usefulness to the country in the realization of the true American policy at home and abroad. His death filled the nation with profound and universal sorrow, and all lands and all peoples sympathized in our overshadowing bereavement." Whatever animosities against President McKinley may have originated in the strife of parties, now they lie buried in his grave, and all men recognize those noble qualities which gave him title to respect and esteem of fair-minded men and to the devoted and tender affection of those who, knowing him most intimately, were the ones most competent to judge as to his character. An honest, fair-minded and God-fearing man; an able Chief Magistrate, a loving son and a most devoted and tender husband, he will be remembered as one of the most noble exemplars in public life of the qualities which command universal respect. Nothing so appeals to the heart of the American people as a genuine expression, free from affection or cant, of the domestic virtues and that simple and sincere respect for those high things from which the soul draws its life. The nation has taken to its heart the wife guarded with such tender and unfailing care since that day in January, 1871, when William McKinley plighted his troth. The two daughters she bore to him died in their infancy, and with them, and her loving and great-hearted husband, lying in the grave, her house is indeed left to her desolate. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. The ceremony of taking the oath of office as President of the United State, in Buffalo on the afternoon of September 14, was accompanied by a solemn declaration on the part of President Roosevelt of his intention to continue unbroken the line of policy established byhis predecessor, and a request from him that the members of the McKinley Cabinet should continue as his constitutional advisers. Coming from one so independent in character as President Roosevelt is, and one so absolutely sincere in any declaration of purpose, the announcement at once established public confidence, for it was made clear that what is known as the McKinley policy had the fullest approval of his successor in office, a man in whom loyalty to ideas is the intensest expression of an intense nature. Throughout the experiences of the trying period immediately following the attack on President McKinley Colonel Roosevelt has comported himself in a manner to win the respect of all classes of his fellow-citizens, exhibiting as he has a refinement of feeling and sobriety of judgment which have justified the expectations of his friends, however they may have disappointed the prognostications of his enemies. Born at the very close of the old era antedating the Civil War, being a babe in arms when Abraham Lincoln was first inaugurated, Theodore Roosevelt is the youngest man who has ever filled his high office. He was born in the heart of New York City, at No. 28 East 20th street, Oct. 27, 1858, and is a member of a family of Dutch descent that has for several generations been well known in New York business and social circles and in public life. After his graduation from Harvard in 1880 he entered upon the study of law, but was speedily diverted from that by his active interest in public affairs. When only twenty-four years of age, from 1882 to 1884, he served in the New York Legislature, where he won the reputation among the old stagers of being a "ridiculously candid youngster." In his second year, young as he was, he had the high honor of being chosen by the minority party as their candidate for Speaker of the Assembly. In 1884 he was a member of the Republican State Convention, and was chosen one of the four delegates at large to the Republican National Convention, Senator Edmunds of Vermont being his candidate for the Presidency. In 1886 Colonel Roosevelt was defeated by Abram Hewitt in the Mayoralty contest, and in 1889 he was appointed by President Harrison a member of the United States Civil Service Commission. Six years later he resigned from this body to accept an appointment from Mayor Strong of New York as a Police Commissioner. In April, 1897, he was appointed by President McKinley Assistant Secretary of the Navy, just in time to make his energies and enthusiasm effective in the work of preparing the Navy for the coming struggle. When the war, which he had fully anticipated, broke out he was able to realize the dearest wish of his heart, which was to see actual service in the field as a soldier. For five years, 1884-8, he had been an officer in the 8th N. G. N. Y., and had taken a warm interest in military, as he always has in naval, matters. The story of the President's service in Cuba, first as lieutenant colonel and then as colonel of the Volunteer regiment known as the "Rough Riders," is too well known to be rehearsed here. It gave opportunity for the display of the soldierly quantities which are the foundation of his character. He was mustered out of the Volunteer Service Sept. 15, 1898, and shortly after was nominated for and elected to the office of Governor of the great State of New York. His re-election would probably have followed had he not reluctantly consented to accept the nomination for Vice-President on the ticket of President McKinley. Among various capacities in which President Roosevelt has won public approval is that of an author. Besides frequent contributions to periodical literature he has published eleven books - a history of the naval war of 1812, lives of Thomas H. Benton, Gouverneur Morris and Oliver Cromwell, three volumes of a history "Winning of the West," a History of New York City, and one of "The Rough Riders," two volumes of political essays and two books describing hunting and ranch life. Upon his ranch west of the Mississippi, among the rude cowboys and rough pioneers, the President has found his opportunity for mental recreation and physical exercise, in the intervals of his labors in the public service. Describing his first experience there, a writer in the New York "Tribune" states that he encountered a typical bad man, "Long Ike," who "sized up" the gentleman with eyeglasses as the tenderest kind of tenderfoot. So, when they were drinking together with a party of ranchmen Ike undertook to practice upon this Eastern dude his favorite joke, which was to drink from another man's glass without waiting for an invitation, but with the accompaniment of a cocked revolver to give additional spice to this fine touch of humor. Scarcely had he touched Roosevelt's glass when he was pounced upon, thrown heavily and run out of doors, his revolver being taken from him on the way. Next he was thrown to the ground so hard that it was fully five minutes before he could pull himself together sufficiently to sneak out of camp. On another occasion Ranchman Roosevelt, "who carries more kinds of eyeglasses than an Englishman," had his attention called to a charging bear while he was wearing his walking glasses. Folding these, and putting them into his pocket, he took out his shooting glasses, carefully wiped them, adjusted them and dropped his bear just in the nick of time. Such experiences speedily won this tenderfoot the respect of the cowboys who afterward followed him so enthusiastically to the field of battle when he had occasion to call them for service. What may have seemed to some spectacular exhibitions on the part of Theodore Roosevelt have been really the unstudied expression of a nature supercharged with physical and mental force. Time and experience have tempered him, but they have not as yet abated the fiery energy which makes him so effective a character. It is in the qualities that make the good soldier that he excels, and he is by nature sympathetic with the soldierly type of men. His advantages of wealth and social position have not made a Philistine of him, and though he has never lost his standing with eminently respectables, he has always been in close touch with Mr. Lincoln's "plain people" who constitute the bone and sinew of the American nationality. Yet he has that thorough understanding of "good form" which is so important to a man in his position. His popularity has the solid foundation of respect and personal regard, based upon an appreciation of the qualities of sturdy manhood he has displayed in all of the varied experiences of his active and useful life. We could not have in the White House a man more thoroughly appreciative of whatever is best in our Army and Navy, or one with a more intelligent understanding of the importance of the military Services in any scheme of government which recognizes the fact that something more than commercial success and the accumulation of wealth is essential to the greatness of a people. But our new President is in no danger of giving offense to the conservative classes, toward whom he has no feeling of jealousy or hostility such as moves the demagogue to speech and action. They are already prepared to give him their confidence, having learned that his youthful impulsiveness has been merely the expression of a sanguine and executive temperament which is under the control of a sound judgment. He has an intense spirit of patriotism and an optimistic confidence in the future of our beloved country that will make him the leader in every movement that concerns the interests and progress of the people as a whole. If the President is a partisan, he is so only because he believes that the methods and the policies of the party he supports will best promote the interests of the country as a whole, and thus the interests of citizens of every class and every shade of opinion, except it may be those who have advanced so far in their theories of the millennial rule that they are opposed to all laws, human and divine, as imposing unnecessary restrictions upon the freedom of the individual. With a keen appreciation of the truth that "order is Heaven's first law" we may be sure that President Roosevelt will be as prompt as he will be energetic in taking any measures required to protect the public peace against all who may seek to elevate their individual wills and personal or class interests above the demands of statutory requirements. Coming to his office as he does in the full vigor of manhood, the President has before him the promise of a most useful career. No one knows better than he that in all measures for the promotion of the public interest and the preservation of the public peace against enemies, foreign or domestic, he will not have merely the perfunctory service, but the cordial and enthusiastic support of the Army and the Navy of the United States. Their swords will rest in their sheaths until the Commander-in-Chief calls them into action, but when the order comes the life of every many who wears the uniform of the United States is at his disposal. Our country is one worthy to live for, worthy to die for, and we believe that the Administration of Theodore Roosevelt will make us still more proud of it. [*15658*]of other Democrats, who ever since 1896 have supported the Republican ticket at National or Federal elections, if not at all times. I enjoyed much the Harvard and Yale day at your home at Oyster Bay, and the symposium with those bright young men - and I think much good will come of it ultimately. With high regard - Believe me. Yours Very Sincerely Franklin Bartlett Personal [shorthand] OLD BRICK PARIS, MAINE Saturday afternoon September 22. 1901. Dear Mr. President, The first days of our National mourning have passed and slowly the country is recovering from the terrible shock caused by the assassination and death of the late President. [*15659*]wish, as a private citizen, and a personal friend, to add my name to the long list of those who have expressed their abiding faith in you. In this instance it may seem hardly necessary, for I have often expressed in public the feeling and the sentiment which I now voice in this letter. I have always believed that you would be be - as I now feel that you will be - a fearless, independent and strong and yet a wise and conservative, chief magistrate of our country. And I know that this feeling is shared by hundreds of thousands In the early hours of the universal grief it seemed somewhat inappropriate to write to you, and I have, therefore, waited. But, as ere this you have received hundreds, if not thousands, of letters and messages from all parts of the country assuring you of the public belief and confidence in you and in your administration of the great trust was devolved upon you, I [*15660*][shorthand] [*PPF ackd 9-28-1901*] [* [9-22-01] *] My dear Theodore You will never realize how deeply we have felt for you these past few days, and I am sure it must be a comfort to know what a [*15661*]supreme trust your country reposed in you. I only want you to feel that night and morning, in the home, a prayer devout and loving, goes up for your help and protection. [*15662*] Your dear wife and children must be your greatest comfort, and I do not doubt that sometimes you all look back with longing to the quiet life in old Albany. With kind remembrances to all. Sep 22nd believe me. faithfully yours [Tyler R. Bonditchto you & all under your roof - I am most sincerely your friend & predatory (?) Chaplain. H. A. Brown Chap. U.S. Army To Pres Theo Roosevelt Washington D.C. [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 9-26-1901 File*] Fort Barrancus Fla Sept 22" 1901 My dear President Roosevelt I have started to write to you many times in the past few days but some way my pen would fail for lack of words to express the feelings of my heart. - The awful calamity which has befallen our country makes me feel that it is almost inappropriate to extend any congratulations and yet I wish you to know how glad I [*15663*]am, if such awful things must be, that the responsibilities of this high office have fallen upon your shoulders. I am sure you will bring to this work the same "strenuous life" which has ever characterized you in your public acts. Please accept the assurances of my highest confidence in you and my deepest prayers for your success. I am delightfully located here at Ft. Barrancas under one of the finest commanding officers it has ever been my pleasure to serve under in the regular Army Col. Keugin of the Artillery. I am sorry to say that my relations with your former staff officer at Albany Col. Burbank, at Sandy Hook, were far from pleasant. Some way we failed to see alike for which reason I asked for a change. I am all right here. With kindest regards [*15664*]Robert Chisolm John Laurens Chisolm Law Office Chisolm & Chisolm 2006 1/2 Second Avenue Birmingham, Ala. Septr: 22nd 1901 Honl; Albert Clarke Boston, Mass; Dear Mr Clarke. I indulge the hope that in writing to you on a matter, which is far from you, you will not therfore only see in me a nuisance. It may be in the nature of a folly to try and swim against the current, but since I joined hands with the Republican party afew years since, it has been my hope that it may rise to a little higher level. I mean of course in the South. But I am sorry to say that so far it has not. There is a man who was very close the late President (I will call him X) who so far as my observation goes, wanted it low; lower I believe than it was before. I speak of Alabama and of Louisiana, for I am familiar with the condition in those two states, I suppose they will apply to all, but I do not know, of my own knowledge. I am more than hopeful of Mr Roosevelt, I am sanguine about him. Ever since he was a member of the New York Legislature I have been watching his career with unqualified admiration, and he fills my eye. When I say I regard him as a gentlemen I mean to convey the idea, that no unclean thing will feel at home near him. I notice that he has lately said he does not now see his way to being a candidate for the next nomination. I am sorry he feels that way and more sorry that he said it. Mr Roosevelt has, in my judgement a mission to perform in this world, and he simply fails to appreciate that fact when he expresses an willingness to quit [*15665*]to make way for bad people. Neither will his career, be recorded in History but as an accident, if he retires after his present term. Such a course would be inconsistent with his whole past; that is to be earnestly hoped he will not consider himself bound by the impulse born of a nation's bereavement. If he never did anything but make it respectable, in the South to be a Republican, he would be doing a great work. This he can do, but recent policies, as applied to us South, will have to be all changed if success be hoped for in that direction. In the two states I have named, only such Republicans, as wear a collar with X's name on it, have any sort of show. Through the influence of these men, and the unblushing buying of the other delegates X looks forward to his nomination as one of the certainties. If the result of this only affected the south, its insignificance might not require attention but, as in all liklihood the candidate as named will become the next President of the United States it might well call for more than ordinary attention from good citizens every where. Will Mr. Roosevelt further the proposed plan or throw himself in the breech to stop it? If he says he will not be a candidate three years from now, he will aid the unholy work, and his saying so now willenly be a clearing of the deck. I want you to try and stop this thing. Raise your voice and the voices of your friends and come to the rescue of a healthier condition at the South. I am of kin to Mr. Roosevelt but I have never met him. Were I to speak to him on this, he might think I have some covert axe to grind, when my last state will be worse than my first. Something better than political tramps and hucksters will have to be recognized at the south, or no respectable people will ever draw to the Republican party. I knew by experience how much a man risks, in the south, when he quits the Democratic party, and he ought to be punished, if X's methods are to be carried out.I knew the southern people, and with all their faults I love them dearly; as a boy I fought in their Armies, but I am a man now and I must act as a man. I will not be pulled into wrongdoing, when I can see my way. When I differ, I will stand by my own convictions. Mr. Roosevelt is too pure a man to fall into any selfish scheme. I will never believe it of him. I [x] want to help him and I want him to help me: I dont mean give me any office, but I mean to help my people, and when he does that he will be helping me. I hope he will appoint only republicans to office in the south, that is only fair, because not a state south will give a republican any sort of show. In this state the republican members of the legislature are not even consulted as to the needs of their counties; they ask the executive committee of the democratic party, about that; when men are so narrow minded and blinded by party seal as to show no consideration, I doubt if they are entitled to any. I could tell you a lot of other things but if I have failed to make any impression on you by what I have said, I feel I could make no head way, "though one rose from the dead." I am, with sincere regards very faithfully yours. Robert Chisolm [*15666*][*[Enclosed in Lodge 10-26-01]*][*Personal ackd 9/25/1901 P.P.F.*] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE. CHAMBERS OF REFEREE IN BANKRUPTCY. BUFFALO, N. Y. Sept 22d 1901 My dear Colonel: That you may find somethings that are interesting in the Illustrated Express of today I do not doubt, and therefore send you a copy by this mail. In doing so permit me again to congratulate you on the splendid beginnings in the first few days of your administration. No higher compliment was ever paid you than was the rising tendency of the New York markets last week. Good luck to you always! Faithfully, yours, William H Hotchkiss [*15668*] To the President, Washington [shorthand] [*Ackd 9-25-1901 File ppp pw*] Washington D. C. Sept. 22, 1901 To The President, I think it my duty to call attention to a rowdyism displayed in the barroom of the Hotel Raleigh on the night of Sept. 21. by a man named Cridler, who I learned is Assistant Secretary of State. He jokingly exhibited a caricature of the President - Teddy's Teeth, which he said he had just brought from New York, where it was all the go. Another of the party is an employee of the State Dept. I could not learn his name. The darn bartender noticed the vulgarity at the time. John H. Coles 321 Pine St. Phil. PA [*15667*][*Personal C ackd 9/25/1901 P.P.F*] Department of Justice. Chambers of Referee in Bankruptcy. Buffalo, N.Y. Sept 22nd 1901 My dear Colonel:- That you may find somethings that are interesting in the Illustrated Express of today I do not doubt, and therefore send you a copy by this mail. In doing so permit me again to congratulate you on the splendid beginnings in the first few days of your administration. No higher compliment was ever paid you than was the rising tendency of the New York markets last week. Good luck to you always! Faithfully, yours, William H. Hotchkiss To the President, Washington [*15668*] Washington D.C. Sept. 22, 1901 [*Rcvd 9-25-1901 file ppp ?*] To the President, I think it my duty to call attention to a rowdyism displayed in the barroom of the Hotel Raleigh on the night of Sept. 21, by a man named Cridler, who I learned is Assistant Secretary of State. He jokingly exhibited a caricature of the President - Teddy's Teeth which he said he had just brought from New York, where it was all the go. Another of the party is an employee of the State Dept. I could not learn his name. The darn bartender noticed the vulgarity at the time. John H. Coler 321 Pine St. Phil. Pa. [*15667*][*[9-22-01]*] [*File ackd 9-21-1901*] [shorthand] Studio 318 West 57th Street Mr President Dear Sir I thank you for sending me the saddle It came last night [*James Edward Kelly*] [shorthand] I expect to have the statuette finished in a couple of weeks You had my [*15669*]sincere sympathy during the strain and sorrow of the last few days. I pray that you may be sustained and preserved in the high station to which God has called you Very sincerely JE KELLY Sept 22d 1901 [*15670*]Sept 22nd 1901 [*ackd 9/25/1901 P.P.F. Pr*] [shorthand] Shinglenook, Narragansett Pier, R.I. Dear Theodore: I know that you must be overburdened with correspondence just now, - and yet I do not want any longer to delay advising you of my sympathy for you in the arduous task which [*15671*] has been suddenly and most unexpectedly handed over to you. And I want also to tell you how strong is the confidence of the public in you, in your integrity of purpose, in your firmness of will, and in your ability to do whatsoever may have to be done in the years to come. Not only from the press, but more especially from private talk with all sorts and conditions of men. I am certain that the American people believes that you have proved yourself and that your past makes their future secure. Do not burden yourself to answer this. But remember that I am Ever Yours Brander Matthews [*15672*]Saugatuck Conn Sept 22, 1901 [*ackd 9-26-1901 File*] Mr President. Many years have elapsed since we have met. I shall have to introduce myself as the Brother of Mrs Geo Cabot Ward and Mrs Y.A. Robbins. Many years ago you passed a night on account of a thunder storm, at my [?] at Tuckahoe where your Father left you. As an [*15673*]3 With my sincere sympathy for the position you are placed in, and my heartfelt interest for yourself and our Country, I am very sincerely your friend John B. Morris. old friend of your family it compels me to speak a word at the present. No axes to grind I have all that I need. Till the present agitation subsides I beg you to give a little thought - or submission to the unpleasantness of protection. While I feel you are not to be compared to a caged bird, it seems wise to be a little cautious. [*15674*] [*Wm Henry John 11th Baron*] [*File [ppf ?*] Wroxton Abbey Banbury Sept 22 1901 My dear Colonel Roosevelt While we deplore the event which has plunged America in such deep grief & mourning & while we offer her our warmest sympathy in her sorrow we cannot but congratulate you as an old friend & allow me [*15675*]to add, as a connection with our family, on the great problem it has fallen to your lot to fill. We trust that history will record your Presidentship as a glorious one & one which has united our countries in closer union than ever. With kindest regards [*15676*] and all best wishes from all here & with kindest remembrances to Mrs Roosevelt Believe me Yours very sincerely North [*15676*]& Kings & Country. I implore you to take some step that will reduce this world's danger to the minimum. We who love & honor you — and have known you for so many years will be with you in strong sympathy [[shorthand]] [*ackd 9-26-1901 File*] WINGOOD FARM. NORFOLK, MASS. Sept 22, 1901. My dear Mr. Roosevelt, It has now gone into years since in our family prayers. your name has been spoken & now we are solemnly grateful that you are where you [*15677*]are - in this service of the Nation's stress. You will know what to do - and will formulate some plan that shall lessen the dangers to rulers from such dangerous & evil fanatics. Surely it is time that there should some international legislation for protection — not appeasing anarchy — for anarchy will never harm us — but against anarchists. So far as your own safety is concerned you will consider this the last & least of your duties — but for the sake of Presidents [*15678*]2 & support & loyalty through all your term & through your next term to which you will be most gloriously elected. A year ago I was slightly stricken with paralysis from which I have wholly recovered - a better [*15679*]calmer & stronger man. And I hope to serve my country as a good citizen so long as you remain its President. I am My dear Mr. Roosevelt Sincerely & Loyally yours Wm. F. Round [*15680*]McKinley so placed on you. I always recollect with pleasure the frankness & kindness with which you received me in New York in 1896, & I have followed with much interest your public career since then. You suddenly succeed to one of the greatest positions if not the greatest position in the world. In your hands are placed not only the interests of your great country, but the interests of every other nation in the world are affected & influenced by the policy which you may adopt. If I may be permitted to say so, I feel sure from all I know of you, that you will admirably fulfill your part, & you'll have [not] [only] the good wishes of the people of the States over which you are the President, and of other people especially those of the country to which I have the honor to belong. Although at times [*15682*]relations between the U. States & G. Britain could have been strained, The vast majority of my countrymen now sincerely desire to maintain cordial relations with you, & feel that in harmony with you we can promote the best interests of millions of people in every part of the world. May I conclude by saying that no one will move earnestly pray for the smallest of your administration than yrs very truly, Spencer P.S. I shall not expect a reply & I need not assure you that I write as a private friend, not having any official position myself in this country [*Proste File Ansd ppF Per*] NORTH [CAVAUX?] [FASENHAM?]. 22 Sept. 1901 Dear Mr. President At the risk of intruding upon you at a time of great prepare of business, & of doing what you may think presumptuous in me, I cannot refrain from writing a few lines to you, to express how strongly I feel for you in the great responsibility which the terrible death of President [*15681*]McKinley so placed on you. I always recollect with pleasure the frankness & kindness with which you received me in New York in 1896, & I have followed with much interest your public career since then. You suddenly succeed to one of the greatest positions if not the greatest position in the world. In your hands are placed not only the interests of your great country, but the interests of every other nation in the world are affected & influenced by the policy which you may adopt. If I may be permitted to say so, I feel sure from all I know of you, that you will admirably fulfill your part, & you'll have [not] [only] the good wishes of the people of the States over which you are the President, and of other people especially those of the country to which I have the honor to belong. Although at times [*15682*](Copy) He is far more capable than ever to fill a place in the Cabinet. Please, if you can, give him either the Navy or War. (MARIA LONGWORTH STORER) September 22, 1901. [*15683*](Copy) He is far more capable than ever to fill a place in the Cabinet. Please, if you can, give him either the Navy or War. Maria Longworth Storer. September 22, 1901. [*15684*] both know - and how I pray that Bellamy, who so richly deserves it, shall have a chance for honorable service at home to his country. You know too - Forgive me — and please send me back the letters — Always affectionately yours Maria Longworth Storer Biarritz - September 22nd 1901 [*ackd PPF pr*] [*1901 Sept 22*] Dear Theodore: Bellamy would not let me write did he know that I was writing. — He has always said: "I should never ask anything from Theodore; I know he will do what is in his power" — but I come as a beggar for Bellamy - unashamed to ask for him - and [*15685*]if it is impossible for you to grant what I ask - you know you can say so to me and I will submit But, Theodore, no one knows so well as I how Bellamy has suffered from his exile, how he never wanted diplomatic promotion except in the hope that it might bring him nearer a place where he might work for the good of his country at home - I have loved and kept the letters in which you spoke well of him and of his deserts, He is far more capable than ever, to fill a place in the Cabinet, Please - if you can, give him either the Navy or war - and please forgive me for asking - How we should love to be near you and Edith your [*15686*][*Tucker, H[enry] S[t] G[eorge]*] WASHINGTON & LEE UNIVERSITY. LEXINGTON, VIRGINIA. [shorthand] Sept 22nd 1901 [*ansd 9/25/1901 PPF. Pr*] President Theodore Roosevelt - My dear Mr President - I was a warm friend of our late beloved President - A friendship which was partially inherited from my Father, but which personally began in our service in the 51st Congress - and increased to the day of his death - By his untimely death the duties of his great office came to you - and I cannot refrain - though our acquaintance has been but slight in the past - from letting you know that in the opinion of the best & most enlightened people of this section of Virginia the reins of power have fallen into able & discreet hands - Your relations with Genl's Lee & Wheeler - as well as others - during the Spanish War will give you a hold on the Southern people & their confidence that nothing else could do. While [your] the expression of your estimate of Gen'l Robt E. Lee who presided over this university has long ago given you a warm place in the hearts of our Faculty - With an earnest hope that your Washington time may be for the good of the whole country. [*H.S.G Tucker*] I am Very Truly Yrs H.S.G. Tucker [*H.S.G. Tucker*] [*15687*]22 Sept. 1901 Princeton, Massachusetts. [*ack'd 9/25/1901 PPF Pd*] [shorthand] My dear Theodore I have been profoundly moved by the sad incidents of the recent past but am now beginning to see that out of this great sorrow much good may come to us You cannot move eighty millions of people with a common impulse without bringing them permanently into closer sympathy. If William McKinley has cemented this Union with his blood, the sacrifice becomes a triumph. I have for a long time felt certain that you would be President of the United States by nomination and election. I feel so now - Meantime is it not something [*15688*] to be deeply grateful for, that you have a united party and a united Country behind you, free from any of the bitterness that always accompanies a contest for nomination and election - May God give you the strength and wisdom, as I know he will - to fill the great office to which you have been so mysteriously called, to the lasting benefit of your countrymen - Yours Sincerely C Washburn [*15689*][[shorthand]] [*PPF ackd 9-27-1901*] [* [Brooks Adams] *] Quincy - [*Mass*] Sept. 23. 1901. "Thou hast it now: King, Cawdor, Glamis, all" The world can give no more. You hold a place greater than Trajan's, for you are the embodiment of a power not only vaster than the power of the Empire, but vaster than men have ever known. You have too the last and rarest prize, for you have an opportunity. You will always stand as the President who began the contest for supremacy of America [against] against the eastern continent. I do not wish for you capacity [*15690*]or courage for you have them — but I hope for you, and for all of us that fortune may have us in store for you as prosperous a future, as she has had a brilliant past. Sincerely yours, Brooks Adams. [*15691*] JOHN ALLISON, LAWYER, TILLMAN BUILDING. NASHVILLE, TENN. Sept 23rd 1901. His Excellency Theodore Roosevet - President Washington D.C. [*Ackd 9/30/1901 P.P.F. pd*] My dear Mr. Roosevelt, Acknowledging the receipt of your much esteemed answer to mine of the 14th inst, and adding a few words, I am sure you will understand, that no reply from you, to this, is expected, you are too much engrossed to correspond with friends, or admirers. I want to say that I am sincerely and earnestly interested in your present and future personal success: I am as "close to" the two senators in congress from Tenn. as years of intimacy, friendship and mutual confidence can bring men: at some times, and in some way, I might, therefore, be of service to you with one, or both, or our senators, and I will hold myself ready to make an honest effort to do so, if you shall ever need such effort on my part. I am on cordial terms, and friendly relations with every leading republican in [*15692*]JOHN ALLISON, LAWYER, TILLMAN BUILDING NASHVILLE, TENN __ 1901. Tennessee, (everyone of the late Presidents appointees in Tenn, endorsed me for appointment as St Louis Commissioner) and I also know personally very many of the rank and file in that party - likewise the democratic party, and its leaders. Now, put these facts away in your mind - and if at any time you shall see any way - in which it seems to you, one of my caliber, politics and ability can render you service command me, Faithfully & Sincerely Your friend John Allison [*15693*][* [FOR ATTACHMENT SEE 9-23-01] *]GENERAL ELECTRIC COMPANY PRINCIPAL OFFICE SCHENECTADY, N. Y. [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 9/25/1901 P.P.F Pr] 9/23/01 My Dear Colonel: Now that this horrible tragedy has become a memory instead of an actuality, allow me to tell you how much the thought that you would assume control, if the worst happened, kept up our spirits. I have been traveling a great deal lately and everywhere I hear nothing but the strongest words of confidence in you. If you will recollect, on the night of the ball I gave, I predicted that the next large ball you would attend, would be as the Chief Magistrate of this country. Although affairs did not shape themselves as I had anticipated, yet my prediction is coming true. Please accept my best love and wishes for you and yours, and if ever I can be of service to you, in any way [*15694] GENERAL ELECTRIC COMPANY PRINCIPAL OFFICE SCHENECTADY, N.Y. — 2 — call upon me just as you did when I had the honor to be a member of your "military family". With kindest regards to Mrs. Roosevelt, Alice and certainly to Ted, believe me, Most Faithfully, Jas. M. Andrews [*15695][[shorthand]] [*Immediate*] [*ackd 9/24/1901 P.P.F. Pr*] TELEGRAM. Executive Mansion, Washington. 2 P0 0 JM 30 Paid 305pm New York, Sep. 23,1901. Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary to President :- Referring my letter twenty-third. Scott, editor OREGONIAN, obliged forego visit Washington, account engagement deliver address Buffalo Oregon Day, but directs me assure President most cordial and sincere support OREGONIAN. John Bartlett. [*(Battett?)*] [*15696*][shorthand] [*ackd 9/26/1901 P.P.F. pr*] N. C. BARTLETT, COUNSELLOR-AT-LAW, 47 Merrimack St., cor. Fleet St., HAVERHILL, MASS. Sept. 23, 1901 Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. Dear Friend and Classmate:- As a member of the Class of '80, Harvard I feel very proud of your advancement to the highest position in the nation: and now address you to express to you my admiration of your career as an author soldier and statesman. I have always been a Republican in politics, myself, and have served in our city government and as a member of the Massachusetts legislature as a member of that party. My friend, Congressman Wm H. Moody of this city, is also a Harvard man, Class of 1876 I think. You will find him a very scholarly and able man, as well as a good Republican. Rejoicing in your success and in the glory thereby reflected upon us all. - Harvard '80 - I am Fraternally Your Nat. C. Bartlett [*15697*][*[1901]*] [*ackd 9-26-1901 PPF*] BURTON & SKINNER, LITH. ST. LOUIS. C. F. BLANKE, Prest. H. A. VOGLER, V-Prest. R. H. BLANKE, Secy. C.F. BLANKE TEA & COFFEE CO. IMPORTERS & JOBBERS TEA, COFFEE & SPICES. SEVENTH AND CLARK AVE EXPOSITION BRANDS TEAS COFFEES HIGH GRADE EXTRACTS SPICES BAKING POWDER COFFEE ROASTERS. SPICE GRINDERS. BRANCHES: NEW YORK, 18 E. 14TH ST. CHICAGO, 42-44 MICHIGAN AVE. KANSAS CITY, 522 DELAWARE ST. [[shorthand]] St. Louis Sept. 23rd, 1900. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washinton, D.C. Mr. President;- Having always been an admirer of your record in public affairs, it was with such pleasure that I met you in this city in the Fall of 1900, when you were a canidate for Vice President of the United States. You will no doubt remember the animal "Village Boy", which you rode from Forest Park to the Country Club. I have always remembered with pleasure the remark that you made, "that this was the finest animal that you had ever ridden, or saw". The slight personal relations thus established, gave me more than the interest of every citizen in the tact and delicacy with which you conducted yourself when our beloved President was assassinated. My regret at this terrible act was, I am sure, as keen as yours, and it is a great satisfaction to me, as well as every other citizen, to know of your determination to carry out the policy of the martyred President. Now that the arduous duties of the Presidency will not permit you taking the same amount of outing in which you have always taken such an interest, and found so much pleasure, you will more than likely wish to indulge in the most convenient out-door pastime, which no doubt will be horse back riding. If you contemplate indulging in this favorite pastime, I will take great pleasure, and feel highly honored, if you [*15698*]C.F. BLANKE TEA & COFFEE CO. ST. LOUIS , 9/23/1901. T.R.---2. will accept from me as a token of my regard for you, in the shape of the saddle horse, which you admired. I hope in considering this offer, you will appreciate how much of an honor I will consider it for you to accept the horse, and on receipt of the favorable answer which I hope to receive, he will be shipped at once. Yours truly, C. F. BlankeSept. 23 1901 Bar Harbor, Maine The Boulder. [shorthand] akd 9-21-01 PPF Dear Colonel Roosevelt: I am just back from a camping trip in the wilderness, as I take this early opportunity to tell you that you have my sincerest sympathy in the big task that has been thrust upon you. I, and all my friends who know you so well, have the utmost confidence in your ability to meet every emergency. Personally, I wanted so much to see you have the exhilaration of making a campaign for it. You have the responsibility underthe saddest circumstances, and I wanted you to know that we who know you, appreciate your difficulties. I have never dealt with a squarer man in business, and the people are going to say that of you as president. Yours faithfully Robert Bridges The President [*15701*][*PPF ackd 9-26-1901*] Established 1876. Incorporated 1897. The Ault Wooden Ware Co. Successors to Compton Ault & Co. Second & Walnut Sts. Cincinnati, O. PITTSBURG OFFICE: ROOM 401, PENN BLDG., P & A. PHONE 2321 MAIN. J. B. ALLIN, SALES AGENT. Chas. A. Ault, Prest & Treas. L. D. Ault, Vice Prest. W. F. Davis, Secretary. [*Mr Locke*] Pittsburg, Pa. Sept. 23rd.1901 President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. Your Excellency:- Sometime ago I wrote to you at Oyster Bay, asking you to give me, if possible, the address of Capt. Brodie, who served in your Rough Riders during the Spanish American War, and was informed by your Secretary that you were off in the mountains, and as your mail was always a heavy one, he suggested that I write you again on your return. May I now ask you if you can give me this address that I ask for, or put me on the proper course to obtain same? While I mourn with the rest of the nation at the loss we have sustained, I sincerely hope your career as President of this Republic will be a successful one. Thanking you in advance, believe me to be, Very respectfully yours, Robert Brodie 6010 Center Ave E.E. Pittsburgh, Pa Secretary will please show tis to the President. [*15702*][?. 9-23-01] Resolved. That we the Members of the Lucas County Ohio Republican Central Committee, at a meeting originally called for the purpose of organizing the campaign of 1901, by the selection of an Executive Committee, unanimously desire to express our sympathy for Mrs. McKinley, the wife of our martyred President, in this hour of her severe affliction, at the hands of a dastardly assassin. Resolved. That William McKinley possessed the confidence and sympathy of the people, without reference to party lines, religious [*15703*]convictions, nationality or section of this great country: That the able manner in which he presided over the desitinies of this country has placed America in the forefront of the nations of the world: and that his name will be a household word for the American people, and an inspiration to the young men in all time to come. We thank Almighty God for the raising up of this great man, and for the wonderful influences that he has exerted upon the morals and the aspirations of our people: That we recognize that his name has been placed upon the roll of fame [*15704*]will be revered as an equal of Washington and Lincoln. Resolved. That it is a great trial to be compelled to submit to his loss, under such circumstances, but that we bow our will to that of the Almighty God, in whom William McKinley placed his trust. Resolved. That anarchists and anarchistic teachings should be prohibited by law from this country. We decidedly and vigorously condemn all manner of lawlessness and lawless teaching of anarchistic tendency: We believe that every shade [*15705*]of political teaching that tends to create a disregard for the laws and constituted authorities of our country and states should be prevented. That the laws bearing upon this subject should be placed upon our statute books, to the end that patriotism and love of country and of our flag be paramount: That all of the people should be allowed to dwell in contentment and security to life and property, and in the enjoyment of happiness in their American homes, whether they be rich or poor: That teachers to the contrary, in any degree, whether under the guise of the brotherhood of man, of any other [*15706*]shade of delusive teaching, are public enemies: That all who cannot happily live under our laws, and let others do so, should be required to seek some other clime: Resolved. That we unhesitatingly express our confidence in the ability, integrity, and patriotism of the Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, who under trying circumstances, succeeds Ohio's favorite son in the Presidential Chair, and extend to him our earnest sympathy and support: Resolved. That a copy of these resolutions be engrossed and signed by the Chairman and Secretary of the Commitee [*15707*]and forwarded to Mrs. William McKinley, at Canton, Ohio, and to President Roosevelt at Washington, D.C. Resolved. That a copy of these resolutions be furnished the Toledo "Blade", "Times", "News", and "Bee" for publication. Sam Cohn Chairman Rep. County Central Committee AW Young Secretary Rep. County Central Committee [*15708*][*(Enc in Waldorf 9-23-01)*][shorthand] [*ackd 9/24/1901 P.P.F pd*] The Philadelphia Press. WASHINGTON BUREAU: 1403 F. ST. Washington, D. C., Sept 23d 1901 Dear Mr. President: Not wanting to take up any more of your time than possible I take this means of paying my respects. I was a Tribune correspondent in Mr. McKinleys district in his first campaign for Congress, and I was a Tribune reporter in your district when you first ran for the Assembly, and I have taken part, more or less, in all the political campaigns in the intervening years; hence I feel that I have more than ordinary interest in your success as I did have in that of the late President. It is a great consolation to know that you are in the Executive Chair. I expected to see it come in time, but not in this way, and I expect to see you there another term as you will see by enclosed clipping. Sincerely yours, E. J. Gibson [*15710*] To President Roosevelt. [*Ackd 9/25/1901 P.P.F.*] State of New York, Health Officer's Department, Quarantine, Sct Sept 23, 1901 [shorthand] Dear Colonel Roosevelt, I am quite sure you have no friend who more earnestly hopes for your welfare & success than I nor is there anyone who more fully appreciates that integrity & sound judgment will be displayed in your management [*15709*]of the affairs of the country. I shall hope to have the pleasure of seeing you sometime this fall or winter. Sincerely yours A. H. Doty[[shorthand]] [*ackd] 9/24/1907 PPF Pr*] EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT THE CENTURY MAGAZINE UNION SQUARE NEW YORK R. W. GILDER, EDITOR R. U. JOHNSON, ASSOCIATE EDITOR C. C. BUEL, ASSISTANT EDITOR Sept. 23, 1901 My dear Mr. President, I have just answered by telegraph your most kind invitation to dine with you at half past seven on Tuesday evening. I suppose it will be at Mrs. Cowles's. I will go down to Washington some time Tuesday morning (at the Arlington.) I send herewith some advance sheets of the November Century. I have ventured to include some words of my own of a personal character. With my cordial regards Sincerely & faithfully R. W. Gilder P.S. It will be a great pleasure to see you afar from the object of the interview. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt [*15711*]TELEGRAM. [shorthand] Immediate acc'd 9/24/1901 PPF Executive Mansion, Washington. 8 WU JM GI 91 Paid-----7:43p New York Sept. 23. President Roosevelt: I want very much to see you about matters of present interest and importance also I want a week's vacation, therefore I telegraph you to see whether you will see me this week in which case I will take vacation next week, or if you could more conveniently see me next week I could take the rest of this week for vacation. I hope either one way or the other will suit you and that you can name a time when you would not be too much pressed with other matters. F. Norton Goddard. TELEGRAM. Executive Mansion, Washington. [1901] 7 WU JM GI 10 Paid-----7:40p. New York Sept. 23. President Roosevelt: My address for all purposes is one hundred Bleeker Street. F. Morton Goddard. [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 9-26-1901 File*] September 23rd 1901 — Chestnut Hill. Dear Theodore - I do not feel that I can let more time pass, now that the responsibilities and honour of the Presidency have fallen on you [*15714*]proud - With the best of wishes from Mr Reginald and myself. I am, Ever Sincerely Yours Rose Lee Gray - shoulders, without expressing to you my great interest in the fact, and my deep confidence that you will make a record of which all your friends will be [*15715*]Copy Copy. M.R.B. DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, WASHINGTON. September 23, 1901. The President. Sir: Permit me to commend to your attention the application of Mr. Albert D. Elliot, now of this city, for the position of Secretary of Porto Rico. Mr. Elliot is a graduate of Harvard University, 1882, and of the Law School of the University of Michigan, 1887, is forty-two years of age, vigorous and in good health. He has had an excellent training in general business, in the practice of law and in public service, is a man of untiring industry and zealous devotion to duty. He served for about three years as Secretary of the Territory of Alaska and Clerk of the United States Court at Sitka, by appointment of President McKinley, retiring in June, 1900, though urged by the District Judge to accept a re-appointment. As Secretary he was often Acting Governor of the Territory, performing the Governor's duties in addition to his own for as much as six months at a time, as the latter's absences were sometimes prolonged. He was distinguished among our officials in Alaska as an indefatigable worker, and has left an enviable record. The Alaskan appointment was made on the recommendation of President Eliot and Professor Joseph H. Beal of Harvard, Professor Asaph Hall of Michigan, Senators Barrows, Baker, Clark (of Wyoming), Gear, Hanna, Hawley, and Hoar, Representatives Broderick, Curtis, Sherman Hoar, Stone and others, whose letters are on file in this Department. Secretary Bliss was favorably impressed by Mr. Elliot, and selected him from a large number of candidates. He is a man of unusual quality, who I believe would prove exceptionally valuable in the service. I have the honor to be, Sir, Very respectfully yours, (Signed) John W. Holcombe (Har. '75) Chief of Appointment Division. [Enc. in 7-3-02 Elliot][*Private: Not for the Public FIles.*] [*Ack'd 9/25/1901 File P.P.F.*] [shorthand] [*Wrote State 9/25/1901.*] LAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER & BURGHARD. 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. FREDERICK WM HOULS. LOUIS A. WAGNER. EDWARD M. BURGHARD. Sept. 23, 1901. Dear Mr. President: It is not my preference that my first letter to you should be about an office; but I cannot help myself, inasmuch as I gave my word when in Europe last summer to consult about this matter with President McKinley; and the time has come when it is my duty to make good my promise with his successor. Mr. Chas. V. Herdliska, a native of Kentucky, but of Austrian parents, has for four years been Secretary of the American Legation, in Vienna. It is the unanimous opinion of all persons whom I know, who have come in contact with him there, that his records has been exceptionally good. He understands German and French, and has filled the place of Charge d' Affaires during the frequent absences of our ministers with great credit. Everyone, including the Austrian foreign office, from which I derive some of my information, says that he is in every way a credit to the American foreign service. His term expired the 1st of October, and he has been superseded by the appointment of Mr. Chandler Hale. It is understood that this man was taken with the acquiescence of his backer, Senator Foraker, of Ohio, and that Senator Foraker was impelled thereto by reasons wholly extraneous to Mr. Herdliska's efficiency. An opportunity has accidentally presented itself to continue Mr. Herdliska in the service of the Government, in that the U. S. Consul, at Prague, Austria, has resigned, and there is now a vacancy in that [*15718*]LAW OFFICE OF HOLLIS, WAGNER & BURGHARD. 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. FREDERICK WM HOLLS. LOUIS A. WAGNER. EDWARD M. BURGHARD. 2 consulate, which, in the interests of the service, should be filled immediately. Mr. Herdliska would fill that place almost ideally. He knows the language and the people, and yet he is a native American. You and I have often discussed the question of sending a naturalized citizen as consul to the country of his birth. I am personally strongly opposed to this policy; but the objection does not exist in the case of a native American, the son of a naturalized citizen. On the contrary, in many respects, the efficiency of such a person is helped by his ancestry. In the present case, knowing the man as I do, I feel that you could hardly make a better choice. I mark this letter "private and not for the public files," for the reason that I would much prefer to refrain from making any recommendations for office; and if you would kindly continue the practice which President McKinley followed of permitting me to be heard on such questions as seemed to him to make my own views desirable it will avoid embarrassment in every direction. It is needless for me to say that I am at your disposal at any time. In the present case Judge Peter C. Grosscup, of the U. S. Circuit Court, in Chicago, one of the best judges and one of the best men, by the way, in the country, has asked me particularly during my recent stay in Chicago to write or speak to you on behalf of Mr. Herdliska, and to say that he joins most cordially in everything that I can say in his favor. Judge Grosscup was in Vienna recently for quite a while, and [*15719*]LAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER & BURGHARD. 120 BROADWAY. NEW YORK. FREDERICK WM HOLLS. LOUIS A.. WAGNER. EDWARD M. BURGHARD. 3 knows whereof he speaks. Mr. Herdliska now dates from the District of Columbia, though he was originally appointed as from Ohio at the request of Senator Foraker. There are no senators, therefore, who could be expected to intercede in his behalf. I venture to say that Dr. Hill, in the State Department, who also knows Mr. Herdliska well, would be ready to give you any further information that may be desired. It was extremely gratifying to me furing [during] last week's visit to Chicago and Milwaukee to see how unanimously the leading men out there joined in gratitude to you for your declaration and for the auspicious beginning of your administration. In about a fortnight, I shall be glad to avail myself of an opportunity for a longer conversation on several points of public interest about which I am much concerned. I have just seen Butler, who told me about the most satisfactory and inspiring time which he had with you on Friday evening. I have the honor to remain, dear Mr. President with sincere esteem and regard, Yours faithfully, Frederick W. Holls. [*15720*]BARTLETT S. JOHNSTON & CO., 239 E. GERMAN STREET. BALTIMORE, 190 #2 knew I was suggesting his name to you for an office. I hope you will come. Faithfully Yours Bartlett S. Johnston [*15722*] [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 9/25/1901 PPF Pr*] BARTLETT S. JOHNSTON & CO., 239 E. GERMAN STREET. BALTIMORE, Sept. 23rd 1901 Dear Mr. President— Cant you come over here Saturday evening and spend a quiet Sunday - and get away from the crowd. Gordon and I will see that you don't have any crowd around you. and I will promise to keep Charley Bonaparte out of sight. he would raise thunder with me - if he [*15721*] [*shorthad notations*] THE BOSTON GLOBE, WASHINGTON OFFICE. [*Ack'd 9/23/1901 P.C.F PN*] Sep 23, 1901. The President: I take pleasure in sending you herewith a copy of a book written by me and recently published. Faithfully yours, A. Maurice Low. [* [Brilich Bangr.] *] [*15724*] [*PPF ackd 9-27-1901*] United States Senate, [Washington D.C.] Sioux Falls S.D Sept 23d 1901 Dear Mr President It will afford me great pleasure to support your administration and I wish you every success. Sincerely yours ABKittredge [*Kittredge*] Hon Theodore Roosevelt Executive Mansion [*15723*] Washington[shorthand][*[9-23-01]*] 2 CAMP PUKWANA ADIRONDACK LEAGUE CLUB LITTLE MOOSE LAKE, HERKIMER CO. N. Y. 19 I need not say here anything of the confidence we feel in you, the satisfaction it gives us to feel you at the head of our Nation. Do you know my ancestors fought in the Revolution of 1776 and I am most ardently patriotic - and to me you sum up all that is best and finest in American Manhood. You'll forgive this little outburst? Our intimate talks in the past embolden me to say it. I look back on our delightful, frank talks of last Spring often and often. Do you know — can you understand it. — [*15726*] [[shorthand]] [*Ansd 9-26-1901 File*] CAMP PUKWANA ADIRONDACK LEAGUE CLUB LITTLE MOOSE LAKE, HERKIMER CO. N. Y. Sept. 23rd 1901 My dear President Roosevelt: The Doctor and I were just starting off on a hunting trip when he was called to a consultation at Raquette Lake, so instead of being miles away in a hunter's camp entirely by ourselves (no guide) I'm at my own comfortable camp listening to a furious roar - a good sea on the lake. When your tragic summons to the great position of President of the United States came, we were quite near you, having found ourselves in a tiny guide boat weighing 40 pounds [*15725*]to Blue Mt. Lake - the Dr. & I sharing the rowing then carrying the boat while I carried the pack & the oars. We sent you a telegram, but of course among so many thousand, I don't know if you ever saw it. Our hearts were full indeed. With all the profound regret, indignation & sense of personal affront that every American must feel, yet there could not be but a deep exultation that - since the terrible tragedy must be - you were to be our President. How I thanked God that we had a Vice President in every way fit to step into the office made vacant! You know our deep admiration for you, so there is quite a thrill to me as the knowledge that a President of the United States is a friend - I think I may use that much abused word. I am going to try to come down next winter to Washington — I am so anxious to meet Mrs. Roosevelt, too. On the shelves of my tiny little "den" up here in the woods are three of your hunting books and your portrait commands the shelves — this has been here since last summer — I think of you always and wish you every possible success and honor. Faithfully Yours Annie Nathan Meyeragree with me that he has done well. I do hope that a way can be found which will enable him to continue in the service. Sincerely yours Wm Fellowes Morgan To the Hon. Theodore Roosevelt Sep. 23 1901. [Awai Sp] [* [9-23-01] *] [[shorthand]] [*Ansd 9-26-1901 File*] SHORT HILLS, NEW JERSEY. My dear Theodore, Col. R. H. Leonard; who has just returned from Manilla, is very anxious to remain in the army. His record in two wars & in the National Guard of New York State is known to you, & I think you will [*15727*] [*PPF ackd 10-1-1901*] OFFICE OF FREDERICK MULLER, Treasurer and Ex-Officio Collector, Santa Fe County, Santa Fe, N. M. September 23rd, 1901. My dear Colonel:- I need not tell you that there is no one who rejoices more than I do, that after the terrible calamity of President McKinley's assassination, you of all men in the country, should be brought to fill his place. From the time of the War, all of us who were with you in Cuba, have hoped to see you in the Presidential chair, and have firmly believed that you would sometime be there. But we supposed it would require time and a campaign before the convention and in the election to secure your success, and we all expected to work hard for that purpose. Now it has come much sooner and by the direct will of God. I cannot express how proud and delighted I feel that my old Commander should be at the head of the nation. Everyone feels that the country is safe under your rule, and that there will be no charge of dishonesty and corruption for eight years at least. I have taken the earliest opportunity which seemed proper, to express my congratulations to you, and the joy which all the old "Rough Riders" feel that you are President. Very respectfully yours, Frederick Miller [*15729*] overOFFICE OF FREDERICK MULLER. Treasurer and Ex-Officio Collector, Santa Fe County, Santa Fe, N. M. P. S. When I saw you in Colorado Springs, I told you i will keep you posted on matters here, which are in a peculiar and unfortunate condition. This I will gladly do, as it is important that you should know the truth of the situation, as the"ring" in control are already boasting that they arec certain of your support. I hear that Llewellyn has been sent to Washington by Gov. Otero to win you over. Llewellyn has a "fat job" and doesnot need any help. Otero is using him. What was told you in Colorado Springs is strictly true, but from something Otero heard in Chicago, he thought he had better "hedge" and so had an interview put in a paper there: but the Otero representatives, Luna and Bursum, absolutely pledged the six votes of New Mexico to Hanna for whom he wished, at Cleveland, last June and obtained the letters which re-appointed Otero. I am told that in your present position, letters do not reach you, but are only seen by Secretaries. Is there any way by which they can come to you personally? F. M. [*15730*][shorthand]your courage and your faithfulness, and in your ability to meet the duties of the future. It is a comfort to every American, who gives serious thought to public matters, to feel that the work of the President has come to the hands of a man of high purpose and of earnest endeavor. My highest hopes are with you in the work that lies before Yours faithfully, Henry S. Pritchett OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT Personal. MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY, BOSTON, MASS. [[shorthand]] [*ackd 9/25/1901 P.P.F Pr*] Sept. 23,1901. The President, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. Sir: - In coming out of the Teton Basin a few days ago, at the end of a month's outing, I learned for the first time of the sad events which have culminated in President McKinley's death, and of the circumstances under which his duties and responsibilities had come so suddenly upon you. I cannot restrain the wish to assure you of my regard and sympathy at this moment, as well as of my faith in [*15731*] fellow & be one! & may God be with you always. Affly. Sammy Shaw. [*H.L.*] Sept 23d/01. [*9-23-01*] [*Ansd 9-25-1901 File*] E. ROLLINS MORSE & BRO. [shorthand] My dear Theodore. At pretty much every step of your public career I have sent you a few lines to remind you of an old friend's interest in & affection for you. It seems only yesterday that I wrote - half humorously, half seriously - when you were nominated for Vice President. I was disappointed because I had wanted you to be Gov. of N.Y. a second time, and [*15733*] from there, when the times were ripe & you were ripe, step on & up, if the fates so willed to your present position - It was ordered otherwise & who shall say it was not for the best - Certainly not I. - I write now in order to assure you of three things all of which your old chum feels very deeply. First my great sympathy with you at this present time - You are not the man I think you if your big heart is not sorely stricken by this tragic event, & by the fearful suddenness with which your mighty responsibilities have been thrust upon you. Secondly my heartiest good wishes for your success & the success of your Administration - Thirdly my Strong Confidence & belief that you will rise fairly & fully to the occasion & that your Administration will be Successful in the best sense of the word. None in our great Country know better than the handful of your old college chums that you have it in you to be a great President - Go ahead, my dear old [*15734*][shorthand] [*P.P.F. ackd 9/25/1901 Pa*] Nufield Sept-23rd 1901 Mr Theodore Roosevelt Dear Sir Allow me to express to you the pleasure and gratitude I feel that you have attained to the highest position in this great land of ours, and as your name implies "The gift of God" may you have the strength given you to carry on the great work before you, [*15735*]as you have, all the other high positions you have been called upon to fill. In the words of scripture "The Eternal God is thy refuge and underneath are the everlasting arms". Doubtless you will wonder why I should have written you. As I am Willie Cowles and Anna's Aunt Helen I felt I could do so. With love to them both and my best wishes for your future welfare I remain Yours truly Helen. L. Siffield [*Siffield*] [*15736*][shorthand] [*Ansd 9-28-1901 File*] Boston, Mass, Sept, 23rd, 1901. Pres. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. Dear Teddy-: Have you any remembrance of the incident referred to in the enclosed clipping? If such a thing had occurred, I am quite sure it would have made an everlasting impression on, Your friend and classmate, Thornton H. Simmons '"foe" Oak Hall Boston [*15737*][For eve, see 9-23-01]House of Representatives, Washington. New Haven, Conn., Sept. 23, 1901. [[shorthand]] [*Ans'd 9/25/1901 P.P.F. Pd*] To the President of the United States. Dear Sir:- There is a very great desire on the part of the people of New Haven and Yale College to have you visit New Haven during the coming bi-centennial, and I wish to make known to you their request. I know it is asking a great deal just at this time, in view of what has transpired of late, but could you see your way clear to come, you would afford the faculty of the university great pleasure. They are preparing, I know, to honor you on that occasion. I do not feel like urging you to a point beyond what prudence and good judgment may dictate, but I assure you your coming would be hailed with great pleasure. Sincerely yours, N. D. Sperry M. C [*15738*]William R. Stewart, 31 Nassau Street, New York. Post Office Box 258. Telephone 3269 Cortlandt. 23rd September, 1901 [*Ackd 9-25-1901 File*] To the President of the United States, The White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: When I was in London the inclosed article from the Daily Telegraph of that city, published on the 9th instant, impressed me as a very remarkable description of the present and prospective supremacy of this country in many directions, and I brought a copy home hoping that you might possibly find time to read it. Wishing for you a successful administration of the high office to which you have been called, with my compliments to Mrs. Roosevelt, I am, Very sincerely yours, Wm R. Stewart [*15739*][For 1. enc see Daily Telegraph 9-9-01]they know that sympathy is often as sure or even a surer guide than knowledge. But knowing what harm is often done in your country by anything which seems to touch a man as a friend of England I was very careful not to give any occasion for much comment & so worded what might look like eulogy. But really I don't know why I would say this, for you are the last man to care about such a matter. I have been careful not to ask any official people here as to what's being done about the Coast but I hope from the indications in the Press that things are going all right & that our pedantic & puzzle-headed diplomacy — it really deems no better description — has at last seen daylight & is going to be governed by common sense & true self interest. Pray excuse me for the impertinence of this long letter & accept my warmest & most sincere good wishes for a prosperous & happy tenure of an office begun under such sad auspices - an office which has always seemed to me the most momentous on earth because it combines the functions which we split into two more of the Sovereign & the Prime Minister. Believe me dear Mr. President Yours very truly J. St Loe Strachey To The President of the United States - [*P.F.*] [*PPF ackd Oct 5 - 1901*] [STATION CLANDON L&S.W.R] 23 Sept. 1901 Monday [NEWLANDS CORNER, MERROW, GUILDFORD] The Spectator Office 7 Wellington St Strand WC London, England [[shorthand]] Dear Mr. President. When I wrote to congratulate you on your election as Vice-President nearly a year ago, I never dreamt that in truth - the strongest - ground that I as a lover of the United States, had in being delighted at your election was that - in the event of any untoward accident to the President America would [*15740*]have in you a successor in all ways worthy of the great trust to which you have been called. I am speaking only the honest truth when I say that I in common with the vast majority of Englishmen found a real conflation in our sorrow and indignation at Mr McKinley's murder in the knowledge that the executive office would fall into hands so worthy & so competent. It was a real relief to think that you would succeed, It made one thankful that the dangerous custom of appointing a novelty to the Vice-Presidency had not been followed in your case. You will probably not have time to read what I wrote about you in last Saturday's Spectator but if you should chance to see it, or any extracts from it, I hope you will not think it cold & unsympathetic. I felt far more warmly than I wrote, but I was most anxious not to seem to flop-over & to be misunderstood on your side. The feeling here has been most real & sincere. Though of course the majority of people here can really know very little about you yet in some curious instinctive way they believe you to be a sound, strong man who will guide your great nation towards righteousness and good government. By hitting the mark thus [*15741*]is unmixed with fear for the future. I am appalled at my cheek when I think how I tried to persuade you one Sunday afternoon, to remain with the Navy. I would have been right had it been any other man, for no other man would have gotten to the front, much less won distinguished honors on the battle field. Not that I think your going to war made you President. For I believe that must have come if the American people remained sane; but it made your path brighter. May you live long to the benefit of your country and to the satisfaction [*???*] [*Ansd 9-25-1901*] September 23--1901 Dear Mr. President: You have been frequently in my thoughts since I heard of the fatal shot. All your friends must wish that circumstances had permitted you to wait until 1904 before taking up you present responsibilities; but it is a great satisfaction to them to see how the people's grief for their well beloved President [*15742*]of your friends. Sincerely yours Richard Wainwright The President Executive Mansion Washington D.C. [*15743*] Telephone 871 (Ches.) " 389 (Home.) W. E. Arnold & Co. Manufacturers and Importers Window Shades, Trunks Window Hollands, Lace Curtains, Portieres, Table Covers, Cornice Poles, Brass Goods, Mosquito Canopies, 20 S. Charles Street. Baltimore, Sept 23 1901 [*ackd 9-26-1901*] [[shorthand]] His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt Prsdt U.S. Honored Sir Can I trouble you to read attached story headed "Her own way" and advise me if tis founded on fact — and if that part referring to your - mother's display of and refusal to lower her Confederate flag is as stated Your answers - on this sheet - will be duly appreciated by an old Johnny. Reb me. Yours Resp'ly Joshua Thomas [*15744*]Her Own Way (Special Correspondence of the Morning Herald) Savannah, Ga., Sept.22 - Through the paternal branch of the ancestral tree may have flown some of the sap that gave President Roosevelt his indomitable spirit, but certain it is that the maternal branch was rich in that quality which marked the Bullochs, of Georgia, for their resolution, pertinacity and strength of will. No better exponent of those traits could be found than Martha Bulloch Roosevelt, the mother of the President. Not long after the civil war Mrs. Roosevelt was on a visit to Savannah, where she had many friends. She was a Georgia woman of distinguished ancestry, the Bulloch family being one of the best in the state, and its representatives having served with distinction in the highest positions. It was but natural, therefore, that she should have been well received upon her visit to this city, and that there should have been rare pleasure to her, an unreconstructed "rebel," in her intercourse with her own people, those who had fought and bled upon the field of battle, or fought the greater battle of waiting and watching. Reunion with her Southern friends after the years of the war that she had spent at he home in New York was a pleasure to Mrs. Roosevelt. It was with the keenest relish that she recounted stories of the times and of the trials that she had suffered in the city of her adoption, through her unswerving loyalty to the cause of the South, to which cause two of her brothers had devoted themselves, one as the representative of the government of the Confederacy in London, and the other as an officer on the cruiser Alabama. One of these stories clearly reveals the character of the woman and leaves little difficulty in determining whence the President gets some of those qualities that have tended to his preferment. It was at a dinner given in Mrs. Roosevelt's honor by Mrs. Henrietta S. Cohen that she told the story. Of late years, because of Theodore Roosevelt's rapid advancement, it has been recalled by his mother's old friends, who feel pride in having known the mother of the President and gladly ascribe to her some of the traits that are seen in her son. It was just when the spirit of peace, uncertain as to whether it should alight, was hovering over the land. New York was aflame with passionate patriotism, and anything smacking of Confederacy was not tolerated. Feeling ran high, and woe was it to any who braved the tide and showed a leaning towards the cause of the South. Theodore Roosevelt, the elder, decided about that time to give some great social function. The Roosevelt mansion was accordingly bravely decked in bunting and with United States flags. From every window, save one, flew the Stars and Stripes. That exception was Mrs. Roosevelt's boudoir window. Her husband had not desired to omit it from the decorative scheme, but she would have none of it. Instead, she hit upon a plan that would clearly reveal her sentiments. Stopping not to consider the peril in which it might place her and her husband, but determined to show that all in that house were not of the cause of the North, she drew from among her cherished treasures the Stars and Bars of the Confederacy. Going to the window, she firmly fixed its staff and allowed its folds to flutter to the breeze. On the instant, almost, the hostile ensign was noted. In hot indignation one observer pointed it out to another, and a mob speedily grew, as mobs will. Soon the street was choked with angry people, who shook threatening fists at the Confederate flag and inveighed most bitterly. Alarmed by the gathering, that was swelled at every moment and which directed its wrath against his house, Mr. Roosevelt sought the cause that had stirred the people to anger. He was not long in finding it. Fierce acclaim directed his gaze, which rested upon the fluttering emblem of the South. The Roosevelt nature has never quailed before a crowd. Theodore, the elder, saw that imminent danger could probably be averted only through persuading his wife to remove the objectionable flag. With a word to the crowd he entered the house to find his wife. He told her what she already knew - that the anger of the mob had been excited by her indiscreet display of the Southern colors, and said that it would be well for her to take in the flag. "I shall not do so," said the mother of the President. "The flag is mine; the boudoir is mine. I love the flag, for it represents my native land. No ruffian hand shall invade the privacy of my boudoir to drag down that flag, nor shall ruffian shouts force me to remove it from the window of a room that is wholly mine. "Explain to them that I am a Southern woman; that I love the South. Do anything you like except touch that flag. It shall not come down." And it did not. Theodore Roosevelt went again to face the crowd. He dwelt with finesse upon his wife's love for her native land, and molded the gathering to his will and to an indulgence of Mrs. Roosevelt in her desire to fly the flag of her beloved South. The crowd dispersed. The story remains to show a maternal quality that has made a President. J. H. Butner [*15745*]GEORGE R WALDORF TREASURY DEPARTMENT. COLLECTOR OF INTERNAL REVENUE, TENTH DISTRICT-TOLEDO, OHIO. [*22*] September-23-1901. ( PERSONAL) TO THE PRESIDENT:- I am requested by the Chairman of the Lucas County, Ohio, Republican Central Committee to forward to you the copy of the resolutions provided for you, that were passed by the Committee at a meeting held Saturday, September 14th, which I enclose herewith. In this connection, I desire to say a kindly word in behalf of yourself and in the interests of the Republican Party in Ohio, as well as the country. While I shall probably be unable to offer anything that you do not already know, yet I feel, as a loyal Republican and staunch friend of the interests of our great Party, that I want you to know how the people of Ohio, who best know him, feel toward Senator Hanna. He has the absolute confidence of every true friend of the late President M'Kinley. I have known Mr. Hanna for some twenty years, and for twelve or fifteen years intimately well, and I can say this for him, that he is not only an able and conscientious man and statesman, and a thorough Republican, but he is always a loyal friend. There is that sincerity and high order of honor in Mr. Hanna's character that makes him worthy of unlimited confidence. [*15746*]2. For years we were associated together in the effort to make John Sherman the Republican nominee for President. In 1888, when it became apparent that the last opportunity had passed for the nomination of Senator Sherman, Mr. Hanna, attracted by the ability, the integrity and the many lovely qualities of William M'Kinley, determined upon transfering his allegiance and influence, so far as the Presidential nomination was concerned, to Mr. M'Kinley. I was associated with Mr. Hanna and many others in this effort. How successful it was the world knows. The worth of our candidate and the wise leadership of M. A. Hanna secured the result. I know I am voicing the sentiment among the conservative Ohio Republicans when I say I should be glad to see you have the firm support from Senator Hanna that I believe you to be entitled to. He has the kindest heart in him of any man I know. There is no subterfuge in him; he is frank, open and generous. I can say to you, as coming from a friend of senator Hanna, who knows him and understands him well, that you will never be deceived in him, for whatever he tells you can be absolutely relied upon. He is sometimes blunt in method, but he is as honest and straightfowward as a man can be. I repeat, it is the earnest desire of all the conservative Republicans of Ohio that you have the personal friendship of Senator Hanna. There is a feeling that this would prevent any chance for factional differences coming up in our state. You are aware that we have in the past been torn by factional differences, and it is our desire that we be not again subjected to this unfortunate condition, but to maintain the peaceful conditions that are existing in Ohio, brought about by the wise [*15747*]3. leadership of our beloved William M'Kinley and his best friend, Senator Hanna. I noticed in the daily press a few days ago a statement that a reconciliation had been effected between yourself and Senator Hanna, through the good offices of Governor Odell. I do not presume for a moment that there was much in this, as I take it that there has been a friendly understanding between yourself and Senator Hanna all the time, but if this is not the case, I hope it will be for all time to come, for you are both too broad and too necessary to the success of the Republican Party to be apart in the slightest particular. Trusting that you will receive this communication in the spirit it is written, and as coming not from an office holder, but from an earnest, lifelong Republican, who is interested in the success of the Party, which means the prosperity of the country, and wishing your administration the highest success, I am Your sincere friend, G. P. Waldorf Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States Washington, D.C. [*15748*][*[For 1 attachment see 9-23-01 Waldorf & 1 enclosure ca 9-23-01 resolution]*]such an affectionate regard for Corinne that I feel towards him an intimacy and interest not warranted in fact — probably a presumption. In his administration I have unbounded confidence, because I believe implicitly in his courage, his integrity, his straightforwardness, and a statesmanship to give force to his character and inspire his personality, upon [the] Philadelphia, Pa. 23 Sep. 1901 My dear Douglas, Since the horrible tragedy through which we have passed I have been intending to write you for the purpose of asking you to some time express to Mr. Roosevelt my heartiest good wishes. With him personally my acquaintanceship is very slight, but I have always had [*15749*]affairs. Indeed I shall be surprised if he shall not owe his election in 1904 to many of the Electoral Votes of the southern states. No section of the country more admires a real man than does that and I know his qualities will appeal to them, as time goes on. I base this suggestion upon the fact, that by that date the race question will be largely eliminated, and the broad policy of the present man at the head will attract their sympathy and regard. You will wonder at my writing you and probably it is unusual, but I have true regard for Mr Roosevelt, and being a fellow without a favor to ask I have wished to have him know I wish him success and happiness. My regards to Corinne yourself & the family. Hastily & sincerely, Ballard Warfield [*Ballard*]Philip G. Peabody. COUNSELLOR-AT-LAW. SMITH BUILDING. - ROOM 61, - 15 COURT SQUARE Boston, Mass., Sept. 22. 1901. Owen Wister Esq., Dear Sir: I observe, at the end of an article bearing your signature, the following: "He [*[Theodore Roosevelt]*] has striven in his books to do honor to great Americans in the past." I am informed, on authority that seems conclusive, that Mr. Roosevelt, in one of his works, speaks of Thomas Paine as a "dirty little atheist" that, on having it proven to him by a more careful, or more truthful historian, that in these three works he had made three mis-statements, (or a triple mis-statement) and that Mr. Paine was neither "dirty", "little", or "atheist", he has never made for them any apology, correction, or even withdrawal. For any other than an illiterate man to declare Paine to be an atheist seems impossible; for and educated historian to do so, when page after page of his best known work is devoted to argument in favor of the existence of a God, seems hardly compatible with honesty. Like Mr. Roosevelt, I have no agreement or even sympathy with Paines religious ideas; but, unlike him, I do not consider disagreement with them a legitimate excuse for libelling and vilifying one of the greatest men of his time. In the opinion of thoughtful scholars, Mr. Roosevelt's ignorant or spiteful mis-statements about Thomas Paine effectually discredit him, as a historian; and they seem also to contradict the paragraph from your article, which I quote at the beginning of this letter. Yours truly, Philip G. Peabody. 268 [*15750*][*Ans 9-25-1901*] Monday, Sep. 23d Dear Theodore: I don't know the crime of yours which this earnest ass reveals. I shall not answer him because silence has a cumulative eloquence which I prefer. But make yourself gay over the solemn screed. Ever yours O.W. [*[ister]*][*Ackd 9-23-1901*] [shorthand] Donner Blitzen Cañon Harvey Co. Ore- My dear Roosevelt. Your letter ferreted me out in this the most remote from civilization guny spot in the United States. Yes I think I can help about the Oregonian. Scott is the Oregonian. Of strong convictions and narrow prejudices he is a strange compound. If you followed him during the Philadelphia convention you would have seen he was lauding you and saying it was a shame to sacrifice so good a man. You were the one who would fill the ticket through and it was putting the cart before the horse. I don't know what has got into him but I'll find out. As often happens I think I have more influence with him than many of his own party and our set partly because I am not too well known as a crony with him. partly because I think he respects me - [*15751*]During the campaign his father never said anything but praise of me personally but once when some one forgot themselves in a three line editorial to the effect that "l was educated at the public expense at West Point and it ill became me to be a traitor to the country which had supported me" hard words but foolish - I tell you this only to let you see the staff you lean on I may be one or perhaps a broken reed - I think I can help to fair play - I am not a Bujanite the Republican state leaders told McKinley in my presence that I did more than anyone man to carry Oregon for him - But I understand the label which is convenient enough - I could hardly label myself. I certainly believe that there is as much room for real progress in government and society in the next 1000 years as in the past I am not one who believes we have tip toed upon the pinnacle2 of perfection. As I write a cow boy comes in from the nearest phone line saying McKinley has been shot by an anarchist I have learned not to believe rumors in war or peace and discredit it. If true however it is melancholy: I cannot conceive the cash engine which thinks murdering the head helps any evil real or imagined. If true it is curious that the only US presidents assassinated in time of peace and tranquility were men of uncertain character - Garfield morally unsound McKinley meaning well but lacking force to disregard the public name. If he be killed you will then inevitably be the candidate. But I doubt your election. Elections go not by reason - voters are neither educated nor intelligent the belly rules. Hard times determine and with the blindness of a wounded snake lashing itself the voter visits [*15752*]on the administration wrath for ils it could not prevent and praise for good it never produced. I think the times will defeat you. The people will want a change. God knows how I would vote. I am not so sure but for you, I am so sick of the professional politician in both parties and so inclined to respect an honest fearless man. If only you and your party were not committed to those things which though not as imagined and howled, the root of all evil still are evils. Protection for swollen industries and the government of others. A thing which will yet destroy the shadow of the republic. I am very blue. Erskine lies at my back under a fly. 4 days ill with prostrating fever from his disease. Cheeks getting hollow. a cough coming every few minutes. And a haunting terror is in my heart. This out of the way rough camp has been a terrible mistake. I try to move tomorrow toward the R.R. C.E.S.W. [*[Wood]*]J. YOST, 606 W. FRED. ST., STAUNTON, VA. (Copy.) Sept. 23/01 Gen. James A. Walker, Wythevelle, Va. My dear General:- I have just returned after an absence of two weeks and find your letter of the 11th awaiting me. I do not think the time is propitious for a movement on the part of those who do not believe that the best methods have been employed to build up a Republican party in Virginia. We are, or soon will be, in the midst of a canvass and should do all we can to elect our candidates. They were fairly nominated by a representative Convention and are entitled to our earnest support. If, under conditions existing in Virginia today, the tickets is defeated, then it will be time to look deeply and seriously into the causes which brought about that defeat. It will not be due to Democratic activity or Democratic methods. The one will net be aroused; the other will not be employed. If I mistake not, the true cause will be located so definitely that it can not be misunderstood in Virginia or elsewhere. And those to whom it will be justly attributable must shoulder the responsibility. Should a movement which could be construed as antagonistic to the present organization be inaugurated now, or at anytime prior to the election, it would simply shift the responsibility from where it properly belongs. I believe that some of those connected with the organization would inwardly rejoice at the defeat of the ticket, and nothing would please them better than to be able to ascribe such a result to insubordination in the face of the enemy. After the election will be time enough for such a movement as you indicate. To start it sooner would be to supply your antagonist with the most effective weapon he could employ. I am not out of politics so far as interest in political results are involved. It will be impossible for me, however, to render the personal service I have heretofore done. Just now my business engagements are very pressing and I cannot, in justice to those dependent upon me, to neglect them. I shall do everything in my power for the success of the ticket but, for the reasons stated, cannot make an active canvas as in the past. When the fight is over, whatever the result may be, then I shall be only too willing to unite in any movement looking into the upbuilding of a real Republican party in Virginia-- one which will command the respect of all classes and draw into its active organization an element that has had no part or parcel in [who] shaping party policy in the State. Hope you will agree with me. With best wishes, Very truly yours, J. YOST. 15753[Enc. in Will 10-15-01][*Ack'd 9/23/1901 P. F. Mrs. Longstreet*] [[shorthand]] Georgia sends greetings to our young President in this sorrowful season, claiming kinship with [*15754*] him, and share in his brilliant achievements as soldier and statesman, through an heroic Georgia woman - his mother. [*15755*][shorthand] ans'd 9/26/1901 PPF P[r] Waldorf, G.P., Toledo, Ohio, Sept. 23, 1901. Refers to political conditions in Ohio, and hopes there may be no differences between the President and Senator Hanna, who has the confidence of every true friend of the late President McKinley. Encloses copy of resolutions adopted by the Lucas County Republican Central Committee on death of President McKinley. [*15756*] [shorthand] Allison, John, Nashville, Tenn,. Sept. 23, 1901. The writer states that he is intimately acquainted with the Senators from state, and thereby may be able to render the President some service if the occasion should ever develop. [*15757*][attached to Waldorf 9-23-01] [Attached to Allison 9-23-01] STUDENT ROOSEVELT AS SEEN BY HIS Barber, Postman, Newsman, Landlady, Stableman, Jeweller, Car Driver, Policeman, John the Orangeman, Bootblack, Waiter, Trainer. The college life of President Roosevelt at Harvard University is very easy to trace, and his appearance, manners and characteristics are firmly stamped upon the minds of all the tradesmen and others with whom he came in contact during his four years at Cambridge. Shopkeepers, policemen, horse car conductors, barbers, waiters, postmen, newsmen, jewellers and stablemen remember him almost as well as his fellow-students, fellow- clubmen and members of the Harvard faculty. Even "John the Orangeman" remembers him and tells in the way as John and John alone can tell of what a "mighty foine bye he was." Roosevelt, according to the trades folk and those who pressed and cleaned his clothes, wore suits of the best material, of good fit, the latest but quietest designs, sensible patterns, and was, in fact, a younger edition as a student of the forcible, honest, clean man he is today. His clothes, hats and shoes were mostly all made in New York and to order. Many of the Cambridge stores where he purchased his haberdashery are now out of business and their proprietors dead or moved away and cannot be located. The consensus of opinion of the trades folk and the persons in the lower walks of life who attended to his student wants is that he was a quiet, well-mannered young man with something deep and penetrating lying beneath it all and one in whom they had great faith without knowing why. Many at the time accepted him as a descendant of a family of the old school. They took him for what he was and were grateful, but made no especial study of the quiet, masterful and studious young man, for it never occurred to them that the student of 1876 would ever become a national character and President of the United States ZAZA BELASCO. It was at the opening of Harvard College in the fall of the Centennial year (1876) that President Roosevelt first came to Cambridge -- a mere youth of 18. He showed, however, in that freshman year the same characteristics that have since marked his whole life. "Life and Dash" was his motto then as it is now, and he plunged into Greek and Latin with the same earnest endeavor with which he tackled the work of police commissioner of New York. He showed the same enthusiasm in athletics and club life, and early in his college career forced his way to the front in all branches of the "University City" life in the same manner he has since done in public life. This is the reason why he is so well remembered by the tradesfolk at Harvard. Stepping early to the front, he shone out conspicuously during the entire four years of his course. Before the Harvard and Cambridge tradespeople had had time to forget him he had blossomed out into political life and was occupying what was a magnified position in the public's eye. He Used Horse Cars. In spite of the fact that he owned a small rig, the President was a good patron of the old horse car line which ran into Boston, and many of the old motormen remember him in their "horse-car-driving days," and tell of his being a frequent passenger with him them on the front platform. Frank Sturdevant, a tall, gray-headed man, and one of the oldest motormen in the Boston Elevated railway's service, with whom I had a pleasant chat, said: "I was a driver on an Arlington horse car in those days, and I remember Mr. Roosevelt well. He was a pleasant-faced, easy-talking youth. He used to like to ride on the front platform, ask questions and get all the fresh air he could. He said it made a man feel like living to be in the open air." Both of the President's stablemen are now dead, but a hostler at one of the stables where Mr. Roosevelt used to put up his rig said: "I remember him as a judge of a good horse, and having a steady hand with the reins more than anything else. He knew a horse's mouth, he did. He used to keep a fine horse and cart, and once had one of those extremely high dog carts that were just coming into style at that time. He was in the habit of going out to drive nearly every afternoon, and he generally went far into the surrounding country. I don't think he rode horseback while here. He must have been taught that somewhere else than Harvard." His Mail Was Heavy. Theodore Prentice, who is still delivering mail from the Cambridge station, was his postman, and remembers him well. "I had, in those days, the route that included what was then No. 16, but what is now No. 88 Winthrop street. That was where he lived, and I remember him particularly well on account of his heavy mail. It was a good-sized one then. What can it be now?" Charles W. Seaver also recollected him, but very faintly. "He used to come in here and buy supplies and books, but I paid him no more attention than I did thousands of others. Little did I think that he would be President some day. If I had, I would probably have given him more attention. He bought the best of everything, and was a good customer." James W. Marshes of 1338 Massachusetts avenue was his jeweller. "Yes," said Mr. Marshes, "I have fixed his watches a good many times. He used to have quite a lot of jeweller's repair work to do, and I guess I did it all. I had a good chance to size him up. He was as good a youth as he is a man, and I feel confident that he has the ability to take upon his shoulders the heavy responsibilities that have been thrust upon him by the death of Mr. McKinley." Gave Policeman No Trouble. J.P. Wells, the policeman in Harvard square: "I remember him, but not distinctly as I wish I had now, as he gave me little or nor trouble, and we never got acquainted with or remember that kind." Maxwell Walker of 1635 Blue Hill avenue, Mattapan, was his barber. Mr. Walker was then in business at Harvard square, and remembers doing barber work for him. "I have shaved and cut the hair of some prominent men in their college days," said Walker, "and President Roosevelt was one of them. He did not have much of a beard at that time, but I remember quite frequently of cutting his hair." During the entire four years of his life at Harvard President Roosevelt roomed at 16 (now 88) Winthrop street, in a private family. The house stands on the southwest corner of Winthrop and Holyoke streets. His quarters here were very modest when compared with some of the suites in some of the large private dormitories which have since been built. He occupied two room on the second floor at the southwest corner of the house. The large front room he used as a studio and the smaller rear room as a bedroom. The house has changed hands many times since Roosevelt's college days. First it was a private dwelling, then boarding house and then a club house. Recently it has been occupied by the "Institute of 1770" as a club house. His old study room is now used as a billiard and pool room, and his former bedroom now answers as a library in which the institute's collection of old volumes stored. "John the Orangeman" Talks. The unique and eccentric "John the Orangeman" quite enthusiastic when I approached him upon the subject of President Roosevelt. "What, miss," he said, "did I know the bye? Did I know the bye? Well, I should say I did. I knew him well. We were great frinds, Roosevelt and me. I am going to write a letter to him and tell him that it was eatin' me apples and orranges alon' with what he learnt at old Harvard that put him where he is today, in the highest office in the gift of his country. "It pleases me mightily, you bet, to have a Harvard bye in the Presidint's chair. I voted the Republican ticket to help make him Vice-Presidint, and I only hope I will live long enough to be ale to vote again for him as Presidint for a second term." When asked if he used to sing to Roosevelt, John swelled up with pride, as much as his diminutive size and height would allow, and was sure he had done that "many a toime" "What was his favorite song?" I asked. John stood up and delivered Roosevelt's favorite song. It was a beauty, and I knew it must be nice from the way John sang it. What the words were I don't know, for I couldn't understand John's language, and I felt sorry I hadn't brought an interpreter along. I knew it must be great because it was Roosevelt's favorite. Mrs. Richardson, an elderly lady, now living quietly in Somerville, was the President's landlady while he resided at 16 Winthrop street, Cambridge. Of course, after four years' residence in her house, she remembers the President quite well. According to her the President was a good student and spent the greater part of his time not utilized by attendance at classes, aside from his daily afternoon drives, in his room, where he was generally busy with his college books and in the study of animal and bird life. Ramon Calaf, now a Pullman porter running out of Boston, was at the time of Roosevelt's student days in Cambridge a mere boy who picked up an odd dollar here and there by running errands and shining shoes about Harvard square for the students. He remembered the President along with many other students at the old university. With a boy's intuitive memory, he retains many pleasant impressions of the student, Roosevelt. Says he: "He was invariably kind to all the people with whom he came into contact, whether it was me, the bootblack, or the women who scrubbed the floors. The mere fact that he paid for his shine did not finish the debt, for he was duly courteous and considerate. Tipping was not much in vogue then, but the most liberal of tips was never one-half as valuable as the gracious and considerate manner in which he accepted the duties performed. You felt that he appreciated everything you did and you tried to merit the consideration. "If Roosevelt, the President, is any more considerate and courtly and gentlemanly than Roosevelt, the student, one cannot ask more. I have not seen Mr. Roosevelt since he was a beardless boy, but owing to my early connection with him. I have followed his career since the Spanish-American war with a great deal of interest. "He and Josiah Quincy have always been great favorites of mine, and I have voted for both. I remember Quincy, who was a student at the same time, much better than I do Roosevelt. I admire both immensely." Horace, the head waiter at Young's, who has been there for many years, says that he remembers Roosevelt, the student, but not very distinctly. "He was an occasional patron, and was fond of plain food and of good quality and lots of it." Horace said that if the man had not come into prominence the way that he has had, it is very doubtful if he would have remembered him any more than any of the other students of that day. He is called to memory by the attaches at Young's as being very quiet and polite and easy to wait upon. There is one man in Boston who enjoys the honor of having been "licked" by the President of the United States - "licked to beat the band," as a classmate expressed it. This is Thornton H. Simmons, the popular clerk in a certain clothing store in Washington street. It happened in the good old days at Harvard. The two were classmates. They took gymnasium work together in the little round building near Memorial Hall, long since discarded as a gymnasium. Young Theodore, even then, had showed his pugnacious tendencies, and when he and Simmons fought it out in a boxing match and the latter was the under dog - and very decidedly the under dog - at the finish, "Teddie" was bravoed loudly. But he had not always the same good luck. Once he had a boxing match with "Charlie" Hanks, now of Manchester, with a business office at 53 State street, and this time it was the solar plexus of Theodore that gave out first. He was beaten and owned himself beaten. But he bore no grudge and turned around and warmly shook hands with the "better man." "You're a good one, Charlie," was his generous tribute to his conqueror. ZAZA BELASCO. [photo caption] THE HOUSE WHERE PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT HAD ROOMS WHILE HE WAS AT HARVARD. Attleboro Daily Sun, F Rev. J. L., Tryon. [*15759*] The Early Life of McKinley. William McKinley was of Scotch-Irish ancestry. He was born at Niles, Ohio, in 1843. His father was a foundryman, worked for wages, and, like millions of Americans, lived in a hired house. The parents wanted their children to have a good education, and toiled from morning 'til night to keep them in school. It was to give them better advantages that they moved to Poland, when William was nine years old. There were eight children, four boys and four girls. Ann and Mary McKinley became famous in that region as teachers. Helen and Abner we have known in the dispatches relating to the President's death. Formerly William had been in the public schools, but now he entered Poland Union Seminary. This was a high school and more, that was supported by four religious bodies of the place. He was a hard student in his classes. His favorite reading is said to have been Longfellow, Whittier and Byron; but his talent from the first was for debate, and he became president of the club that was organized for that purpose. He also went to Allegheny College but had been there only a few months when his studies were interrupted by the war. Like many a student in those days he became a volunteer soldier at the age of eighteen. After he left the army, in 1865, he went to the Albany law school and was admitted to the bar. He thus had for his times a good preparation for public life. But what was he as a boy? He was first of all a live boy. His mother recalled that he flew a kite and that he could hit anything that he aimed at with his bow and arrow; he played ball and enjoyed going with his playmates to the old swimming hole. He was well behaved in school, affectionate and obedient in the home. Mr. S. H. Mays of Verona, Pennsylvania, his old Sunday school teacher, whom I have seen and asked for impressions, says that he neither looked nor dressed differently from other boys; but appeared older than he really was and quite early had about him the ways of a man. His only extraordinary trait was his love for discussion. In that he was always sharp and ready. When he made up his mind that he was right he held fast to his opinion. [*15760*] He was one of eight boys in the Methodist Sunday school class, five of whom, as well as the teacher, afterward went to the war. While in this class he was always getting into a discussion with one of his companions named Edward Cummings, who later became a minister. He would never believe that a fact was true simply because somebody else said so, and when some statement was made about the lesson he would challenge his friends as to its truth. Finally the entire time was taken up by their arguments and the teacher told the superintendent that he couild not conduct the class with any profit to the others while those two boys remained. "Promote them to the Bible class" he said, "they are able for it." They were then taken into the company of the older ones and given the field that they deserved. His intense interest in religious subjects led him when he was fourteen years old to join the church and he always lived up to his principles. Whatever he did, whether to enlist, or to become a church member, he did from conviction and was fearless. He was of a pronounced anti-slavery family, and, while only a boy, argued with old men of opposite views what was then the burning question and always held his ground. It is said that far from losing frinds for this, his chief opponent, the village postmaster, made him his clerk during the vacations. He became popularly known in town as "Our Bill" from the fact that his brother Abner, who always so dearly loved him, was in the habit of looking to him as authority. Abner would say, "When Our Bill says a thing is so, it is so." General Grant, referring in his Memoirs to his own early life, tells us that he never allowed himself to turn back. His iron will is remembered by those words after the battle of the Wilderness, when the youth become a man and placed at the head of the army, wrote. "I propose to fight it out on this line if it takes all summer." If any of the political greatness of President McKinley was foreshadowed in his boyhood, was it not his faculty for getting at the truth of a matter and then working faithfully and without fear for what he believed to be right? This was the same investigation, thinking, executive man who championed the tariff and from careful study became its recognized exponent; the same who, as President, did everything he could to keep the peace with Spain, but was determined in his conscience that her tyranny in Cuba must stop and set in motion those mighty forces that put an end to it; the same who said that he did not want the Philippines, but when we had them, accepted the responsibility, and, with his country behind him, faced the world. The personal character of the man is there in the boy. His teacher says, "He chose the good part and always kept it." Mother McKinley, whom the son always revered, when asked what she thought was essential in bringing up a boy to be President, said: 'Any boy who wants to be President should be honest and truthful and he should love his home, his family, and his country. No boy will ever by President who is afraid of hard work. I think religion is a great thing for a boy. After all, I don't believe I did raise the boy to be President. I tried to bring up the boy to be a good man, and that is the best that any mother can do." It is because he was a good man that this entire nation loves him today. [*#*] [*#*] Every American boy has in himself to promise of the Presidency. He is born a crown prince of the people's own royalty and ought to feel it in his blood. But we have lately forgotten to talk about some of our great worthies as we ought. State- men like Webster and Franklin are hardly what they used to be to the young people of the last generation, and some have been thinking that even the Presidency is an old-fashioned or commonplace ideal, that our greatest men are not chosen for it, and that we can take unusual liber- ties of speech when speaking of the man who holds the office. But today the people respect the dignity of the office and the man himself as they have never respected them before. It is right that this should be so and we pray God that it may always be so. The Presidency should stand for the best virtues of our nation and the man himself should be the ideal American, summing up in himself the national life. I believe that the career of this good man, the "well beloved" will kindle with a new glory the American boy's first true ambition to be the President of his country. [*#*] [*#*] What traditions, then, shall we teach our boys? We need more men like President McKinley, men who know the spirit of their times and trust it; men who are not afraid of the necessary machinery of politics, but who make that machinery do the will of the people. Hold back from politics because they are dirty and you will have a dirty government. Go into politics resolved yourself to be clean and you will help to make your government clean. Had leaders like Washington, Lincoln and McKinley feared contamination, we should have had no country at all. We are now convinced, as we stand at the gates of death, that there is no place here for anarchy; but before we leave them, let us determine that there shall henceforth be no place here for an indifferent voter or a dainty citizen. We might just as well encourage a coward or a deserter. [*#*] [*#*] If we would make the manhood of this republic what it ought to be, let us teach our children that our offices are deserving of a man's best efforts, and, as our boys are taught to love their flag, so let them learn at their mother's knees that we have had great and good men whose example they are to follow. "Let us now praise famous men. The Lord hath wrought great glory by them, through His great power from the beginning." The second address was that of Rev. J. Lee Mitchell, a very spirited and moving one. [*15761*]ATTLEBORO DAILY SUN. MOND... SWEET MEMORIES AND SACRED DUTIES. The following sermon delivered yesterday by Rev. J. L. Tryon of All Saints Episcopal church and in Mansfield is an echo of the town's services of last Thursday. Rev. J. L. Tryon. Sweet Memories and Sacred Duties. Nevertheless, let every one of you in particular so love his wife even as himself; and the wife see that she reverence her husband. Ephesians V. 33. [*15762*] A handsome face like Webster's, or some other past worthy's but henceforth to be remembered as an ideal face for a President of the United States, is all aglow with love and recognition. Governor McKinley stands on the sidewalk in front of his Columbus home, with hat uplifted, looking at a window in the second story; then there is the answering flutter of a handkerchief, his wife smiles upon him, and he turns toward the State House satisfied to take up his duties for the day. And there is the man himself. Select any anecdote you will, and you can find something about him, touching human experience from the heights of glory to the depths of woe; but you will find nothing that will so quickly win the response of an American heart as his devotion to his loved one. He is not only the people's President, but he is their ideal of a husband. [*15762*] She thirty years an invalid, Mr. McKinley all the time a public man, and yet she had every attention. He himself was the fond nurse. To some men of his position, clubs and societies might become a world; but to him, whether he were in Congress or in the executive chair, and entitled to all the honors that society can give, the real pleasure was to go home and minister to her whom he was pledged to make happy. What knight companion of the Middle Age, or of any age, can show a better record? Chivalry, with its romance of gentleness is here again. Imagine the President of the United States refusing any part of the greeting of a place like California; but when the sick wife needed him at her side, the shouts and praises of the multitude were empty. His duty was first to her. When, after he had been struck down, he uttered a prayer which only an Oswald, a Stephen, or Jesus might speak, "Don't let them hurt him." "May God forgive him," his next thought was for her whose weak condition might make the news too hard to bear. "Don't let my wife know," he said. If a holier radiance light up the shadow of the cross than pardon's grace, where else do you find it than in the thought of home and family? But there is another side to the picture which is equally beautiful and inspiring. Have you thought of it? Most men would have found an invalid in the house so great a limitation to a public career that they would have lost all ambition. But he had a true wife who returned the love he gave her. She determined that her troubles should not hinder him. She stood behind him always and, whether in Washington or Buffalo, rejoiced to share his triumphs. Mr. McKinley was not a rich man. Such money as he had was saved from his salary as President, and what he leaves is mostly insurance. It is said that when he was governor he was worth ten thousand dollars. He knew what it was to have good friends and he was glad to return favors. He signed notes for a man and by that man's failure soon afterward became a debtor for nearly one hundred thousand. He was brought up to be honest and he tried to meet his obligations. It was then that his wife, out of sympathy, put at his disposal her own fortune of seventy-five thousand. Although his friends are reported to have bought up some of the notes afterward, he went to the White House a poor man, considering what a President must spend, but still the hero-husband of the woman who loved him. Ward of this nation? Does some one propose that she become such? "Woman, behold thy son! Behold thy Mother!" We will not see her want for anything not while there is any sacredness in duty. We take up the charge by him laid down. Henceforth she belongs to the people. And there are other memories. The wife led to the bedside of her dying husband after a week of hopes and prayers, taking him by the hand and hearing his farewell, "Nearer, my God to Thee, nearer to Thee. Good bye all, good bye. It is God's way. His will be done, not ours." Treasured with the heart's keepsakes unto the life eternal, let these words be by every [*13962*] American. We shall linger on them. We shall be resigned and die by them. But another vision comes. A train is moving in the night draped with the flag and mourning, bearing the nation's majestic dead. It is like the passing of Arthur or Victoria. Thousands of faces, mutely looking from the gloom into the lighted funeral car as it flashes by, tell of anguish and pity; while in solemn undertone there falls upon the ear echoes of the people's requiem, "Nearer, my God to Thee." The wife, weak and trembling, overcome by one of those waves of emotion which those know who, in the pangs of sorrow, have recalled the love of some dear one, wishes to be taken once more where she can be with him. And, after the scenes at the Capitol are over, we see her sitting by him in what used to be their happy home in Canton, a widow inconsolable, by any save him. Easter lillies and wreaths of roses! If you have ever looked upon some sleeping form to reassure yourself that love and death are real, you can understand her hour. If anarchy wants a better argument to calm its passions, or an assassin a better reason for pleading mercy, where can you find it? Think what a friend of ours fell and how they had misjudged him! One who knew him in Ohio, where there was no man like Mr. McKinley, went to the exposition more to see him than anything or anybody else. Four times she met him among the crowds and every time he shook hands with her, full of smiles as usual. What a privilege to tell of, what a memory to hallow! Where-in the story of rulers can you find one who had a better hold on the hearts of his people than he? And now can we stand this anarchy? How can we endure it and be any longer self-respecting? Without the bravest and most conscientious effort to deal with it, the proudest and most holy emblem except the cross of Calvary must henceforth become the relic of a race unworthy. Justice must be done, justice will be done, but today let there be sweet remembrance. The mind turns once more to the President's Canton home, to the freshly made grave beside the two innocents so many [y]ears ago laid there to rest, to the tributes of popular affection and to the widow in her grief. [*15763*] But let us learn a personal lesson. Let us make a new consecration. If a supreme and common duty follow from this sacrifice, let it be love's loyalty. The foundation virtues of patriotism and the roots of national evils are in the home. Obedience to God's law begins there and yet anarchy itself may be nurtured there. We look up in gratitude to the White House as to the place where the family life is and ought to be pure; but, if your country is to be truly great and lasting, the people's homes must be pure as well. We must insist upon purity everywhere. No community, whether this or any other, can afford to countenance the violation of the marriage vow. There are of course some things to be considered. Who but can have charity for the mistake of youth? for the man who would not again do the wrong that he may have done to wife and children? who can but offer a helping hand to one whose hopes have been blasted by a drunkard or a traitor? who can but bless those who have found sunshine and heart's anchorage after the storm? But he who is indifferent to his neighbor's sin, what shall we say of his moral influence? No, we must go to the bottom of this matter and see its bearings clearly. You cannot be a patriot and believe in anarchy, neither can you be a sincere Christian and shut your eyes to license in the married life. The obligation applies equally. She who would tempt a woman's husband to be unfaithful is as much a disciple of Emma Goldman as any anarchist, and as much an enemy to society as the criminal himself. [*15763*] God bless a good name for a good example. The death of our President and the light of his home life, have given to marriage, with its exalted idea of devotion, another illustration of what is meant by right living. As we reverence father for the kind words he spoke to mother, the care that he took of her, the thoughtfulness he showed, so we shall cherish the memory of President McKinley. "To have and to hold from this day forward, for better or worse, for richer for poorer, in sickness and in health, to love and to cherish, till death us do part, according to God's holy will and ordinance, I plight thee my troth." When we hear these words again they will have more than ever a sacred meaning. Before we take up the routine of the week, with the long hours of work, the vexations and the weariness of the shop, with the cares, and it may be the crosses of the home, and with the distractions of the clubs and resorts in the evening, while yet your conversation is in the heaven of bereavement, every soul subdued in Christ,--- before we leave this week that is past, the Holy Week of American history, let us dwell upon our home lifeand see how we can make that holier. The principles are simple. A woman needs a protector and a man a comforter; the wife should be the husband's love, the husband should be her hero. Sweet memories, sacred duties, strains of music, garlands of flowers, is there not something now that one who would be more of a gentleman can do for his wife? Something else that one who would be an ideal wife can sacrifice for her husband? If he who has left us knows that one heart is made nobler, or one fair sufferer's pain sanctified to a man's just success, he must rejoice more than ever that he tried to be kind and true. Be good to your wife. Honor your husband. Be united in spirit as well as in word, and keep yourself holy. "He that overcometh shall inherit all things and I will be his God, and he be my son." [*15764*][Enc. in Hay 1-29-01] Executive Council. He recommends William H. Elliott (new Com. of the Interior) as Secretary - and I should think Elliott would be much the best selection of the candidates I have heard named. There is also a Treasurer to be appointed in place of Hollander. I am glad to write, as the Governor desires. Renewing my personal regards, I have the honor to be, Very respectfully Chas. H. Allen. Hon. John Hay, Washington, D. C. P.F. COPY. Rolfe Street. Lowell, Mass., Sept. 24, 1901. My dear Mr. Secretary:- I beg to acknowledge receipt of your valued favor of the 21st instant, which came to hand this morning. Please accept my assurance of great respect, and full appreciation of the very generous words in which both the President and you have spoken of my public service. I quite agree, that under present conditions, it would be unwise to think further of the organization of the Insular Bureau, as suggested by President McKinley. This, I am sure, need not prevent my saying how much I should have enjoyed the personal and official relations with you. In a letter received today from Governor Hunt, he begs me to write to you and urge the filling of the vacancies in the [*15765*][*shorthand notation*] [*PPF ackd 9/27/1901*] Dubuque Iowa Sept 24. 1901 Dear Mr President When in Washn on the sad occasion of the funeral of Prest McKinley I called upon you at the house of Commander Cowles, to pay my respects to you & to say to you that you could rely upon my earnest and cordial support of your administration of affairs and to express also my hope that your administration would be wholly successful [*15767*]I feel that the good people of the country will stand by you and uphold you, in this your hours of extreme trial & difficulty, they approve your course wholly I am with high regards Sincerely Yours W.B.Allison [*15768*][*Roosevelt Mrs. Theodore*] [*ackd 9-26-1901 File*] [[shorthand]] HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE EAST GOVERNOR’S ISLAND, NEW YORK September 24, 1901. To the President: It appears to be necessary that I explain to you the failure of an office of my staff to meet Mrs. Roosevelt at Oyster Bay and accompany her to Washington. The order sent by me from Buffalo, N. Y., was on Saturday the 14th instant, but it did not reach Governor’s Island until Sunday morning. The telegram then bore the date of September 15th, which was an error on the part of the Telegraph Company. Captain Landon started for Oyster Bay early on Monday morning, believing that to be the day fixed for Mrs. Roosevelt’s departure, but found she had already started for New York. Upon returning to the city, Captain Landon learned that Mrs. Roosevelt had gone to Washington in the care of the Hon. Charles H. Allen. I enclose herewith a copy of the telegram as received at these Headquarters. I am mortified that this error on the part of the Telegraph Company should have crept into my telegram, and hasten to inform you of the facts in the case. I am, Sir, Very respectfully, Your obedient servant, John R. Brooke Major General, Commanding. [* John Rutter] Brooke*] Enclosure: [*15769*]road to fame - and wider usefulness - and I always told you I expected to help elect you President of these United States - The goal was finally reached in a way I did not imagine - but I knew that somehow, the move made by those who feared you - & wished to politically shelve you - would result in their own checkmate - I hope you will permit me to tell you how glad I am that my often iterated prophecy is fulfilled - however much I may deplore the means taken by fate to give [*Ackd 9/26/1901 PFF*] 114 W.86th Str - New York - Sept 24th 1901. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: The first letter I wrote you was addressed to the President of The Lyceum League of America concerning whose business I went to Washington to consult you — at your request — Now you are the ideal nonpartisan - nonsectarian - patriotic president of the whole people - so much discussed in The New Century by its editor, your humble servant, six years ago - You may remember that ever since then, I have written you (even from Alaska where I have been four years) at every milestone in your [*15770*]the people, in a great crisis, a chief ruler whom Standard Oil cannot buy - the Steel Trust cannot cizzen and our friend John Bull can neither wheedle nor bluff - The people of neglected and abused Alaska now feel certain that the whole country will not be wronged and outraged, by ceding to British America that large slice of gold bearing Alaska known as the Porcupine Mining District - in spite of the "provisional line" permitted by a Complaisent Commission - which provisional line the Canadians expect to make permanent - Some facts could be told about that which would make your patriotic blood boil - Though I do not wish to "pull your leg," I do want to shake your hand hard - because you personify all three of Shakespeares classes of greatness - for you were born great - you achieved greatness - and Providence has thrust a greater greatness upon you - Alaska is proud of you - & will follow you through river or swamp - over glacier or butte - knowing that you will give up all greater realm than ever for being proud that we are American citizens - Cordially Yours - Walter Church P.F. ackd 9-27-1907 Grasmere, Rhinebeck, N.Y. Sept. 24, 1901. My dear Roosevelt: In the chorus of good wishes for your administration, I should like to find a place for myself. I sincerely hope that it will be full of blessing for our Country and honor for you, and I sure know reason why some pretty radical differences of opinion should prevent 15772 me from expressing the wish most heartily & sincerely. If I had been told in the old 21st district twenty years ago that one day you would be president, it would have been no surprise to me. Yours cordially Ernest H. Crosby. [[shorthand]]not only worthy but fitted to bear them. I wish you all success in your new high duties and believe you will carry our country to that high goal our late-lamented President aimed to see it reach. With all [*PPF ackd 9-27-1901*] GEORGE A. DIXON, M. D. SOUTHAMPTON, NEW YORK. TELEPHONE 23 SOUTHAMPTON September 24 - 1907 [[shorthand]] Mr dear Mr Roosevelt. The season which we have all been sharers in has brought you new responsibilities. Seeing you as I did while in Buffalo I know that the burdens have fallen on shoulders [*15773*]best wishes believe me Sincerely Yours George A. Dixon [*15774*][*PPF ackd 9-28-1901*] Sept. 24, 1901 "RED CRAG" MANITOU, COLORADO [[shorthand]] My dear Col. Ethel and I would wish you great good in your new office. You must know we pray your life may be spared to your family, your country and those who hold you in Esteem - We remember your visit here and trust we may welcome you again. Always Sincerely Yours, Frank Donaldson To the President. [*15775*][[shorthand]] [*War Sp*] [*ackd 9-26-1901 File*] Sept 24th 1901 My dear Mr. President You will remember me as the wife, and now the widow of Gen. Flagler formerly Chief of Ordnance. I write briefly to ask you if you intend to make a change to detail my only son Capt. C.A.F. Flagler, as "Engineer officer in charge of public buildings and grounds in Washington." Gen. Leonard Wood will recommend him - as also Senators [*15776*]and I want to have him near me for the few years that yet remain to me on earth. If you can grant me this favor I shall be Ever most gratefully yours Mary M. F. Flagler 2144 California Ave. Washington D. C. Allison and Lodge. Gen. Wood had applied for him at the time he was recruiting your noble band of Rough Riders - but the then Chief of Engineers refused his sanction. By my husband's death, I am left alone: my only daughter having married in Nova Scotia. My son is in Porto Rico, making the third summer of a Southern detail — and the climate has had a deleterious effect on the health of himself and wife. I am an old woman and need him to attend to my business — [*15777*][[shorthand]] [*15778*] [*Ackd 9-21-1901*] [*PPF*] 474 Elm St. Chicago. Sept. 24th [*[1901]*] Dear Friend Roosevelt: I wonder if you recall the prophetic note I wrote you after your election as Governor of New York state? I hinted then at your present great office but of course no premonition of this [great] dark tragedy came to me. I knew your power and that you were in line — now here you are in the most difficult of positions under almost crushing conditions. I can enter imaginatively into a few of your resolutions but of the terrible welter and weight of confusing forces, interests and cares I can not even faintly concur. You have my sincerest sympathy and my confidence. Mrs Garland and I go about saying that we believe that you are more than equal to the great demands now being made upon you. We remember your superb health with pleasurepoor Snyman the Boer in Colo. Springs. A grand good fellow. I was quite drawn to him and we talked much of you. you will need all the stored up vitality of your vacation in Colorado to carry you through the winter. It is [very] needless to say to you how great your opportunity is — and no advice I can offer would be of value — I am writing only to express my deep, very deep interest in your career. It is strange and very appealing to think of having a man president who has written books and whose vocabulary is not made up from the briefs of country lawyers and stump wailers. The whole situation appeals to my literary imagination with great power. I think of you as at the lunch at the Antlers - with the broken-hand veteran on your left and the shy guide on your right, and I can [not] scarcely realize where you now sit. We are but just returned from Colo. and Arizona and our distance from printing offices and the like, during the time of greatest excitement adds to our present bewilderment. Our hearts are sincerely with you in this great crisis and I feel that I must write to say so even at the risk of finding you too busied to read the message. With deepest respect - and confidence — Hamlin Garland.logical consequences of having named me after her. We are all sure that you are going to have a brilliant administration, though it does begin under such sad circumstances. I am so glad John was able to go to Canton. I shall hear all about you from Bamie on Saturday, when I [*[9-24-01]*] [*ackd 9-26-1901 File*] Ursino Elizabeth New Jersey Dear Theodore I do not like to call the attention of my superiors to little mistakes, but I did not write to you, my mother did. I shall not tell her that you made this mistake, for she does not enjoy the [*15779*]go to Farmington. Believe me With all sorts of good wishes Very sincerely yours L. H. Kean September 24th .01 [*15780*][*PPF ackd 9-27-1907*] Matthews & Grigsby, Attorneys and Conselors, A. C. MATTHEWS H. D. GRIGSBY. Pittsfield, Illinois, Sept. 24, 1901. His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir: In the dispatches of the 22nd inst. from Washington, I noticed one in which its states substantially that you have refused to have guards or secret service men around you for protection during the time you are out of the executive mansion, and around the city. I admire that kind of pluck, and so do the American people. The idea of having a gang of guards around the President of the United States is abhorent to the spirit of our institutions, and the people will fully endorse your course, but it seems to me it must be used in a conservative way, after all. Great Britain has not lost a ruler by assassination within the last five or six centuries, and we have lost three within the memory of our middle aged citizens. I was a Bureau Officer, Comptroller of the Treasury, during the administration of Gen. Harrison, and not infrequently went riding with him when he was unattended, and he frequently went out around the city and vicinity unattended except by members of his family. You cannot, however, be too careful of yourself. The momentuous questions which will soon be coming before your administration for solution are too important to the American people to take any chances; they are too important to this country to get into the hands of untried men for solution. I enclose the dispatch referred to. With many assurances of respect, I am, Your obedient servant, A. C. Matthews [*15781*][shorthand]late events. I can see you all there in Washington - how strange it all is indeed. And you will live in that beautiful White House. Upon your succession I congratulate you with all my heart & please say to your wife that I include her in my warmest interest, having known her when a child, when she lived next to the old Roosevelt house. That dear old, never-to-be-forgotten lovely Home. Do you remember going to Lake George one summer, your dear Father & Mother; & you & poor Elliott in white sailor costumes. I can just see you. I was with Laura & Corneil & your Mother had forgotten the lunch-basket, left it all packed in your hall upon leaving the house. Wasn't this harrowing! & you all partook of lunch with us Berlin, [?][?] '99 Sept 24th 1901 I used to know a little boy who was called "Teddy," & I liked him very much then as I do now, although I have not seen him for - I think - certainly, 17 years! When he was a little - rather delicate little fellow - suffering from asthma often, I did not dream that that same little "Teddy" was one day going to become President of the United States! - Who did, of all those who knew him then, even the father & mother who loved him best. Now I will drop the third person & say Theodore as I believe you are called now (& I hope I am not expected to call you Mr Roosevelt!) & will tell you how very much we have felt interested in your various evolutions, with what great interest & [*come directly into your hands. I never wrote to a President before! I also do not know whether it will at all interest you, but hope it may [?]: Auld lang Syne. Please remember me most kindly to your wife, Bammie & all & with renewed & warm congratulations I am Yours most sincerly Marie Mensing Don't feel obliged to answer this. -1. [[9-24-01]*]sympathy Adolf & I have watched your whole course in public life. We have shared the horror of the American people at this latest outrage of the Anarchists. The whole world is excited over it & I do not think I am exaggerating when I say the whole world is hoping the new President, who has the reputation of being a very energetic man will take up this matter, & find some way of putting a stop to the wholesale murders of rulers which has become so common of late years. If you can manage to do this, Theodore, you will build up a monument for yourself, that the whole world will thank you for, & secure to yourself undying fame. A murder of a Ruler is quite insufficiently punished by simply placing the man in a chair & electrifying him. That is the penalty for an ordinary murder The murder of a Ruler quite another sort of crime, is it not? And particularly in America or any Republic, where this wretch goes against the will of the whole nation who are supposed to have chosen their President; tho he says I do not approve of him & therefore I prefer to destroy him, & so he does it.- Now think if there is not some way of punishing such fiends so that it would prevent the repetition of such crimes. I, personally, think that they ought to be broiled alive on a gridiron - slowly! but I am afraid the public opinion might perhaps be against this plan! Now I want to tell you how my thoughts have been with you & your wife & Bammie & Corinne & all who love you, since these [*15783*] [*I assure you after I finished my letters I found the enclosed items in our papers.*]there to expect me. I want to take them to Niagara & down the St Lawrence & to dear old Stranealeles - oh there is so much to see in the United States & my children have travelled less there than in Europe. Only my old Lalla has been about there some what - then Elfriede is now grown up, 19 years old. Then comes Alice 15, & then little Cornelia who is 12 1/2 now. And this make me think of your Alice. I saw the notices in the papers of her having to go to the R. Hospital for an operation on abscess in the jaw, & little Quentin too. I feel so sorry for them but was glad to hear it went off satisfactorily. Kate Hilly, that dear woman, writes me quite often, & then Aunt Lizzie does too, & Emlen now & then. When that dreadful will-case is ever settled then I mean to come over to America for a few months & travel. Perhaps I shall see you then. Excuse this awfully long letter but my thoughts ran away with my pen. I don't know, either, whether this letter will 3/ [*[9-24-01]*] know friends of mine in Washington" I cannot think who this can be unless Bammie & yourself, I don't recall any other acquaintances there. Mr White is on his way to America, Mrs White goes to Dresden, they live at the Kaiser Hof now having been absolutely turned out of their beautiful Apartment here. The house was bought by little Baden, & they had the power to do this & they turn out our representative because they needed the room for their own offices &c. Don't you think our Ambassador ought to have a suitable dwelling in each city, belonging to our country, I do. I have seen one Minister after another sent over here; then begins the agony, to find a suitable [*15784*]quarters for the representative of a great country, while nearly all other representatives go right into their own quarters a piece of their country, as it were, owned by them. I do think we might do as much for our honored Ambassador, such a rich country as we are. It is so very difficult to find an Apartment suitable for an Ambassador as you will understand, they are not built to rent. Adolf is at present in Wiesbaden for a short visit with his brother, Admiral Mensing, who lives there since he retired. We have been off at Kolberg on the Baltic this summer & are awfully glad to be home again. Berlin is almost the loveliest spot on earth we think, it certainly is a delightful city to live in. But I never shall give up my own country, I love it just the same, only it all is becoming so strange to me there these late years. Was it not hard that I had to give up my dear Laura I cannot get used to the loss at all. Aleck Houton wrote me a few days ago that the house in 48th St is pulled down now. I was most attached to the house at Maplewood - that dear place, quiet & tiresome to be sure often, but all the same lovely & connected with my whole life. How your Aunt Laura & Uncle Corneil loved that place! I do not intend my four girls to grow up estranged from my own country, I can tell you, but hope to come over to America in a year or two even if my dear Laura is not [*15785*]opened here this last year & I am so delighted to be able to buy shoes for my girls there as the Germans cannot make satisfactory shoes. So I hope you will favor an enormous amount of Reciprocity! I think this would be a good chance to abolish the dreadful custom of our President shaking hands with Tom, Dick & Harry don't you? You see how it was taken as a mask to murder him & so public sentiment might uphold you in trying to abolish it now when it would not at another time. I cannot quite like the idea of you & your delicate lady-like Edith being obliged to touch the hand of anyone who comes along! & I don't believe you will enjoy it yourselves. - I got a note today, from Mrs Bechler, wife of American Naval Attaché, asking me to meet a General & Mrs. Schwann "who 2/ [*[9-24-01]*] from the basket my poor Laura had prepared. I don't remember this part, but Laura told me so once when we were recalling that day. - Your father & your beautiful lovely Mother, how proud would they be could they see you now! Keep on in your career, be honest & be yourself. Don't let the politicians get hold of you nor lead you, then you will see what fame you will heap up for yourself & glorify the good old name of Roosevelt! I read about you in the New York Herald (Paris Edition) today (it's a rather worthless sheet by-the-way but the only daily English paper we can get over here) & I read about your going about quite unattended & unceremoniously, as [*15786*]usual, & exciting people's wonder by this etc. We got discussing you at the breakfast-table & I said I presumed you would surprise them several times before they got through with you - meaning you are so original, determined, energetic &c, & what do you think my eldest daughter, said? She said "Yes, won't he make things hum"! Now don't you think that is pretty good American slang for a girl who was born & brought up in Germany! We all laughed so & I said I thought it so applicable to the case & I believe you will too. You know it amuses us to hear your character discussed here because I know something about you, & they don't, only the rubbish they get from the papers. I was [???ing] with some good old friends (by-the-way they are von Seckendorffs, & cousin to the v. Seckendorff who lives in Washington) & they said to me they had heard you were "very anti-German." Now Theodore I hope you are not anti-German! but I do not know how it is. You ought to like Germany I think not only on account of Adolf who was, & is, a good friend to you: but also because you & the German Emperor are somewhat alike I think, both original, very energetic &c & then I do want reciprocity so much. I want to be able to buy all the American apples I want to, here, & canned corn-beef & other delicacies! A large American shoe-store has[[shorthand]] [*ackd 9/25/1901 P.P.F. Pr*] HEADQUARTERS UNITED STATES MILITARY ACADEMY WEST POINT, NEW YORK September 24, 1901. My dear Mr. President: I am loath to add to the burden of your letters, yet I want to write you a few words expressive of the great pleasure I have in noting our Country’s general and genuine expression of perfect trust in the ability and high character of its new President, an echo of my own feelings. Mrs. Mills joins me in warmest regards to Mrs. Roosevelt and you. Your success in meeting the responsibilities and perplexities of your exalted trust will be for us always matter of the deepest personal interest and pride. Faithfully yours, Col. A. L. Mills. [*A. L.*] Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. [*15788*] Morgan,. Charles TELEGRAM. Executive Mansion, Washington. 1WU.HB.RA. 9 Paid....7:30am. New-York, September 24, 1901. His Excellency, Theo. Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. Concerning Colonel Leonard, await pero letter from Charles Morgan. Chas. Morgan. 15789he ought to do pretty d— well too. If you are too busy don't bother answering this but do something for Col. Bob & oblige Yours very sincerely Charles Morgan [*Ackd 9.26.1901*] [*Answd File*] Sept. 24/01 Union Club, Fifth Avenue & 21st Street. My dear Teddy I am not going to beg you to do some thing for me I am only going to tell you that you ought to send Col Bob Leonard [Vols.] back to the Philippines with a rank in the regular army such as his record deserves. He is a lieutenant [*15790*]a fine soldier &, unfortunately for him, a connection of mine. However I will go bail for him & so would Bob & Tiff & Jack Cowdin & lord only knows how many others. He is a man that will do you credit to put out there again. So please put on your specks & thinking cap & be up & doing like a true P. C. By the bye my son is a freshman at the "old stand" & if he goes on the way he has started [*15791*]we, my wife & I, are that our country has fallen into hands we are willing to swear by & that this great honor has come to you. That you have the success you deserve in the prayer of your sincere friend E D Morgan [*ackd 9-26-1901*] [shorthand] 100 BROADWAY NEW YORK Sept 24/01 [* File*] My dear Theodore Before the great office takes you away from us all too much & while the memories of comradeship are fresh I wish to tell you how glad [*15792*]ORANGE JUDD COMPANY Established 1842 Headquarters, 52 Lafayette Place, New York Publishers of books pertaining to Agriculture, Horticulture, Live Stock Husbandry and upon all topics connected with rural affairs ; also books on Outdoor Life, Sports, Domestic Science and Household Matters ; also text books on Art, Manual Training, Nature Study, Agriculture and Education. Also publishers of the Agricultural Weeklies AMERICAN AGRICULTURIST, at New York, for the Middle States AMERICAN AGRICULTURIST, at New Orleans, for the South ORANGE JUDD FARMER, at Chicago, for the West THE NEW ENGLAND HOMESTEAD, at Springfield, Mass, for the East Our rural weeklies go to the wealthiest, most intelligent and most progressive farmers. Our semi-monthlies appeal to a somewhat different class of country and village people. Our monthly magazine reaches the best families in cities and towns. These periodicals reach over two million homes, not only in the United States and Canada but throughout the English speaking world. HERBER MYRICK, President and Editor. THE PHELPS PUBLISHING CO Headquarters, Springfield, Mass Manufacturing Printers, Binders, Engravers, Electrotypers. Publishers of GOOD HOUSEKEEPING, Springfield, New York, New Orleans, Chicago, San Francisco, Montreal A high class monthly magazine, "conducted in the interests of the higher and broader life of the household." "Unlike any other periodical." Also publishers of the Semi-monthlies FARM AND HOME, Eastern Edition, Springfield, Mass FARM AND HOME, Western Edition, Chicago, Ill FARM AND HOME, Southern Edition, New Orleans, La FARM AND HOME, Canadian Edition, Montreal, P Q [*Ackd 9/26/1901 P.P.F. Pr*] [shorthand] 52 Lafayette Place, New York City, Sept. 24, 1901. To His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. Sir:- Allow me to tender to you my best wishes for the success of your administration, and my desire to personally, professionally and officially contribute of my services and influence to that end. The newspapers this morning represent that you have committed yourself to reciprocity with Cuba, according to the suggestion of Governor-General Wood. It hardly seems possible that this can be true, for you will certainly wish to first become thoroughly familiar with the vast domestic agriculture and manufacturing industries that may be most seriously injured by the one-sided policy apparently advocated by the Governor-General. A partial insight into the situation from the domestic standpoint is presented in the enclosed brochure, "The Crisis in Agriculture". It is so short, and the subject is one of such overwhelming [*15794*][*[For 1. [???] see (clipping) 9-14-01]*] Importance, that we trust every word of this statement may have your personal attention. You of course recognize “The Crisis in Agriculture” and the memorial and organization upon which it is based, as one of the leading influences that induced your lamented predecessor, his cabinet, the Senate and the House, to change front on Porto Rico and to enact the law which has since been sustained by the United States Supreme Court. The overwhelming majority by which the administration was supported at the late elections is the strongest possible public endorsement of our position. We also beg to enclose herewith an editorial from American Agriculturist for September 14th, emphasizing this matter. Wishing you the health, strength, and judgment to conduct your great responsibilities in such manner as to best promote the interests of our beloved country, I have the honor to remain Very respectfully yours, Herbert Myrick President and Editor. Also Chairman of the League of Domestic Producers of Beet Sugar and Cane Sugar, Tobacco, and Cigars, Fruits and Vegetables, Cotton, and Wool, Rice, and Nuts, etc. [*15795*][*Ackd 10/3/1901*] [[shorthand]] [*File per Pr*] Personal. Embassy of the United States. Paris, September 24th 1901. My dear Mr. President: After the sudden and inexpressibly sad ending of the life of President McKinley by one of tme most appalling crimes that ever blackened the annals of history, it is most comforting to all American citizens interested in the stability of our institutions and the prosperity of the country to feel that he has been succeeded by one who always "hews to the line of right, let the chips strike where they may" and whose honorable career and frank public utterances give the assurance that he is the one above all others in this trying emergency, to sustain public confidence and successfully administer the high trust which Providence has thrust upon him. I feel that the marked paragraph of the enclosed Resolutions unanimously adopted by a large meeting of Americans, without regard to party, held at the Embassy, correctly reflects the sentiment of your countrymen at home and abroad You enjoy the unique distinction of being the youngest of the most illustrious line of men that ever served [*15796*]as Chiefs of State of a great nation and, at your age, you need not live solely upon the retrospective; you can dwell as well upon the prospective. I congratulate you most sincerely on the enviable impression you have already made upon our whole country as well as upon distant nations. You know that no one has watched your onward career for more that fifteen years with greater pride and satisfaction than I, and I want to say to you now, man-fashion, what I am sure you already feel, that any energies which I may possess will be devoted, at all times loyally and faithfully to your support. Yours very Sincerely Horace Porter To The PRESIDENT, Washington, D.C. [15797][For 1 enc see ca 9-24-01, Resolutions] [[shorthand]] [*[9-24-01 F*] [*Ackd by wire 9-20-01 PPF*] The New York Times. New York. Dear Mr. President: - I can go to Washington next Sunday night, and call for a talk on Monday, the 23rd, or defer the visit until after the first of October, whichever would best suit your convenience. I shall be very glad indeed [*15798*]upon you, then I know we shall all be content. Cordially yours C R Miller Tuesday, September 24. 1901 to see you and talk over the matters referred to in your letter. Please advise me as to time. The behavior of the financial markets on Monday was a wonderful expression of the country's confidence in you. May you satisfy your own high aspirations in the great work that has devolved [*15799*]Application of William F. Meeks for a Commission. WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, FILE NO: [*Ackd 9-25-1901 C.F.*] September 24, 1901. The President: I have the honor to advise you that the records show that in the case of William F. Meeks, an applicant for a commission in the United States Army, General Shafter's report, based upon the recommendation of the Lieutenant Colonel of the Regiment, was not favorable, and Mr. Meeks was not designated. Since this action was taken, Senator Platt and Senator Depew have written to the Secretary of War indorsing his application, and the records show that in replying to these letters, Secretary Root stated: "When I come to make out a list for further appointments of this character, I shall be glad to give Captain Meeks' record and your indorsement of him every consideration." Very respectfully, Wm Cary Sanger Acting Secretary of War. [*15800*]71 BROADWAY NEW YORK [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 9-26-1901 File*] September 24th, 1901. Dear Teddy:- Bob, Leonard, whose record in the Volunteer Service speaks for itself, is anxious to get back to the Philippines in the Regular Army, and I believe has gone to Washington with that object in view. You probably know him quite as well as I do, and therefore know that he is at his best as a solider. My only object in writing is to assure you that he has hosts of friends here who think him exceptionally fitted for the Army and who would be delighted if you should think it [*15801*] right and best to grant his application. Very sincerely yours, Richard Trimble To the Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C. My heart is too full to write of personal matters God bless you, old man, [*15802*][[shorthand]] THOMAS H. SHEVLIN, MINNEAPOLIS. September 24, 1901. [*PPF ackd 9-27-1901*] My dear President:- I cannot refrain from writing [you] and congratulating you on how well you have done since you have become President. It seems Providential your coming to Minneapolis and in your speech here giving your views regarding the needs of the country along the line of reciprocity, our government of Cuba and Philippines, our foreign policy, reference to combinations of capital when they become monopolistic – in a word your ideas and policy concerning the needs of the country and the legislation required to continue our prosperity and growth at home and abroad. I only hear words of praise and confidence on every hand concerning you. No one regrets more than I the death of Mr. McKinley, but if it had to be I thank God that the [*15803*]country had for Vice-President a man qualified to fill the office full. Any reference concerning my being a candidate for an office within your gift comes from the brain of some reporter. I do not want an office, but if I can serve you in any other way I am at your command. Sincerely yours, Thomas H. Shevlin President Roosevelt, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. [*15804*][*(For enc see ca 9-24-01]*] [*[ca 9-24-01]*] [*Ansd 9-24-1901*] [shorthand] Sunday 23 FIFTH AVENUE. My dear President Roosevelt, Enclosed pray find an allusion to yourself, made by me in an address delivered in Music Hall, Buffalo, on the occasion of the Memorial Services held on the 1)s inst. Although much abbreviated in the report, you may be glad to know that what I said of you was enthusiastically applauded by the great body of veteran soldiers present at the [*15805*]Exposition on 'Grand Army Day." With my best wishes for the success of your administration, of which I have no doubt whatever, believe me Very Sincerely Your friend D Sickles [*[SICKLES]*] His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt President.if I may say so, admirable. I shall, of course, be delighted to come to Washington for this talk you suggest. I shall come with an open mind and, you will not doubt, with the heartiest wish to find myself mistaken in any opinion which divides us I sail Oct 19 and will write you on reaching New York. Believe me, with many thanks for your friendly letter & your proposal, ever most sincerely yours George W. Smalley To the President [*Pray give a message for me to Mrs. Roosevelt, to whom*] [*also I hope I may offer my best congratulations*] Personal [shorthand] [*File ppp Ps.*] Raith Kirkcaldy 24 Sept 1901 My dear Mr. President. Your letter of the 10th inst has reached me here. First of all, let me offer you my personal congratulations on the great opportunity which opens before you. You know [*15806*]how much pleasure it gives me when you take a step onward, or when patience, even in great melancholy and tragic circumstances, hepeads you. Perhaps you don't know how high my hopes are, for your letter shares that you think I distrust your judgment in certain matters. It's time that I differed from you, and quite lately, but I never undertook to be infallible and since I have had what sayings of yours have been sent to us here. My hopes are the higher. I cannot but congratulate you on the leadership, loyalty, and statesman like you sense with utrid you even your accession and enter refer your great office. Upon questions of future policy I may or may not be able to follow you, - I hope I shall. but upon the spirit which animates you as than in these declarations there cannot be two opinions. It is [*15807*]official circles. Industrial & commercial circles greatly favour the american locomotive, steel bridge ect. and have criticized the backward [*File ppy pr*] Simla September 24.01 My dear Roosevelt I send you the clippings of the leading papers of India which so far have commented [*15808*]on the policy which you will be likely to adopt. The question which interests most here is the Canal, and it was frequently discussed last spring in a rather bitter tone. Also the American locamotive has been assailed, but more in [*15809*]british methods which have allowed the United States to turn and a superior article for less money in less time with kindest [*15810*]regards to Mrs. Roosevelt & to the family in which my wife joins me I remain yours sin'cerely H Sternburg.[*P. F.*] WILLIAM A. OTIS & CO. BANKERS AND BROKERS. COLORADO SPRINGS. COLORADO. WILLIAM A. OTIS. PHILIP B. STEWART. WILLIAM P. SARGEANT. FRANCIS GILPIN. Sept. 24th 1901 Dear Colonel Roosevelt, Believe me, no one follows with warmer personal interest the course you are pursuing under your unexpected & very great responsibility. I am sure you do not need my assurance of this. There is nothing but friendliness for you in this section. I am going to say one thing frankly. I regret that the public press is advertising your refusal of guards. I appreciate your feeling but I beg of you, dont make your attitude so conspicuous on the notice of the unbalanced and the vicious. The risk is something at best. It is open advertisement of opportunity to harm you when every day, [?ices] announce that you dismiss those who attempt to keep watch on you. You would better, much better allow it to be thought you were being cared for even though you get away from its reality. I am asked by President Slocum, of this college for a letter of introduction to you and I shall give it to him at the proper time. He desires to see you in [*15811*]2 WILLIAM A. OTIS & CO. BANKERS AND BROKERS. COLORADO SPRINGS. COLORADO. WILLIAM A. OTIS. PHILIP B. STEWART. WILLIAM P. SARGEANT. FRANCIS GILPIN. reference to a matter which has the cordial support of Sec'y Long; and of the Maine delegation, Senators and Representatives. Sec'y Long may accompany Mr Slocum. Should he not do so, I only wish to say that Mr Slocum is a man of highest character and his statements of fact perfectly reliable. I returned from the East yesterday to find that I was most unexpectedly elected President of an important Trust Co., recently organized in the State; and also - which you will appreciate - that our friend Steven, desires now to run for Congress. I shall treat his proposal with mock seriousness. It would be a weak head indeed which could not see through his real motives. With continued warm wishes for your complete success, I am Sincerely your friend, Philip B Stewart [*15812*][For 1 eve see 1-21-00 sta*] [pp7 ackd 9-28-1901] Office of the Appraiser of Merchandise, Port of Detroit, Mich., Sept. 24, 1901. Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., Oyster Bay, N.Y. Dear Sir:- When your honored father was here last year during the campaign, I mentioned the fact as reading clerk of the National Convention at Philadelphia, I had the original roll call on the nomination for Vice- President, and suggested that his son might like to have possession of it as a souvenir of the event. He said he thought you would prize it, and I promised to forward it to you. When I sought for it the next day, it was mislaid, and in that way my promise was not redeemed. The recent sad and historic happenings brought my unredeemed promise to mind, [15813]and I again searched for the roll among my convention papers, and enclose it herewith. It is simply the tally of the reading clerk as he called the roll. I have been the reading clerk of the last five national Conventions, and as such it was my lot to call the roll on Mr. Blain's nomination, also on that of General Harrison in '88, and President McKinley in '96, as well as the roll on the nomination of your father as Vice-President in 1900. In forwarding you this little memento of the Philadelphia convention, I cannot refrain from saying to you how reassured all classes of people are in this locality that in this grave situation the responsibilities of chief ruler of the republic have fallen upon the shoulders of one so worthy to discharge them. Every one in his sorrow that McKinley has been removed by the assassin's bullet, is profoundly grateful that Roosevelt lives. Very respectfully yours, James H. Stone [*15814*][[shorthand]] [*ackd 9/26/1901 P.P.F. Pr*] Philadelphia, Pa. September 24, 1901 President Theodore Roosevelt, My dear President:- I was much worried about you when you were in the Adirondack Mountains, but you turned up in Buffalo, as you always do at the right time, in the right place. My faith in you as a man of destiny has never faltered for one instant, and it is the highest compliment I can pay you to say "You have made no mistake during all this terrible tragedy". You know now how I loved McKinley. He always did the best he could and he grew year by year, and God knows he loved humanity from his standpoint. But he never had your quickness or your educations. It dwarfs a man to stay too long in Congress. It congeals the veins of the inner man! But we all loved him and I know it was difficult for you to walk in to the White House and take up the burdens where Mc Kinley had laid them down, in the face of a carping world. But you did it, Dear President, with great courtesy and real chivalry. It was a great thing in you to ask the Cabinet to stay. It was the right thing. But some of them will drop out and they ought to. I was born in Ohio at Harrison, but Ohio is out of this game. I am glad Hanna is no longer a political prophet! I spoke on the Mc Kinley Memorial day at a "hard shell' Baptists church, at 5th & Buttonwood Sts., Philadelphia. I followed the pastor of the church, a nephew of John B. Gough, who after some [*15815*]-2- touching words about Mr. Mc Kinley said,- "He hoped that Roosevelt would grow into the work which God had so suddenly given him." After I had spoken of the tender domesticity of William Mc Kinley, I said "If Mr. Mc Kinley was God's man, so is Theodore Roosevelt God's man. He will not have to grow to take the solemn responsibilities on his young shoulders. He has grown by exercise to the stalwart attitude of statesmanship. As a great Scotch preacher said of St. Paul, "He has a conscious and cultivated intellect, and the country welcomes him in the place of William Mc Kinley with warm affection and unbounded faith". The audience was with me. Mr Mc Kinley through a letter from that noble man Courtylou while at Canton this summer, wrote me that he meant to appoint me to a Consulship abroad, but I should rather be in Washington. I want to be near you. I have told you in some of my numerous letters, that after I had seen you in the presidency for four years, I was ready to say, "Now Lord, let thy servant depart and rest in peace". Now, I feel sure of you for six years, maybe longer; then you can say with Lincoln, "This government will become what it ought to be; what its Divine Author intended it to be". I can hardly believe that you were only six years old when Lincoln died. Let your motto be like his "For justice every place a temple is at all seasons summer". Dear President, I will have more to write to you. On my table rests your photograph, side by side to poor Mc Kinley's and his sweet wife's which he sent me a month ago. I am none too good, but I pray for you every night. Most sincerely yours, James Maltach Hone. [*15816*][shorthand] [*Ackd 9-26-1901 ppg*] All Saints Church - Attleboro, Mass., Sept. 24, 1901 To Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. President of the United States. Dear Mr. Roosevelt= From one who remembers your address in Sever 11 ten years ago and has dated from it a higher conception of what a public servant should be, a man not afraid of political methods, but dares to take his part among men in the purifying and of building of his country. You may remember [*142*] [*15817*](2) that I wrote you on the eve of your departure from Tampa - and that you then vouchsafed me a line. I do not expect a word this time, but simply wish, in common with millions of your fellow citizens, to pledge anew my allegiance to the President of the United States and my country, to assure you of my confidence in you personally, and to pray that God may bless your every conscientious endeavor for the people's welfare. Sincerely and respectfully yours, James L. Tryon. [*143*] [*15818*] To the President's Secretary: I do not even want this shown or mentioned to the President if it will take one thought away from our beloved country. [For enc. see 9-23-01][*ppf ackd 9-27-1901*] HENRY L. TURNER & CO. ESTABLISHED 1875 BANKERS AND FINANCIAL AGENTS 100 WASHINGTON STREET [*H*] CHICAGO. Sept. 24. 1901 Colonel Theodore Roosevelt Washington D.C. [shorthand] My dear Colonel: As this little letter is written to give you merely the "god speed" and "God bless you" of an old friend and comrade I am sure you will forgive me for the use of the old title in your foreseen exalted position. It seems to me that, if I were in the midst of the mighty responsibility so suddenly and terribly thrust upon you, words of faith and cheer from [from] former friends would bring me strength and comfort. So I am writing you to say that all our little family - father, mother and little daughter, are looking to your future and the future of our country under your guidance with absolute trust and confidence. A few days ago our baby girl said - "Mama, who will be President now? [*15819*]HENRY L. TURNER & CO. ESTABLISHED 1875 BANKERS AND FINANCIAL AGENTS 100 WASHINGTON STREET CHICAGO. "Colonel Roosevelt, my daughter - said her mother. "Is that Papa's friend, Colonel Roosevelt? "Yes sweet heart. "Well"! said the little five year old, "I'm glad he is "going to be President. I like Colonel Roosevelt "and I think he'll be a splendid President. So say we all of us, dear Colonel. And I am sure that our little home is but one of millions of homes where your name is being spoken lovingly hopefully, trustfully today. May God guide you, sustain you and protect you in the great work before you, is the earnest prayer of Your friend and comrade, Henry L. Turner [*15820*]council, and high success in the years that lie before you, & this reward, that our Country be prospered under your hand. I am proud to be the citizen of the country which has you for its Chief-executive. With warmest regard Yours truly, Ethelbert D. Manfried. Sept. 24th 1901. [shorthand] [*PPF ackd 9-27-1901*] [*[9-24-01]*] Lafayette College, EASTON, PENNSYLVANIA. My dear Mr President: I have long hoped that I should see you promoted to the presidency of this great nation. As you know, I have followed your career with admiration & the sincerest confidence in your ability and purity of purpose. I regretted your nomination [*15821*]nomination as Vice-President, because it seemed to take you from a position of activity and place you in one of comparative inactivity. But I now believe that one wiser than [than] men was the controller of that event, as He is the disposer of all things. I now lament with you the terrible tragedy which has called you to your high office in such a crisis, when I had hoped to see you receive the call in the ordinary course of events. Yet for one of your courage & your purpose I know that even so great a tragedy brings no dismay. May God, the God of our fathers, give you strength, wisdom in [*15822*]Alta, Iowa, September 24, 1901. Mr. H.I. Cleveland. Chicago, Illinois. Dear Sir: Of late, and during the campaign last fall, I have read in some papers have heard it stated that Mr. Roosevelt, ou[t]r President, is a severe drinker. Is that true? I have denied the imputation, basing my information on what I have read. I know that you have had an unusual opportunity to know the habits of Mr. Roosevelt, and I trust you will answer and give me what information you can. Very truly yours, C H Wegersler. [*15823*][*[ca 9-24-01]*] RESOLUTIONS. William McKINLEY, President of the United States is dead. He was an eminent statesman a soldier and patriot a great Chief Magistrate whose administration will stand out always as one of the most eventful and illustrious in American history. He has fallen at the zenith of his fame in the height of his great career by the hand of an assassin. The enormity of the wanton crime is measured by the grievous loss it has brought to the Republic and to all her citizens. We, Americans now in Paris desire to make public record of the feeling which in this hour of grief we share with all our countrymen. With them we unite in profound sorrow for the untimely death of President McKinley as well as in admiration of his character as a man and of his great public services which have brought so much honor to the Republic. We wish to declare our utter abhorrence of the foul crime to which President McKinley fell a victim and of the teachings which produced it. To her, to whom President McKinley gave a life long elevation as pure as it was beautiful we offer our deepest our most heartfelt sympathy. To Theodore ROOSEVELT called so suddenly and under such sad conditions to the Presidency of the United States we present our most sincere and most respectful sympathy and we would also express to him a generous confidence in the hope and belief that his administration will redound to his own honor and to the general welfare of our common country. We are profoundly grateful to the President and people of our sister Republic of France for their quick sympathy [*15824*]-2- and touching expressions of condolence in this moment of our great national sorrow. We would respectfully request the Ambassador of the United States in France to transmit copies of this Resolution to Mrs. McKINLEY, to the President of the French Republic and to the Secretary of State at Washington. [*15825*][Enc. in Porter, 9-24-01]MEMORIAL SERVICE. Exercises by the G. A. R. in the Temple of Music. [*15826*] Gen. Daniel E. Sickles declared that it seemed strange that in the Temple of Music, almost as sacred as a temple of religion, could have been committed only a few days ago the crime which removed from life the President. Ho [He] had seen three Presidents removed by the assassin. "We exclude and expel the Chinese," said the general, "who come here to toil and to serve us, but to harm no one. We receive and almost welcome the hellhounds of Europe who come here red handed and flaunting their red flag of murder and to strike down those we most love. Shall this thing be tolerated longer ? (Cries, no! no! no!). No. It must be stopped, lawfully, I hope, but it must be stopped quickly (applause and cheers), and if it is not stopped lawfully, it will be stopped somehow." (Applause.) Gen. Sickles eloquently and in simple, forceful language reviewed the career of the dead President; he described him as the volunteer, as the patriotic youth, winning his way to promotion and serving through the war with honor; he sketched his career as Representative, as Governor, then as President, declaring that McKinley as the Chief Executive of this Nation marks an epoch in history. He turned the Spaniard out of this continent, in his time we see this nation elevated in the estimation and the respect of all the nations of the world; we see our relations with Great Britain marvelously bettered and placed on a footing of love and kinship; we see a manly, peaceful policy pursued in China, not a policy of spoliation and plunder, as was framed by Europe, but a policy of justice and peace and right-and nowhere except here is McKinley's loss mourned more sincerely than in the Far East. McKinley was a man of conciliation, of kindness, a man of peace. Then, with great earnestness, with tears trickling down his cheeks, in voice filled with deepest sorrow, and with the eloquence of grief and determination, the veteran said: [*15826*] "Here, where he fell, he extended the kindly hand to the assassin who smote him down. Did he strike him back? No. He calmly looked at him dazed by the brutality, effrontery and audacity which could return kindly greeting with the blow. Ah, as McKinley said, God willed it so. Let us not murmur; but let us take measure that such crime shall not again disgrace our soil. (Applause.) Thrice it has been done. That is enough. Such miscreants, such wretches, will no longer be tolerated on American soil. (Applause and cheers.) Perhaps we had grown too proud, our conceit had become too swollen, we had become too self-sufficient -and in the providence of God it was time we received and admonition of His power and our dependence on Him." In conclusion Gen. Sickles declared that McKinley's life and work should be consecrated to the American people. He eloquently spoke of Roosevelt as in every way fitted for the great duties thrust upon him so suddenly, so painfully, declaring that in him this nation will have one of the worthiest of its Presidents. Gen. Sickles was cheered many times at the conclusion of his address. The chorus and audience sang "Marching Through Georgia," the song being taken up by the crowds outside and unable to get into the Temple. Gen. Rassieur presented the memorial prepared by the committee and it was adopted by rising vote.[*PPF ackd 9-27-1901*] PEABODY EDUCATION FUND, WASHINGTON, D. C., 1736 M. ST.) Black Mountain, No. Ca 25 Sep. 1901. President Roosevelt Washington, D. C. My dear Sir - Being in the North Carolina mountains for the summer I have been remote from the tragic occurrence in Buffalo and the imposing demonstrations in Washington - Purposely, I have waited until a subsidence of the excitement engendered by the atrocious assassination of our noble President, before expressing my sincere gratification that the government has fallen into your hands as our Chief Executive. Having fullest confidence in your courage, patriotism, integrity, ability, sound common sense, administrative experience and elevation above sectionalsim and sectarianism, I rejoice greatly that the country is in safe hands and not likely to be hindered in its progress by rashness and unwisdom - Being an ex-Confederate soldier and a States Rights Democrat you will not be offended when I say that I had months ago declared my intention to support you for the succesion - When we return to Washington, the middle of October, Mr Curry and I will claim the privilege of expressing in reason our regards, strong & cordial, for Mrs Roosevelt and yourself - Yours sincerely - J.S.M. Carny. [*15827*][shorthand][*Copy.*] Copy. LAW SCHOOL OF HARVARD UNIVERSITY. Cambridge, Mass. September 25, 1901. To the President of the United States. Sir: It gives me pleasure to endorse the application of Mr. Albert D. Elliot, for appointment as Secretary of Porto Rico. Mr. Elliot graduated from Harvard in my class, and I believe him to be both in character and in ability a thoroughly excellent candidate for the position. His experience in a similar office in Alaska, added to his other qualifications, should enable him, if appointed, to perform the duties of the office with great success. Yours respectfully, Joseph H. Beale, Jr., Professor of Law, H. U. [*15828*] [Enc. in 7-3-02 Elliot][*PPF ackd 9-28-1901*] H. L. Dawes, Pittsfield, Massachusetts. Sept. 25, 1901 To the President. Sir. I have not availed myself of the telegraph to assure you of any unreserved and loyal support in the position so suddenly devolved upon you. I have felt that such first opportunity belonged to those in the front rank of active service. But while such assurances have come to you with marvelous unanimity and sincerity of expressions from every quarter of the Land, none the less sincere and [*15829*] those I beg now to consider to you from one as ardent in his devotion as the youngest of those around you. These come from one who has witnessed all the difficulties and disasters which have attended all the former constitutional successions which have preseded this one. I sincerely congratulate you on the absence of all the perplexities and pitfalls and unheeded danger signals which these encountered. I am glad to recognise and congratulate the Country that the chief source of present confidence lies in the universal conviction that the highest ability, capacity and wisdom go hand in hand with the noble purpose in [*15830*]H. L. Dawes, Pittsfield, Massachusetts. which your great responsibilities are assurred. This in what has contributed so largely to assuage the grief attendant upon the great national calamity. I make haste to tender to your support the full measure of strength that remains with me, and an abounding faith in the full realisation of all your most positive endeavors. I am with great respect yours most sincerely Henry L. Dawes [shorthand] [*15831*]Telegram. Executive Mansion, Washington. 2 WU MC JM 8 Paid 11:50 am Roslyn, N.Y., Sept. 25, 1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the U.S. Letter received here. Will see you Thursday morning. Geo. W. Dunn. [shorthand] [*ackd 9-27*] Dunwoody DeKalb Co. Ga. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt Sept 25th 1901 Dear Cousin I have delayed for the great excitement to subside but I cannot longer restrain the great desire to extend to you my warmest heartiest good wishes. Your Mother & I were raised together & was very very dear to me Your Father, honored & loved. While my heart swells with pride & gratitude, yet stronger more [*15833*]tender emotions are awakened for your safety & protection. The great Southern heart thinks in unison with yours & while from every temple every hearthstone the voice of mourning may be heard & the tear of sympathy is shed for the departed one, a fervent earnest prayer ascends for you. They recognize with pride your Northern origins with stronger tenderer feelings they claim you for your Southern lineage, thus uniting by stronger bonds one common country. Ours is a brave, generous, trusting people, believe one, you have their confidence & esteem & in the time of need with strong hands & loyal hearts they will rally to your call. God the great Creator of all things, He in whom our fathers trusted, has called you to your present exalted station, lean upon Him, trust Him, & He will give you wisdom & strength. Your fitness, combined with a brave generous heart, broad philanthean joy & undoubted patriotism will open out your pathway to future glory & success. May your star of destiny rise higher & higher & shine forth brighter & brighter unto the "perfect day" & when our Saviour shall make up his jewels may you & yours be found among the number is the earnest prayer of Your true affect cousin C. A. Dunwody [*15834*]To his Excllcy. President Roosevelt. Washington D. C. [shorthand] [*PPF ackd 9-27-1901*] 335 Prospect St. New Haven Conn Sept 25th 1901 Windycott. Dear President Roosevelt. My brother, Prof. Henry W. Farnam, informs me that you will come to New Haven for the Yale Bi-Centennial Celebration, and my wife and I are looking forward to the pleasure of then entertaining you at our house. We hope very much that you will honor us by spending the nights of Tuesday and Wednesday, Oct 22nd & 23rd with us. On Tuesday evening, the open air dramatic representation takes place on the Campus, with the illumination [*15835*]of the grounds & buildings. On Wednesday morning the honorary degrees are to be conferred and in the afternoon, will occur the concert of the Boston Symphony Orchestra, the dedication of Woodbridge Hall and the farewell reception in the University Hall. If entirely agreeable to you, I should like to give a dinner in your honor at my house, either Tuesday or Wednesday evening, and would esteem it a favor if you would kindly intimate which evening you would prefer. Will you also please advise me whether any one is to accompany you. We can take care of your secretary and aide, if you desire to bring them with you. Commander Cowles is an old boyhood friend, and should he by chance be in your party, would of course be most welcome. - I hardly need say, I am sure, that I am most glad to place my house and myself at your disposal during your stay in New Haven, and should you wish any special arrangements made, in connection with your visit here, if you would kindly have me informed of them every effort shall be made to meet your wishes. - With every assurance of my highest respect, I beg you to believe me Most cordially yours, Wm W. Farnam [*15836*]J. SLOAT FASSETT ELMIRA, N. Y. September 25, 1901. [*PPF*] [*ackd*] [*9-26-1907*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. My dear Roosevelt : Permit me to express my deep sympathy under the trying circumstances which have brought upon you so tragically the burdens of the President of the United States. I do not think the circumstances are such as would justify congratulations, but I know you will not take expressions of esteem and good hope from an old friend in any other spirit than those which urge me to utterance. Your situation has certainly been a trying one, but you will permit me to say that you have met every requirement in a way that has more than pleased your friends. I wish you a most successful, and I expect for you a most admirable, continuation of the discharge of these duties which have come to you in this unhappy way. There is this about it, I think it seldom comes to any one to have so absolutely the undivided support of all his own party and of the members of the opposition as you enjoy at present. With best greetings, please believe me, as always, Sincerely your friend, J.S. Fassett [*15837*] [*PPF ackd 9-26-1901*] The Raleigh European Plan. ABSOLUTELY FIRE PROOF T.J. TALTY, MANAGER WASHINGTON, D.C. Sept 25 1901 My Dear Mr. President I find that I feel mortification over part of my talk with you today and I believe I see where my fault was. - My intentions were all right and my understanding pretty good, - certainly a good deal better than it appeared to be, - but I was decidedly careless in my speech, - my mistake being in trying to save time by merely indicating my thought whereas I should, in speaking to you, have expressed it accurately if at all -. I have not a thought in my head nor a feeling in my heart that is not loyal to you and to what you represent better than any president since Lincoln, and I believe that I have understanding enough to serve you and your ideals acceptably until a better man than I am personally or a stronger one [*15838*]politically comes to the front in my particular sphere. Very faithfully yours F Norton Goddard . [*shorthand notation*][*PF*] ST. NICHOLAS HOTEL. EUROPEAN PLAN. EDWARD N. ROTH. Cincinnati, Sept. -25 - 01 Dear Colonel Your letter made me more than happy. I have not been quite so chesty since the evening at Oyster Bay you told me you thought I was just a little the best soldier in your regiment. I can now quote you and say "Whatever happens now I will have had a run for my money." Nothing would please me more than spending a night at the White - House only give me a weeks notice if possible. [*15839*]ST. NICHOLAS HOTEL. EUROPEAN PLAN. EDWARD N. ROTH. Cincinnati, 2 By the way Colonel one colasal reason for my writing this is that in conversation with Mr B. F. Jones of Pittsburg a few days ago. He told me that he expected to be in Washtn shortly and intended paying his respects to you. He is if anything the most respected and cleanest man in the Pittsburg district. He was the Republican chairman of the national campaign for Blaine and said he knew you slightly at that time. He is the most striking character of all Pittsburg's successful men [*15840*ST. NICHOLAS HOTEL. EUROPEAN PLAN. EDWARD N. ROTH. Cincinnati, 3 since Andrew Carnegie's retirement with none of the latters eccentricities or egotism. Look out for him he is the kind you like. Please do not answer this as it requires none. With highest regards Yours faithfully Jno. C. Greenway [*15841*][*PPF ackd 9-27-1901*] FOREST AND STREAM ROD AND GUN A Weekly Journal of the Rod and Gun ADDRESS ALL COMMUNICATIONS TO THE FOREST AND STREAM PUBLISHING CO. FOREST AND STEAM PUBLISHING CO. PUBLISHERS AND IMPORTERS OF BOOKS ON OUTDOOR SPORTS No. 346 Broadway New York, September 25th, 1901. Hon. Theo. Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Roosevelt: I shall be in Washington some day next week, I think, and should like to have 15 or 20 minutes talk with you, not on public business. I do not know how much difficulty, if any, there may be in getting at you, but if for any reason you are not visible, will you have a line written to me to that effect. Yours sincerely, Geo. Bird Grinnell [[shorthand]] [*15842*][*Personal*] President, Curtis Guild, Jr. Boston. Secretary, Augustus P. Gardner, Hamilton. Treasurer, Arthur L. Devens, Hamilton. ENSE PETIT PLACIDAM SUB LIBERTATE QUIETEM REPUBLICAN CLUB OF MASSACHUSETTS 19 Milk Street, Boston September 25, 1901. [[shorthand]] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the U. S., Washington, D. C. Dear Theodore:-- Almost the last if not the very last public appointment made by President McKinley was a promise made by me at Canton [loss last] less than a week before [his death] he was shot that he would make his first speech in the Congressional Campaign of 1902 in September in Boston at a banquest to be given Mechanic's Hall by The Republican Club of Massachusetts. Our club, as you know, s the largest in Massachusetts and peculiarly represents your friends as the Home Market Club (which covers New England) represented those of President McKinley. Our semi-annual business meeting occurs October 9th. If you feel that the club maybe be informed then that among the other obligations of President McKinley you can promise at some date a year from now to carry out his pledge to address the Republicans of Massachusetts you know how happy it would make us. If you feel that you cannot do it be sure that we shall all understand and accept your decision. I do not write an urgent letter. [*15843*]President, Curtis Guild, Jr. Boston. Secretary, Augustus P. Gardner, Hamilton. Treasurer, Arthur L. Devens, Hamilton. ENSE PETIT PLACIDAM SUB LIBERTATE QUIETEM REPUBLICAN CLUB OF MASSACHUSETTS 19 Milk Street, Boston 19 Roosevelt 2 as I feel I have no right to do so. The club is eager to have you but we feel we have no right to press you. It seemed better for you last year that you should be publicly identified with President McKinley's closest friends here and that those known to be your friends should honor him. We now ask you to your own. Affectionately, Curtis Guild, Jr. [President.] [*15844*][*pp File*] 1983 EMPORIA NATIONAL BANK. CAPITAL $100,000. SURPLUS $100,000. C. HOOD, President. W.T. SODEN, Vice Prest. L.T. Heritage, Cashier. J. M. STEELE, Asst. Cash. Emporia, Kas. Sept. 25, 1901 My dear Colonel : Your kind note of the 21st received, and I esteem very highly that you should remember in your multitude of affairs. It will be a sincere pleasure to call upon you. Following the great sorrow of our whole country, comes the great wave of relief that our Government is in the hands of a man whom the whole country believes in. My long observation has been that there is no surer barometer of confidence than effects upon business, which has no been the least disturbed. With Sincere Regards, Very truly yours, Calvin Hood Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. [*15845*][shorthand] [*PPF ackd 9-27-1901*] St. Paul, Minn September 25. 1901. Your Excellency, I have waited designedly, before speaking my small word of rejoicing, until you might be somewhat freed from the rush of early messages of respect and loyalty, coming to you from all parts of the country - of the [*15846*]world. Please, allow me now a hearing. How little it was thought when you were introduced at the Minnesota State Fair as "The President of the United States," that was then only a prophecy, was so soon to be a reality! Since then an awful crime took away Mr. McKinley. Never can we sufficiently sorrow over that crime: never can we sufficiently mourn the death of Mr. McKinley. But - must we not thank Providencebut when the President died, here was one near at hand to take his place, & awaken in the heart of stricken America joy & hope? I was sure, those many years past, that you were to attain the highest honor in the gift of the nation. Your noble qualities of mind & of heart. Your thorough Americanism were such as to compel the love & admiration of your fellow-citizens. When to-day you are President - I have only to [*15847*] congratulate my country, andto thank the god of nations. To be a great President should be your ambition. Hell, to this purpose, be throughout yourself - this & nothing more. Faithful to your ideals, to your own sentiments & aspirations, you cannot help being a great President. I earnestly pray God to guard you well, & to be rich to you in blessings. Very Respectfully, John Icland His Excellency Theodore A Roosevelt President of the United States.[shorthand] [*PPF ackd 9-27-1901*] Bluff Cottage, Indian Wells Road, Amagansett, L.I. September 25, 1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington, D. C., My dear Sir: I have received form Messrs. Rand, McNally and Co., the Chicago publishers, an invitation to write a biography of you, about 70,000 words in length. Of course I can give them no definite answer till I learn whether this [*15848*]I shall be at my desk at Messrs. D. Appleton & Co's , No. 72 Fifth avenue, New York. If you will kindly give me an early answer, by mail or by telegraph (at my expense), I shall be greatly obliged. Yours faithfully, Rossiter Johnson. would be agreeable to you. If not, I should not consent to do it on any terms. If it would, the task would be very pleasant, and I should enter upon it at once. In that case, I should ask you to put me in possession of any material that otherwise I might not find. I do not wish to write the book unless I can make it worthy of permanence. I shall be here until next Tuesday, after which [*15849*] but now that I am in it we will try to make a San Juan Hill of it, even if I have to be "alone in Cubia"! This letter, of course, calls for no answer. Yrs, faithfully, & [?] Seth Low President Roosevelt 30 EAST 64TH STREET Sept. 25. 1901. Dear Mr. President: I have been greatly pleased to receive your several letters, all of which show your great thoughtfulness at such a time. I wish it were possible for me to see you at an early day, as you so kindly suggest; but I fearI cannot visit Washington until after the election. You will have noticed, of course, that I have been placed in nomination for the Mayoralty by the Fusion Conference; and that this action has been ratified by the two principal organizations taking part in it. At this writing, all of the smaller organizations seem likely to fall in line with the exception of the O'Brien Democracy. The fight will be a hard one; but we have got to shoot as badly as the Spanish ships not to hit somewhere! There is a spirit of earnestness and enthusiasm in the air that augurs well for success. You know how little I have wanted to undertake this fightTHE SHOREHAM JOHN T. DEVINE [*Ackd 9-26-1901 File Water Town*] [shorthand] WASHINGTON, D. C., Sept. 25 1901 Mr. President = Will you allow me to add to the list of your influential friends and sage advisors in Walter New York, the name of Robert J. Buck, postmaster at Watertown. He was not an office seeker but became postmaster because, having led in all affairs of public benefit and been as capable in all things, the people demanded the place for him on the resignation of Mr. Middleton. Mr. Buck is a Christian gentleman, conservative, [l] wise, and loyal. I advise with [*15852*]him in [evert] everything and have always found him a jovial [fred] friend. He is a thoroughly manly man that we can tie to in perfect confidence. [I think] He is in close harmony with Messrs. Brown and Middleton. I should have spoken of him to you. Will [t] be in Washington until tomorrow, Thursday, afternoon, should you desire anything further of me. I thank you very much four your confidence and courtesy in calling me to you at this hour, and I shall work entiemidly to uphold you in the high ideals you have [taken] set for your ambitions. Yours Respectfully, W. D. McKrinstenF. M. PIERCE, SECRETARY-GENERAL. E. A. NERESHIEMER, TREASURER-GENERAL. CLARK THURSTON, CHIEF-FINANCE BOARD. UNIVERSAL BROTHERHOOD. OR, THE BROTHERHOOD OF HUMANITY. AND ITS DEPARTMENTS. Ordained and established for the benefit of the people of the earth and all creatures. This organization declares that Brotherhood is a fact in Nature. The Brotherhood is a part of a great and universal Movement which has been active in all ages. THE THEOSOPHICAL SOCIETY. The principal purpose of this society is to publish and disseminate literature relating to Theosophy, Brotherhood, ancient and modern religions, philosophies, sciences, and arts. Universal Brotherhood, UNSECTARIAN Welcomes to membership all who truly love their fellow men and desire the eradication of the evils caused by the barriers of race, reed, color or caste, which have so long impeded human progress; to all sincere lovers of truth, and to all who aspire to higher and better things than the mere pleasures and interest of a worldly life, and are prepared to do all in their power to make Brotherhood a living force in the life of humanity, its various department offer unlimited opportunities. KATHERINE TINGLEY, FOUNDRESS AND OFFICIAL HEAD. INTERNATIONAL BROTHERHOOD LEAGUE. To help men and women realize the nobility of their calling and their true position in life. ISIS LEAGUE OF MUSIC AND DRAMA To restore harmony to music, and the drama to its ancient dignity as a moral educator. CHILDREN'S INTERNATIONAL LOTUS HOME. to educate children of all nations on the broadest lines o Universal Brotherhood and to prepare destitute and homeless children to become workers for Humanity. INTERNATIONAL HEADQUARTERS, POINT LOMA, CALIF., U. S. A. September 25, 1901. [*ackd 10-11-1901*] HON. THEODORE ROOSEVELT, President of the United States. My dear Sir and Brother;- As a Mason, I have for years been traveling the world and studying individual and national life with the determined purpose of discovering the inside workings of the Jesuit Body, in order to counteract their plans and schemes to bring about the union of Church and State and so gain control of the world. In doing this, it has become absolutely necessary for me to make myself most intimately acquainted with their methods and ramifications, in order to protect my own life as an Official of the Universal Brotherhood Organization, and the far more important life of Katherine Tingley, the Official Head of the Universal Brotherhood Organization, herself belonging to a family of brave men, for three generations of Masons. The reason for this is, that the Universal Brotherhood Organization,-largely composed of active advanced Masons,-extends over the whole world and embraces people of all Nations, races and religions. It exists and works for humanity, to establish individual responsibility, leading to right thought and the mental and spiritual freedom, which is only found in the unity of a high, broad unselfish purpose. This work necessarily brings it and its workers into direct opposition with intolerance, bigotry, [*15853*]F. M. PIERCE, SECRETARY-GENERAL. E. A. NERESHIEMER, TREASURER-GENERAL. CLARK THURSTON, CHIEF-FINANCE BOARD. UNIVERSAL BROTHERHOOD. OR, THE BROTHERHOOD OF HUMANITY. AND ITS DEPARTMENTS. Ordained and established for the benefit of the people of the earth and all creatures. This organization declares that Brotherhood is a fact in Nature. The Brotherhood is a part of a great and universal Movement which has been active in all ages. THE THEOSOPHICAL SOCIETY. The principal purpose of this society is to publish and disseminate literature relating to Theosophy, Brotherhood, ancient and modern religions, philosophies, sciences, and arts. Universal Brotherhood, UNSECTARIAN Welcomes to membership all who truly love their fellow men and desire the eradication of the evils caused by the barriers of race, reed, color or caste, which have so long impeded human progress; to all sincere lovers of truth, and to all who aspire to higher and better things than the mere pleasures and interest of a worldly life, and are prepared to do all in their power to make Brotherhood a living force in the life of humanity, its various department offer unlimited opportunities. KATHERINE TINGLEY, FOUNDRESS AND OFFICIAL HEAD. INTERNATIONAL BROTHERHOOD LEAGUE. To help men and women realize the nobility of their calling and their true position in life. ISIS LEAGUE OF MUSIC AND DRAMA To restore harmony to music, and the drama to its ancient dignity as a moral educator. CHILDREN'S INTERNATIONAL LOTUS HOME. to educate children of all nations on the broadest lines o Universal Brotherhood and to prepare destitute and homeless children to become workers for Humanity. INTERNATIONAL HEADQUARTERS, POINT LOMA, CALIF., U. S. A. #2. and organized selfishness in its worst and most powerful forms, which are being destroyed by our success. Our financially independent and unsalried Officials are a fatal menace to their salried official stronghold. With our Leader, Katherine Tingley, and her official helpers and protectors out of the way, these personal and nearly accomplished plan-jeopardies to humanity would be imminent. Their agents and ramifications are everywhere, directing labor, anarchistic and Socialistic bodies, and they do not miss the all important point of having their agents as Officials and Counselors in Governments, nor in the confidential, private and official life of the Heads of Nations. President McKinley was their first victim--and was warned some months since by Katherine Tingley--in carrying out their plan to deprive the three strong protestant Nations, i.e., the United States, England and Sweden, of their Rulers, leaving the two European Nations and the United States, in the event of the death of yourself, Edward and Oscar, in the hands of either unknown, weak or untrained men, which would throw these countries into political, social and economic chaos. This condiditon would be largely effected and emphasized by Jesuits in high clerical-counsel and official positions in these respective Governments. With these three strong Protestant Nations in their hands, the carrying out of their plan of centuries would be within their reach. [*15854*]F. M. PIERCE, SECRETARY-GENERAL. E. A. NERESHIEMER, TREASURER-GENERAL. CLARK THURSTON, CHIEF-FINANCE BOARD. UNIVERSAL BROTHERHOOD. OR, THE BROTHERHOOD OF HUMANITY. AND ITS DEPARTMENTS. Ordained and established for the benefit of the people of the earth and all creatures. This organization declares that Brotherhood is a fact in Nature. The Brotherhood is a part of a great and universal Movement which has been active in all ages. THE THEOSOPHICAL SOCIETY. The principal purpose of this society is to publish and disseminate literature relating to Theosophy, Brotherhood, ancient and modern religions, philosophies, sciences, and arts. Universal Brotherhood, UNSECTARIAN Welcomes to membership all who truly love their fellow men and desire the eradication of the evils caused by the barriers of race, reed, color or caste, which have so long impeded human progress; to all sincere lovers of truth, and to all who aspire to higher and better things than the mere pleasures and interest of a worldly life, and are prepared to do all in their power to make Brotherhood a living force in the life of humanity, its various department offer unlimited opportunities. KATHERINE TINGLEY, FOUNDRESS AND OFFICIAL HEAD. INTERNATIONAL BROTHERHOOD LEAGUE. To help men and women realize the nobility of their calling and their true position in life. ISIS LEAGUE OF MUSIC AND DRAMA To restore harmony to music, and the drama to its ancient dignity as a moral educator. CHILDREN'S INTERNATIONAL LOTUS HOME. to educate children of all nations on the broadest lines o Universal Brotherhood and to prepare destitute and homeless children to become workers for Humanity. INTERNATIONAL HEADQUARTERS, POINT LOMA, CALIF., U. S. A. #3. Will they allow it to pass unimproved when it can be accomplished at the expense of only three lives, in exchange for the lives of three supposedly irresponsible Anarchist out-post men? I beg you as a man, as the Chief of a Great Nation and as a Masonic Brother to never, for a moment, be off your guard, nor permit any but the most tried and trusted men about you; men whom you yourself, with your acute insight into human nature, know and have tested thoroughly, and whose record, birth, parentage, nationality, religious tendencies and secret ties you have thoroughly scrutinized, both as to individuals and associations. Above all, I beg you to select such a man for your confidential and official Secretary. Unconscious hereditary predilections are today being utilized by the Jesuits through psychological influences, to make even good men their unconscious--and therefore most effective--agents. In fact, I know that President McKinley, unknown to himself, had closely about, as advisors and confidential workers, many who are Jesuits and their informed or unconscious agents. Is it not a significant fact that at Buffalo the trusted detective was removed from the President's left where he was placed with the sole duty of scrutinizing every approaching person and extended hand, and Milburn, a wholly untrained man, was placed in that vital position to perform an entirely different and less important [*15855*]F. M. PIERCE, SECRETARY-GENERAL. E. A. NERESHIEMER, TREASURER-GENERAL. CLARK THURSTON, CHIEF-FINANCE BOARD. UNIVERSAL BROTHERHOOD. OR, THE BROTHERHOOD OF HUMANITY. AND ITS DEPARTMENTS. Ordained and established for the benefit of the people of the earth and all creatures. This organization declares that Brotherhood is a fact in Nature. The Brotherhood is a part of a great and universal Movement which has been active in all ages. THE THEOSOPHICAL SOCIETY. The principal purpose of this society is to publish and disseminate literature relating to Theosophy, Brotherhood, ancient and modern religions, philosophies, sciences, and arts. Universal Brotherhood, UNSECTARIAN Welcomes to membership all who truly love their fellow men and desire the eradication of the evils caused by the barriers of race, reed, color or caste, which have so long impeded human progress; to all sincere lovers of truth, and to all who aspire to higher and better things than the mere pleasures and interest of a worldly life, and are prepared to do all in their power to make Brotherhood a living force in the life of humanity, its various department offer unlimited opportunities. KATHERINE TINGLEY, FOUNDRESS AND OFFICIAL HEAD. INTERNATIONAL BROTHERHOOD LEAGUE. To help men and women realize the nobility of their calling and their true position in life. ISIS LEAGUE OF MUSIC AND DRAMA To restore harmony to music, and the drama to its ancient dignity as a moral educator. CHILDREN'S INTERNATIONAL LOTUS HOME. to educate children of all nations on the broadest lines o Universal Brotherhood and to prepare destitute and homeless children to become workers for Humanity. INTERNATIONAL HEADQUARTERS, POINT LOMA, CALIF., U. S. A. #4 duty, although there were a number of detectives standing ready to take the removed detective's post? The removal of this detective was made by the same men who placed him there and, as a result, the President was shot. The assassin's plan and this happening fit too closely to be an accident. Why was the detective placed there? Why removed and not replaced by another detective? Who did it? "What is in a name?" As an old Mason, I inform you as a brother, if you do not already know, that the Jesuits are everywhere in the Masonic Body, even in its Supreme Council. They are necessarily most enthusiastic and efficient workers in order that they may cover their tracks, and keep the "Black Pope" thoroughly informed as to the condition and doings of the "Order," whose past record proves it as having been the only organized force among men which has, at crucial times in humanity's history, successfully opposed and defeated the Jesuits, as the embodies head of the Evil Force in the Western Hemisphere. From an observation of your open and independent private and public life, true men and your brothers, have confidence in your independent integrity and ability to rightly lead the Nation along the untrod path it is traveling, that it may stand as a light to the world. Is there another man tried in public life, who would inspire the requisite confidence [*15856*]F. M. PIERCE, SECRETARY-GENERAL. E. A. NERESHIEMER, TREASURER-GENERAL. CLARK THURSTON, CHIEF-FINANCE BOARD. UNIVERSAL BROTHERHOOD. OR, THE BROTHERHOOD OF HUMANITY. AND ITS DEPARTMENTS. Ordained and established for the benefit of the people of the earth and all creatures. This organization declares that Brotherhood is a fact in Nature. The Brotherhood is a part of a great and universal Movement which has been active in all ages. THE THEOSOPHICAL SOCIETY. The principal purpose of this society is to publish and disseminate literature relating to Theosophy, Brotherhood, ancient and modern religions, philosophies, sciences, and arts. Universal Brotherhood, UNSECTARIAN Welcomes to membership all who truly love their fellow men and desire the eradication of the evils caused by the barriers of race, reed, color or caste, which have so long impeded human progress; to all sincere lovers of truth, and to all who aspire to higher and better things than the mere pleasures and interest of a worldly life, and are prepared to do all in their power to make Brotherhood a living force in the life of humanity, its various department offer unlimited opportunities. KATHERINE TINGLEY, FOUNDRESS AND OFFICIAL HEAD. INTERNATIONAL BROTHERHOOD LEAGUE. To help men and women realize the nobility of their calling and their true position in life. ISIS LEAGUE OF MUSIC AND DRAMA To restore harmony to music, and the drama to its ancient dignity as a moral educator. CHILDREN'S INTERNATIONAL LOTUS HOME. to educate children of all nations on the broadest lines o Universal Brotherhood and to prepare destitute and homeless children to become workers for Humanity. INTERNATIONAL HEADQUARTERS, POINT LOMA, CALIF., U. S. A. #5. in these most trying times in National and Humanity's history? Therefore, I beg of you far more strenuously than I would for my own life, that you do not consider this in the slightest an exaggerated idea of imaginary conditions, but believe and act upon their being living facts, which the writer, with many other earnest Masons throughout the world, have fully proved. Those of experience have learned that it is difficult to discover trusty men, or even good men, sufficiently developed to be safe in untried positions and new fields. It is not in the Masonic Order that the most reliable men are to be found, especially for a Mason's aid, because aside from the Masonic Bond, the Masonic Body, as a whole, is made up of the level, active and tried intelligence of the world? If there is a Supreme Intelligence whose plans we are feebly and blindly carrying out, is it not significant that at this vital time in the history of humanity, the three strongest Protestant Nations have active Masonic Heads, and that the Legislative and Executive Departments of each are strongly Masonic? Are these men thus placed by accident? Or, is it that they may arouse themselves and act together as the leavening lump, to safe-guard and rightly guide the destinies of the world, through concerted secret counseling and action, rising above all national, religious and political differences and acting from the true Masonic [*15857*]F. M. PIERCE, SECRETARY-GENERAL. E. A. NERESHIEMER, TREASURER-GENERAL. CLARK THURSTON, CHIEF-FINANCE BOARD. UNIVERSAL BROTHERHOOD. OR, THE BROTHERHOOD OF HUMANITY. AND ITS DEPARTMENTS. Ordained and established for the benefit of the people of the earth and all creatures. This organization declares that Brotherhood is a fact in Nature. The Brotherhood is a part of a great and universal Movement which has been active in all ages. THE THEOSOPHICAL SOCIETY. The principal purpose of this society is to publish and disseminate literature relating to Theosophy, Brotherhood, ancient and modern religions, philosophies, sciences, and arts. Universal Brotherhood, UNSECTARIAN Welcomes to membership all who truly love their fellow men and desire the eradication of the evils caused by the barriers of race, reed, color or caste, which have so long impeded human progress; to all sincere lovers of truth, and to all who aspire to higher and better things than the mere pleasures and interest of a worldly life, and are prepared to do all in their power to make Brotherhood a living force in the life of humanity, its various department offer unlimited opportunities. KATHERINE TINGLEY, FOUNDRESS AND OFFICIAL HEAD. INTERNATIONAL BROTHERHOOD LEAGUE. To help men and women realize the nobility of their calling and their true position in life. ISIS LEAGUE OF MUSIC AND DRAMA To restore harmony to music, and the drama to its ancient dignity as a moral educator. CHILDREN'S INTERNATIONAL LOTUS HOME. to educate children of all nations on the broadest lines o Universal Brotherhood and to prepare destitute and homeless children to become workers for Humanity. INTERNATIONAL HEADQUARTERS, POINT LOMA, CALIF., U. S. A. #6 standpoint, “For the good of all men?” Believe me! In safe-guarding yourself, you are protecting Humanity against its Destroyer and the old sworn foe of our Saving Order. Fraternally and faithfully yours, F. M. Pierce 32° Secretary-General Universal Brotherhood Organization. [*15858*][For 1. enc. see N. Y. Herald 5-4-02 & 1 attachment see 10-14-01 "Can you ascertain..."][*File ackd 9-26-1901*] Schloss, PORTRAITS, 467-469 Fifth Avenue New York, Sept. 25. 1901 S The Hon. Theo. Roosevelt Dear Sir: We are sending you today ½ Doz. cabinets of Mrs. Theo. Roosevelt, which kindly accept with our compliments. Wewould like to know if you object to the same being published in any of the best newspapers. If at any time when in the City you can make it convenient to come in, we would much like to make some pictures of you, as you promised to do so some time ago. Respectfully yours, Jacob Schloss [[shorthand]] [*15859*][*PPF ackd 9-27-1901*] SOLE AGENTS FOR THE U.S. CANADA & MEXICO. RUINART BRUT CHAMPAGNE, RUINART PERE ET FILS RHEIMS. HAIG & HAIG, SCOTS WHISKY. TRINITY PLACE, LONDON. MORGAN BOS, SHERRIES. LONDON & CADIZ. EDMOND MARTELL & SAUGE, BRANDIES. COGNAC, FRANCE. ROOSEVELT & SCHUYLER, BORDEAUX, FRANCE. OLDE NEW AMSTERDAM, WHISKEY. BLANDY BROS, MADEIRA. Cable Address: Othonias. Roosevelt & Schuyler, 99 Pearl & 62 Stone Streets. (Hanover Square) BRANCHES: BOSTON, 312 CONGRESS ST. CHICAGO, 223 MICHIGAN AVE. BORDEAUX, 60 COURS DU JARDIN PUBLIC. NEW ORLEANS, 206 ST. CHARLES ST. New York, September 25, 1901. My dear Theodore: Will you give me a thirty seconds audience some time early next month? I would like to have you make us purveyors to "the White House," and would like to explain why and how. I have no other axe to grind, and know what the demands on your time must be. Yours affectionately, M. Roosevelt Schuyler [*15860*]Toronto. Sep. 25. 1901. Dear Mr. Dana, Advice to either side to "give in" would be intervention. I don't think the same objection would apply to a measured expression of feeling accompanying the refusal to intervene, such as would suggest the generosity towards a gallant enemy struggling for independence which in this case would be true wisdom. American sentiment, I repeat, has had weight. My idea of a settlement 15861would be severance of Johannesburg with the Willander district from the Transvaal and concession to the two Republics of internal self government subject to the suzerainty of G. Britain in regard to internal and military relations. The status of guerillas after reverses of all the regular armies is settled, so far as Great Britain is concerned, by Wellington's despatch [Fuente Guinaldo, 2d June 1812] But it is butcherly work and bad for civilization. Very truly yours Gordon Smith. [*15862*][*Copy.*] Copy. President’s Office, UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN. Ann Arbor, Sept. 26, 1901. To the President:- Sir:- Mr. Albert D. Elliot informs me that he is an applicant for the position of Secretary of Porto Rico and asks me to say a word about him. He graduated at our Law School in 1887, having previously graduated at Harvard University. He made an entirely creditable record while here, and won our esteem. He has since served as Secretary of the Territory of Alaska and Clerk of the United States Court at Sitka. Concerning his record while there, I only know what he informs me, but I judge that his career was an honorable one. I feel that I am justified therefore in directing your attention to him as a man worthy of consideration in connection with the Secretaryship of Porto Rico. Yours truly, (Signed) James B. Angell. [*15863*][Enc. in Elliot 7-3-02][*Copy.*] Copy. UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN. President’s Office. Ann Arbor, Sept. 26, 1901. Mr. Albert D. Elliot, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. Elliot:- I have promptly written to the President a letter of commendation for you. I trust that you may succeed in securing the position you desire. Yours truly, (Singed) James B. Angell [*15864*][Enc. in Elliot 7-3-02][[shorthand]] [*akd 9-27*] 391 West End Ave, New York, Sept. 26th, '01. My Dear Sir: Our friend Sherman Bell is "Ernest Wilson," the hero of the Story "Joe", in Harper's Magazine for October. Have you kept up your Horace — or made any translation or special study of the Odes? I am making a Bibliography. With the old high regard, and admiration, and heart whole wishes for your usefulness and happiness, as President, and as man, I am, Faithfully John Paul Bocock. President Roosevelt. [*15865*][*PPF ackd 9-28-1901*] 17 Quincy Street Cambridge, Mass Sept 26 [*[1901] HKB*] Dear Mr President Best thanks for your kind invitation. We shall be very happy to dine with you - as I have already wired to your Secretary-- at 7.30 P.M. on Monday. I understand your invitation to include my wife, supposing for would [*15867*]probably be alone or almost alone; but if you have any gentlemen coming and therefore prefer to have no ladies, my wife can quite well dine at the hotel. We mean to stay the night at the Shoreham Hotel, which still recommend & was best by to St. Louis. Yours Sincerely James Boyce [shorthand] [*15868*]Telegram Executive Mansion, Washington. 1 WU. HG. KQ. 8 Paid -12:35 P.M. Boston, Mass., September 26, 1901. President’s Secretary: Mrs. Bryce and self delighted to dine Monday. Bryce. [*P. F.*] [*For official see P. R. R.*] BROAD STREET STATION, PHILADELPHIA. September 26 1901 Mr President Replying to your esteemed favor of the twentieth inst., I beg to assure you that I shall take great pleasure in responding to any calls you may make on me, and I shall be prepared [*15870*]to so to making time whenever you may desire to see me. I am with great respect Yours truly A J Cassatt [*15871*] [*PPF ackd 9-25-1901*] Internal Revenue Service, Seventh District of Kentucky, Collector's Office, Lexington, Ky., Sept. 26, 1901. My dear Mr. President:- It is a fortunate thing for the country that the selection of a candidate for Vice President last year was not made to appease a defeated faction, nor for geographical considerations, but for once the choice of the people for President next to Mr. McKinley was selected. This must also be a comfort to you in the trying hours you are undergoing. I will not attempt to express my deep sorrow over our recent loss. I not only had the greatest admiration for Major McKinley's character and public services, but I felt also a real, personal affection for him. My greatest political interest in the past few years has been in the direction of securing the supremacy of an element in the Republican Party in Kentucky that would give to the party a sufficiently attractive character to draw to us and hold that element of the Democratic Party which acted with us in '96, '99 and last year; to put such men and measures forward as would meet the approval of such Democrats as Buckner, Knott, Duke, Breckinridge and Lindsay. Mr. Yerkes, Mr. Roberts and I have acted together in this matter, while we have felt and feared the tendency of the Senator from Kentucky was in an opposite direction. From my very pleasant intercourse with you, [[shorthand]] [*15872*](2.) you, I am sure that your policy will be one that will rapidly advance the interests of the Republican Party in the South. I hope that you will not accept Senator Deboe's views as to what should be done in Kentucky until a presentation of our purposes and plans can be laid before you. I expect in a short time to pay my respects to you in Washington when I hope you will be able to give me a little time for a discussion of our Kentucky situation. With best wishes for yourself personally, and for the success of your administration permit me to offer my heartiest services. Yours very truly, Leslie Combs The President: Washington, D. C. [*15873*][*[For 2 enclosures see 9-25-01 & 9-21-01]*] [*P F*] [*akd 9-27*] New York,, Sept. 26. [189] 1901 Dear Mr President T Roosevelt: I enclose two letters from Goldwin Smith, as the best way of treating his suggestions, not understanding in the one of Sept. 21 the precise idea in "color the extreme spirit of violence," I asked him if he meant to advise the Boers to surrender, which I personally did not favor, and he answered with the one of Sept. 25. I don't know whether [*15874*]you know him or not, but he is of the rare type that inspires one with reverence for his elders, and instinctively he is with the Boers. Here we are still in the awful calm, but it cannot last much longer, of course. I doubt if you know fully how well the people wish you. Faithfully yours, Paul Dana. [*15875*][*Copy.*] Copy. Harvard University. Cambridge, Massachusetts, 26 September, 1901 The President of the United States of America. Sir: I have heard of the application of Mr. Albert D. Elliot, a graduate of Harvard College in 1882, for the position of Secretary of Porto Rico. In the year 1897 I recommended the appointment of Mr. Elliot as Secretary of the Territory of Alaska and Clerk of the United States Court at Sitka. I believe that Mr. Elliot’s record in those positions justifies my recommendation and entitles him to your favorable consideration for the appointment which he now seeks. I have the honor to remain, Sir, Your obedient servant, (Signed) Charles W. Eliot, President. [*15876*][Enc. in Elliot 7-3-02][*PPF ackd 9-28-1901*] D. M. HOUSER, Prest. CHAS. H. MCKEE, Vice Prest. St. Louis Globe-Democrat GLOBE PRINTING COMPANY, Publishers ST. LOUIS, September 26, 1901. [[shorthand]] [*Personal*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir---An admirer of yours of very nearly twenty years standing— dating from a brief talk which I had with you in Albany in February or March, 1882, when I was connected with the New York press—congratulates the country on you accession to the presidency, although, of course, I regret the particular event which brought your accession now instead of on March 4, 1905. The 1905 accession, however, by election, cannot be prevented by anything except death in the interval, as I view the situation. As I remarked to you in 1897 or 1898, in some of the correspondence between us, I must have been about the first of the Roosevelt presidential boomers. For many years I have had the utmost confidence that you would reach the presidency, though, of course, for your first term, I did not suppose you would reach it in this way. The second term will redress this abnormality. This confidence I have often told to our friend John A. Sleicher, of Leslie's Weekly. I have expressed it many times in editorials and signed articles in the Globe-Democrat in the past few years, and in the past few weeks. I have done this more than once also in editorials and signed articles in Mr. Sleicher's paper. A long article by me on this subject will appear in Leslie's in next week's issue. The West, I have known, was devoted to your interests for a year or more [*15877*]D. M. HOUSER, Prest. CHAS. H. MCKEE, Vice Prest. 2 St. Louis Globe-Democrat GLOBE PRINTING COMPANY, Publishers ST. LOUIS, —for several years—past, I learned this not only by the expressions of some of its leading papers, but also through my private talks and private correspondence with many of its prominent editors and public men. This devotion, I am happy to know, is increasing. If, as every Republican hopes, and as the particular Republican who here addresses you believes, your administration in the coming three years shall contribute to America's prosperity and prestige, Theodore Roosevelt's will be the only name mentioned for President by any Republican in the national convention of 1904. It will always be a pleasure to me to remember that I was a little earlier than the majority of our fellow citizens in foreseeing the acclaim (and in voicing some of it) which the country is giving to its new President at this moment. Very truly yours, Charles M. Harvey, Globe-Democrat Office, St. Louis, Mo. [*15878*][[shorthand]] [*PPF ackd 9-28-1901*] [*P F*] Newbury N. H. Sep. 26. 1901 Dear Mr. President I have received a confidential despatch from our Minister in Uruguay, saying that that Republic wishes us to establish a Protectorate over it, as the best means of guaranteeing its independent existence. Of course it is a proposition we cannot substain, but the fact is significant as showing how much foundation there is for the terror expressed in some quarters, as to our imperialistic greed, and the hatred which, I learn from the Berlin papers, is felt for us in South America. I received a cable from [*15879*]Mr. Choate the other day, asking if he should show Senator Lodge our draft of the Canal Treaty. I answered "yes" and told him Cabot had already been told the substance of what we were looking for. I hope he will come back fully committed to it, as a whole and in all its parts. I want to congratulate you on the splendid unanimity with which the country is pledging you its confidence and support. There has been nothing like it in our political history. Yours faithfully John Hay [*15880*]9-27-1901 [[shorthand]] Department of State, Washington, September 26, 1901. George B. Cortelyou, Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: I enclose herewith translation of a note from the appointed Turkish Minister, presenting the request of the Persian Minister, who is absent from the United States, touching the congratulations to be sent to the Shah on the twenty-eight instant, the anniversary of his birth-day. As has been usual for some years past, I transmit a draft of a telegram to the Shah, which, if approved by the President, may be dispatched from the White House at midnight of September 27-28, so as to reach Teheran [*15881*]2 Teheran on the morning of the 28th. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant Gavin J. Hill, Acting Secretary. Enclosures: From Chekib Bey, September 21, 1901. Draft of telegram to Shah of Persia, September 28, 1901. 15882[*[For 1 enc. see Chekib 9-21-01]*][*File PP7 ackd 9-27-1901*] Metropolitan Club, Washington, D.C. September 26, 1901. The Governors of the Metropolitan Club, have great pleasure in offering the President of the United States The Hon. Theodore Roosevelt the use and privileges of its Club House as a permanent Honorary Member. Archibald Hopkins For. the Executive Committee [*15883*][*PPF ackd 9-30-1901*] Law Offices of HOLLS, WAGNER & BURGHARD, 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK . FREDERICK WM. HOLLS LOUIS A. WAGNER. EDWARD M. BURGHARD Sept. 26, 1901 [*Private*] (NOT FOR THE PUBLIC FILES). Dear Mr. President, There is a matter of comparatively trifling importance in itself, but yet not without general interest to you, which I wish to have the honor of speaking to you about in the near future, and of which I write merely for the purpose of forestalling premature action. Messrs. Steinway & Sons, of this city, are about to manufacture the hundred-thousandth piano made by their far-famed concern. Apart from my friendship for the members, which dates back a great many years, I feel that every American has a right to be proud of the records of this concern, which has given to this country the unquestioned reputation of highest excellence throughout the world in their chosen field. The Messrs. Steinway expect to make the hundred-thousandth piano a great work of art, in appearance as well as in intrinsic musical value. A committee, of which is Stanford White is a member, will determine the design, which is to be patriotic in character, and it is the intention of the firm to present the piano when completed to the U. S. Government, for use in the Executive Mansion. They have asked me to see you, merely for the purpose of being assured that this gift will be accepted by you on behalf of the Government. They do not desire any unseemly advantage for advertising purposes, and will not make any requests inconsistent with [*15884*]Law Offices of HOLLS, WAGNER & BURGHARD, 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK . FREDERICK WM. HOLLS LOUIS A. WAGNER. EDWARD M. BURGHARD --2-- perfect delicacy and propriety. It is, however, a fact that other manufacturers of pianos will probably overwhelm you with offers of instruments, so that it will be necessary for Mrs. Roosevelt and yourself to make a choice; and while the fact that you should choose any other piano would make no difference to the monumental instrument to be given to the government, it seems to me that the Executive Mansion should have the best and only the best of everything manufactured in America, and suitable for that house. It will take over a year to finish the monumental piano, and the Messrs. Steinway will be glad in the meanwhile to furnish the Executive Mansion with one of their best instruments for ordinary use. I beg most respectfully to submit these considerations to you, and it will not be necessary to answer them until I have the honor of seeing you again. At the same time, if, as I hope, you are entirely clear upon the point I should be glad to know it, and the piano, which I dare say would be a great convenience, will be delivered immediately. I have the honor to remain, dear Mr. President, Very faithfully yours, Frederick W. Holls [*15885*][[shorthand]] [*pp7 ackd 9-30-1901*] Des Moines, Iowa, September 26, 1901. Mr. Loeb, Private Secy., To President Roosevelt. My dear Sir: You will pardon me I am sure for sending this letter to you, which I desire given to the president. He is my friend and yet I fear unless I send the letter as I do, he may not receive it. There is no office seeking about it and I have left it unsealed that you may know that only friendship actuates the writing. Respectfully yours, E. R. Hutchins [*15886*][For 1. enclosure see Hutchins 9-26-01]Des Moines, Iowa, Sept. 26, 1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. My dear Mr. President:- I have ventured to send this letter under cover of your private secy.'s address. I wanted to write to you before the terrible disaster and simply neglected it. What I then wanted to say was that I was for you for president of 1904 and not for our good Governor Shaw. Such a thing is now useless. The whole country stands by you now as the president of the United States. I have no doubt you have forgotten me and yet I hope not. Do you remember when I was stationed in Tampa and you and I passed two or three letters back and forth on the beef question? We differed then but honestly and were friends at once. Since then one or two letters have passed between us on this Spanish-American War Association. It was my sorrowful pleasure to have stood very near you in Buffalo, when you followed the body of our president to the car. Will you now let me say to you that the same friendship [*15887*]-2- which existed in my own heart before this dreadful calamity is there still, and from one who served from Bull Run till five months after the war was over in the 60’s and then in the Cuban War and ten months in the Philippines, there goes out to you the most sincere friendship and the most intense desire for absolute success. I have no fear of it. A thorough American is at the helm. Hence, there is no danger. May God bless you and yours, I am, Very sincerely yours, E. R. Hutchins [*15886*][[shorthand]] [Enclosed in Hutchins, 9-26-01][*PPF ackd 9-23-1901*] [[shorthand]] Judge’s Chambers, United States District Court, Northern District of Illinois, Chicago. September 26, 1901. President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President: Most sincerely do I congratulate the country upon the fact that it can turn to you in its great crisis with the knowledge that its affairs are in safe keeping. Your friends, as you know, had confidently expected that, in due season, this trust awaited you. We could not foresee this awful process of Providence and had other plans. Notwithstanding all its embarrassments, your western friends, and, I believe, the whole country, rest securely in the faith they have in your integrity and superb genius for affairs. I do not trust myself to speak of your predecessor, nor is it necessary. His life speaks for him. But for you, I breathe a prayer for wisdom and patient endurance in the performance of [*15889*]the duties of a great office, made immeasurably more difficult by the circumstances attending its assumption. I have not one doubt about the result. That you may have health and the continued confidence of the people, is my earnest wish. With great regard, Yours, C. C. Kohlsaat [*15890*][*PPF 9-28-01*] HOPE COLLEGE HOLLAND, MICHIGAN. OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT. Sept. 26, 1901. President Theodore Roosevelt, LL.D. Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- As in the good and wise providence of God you have so suddenly and unexpectedly become the head of our nation. Mrs. Kollen and I wish to assure you of our warmest sympathy, our sincerest prayers, and our unbounded confidence. May God greatly bless you and grant you abundant wisdom in leading this great and mighty people. Most faithfully yours, G. J. Kollen. [[shorthand]] [*15891*][*F*] Boston Mass, Sept 26th 1901 President Roosevelt, White House Washington, My dear Colonel, I am coming to Washington on Friday the 27th inst. to introduce to you Mr Frank Williams, Chairman of the Republican State Committee of Louisiana. - Mr Williams is not seeking office, but is [*15892*]in Washington, but I am looking forward to seeing you again with more pleasure than I can say. — Sincerely yours John A McIlhenny. very desirous of meeting you and interesting you in the effort which is being made to build up a new and clean Republican Party in Louisiana. Mr. Williams is the leader of his party in the State, and is besides a man of large means and fine ability. A few words from you would make him your ardent adherent. - I hope you will find it possible to accord him an interview. - I can only stay the one day [*15893*][*P.F.*] [[shorthand]] State of New York. EXCELSIOR Court of Appeals, Judges Chambers. Binghamton, N.Y., September 26, 1901. The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, My dear President:- This morning I received your kind note in regard to Mr. Stoddard’s appointment. It was just like you, brief, ingenuous, and right to the point. Please accept my earnest thanks for its contents. I feel confident that no good reason for any change will be found, and that if there is none, his nomination will remain. I write with more assurance for the reason that I have often heard Mr. Stoddard speak of you, and always in the highest terms. Even when you declined to aid him as to the appointment, he seemed satisfied that your reasons were valid and would have controlled him under similar circumstances. [*15894*]State of New York, EXCELSIOR Court of Appeals. Judges Chambers. 2 Again thanking you for your kindness, and earnestly hoping you may be spared to demonstrate your ability to fill the position you now occupy, as your friends, of whom I am one, feel assured, I am Very sincerely yours, Celora E. Martin. [*15895*][*P.P.F. Pr*] EXCELSIOR STATE OF NEW YORK LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR’S ROOM BROOKLYN, ALBANY, September 26, 1901. The President, Washington, D.C., My dear Mr. President: I am in receipt of your favor, in response to my letter asking you to interest yourself in influencing Mr. Low to accept the Mayoralty nomination. I notice from you letter that inferred, that I wished you to take a part in the election. That was far from my thoughts, as I realized then and do now realize the truth of your statement that if you interfered in the election it would be resented. I only desired you to say a word in a purely personal way to Mr. Low that would lead him to accept the nomination. Mr. Low having accepted the nomination, much to our gratification, of course, any action on your part is now unnecessary. Permit me to thank you for having taken notice of my letter and your reply to my telegram, in spite of the vast amount of business which is not pressing upon you. Yours very sincerely, Timothy L. Woodruff. [*15896*][*PPF ackd 9-27-1901*] TELEGRAM Executive Mansion, Washington. [[shorthand]] 5 WU ST GI 34 Paid via Red Lodge--7:35 p Cody, Wyo., Sept 26. [*[01]*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of U.S., Washington. Have just learned of the death of President McKinley and your accession to the Presidency. I know that your administration will be eminently satisfactory to the whole people. My best wishes and sincere esteem. Harry A. New. [*15897*][[shorthand]] [*PPF ackd 9-26-1901*] 59 WALL STREET. Theodore – For the “Peace, Prosperity and Honor” of our Beloved "Country,” our hearts are with you — I fully expect to see you, our next President by election — Sincerely & Cordially, James Brown Potter. [*15898*][*PPF ackd 9-28-1901*] Atlanta, Ga. Sept. 26th, 1901. President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: - I do not wish you to forget that the writer is living in Atlanta, and has had in his mind for some time to write you of his satisfaction that our Roosevelt family is now being honored so greatly in having one of it's members the head of this great nation. Personally, I think Mr. McKinley the greatest of all our Presidents since the Civil war. His reputation as such will last as long as the history of his country endures. But, do you realize the estimation in which you are held? I believe there never a man became president toward whom all sections of the country, and especially in the South, turn with greater confidence than to you. This is absolutely true all over Georgia. People speak of you here without the slightest criticism. You can commence your administration with the thought that people everywhere are your friends, and sincere ones at that. I hope when opportunity offers that you may pay this section of the country a visit. When you do there will be the one more pleased to make your personal acquaintance than myself. You, your wife and family have my highest regard. Faithfully and sincerely yours, Jas. P. Roosevelt. [shorthand] [*15899*][*PPF ackd 9-27-1901*] P.O. BOX 1222. CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT. Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, NEW YORK, September 26th, 1901. Dear Theodore: - - I received your telegram as I was sitting down to write you, and will in consequence go a little more into details about cable matters. I saw in the paper the other day some statement that you favored a Government owned cable to our new possessions in the Pacific, and hope you are not committed to that position. I believe we wish cable communications with them as soon as possible, but do not believe a cable owned by the Government the best course. It is [almost] equally important for our commercial interest in the East to be connected direct with China and Japan, and of course, no foreign government could permit for one moment the landing on their shores of a Government cable. Imagine our position if the French or English Government wished to land a government cable on our shores. A private corporation which would be subject to [our] local laws is entirely a different matter. Although of course, such corporation must be strongly back and supported by our Government, as there are already certain Japanese and Chinese concessions to English cables, which seem to shut the door of Japan and China in cable matters. With the aid of the Government I believe this door can be opened. In the second place, I think you will find that both the Army and Navy Department wish the honor and glory of laying the cable, but in my opinion neither of them are at all fitted for this work. The laying of deep sea cables absolutely requires certain trained experts, of which there are only a few in the world, and things as planned by the Navy Department seem to the experts impracticable. There are places on their line where within a distance of about twenty-four miles the depth of [*15900*]P. O. BOX 1222. Cable Address, Roosevelt. Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, _______________________ #2. water will vary four or five times from one to three miles. A cable steamer in laying a cable and moving at the rate of four or five knots an hour, will carry suspended behind her from fifteen to twenty miles of cable before it touches bottom at a mile in depth. From this you will see it is practically impossible to lay a cable over such a bottom at such a depth and have it rest on the bottom at all points, and unless it does so rest the liability to breakage is so great as to make it practically useless, and it would not be wise to spend the immense sum necessary to lay such a cable, and the difficulty of laying and also of repairing a cable so far from any port, make the experts advise against this course. In the thrid place, you will find that the project of laying a Government cable will be met by the strongest opposition of some of the largest financial interest in the country. The fact that the Government owns a cable to San Francisco [shall] will make them fear at once that the Government will wish to extend its own ownership direct to Washington, and that will rouse their opposition to the whole scheme, which will very much increase the difficulties of getting any part of the measure through Congress. I have mentioned here only a few of the more apparent points in opposition to a Government owned cable. I can only say the problem of the cable communication in the East is being actively pursued here and if you wish can get any amount of detailed information for you about it, and believe the matter entirely practicable. I am, as you know, in quite close touch with Mr. Scrymser, who has made a close study of this matter for many years, and who, I believe, is entitled to [*15901*]P.O. BOX 1222. CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT. Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, #3. put the whole matter before you, before you commit yourself to any course. If you wish anything from him or from me, let me know and I will see that you get it at once. Sincerely yours W Emlen Roosevelt P.S. I forgot our side of the matter. I believe that in the hands of an American Company the Government will be perfectly protected as to the speed of economy [of] in sending its messages & the mercantile community will get quicker & cheaper service. W Emlen Roosevelt.[Enc. in W. E. Roosevelt to Mrs. Roosevelt 9-26-01] [shorthand]P.O. Box 1222. CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT. Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, Sept - 26 - 1901 Dear Edith I enclose letters for Theodore. I see you arrived safely in Washington although Kermit seems to have had an exciting time. Alice came up on the train with me & we think her looking well. Christine dined with her & she lunches with us today. Sincerely yours, W Emlen Roosevelt. [*15904*] P. O. Box 1222. CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT. Roosevelt & Son, [*PF*] 33 Wall Street, NEW YORK, Sept 26 - 1901 Dear Theodore I was very thankful I was present when you took the oath of office. Under the circumstances I could not congratulate you but only offer you any help in my power to make your administration successful. I have bothered my head ever since to know how to help but have not seen how. Perhaps the best thing I can do is not to give you all the advice I would like to. Perhaps I can only help in a minor way by taking some of the smaller worries off your shoulders. I do not know when your salary begins and can see your expenses begin at once. If you wish any ready money you had better [*15903*][*[Enc, in W. E. Roosevelt to Mrs. Roosevelt 9-26-01]*] let me furnish it than be under any pressure in the matter. Of course your family all feel a personal responsibility about your administration and for the honor of the name must be allowed to help. Believe also they have the fullest confidence in the results they know your action will bring success, and that is the feeling of all with whom I have spoken. Mr Morgan Mr Tappen & Mr Williams were extremely gratified with what you said at Buffalo. I have just received your telegram & will write about cable matters on another sheet. Sincerely yours W Emlen Roosevelt[*[For enc. see 9-26-01]*] dignity and self control as to disarm all criticism. You have the entire confidence of all the people whom I meet and no one doubts but that the high standard of President McKinleys administration will be fully maintained by his successor. With kind regards and best wishes' for your success I am Sincerely yours, C. T Saxton. [shorthand] [*ppf ackd 9-28-1901*] OFFICE OF CHARLES T. SAXTON, PRESIDING JUDGE STATE COURT OF CLAIMS. CLYDE, N.Y., Sept 26 1901 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt Dear Mr President Enclosed find a newspaper report of a brief address made by me a week ago at services held in memory of our late beloved President. I have felt for you deep sympathy in your trying position during the past few weeks, and rejoice that you have borne yourself through it all with such admirable dignity [*15905*][*The Shoreham*] EMBASSY OF THE UNITED STATES, ST. PETERSBURG. 26 September, 1901. [*File*] Mr President, I beg leave respectfully to present to you hereby Professor Theodore de Martens the distinguished Russian scholar and International lawyer, who I am quite sure is already well known to you through his writings and by the services he has rendered to the peace of the world in [*15907*]connection with the development of international arbitration. Professor de Martens is going to America for a very short visit, in order to take part in the celebrations at Yale University during the month of October. With your permission, I would bespeak for him the high honor of your personal acquaintance. I am, Mr. President, Your obedient Servant, Charlemagne Tower. [*15908*] His Excellency Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States.[*Copy*] Copy. UNITED STATES SENATE, Committee on Claims. Cheyenne, Wyo., 9/26/01. The President, Washington, D. C. Sir I beg to call to your attention the application of Mr. Albert D. Eliott, now residing in Washington, for the position of Secretary of Porto Rico. Mr. Elliot served for several years as Secretary of the Territory of Alaska, and Clerk of the United States Court as Sitka, filling both positions with credit. Prior to his appointment in Alaska, he was a citizen of Wyoming where his reputation and standing were of the best. I most earnestly recommend him. Very respectfully, (Singed) Francis E. Warren. [*15909*][Enc. in 7-3-02, Elliot][*PPF ackd 9-30-1901*] [shorthand] State of Utah. Executive Office. Salt Lake City. September 26, 1901. To Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. My dear Sir: Realizing that you must be burdened with many cares and vexations upon your assumption of the highest office in all this world, I have refrained until now from addressing you and only desire at this time to extend to you my sincere congratulations and good wishes, and to repeat what I have said to you on three other occasions that I believe in you thoroughly. I shall not soon forget the very great personal kindness you showed me during the Dewey celebration in New York, nor the impetus your presence and forceful speeches in Utah last year gave to the campaign. While deeply lamenting the untimely death of our martyred President, I rejoice in the fact that it is you who have succeeded him, and that our country is in nowise imperiled by the change; I recognize that there is poetic justice in the succession to the presidency of the man who did more than anyone else to elect the President, and I congratulate the Nation that the earnest, fearless, able, incorruptible Roosevelt will guide its destinies for the next seven years. Faithfully and fraternally yours, Herber M. Wells [*15910*][*PPF ackd 9-28-1901*] WlLCOX & MINER. COUNSELLORS AT LAW. ANSLEY WILCOX WORTHINGTON C. MINER ROOM 816 ELLICOTT SQUARE. BUFFALO, N.Y. Sept. 26th, 1901. To the President, Washington, D.C. [[shorthand]] My dear Mr. President:- I beg to thank you for your kind letter received a day or two ago. The memory of your visit in Buffalo will always be a source of great pleasure to me and to my family,- and so far as one could have feelings of pleasure at that time, when we were all torn by anxiety and excitement, every moment that I spent in your society in the intimate relations of a small household, gave me a new sense of gratification that I am permitted to enjoy the friendship of so true a man as I deem you to be. I am not much given to laudation, and have difficulty in expressing my feelings properly; but I have a deep and abiding faith not only that the country is safe in your hands, but that you are entering upon a wise and conservative, as well as a brilliant and highly successful administration. So it may be! Some of the conflicting feelings and ideas of the occasion I tried to express briefly at the close of a little address of welcome, which I Was suddenly called upon to make to the American Public Health Association the day after you left here, in place of Mayor Diehl. I venture to send you a short newspaper clipping containing these two paragraphs, which you may find time to read. I am also mailing to Mrs. Roosevelt two copies of the Illustrated Buffalo Express of last Sunday, which contains some very good pictures of our house and the room where you were sworn in, and other interesting pictures, as well as a little history of the house on page 4. These the children may like to cut up, if they keep scrap books. I shall also send Mrs. Roosevelt, enclosed with the other papers, some old clippings from the Buffalo Express and Courier of Sept. 11th, containing pictures of you and interviews with you which she may care for, and, if I can find it, the clipping which I had cut out as you requested, certifying that you developed and exhibited "a good singing voice" at the services at the First Presbyterian Church here on the Sunday previous,- but I seem at this moment to have mislaid this most important of all papers. Will you please present to Mrs. Roosevelt my compliments and also Mrs. Wilcox's, and tell her that we both very greatly regret that she was not able to be here with you through the two days of your recent visit. I hope that the future now looks to her as bright as it does to friends who are not quite so near to you. Very sincerely yours, Ansley Wilcox. [*Encl.*] [*15911*][For enc see 9-26-01]The Clyde Times, Thursday, Memorial Services. All business places closed. Clyde drapes in mourning. Beautiful Services at St. John's Episcopal Church. Mass Meeting at Presbyterian Church with Excellent Addresses and Music. Last Thursday was unanimously observed in this village as a day of mourning and prayer as has been advised by the proclamations of President Roosevelt and Governor Odell. Nearly every business place in the village was draped in mourning in one form or another, and promptly at noon every business place closed its doors for the remainder of the day. At 10:30 o'clock beautiful and impressive memorial services were conducted at St. John's Episcopal church with an excellent musical programme, prepared especially for the occasion. At 7:30 o'clock in the evening, a large mass meeting was held at the Presbyterian church which filled every seat in the building and left many standing. Under the leadership of E. Q. Corrin, the choir, assisted by Miss M. Lillian Ryder, rendered an elaborate programme of music which had been prepared especially for the service. Obligato solos by Mrs. E. B. Palmer and Miss Ryder were especially commendable. Snedaker Post G. A. R. and members of the Clyde Fire department led by Chief Hak attended in a body. President Roosevelt's proclamation and Governor Odell's proclamation were read by Rev. V. N. Yergin and the scripture lesson was read by Rev. J. E. Rhodes. Prayer was made by Rev. V. N. Yergin, after which he introduced Judge Saxton as principal speaker by saying that few audiences were as fortunate in having for a speaker, a citizen who had known President McKinley intimately and was qualified to speak of his qualities from personal observation and acquaintance. Judge Saxton then made one of his characteristically happy and eloquent addresses as follows: Friends and Fellow Citizens:- This is a most solemn and impressive occasion. On Friday, the 6th day of this month, occurred one of the most cruel, cowardly and unprovoked crimes ever perpetrated since the birth of time. The chosen ruler of our great Republic, who had always live a blameless life, and who had for forty years devotedly served his country, in war and in peace, was suddenly stricken down by the hand of a vile assassin. The whole civilized world was horrified by the dastardly deed. The sympathies of all men and women went out in unstinted measure to the innocent victim, and when the end came last Saturday morning, the sorrow was as profound as it was universal. Among his own people there were lamentations on every side, and it may be said of him as Motely said of William the Silent, that when he died the little children cried in the streets. This afternoon the final services were held at Canton where he dwelt during the best part of his life, honored and beloved by all, and there his earthly remains were borne tenderly to their last resting place. The great dramatist once said that some men are born to greatness, some achieve greatness and others have greatness thrust upon them. William McKinley achieved his greatness by the force of his own brain and character, aided only by the wonderful opportunities which are the endowment of every American citizen. Inspired by a noble ambition, he won his way inch by inch and step by step from the humble position in which he was born, until at last in the prime of his manhood, he reached the proudest distinction this world can offer. He was prominently before the public for a quarter of a century, as congressmen, governor, and at last President of the United States; and during all that time there was no stain upon his character, no blot upon his good name. Incorruptible in his public as well and his private life, there never was even a suspicion as to his integrity, except perhaps among a few small creatures, who always measure others by the standard of their own, narrow and sordid natures. It is not my intention to dwell at any length upon his public life and services. His administration of the chief magistracy was, in my humble opinion, one of the most glorious in our national history. The real greatness of a man is best tested by his conduct in great emergencies. President McKinley was confronted by the most important, intricate, novel and perplexing problems that any American President ever had to face, except, perhaps, his great prototype, Abraham Lincoln. And upon every occasion he brought to bear upon them such consummate sagacity, such wise statesmanship, such lofty patriotism that the future historian must rank him among the greatest men of his time. When he took into his hands the reins of government, the nations of Europe were disposed to look upon us with condescension and ill concealed scorn. To-day the United States is one of the foremost nations of the world, American arms are illustrious on land and sea; American diplomacy has won many signal triumphs in the last two or three years; and the American flag is respected in the Orient as well and the Occident, not only because it represents military and naval power, but because it represents what is infinitely greater than that, liberty, progress and relief from the oppressions of unjust government. But in the short time allotted to me, I want to speak more particularly of William McKinley, the man; for after all, genuine manhood is the only foundation upon which the superstructure of a great fame can be solidly erected. It was my privilege to know him personally and to meet him many times on somewhat familiar terms. On several occasions I visited him at his home in Canton and had some opportunity to study his character and know what kind of a man he was. Everybody who knew him will agree with me when I say that no man ever lived who had a sweeter or kinder disposition than had William McKinley. It illumnied his face and manifested itself in every act. Roswell G. Horr, the celebrated stump speaker, now deceased, once told me that McKinley always captured an audience before he opened his mouth. "Why", said he, "all he had to do was to come out on the platform and when they say his pleasant face, everybody fell in love with him." That was because his great heart contained nothing but love and good will for all mankind. I am sure it will not be deemed inappropriate for me at such a time, and before my fellow towns people, to indulge in some reminiscences. My fist acquaintance with Major McKinley, then Governor of Ohio, began at an annual dinner of the Unconditional Republican Club of Albany in the winter of 1895. The Governor was the guest of honor and made a splendid address. When my turn came for a little speech, I said something in a joking way about his good judgement in marrying a lady by the name of Saxton. After the affair had ended, he came over to me and grasping my hand cordially, said that he always was prepared to like anyone of my name ever since he fell in love with his wife. The first time I visited him at Canton, shortly after his first election, he took me into the parlor and presenting me to Mrs. McKinley who sat alone, left me with her, remarking that he was obliged to see some other callers and would leave us to have a little chat together. During our conversation, lasting half an hour or more, we naturally talked a great deal about the Major. It was evident from the outset that her whole life was centered in him. She related to me some incidents that revealed the beauty, tenderness and chivalry of his nature. How many times since the terrible tragedy have I thought of that sweet and gracious lady to whose weakness he had given all the strength of a loyal and devoted love. May God bless her and uphold her with his omnipotent arm as she passes through the deep waters that threaten to overwhelm her. Last summer I called upon Senator Depew at his Washington residence. Something was said that directed our conversation toward the President. The Senator said to me among other things that he was the kindest hearted man he ever knew; that his object in life seemed to be to make others happy, and that he was personally loved and esteemed even by his bitterest political foes. But I need no other evidence of his kind thoughtfulness for others than the little note I hold in my hand, written to me in a time of great sorrow by the President elect who was then the busiest man 15912 in America. It is as follows: Canton, Ohio, 20th of Nov., 1896. My Dear Governor,- I have just read in the Press dispatches of the death of Mrs. Saxton and I hope you will not regard it as intrusive if I send you the sincere sympathy of Mrs. McKinley and myself in your great affliction. With cordial regards, I am, Yours sincerely, William McKinley. His whole nature was sound and wholesome. In the early fall of 1896 I went with Mark Hanna from Cleveland to Canton. It was during the campaign and McKinley was making a dozen speeches more or less every day, besides doing an enormous amount of other work. I expressed the opinion that he couldn't keep it up and must certainly collapse under such a strain. "Well" said Mr. Hanna, "you needn't worry about that. There is no danger of his breaking down and I will tell you the reason. He always goes to bed in good season and sleeps like a baby from the time he strikes his pillow until it is time for him to arise in the morning." The last time I saw him was in June, 1900. I went to Washington at Secretary Root's request to confer with the President about the appointment which had been tendered me as United Stated Judge at Porto Rico. The Secretary and I walked over to the executive mansion together. When the President came into the room where we were he looked as bright and cheerful as if he had not had a care or responsibility in the world. In the course of our interview I said I thought it would not be wise for me to make so radical a change of climate at my time of life. The President said "How old are you, judge?" I told him my age. "Well" said he "I am older than that; I am 57 and Root here is about the same age, and we think we are young fellows yet." When I told him however that I had an old mother who would feel that she could never see me again if I went to Porto Rico he said "that is a different matter. I do not blame you under the circumstances for not going. I do not think I would do it if I were you." But I cannot longer dwell upon his virtues. His courage was never questioned; neither his courage when confronted by physical danger upon the field of battle nor that higher and more admirable courage which inspires one to stand by his convictions of right in the face of overwhelming opposition. His fortitude during the last days of anguish and the unfailing courtesy which he showed to everybody about him, commanded the admiration of all mankind. His tenderness of heart is evidenced by the fact that his first thought after the bullets tore their way through his flesh was to have the blow softened as much as possible to his invalid wife. His magnanimity prompted him to ask that his slayer should not be harmed and to utter those Christ- like words: "The poor man didn't know what he was doing." His Christian faith shone forth most brightly and beautifully when, as the end drew near, and his soul was already beginning to mount as on eagles' wings to a higher sphere He murmured some words of that beautiful hymn, Nearer My God to Thee; and again when with his last labored breath, he whisgered "Good by all, good by. It is God's way; His will be done." And so he went over to the other side leaving to us and to all our posterity the blessed heritage of a pure, noble and beneficient life. "Sleep sweetly, tender heart in peace, Sleep holy spirit, blessed soul, While the stars burn, the moons increase And the great ages onward roll." Sleep to the end, true soul and sweet Nothing comes to thee new and strange; Sleep, full of rest from head to feet, Lie still, dry dust, secure of change." A word more before I close. This great and good man was killed by a wretched degenerate, who by his deed proclaimed the purpose of those anarchistic societies that exist in our great cities. Their members skulk and plot in secret places. Their aim is to destroy all government and incidentally to assassinate all men in authority. Every effort should be made to exterminate these nests of vipers. They are enemies of the human race. The red flag of anarchy must not be permitted to float on the same breezes that uplift the glorious symbol of our free Republic. But after all how futile are all such crimes. The President is dead, long live the President! One man is taken away but another stands fully equipped, ready to take his place. The assassin fires his deadly bullet and ends a grand and useful life but the wheels of government are not obstructed for a single moment. Lincoln is slain, Garfield is slain, McKinley is slain, but there is always a competent pilot at the helm. And so it must ever be because the real sovereign in this country is not the president, but the great united intelligent American people. Therefore, men may come and men may go, but God will continue to reign and the Republic will endure. Mr. Yergin introduced Rev. J.E. Rhodes to speak of Mr. McKinley's religious life, Mr. Rhodes being a representative of the Methodist Episcopal church of which Mr. McKinley had been a life long member. Mr Rhodes spoke very feelingly as follows: It seems but yesterday that I was marching in a procession of students at Cazenovia, headed by a Band, playing a dirge for President Lincoln who had been assassinated by Booth. Then later President Garfield is smitten by the bullet of Guiteau in the depot at Washington, and now we are assembled to mourn over the untimely departure of President William McKinley murdered by the brutal assassin at Buffalo. As in a Panorama his life flits before us. "The youth at home and diligent in school, entering college at the age of 17, leaving it at the age of 18 to don the blue and fight the battles of this country. An humble private and at last a major but his courage and fidelity there were no less than in these great responsible positions of trust. When the war is over he becomes a lawyer, struggling for success, winning it, and rising into prominence in the political affairs of his state. Now we see him in the Congress of the United States, the advocate and defender of the policy of Protection. Now he is elected by the people to fill the highest office in our land and in the world, the President of the United States. The second time he is elected and in the midst of his term, after achieving grand victories and enlargement and prosperity for his country, he is struck down at Buffalo. Three of our greatest and noblest Presidents murdered by assassins! O my country what a record of shame! President McKinley was converted at a Methodist altar when but a lad and ever since amid the temptations of army and political life he had kept his record clean. When the deadly bullet smote him, regardless of his own pain, his first thought is for his invalid wife and then for the brutal foe, saying, "Don't let them hurt him." In that sad week of suffering, he showed great courage and implicit trust in God, Calmly lies down on the table for that terrible operation saying, "Thy will be done." Daily his voice is heard in prayer changing the words to "My father." In the final moments of life, he bids those surrounding him "Good bye," saying, "It is Gods way". Then he repeats a portion of his favorite Hymn, "Nearer my God to Thee." Clasping the hand of his wife in farewell he murmurs, "His will be done, not ours." We do not believe that God fired the heart or nerved the arm of the assassin, but we do believe that God premitted the act for some wise purpose of his providence. Perhaps there was danger of our forgetting God in the midst of our greatness and glory. It is humilating to our pride that while celebrating at the Pan-American our prosperity and success with its crowning day of greatness, when the President was welcomed there, that in such a place and on such an occasion he should be stricken down. Is it God's way? Mr. McKinley evidently thought so. That God would bring blessings to the nation out of his death. We must remember that godliness is the foundation of any real and permanent national greatness. Not the building of battleships but the building of men into educated christian citizens will be our safeguard. Little did the Disciples think that it was "Gods way" when Jesus was betrayed and crucified, but we know that it was his way to bring salvation to a lost world. So we trust that our national calamity that causes universal grief, may be overruled by God for the moral and civil salvation of these United States. Mr. Yergin closed the meeting by the following pointed and characteristic remarks which found an echo in every mind and were received with marked approval: After these eloquent addresses there in little left for me to say, and it would be unkind to you to detain you much longer; and yet a few words may not be out of place. Sad as is this occasion, and deplorable as are the events leading to it there are some things connected with this sad affair for [*15913*]each country of the life, methods and thought of the other. Trusting and believing that you will have a successful and prosperous term, and that you will be able to guide the Ship of State fairly between the Scylla of the Jingoes and the Charybdis of the anti-imperialists - I am Yours sincerely J. Arthur Barratt [*shorthand*] [*Acced 10/8/1901 P.P.F.*] 1, TEMPLE GARDENS, TEMPLE, E.C. London 27 Sep. 1901. Dear Mr. President: Out of the many good wishes for success in the great office you have so suddenly been called upon to fill I trust you will accept mine as not the least sincere of them. You may remember me in New York as one of the lawyers of the Federal Club on Madison Avenue who did what they could to oppose Tammany and protect [*15914*]voters in the Police Courts on election days. I am now called to the English Bar - (my father-in- law's Sir Rich' Wyatt wishing my wife to be nearer him) and so have some little insight into English opinion on the great events now rapidly crowding upon each other in the United States. And I thought it might interest you to know that there is a pretty general notion here that under your administration the Government will on the whole be wisely led, though there is just a little disposition at present to wonder whether you and the German Emperor are not "cousins-german" in the opinion that the head of the State should be more than a "figure" head. I think no harm will come to the U. S. if such notions continue to prevail here. Each country is getting to know the "other" better & hence to respect more thoroughly the others views. And you have probably a more intimate acquaintance with English life than any of your predecessors & so can gauge & judge British opinion better. It seems to me that the greatest difficulty diplomatists must meet is that arising from the amount of ignorance existing in [*15915*][*copy*] [*Enc. in 7-3-02 Elliot*] 117 Duane Street. New York, September 27, 1901. Albert D. Elliot Esq., The Litchfield, Washington. My dear Sir: I am in receipt of your favor of the 23rd instant. I very well remember your appointment to office in Alaska. During my term in the Interior Department I never heard anything but good of you and I trust you may be successful in any further application you may make for official position. I am, however, as you know, out of official life, and I do not consider it fitting nor best that I should formally recommend a candidate for office to the administration. I have taken this stand ever since I left Washington and must ask you to excuse me from writing the special letter for which you ask. It is always a pleasure to me to hear of the success of any of those who served with me in the Interior Department. Very truly yours, C. N. Bliss. [*15916*][*Enc. in 7-3-02 Elliot*][*PPF ackd 9-30-1901*] [XXX XXX] [XXX XXX] September 27, 1901 [[shorthand notes]] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. My Dear President: I have just returned from a tour among the Philippine Islands, and it was not until the nineteenth of September that I heard of the death of our beloved President. Words cannot express my feeling of sorrow and regret at our Nation's loss, nor my indignation at those men who upon the platform and through the yellow journals so unjustly and cruelly preferred false charges against our President, which I believe inspired the diseased brain of the assassin to commit the crime. The same dastardly charges and campaigns were made against Lincoln and Garfield, with the same results. The men who appeal to the prejudices and passions of the people, preaching disloyalty and anarchy, should suffer the penalty of death along with the victim that they have inspired to commit the crime. In the death of McKinley our Nation sustained a great loss, but fortunately every cloud has a silver lining. Sir, I wish to state in all sincerity that our country is to be congratulated on the fact that the grand old ship of state yet remains in safe hands, hands that will guide safely and give the American people an honest, vigorous and conservative administration. I hope you will not hesitate to call upon me to assist you in every way possible. I expect to be at Washington about [*15917*]October 10th and hope to have the pleasure of meeting you. I have the honor to be, Yours with highest esteem, Charles H. Dietrich. Charles H(enry) 15918[For 1 enclosure see 2-23-03][*PPF ackd 9-30-1901*] United States Senate, Washington, D. C. Montpelier, Vt., Sept. 27, 1901. To the President, SIR: I trust that before this time Senator Proctor has seen you in person to urge the retention upon the Board of Inter-State Commerce Commissioners of Hon. Charles A. Prouty of this state. When last in conference upon this subject I authorized him to say to you that I joined him in making such request. If I am not mistaken you met Mr. Prouty the evening you were the guest of the Vermont Officers Re-union Society, and heard him speak at the banquet, and if so must have noted his strong face, his clean cut mental methods and the peculiar force of character. Prouty is a brilliant scholar and an exceedingly fine lawyer. His power of analysis is remarkable and the honesty and independence of his judgment has never been questioned. I speak advisedly of his abilities as I have been engaged with him and against him in the trial of causes and have had knowledge of his professional character from the beginning. The experience he has had as a member of the [*15919*]Commission will render his future service all the more valuable and I feel confident that the appointment is one that should be made. I am, with great respect, Your obedient servant. Wm. P. Dillingham, [*Wm P[aul]*] [*15920*][[shorthand]]Believe me with much respect & regard Yours always faithfull Morton Frewen [*Frewen*] [*Acnd 10-18-1901 P P. F.*] [[shorthand]] [*ackd 12/18/1901 P.P.F.*] Innishannon, Co. Cork. Sept 27th. Dear Mr. President It seems to me that almost I say I have been privileged to write and congratulate you upon the devolution in your direction of some fresh duty: and the deplorable tragedy of this month has thrown upon you what is [*15921*]I think the most responsible of all the duties which fall to the lot of a man. Your successes in this world are (or at least ought to be) very surprising to your contemporaries, & the work being of the first Republic - that is of very first moment to the world, I do therefore most sincerely trust that your period of office may also be marked by all these splendid portants of progress which must make the administration of your precursor so admirable in history. [*15922*]New York 27th Sept [*[01]*] [*Ackd 9/28/01*] 524 FIFTH AVENUE Dear Mr President: Your note of the 26th, handed me this morning, I delivered your message to Mr Twombly who feels highly complimented and will be greatly pleased to accept an invitation to lunch with you, His engagements are such that he could not well leave this city before latter [*15923*] end of next week, If it would be agreeable to have him then he would be much pleased, He seems to desire to have me accompany him, Awaiting your pleasure and with cordial congratulations on the bright out look for your triumphant election I am with great respect Faithfully Yours H. C. Frickto do more even for a deserving soldier. I am swamped with letters, of course, and only write this not to plead for Col. Woodruff (he must stand or fall by his military record) but to suggest that if possible you or Root in the coming message to Congress or somehow cut out this heresy so thoroughly believed in the army that politics are the only ground for promotion. [*PPF ackd 9-28-1901*] Private. Boston September 27 1901 Dear Theodore: - I enclose (confidentially) a letter from a capital officer who thinks he cannot be promoted because he has no political pull. I have already sent a military letter of endorsement to the Secy of War but as you see have absolutely refused [*15925*]Of course this is not true but it is bad to have it believed to be true. I am sending you to-morrow some stuff in regard to Reciprocity - You know I've been a tariff fiend for twenty years and, of course, if I can help you I wish to do so. Chuck the stuff away if you like and don't bother to answer this except by returning Woodruff's letter which I think you ought to see as it comes from a medal of Honor man with a splendid "regular" record. Good on your head in re Evans. Affy, Curtis [*Guild, Jr*](copy) PPF Office of the Commercial Bulletin. 282 WASHINGTON STREET. Boston, September 27, 1901. Col. Carlo A. Woodruff Commanding Fort Slocum, New York. Dear Colonel:- You amaze me with the statement that no man can obtain promotion in the United States army without a political pull and that a splendid army record like your own does not count. There certainly was no pull behind General Chaffee for example, and only sheer merit an fitness could have secured the appointment of General Wood against the bitter opposition of the the lobby. I cannot conscientiously use or try to use a political pull for such a purpose but I can see that Senator Lodge protects you from those who seek to obtain by intrigue what they cannot secure by merit. I know that both President Roosevelt and Secretary Root are as firmly opposed as I am to the introduction of politics into the army and I am sure you need no political addition to your splendid military record. Coridally, (Signed) Curtis Guild, Jr Green to [???] Guildyou can see how particularly flattered I felt at having been remembered by you. May I wish you all the good things that can come with your new position? What a terrific strain you have all had to live through; The Lodges are here & I have [*P.F.*] Paris. September 27th 1901. Dear Mr President. I should have appreciated at all times your thoughtfulness in having written to wish Chandler good luck, but it being my first letter from a President, [*15927*]seen them just as often as Fate and Mrs Lodge permit. The latter looks tired out by her summer's travelling, and Mr Lodge would be happier if he could find an empty boat to sail home on de suite. Please remember me to Mrs Roosevelt. Hoping that the children have quite recovered and thanking you again for your kindness in having written to me. I am Yours very sincerely Rachel Cameron Hale. [*15928*][*Shorthand*] [*Ackd 9-28-1901*] 40 First Place Brooklyn, N.Y. , Sept. 27, 1901. His Excellency President Theodore Roosevelt: Mr. President. I have been gratified by the receipt of Secretary Cortelyou's letter of 24th inst.: and am much pleased and encouraged by the announcement in the morning papers of your interest in the reform movement here. The election of Dr. Low to the mayoralty seems quite assured; and it seems to me of paramount importance to bend all our energies to electing also a board of aldermen of the best of most efficient citizens so as to give a thoroughly good and incorruptible government [*15929*]throughout. As a delegate to one of the aldermanic conventions I want to do all in my power to this end. The enclosed clipping from this evening's Commercial Advertiser gives my views on this point. There is no reason why the office of alderman should be gauged by present incumbents than why that of president should be discredited by the quondam incumbency of Andrew Johnson. I am glad to be able to recall the fact that the father of the present president did not disdain a seat in the governing municipal body of his time. Should you deem it proper to manifest in any way your approval of the views herewith presented, it would be extremely gratifying to me; and would surely prove of great weight with the citizens of this city, and incite to strenuous efforts of better government. Respectfully yours. Wm. H. Hale. [*15930*]in your high and broad mindedness can only be increased by your discharge of your new responsibilities. Mrs Keene, who is one of your most ardent admirers, joins me in the best of good wishes and predictions. Trusting that we may before long have the pleasure of seeing you in Milwaukee, I am, Very respectfully yours, Francis B. Keene [[shorthand]] [*PPF ackd 9-18-1901*] University Club Fifth Avenue & 54th Street [*(Keene. Francis Bowler)*] Sept. 27/01 President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, My dear Mr President: — Now that the stress of the sad and exciting events has somewhat calmed, I want to send you a line of Harvard fealty and friendship, as from Milwaukee, for I am on my way home, having had my family in the Catskills [*15931*] and at the beach over all summer. You know I have long been a believer in the high destiny of your manly and masterful career, and now that you have become President I want to express my admiration of the feeling, the dignity, the tact and fine judgement you have shown under the most trying circumstances. You have been altogether admirable. The nation is proud of you in general, and the class of '80 in particular. I predict your nomination and triumphant election in the next contest. During the sessions of the Wisconsin Legislature, in which I am serving my second term, I have taken special pains to feel the pulse of the state as to you and your future, and to further your prospects. You are strong in all sections of the state. Confidence [*15932*] KNOX NEW YORK SIX HIGHEST AWARDS AT THE COLUMBLAN EXPOSITION 194 FIFTH AVENUE PF KNOX HATTERer RETAIL STORES: 194 FIFTH AVENUE (FIFTH AVENUE HOTEL, NY) 212 BROADWAY, COR. FULTON ST. NEW YORK 340 FULTON ST, BROOKLYN, N.Y. 187 & 189 STATE ST. CHICAGO, ILL. MANUFACTORY AND WHOLESALE DEPARTMENT: COR. GRAND AND ST> MARKS AVES. BROOKLYN, NEW YORK AGENTS IN ALL PRINCIPAL CITIES IN THE U.S. E.M. KNOX NEW YORK, Sept. 27, 1901. George B. Cortelyou, Esq., Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir: Your favor of the 25th inst., requesting us to forward and a soft felt hat to the President to hand, and in reply I would say that we have expressed to-night a hat which we trust will prove satisfactory. If not, we shall be but too pleased to promptly send another that will suit, but we are quite certain the one now sent is a duplicate of his last one. Very respectfully, E.W. Knox Jurt. M.??? 15933 PF THE CHICAGO TIMES-HERALD EDITOR'S ROOM Sept 27.1901. Dear Mr. President Enclosed please find your Minneapolis manuscript. I have read it carefully & think the suggestion that President McKinley's Buffalo speech regarding Minneapolis talk should be printed as a pamphlet. 15934a good one, your lines run pretty close together in some sections. Trusting you are well I am Yours Sincerely H. H. Kohlsaat To President Roosevelt [*15935*][[shorthand]] [*PPF ackd 9-28-1901*] [*PF*] New York Sept. 27. 1901 My Dear President Roosevelt Col Drum has returned & has reported to me your kind invitation to take dinner with you after you have had time to get settled in your new surroundings which I can assure you I shall be glad to do. It will give us time & opportunity to discuss [*15936*]matters which may arise early in your administration Especially with reference to matters in our own state of New York. I will go over to Washington on Sunday Oct 6. Will drive with you on that evening or any evening thereafter which will better suit your convenience Hoping & believing that your Administration will be a success. I am yours faithfully T C Platt [*15937*]you for your letter which she greatly prizes & to say that she agrees fully with your views about the unfortunate subscriber. Elihu Jr. is getting on finely & is we think entering upon the long road of convalescence We had a nice little visit from Mrs. Roosevelt & Mrs Cowles day before yesterday & much household love was developed. So far as I can see everything moves well in the country for your administration & a record of confidence is being made which will require evidence to move. The feeling here is all that can be desired. I have of late [*PPF ackd 9-28-1901*] 25 East 69th St. Septr. 27.1901 [*PF*] Dear Mr. President The doctors say that I have some stale & that they can't get me out of it except by an ocean voyage. Their proposition is that I take a round trip on a European steamer. There are some serious objections to this just at present. The difficulty of being let alone on the other side. The probability of newspaper conjectures ascribing some occult purpose to my visit; the disagreeable necessity of explanation & insistence upon my ill health with [*15938*]particulars, involved in both of these; the certainty of a crowded ship returning with some discomfort & much posing as an invalid in this crowd; are all distasteful & some of them otherwise objectionable. I remember jumping on Allen when he felt squeamish about using the Mayflower as Governor of Porto Rico & telling him it was all nonsense. Perhaps I can apply the same view to the Secretary of War. If I could take Mrs. Root or Edith & slip quietly aboard a Naval vessel for a few weeks & so get away from letters & telegrams & doorbells it would be about the best thing possible & if it could be done without indicating that she was going on my cruise instead of my going on hers it would be altogether the best. Is the Mayflower available? Is it wise to do any such thing? I bother you about this partly because I wish to submit this last question to you & partly because I cant write direct to Crowninshield & Long appears to be absent. Mrs. Root wishes me to thank [*15939*][[shorthand]] been sometimes afraid that our people were growing hysterical — more Latin & less Teutonic in character. But the steadiness with which they have met this shock & the hearty loyalty & love of country with which they have all turned to you as their president & made you their own are most reassuring & encouraging & I know that you cannot fail to be deeply affected by it. It is very hard for me to keep my mind off the many things to be done & to be prepared for [*15940*]in Washington & as I got a letter or telegram about department matters about every fifteen minutes, my astral body spends most of its time There. I really think I better be there than here for there I can free my mind by doing things while here I am always conscious of the steadily growing cloud of duties neglected. However I suppose I ought to stop to spit on my hands, lest the axe slip. Faithfully yours Elihu Root [[shorthand]] [*15941*][shorthand] [*ppF ack'd 9-28-1901*] OAKLAWN, BATH, NEW YORK. Sept 27 1901 My dear Mr. Roosevelt You would not want me to congratulate you upon your accession to the presidency in view of the circumstances in which it took place nor do I mean to do so But I think I may express my sincere thankfulness that since the change was to be it fell to your lot to take Mr McKinley's place. [*15942*]appreciation of your administration of that office but of my perfect confidence that your course in your present office will be such as to merit and receive the trust and esteem of the people. Very Respfly Your obt servt William Rumsey Hon Theodore Roosevelt I am not alone in the belief that your selection to be Vice President was one of those fortunate events of which the history of this country has been so full. I know that you have brought to the presidency the same high qualities that made you so satisfactory a governor to all those who wanted good government and I beg to assure you not only of my high [*15943*]Albany Club you an equal to any emergency. Deploring as we do the great loss of our stature we have yet the consolation of knowing that the reins of government have fallen to one who has always done his duty wisely and well. I hope success may crown your every effort. Sin'cy Yours, S. F. Nixon Sept. 27/1901 Westfield N. Y. [*15945*] [*[9-27-01]*] [*PPF ackd 9-28-1901*] Albany Club [[shorthand]] Friday. My Dear Mr. President Now that you have taken up your arduous duties I wish to express to you my hope that your administration may be crowned with every success those of us who have labored with you in other fields know your capacity for doing things, and appreciate [*15944*]New York Commercial Advertiser Sept. 27, 1901 Page 6. col. 70 ------------------------------------- FOR GOOD ALDERMEN ------- Editor of the Commercial Advertiser: Sir--Having been elected a delegate to the aldermanic convention I desire to secure the cooperation of all the anti-Tammany men who will take part in the nominating aldermen to secure a board of the highest character. The occasion is opportune to disabuse the public mind of the idea that this office is beneath the dignity of prominent citizens. Benjamin Franklin, after having been commissioner to England and minister to France, accepted an election to membership in the "Supreme Executive Council" of the city of Philadelphia; and was afterward elected president of that council, though this was not guaranteed when he entered the council as a simple member. This is as if we had in our Board of Aldermen Horace Porter, Levi P. Morton, Whitelaw Reid and Joseph H. Choate. In Europe the best citizens are eager to come into the governing body of the city, and from that body the mayor is usually selected; and he serves without compensation, and expends large sums from his private resources [ f ]or entertainment of the city's guests, as did the mayor of Brad- ford, England, in entertaining the British Association for the Advancement of Science, which I attended last fall. The importance of the aldermanic office must not be measured by the compensation attached to it. The Board of Aldermen of New York administer a government the revenues of which are second to no nation in the world except the United States and a few of the powers of Europe. Even Japan and China, it is said, cost less to govern each than New York City, owing to the low price of labor in those countries. We are told in current biographies that Theodore Roosevelt, Sr. was a member of the Common council of New York. No man ought to consider himself or to be considered too great or too good to sit in the governing board of this imperial city. The full success of the reform government demands a good board as well as a good mayor. To secure this result let us select with care the best and most available citizen in each district, regardless of partisanship, and let us bring sufficient moral suasion to bear to compel such nominees to accept the office. 15946 WILLIAM H. HALE. Delegate Forty-seventh District Republican Aldermanic Convention. Brooklyn, Sept. 26.[*PF*] Personal memorandum. THE WALDORF-ASTORIA, N. Y., Sept. 28, 1901. Dear Mr. President Referring to Senator John H. Mitchell of Oregon, whom and whose affairs we confidentially discussed, I write to state that he will call at the White House to pay his respects Monday morning, September 30th, about eleven A.M. He leaves New York for Washington Sunday night. For your assistance and guidance, I take the liberty of submitting to your attention certain points which bear on him and the possible appointment of his son, Capt. H.E. Mitchell, as Captain of Quartermasters or Paymasters in the regular army. 1. Senator Mitchell is an enthusiastic, supporter of the Trans-Isthmian Canal; was instrumental in first organizing the special Senate Committee for this subject, and was replaced upon it by the Senate’s particular direction, as you may remember, when he was sworn in last March. 2. He will certainly be the most influential Senator form the Far West on the floor, because of his [*15947*]Where there is ample and just reason for making the appointment on grounds of merit alone. 5. In conclusion, I would call your attention to the enclosed clipping from to-day's "Mail and Express". I would also emphasize in connection with the above suggested appointment that Senator Mitchell is not the kind of man to be filled with resentment if the appointment is not made; but, having as you know the best interests of the administration at stake and no personal axe to grind in this matter, I would recommend for reasons both of merit and policy that you gratify the Senator's earnest wishes in this respect. Very Respectfully, John Barrett To the President. former experience and record of three terms in the Senate, of his six years clear service ahead of him, and of his personal popularity in the Senate as was attested by his being Chairman of both the Reorganization and Steering Committees of the Senate, when he was retired through a legislative "fluke". 3. His heart is set on obtaining the appointment of his son as soon as possible, because a) the latter is qualified by character, ability, and excellent service as Captain of Quartermasters in the Spanish war and is highly indorsed by Gen. Wood and others; b) President McKinley promised him (the Senator) this appointment as soon as some minor and informal charges were investigated and c) such appointment would strengthen him (the Senator) at home in his own State and section. 4. If this recognition is now given the Senator by the Administration, it will have two decided effects: first, it will strengthen the Senator in his determination already made, (and not to be changed even if this appointment is not made) to support in the Senate the Canal and other great policies of the Administration; second, it will convince him of your good will in a matter [*15948*]Where there is ample and just reason for making the appointment on grounds of merit alone. 5. In conclusion, I would call your attention to the enclosed clipping from to-day's "Mail and Express". I would also emphasize in connection with the above suggested appointment that Senator Mitchell is not the kind of man to be filled with resentment if the appointment is not made; but, having as you know the best interests of the administration at stake and no personal axe to grind in this matter, I would recommend for reasons both of merit and policy that you gratify the Senator's earnest wishes in this respect. Very Respectfully, John Barrett To the President. former experience and record of three terms in the Senate, of his six years clear service ahead of him, and of his personal popularity in the Senate as was attested by his being Chairman of both the Reorganization and Steering Committees of the Senate, when he was retired through a legislative "fluke". 3. His heart is set on obtaining the appointment of his son as soon as possible, because a) the latter is qualified by character, ability, and excellent service as Captain of Quartermasters in the Spanish war and is highly indorsed by Gen. Wood and others; b) President McKinley promised him (the Senator) this appointment as soon as some minor and informal charges were investigated and c) such appointment would strengthen him (the Senator) at home in his own State and section. 4. If this recognition is now given the Senator by the Administration, it will have two decided effects: first, it will strengthen the Senator in his determination already made, (and not to be changed even if this appointment is not made) to support in the Senate the Canal and other great policies of the Administration; second, it will convince him of your good will in a matter [*15948*][*Beck*] [*Ackd 11/4/1901 PPF*] Manila, P. I. Sept. 28th 1901. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of the 20th inst. in reference to Dr. Stafford's application for increased rank. Some days ago I received, also, your letter concerning Captain Newton's son, which had been held in San Francisco awaiting the arrival of my Regiment presuming no doubt that I was with it and would receive my mail there. Had I received the letter last referred to in time, I would not have sent any request relative to Dr. Stafford. I appreciate most thoroughly now, after reading your letters how severely you must be taxed by applications from everywhere and send you my earnest thanks for your kindness in replying to my letter in the midst of so many perplexing and important matters. Permit me to say that we, here in the Philippines feel all the confidence in [*15949*]your administration, as the head of the Nation it is possible for heart and brain to feel. I place "heart" first, knowingly, not because the "brain" is second; but because of the fact that to me and to those of the Army I know, you seem one of us, and I can scarcely refrain from addressing you as "Colonel". Permit me to enclose slips from the Manila Times of the 21st and today - confidentially - written by my wife- (E. X. Rays.) Since sending my Volunteer Reg't home, June 2d, I reported here and have been on Special Duty at Hd. Qrs. Dept. Southern Luzon, until day before yesterday, the 26th, inst., when I was ordered to proceed to Biñan Province of Laguna and to take charge of the operations from there of Santa Rosa, Muntinlupa and Taguig. That part of the island is somewhat disturbed by those still out in insurrection. I start on Wednesday Oct 2d. With the best wishes for you personally and officially. I am, with great respect Yours faithfully Wm. H. Beck, (Major 6th Cavalry) address Manila, P. I. To Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States. Washington, D.C. [*15950*][. For 2. encloses see 9-28-01[*[For I enclosure see 12-31-1900]*] [shorthand] [*PPF ackd 9-30-1901*] State Engineer and Surveyor's Office ALBANY, N.Y. Sept 28-1901. President Theodore Roosvelt My Dear Friend, I have wanted to write you many times since our last pleasant visit at Oyster Bay but have failed to do so until now. Mrs Bond and myself are delighted to know you now have your family with you. Our family have mourned the Nations loss with all other good citizens, but we feel we know you so well, that if this terrible calamity must overtake President McKinley, we know of no better or more worthy person [*15951*]to fill the place than yourself. This may not be a proper time for congratulations but at least we can wish you great success , and assure you of our loyal friendship and support , which I heartily do by this letter Remembering the last conversation you and I had in the executive chamber in Albany, I wish to say if ever I can be of service to you I hope you will call on me for it will be a pleasure to aid you. All of your old (State) cabinet are well and modestly attending to their several duties. Mrs Bond and I often speak of you and your dear family, and we both feel that no family in the land can grace the Executive Mansion at Washington better than yours, and we believe no man would give a better administration than yourself. Sometimes when you wish to be reminded of old associations in Albany read the enclosed remarks intended to have been given at the dinner given you by the State officials on your departure. Again wishing you success in all your undertakings I am your friend Edward A, Bond [*15952*] [[shorthand]] [*ppF accd 9-30-1901*] [*Bunz to Buxton Bunz*] [*NYCity P.F*] 48 Cenntral Park South. [*[9-28-01]*] My dear Colonel, I hope „Colonel" is still your favorite title as it is mine and, therefore, make free to use it in addressing you. I just wish to thank you for your kind note of the 14th inst. which I found awaiting me on my return from abroad, yesterday, and to congratulate you and Mrs. Roosevelt upon the safety of your son from that accident of which I read in the papers. So too [*15953*]your ascension, in the meantime to the Presidency I do not know whether I should congratulate you or not. These things are a heavy burden and very apt to destroy or, at least, injure even the best and most enthusiastic mann's most beautiful sentiments. I, therefore, confine myself to wishing you God's richest blessings for your great work and may he protect you and your's and keep you strong and wise and vigorous in body as well as in mind. Faithfully yours K. Bünz Saturday, Sept. 28th. [*15954*][*Personal*] [*File ?*] AMERICAN EMBASSY, LONDON. 28 Sept. 1901 Dear Mr. President. Since the frightful shock of President McKinley's death I have been so constantly absorbed in responding to the overwhelming outburst of sympathy that has delayed me with letters telegrams and resolutions from all quarters that I have not been able until now to write this personal letter to you which would otherwise have been my first duty and pleasure. I am sure that you will be more than equal to the tremendous load of responsibility and duty which has thus unexpectedly been cast upon you and that you will rise to this greatest of all occasions as successfully as you have to every lesser one that you have had to meet. Coming to the greatest office in the [*15955*] world under conditions that make you absolutelyindependent of every living creature, answerable only to your own conscience and sense of duty, you have, as I think, one of the great opportunities of history, which, I am sure, you will improve not only to your own glory, but to the immense advantage of the country. You know how I have always felt and thought about you, and I will not try to pose as a mentor or a Nestor by recalling past prophecies. I desire to do everything in my power to promote the success of your administration, and to be at your service in any way that you may desire, and as I think that your hands ought to be absolutely free from the outset, I say to you with the utmost sincerity and without any reservation that you are to consider my place here at your disposal at any moment, whether for personal or public reasons. To go or to stay in your service; to sustain your administration in or out of office will be equally satisfactory to me. I wish I could convey to you some idea of the interestand sympathy for you personally which your accession to office has excited among the English people, but it is simply impossible. For the first time the power and influence of the United States, are, since our Spanish War thoroughly understood and realized by the government, press and people of Great Britain, and what sort of a man he is who holds the reins is regarded as a question of the very first importance. Your first utterances that have been reported here [and] have satisfied them that the relations between the United States and Great Britain will be practically the same as they would have been if President McKinley had lived, and that while you will put your foot down so that it will not be easy to get it up where the assertion of American rights and interests are concerned, you will reciprocate the friendly and conciliatory spirit with which the British Government is now disposed to meet us on all confronted questions. I was very much rejoiced to hear from the Secretary of State that you are in perfect accord with him in regard to this Isthmian Canal Treaty which seems now approaching a very happy adjournment. Perhaps the King very fairly represents the general sentiments of his subjects in regard to you. At an interview which he [*15956*]kindly granted me yesterday to express in person our appreciation of his and the Queen's kindness and sympathy, he took occasion in a somewhat protracted conversation to ask all about you. He was evidently very familiar with your outer life, as being just what "we English" as he said "like so much," and which he seemed to appreciate and admire very much, and was very full of inquiries about the inner man which I was fortunately able to gratify. He expressed the greatest desire that the friendly relations existing between the two nations should continue, and much satisfaction at the reports that you and Col. Hay were in close accord on matters in which both countries were concerned. He wanted to know if you had any children, and when I told him you had a quiver full, he was much delighted as he believes in very full quivers in that way. He wished me to give you his kindest regards and to express his very great interest, and as he accompanied me to the door of the Indian Room where he received me, he said I want you to send me a good photograph of President Roosevelt as well as of President McKinley, which I shall certainly do with the greatest pleasure. I beg you, Mr. President, not to answer this letter. I could not help writing it out of a full heart. I shall probably soon see you in Washington as Mr. Hay has kindly given me leave of absence and to visit the U. S. Yours most sincerely, Joseph H. Choate[*File *] EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT. San Francisco Chronicle. M. H. DE YOUNG, PROPRIETOR. San Francisco, Sept 28, 1901 SAN FRANCISCO CHRONICLE BUILDING. My dear Riis: I enclose an article which I ran in the Chronicle from your Outlook paper on Roosevelt. It was fine stuff and the public here appreciated it. If you see the President or write to him, tell him that California is solidly with him — Democrats as well as Republicans. The State mourns for McKinley, because he was here so recently and passed through so trying an experience with his wife's [*15957*]2 illness; but Roosevelt represents more fully the ideals of the west. He has the force & aggressiveness which it admires; in fact, he seems much more like a Western than an Eastern man in his traits & habits & way of [xxxx] looking at things. The new responsibility that has come upon him so suddenly must be hard to bear, and it may help him to know that he has the loyal support of the Far West and something more - a personal admiration and respect which no President has had in equal measure since Lincoln. Sincerly yours George H. Fitch [*15958*][*PP7*] PF [*ackd 9-30-1901*] 30 EAST 64th STREET Sept. 28.1901 My Dear Mr. President: Many thanks for your letter of yesterday. I did receive the letter in your own handwriting, which I greatly value and I thought that by underscoring this fact that I had received all your letters, you would so understand it. This incident leads on to 15959suggest that you tell me how I may address you so that my letter will reach only your private eye. It may sometimes be an advantage to us both, if I should know. I shall be glad of course, to be of any service in my favor in the matter of Brooklyn appointments Always yours faithfully, & respectfully, Seth Low. President Roosevelt. [*15960*][[shorthand]] [*PPF ackd 9-30-1901*] Fort Williams, Portland, Maine, September 28, 1901. My dear Mr. President: I am very glad that you are the President, and I have waited to say it until I could do so without the feeling that I might seem to be unmindful of the sad and tragic manner of your coming to the office. You know yourself what I mean, however. I am quite glad for the sake of the country that it is to have the benefit of your ability and character, and of your idealism as well as your practical work. I have been writing about you and Mr McKinley [*15961*]I beg you to believe that I shall never seek information from you for the simple purpose of securing news, I am out of the news business for good. I tell you of what I have done and of what I [hope] expect to do in the hope that you will be glad to avail yourself of my service in that way. I believe in you strongly, and I know that your administration will be of such service to the country, and to your party also. With kindest regards and best wishes I am Faithfully yours H. L. Nelson Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. Ever since the Prest. was shot, I have written all the editorials of Harpers Weekly, an article for Colliers , and a letter to the Boston Herald. I feel as though I want to do all in my power to help you under your trying condition, to that end, I am going to Washington on the first of November to remain there for at least six months, I want to continue to be of whatever service I may to you. I am to write a signed editorial or letter every day day for the Boston Herald, and one every week for Harper's Weekly. I hope that I shall have your confidence as I had it when you were governor, and [*15962*][*PF*] [*Personal*] New York City. September 28th, 1901. My dear Mr. President:- I enclose you a letter from General Dodge, which is rather a model both concerning Mr. McKinley and concerning yourself, and which will interest you as coming form one of the ablest and wisest of the old Civil War Generals. When you have read it, will you let Loeb send it over to my Private Secretary for my private files? Faithfully yours, Elihu Root, The President, Washington, D. C. [*15963*]to present certain elements from undermining your personal influence, or the work of your administration with the purpose of preventing your nomination three years hence, for the great office you now hold. We are going to try and start right- by electing Seth Low - mayor. I hope to see you in New Haven at the Yale Bicentennial (where they have asked me to act as Grand Marshal of the parade) if I do not see you before. Meanwhile, and of course, you will feel at prefect liberty to call on me at any [*PPF ackd 9-30-1901*] Sept. 28" 1901 LAWYERS' CLUB, EQUITABLE BUILDING, 120 BROADWAY. My dear Col. Roosevelt It has taken all my powers of self-control to wait until after the first deluge of congratulations has passed before adding to your burden by all addendum to my telegram of heartfelt wishes & congratulations. I simply cannot wait any longer, for if I don't write I shall go to Washington & tell you some of the things that lie deepest on my mind & in my heart — and of the [*15964*]continue to put me among that much smaller body-guard of your very best friends, and sometime advisers: among those you can depend upon in emergencies, during the coming months and years when it is often going to be so hard for you to get at the real truth from any man. You know me well enough to understand the spirit in which I write this- and also when I add, the totally unnecessary postscript, that I am not an applicant for office and do not expect to be. There is work for your friends in this State, two methods a brief letter is the more considerate. The temptation to repeat the oft-told tale of how you are admired, trusted & loved by the American People is very great, but I'm not going to yield to it. I can do you far better & manlier service -, and besides, you know what I think & feel & believe about you and the lofty ideals for which you have [always] put your character in pledge. It would insult our past friendship if I felt it necessary to repeat it now. What I want, is not to join the army of your flatterers, but to have you [*15965*][*shorthand*] LAWYERS' CLUB, EQUITABLE BUILDING, 120 BROADWAY. time for any service helpful to yourself. That your Administration will be brilliantly successful I've not the slightest doubt, and I know you can trust the people to appreciate the lofty patriotism and singularly pure ideals of civic virtue, which, as in the past, will guide every step of your future journeyings - And that God may bless and keep you during these mighty days ahead of you as [*15966*]President of our beloved country, is the earnest wish and prayer of yours very faithfully, James R. Sheffield To Hon. Theodore Roosevelt Executive Mansion Washington I can be reached at any time either through my office address 120 Broadway or my house 63 East 74 St. [*15967*]POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY IN CONNECTION WITH THE COMMERCIAL CABLE COMPANY. JOHN W. MACKAY, President. J.O. STEVENS, Sec'y. WM. H. BAKER, V. P. & G. M. JOHN W. MACKAY, President. ALBERT BECK. Sec'y. GEO. G. WARD, V. P. & G. M. TELEGRAM [*143*] The Postal Telegraph-Cable Company transmits and delivers this message subject to the terms and conditions printed on the back of this blank. Received at Postal Telegraph-Cable Co. Building, 1345 Penna. Ave, Washington. A-179, N.Y., OD.K. 513PM 12 Paid. Topeka, Kas, Sep 28. 1901., W.A.White, Washn.D.C. [*Normandie*] Did not hear of Many of the ### charges until after my endorsement. W.E. Stanley. TELEPHONE MAIN 458-TELEGRAMS-CABLEGRAMS-MESSENGERS. [*15968*]Form No. 275. Office of The Western Union Telegraph Company (Incorporated) Return Office = Oyster Bay Sep 28 New Port RI 29 President, US Mayflower Provincetown Mass In view of your telegram of today shall not act until we have submitted whole matter to you. Taft, [Taft] the President's situation entirely changed this morning. Seayas & some of the moderates have attempted to get together agreement to select seayas or sanguilly or minocal president & seayas came in to see whether we would object to the agreement. We said we would object to no agreement of any sort which would bring about peace, that we had no private opinion in compromise suggested by us, but they might make any agreement they choose if it only brought about peace. following this mienocal & agrament called to ask in respect to the same thing & we said the same thing to them we then2 Form No. 275. OFFICE OF The Western Union Telegraph Company (INCORPORATED) rec'd a call from general F R Eyre & Rade leader of the moderate party in which he said that the election of seayas, or sanguilly or menocol to succeed palma was utelry absurd that what the mederate party would do would be to convene congress receive the resignation of president palma & appoint a committee to ask him, not to resign that he would decline to reconsider that they would then return to congress break the [quorum] quorum & disappear he said that they wanted intervention that there was no other [soulution] solution, he told steinhart while here that while the mederates wanted intervention they did not want it to appear that they were asking it. The situation developed by andrade will probably be consumated to night or tomorrow, morning, then action, must follow. Taft [*15970*]3 Form No. 275. Office of The Western Union Telegraph Company (Incorporated) The President following form of proclamation in case we must establish, provisional government is suggested, To the people of cuba, the failure of congress, to act on the irrevocable resignation of the president of the republic of Cuba or to elect [a successor] a successor at this time when great [disor] disorder prevails in the country requires, that pursuant to a request of president palma preferred to the president of the United States the necessary step be taken by this proclamation in the name & by the authority of the president of the United States to restore order, protect life & property on the Island of Cuba, & islands & keys adjacent thereto & for this purpose to establish therein a provisional government, the[*4*] Form No. 275. OFFICE OF The Western Union Telegraph Company (INCORPORATED) provisional goverment hereby established will be maintained only, long enough to restore order & peace & public confidence & then hold such elections as may be necessary to determine these persons to whom the permanent goverment of the republic should be turned back in so far as it is consistent with the nature of a provisional goverment, the constitution of cuba, will be observed, It will be a cuban goverment as far as possible & the mere continuance of the one for which it is temperarily substituted all the executive departments will be as under president palma, the courts will continue to adminster Justice & all laws not in there nature applicable by the reason of the temporariy and emergent character of the government. President roosevelt, has been most anxious [*15972*]5 Form No. 275. Office of The Western Union Telegraph Company (Incorporated) to bring about peace under the constitutional government of cuba & has made every endeavor to avoid the present steps, longer delay however would be dangerous, in view of the resignation of the cabinet. Until further notice, the heads of of all departments of the central government will report to me, for instructions including general alejandro rodriguz in command of the rural guard & other Regular government forces, & general carlos roloff treasurer of cuba, until further notice. the civil governors and alcaldes will also report to me, for instructions. I ask all citizens & residents of cuba to assist in the work of restoring order, [tranquility] tranquility & public confidence sined William H Taft Secy of war of the United States Provisional government of cuba6 Form No. 275. Office of The Western Union Telegraph Company (Incorporated) havana sept 28 - 1906 taft. I. Just rec'd, Hanna to the president, congress will not elect a successor to palma, an earnest effort has been made to agree upon a person and a compromise but it has failed; Congress meets at 9 oclock tonight, & will not have a quorum palma will send a letter to us as follows. The embarrassing position in which I have been placed on account of the non election of a person to succeed me in the office of president of the republic the irrevocable resignation which I have presented to congress obliges me to submit to you7 Form No. 275. Office of The Western Union Telegraph Company (Incorporated) the following. It is absolutely essential for my peace of mind that I deliver the national funds, amounting to thirteen millions six hundred & twenty five thousand five hundred & thirty nine dollars to a [responsible] responsible person that it is also of urgent necessity to disband [the militia ? for] the militia hastily organized as an auxiliary force & the support of which duly costs the states many thousands of dollars, that is not possible to discharge this militia so long as the rebels do not disband. It being of the [highest importance] highest importance that the [[?]] latter be compelled to lay down there arms & all return quietly to there homes, that other wise cuban [social] social conditions8 Form No. 275. Office of The Western Union Telegraph Company (Incorporated) will continue in thiere present [chata] chaotic state with all business paralyzed the spirits of all troubled & restless the lives & property of citizens, at the mercy of anarchy & every one lacking confidence in the future, as a patriot and & decided lover of peace & order & anxious that the guarantees of all the inhabitants regan a new cuba. I have considered it my imperative duty to lay the above before you, so that the unfortunate [condition] condition through which my country passes may be terminated. I shall surround treasury with marines tonight & should be glad to hear from you as early as possible tomorrow. If [provisional] provisional government is9 Form No. 275. OFFICE OF The Western Union Telegraph Company (INCORPORATED) established under a proclamation like that sent you should like to insert in it statement that the cuban flag will still fly over all the public buildings. Taft, sign M C Latta, acting secy, [???] Paid. Sent.[*[Enclosed in Evans 9-29-06]*]EXHIBIT NO. 43. Manila, Sept. 28, 1901. The Hon. Civil Governor of the Philippines, Sir: I am sorry to have to inform you that two foreigners have established them-selves two weeks ago, by orders of the belgin consul, in my convent, in the pueblo of Jalajala, province of Rizal, without my knowledge or my consent, and that, not only they are occupying my convent, but they have had the impudence to tell me to get my things out of said convent as soon as possible. The undersigned, parish priest of the pueblo, is too small a personality to be able to oppose the arbitrary acts of these foreigners, but has decided to present his complaint to the superior authority so that proper action be taken against the two foreigners and that my right to the possession of my convent be duly acknowledged. You will thereby deserve the thanks of the people of Jalajala and the blessings of a catholic priest who is happy of this opportunity of manifesting his respect and his attachment for the illustrious person of the Civil Governor and the government over which he so happily presides. Lorenzo Fernandez. 1st Endorsement. OFFICE OF THE CIVIL GOVERNOR OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Manila, P. I., October 2, 1903. Respectfully referred to the Governor of Rizal for investigation. If it be true that two other persons have ousted the Padre in peaseable possession of the convent in the pueblo of Jalajala, Province of Rizal, and taken possession, this is a violation of law; they should be arrested and the Padre should be restored to his possession. If then the strangers have a claim of title to the property they should assert it in a legal way by taking proceedings; but it is unlawful, both under the Spanish and the common law, for one to take forcible possession of property from another in peaceful possession, no matter what the title of the dispossessor. (sgd) WM. H. TAFT, Civil Governor. [*15978*][*Ca 9-28-02*] The Gas Engine & Power Co. and Charles L. Seabury & Co. Consolidated, cordially invites you and your friends to be present at the Launching of the U.S. Torpedo Boat "Wilkes" on Saturday morning September twenty-eighth, 1904. at ten o'clock. Morris Heights on Harlem. New York City. Music by Lander. Special train for guests will leave Grand Central Station, at 9.25 o'clock. returning half hour after the Launching. Train will stop at 125th Street Station. [*15979*] Agent New York Central & Hudson River R.R. Pass bearer and party to Special Train. September the twenty-eighth. Present this card at Waiting Room, Grand Central Station. or at 125th Street Station. Gas Engine & Power Co. and Charles L. Seabury & Co.. Consolidated [*15980*]OUR NEW PRESIDENT. Theodore Roosevelt, the man who has been but recently sworn into office as President of the United States and master of the White House, is by no means a novice in parliamentary or executive experience. The Governor of the great state of New York (the first state in the Union) may well be considered a near second to the President of the United States. Having been elected by a vast majority as Governor of his state and having served the people of New York acceptably with a record of exceeding fine ability, no doubtful act, avoidance of duty or aborption of office ever having been recorded against him; what more natural sequence than that the Republican party should choose him for the office of Vice President on the same ticket with our now mourned and alas recently murdered choice of the people, William McKinley. Last March and as Vice-President of the United States Mr. Roosevelt became presiding officer of the Senate and served with modest dignity until the session adjourned. A man of family, of gentle breeding and culture, associated with learned and able men, much traveled and courted, with means and associations for the life of a social lion, when quite a young man he developed a taste for literature and research and it may well be said of him that none of his talents have been wasted. With a natural taste for literature he combined a strong love for hunting, outdoor life and adventure but with a mental poise and method peculiarly his own. While he won and retained the confidence and respect due and freely rendered him, he never sacrificed his true dignity as master of the situation. Generous to a fault, his employes realized that their comfort was of interest to him and that he would share with them unselfishly. It was little wonder then that he could so readily and successfully organize a large body of experienced Western men for a part of his "Rough Riders," who were willing to follow wherever he might lead in the Cuban campaign. I say a part, for the regiment was not entirely (as some would claim) of the cowboy element. That element, however, was of the utmost value to Colonel Roosevelt as well as to the United States. A large portion of the "Rough Riders" was composed of members of the wealthiest, oldest, and most aristocratic families of New York who mingled with and fought side by side with the frontier scout and cowboy, rancher, lawyer, doctor, soldier and whatnot of the extreme western border. Mr. Roosevelt, at the call for volunteers, resigned his position as Assistant Secretary of the Navy to offer his services to his country as a soldier. One of the most unselfish examples on record is the one he furnished the United States when he requested that Doctor, now General, Leonard Wood, who was his friend and a captain and assistant surgeon in the regular army, be made Colonel of the 1st Volunteer Cavalry and that he be Lieut. Colonel. One must needs consider how few men in military life willingly, aye, insistently, relinquish the higher appointment to a friend, themselves accepting the lower. Such men as Colonel Roosevelt awaken anew the story of "Damon and Pythias" and renew the old traditions of what sometimes seems to have fallen into innocuous desuetude or joined the long list of the forgotten, the much misapplied word and sentiment "Friendship." Many stories are told of his utter unselfishness, of his bravery, his almost reckless dash, his having jeopardized his own fortune to furnish pay that, for some reason, technical or otherwise, was not forthcoming for his men. I have heard old regular army officers say that he was modest, straightforward and companionable. 15981 R.X. RAYS. The little joke the Spaniards intended to perpetrate upon the United States when the Spanish Government sold these islands to Uncle Sam did not materialize so much to their satisfaction as had been anticipated. Twenty millions of dollars invested to free these people from the shackles of Spanish oppression is just that many gold dollars to the credit of humanity and justice and the Supreme Ruler will bless with success that investment. Inveigh against it who will, the effort to raise the people will triumph at last. Of the American traitors who could assail the honor and purposes of the United States what language could be strong enough to express the depth of their betrayal! Political disregard for truth becomes a crime. It is a fact that should the United States remove their protection of these islands before the time the sons of the soil shall be able to rule themselves, the disaster would be irreparable to the Filipinos. The American who impugns the motives of the Civil Government of these islands is a traitor, nothing more or less and a close second to a criminal who has accomplished the fact. 15983 Evil men of all nations are moral parasites and should be cut off from opportunity to perpetuate their examples. "The evil that men do lives after them. The good is oft interred with their bones," The outlook, judging from the published report of Mr. Roosevelt's expression of his views as to his "Policy" generally, promises much for the future prosperity of these islands. There was but little doubt, in the minds of those who knew him that he would carry out all the intentions of President McKinley and now it is assured that these intentions will be fulfilled along even broader lines and to even a greater completeness. Mr. Roosevelt came to the Presidency grandly equipped for his duties. That some of the plans of the political bosses were disarranged when the lamented President McKinley passed away is but of little importance in comparison with the great questions of our colonial policy. The intelligence of the Americans is not confined to these selected by the bosses and it may be that it is true that those same leaders had predetermined the relegation of Mr. Roosevelt to an insignificant position in 1904, but in the disorganization of their plans we see only the dethronement of a ring which would place the aggrandizement of the few above the great principle of the will of the people. The Filipinos look with anxiety toward the United States, watchful of any change and the reply to their inquiry as to whether any different policy would be adopted by Mr. McKinley's successor, gave them tranquility, and now that Mr. Roosevelt has said that his policy will be one of broader humanity, if possible, it cannot fail to have an effect commensurate with its extension. 15982 E. X. RAYS. [*Manila Times - Saturday - Sept. 28/1907.*]The Commercial Bulletin. [ESTABLISHED 1859.] Published Every Saturday Morning. Curtis Guild & Co., Publishers. CURTIS GUILD. B. F. GUILD. CURTIS GUILD, JR. Four Dollars Per Annum (in advance.) Single Copies 10 cents. Office, 282 Washington Street, Boston. Entered at the Post Office at Boston, Mass., as Second Class Mail Matter. Telephone No. 1400 Main. BOSTON: [*15985*] SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 1901. RECIPROCITY. The words, the last message of McKinley at Buffalo on National legislation for reciprocity, need to be kept standing as a patriotic text for any discussion of the subject. They were: "Our capacity to produce has developed so enormously and our products have so multiplied that the problem of more markets requires our urgent and immediate attention. Only a broad and enlightened policy will keep what we have. No other policy will get more. In these times of marvellous business energy and gain we ought to be looking to the future, strengthening the weak places in our industrial and commercial systems, that we may be ready for any storm or strain. By sensible trade arrangements which will not interrupt our home production, we shall extend the outlets for our increasing surplus. A system which provides a mutual exchange of commodities is manifestly essential to the continued and healthful growth of our export trade. We must not repose in fancied security that we can forever sell everything and buy little or nothing. If such a thing were possible it would not be best for us or those with whom we deal. We should take from our customers such of their products as we can use without harm to our industries and labor. Reciprocity is the natural outgrowth of our wonderful industrial development under the domestic policy now firmly established. What we produce beyond our domestic consumption must have a vent abroad. The excess must be relieved through a foreign outlet, and we should sell anywhere we can and buy wherever the buying will enlarge our sales and productions and thereby make a greater demand for home labor. The period of exclusiveness is past. The expansion of our trade and commerce is the pressing problem. Commercial wars are unprofitable. A policy of good will and friendly trade relations will prevent reprisals. Reciprocity treaties are in harmony with the spirit of the times; measures of retaliation are not. If perchance some of our tariffs are no longer needed for revenue or to encourage and protect our industries at home, why should they not be employed to extend and promote our markets abroad?" The tariff history of the United States is one of peculiar interest. No tariff that has been framed has been thoroughly satisfactory, though the present, the most radically Protective adopted by any country in the last generation, has not only stimulated domestic industries to an extent never known before but has also permitted, if it has not encouraged the largest exportation of American manufactures ever known. To break down such a structure is insanity, to improve it is only common sense. The principle of reciprocity sprang from the brain of the late James G. Blaine, and had he been elected in 1884 we should probably have today a tariff not only lower in some respects than that now in force, but Reciprocity would be already an accomplished fact. The cropping out here and there of actually prohibitive duties, as for instance that on Bagdad wools, in the Dingley tariff, is the direct backward swing due to the radical Free Trade clauses in the destructive Wilson Tariff. Mr. Blaine saw Reciprocity in full flower in the case of Brazil and Cuba and Porto Rico, where our concessions, by granting free sugar, molasses, coffee and hides, with reciprocal concessions by Brazil and Spain— notably, on cotton cloth and flour— resulted in a swift increase in business with those countries. In the fiscal year ending June 30, 1891, we exported to Brazil 2,695,954 yards of uncolored cotton cloth and 3,455,302 yards of colored cotton cloth. Those figures rose respectively as high as 12,460,818 and 10,072,503 in the fiscal year 1895, the last under Reciprocity. Mr. Cleveland's repeal of Reciprocity struck exportation a heavy blow, and for the last year of Mr. Cleveland's administration, the fiscal year ending June 30, 1897, the exports of cotton cloths to Brazil had shrunk again to but 5,024,534 yards of uncolored and 3,306,792 yards of colored cloth. The quality of our cotton cloth evidently appealed to the Brazilians, for though we could no longer compete in price we have never quite gone back to where we were before Mr. Blaine's policy introduced our textiles. Similarly our exports of wheat flour to Cuba, 114,447 barrels in 1891, rose to 662,248 in 1895. In spite of the revolution they were 379,856 in 1896. They dropped with the repeal of Reciprocity to 132,738 in 1897. Speaking humanly, Reciprocity is more difficult of accomplishment now than when Mr. Blaine was Secretary of State. Then the American beet sugar industry was trivial. Now it is of vast importance. Hides, however, are among the items that can be put upon the Free List, and there are others, such as wines, on which the duty can be reduced without injuring a single American industry. The McKinley Tariff made hides free from all countries willing to make some corresponding concession on American goods. Argentina is the coming nation in South America. It is the greatest hide producer in the world. It is ready to grant concessions on American goods. The duty on hides is not a protective duty. It is but fifteen per cent ad valorem. Such a duty on a mere by-product does not lure a single man into raising cattle. The total revenue from the duty last year was but $2,197,138, utterly needless to a country with a surplus revenue. It is a direct and annoying tax on every shoemaker in the country. We do not raise enough hides in the United States. We imported 280,494,637 pounds last year, of which 128,804, 624 were dutiable as cattle hides. The sapient gentleman who tried to make a treaty with Argentina started by making the impossible proposition of slashing at the most effective Protective duty on wool. The reduction of the wool duty would set every farmer with a dozen sheep against the administration. Its enforcement, especially on Argentina wools alone, would afford no benefit to any industry and would instantly embroil us with the new Australasian federation, which would oppose any favoritism shown to Argentina to its own detriment. British Australasia spent $30,713,345 in the United States last year. Argentina bought our goods to the value of $11,537,668. We can not only reduce, we can remove the duty on hides without hurting a single American industry [*and probably without involving any further foreign complication*] We can unquestionably get in return valuable concessions from the leading hide-producing nation in the world, and, as it happens, from the one South American nation most favorably disposed towards the United States. Let us begin Reciprocity with a commodity which William McKinley in his tariff wisely put upon the free list. Let us begin it with a nation that loves the United States. Let us not begin it with a commodity whose disturbance means trouble at home and complications abroad. 15984 15985The Commercial Bulletin. [ESTABLISHED 1859.] Published Every Saturday Morning. Curtis Guild & Co., Publishers. CURTIS GUILD. B. F. GUILD. CURTIS GUILD, JR. Four Dollars Per Annum (in advance.) Single Copies 10 cents. Office, 282 Washington Street, Boston. Entered at the Post Office at Boston, Mass., as Second Class Mall Matter. Telephone No. 1400 Main. Boston: [*15985*] SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 1901. RECIPROCITY. The words, the last message of McKinley at Buffalo on National legislation for reciprocity, need to be kept standing as a patriotic text for any discussion of the subject. They were: "Our capacity to produce has developed so enormously and our products have so multiplied that the problem of more markets requires our urgent and immediate attention. Only a broad and enlightened policy will keep what we have. No other policy will get more. In these times of marvellous business energy and gain we ought to be looking to the future, strengthening the weak places in our industrial and commercial systems, that we may be ready for any storm or strain. By sensible trade arrangements which will not interrupt our home production, we shall extend the outlets for our increasing surplus. A system which provides a mutual exchange of commodities is manifestly essential to the continued and healthful growth of our export trade. We must not repose in fancied security that we can forever sell everything and buy little or nothing. If such a thing were possible it would not be best for us those with whom we deal. We should take from our customers such of their products as we can use without harm to our industries and labor. Reciprocity is the natural outgrowth of our wonderful industrial development under the domestic policy now firmly established. What we produce beyond our domestic consumption must have a vent abroad. The excess must be relieved through a foreign outlet, and we should sell anywhere we can and buy wherever the buying will enlarge our sales and productions and thereby make a greater demand for home labor. The period of exclusiveness is past. The expansion of our trade and commerce is the pressing problem. Commercial wars are unprofitable. A policy of good will and friendly trade relations will prevent reprisal. Reciprocity treaties are in harmony with the spirit of the times; measures of retaliation are not. If perchance some of our tariffs are no longer needed for revenue or to encourage and protect our industries at home, why should they not be employed to extend and promote our markets abroad?" The tariff history of the United States is one of peculiar interest. No tariff that has been framed has been thoroughly satisfactory, though the present, the most radically Protective adopted by any country in the last generation, has not only stimulated domestic industries to an extent never known before but has also permitted, if it has not encouraged, the largest exportation of American manufactures ever known. To break down such a structure is insanity, to improve it is only common sense. The principle of reciprocity sprang from the brain of the late James G. Blaine, and had he been elected in 1884 we should probably have today a tariff not only lower in some respects than that now in force, but Reciprocity would be already an accomplished fact. The cropping out here and there of actually prohibitive duties, as for instance that on Bagdad wools, in the Dingley tariff, is the direct backward swing due to the radical Free Trade clauses in the destructive Wilson Tariff. Mr. Blaine saw Reciprocity in full flower in the case of Brazil and Cuba and Porto Rico, where our concessions, by granting free sugar, molasses, coffee and hides, with reciprocal concessions by Brazil and Spain-- notably, on cotton cloth and flour-- resulted in a swift increase in business with those countries. In the fiscal year ending June 30, 1891, we exported to Brazil 2,695,954 yards of uncolored cotton cloth and 3,455,302 yards of colored cotton cloth. Those figures rose respectively as high as 12,460,818 and 10,072,503 in the fiscal year 1895, the last under Reciprocity. Mr. Cleveland's repeal of Reciprocity struck exportation a heavy blow, and for the last year of Mr. Cleveland's administration, the fiscal year ending June 30, 1897, the exports of cotton cloths to Brazil had shrunk again to but 5,024,534 yards of uncolored and 3,306,792 yards of colored cloth. The quality of our cotton cloth evidently appealed to the Brazilians, for though we could no longer compete in price we have never quite gone back to where we were before Mr. Blaine's policy introduced our textiles. Similarly our exports of wheat flour to Cuba, 114,447 barrels in 1891, rose to 662,248 in 1895. In spite of the revolution they were 379,856 in 1896. They dropped with the repeal of Reciprocity to 132,738 in 1897. Speaking humanly, Reciprocity is more difficult of accomplishment now than when Mr. Blaine was Secretary of State. Then the American beet sugar industry was trivial. Now it is of vast importance. [*Case of free wool or free Hides*] Hides, however, are among the items that can be put upon the Free List, and there are others, such as wines, on which the duty can be reduced without injuring a single American industry. The McKinley Tariff made hides free from all countries willing to make some corresponding concession on American goods. Argentina is the coming nation in South America.It is the greatest hide producer in the world. It is ready to grant concessions on American goods. The duty on hides is not a protective duty. It is but fifteen per cent ad valorem. Such a duty on a mere by-product does not lure a single man into raising cattle. The total revenue from the duty last year was but $2,197,138, utterly needless to a country with a surplus revenue. It is a direct and annoying tax on every shoemaker in the country. We do not raise enough hides in the United States. We imported 280,494,637 pounds last year, of which 128,804,624 were dutiable as cattle hides. The sapient gentleman who tried to make a treaty with Argentina started by making the impossible proposition of slashing at the most effective Protective duty on wool. The reduction of the wool duty would set every farmer with a dozen sheep against the administration. Its enforcement, especially on Argentina wools alone, would afford no benefit to any industry and would instantly embroil us with the new Australasian federation, which would oppose any favoritism shown to Argentina to its own detriment. British Australasia spent $30,713,345 in the United States last year. Argentina bought our goods to the value of $11,537,668. We can not only reduce, we can remove the duty on hides without hurting a single American industry. [*and probably without involving any further foreign complications.*] We can unquestionably get in return valuable concessions from the leading hide-producing nation in the world, and, as it happens, from the one South American nation most favorably disposed towards the United States. Let us begin Reciprocity with a commodity which William McKinley in his tariff wisely put upon the free list. Let us begin it with a nation that loves the United States. Let us not begin it with a commodity whose disturbance means trouble at home and complications abroad. 15984 15985[*PPF ackd 9-30-1901*] Quincy Sept. 29, 1901 My dear Roosevelt: If I can be of any use in the way you suggest it will, of course, give me great pleasure. We now expect to go to Washington for some weeks about Nov 8. This will, probably, be too late for your purpose. If so send me word when the time has come, and I can go to Washington any day. Sincerely yours Brooks Adams [[shorthand]] [*15986*][*[1901]*] Auditorium Hotel Breslin and Southgate R.H. Southgate Manager. Chicago, Sept. 29th, 1901 To the Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. Mr. President: I was glad to receive your kind lines. I know there is a large sense in which you are quite right about the guard, and that your feeling is all in favor or paying no attention to such a matter, – and it has occurred to me since I wrote you, that may be I was wrong and for this reason. I think the Anarchists, thought they are assuming to be quite strong in their own ways, they are rather cowed and disheartened so far as this is possible, by the evident severity and executive attention of public opinion. The horrible figure which the murderer presents must disgust even the society of assassins and the chances are very much that they will not undertake anything more for a while. I have had presentiments of trouble even like that which has happened, because I thought it was the logic of the Bryan campaign; and I have no doubt said quite enough. [*15987*]To the Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, -2- I mean to enclose to you the proof sheets of a novel of mine [*This is an appeal to you as a literary man*] the publication of which has commenced this morning and it will run about three months. I notice that you occasionally rest your mind by reading a high class of fiction. this novel of mine is intended to be an American affair and the putting together of representative persons from all sections of the country. I do not ask you to read it, but there are some chapters in it which I think would amuse you some day if you ever should have time or taste for amusement. I shall be very happy to call and see you when I arrive in Washington and will distinguish myself by making a call that will not be protracted. I have just finished one of the many McKinley Books. This is squarely mine and it is stuffed with pretty good things. It contains a chapter about the twenty-sixth President of the United States; - gives in full his great speech at Minneapolis. Very truly yours, Murat Halstead [*15988*] [For 1 enc. see proofs, 1901][*[For enc. see Allen 9-24-01]*] [*PF*] Newbury N.H. Sep. 29. 1901 Dear Mr. President I inclose copy of a letter just received from Governor Allen, in answer to the one I wrote him after the Cabinet meeting. You see he takes it like a gentleman - which he is. Yours faithfully, John Hay [*15989*][[shorthand]] [*PF*] Rhinebeck, N.Y. (Personal) September 29th, 1901. My dear Roosevelt: Just one word in extenuation of my apparent shortcomings from your point of view. They can be classified under two heads, those relating to the labor question and those relating to "imperialism." As to the former I am profoundly convinced, as I think I wrote to you some years ago, that the economic game is not fairly played, and if I did not protest sometimes I should be untrue to my convictions. As for imperialism, it seems to me that we have lost [such] a unique opportunity of setting a great example to the world. Suppose that from the beginning in our relations with the Cubans and Filipinos we had declared our intention of establishing their liberties and assuring their independence with the least inference possible, wanting absolutely nothing for ourselves except the reimbursement of our expenses, and that we had consistently noted up to this, overlooking if need be, such errors [of conduct] of conduct on the part of these peoples as may have come to our notice[s] rather than taking advantage of them. How such conduct would have stupefied the world and what a new and high standard it would have established for international relations! And what would have been the practical results? I believe we should have got more from the gratitude of the people than we can expect to get under compulsion. Of course this seems Quixotic at first thought, and I know how such easier it is to do things in one's study than in actual public life, but I am sure we [*15990*](2) could have come such nearer to the ideal and have drawn a broader line between our methods and those of the British Empire. Why are international ethics so different from those of individuals? I know Lord Cromer in Egypt, -- a gentleman of high honor and integrity, and yet from time to time he would reiterate the statement that England intended to evacuate Egypt, although he knew and every one else knew that it was false. I am sure that we make a mistake in taking England's colonial policy as a guide. By following it too closely we deprived ourselves of the opportunity for making an effective moral protest in favor of the Boers, the first struggle for liberty in a century which found our country silent. Pardon me for saying so much, but I think our departure from our old lines of thought and action were sufficient to justify strong expressions of dissent on the part of those who disapproved of them. Of course I recognize the fact that we no longer have a tabula rasa on which to write and it is possible that the great opportunity to which I have reiterated has gone beyond recall. I expect no answer to this letter and must apologise for trespassing upon your crowded time to the extent of expecting you to read it. I appreciate very heartily the kind tone of your note and that must explain my perseverance in writing to you. Yours sincerely, Ernest H. Crosby [*15991*][shorthand] [*accsd 10/21/1907 P.P.F. PN*] Stanford University. Cal. Sept. 29. 1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt: President of The United States: My dear Mr. Roosevelt: Will you let me as an American citizen express to you what nine hundred and ninety nine out of every thousand American citizens feel - entire confidence in your wisdom and patriotism and in your ability to conduct the affairs of the high office which has come to you in a manner which will make you a worthy successor of the best of your predecessors? Very truly yours. David Starr Jordan [*15992*][*PPF ackd 10-1-1901*] Watervliet Arsenal - West Troy, N.Y. 29th Sept 1901 Dear Mr. President: I feel that I know my late neighbor in the trenches at Santiago, far to well to dare to congratulate him - under the circumstances - on his accession to the highest position in our country; but I think it would not be amiss in me to say that I am sincerely glad, that our late noble President, had you for a successor, since one had to take the place. Do you know, President Roosevelt, that I, doubtless among many of your friends, have worried over your impatience at precautions for your safety? and would it be presumptuous in me to say, that it is the [*15993*]President's life, and all that it means to our country, that should be safegaurded always, and to remind you that our days in Cuba are passed? Please think well of it, and pardon me for taking advantage of probably the only chance I will ever have to lecture a President of the United States. Sincerely yours J. Ford Kent [[shorthand]] [*Jacob Spring Ave Troy, N.Y. deceased*][*PPF read 10-1-1901*] THE CROSSWAYS, P.O. LOCUST,N.J. 29th. Sept 1901. My dear Roosevelt. I have waited for the great rush of congratulations and advice, that are much upon you, to slacken and now beg leave to intrude on your time for just one moment to give you and your administration a hearty God speed of an old friend. [*15994*]May you have every success, and be permitted to carry out your policy, which, if yours, will always be actuated as you always are, by the highest motives. Faithfully yours Wm. Barclay Parsons Hon. Theodore Roosevelt - President, etc - 15995Cornelius Roosevelt that was and your humble servant - and Daughter. I leave for Paris tomorrow. Hotel de Holland Rue de La Paix. I expect to sail for America with my Daughter [*[9-29-01]*] [[shorthand]] [*P.F.*] [*ackd 10/4/1901*] My dear Theodore Allow me to congratulate you in the Name of the Roosevelt family now in Baden Baden Mrs. L. F. Roosevelt - Mr. & Mrs Willis Roosevelt and the Baroness Von Zedlitz - [*15996*]4th Dec I see by the papers that you are going to Yale next Month I will write to my son who is a student at Yale to make himself known to you With Love to your wife Barnes & Conner Your Affect Cousin Marcia Roosevelt Scovel Hotel D'Angleterre Baden Baden Sept 29th [*15997*]WILLIAM A. OTIS & CO. BANKERS AND BROKERS. COLORADO SPRINGS. COLORADO. [*Emlen about Seymour Judge McKenna, about his young friend. New; co come on. Putnam*] Sept. 29th 1901 WILLIAM A. OTIS. PHILIP B. STEWART. WILLIAM P. SARGEANT. FRANCIS GILPIN. [*PPF B*] [*Ackd*] Dear Colonel Roosevelt, I will conform to your wish and come to Washington. I am in the maelstrom of Colorado politics and am steadily approaching a fuller understanding of the situation. I have stood squarely on this platform. that, if I were consulted, my whole influence would be exerted (1) to efficient and clean public service for the sake of the party and for the sake of confirming the honesty of your past political life. (2) that within their limits, I should aim to keep your administration in full harmony with the Republican party in this state. Dont misunderstand me. I have not set myself out as in any way your spokesman and I have let these people come to me. This they have done freely locally. Stevenson I have not seen [*15998*]WILLIAM A. OTIS & CO. BANKERS AND BROKERS. COLORADO SPRINGS. COLORADO. WILLIAM A. OTIS. PHILIP B. STEWART. WILLIAM P. SARGEANT. FRANCIS GILPIN. 2 Since the dinner, and have purposely avoided doing so up to this time. I am invited to an important Conference in Denver Wednesday. What I aim at is to shape things if possible for Teller's return to the party. I know this is difficult but it is the key and, providing agreement of its advisability can be reached, you are the one to turn the key. If you can let me have him or three work men in which to work here, I can bring you far better data on which to act than now. I have not yet become involved in factional troubles and so am most happily placed for working. It is most kind of you and Mrs Roosevelt to invite Mrs. Stewart and myself [*15999*]WILLIAM A. OTIS & CO. BANKERS AND BROKERS. COLORADO SPRINGS. COLORADO. WILLIAM A. OTIS. PHILIP B. STEWART. WILLIAM P. SARGEANT. FRANCIS GILPIN. 2 to stop at the White House en route & New Haven. I do not know whether Mrs Stewart can leave in October, I sincerely hope she can. With most warm regards to all your household, I remain always, Sincerely Philip B Stewart, The Cougar article I have read with great interest. I will perfect a plan for the hunt in 1902. [*16000*][*Tahawus Club. Sept. 1901*] MRS. GEORGE LIVINGSTON NICHOLS MONDAYS UNTIL LENT 66 EAST FIFTY-SIXTH STREET [*16003*] [*ackd 10-30-1901 PPF.*] [*PPF ackd 9-30-1901*] London. Sept 10th 1901. My dear cousin, The spirit moved to write you a line of sympathy for you & of confidence in you - if it be not presuming. I've just come from the services at the Abbey for Mr. McKinley, I was deeply moved by them & by the tremendous outpouring of kind feeling on the part of the people & the gentry of England. I meet it on all sides & Mr. Choate meets it much more — & will tell you of it. [*16001*] But to be thrown into this high place by a hideous criminal is so terrible a strain, but it calls for the sympathy & the support of every citizen - more especially of those who will be your friends. May I enrol myself under this name? It is pleasant to note that you are going on in the path marked out before by Mr. McKinley, for me in much new ground to plough already & to seed down. You want no advice from me; but, if ever I can serve you & our country, call & I'll try. [[shorthand]] 70 [*16002*]I've tried to tell our young people the national lesson, which is the lesson for the world, for it is my religion - & it is better to practise than to preach. God bless you & keep you safe & wise - and be careful of yourself for our sake - We can't stand it again - Mr. McKinley is a terrible loss to the nation, & a personal loss to me - Let us live together awhile, you & I — I am with deep respect very truly yours Henry L. Higginson. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. President of the Untied States. Of course you'll not reply —[*Tahawus Club. Sept. 1901*] MRS. GEORGE LIVINGSTON NICHOLS MONDAYS UNTIL LENT 66 EAST FIFTY-SIXTH STREET [*16003*] [*ackd 10-30-1901 PPF.*] [*PPF ackd 9-30-1901*] London. Sept 19th 1901. My dear cousin, The spirit moved to write you a line of sympathy for you & of confidence in you - if it be not presuming. I've just come from the services at the Abbey for Mr. McKinley, I was deeply moved by them & by the tremendous outpouring of kind feeling on the part of the people & the gentry of England. I meet it on all sides & Mr. Choate meets it much more — & will tell you of it. [*16001*] But to be thrown place by a so terrible a strain for the sympathy of every citizen of those who will May I enrol name? It that you are marked out for me in much plough already You want but, if ever I our country, [[shorthand]] [*16002*]The Radical Cross Roads A Novel of American Life. By Murat Halstead. Author of "The Conventions of 1860," "One Hundred Bear Stories," "The White Dollar," "The Life of Wm. McKinley," "A Midwinter Voyage to the Mediterranean," "The Paddys Run Papers," "The Story of Cuba," "The Story of the Phillipines," "Our War with Spain," "Life of Admiral Dewey," "Our New Possessions," "The Boer and British War," "The Life of Aguinaldo and His Captors." [*16004*] Copyrighted, 1901. Table of Contents Page. Chapter I.- Surface Indications and Star Dust …………………… 1 Chapter II. - Kansas as the Land of Promise …………………….. 3 Chapter III. - Pretty Girls - Principles and Profits ………………. 5 Chapter IV. - Problems Before the People - Moving Motives ………………………………………..…………….……………. 8 Chapter V. - The Transfer of the Old Farm …………….………….. 9 Chapter VI. - The Radical Rises to an Occasion …….…………. 11 Chapter VII. - "You May Telegraph that I Accept" …….………. 13 Chapter VIII. - The Murrays and Movers - Make Way for Liberty ……………………………………………………… 15 Chapter IX. - Girls' Debate of Importance About Kissing ………………………………………………………………….. 17 Chapter X. - Another New World on the Old Road …………… 21 Chapter XI. - Government by the People, for the People …………………………………………………………………… 22 Chapter XII. - On Wheels Among the Wild Wolves ……………. 24 Chapter XIII. - Fire Fights Fire - A Brand Snatched From It ………………………………………………………………….. 26 Chapter XIV. - The Harp and Sword - the New Rich in a Play ……………………………………………………………..…. 30 Chapter XV. - The Broker's Courtship …………………………………. 33 Chapter XVI. - The Man Out of the Fire Sold P. Q. ……………… 37 Chapter XVII. - A Scientific Bull - Maps of Progress ...............… 40 Chapter XVIII. - A Voice from the West in Wall Street …………………………………………………………………… 42 Chapter XIX. - The Dramatis Personnae - Talks on the Phone ……………………………………………………………. 45 Chapter XX. - The Special Train at the Cross Roads …………….. 48 It is the purpose of the novel to tell the story of the movers of this generation between our oceans, with the characteristics of the American people of independent principle and adventurous enterprise. The heroes and heroines are Pennsylvanians and Virginians by birth, and the scenes are located in the Allegheny oil regions, the plains of Kansas, and shifted from Wall Street to Colorado, including the cities on the Ohio, Mississippi and Colorado rivers. The author's effort is to tell the true story of our own folks - North, South, East and West. The stronger characters are respectively northern and southern soldiers. There are studies of southern and northern women. There are extremes of public and private opinions, and radical questions discussed from top to bottom. That which relates to the strife of other days is touched with kindliness to all; and the differences of these days, full of fiery problems as they are, receive treatment, with the friendly respect that is due the rights and honors of Americans who govern themselves. The story touches the theories and purposes of those who engage in public life - the issues that arouse the people and the controversies that attend and guide their progress, preserve liberty with order, do the work and make the wealth of the land - organize the dynasty of the million and the destiny of our nation. The roads of the conquering progression of the American people, were blazed on the trees in the pathless woods, or worn and trodden with wheels and hoofs through the grass of the vast prairies. These were the paths over which the star of empire moved and moves west.The Radical Cross Roads. A Novel of American Life. By MURAT HALSTEAD. CHAPTER I. SURFACE INDICATIONS AND STAR DUST. Bold ridges, westward foothills of the Northern Alleghenies, topped with a scraggy bristle of sturdy trees, and seamed with small ravines, disclosing scrappy stones and scanty soil, walled in on three sides a narrow valley, through which ran a stream that gathered the water of a dozen springs, and turned Southwest, as if attracted to the Gulf of Mexico. Between the brook, winding away on the long journey to the Gulf Stream, and the abrupt slopes, too steep for the plow, were fields with rows of shocks of corn, partially husked-out fodder, and near a frame barn, ricks of straw-shelter, occupied by a group of cattle and colts. The remote landscape seen from the hills was littered with lofty derricks, disclosing suspected oil lands and revealing many disappointments. The dominant features of the farm of the valley were an apple orchard, varied with peach trees on hillsides inclined to the North, that appeared to give insufficient support to a massive, rough stone chimney -- so huge and imposing that in Ireland or Scotland, it might have passed for a ruined castle, that offered spectators the question the pyramids have asked for thousands of years: "How could they have been built in this part of the country?" There were two tremendous fire-places, back to back, yawning for logs, and the flickering fire-light in the sitting-room, disclosed an apartment stored with comforts, while on the other side were towering bedsteads heaped with feather-stuffed ticks and quilts. On the wall was a flint-lock rifle and a powder-horn, on which a deer hunt was carved -- also a doublebarrelled shot gun with a belt of cartridges. There were glittering metals about the hearth, and bunches of herbs and colored prints over the long slab of the mantel, on which stood a red crock, a mystery to all but the mistress of the house, and a blue sugar bowl. These were heirlooms from former generations. Mr. Leonidas Murray sat in a ponderous chair he had built for himself, a swaying throne on which he read and meditated. He held spectacles, with glasses big as dollars, in his left hand, and an astronomical Atlas in his right. He had strong, but uncertain opinions about the heavenly bodies. He had been studying the signs of the Zodiac, the mysterious figures with which picturesque science has equipped the skies, to the everlasting bewilderment of self-made men, so far untaught that they can not discriminate with confidence. Mr. Murray had a high, thin nose, deep eyes that followed the general expression of his face, and always just a moment late in certainty. He seemed to have better sight for things that were far, than for those that were near, and to have better vision without than with glasses. The eyes were of various shades of brown and never dull. He had weather-beaten cheeks and hands, abundant hair and beard, gray and always wind blown. You could not imagine him with a clean shave and short hair cut. He was long in neck, legs and arms. His knotted and sinewy fingers were wonderfully wrapped with each other, as if he had a hard time holding himself up or down. Erect, whether still or walking, he was every inch a soldier. He did not need a badge to tell that he was of the grandest of armies. Mrs. Molly Murray was smoking home-made tobacco in corn-cob pipe. There was a corner sacred to this ceremony. She had lived so long in the woods, she said, as if she thought her husband a backwoods man, that she needed smoke for company, especially when frosts had fired the woods with glorious color. Mr. Murray's way of neglecting her was to be silent with the solemn stars; and she knew when he was in his lofty moods and tenses. She was round in face and figure, with a smile of well-fed content -- one always at least "tolerably well, thank you, and how are all the folks?" Her eyes were a soft, changeable blue. The boy who did not call her mother was a "bad boy," of course, but they of that sort were few and far between. She was sorry she never had a son, but she was a model step-mother and second wife; and John, the first wife's boy, had more views and less love than his father. There were two daughters of the House, and for their sake she was not opposed to riches, and wanted to see oil struck. "Father?" she asked with gentle anxiety, as though trying to break the silence with a theme that might be difficult, for her husband's home was just then in the skies, and he did not like to come to the ground, "they are not finding any more oil any more around here, are they?" "No," was the reply. "Hasn't been a strike that amounted to much for more'n a year, has there?" It was not the first time she had touched this tender spot with loving tenderness, and there was always evidence of inflammation. "More'n a year and a half," said Leonidas sternly, and then it was so far away it did not matter to me, and I do not like the way they do business. They raise companies and hire lawyers, get in the papers and act as if nothing would suit them, but all." "And d' you think there'll be more -- is't all gone?" "Don't know, and don't know as I care." "Why, Father, you'd care if 't was on our place." "No, I wouldn't. Did it do anybody any good 'as got it? Didn't they bore wells to get the oil out from under my land. That is mine if it is any one's. And they say there's no law about it - and it did me as much good as it did them. They get nothing and I get the same; and the fact is really, there is too much money in it, or too little. It isn't right as it is." "But, Father, you wouldn't let them bore wells into your own ground and do it on shares. You were against that, as you were against running a railroad through this farm -- and, at last, they struck a good well up on the hill, and another down the river a few miles. It don't seem to be done with, and I would like to see the girls as well off as other girls any way." "Well, I didn't believe in oil wells. It seemed agin nature. I think our girls are pretty well off. I won't steal for 'em. Gettin' money for oil was queer to me, and natural gas still worse. The oil ought to have been divided. I have other things to think about. What right has a man to land, anyhow, except to raise food? Oil gives light. It ought to be free for light. It is no more fit for sellin' than the air and water. I don't like railroads breaking up peaceable neighborhoods. I don't like 'em at all. They're doin' evil. There is no sleeping for their noise. They beat all the beasts in the woods for howling. They think they own all there is, an maybe they do, but we'll give 'em a try for it." "You drove the oil men away, Father, when they wanted to bore in the orchard; and you pulled up the stakes and threw them over the fence, when the railroad men marked the line it should be built on, and they filled the country full of tales all about us. We ought to do something, for farmin' is very slow, and it's hard to make a livin,' and your boy John, he won't come and stay with us any more. He says there is plenty of better land far away. He hates the Allegheny country, and says he will stick to Kansas -- and Kansas is a perfect desert. I know that, for it was printed on the map, and the geography said that in large letters when I was at school. I'm afraid our girls will be dissatisfied -- and think of it, Rose is sixteen and Mary is seventeen and a half. The schoolmaster is bothering around. If we had plenty of money, Father, I would want them to have a piano, just to make 'em love home, and be easier in their [*16005*]minds, and not gettin' notions, you know. I do not want riches, but I do want comfort, and to have something for the children, and I am a getting no little discouraged." "If anything would put notions in a girl's head, Mollie, it would be a piano, with music books and music masters and singing schools, and fiddling teachers, and sleigh rides an candy pullin' and apple cuttin' - corn huskin,' with red ears drawin' prizes in kissin', and every other nonsense that drives people from the serious thoughts of life. If I had barrels of money, they shouldn't have a piano. It is the devil's music box, and no music neither. If I must have a tune, I want it out of a fiddle or a flute. What can you expect, beating wires with hammers? Beat the shovel with tongs, if you want a clatter." "Father, I don't care so much about a piano -- a piano doesn't talk to me like a fiddle or a flute, but what I mean is, one ought to have music in the house for the girls. It's a good thing for girls, and boys, too. When I hear the schoolmaster play the big fiddle I feel as though it was an organ in a church; and it is religious. I would rather listen to it than to the preaching, unless it is very extra." "I don't mind a big fiddle, Molly -- I don't mind it myself -- but the musical fool at the tan-yard that plays the clarinet all night, with off hours on the brass horn that pulls and shoves in and out and thinks he is going to join a band, ought to be prosecuted by law, and whipped every time he leaves his own land. You can hear him, when the wind is wet, for miles. Then, there is a mill with cast-iron wheels that goes on all night horribly. Why do they not put in wooden cogs? I'd rather have a still house, for they don't make a row when they play the Devil." "Father, I don't understand about a man being protected on his own land and not off; and nearly all improvements are noisy." "I've thought through it, and think a man who farms land of his own and gets an honest livin' right out of the ground, without stock companies speculating in water, has some more rights than them who don't make a living in that way, and I feel that a man on his own land and minding his own business, has rights, not in the books maybe, but that can't be got any other way." "You have been reading Henry George's land tax book, and he is upsetting the world, I hear the schoolmaster say. Do you think people's farms ought to be taxed out from under them? Shall the farmers have to pay all the taxes, and let the stock companies go free?" "No, you have not got that right. I've red George, and he seems to be a well meanin', smart man, but I don't get the hang of putting the tax on the land -- that is, all of it. I want, for one thing, the water that is in the stocks taxed, and taxed 'till it is squeezed out." "Well, Leonidas, I was wondering," said Molly, how it would be fair to put a penalty on a man plowin' his own corn without being fined for it. That is not it, you say." "Didn't I tell you, I was in favor of a man plowin' his own corn without being taxed for it. That is not the single tax as George fixes it. Molly, have you seen any signs of oneasiness in our girls? To be sure, Mary is going on eighteen -- nearly there, and how old was we when we hitched up together?" "I wasn't quite eighteen, you know; but Father died, and we didn't know what to do, and you was lonesome, over the loss of your first wife." "Yes, your father died sudden, and I was a'most glad of it, as it happened." "Leonidas! What would you think of me if I said such a thing as that I was glad your first wife died, Leonidas?" "That's not what I meant, but I was glad it was so we had to get married sooner'n we expected. There is more than one good woman alive if a man is unlucky. Seems strange, though, you wasn't eighteen, doesn't it? Just the age of Mary, sure as we are alive. I don't quite realize it myself. My first wife died when I was away in the war." "Haven't I been a good wife always?" "Yes, you have. You've asked me often enough for the same answer, and it will always be the same, and I do not get tired of it. Don't think I don't want you to ask it, and I'll say so right along." the door opened, and a young man walked in following two girls - Rose, with dark brown, and Mary, with deep blue eyes. They were bright and engaging, sweet, unspoiled girls. "Good evening," said the young man. "It's a nice night; we have been walking from the Corners." "There is singing school next week," said blue- eyed Mary, and gaunt, grim father, and round, soft and nice mother looked at each other and at her carefully, and saw for the first time that somebody might be thinking she was a woman some of these days, and want them to die, maybe, so as to get her for a wife. Rose's eyes were full of fun, and her red cheeks dimpled with innocent mischief. She didn't look as though she thought she would die in a thousand years. "What kind of a singing school is it to be?" Mr. Murray asked austerely, "one of these fiddling fellows to run it?" "You know, Pop," said Rose, growing serious, "Mr. Brown fiddles." "Yes, I know, but his fiddle is a big one, and hasn't so much fooling in it as a little one. I like a real reliable fiddle of a goodly size, with a man's voice and a woman's too, not a squealing one that starts up French fours and Virginia reels, hands round and do c do" "Take a seat, Mr. Brown," he added, as that gentleman was shifting his feet uneasily, trying to think of the least awkward way to get out of the house, and yet, he was not in haste. He knew the House was built on a rock with high principles. "Sit down and crack butternuts and hickory nuts, and I will get some cider," Mrs. Murray gently remarked, and moved mysteriously her wonders to perform. Hospitality was her one grand passion. "Isn't that cider rather too sharp?" Mr. Murray inquired sharply, after he had imbibed liberally without sample sips. "I never had much use for cider myself. It makes me bilious, and the last time I tasted that cider, it seemed not sweet, but right sour and getting hard, and I am not sure but now one would feel the influence of it if much were taken. But I know there is no spirit in it, for I make it myself out of my own apples." "We will fix that sour taste -- it is a bit too sour," said Mrs. Murray, with an air of perfect conviction that she was a scientist in cider, and an expert in the morals of beverages, "by warming it and stirring in a very little ginger," she added, speaking soft and low, with that voice "an excellent thing in woman," said Shakespeare. "If there is anything wrong with the cider, the apples are all right," and here Mr. Brown put in the simpler remark, "With ginger and gingered cider and roast apples, crusted with sugar and covered with cream, we shall have a nice snack." There was no disagreement, but there was a heartiness of appreciation of cider that caused the girls to smile again. The lady of the house added, "And here, Daniel, is the hickory nuts and the hammer and lap stone; help yourself. If you like walnuts or butternuts better, we have them." Mr. Brown took off his cap. His bright hair glistened in the fire-shine. The girls did not look dissatisfied or as though they had fixed their hearts on pianos, or cared much whether a fiddle was big or little, but they were conscious that Leonidas and Mary -- "Pop" and "Mom" - had changed a bit, that there was an atmosphere of good fellowship. When the gingered cider was drunk, and the roasted apples and ginger-cake and butternuts and hickory nuts were eaten, there was pronounced friendliness, not like that of the Cotter's Saturday Night, and Mr. Brown was surprised to find how long he had stopped, and remembered how far he had to walk, and how early in 16006 2the morning he had an errand to do. When he had closed the door after his reluctantly retreating form, the dark-eyed Rose said, "Pop and Mom, what were you talking about before we came in tonight? About us, weren't you? What did you say and what did you mean?" "Pop" said they had been talking about the oil wells and John in Kansas, and fiddles and things. "What were you talking about fiddles for?" said Rose. "It was more than that. You were sorry about the oil that didn't strike us." Mrs. Murray interposed, "Your Father did say something about a piano, and I said a little in my quiet way about oil." "What! is he going to get a piano for us?" cried Mary with the blue eyes, while the dark ones were brilliant. "No," was the crushing and only reply from the highest authority. Mrs. Murray softened it by saying, "We did speak of you girls, but only of how young you were." "Young," said Mary. "In six days I will be as old as you were when you married Pop." "But," said Leonidas, "you know your mother's father died just then." "Why, Leonidas, what has that got to do with it?" said Mrs. Murray hastily, and then she drew a deep breath to say much more in little, but thought better of it, and was silent. As the girls twined their arms about each other and glided away to bed, the blue and the brown eyes exchanged smiles that no speech was needed to interpret, and the old folks had nothing more to say while they sat by the fire, but in a way that it did not appear required to be put into words, they were aware that something had happened, or was to be looked for in the near future—that star dust floating in space had jostled their world, and there might be written in the almanac, "About this time look out for events." The next day there was a vague sensibility about the house that something had happened. "Did you notice," said Leonidas to Molly, just as he was going to sleep, "how close Mary had it figured out about how soon she'll be as old as you was when we was married? I think there's too much gaiety here, and this life, going to singings and apple butter frolics, is the spoiling of women. We must discourage cider except at home." But the lecture was lost, in part. Molly was asleep; and Leonidas groaned mildly, found repose; and the world rolled on much the same as when he was awake, only it was possible the dust afloat in the career of our world, though invisible as it falls, caused friction that height change a hair's breadth our course around the sun, and order our lives on earth with an endless variation. CHAPTER II. KANSAS AS THE LAND OF PROMISE. Flatrock Farm derived the name from the exhibit in the bottom of the brook on the landed property of Mr. Leonidas Murray, whose grandfather was the first proprietor after the French departed from the Upper Ohio country. The Murrays must have had a streak of rebellion in them, for they did not possess Scripture names. Their tombstones told of Grecian persuasions and admirations. The grandfather who inherited land from the red men, according to the custom of the country, was Mr. Homer Murray, but he got the stores of antique personal history fresh from the truthful Plutarch, a little involved in illiterate inference and erroneous application. He called his son, who held onto the land, Darius, and explained, saying he "always liked the way Darius treated Alexander." Darius compensated himself for the aberration of an inaccurate ancestor by naming his boy, who abided in the old nest, Leonidas. It was Darius who erected the monumental stone chimney, and took pride in a group of oak trees at the turn of the creek. Leonidas was believed to have been under strong religious conviction at one time, but he could never agree with any congregation or deputation he became acquainted with as to the Bible meaning of baptism, and other points of doctrine. From that cause, he was of irregular church attachments and esteemed a wanderer. He had certainly greater faith in himself than any other creature. It would have been flattery to state that he was in good church standing in an Evangelical denomination. The older he grew, the less he cared what anybody believed; and this generally included himself. He was always waging war upon unbelievers —invariably those who did not agree with him in politics or religion. He would sit on his sorrel mare, in the middle of the big road, and argue "points" by the hour, unless he happened to be on his way to the county seat to pay his land-tax, on the last day before penalties. Then he cut conversation short until returning home. He had deep thoughts as to the right of anyone to own land he did not himself plow, growing eloquent about the function of the plowman, and was very strenuous as to forms and papers that fortified the impression of possession. Still, he brought himself to say, swinging his arms around his body, hugging himself, as he had a habit, and pointing to the Flatrock Farm: "This is my land—my possession." He concluded that the fundamental principle was that a man should own a part of the world, and that he must not be meddled with, and might declare war with any man or corporation. The tax-paying ride to the county seat was the leading demand of the year, of an official nature. The distance to be overcome was twelve miles, never undertaken without a week's preparation, and the sorrel mare he rode glistened, likewise his boots and the buttons of his old army overcoat, the drapery that proved as disposed, his spine stiff and straight. There were monthly trips to market, with the exception of plowing and harvest times, and generally book purchases —"real, solid, improving matter," at least, as read by title; and there were, from time to time, Subscription Books, bound with splendid designs and combinations of color, of the most fetching and appealing sort - see circulars of the publisher—each being, according to the title page, all a good man needed in his library. The maps of the skies were at once gorgeous and instructive, and represented by assiduous agents to lead up to higher things - even preparing the way for the Bible. The Flatrock library contained, among other memorials of literary and historical taste, a "magnificent" copy of Goldsmith's "Rome"—the word "Rome" was printed in "solid gold." This was duly certified - also, the "Works of Josephus," "The Wars of Alexander," "The Revolutions of Europe," "The Life of Lord Nelson" and of Francis Marion, Daniel Boone, and "The Conquest of Napoleon." The relation between the works of Flavius Josephus and the Old Testament, were a disputed mystery, but Josephus held his own gallantly in the advertisements. Josephus appeared at Flatrock to approximate to Holy Writ, and to indicate imperfect inspiration. There were two remarkable publications in the regular matter, taken from the Flatrock post-office by the Murrays— the New York Home Journal, of Willis and Morris fame, and the Philadelphia "Saturday Evening Post." It was said John Murray had subscribed for those papers before he started for Kansas, and that his sisters read them through, including the publishers' announcements, seeking hints as to the fashions, and they were held to be worldly minded. Mr. Murray's irregularity in religion was on the increase, though his one dissipation was in taking an assortment of agricultural sheets, which paid next to no postage because they were "educational." He had been led off by one that invited "Contributions from Farmers," to write occasionally his views on abstruse questions of the rotation of crops, and the more he wrote the more views he had; until he found himself drawn into carrying home several learned pamphlets on alleged "economics" and "basic" money, especially the depravity of wealth, through financial instead of moral systems, and the tyranny of metallic money of pretended "intrinsic" [*16007*] [*3*]value was exploited, the Government stamp being the creative factor. For some years before the time at which Father Murray is presented in this history, holding sternly the sovereignty of his own household, modified by the amiability of his wife and the sprightliness of his vivacious daughters, that substantial citizen was cultivating his mind a great deal— rather more than his fields. His mind, he had the weakness to hold higher than his farm, so far as theory would go. He had, as we have caught a glimpse of his conversation, taken a stand against building railroads and boring for oil, and grown almost desperate in the determination to relieve fellow citizens of certain oppressive evils that cried out to him in his thoughtfulness to be abolished. He had been an enlisted man, carrying a rifle for two years, and a sword or the like time, in the Union Army. A confederate bullet had knocked a small splinter from his skull, an incident some were so imprudent as to say had turned the current of his thoughts. The shock and surgery did seem to intensify his ideas. The first wife of Mr. Murray, died during the war, leaving one child, John, who was firmly established in the farming line in Kansas, with a duty always on hand to aid man, though he preferred to do it direct with his mind rather than by way of hand work on his farm, though his land only lacked water to be very good. His socialism took the form of organizing a society of Radicals, which asserted perfect equality by refusing to elect officers. Their public performances were by committee, but they did not suddenly grasp the people. There was a story to the effect that John had gone West because he and his father could never hit it off happily in their walk and conversation. John had gone so far as to say his father was a crank, and the father thought the son was a "sky scraper." Each was satisfied with his relationship to the other, and believed in his superiority, a condition which calmly construed, means peace. The elevation of the purposes of the Radicals appeared in their hailing call and pass words when there were emergencies, and faith was often put to proof, for there was a crisis all the time. The question was, "Who comes?" The answer, "John Brown," and the words "Ossawattomie" and "Appomattox" played a part, meaning agitation and pacification, and so the beholders had to be believers and to participate, but they were war breeders, for they rated as an elementary command—first pure, then peaceable. The second Mrs. Murray's people were credited with saying that John was a bigger crank than his father, and that if they ever got together and agreed about anything< both would go crazy, so keen would be the competition between each to get ahead of the other in the pathways, followed by the processions of progressive humanity, who walking on stilts and fanning themselves with swords. Progress was the common anxiety, and leadership a necessary prerequisite to action, but committees discussed all points to excess. They were of the temper of two citizens of great honor and utility, once upon a time engaged in the steamboat business on the Ohio. One of the steamboat friends was asked by another whether a prominent boatman would go into a public spirited move, and the answer was: "He will kill himself for you if you make him captain, otherwise he will do nothing." Another was asked directly whether he was going to accept a place on a grand new boat, and said: "oh, no, there is too much talent on her now; any more would blow her sky high"; and old friend of his had hired himself for clerk. Mr. Daniel Brown, who cracked nuts and drank cider, modified by ginger (and ginger was almost condemned as sinful), and played a big fiddle in a way so winning that Mrs. Murray said she felt, when she heard it, that she was getting religion, had designs on the perpetual unity of the Murray family, but felt a fainting in the region of his heart at critical times, when reflecting on the formidable forces of family relations. He was incensed, in a benevolent way, toward Mr. Murray, for his hostility to oil and railroads, for, from his school-teacher pedestal, he identified them with progress and prosperity. Oil was fluid gold, and railroads had the pull to get away with the rivers. He might have moved Mr. Murray on this theme, if the landed proprietor, whose most precious land titles were the rifle and plow, had not been convinced that he had hold of the right end of a "moral question." When it was put in that way, a rock would "fly from its firm base" much sooner than Mr. Murray. Indeed, he often desired to die in that attitude. The oil of the earth, according to that progressive man, gushed with the pressures of evil influences. See how the farmers who struck it did not get it! Did not some Company buy it, grab it, and make a monopoly of it, or did it not stop running before the owners of the land could save it? Were not whole families and villages swept away by the oil fever and flood? Were not men made drunk and women vain by sudden fortune, and sent headlong down the hill to the bottom? Did not young men get to drinking champagne as if it was cider, and drive tandem teams down Wall Street on the broad, steep, paved road to destruction? And railroads! What did a farmer want with railroads? Of course, they were the farmer's foe. Weren't there the rivers running forever—the Allegheny, the Monongahela, the Big Beaver and the Ohio, to say nothing of the near Kanawha, the far-off Mississippi and Missouri? There was the lake just over the hills. There was the old National Road, good enough for anybody. There was nothing better than a grand old style turnpike. The railroads just took the real ownership and independence out of the land, and made the farmers part of a machine One had to pay more freight on "truck" sent by a railroad then the stuff was worth. It cast more to move a crop five miles than five hundred miles. There was a ring in every town that got rich on what rotted, by selling the rot. Every railroad ruined for farming the land five miles each way. There should be no railroads across his land, nor holes bored in it, while he lived—not while he knew the difference between David and Goliath, and there were smooth stones in the brook. Mr. Brown's grandfather had a brother-in-law, John Roberts, who moved from the lower Susquehanna to the Hocking, in Ohio, started to grow up in that country, got mixed up in salt mines and the iron lands, took to flatboating and steamboating, salt and iron, and became ridiculously rich, went and bought a carriage and paid $500 for it, and though guilty of that wasteful extravagance, still, was well thought of. The result was, a cousin, James Roberts, became a capitalist, had an office in Wall Street and a keen eye to Western interests—that was they would have it, made his money out of Western people. There had been a correspondence between Brown and Roberts about the Flatrock Farm, which, by the way, covered more than two square miles, though owned by an antagonist of land monopoly; and it was in the heart of the petroleum dominions, no oil struck within four miles, and no railroad within ten miles, and that only suitable for a side track. Mr. Murray returned from his tax-paying ride, after spending four hours in town, with a pamphlet on the abolishment of metal as money. Metal, it said, was a form of human slavery. He had also a prospectus for a railroad that was to run across Flatrock—he bought this solely as an aggravation, for he was against wanton belligerency, but liked a good cause for a hard fight. A newspaper with a long story in it about natural gas for glass-blowing, and a new style of making steel cheap as pig-iron; also a history of Kansas, with many maps, showing the varieties of soil and the variations of rainfall, the signs of coal, the orchards that might comfort the world with apples, and the vestiges of timber, were added to the Murray collection of food for thought. In one map there was marked with a red circle, in a Southern county, a town—Radical Cross Roads—the very town laid out by John Murray. John marked the map himself and mailed it to a Pittsburg friend, who was glad to give it away. John was, he said in letters, pumping water with windmills, defying the drought, planting trees, and bound to make the desert blossom like a rose, and better, with [*16008*] [*4*]corn, apples and potatoes. There was no irrigation so valuable as that by wind force. He was against the Government, but there was a great future for apples in Kansas - justice or no justice. If the people could capture the railroads, it would be worth while to raise crops. In writing of the new country, John especially exploited the spirit of liberty on the frontier. There were a dozen or two houses, scattered within four miles of the cluster at Radical Cross Roads; and the roads were affected by the weather. Frost was a magician that converted mud to iron. There were no signs of oil, and the land was so broad that a few streaks of railroad iron across the landscape were barely perceptible, just italicizing the corn fields, and the whirling wings of the pumps. It was not disagreeable, where you could see twenty miles of straight track, to watch a fiery eye at night approach over the plains and become a portent. On clear days, it drove away the lonesomeness to behold a puffy, white vapor streaming like an enormous ostrich feather long drawn out, where the green fields faded into the sky on the edge of the prairie, as one sees a dark plume of smoke at sea, sketched on the faintly blue, far-off horizon, announcing an invisible ship. There was described also the charm in the “moral atmosphere” of Kansas, that could not be enjoyed in Pennsylvania. This “atmosphere” was a specialty, and greet commendation. It meant that war must find conquering enemies in man, that there would be moral victories, making trials by battle obsolete. The old stories about what they had to believe in Pennsylvania were played out when you saw the yellow Missouri rolling from the Rockies, and the rich lands along the Kaw, and you could taste, when the wind blew from the Southwest, the snows on the lofty peaks of Colorado, and the balm from the billowy universe of the Pacific, made up in land and waters of sun, and lands of sand and snow. Here was the “land of Liberty,” for the sons of freedom, not only of speech, but of thought and action. The people of this new world were not going to mind what the old folks of the old world thought or said a thousand or a hundred years ago, or a decade, and were themselves going to be the leaders of the nation, and the progress of all nations, in the way humanity should grow, and to think as they pleased about all things—after trial, holding to the good—and, in order to be good, each doctrine must bear the stamp of individual approval. Read amidst the foothills of the Alleghenies, sloping to the Ohio, this told of a “fairer land,” a “promised land,” a “sunset country,” one of broad horizons, where the eyes of the inhabitants were accustomed to great distances mingling with the early and late stars, and beds of flowers spread far as the eye could reach, with colors from the sunsets. It was the real America. It was New England, flattened out and extended —Ohio and Virginia broadened and blended. Here the country had been saved and would be saved again, and preserved forever. It was the land of the pumpkin, and the corn stalk and the corn shock, where the cattle of Texas were to succeed and out-number the Buffalo; the land of expansion, the great hereafter. Water might be scarce, but the winds were to pump from the rivers under the prairies, and make the soil fat, and heaped with plenty. CHAPTER III. PRETTY GIRLS- PRINCIPLES AND PROFITS. Disquietude came upon Flatrock. Still the logs crackled in the fire-places, under the big stone chimney. “The rose was red the violet blue,” and there was a reckless couplet recited, “candy's sweet and so are you.” It was plain enough to Mrs. Murray, rounded in the amplitude of her affectionate nature, as she smoked her pipe of peace, in the corner of forget-me-notness, not that the “girls had got notions in their heads,” young as they were, that had no tinge of naughtiness, but that they were just as ready as young birds that have felt the sunshine on their wings, to fly far away from the old nest, and find mates and new homes in the green valleys, or in the shadows of the trees on the hills, or far away in our country that held the oceans as boundaries, but they loyally loved the old folks, as they would some day love the new. She saw also the veteran was excited, that his exaltation was unusual, that he was of the opinion the big world had a call for him; that he had something to do beyond the study of Josephus and the Revolutions of Europe. He had become a great reader, and would talk to his wife about “more greenbacks,” and the full freedom of the "white dollar", and make the point at the supper table every day that there ought to be "more money,” that “Abraham Lincoln had not abolished all the slavery;” that John Browns were still wanted in Kansas, but not so much there as in older states, perhaps as martyrs to teach the people the marvelous ways of Providence, to gain industrial and financial, through political liberty. Let the majority take the country and take care of it. Mr. Murray's primary motto was that the minority had always ruled, and that it was time the majority should take up the trade of rulers, and crown the people as their own King. Mr. James Roberts, who acknowledged he lived in New York, and had an office there, which was recklessly erected in Wall Street, was staying a few days with his cousin, Mr. Daniel Brown, who played the serious fiddle, taught an uncommon school, was in favor of singing, did not join in the denunciation of railroads, had cultivated a taste for gingered cider, and, sometimes put in a word for metallic money as the real thing against credit paper, and that all pale silver had gone to meet ruddy copper. The evenings were growing longer and warmer. The trees were clothed in new leaves; the apple and cherry blossoms were thick on the fruit-bearing boughs, filling the air with fragrance. The cows deserted the straw piles for the grass. There were chubs and shiners, sun fish, and cat fish white and yellow, in the clear waters of the creek. The moon, a silvery crescent, appeared just where it was wanted, when the sun disappeared behind curtains of fading fire, and the white canoe that floated in crimson grew in beauty with the nights, until it ruled full orbed. Daniel saw the crescent over his right shoulder nearly always, but Cousin John got at it wrong very often, and said it was right all the same, for he was not afraid of the foolish theories of the superstitions that were departing. It was to be hoped, he said, they would be lost where they had been found, in Asia. “Mother,” said Leonidas to Molly (he always called her “mother” when he was speaking to her of their daughters), “what do we know of Mr. Brown and Mr. Roberts? What do we know about their principles? They are with our girls a good deal, and it appears that we do not know enough about them; that is, especially of Mr. Roberts, except to see that they are well favored in personal appearance. The other man we have been acquainted with, in a way, but I don’t feel that I know him exactly. He does not come to close quarters with me on vital topics. Do the girls tell you anything?” "No, Father, they don't tell me much of the young men. I know this, Father, our girls is good girls, and they are proper, too; I know that surely, and I don't want to scare them away from me by asking them of things they don't know about, maybe, themselves. It would be better for you to speak to them cautious-like A girl will take that better from her Daddy, for she thinks he doesn't know much, anyhow ; and she will trust him. I mean about love ; no, I didn't seek to say that either, but about girls' business. They will laugh at their Daddies and not flare up. They talk it over among themselves. They are noticing and thinking more than they did, I believe. But that is no harm. It is the age they should think of the future in two worlds. But, Lord-a-mercy! one don't know! Girl children is such a responsibility ! I shouldn't have minded seeing a boy was going straight. I know so little of boys. Do you see, Father, how pretty our girls are getting? It seems to me I can just watch 'em grow pretty every day. It makes my heart beat to [*16009*] 5see how nice they are. You wouldn't say it to save your life that they look like I did when you came back from the war. Mary does favor me, though. But where in the world does Rose get her looks—her dark eyes, her complexion, the color that comes and goes in her cheeks, and the way she talks. Why, she looks up at you as bright as a new dollar, and says things that astonish me, and you, too, I guess; and where did she get that—not from me! I do remember hearing though, that my father's talk was funny, and that he did not care much about what the people he did not like said. But Rose's talk is different from anything I have heard. "Ah?" sighed Mr. Murray, and he seldom was so soft—"I know: Rose is my mother over again. The roses in her cheeks are my mother's and mother's eyes, too are hers, and all her ways; but you never knew my mother. Mary is your girl, name and all. But you have a way of saying things I do not keep up with—that about managing boys because you never had one, and no more did your mother—and it may be that the less you know them, the more quickly they will mind, if they should love you and not be afraid of you. That is the way, isn't it? How are the young folks dividing this thing up? Do you know? It is like a play to have courting going on here. I suppose you call it courting. It looks like it to me, and it's come so sudden. It isn't three months since we found out the girls had been keeping time on you--they didn't say anything about my age —and Spring is here, and here are all the blue-birds, and the black-birds, and red-birds, and they are a-singing and whistling about, and the girls and boys, too, hopping from limb to limb and flower to flower—all on the same business, I guess. But it seems to me to come sudden. So you think I ought to talk to them? Well, I'll see about that. I'll try. But if your idea holds good, that the less one knows the better one does, I'll succeed with our girls." "But, Father, couldn't you do the talk as if it had fun in it?" "No, Mother, I think if there is to be fun in it, you had better do it. I am serious. The nearer things come to me at home the more serious I am." "And I ain't, I suppose." "That isn't the way to say it." "But, I'll tell you now, before they come in, that, in my judgment, the mating is this way. The schoolmaster isn't after Rose. I thought at first he was, as he got closer to her than to the other one, but it's Mary that has got him hooked; and it isn't Rose, with her dark eyes, and her laugh, and her little feet. You never saw them in your life, at least since she was a baby. Brown has seen Mary's shoes, and her hand, too—so slender, just made to show diamonds—he nearly said that to me. It is Mary he wants; and she is like me." "Mother, I am surprised! You are giddy. You, more than the girls, need someone to look after you. Have you gone crazy about diamonds, or something —isn't that so? -- you are getting queer." "You haven't got time yourself to look after me, have you, Father, and me your second wife, too." This in the winsome way that implied a complimentary purpose; and it was a happy hit! The veteran felt it as a blow, and took a walk—a sort of march, as when he carried a rifle. He had had it in his mind to put down his second wife because she thought, because she did not know boys, never had any or had anything to do with them, she was fixed to make them mind, but as far as he had made out, he had not got any forwarder in talking to her real good, solid sense. The voices of girls and young men were heard; and the dogs were giving a joyous welcome. The young men had picked up the good will of the dogs. As a rule, young men are smart in making up with dogs when they want good dogs. The door rattled; "Good evening" was said all around. Mr. Brown kept quiet. Mr. Roberts felt that he had to sustain the conversation. He didn't seem to mind or be abashed, about subjects or persons, or for them. Perhaps he was not enough in love to hurt, or had experiences that made him willing to chance a little sociability, even under cloudy circumstances. He answered quickly Mrs. Murray's rather wary question about the possible chill out of doors, saying the air was very pleasant, and the evening fine, and he added, "Though you feel the mountains here, you don't have the sea influence." This sounded like a geographical challenge, and it was taken up. That Wall Street was to be wheeled to the front could be seen in the first move on the board. "How far do you live from the sea?" The question was by Mr. Murray, whose mind was alert, none the less on account of the bombshell surgery, that was said to agitate his imagination. There was only a little bone chipped away. The fatty matter was not removed. "One hardly knows where the rivers and harbors end and the sea begins," said Mr. Roberts. "We have a good deal of salt water around New York. There is the Long Island Sound, and the East and Hudson Rivers, and the tides rushing up and down, and we go out on boats when the days are long and the nights sultry; and we have bathing places." Mrs. Murray, like a good soul, put in a diversion. She said: "The bathing dresses, from what I see in the papers, are queer. Do they really wear such things?" The girls winced a little, but looked interested. The gravity of their Daddy hardened. Mr. Roberts replied that the dresses did seem startling to those unused to them, but they were not so bad, and real beauty couldn't be hidden, anyhow. This, with a sweeping glance that included mother and daughters, and might have meant impartial flirtation, but his eye lingered on the old man, who glowed with the point he was about to put. There was no flirt in that; and it burned like a live coal where the confederate bullet had cut his hair—that is, his brain was all aglow. "Have you ever been in Wall Street?" Mr. Murray inquired, as if he had just thought of something almost alarming, but that must be faced. "Yes," said Roberts, "I have an office there, and see Trinity spire up the street every day, but I am not so regular in attendance there." "What do you do there?" Mr. Murray asked with suspicion of distrust in his tone—even a tendency to acidity. Wall Street was the galloping ground of Leonidas when on his battle steed. "Oh, I'm on the Stock Exchange and handle stocks —but, really. I don't rob anybody—that is, not every day." This unseemly gaiety was not noticed. Was it possible that the young man meant anything so daring as what he said implied? The girls turned their profiles a moment toward each other, as if witnessing a comedy, smiled and were still. There were dramatic features. The Wall Street man and an Accuser were up against each other. "But, isn't there water in the stocks, and isn't that water just pure robbery of the poor people? I've been reading up on the robbery that goes on there. The people will rise up against it. The world is getting tired of it." "I've no objection to that--none in the world," said Mr. Roberts, blandly. "I would have a preference for a weary world." The old soldier's eyes flashed, as he detected the tone of frivolity. "And, as for the water," Roberts continued with assurance, "I try to squeeze that out of the stocks I buy, and when I do it, I have no water to sell; and, if I can't do that the sale is subject to water. If you are reading the New York papers on Wall Street, I beg you to desist, for they paint red their sensation news about us. As a rule, the writers do not know where they are at. I fill up a reporter at least once a week, just to see how he blows it off—fancy and fact all the same.: "You surely do not mean that you 'fill up' the members of the press with intoxicants, and that they write for the papers in that condition." "Oh," and Roberts quickened the rate of his deliverance of words, "I meant by filling up reporters, giving them stories—a chance to know something—and then it is pleasing to see what they get out of it. The better we treat them, the more they slash us." "You don't say!" Mr. Murray exclaimed; "I thought [*16010*] [*6*]they upheld you in watering stock, playing with the earnings of the people and everything else." "Oh, dear no; they are not even civil to us. Positively, we don't water stocks in Wall Street, and don't much water anything else." The awful insinuation about water as a beverage furtively conveyed, was lost of Mr Murray, who prohibited himself according to his own law, and could only say, with a falling inflection, "So, you are a Wall Street man, well, well! And are you not convinced that you are doing wrong there. I am glad to meet a Wall Street man." "And you don't often see them very far from railroads, I suppose," said Mr Roberts, and kept right on. "I beg you not to have any prejudice against us, and to remember that I was not born in New York, but in New Jersey, and my father was once an Ohio man. They taxed him out of the state because he loaned money to make money. He wanted a fair price for it and they called it usury. How far is it, by the way, from this spot to the railroad? I got within five miles by steamboat. Speaking of Ohio—it is a funny old state to drive capital out, and then go abroad to get money. Why do they not treat money as a commodity, as well as a standard, and treat men who have it as well as if they sold anything else, and so keep their rich men at home. They raise the price of money and go away to get it. They expelled my father from the state because he had money to sell. Did they expect him to give it away?" "I am glad to tell you it is ten long miles to a locomotive," said Murray. "It is very rarely we hear their whistles. If they come any nearer, I shall leave this part of the country. If they run that road they are talking about through this valley, I will go to Kansas, where I can live in peace and where the people hold my principles. I want to be about a day's drive, with good horses, from a road that behaves as if it owned God's green earth, and every field in it. I despise a locomotive bellowing like Behemoth of the Bible. They are crowding me here anyhow. Old Pennsylvania is solid enough in some ways, but is so slow about keeping up with the moral progress of the times that I am tired out. We've got to go up to higher liberty or go down in the mud of despotism—that is all. What have we done for ten years? The Banks are eating up the people, and what they don't eat, beer and whiskey get." Roberts was about to speak of the criminal use of tobacco, but remembered Mrs. Murray's pipe in time to save himself. He had, however, "sucked up his breath" in time to say something, and he broke open a switch, as if it were, to shift the stage scenery of the conversation. "Pardon me for talking business," said the Wall Street man. "Are you in earnest about that? I know they do mean to build a road along the river, and it must come this side of the river. I have looked over the ground. It will help the value of your land, of course." "Won't hep it for me," said Mr. Murray. "It suits me better as it is. It won't suit me at all to have locomotives howling around here day and night. Maybe we could turn this land into a stock company, and get the job done in Wall Street, squeeze the water out before selling it. The ways of Wall Street are smooth ways." This was a declaration of truth and war. The Upstart eagerly went on and won the admiration of the ladies present by his polite imperturbability. "Mr. Murray, you suggest a fine scheme—that's what we would call it in Wall Street—a scheme. Wall Street would snap up a few hundred square acres of oil land on a new road as quick as you could say so, and there would be, not water, but oil to squeeze out of it, and oil is gold. But take my word for it, don't sell your land; or if y ou do, try to sell it to the 'Standard.' They have money, the machinery and the market, and save the product." The women folks looked as though relieved by the turn the talk had taken. Mr Roberts arose hurriedly and politely took his leave saying the conversation had been so interesting, he had forgotten the time. The schoolmaster strode along with little to say. Roberts opened: "What a crank he is! How delightfully he believes in himself. He wants to throw away a fortune. This land is full of gold and grease. There is a harvest here for some one, and he will fool it away if he can. Why! these pretty girls are heiresses, and this old chump is going to beat them out of their money. He will be off for Kansas first thing you know. Set the triggers to find out when his land goes. He is going to sell. His crank son is in Kansa- out there watering alkali with a wind pump to a driven well. That is the end of the country he wanted for a home. I can tell that by a photograph of him. The old man is a tougher customer. I did not want to buy the farm, did I, eh? But don't miss the pippin when it falls. The son is urging the old man to go where he can breathe the air of liberty and drink soap-suds in preference to beer, and he will go with a hop, skip and jump, and declare he has an appetite for apples only. A pint of sweet cider or two rotten apples would make John drunk. He has to be careful walking y an orchard not to come in contact with ripe fruit, because it may have fermented. Get on the right side of the mother and keep her from signing papers. As soon as the old man's talk of selling gets out, there will be a crop of sneak speculators around here with all the deeds drawn, and witnesses, and a notary public, and an attorney and counsellor-at-law, just to fix things, 'as a matter of form.' You tell the old woman to look out for matters of form and sign nothing, and not let the old one sign anything, and see that you telegraph me—I know the land of the gusher, and it's right here. The old man 'wants more greenbacks,' you say. Well, he could get them—he might have them to burn. See that he doesn't sell the girls into poverty—as a matter of form. Well, I'll fix him, with the greenback pull on him. He shall be paid more in greenbacks. They are better than cornstalks anyhow. But look at this. You must set the trap to catch the crank, and work it through a corporation and save the stuff for the girls, so far as he does not absorb it. If there is any sure oil and sure road, and sure town, it's here, and the old Saviour of His Country is going full gallop to get away from a gold mine; and he wants more greenbacks. Well, the old hero of a hundred battles shall have his share—mind, just exactly his share. We will not cheat him, but we will make him rich and squeeze him, and incidentally—he has nice girls don't you think so—and we are paired off already. We are going to marry 'beauty and booty.' Here, try a cigar, but I do hate to see a woman smoke. Think of out mother-in-law with her corn-cob pipe! This is a joke, but we are going to try all the same. You love Mary, and I have never seen a girl so young who seemed to answer the requirements for a perfect wife in the sweet bye and bye, like Rose. The old lady has sense and don't know it. She will do. The pipe is rather strong, I admit, but we are also smokers. We will buy her a silver-mounted meerschaum and a fine Turkish tobacco, and we will get her a smoking-cap and a smoking-room in a corner of a palace, and we will minister unto her the delights of smoking. She will bask in the heaven of tobacco." "Exactly, and she will put away her silver-mounted pipe and take the corn-cob Do you know, it is really better than your rank meerschaum, or perfecto premiere —give me the foam of the corn, not the scum of the sea. Let her smoke, bless her soul. We will set her up like an apple of gold in a picture of silver. Beware of the Veteran. We must let him run off the girls to Kansas, and then we can capture them and show them that the sunrise beats the sunset every day of the year. We have to fool the old fool for his own good." "Of course, he is not a fool. He is one of the old devils born with forty campaigns of mischief in their bellies, and on the dead level, he'd lick both of us. e isn't a lamb to spear, but an old wolf, and his hair would turn the edge of a scythe. Give him a gold headed cane, and wouldn't he be a picturesque old father-in-law? I would delight to show him off on a [*16011*] [*7*]four-in-hand, and have two silver trumpets, ten feet long, medieval pattern, playing the refrain, "Roll on Jordan." Do you know how he is on religion?" "He thinks of founding a church of his own." "The very thing by Jove! The perfection of aptitude is in that. He is splendid. I'll join his church. We need another church—away, away down South in Oriental Dixie. If you take the theodolite and look for the path of Empire, the broadway of glory, you will find it in the Southwest." CHAPTER IV. PROBLEMS BEFORE THE PEOPLE—MOVING MOTIVES. Mr. John Murray, son of Leonidas and Sarah, his first wife, inherited from his father and mother a tall, thin figure, a spirit of questioning, and devotion to radical reform, money enough to buy a section of land, with horses, cattle, sheep and hogs and farming implements, including wind mills and harvesting machines. His original purpose was to be a teacher of schools, but his anxiety for influence and good governments of great variety, diverted him toward court houses rather than school houses. Beyond court houses he could see state houses. It was his studied purpose that when he got the farm going so as to be sure of a living, he might read law, not so much to be a lawyer, as to have understanding of public life. He held that the true combination was a farmer lawyer; and the anecdote of the lawyer who also farmed, and told guests that they should feel perfectly free to drink milk or champagne, according to taste, for they cost him the same per quart, was so pungent, when he considered the vast meadows about him, not themselves productive of law suits, that he was discouraged in contemplating the conditions surrounding his proposed dual occupation. His education had not progressed beyond common schools, except in systematic reading. He had married a modest woman, a good housekeeper, who did not care much about the way the world was going, so long as John lived and prospered. John sought to interest her in increasing the functions of government, but she was satisfied if the baby, a study boy (also, by command of the grandfather, John) was thriving. The radicalism of Mr. John Murray was acute and insistent. Yielding anything for the sake of compromise was the commission of sin. There was something wrong if it had to be compromised, and it could not be cut into without making both ends of it wrong. Slavery had been abolished; why not simply abolish other evils? The drunkard was a slave—save him. The great evil was gone, why not tackle the problems within reach? These were whiskey and money and railroads. Kansas was the land of good example and radical thought; a great country, free in all senses, except the production and diffusion of sinfulness, and that was to be treated by prohibition. There was the chosen place to found a new civilization, and begin it right for the chosen people. Let the state be cleaned from top to toe. There was the soil whose harvest was to be not merely the gathered sheaves, and crowded cribs, heaped with golden ears, but the redemption of man. The land selected for the farm of the future was found on the several maps, rather than picked out after personal examination. The geological map had something to do with it. The stratification prophesied the tides of empire. The location of the first house of the Radical Cross Roads was made after much study. The roads were once buffalo paths, and there were suggestions of conflict of the battles royal of the monster bulls in the crossing of roads. The word "Radical" struck the bottom of things. It ought to be a summons like the sound of a trumpet. It was ten miles to water, on the surface of the ground, and that not reliable all the year round. There was grass enough to carry prairie fires, but not enough to burn up the soil. The family atlas covered that very ground, with the inscription "Great American Desert," but there was lots of the best land in the world there. It was an enormous oasis. There was a generation that regarded it a Sahara of sterility and the home of the cyclone and blizzard, storms of sand and storms of snow and hailstorm ice. Water could not procured by artesian wells, but there was an inexhaustible supply at a depth of from fifteen to twenty and thirty feet, and that was nothing for a driven well and a pump worked by wings. The basis of the settlement was an Area of Freedom, and the assurance of water pumped by airs of heaven; and however detailed might be the ancient story of the desert, a stream of water raised by the power of the prairie breeze meant irrigation, fields of corn, potatoes and trees, something to eat for domestic animals— altogether the certainty of subsistence for man and beast, with, perhaps, more pumps and fields and fruit-trees in the coming time, and the water supply did not depend upon capricious clouds. It was a beginning to start a settlement and provide a community fashioned by your own will, and taking color from your own character, for your own home, and to what better use could wind be put than hoisting water? The Radical Cross Roads had been established four years. The wind and water irrigation had succeeded through patience and perseverance. The water seemed to enrich the soil of original ashes, and there was an abundant supply. The grass became greener, and the trees grew fast. You could see the leaves and branches grow and brighten, they said, and each year pumps were added to the iron toilers that quenched the fire in the dust, and gave it Egyptian fruitfulness ,and made many blades of grass and grains grow where there had been few. Letters from Flatrock began to impress Mr. John Murray that something was going to occur at the old place. The girls wrote only news, with occasional remarks about their father's literary pursuits (limited) and determination to fight railroads and oil companies, and his excitement over watered stock—no reference to domestic animals. The father's politics was developed as a disturbance of the domesticity. Suddenly, Leonidas began to write frequently and at length, and his views were of increasing vigor and widening sweep of practical proceedings. His favorite dogma was that Western Pennsylvania was no longer the land of Liberal Opinion; indeed, the people had lost their liberties to the politicians, and their property to Wall Street, with its watered stock and fantastical quotations. He would, if younger, go West and breathe the air of Kansas, whose inheritance was freedom—all things free, under laws to restrain the inherent iniquities of man. Then he thought he had years enough for the enjoyment of pure air, and decided that going to Kansas was as it had been to go to Ohio after the Revolution. It was the chosen land of the fighters for freedom. It was another step on the great road the Fathers followed—Westward ho! The Alleghenies were really Oriental. The enemies of the country were to be put down in the West; and it was his will, if there could be found a way, to be a hero in two wars. The Abolitionists, he held, had put an end to slavery, and the Prohibitionists should stamp out the Drink Demon, and the Populists crush out the monopolistic tyranny that built railroads and telegraphs to serve as instruments for the few to enslave the many; and then there was gold as a superstition that straddled the country. The South owed the West a debt for ending the slavery of black labor, and now the West and South should end the slavery of white labor, and the Government armed with the railroads and the telegraphs, equip itself with the money of the people, "basic" paper and reform finance and taxation —peaceably if possible, forcibly if must be. Mr. Murray was a revolutionary citizen. At length, came hints that a movement in the Allegheny country was in course of organization, that the old farm must be sold, because a railroad was to be run through it, and there was a narration, almost beyond belief about a Wall Street man who watered stock and gave a good-natured account of his robberies. It was the contemplation of Mr John Murray to make the journey to Pennsylvania and promote transplanting the Flatrock people to the Radical Cross [*16012*] [*8*]Roads of the land of liberty. If he could not do that, he would meet the movers at Kansas City. There were strange fires in the radical blood of the Murrays. The old soldier was fervent, as he looked abroad and saw how much there was for man to do; how the race was bowed down by oppressors, as he saw Wall Street looming, a gigantic tyranny, "Taking from the people, financiering their hard earnings." How bankers loaned money to get honest men in their power, and devoured their substance, while the locomotives shrieked over conquered regions populous with victims, and the chains of legal restraint and penal regulation were forged to prevent social reformation. The battle of liberty and reform was not over when one kind of slavery was removed, but just begun. Why should the courts be elevated higher than the people? There was no use living half a life. Man might just as well be a vegetable as only to exist. Fancy the joy of high duty, the consolation of sacrifice, the delight of hard work for men, the thrill of glory when shedding blood in a good cause, the pride in the defiance of ostentatious, commonplace opinion! There was, perhaps, some radicalism in Western Pennsylvania, but not enough to light up the mountains and burn privilege with the fire that is unquenchable until wrong is consumed. He must kindle the sacred flame in a greater field. Kansas was a new land; dedicated to freedom, to prove that "government of the people, by the people, for the people" should not perish, but with faithful friends must have everlasting life. The cause was unconquerable--and the movement irresistible. Going to Kansas was at first on the Flatrock farm a dreamsome fancy, associated with a possibility far off and faint. Then it drew near. Roads were studied, comparisons of the value of time made, estimating whether the days saved by railroad travel would cover the figures of fare for simpler transportation. Presently, Kansas put electricity into the air, and became a passion--an infatuation. Rose and Mary Murray heard with incredulity for a time the talk of emigrating, by way of the Ohio, Mississippi and Missouri to Kansas, but there were crowding facts. Iceland did not seem farther away than the Kaw River. The Platte suggested South America. The Missouri was mysterious to the girls as the Nile, and nearly as far away. The girls were gentle consipators, seeking to find shelter from melancholy fate. Were they to be torn from home and banished to a wilderness? They studied their father, and found him abstracted, hardly himself, curious as he was when he had been realized, even to them, fierce, with inflexible resolution and quick irritation about small things--as they saw things. Their mother was submissive, but perplexed, and smoked because she was worried. The girls were hopeful for a while their brother John would save them from the hovering catastrophe, but he encouraged his father, resolved to assist him to lead in a "campaign for man." The letters grew threatening of imminent movement. Contemplation of the journey from North Western Pennsylvania to Western Kansas was dreadful. It seemed frightful that they were committed to that doom. Were their lived yielded to a current that would sweep them away, to be devoured by monsters, perhaps, in that undiscovered Arkansas river down in the Colorado country? Rose and Mary talked plaintively with their mother, who was the most serene in the midst of alarms, and yet she said she felt the wrinkles grow. She talked with her husband, and found that he had been pondering upon the broader and higher walks of life, and the scope of duty that opened before a man, so filled with the spirit of progress that he could hardly be brought to give time to personal details. The next thing in the way of progress was a talk between Mrs. Murray and Mr. Brown. The latter obtained full information of the situation of the Radical Cross Roads enterprise. There was soon an exchange of telegrams between the Flatrock school house and Wall Street. There was a circle of communication between the Street and Western Kansas, a plan to buy the Flatrock farm and give it up for the benefit of financial talent. A stock company, based upon the land, which was a sure thing, solid as the Pennsylvania hills that were features of it, and to provide for oil discoveries, and railroad terminal facilities, a mill to convert Lake Superior iron ore into steel billets, and the billets into steel rails and nails and tin plate; the bottom of the enterprise to pay the cranky landholder in the gilt edged, water stock he abhorred, provide the girls a chance to pick up a piano and pocket money, by securing shares of the stock for them in a "trust," and thus prevent private devastation following the eccentric developments of perfect personal liberty, applied to radical reconstruction. Mr. Roberts, of Wall Street, amused his imagination in keenly calculating the evolution of a crank in a syndicate, that made an old farm, with an apple orchard and a stone chimney, the foundation of a corporation, and caused the severe saint to profit by watered paper, gilt edged, and speculate in oil and civilization to a wire edge, and whetting knives for steel, possibly become a sharper, assisting to bringing the slaughter of the people. There are elements of human force that do not get into Wall Street computations. Mr. Roberts thought he knew Mr. Murray, and could play on him as cousin Brown performed on a fiddle that was a charming roarer; but he was not acquainted with Mr. Murray, who had an incalculable ability, as well as incurable enterprise in his sincerities; and, as afterward expressed became very gradually amenable to a change of civilization, when the truth told him of his misapprehensions. He knew a good trade for himself, when it was written out before him, and wrote his name when all others' were written, but he knew the difference between gold and green paper, and saw, as it affected himself, a convincing case of money making without wrong doing. CHAPTER V. THE TRANSFER OF THE OLD FARM. The last letter opened of the morning mail of Mr. James Roberts-who every day saw Trinity spire at the end of the street on which he was a business man-would probably have been the first to receive attention if the postmark had been deciphered. It was from Flatrock Springs, Pennsylvania, and announced an impending crisis in Flatrock Farm affairs. Mr. Murray was fully aroused to the necessity of the people taking possession of the Government, removing politicians from office, filling Congress with citizens, not lawyers, or financiers, or railroaders, and the time was ripening to grapple the Money Power by the throat. He was expecting his son from Kansas to confirm the purpose of a revolutionary pilgrimage to the only part of the country ready, if other radical states were aroused; resolved, if the requirement came, to fire shots that would ring as far as those at Concord, that is according to Emerson, around the world. When Western Pennsylvania was the West, there was a whiskey insurrection in the hills, not for whiskey, but the commercial rights of man, and it would have succeeded too, if it had not been for the act of President Washington in leading an army, with Robert E. Lee's father and Alexander Hamilton by his side. The West was further west now and had greater cause to strike a blow, for there were greater wrongs. If the power of the people was remembered, war would not come. Mr. Brown acquainted Mr. Roberts with the late manifestations of the fierce temper of Mr. Murray, the acquiescing geniality of his wife, and unhappiness of the girls, who honored father and mother and had a vague fear, growing clearer and keener, that the far West would prove fatal to their fortunes, They had heard of "Bleeding Kansas" and "Border Ruffianism," and regarded Kansas as a land of strife. It was Mr. Brown's opinion that Mr. Murray's land was so situated it would become valuable beyond the fancy of the old fanatic, who has guarded it so vigilantly against the incursion of improvements, distasteful because they would only add to the material forces that he held were in the way of moral advancement and popular government. Mr. Brown had been occupying part of his time in writing for a Pittsburg journal, of resources of the Western slopes of the Alleghenies, and his communications attracted attention. He had gone so far as to insert a paragraph about Flatrock Farm, and his productions had penetrated the region of the Ohio country that was so familiar to George Washington in his youth, when he picked out Pittsburg (before the French cut a tree at the fork of the Ohio) as a future metropolis, and made a present to an Indian Queen of a blanket and a bottle of rum, the lady preferring the latter. Some of the matter that had found favor with the Pittsburg paper- including the reference to Flatrock- was enclosed, and Mr. Brown mentioned that if he could get a pass over the railroad, his appearance in New York might be expected immediately after school closed for the summer. Mr. Roberts read the printed slips, and came to the conclusion they would answer his purpose, if he should have occasion to prepare a prospectus for a company to be based on a choice lot of oil land, when he might himself promote and allot, and issue on it gilt edged, gold bearing stock, and he was well pleased with the way Mr. Brown had of putting things plumb and pointed. Mr. Roberts called his typewriter, and dictated a letter to Mr. Brown, expressing much pleasure at hearing from him, and getting news of mutual friends. He referred to the flowers blooming on the unpromising foothill soil, giving specific directions as to the disposition Brown should make of himself of arriving in New York, and closed with a wish to have the oil land well looked after, with a view to speculative investment, and the drawing of papers with precision, so that matters of form might be steel bound. A month later Mr. Brown walked into the Wall Street office of the rising young broker, and was invited to take a seat and look at the papers, while tickers rattled, and telegrams fluttered, and the telephone was ringing. Swift-footed messengers delivered mystical scraps of paper, on which figures were dashed with lead-pencils, too soft for a stroke to be mistaken. All the while men, too white in the face for calm comfort, rushed in, said something and disappeared, only to reappear redder or whiter. Through open windows came the roar of shouting, and the noise of hasty cabs. "You see the market agitated," said Mr. Roberts, "and my friends are keeping me busy. The tide is against us just now, and I am watching the chances, and looking for openings. Amuse yourself for an hour or two." "If I'm not in the way, I'll stay," said Mr. Brown. This greatly interests me. It is like a play for me." In a moment he added, "Water squeezed out of stocks today?" "Not so much as tries to get down the Mississippi. It is the better class of stocks rattled today. When the squeeze comes, it is as likely to be wind as water that goes- as you say at sea when you see a whale, 'There she blows.'" The current news evidently did not relieve the anxieties of Mr. Roberts, for his thoughtfulness was unrelaxed. He got up suddenly and took his hat and stick, saying: "Come and lunch with me. It is late, but it is never too late to lunch until you have had your bite. What will you have? Do you drink anything this time of day? Ah, you will take the same as I do? Let us see if you will. I always lunch on a roast apple, with cream and sugar, and a bowl of milk with crackers - unless I have been hard pressed, and then I take a cup of tea." While the roasted apples and cream, and milk and crackers were discussed, Mr. Brown, ventured the remark: "Leonidas wouldn't believe a Wall Street man could lunch in this style and live. He holds that you all drink quarts of champagne in exultation when you get gold from the water, and gloat over victims." "But the champagne is poor stuff to buy and sell stocks on. One does not need to get drunk to have the nice balances of judgment disturbed by the beverages that cheer to exaltation. It is the fractions that tell- the fine, vulgar fractions. No man gets rich who don't know his vulgar fractions, and wine is not so much a mocker as a disturber." "If you don't mind," said Mr. Brown, "tell me the most that a fraction of the tenth of a cent meant to you today." "Five thousand dollars- and it is to one customer twice as much, and he lost it." "Did you lose five thousand?" "Yes, two or three times I lost and won, and came out nearly as I started, a little behind. I am glad it was no worse. It came like a squall at a yacht- race. It has been a field day. I have been in the procession, but neither at the head nor tail of it. My book-keepers can tell me in the morning just how we stand, and as I carry it in my mind, there is a small loss. It may be a little gain, but I think not. Do you want to see a play tonight? We can talk between the acts, and have a supper that would almost justify the imagination of Leonidas, as to our luxurious and defiant profligacy. What did you think I lived on- roast apples and milk and crackers three or four times a day? That is my downtown diet. Uptown, my family physician instructs me that I must nourish myself, and I do not get my prescriptions in drug stores. It is called brain work when you split fractions on margins that climb into millions, and it even affects the nerves, and you know Napoleon had a spasm in the calf of his left leg when he got mad. It is my stomach that rebels against nervous prostration." Mr. Brown did not have engagements that prevented him from going to see a play. There was a drive to take in the late afternoon, through miles of brown stone houses, varied occasionally with marble, and Central Park. There were the palaces of millionaires to see, and Mr. Roberts repeated the traditions of the driving of Commodore Vanderbilt, who took no man's dust when on the road, though if it was gold dust on the street, he might not let it blow away and be lost. "How did the great Vanderbilt fortune happen?" Brown inquired. The quick response was that the old Commodore "saw first among men the future of the railroad in America, as our continent was created, as compared with the rivers, and then his son, William H., had the same foresight faculty about the securities of the United States. First, the Commodore made a lot of millions by sheer courage and work, and then squarely doubled his pile twice, not by gambling, but by investing in the right thing at the right time, and then he did it again, and after him his son, William H., did the same thing two or three times. The only thing they bet on without qualification was the United States, and they won every time. Double twenty millions twice, and then double twice more, and there you are. Bet on the United States and you will strike the market. The Vanderbilts improved their properties, and the doubling was quadrupled." "What would the old man say if you told him that?" "Oh, our Murray, the father of beauty- why he would say the Vanderbilts milked the nation, and skimmed the cream and the Government coined it for them into eagles." "And he would give them no credit for the creameries that gathered the milk, took the batter out of it, fed the remainder to the pigs, and turned in the ingots of gold, that we can eat, convertible into gold we can not eat, to the mint, situated "next to Wanamaker's store," Chestnut Street, Philadelphia. "That is going far," said the Wall Street man, "but we may say whosoever converts prairie grass into butter and the butter into gold, doeth a good thing; and the opening of hundreds of thousands, indeed millions, of square miles of wheat lands by the railroad, does not impoverish the people. If you look over the rich men of New York- those who have more than ten millions- if you omit the politicians, they are honorable men, and they have not robbed the people of their earnings. A few hundred millions concentrated, to buck against Europe with, is a good thing, since Atlantic is not as wide as Wall Street." Brown asked, "How much does it take to keep a house a year in one of the five hundred residences on this street?" 10 16014"No less than thirty, and probably forty thousand dollars," was the response. "Where do they get all the money?" "You must ask some other person. I'm glad I don't know." "Could it be in selling water? I do not wonder these matters should be so hard to explain when far away. Wall Street is more mysterious since I saw it than when it was only a name to me. What do you mean when you say the Atlantic is narrower than Wall Street?" "I mean that the world, so far as it is civilized, is on a string, that is, a circuit of wires, and we have the advantage of knowing the markets of Europe every day when we begin to do mischief, and you can get messages to and from London as quickly as we give and get points from our own street, or the home correspondents, or our friends up stairs. Man is just getting his grip on the world, and he might as well be and American as an Englishman. We have got the men and got the grit, and got the money, too-by jingo-and why not wake up the world. The drift is with us. Ah, here we are." The theater was brilliant, sumptuous. The play witty and gay, frivolous and full of frolic; English, richer in sentiment than the French, fascinating scenes, consummate stage setting. Young, beautiful and bright women, with trailing, clinging gowns, exquisite in texture, liberal in cut, flowers that dazzled and gave out delicious odors, a voluptuous perfume; fairyland beyond the footlights. What enchantment had wrought the succession of surprises? "Are these people nearly all New Yorkers?" Mr. Brown was moved to ask. "Oh no," said Roberts. "They are nearly all from the West and South-New England and New Jersey, and all along the shores. The theaters of New York would perish if they depended on New Yorkers. Remember, we live on a great continent, the richest in new things. invention, enterprise, sudden ups and downs, of all in the world, or that ever was. This is the real golden gate. Old Leonidas may sell Flatrock and go to Radical Cross Roads, but he can not get away from New York. Great fortunes come and go as the waves, and on these shores they are caught coming and going. That is the way the negro's coon trap caught the coons. Our friends from forty states are paying for this. We are throwing in our contribution. I bought the tickets, to be sure, but you, after all, are the liberal contributor. Mr. Murray, who hates Wall Street, and howls for freedom, is probably dropping a few dollars tonight, to light the festal fires of Wall Street. He, at last, will pay for our supper. I shall see to that. He will be none the poorer and the girls the richer, and we shall be paid for our foresight and genius of development." When the curtain swept down on the final scene, and the glow of the lights faded, and Wall Street and Flatrock reached the sidewalk, the words of command were, "We will go to Delmonico's. There are two places by a window, a stuffed lobster, a small hot bird, and a big cold bottle, some of the best cider that ever came from France, and, confidentially, it is nearly as good as Mother Murrays' best, even when the ginger is hot in the mouth. Here is the happiness of the truly good people of our country, who have such a hard time with the wicked, and no reform seems to go quite to the right spot. God bless our home, and the farmers who farm, and the workmen who work, and our dearest girls, so far as we know, and their fathers and mothers, cousins and aunts." "It is only a few steps to your hotel," said Roberts. "Let us look over the papers tonight--you have them with you, of course--and agree upon the way of getting the land and improving it, so as to be ready. We already understand the main matter. The two cranks will carry out the Kansas immigration plan. The real schemer is John, you say, and his game is to dig up his Daddy, and plant him in the fertile land of Kansas, where he will not be in danger of having too too much water to drink, but he can pump enough so he can sprout during the winter, and be ready for the reaping when he runs for Congress, unless John runs over his Dad; and the sons and daughters of Liberty shall march over the course of freedom. Ah, here is your hotel It is a history-making place, is the old Fifth Avenue. It has been the favorite house of the Republicans in National politics for thirty years. I have not known a Republican President who could refrain from stopping there until lately. It was Blaine's headquarters, too, and Ben Butler's. Here are the benches that form the favorite corners of the cloud--compelling gossips. They are mean for servants and occupied by statesmen, and others." Mr. Brown opened his trunk, and a portfolio, and picked up some sheets of paper, saying, "Here is the Flatrock farm--two square miles, not counting a few acres of rock beyond a disputed line. The three pronged dots mean oil strikes outside the farm, which has never been bored. The red line is the railroad survey. I have here paper showing the geological formation, and the county map, here it is, shows the rivers and railroads, and the farm." The Wall Street man ran his eye over the documents, and in a few moments had selected and arranged in his mind the facts that interested him. He referred in very short sentences to the core of the business, that, while there were surface indications of oil, and the trend of the land strongly suggested the little valley of the farm as covering a pool of it that truly was gold; that was inference and conjecture. There was a great deal of such land, and one might bore many wells without a strike. The railroad would be built, and instead of damaging the farm, give it value, beyond that of a few fields, and of trees not of marketable quality, except for firewood. Land had been worth from twenty to fifty dollars an acre in that part of the country, and had fallen until the oil influence had caused an advance to a point beyond the old figures. The twelve hundred and eighty acres might be estimated at ten thousand dollars; that was liberal, as the buildings were not important. There could be organized and managed a company--the Flatrock Mutual Improvement Company. The "mutual" was for the admiration of the lovers of liberty under a government of the people. The capital stock, "all paid up" of course, should be one thousand shares of one hundred dollars each. Mutual improvement really meant coal and oil and natural gas, discoveries and utilities. The road that was to be would transport ore, and manufacturies could be founded. The farm must be purchased for five thousand dollars equivalent to cash, five thousand in stock, the Murray's getting twenty-five hundred in currency, twenty-five hundred in notes, secured by the assignment under the conditions of stock paper, the stock to be valued at twenty-five cents on the dollar, the stock certificates for five thousand dollars to be accepted at fifty cents on the dollar, and to be the property of Mrs. Murray and the Misses Murray. The danger was in dealing with the farmers that they would be scared by the idea of "water." However, the farmer was an imaginative citizen, and would be gradually consoled with the presumption, ably insisted upon, that the expansion noticed in the stock transaction was due, not to water on the earth, but to oil under the earth. These things should be made clear in a prospectus to be drawn tomorrow. The busy day closed with the Flatrock Mutual Improvement Company, Limited, all ready, except "mere matters of form," for the market; that is, for the transfer that a stroke of business may be done. CHAPTER VI. THE RADICAL RISES TO AN OCCASION, Two letters reached the Flatrock Murray household in the same mail, one from Wall Street and the other from Radical Cross Roads. Taken together, they announced a pilgrimage to Kansas, unless the veteran Radical radically changed his mind. Mr. Brown wrote from the office of his friend Roberts, that it had been 11 16015agreed to take the farm for railroad and other purposes, if the terms of sale and transfer could be agreed upon. Mr. John Murray of Radical Cross Roads, stated that he could not go all the way to Pennsylvania, to return, but would if it was thought necessary, meet the immigrants at Kansas City and convey them to their future home, and otherwise unadvised, that would be his duty. A letter could be sent from St. Louis fixing the time. He desired exact information as to the day of the movement, and to have advices about the boat, and letters written by the way. He would, of course, go to Flatrock, if needed but that seemed to be a needless expense. The first purpose of the pioneer of the Cross Roads had been to appear at the Allegheny foothills and persuade his father that we was not too old for a new country, but as the old soldier was, as appeared in his correspondence, already convinced, his meeting his father, mother and sisters, should take place on the banks of the Missouri, and Kansas City was the point from which to set forth on wheels. Mrs. Murray had no thought of opposing the will of her husband in a matter that aroused the great principles upon which he acted. She protested mildy and yielded quietly, and gave the support of her pleasing ways to "move the family West." "Do you think you will sell the farm?" she inquired, when the letters from the East and West had been carefully read. "I think so," said the veteran. "There is no growth here, no chance to be useful. It is like a wagon stalled in a mud rut. This part of the world is checked up. I feel it within my power to aid my fellow men by meeting them face to face in a country where a man is a man and money is not a master, where men think by their own thoughts and are not told what to think by a man running a bank, or a newspaper, or a pulpit, and owned by some money bag or bads. If I stay here, I will be mixed into the old lot, and there will be nothing else to say of me. I am only fifty-seven years old. My head is clear and my arms strong. All I want is to walk abroad with nature, and meet men where the plowing is done. I can lift myself by lifting others. I want to combat error and put down evil. I think more of the good that can be done to the Country than of myself." "Where thou goest, I will go, thy country shall be my country, and thy God my God," said the good wife; "and I don't want you to think of me as one who would hold you back; but, Father, it is our duty to think of the girls, of the fearful change this seems to me to be to them. I fear Kansas is not the place for them. We must take heed for them, Father; it would be wicked not to do so." Tears came from the mother's eyes, and she was shaken with sobs, which made her husband uneasy, for her sobs were rare, and her tears meant the trouble was deep. The father said the girls would, in the new home, marry honest men. The best men were giving him the example to move to the West, and he was going. The girls came in and caught their mother in their arms and kissed her. Mary said, "Dear Mother, why do you cry?" Rose exclaimed: "I know. It is about selling the farm and going away two thousand miles, isn't it, Mother?" Mary cried with her mother, but Rose stood up and looked clear-eyed at her father, saying slowly, "Are we going away, Father--going to leave the old place?" "I think we shall," was the reply. The old man met his daughters' dauntless look undaunted; the sparkle in the eyes of each seemed a flame kindled from the same torch, not from the sunny eyes of the mother. The father said solemnly, as if weighing his words in court: "I mean to go if there is a proper sale to be had. I am tired of this country. There is more room and life in Kansas." "Yes, plenty of room; three hundred miles long and two hundred miles wide, isn't Kansas? There is not a house fit to live in, within several miles of the Cross Roads, where there are no roads but mud, and it is twenty-five miles to a railroad--fifteen miles further than here. There is no water that is not pumped, and the wind does the pumping for the irrigation, as you call it. Fortunately, there is plenty of wind. It blows forever as if at sea; You can hear it all night; it howls with the wolves. As long as the pumps can stand it, there will be water, and the people talk all the time they are awake about your great principle. We might as well go to South Africa or South America. They are big countries and full of principle-- views so great no man can see all of them." "Rose" -- the father spoke sternly-- "where do you find all you say? What do you know of Kansas?" "I have been reading about my futre home, and can tell you things you have not heard of. I have read John's letters, and made allowances. I have hunted up all that he ever wrote, and found a pamphlet giving the story of Kansas and its resources, and some newspapers; and you can not tell my anything very new about Kansas, with the sand that is blasted, and the rabbits and the grasshoppers. I have not selected the side of praise altogether for my readings. I have written Brown for the books that tell. Do you know katydids, Pop?" "My daughter," the father interrupted, and there was grief in his voice, "I can tell you a great deal, and you want to talk of katydids, the most noisy of grasshoppers. Kansas is a great state. You have heard of slave states and free states, and Kansas is the state that has the most freedom, as good soil as any state-- corn land, wheat land! There is more than one kind of slavery. Do you think only the blacks have been enslaved? The worst slavery is that of white men. Talk of planters--why, there is no taskmaster, no slave-driver, no owner of men and women and children, as mean and heartless and grinding and grasping, as Money. It is hard money! in Kansas the blood of the people has radical fire in it. They hate the money power. They want to fight the Gold Tyrant. Some of them talk free silver a great deal, say. The people's own paper money is not good enough for us here in Pennsylvania. In Kansas they hate railroads, as I do. They hold that a government of the people should be one by the people, and help the people, as I hold. Talk about monarchy! Where is there a monarch tyrannical as a railroad man who has a line you must use from your farm to the market? You raise the crop, but do not get anything, after you pay freight, with their cut rates for long hauls." "But, Father," said Rose, hastily breaking on the flow of the old man's radical rhetoric in uncompromising expression, "what has all you have been saying to do with selling the old farm where we were born, that has belonged to the Murrays for a hundred and fifty years-- selling the old trees and the hills and springs. and the old house and barn, and the horses and cows, and the garden and the orchard, and the graveyard, to go away into a country flat as a batter-cake, where nobody has been born and nobody buried, for they won't die, and the most wretched thing you can think of is to be the first person buried in a graveyard. You do not like railroads, but I do. They lead us into the life of cities, and you can not get even to Kansas without them." "Oh, yes, I can," and the veteran interrupted a speech facile as his own, "I have thought of all that. We shall take a stern wheel steamboat on the Allegheny River, just below there, and follow it to the Ohio, run the whole length of thar river, then up the Mississippi and up the Missouri, to Kansas, and cross the state to the head-waters of the Arkansas. We shall have nothing do do with railroads, nor any other monopolies. We can pack our things on the boat--horses and cows, and cats and hens, and pigs and dogs-- if you will have them, all we want anyhow-- and we shall soon have a home that will beat these lean hills. You have read so much, you know but little." Rose said, "And the wretched boat will sink, or blow up, or burn with all of us, and we shall go together. It is a great comfort to think of that. I'd sooner go down Niagara in a canoe and be done with it, 12 16016for then I would know where I was going; but on your stern-wheel steamboat you only know you are to go up or down by fire, or in the water by steam, tear the boat with a snag, or stick on a sandbar and stay all summer. Steamboats are not monopolies, but they are murder." "Rose," said her father, "you have an unruly fancy. The steamboats are safer than the railroads—much safer. The stern wheeler is slow but sure, and the water-way to Kansas is the independent way; it is the peoples' own road. We will land on the soil of the state, and after that use our own wheels and horses. Rose, I want you to remember, there are more than reasons of material advantage or questions of mere comfort in the idea of going West. I would not go if that was all. There is a higher life there than here in Pennsylvania—the people are not hide-bound out there. They are done with Europe. The true American is there. Here we are crowded with Europeans and European principles. We get the worst of Europe here, for the Money Men bring their slaves to plague us, to surround us, to snatch the bread from us. In Kansas there is the best of America, and there are American principles—America for Americans, American money money not borrowed from the British, our own money. We can make all we want of it, and there can't be better money than the credit of the people. The people can make money out of anything—out of rags or straw, or gold, silver or copper, or lead. It is slavery to Money that makes and keeps the people down right here. Slavery is not abolished, It is just fastened on. The heaviest of all chains are those of gold. Gold is the nightmare of the world." "I know what your great principles are," interrupted the saucy Rose. "They are to abandon the old farm and be blown up on a steamboat, or, in case we ever get to the radical Cross Roads, to be blown a way by a cyclone—why, they swing around there a hundred miles an hour-or, we many be saved from storms to be eaten by locusts. Do you know whether the grasshopper is really the locust that is, or was, the food of some of our fellow creatures in Asia? They have just marched through Kansas eating every green thing. As for chains of gold, they couldn't be too heavy for me." "What I was talking to Father about," said the mother who still held her sorrowing daughter Mary to her bosom, is putting you girls so out of the world. The Cross Roads are so far off, I am always surprised when we get a letter from that place." By the good woman's looks, she deprecated herself for saying so much. She felt she had gone too far. "I think," said the daughter in tears, "we might as well go to the moon to live, or to die, but we shall never get there on a steamboat, I feel sure of that. I have read of a thousand steamboats burning, or blowing up, away out on the big rivers, We might as well set sail for the moon." "As for you women," said the veteran, "you won't take but one view, and that is the material loss or gain, say the stones of the farm that proves it is poor land but I must regard the moral part of it and do my duty. I am buried here. It is all a graveyard for me. There are people who say I am a crank, and laugh because I refuse to have my land bored for oil by the worst of cranks—the oil cranks and gold cranks —and because I pulled up the stakes put down by the railroad surveyors and threw them into the creek. Because they can not run over me, they do not understand me, They are willing to be the slaves of Money. In Kansas it is different, As for the girls and their company, there are in Kansas more young men fit for the company of girls than in this state. They have principles, too. They are in favor of female suffrage. They want our American women to vote down foreign men. What was the most remarkable thing in this century of this country? It was the Mormon pilgrimage to Utah, where there was a new city and a great Tabernacle reared by a Dead Sea. The Mormons were mistaught, but what a chance they had for civil and religious freedom! They missed it through a false priesthood, but there never was a better opportunity to build a model commonwealth. Maybe it is not too late now, but we do not need to go so far to find the l and of hope. After the Revolution, the young men of daring in all the Colonies drifted to Ohio. Kansas is the Ohio of this generation, the new country for the heroes of our war, that abolished black slavery and saved the Union. There liberty has been born again, and the land is dedicated to freedom. We many say we are going to a desert, and so it was—the Great American Desert on the old maps. It, may be there are plagues of crickets, but the Radical Cross Roads country appeals to me as if it was a fresh creation, and provided and sanctified for some great cause of humanity. John's Cross Roads is an oasis in the midst of a country of winds that has been swept with fire until the roots of the trees were burnt out of the ground. The oasis is the product of human industry. The soil is marvelously rich when watered through driven wells. The steel windmills, cheap and strong, pour forth streams of pure water that make the desert blossom. There are trees growing, black locust trees and young fruit trees, even yellow willows, and there are blue grass and alfalfa, and the red clover, and there are corn and potatoes and wheat broom corn, rye, barley and sunflowers, This is evolution, Its is a smiling scene of peace and plenty, born of the sun and wind and the sand, and it is the foundation of a new civilization, the beginning of the uplifting and the regeneration of our country—of its redemption from Wall Street, of its independence of money; for a system that discards gold and silver and takes for currency the stamp that enlightened men place upon paper that pledges the credit of a great and honest people. I am not too old to have a part in this new country's mission, I would die if I could no go with my hands and head where my heart is. I want to see my wife and children happy, and I think I can see them, not very far in the future, blessing me, whether I remain in the land of the living or go hence, for leading the way to the new country. That Providence may make pleasant your paths is my prayer and belief." Even the vivacity of Rose was not proof against the solemn fervor of this grave utterance, She folded her hands and sat down beside her mother and sister. The house grew strangely silent, while the girls saw in a vision, vivid as a young woman's dream, the journey that had seemed like a fever phantom, change from a spectral shadow into a stern reality. The mother's pleasant features were composed to a patient and hopeful endurance, and on the veteran's uplifted face was the fierce light of an invincible resolution, as when he faced the fire-eater's fire arms. The girls could almost hear, and altogether felt, the ponderous stern- wheel of a great hot boat, churning the rushing waters of the awful rivers that were to be the pathless ways of a pilgrimage of sacrifice. Their mother was helpless in her kindness, and their father pitiless in his ambitions. They felt a certain sense of awe stealing into their affection for him, and wondered if he might be right about something, queer as he was. They could not find in their experience knights with a navy waiting to rescue them on the shores of the floods flowing to the Southern seas; but in the warm flush of young life, there bloomed an instinct akin to inspiration, that before long there would be seen by their eyes the beautiful feet of the bearers of good tidings. CHAPTER VII.. "YOU MAY TELEGRAPH THAT I ACCEPT." Before Mr. Brown left New York, on his return trip to Flatwork farm, with the papers enabling him to transfer the land to The Flatrock Mutual Improvement Company, Limited, he had made a close study of Wall Street methods. He was a devoted admirer of Mr. Roberts, who was at pains to enlighten him as to the mysteries that to so many million of our fellow citizens are charged with wickedness. The Wall Street schemers realized that they had a hard task in convincing the veteran crank that in parting with his land he was [*16017*] [*13*]not promoting a plan to spoil the people and deprive the masses of men of the right of their own earnings, or to exalt their principles. They held to the belief that the farm was more valuable than the owner considered it, and the large margin between his estimation and their valuation gave room for a line of justice they esteemed liberal--remaining as prudent business men on the safe side, and quitting themselves of too much money-making. Mr. Roberts said with a frankness of details unusual in dealing with an affair of business, he was certain the hundred thousand dollars par value of the stock of The Mutual Improvement Company, Limited, would soon be justified. With a railroad station and water tank near the big chimney mansion, and a strike of oil, there should be a chance for a town, and it might be boomed. The schoolmaster was to keep the Pittsburg papers posted, and furnish material for the Wall Street circulars. Roberts was to find the ready money and give the correct tips. His interest in the bright loveliness of Murray's daughter was on short acquaintance, but he felt he would prefer not to engage in delivering her to bitter fortunes, for he saw she was a gentle creature with sunshine in her face; a pretty girl today to be a beautiful woman tomorrow; and he had faith in the fine management of the complications that might arise through the school- master, whose heart, as the lover of Mary he had read, and he was satisfied and made fond to see something of the spirit of the emigrating father in Rose's objections to exile, but the daughter had not consented to believe that she was called to take a course of martyrdom to fight railroads, and indicate the right of "members" of Congress or Legislature or city councils to order enough money printed, to repudiate debts by paying them with irredeemable paper. Mr. Murry and Mr. Brown and several interviews after the Wall Street conference, and Mr. Murray was given information with a judicious reservation as to several important points. "I do not understand," said Murray, "how you can make out stock to the amount of one hundred thousand dollars, and do it on a basis of, say, ten thousand valuation and payment, and yet not set a trap to cheat the stockholders. Why is not nine-tenths of this stock wind, or water, or both? That is what I want to know before I go a step further. Why not issue stock only for the amount paid for the property?" "You know, Mr. Murray," said Mr. Brown, "that I do not ask you to sell the farm. I never should have thought of it but for what you have said on the subject. We prefer to pay you in cash one-half of what you are willing to sell at, and you can hold the stock as security for the other half, giving us the option of taking it at any time by paying, with lawful interest, the amount for which the stock is security. You take the stock to make yourself good, and we stand to lose the money we pay out to you and for mutual improvements, if we do not increase the value of the property the stock stands for. You are secure. We run a risk and have a chance for profit; but that depends on what we do, and you have nothing to do and no chance to lose. You are the capitalist and we the labor. You get $5,000 for nothing and can do what you please with it, if we do not make good our paper." "No, no," shouted the veteran, "I do not see it so. Land isn't capital--and it isn't water; but you may call it 'good security,' and I do not want the stock, I want the money." "That we have thought would prove to be your view," said Mr. Brown, sitting down to turn the sharpest corner of the business, while the current whirled that way, "and we have proposition to make, as you take that course, that we hope will cause you to regard us as preferred purchasers, even if someone else comes along and bids against us, and it's very likely, when it is fully known that you are I dearest about selling the land. People here have not come to that yet. And what we offer you, that you may favor us as purchasers, is to place an amount of stock in the hands and names of your wife and daughters--five thousand par value for each--reserving to ourselves the first dividend of ten percent. Thus, if the company proves a success, your family will have an interest in it, and it will be worth to them clear whatever increase beyond the first ten percent dividend the Mutual Improvement adds to the investment." "Is that, I want to know, what you call your improvement mutual for? But I can not see why this is not just watering stock- a perfectly plain case of it- and why it is not like all the rest of this Wall Street business, deception and a snare. I do not see the difference." "But, you are fighting a phantom that you insist on mustering in. How can there be harm in watering if we keep it ourselves? We merely issue an amount of stock that on the face represents what we mean to make money is to increase, by improvement, the value of the real estate. We risk the five thousand dollars we turn over to you in any shape you want it, for if we can not find our advantage in the land, you have that money and the land too, till we pay the second five. We risk all and you nothing at all. Where is your 'pizen water?" "That seems to be so," said the veteran thoughtfully, "but if you make the stock worth par, you have eighty-five thousand dollars for the five thousand dollars you pay me, and the fifteen hundred dollars dividends you pay the women, and then we four of us- myself and wife and daughters- have five thousand dollars each, and you have put in six thousand, five hundred dollars first payment to me and dividends to the women, and you have eighty-five shares of stock when you have paid me the other five thousand- or my family and myself have eleven thousand, five hundred dollars of your money and you have the eighty- five hundred shares of stock, and you have made a big lot of profit by the turn of your head." "That is true, Mr. Murray, but that is not watering stock- that is increase by Mutual Improvement, Limited, of value. The 'Limited' means there is no stock liability beyond the limit. Do not let that idea go. You can keep your land and make the money for yourself, if you want to do it." "But you have turned seventy-four thousand, five hundred water dollars into gold dollars." "Why don't you do it yourself? But how do you make the calculation about the $74,500?" "Why, this is it- you issue $100,000 in stock, and you pay five per cent. in cash for the land the stock covers, and you give the whole of the stock to me as security for the five thousand or five per cent. unpaid for the land. Am I right that far?" "Perfectly right." "Then you agree to exclude competition- for I have not made a scratch of a pen in this transaction- by agreeing that fifteen thousands dollars of the stock shall be dividend, between my wife and daugghters. All the money you put in, therefore all the money the Murrays get for the land is just eleven thousand, five hundred dollars. The women seem to be favored in this- and it is done to get around me. They have one hundred and fifty shares of stock out of a thousand, and you have eight hundred and fifty. I call that a Wall Street job to water stock, and somebody must be cheated." "Not at all, Mr. Murray, no one is cheated. We only get eighty-five per cent of the value we gain through improvements. You get what your land is worth, and your family have got an interest in the old farm, worth more than you sold it for." "If this is not watering stock," persisted the veteran, "just be good enough to tell me, man to man- I see you have learned the Wall Street lingo- tell me what you would call watering stock." "I would with pleasure, but that is not business, and we are trying to do business. We propose to do nothing for you or with you, but pay you what your land is worth, and take all risks. We ask you to accept from us what you say is the value of the land, paying down five thousand, we losing that if we do not pay the other five; and we only ask you to take 14 16018our money and to allow us to do a little so-called finance for the ladies of the family. One inducement to do this is, that you shall trust us now, and not get up an auction of this land. You know the land, and we think we know it, and we can improve it, but the time of Mr. Roberts, who furnishes the money, is worth money to him. He wants to do things and be done with them, and so offers the inducement of interesting the ladies. You have said you were determined to sell, and we offer you a price—your price—before we make a study of the financiering to see whether there is any immorality in it. Will you accept the offer we make you if I show you we do not cheat anybody-- unless ourselves get the worst of it, and we can talk at will after. I must telegraph Roberts decisively today or tomorrow. He has had everything figured up and written out, and he has only to pull a string, that is, touch a wire, and it is done. We have based our plans on what you have said. We have no wish to crowd or hasten you. But events crowd and hasten us, and we must do or not do in this case, not tomorrow, but today. It is a contract or not a contract within a day. That is, Roberts must have your yes or no, now. So far as I am personally concerned, I am sorry to see you thinking of going to Kansas. I would rather see this land business at an end at once with your no—for that would mean that you stay." "When can you pay me the five thousand dollars?" "I am authorized to draw a draft for that sum that will be cashed in Pittsburg on sight at the First National Bank-- I can go with you there any day." "And what about the stock security and all that?" "Well, you know they do things systematically in Wall Street, and there are people whose business it is to get up blank certificates. I will have the stock certificates ready, only needing my additional signature, when we go to Pittsburg to get the money. The stock will be prepared at once and the stock book forwarded by express the day after I telegraph, 'Flat Rock accepts.' That is all there is to say over the wire. There is no more trouble about a large than a small item. If you have made up your mind to go, here it is ready for you. I say again that I do not advise you to go, but it is, go or stay. The debate is over, and, as they say in the legislature, 'the main question is now put.'" The old man flushed and said he did not ask advice or want it. He was able to advise himself, and he was going to Kansas, and he only wanted to be assured there was no immorality in the stock arrangement proposed, to accept it. He added: "I want to start for the new country before the hot, dry weather of summer reduces the rivers, for it is the better way to go by water, because it is the easier, and I do not like the railroads, and prefer not to patronize monopolies. Steamboats are slow. I want plenty of time on the way. I wish to get to Radical Cross Roads to make preparations for the winter. I shall take an improved pump or two with me. My son has sent a list of things that we should have. I must write and tell him when we will start, and I must find the steamboat. I will be quite ready to say yes or no, as you say, just when the morality of the stock issue is clear to my mind." "I am of the opinion," said Mr. Brown, "that I have demonstrated the propriety of the business proposition we have made to you; that there is another way of stating the case that may assist us to understand each other right through. Let me tell you what I would call watering the stock of the Flatrock Mutual Improvement Company, Limited. You know these corporations have officers. We have arranged our corporation so that we elect three officers. I am President, and Roberts is Secretary and Treasurer; and we will give a few shares of stock to friends that they may qualify as directors. That fixes the organization. You are aware that fifty-one shares of stock are a majority of one hundred shares. The forty-nine have nothing to say that is to the purpose when voted down, and one majority is as good as any higher number, just as good in stock election as ninety-nine to one. We will have eighty-five shares, and the corporation is in our control. Now, suppose we should vote to issue ten thousand shares of stock, making the capital a million dollars-- all of it Flatrock Mutual Improvement, Limited, stock. Assume that, having done this, we work up a boom and cause false pretenses to be circulated even through the newspapers and have maps printed of this part of the country; distribute the stock for influence; evading restrictive legislation, and procure purchases to be made in the market, and quotations given. There are influences by which stocks of doubtful quality may be listed--and we run the stock up by ingenious manipulations to twenty-five cents on the face, and manage to sell out at that. That would be an immoral transaction, as you say, watering stock. We are not asking you to go into any such scheme. We are dealing in solids. That would be dishonest. We do nothing of the kind. Our proposal will bear the light." Mr. Leonidas Murray turned the matter over in his mind for five minutes, looking out of his favorite window, and said: "You may telegraph that I accept." The telegram was sent that night, and was on the table of Mr. Roberts, in Wall Street, the next morning. CHAPTER VIII. THE MURRAYS ARE MOVERS--MAKE WAY FOR LIBERTY. The two days that Mr. Roberts, of Wall Street, had assigned to the surveys of the Flatrock Farm were insufficient for a perfect work. Five days passed before he was whisked away by a fast trotter in a Jersey wagon. During his stay, messengers were galloping over the hills to the nearest wires and rails, that touched the central points of the powers of the promoters of the busy world, and alter young men stalked about with chains, tripods and all the instruments that establish new after ascertaining old lines. The surface indications had scientific examination. Stakes were driven. Mr. Murray was not happy. He walked over the paths, across the hills, stopped, and stared preoccupied with clasped hands and severe eyes. Feeling that he was not holding the fort, but surrendering, yielding to the enemy, abandoning the old place, he sought to reassure himself from his inner consciousness. His restless feet were entangled in lines palpable to his acute perceptions, but invisible. He had studied the case and give his word. Each driven stake inflicted a wound. He was sorry he had not made stipulations to have gone before. He never thought so well of the hills and rocks, as when saying good-bye to "rock and tree and flowing water," and there crept within his gloomy horizon misgivings about the pilgrimage to the farther and freer West. Had he been a dreamer? Was he pocketing his farm? He was not as he saw himself—a sentimentalist— but the way the old farm clung to him was a surprise. The apple trees his grandfather had planted were relatives. He knew in the last days of his stay that he has favorite views of blue hills and bends of the river, and a thunder storm sweeping from the down stream country, wide winged, with dark squadrons of clouds like skirmishers in front; and the wide white precipices of rain touched with streaks of fire. All the while, the batteries of the rushing legions booming! The thunderstorm's advance across the valley was the grand pageantry of a farewell review of the grand armies that had mustered and marched before him, when he followed the old flag into the leaden rain and iron sleet of war. If he had not said to the tempter that he accepted the terms, there were several steps along the road where he might have paused, and possibly weighed carefully considerations not in his mind when the decision was made. There were hours when he he was not sure but he might have helped the wide, wrong world along, from the standpoint of his native hills. He had given his word: "You may telegraph that I accept," and his word was good. He had a duty to perform, indeed, a double duty. First, he needed to reassure himself. It was a novel worry that he should feel he was not undisputed master of two square miles of land; and that rankled. Perhaps [*16019*] [*15*] he could not find a better fighting place than the old one. He considered himself a religious man. He had not thought of founding a church for his own. His idea was to go to God without ceremony, to accept new light from whatever quarter the heavens cleared, and he held that he was a man of prayer, but that his faith in it was that of the value of meditation. He was sure there was no posture essential to that. He had considered it a personal offence that a neighbor had given himself up to infidel books, and contented that the name of God should not be spelled with a capital G. This wretch, in the mind of Mr. Murray, deserved introduction to the whipping post, and any post would do, and that the lashes should be many and "well laid on," according to the old form of stern expression of physical punishment. Still, he could not approve lashing a sinner for a spiritual offence. Outside himself, for his public spirit would not permit him to "unset himself," his most earnest duty was to comfort his wife and daughters, who were grieved to go so far from home. There was weeping without reserve when the simple business statement was made that the steamer "Plow Boy" had been engaged to convey the Murrays, with their horses, wagons, and household goods, to St. Louis, where trans-shipment would be made to a Missouri boat, to convey the persons and property to the soil of Kansas, but the Plow Boy might be persuaded as far as Kansas City. Mrs. Murray had for a long time held that when one was falling, the better way to avoid cruel impact with the bottom of things was to "let go" and fall easy. It was to her a delightful, easy-going method of preventing strain and bruises. She tumbled in a genial way to the inevitable, and spared "father" as much as possible from the slings and arrows of the wit and humor, and woes and pains of Rose, who was not merely sorry but angry, in her winsome way, because her feelings were wounded. Mary's tenderer grief was that she was abused, and there was a sweetness in her softness, that was sharper, when it touched the father's heart, than the serpent's tooth. Rose had a away of wounding her father too deep for her mother, who was helpless to save the veteran, but he saw through the mischief before the others could tell the plan of campaign. She became a reader of Kansas books, and a student of maps. She read up the State, seeking the weak points of her father's armor. She winged the old man with darts that pierced him to the quick. Her questions were delicately innocent, but hooked. She was not too good to master statistics, and apply them with sparkling detness. She borrowed books that contained passages devoted to the eccentric elements that appeared in Kansas politics. She fitted herself for war with her brother John. Mr. Roberts aided the kindly daughter, unbeknown to himself. If any leader of public opinion in Kansas had stumbled at any period in his life, there was an investigation, and a pair of bright eyes grew brighter when they saw the points that would tingle when "Pop" was tickled with them. The toughness of Mr. Murray was not, however, known to his offspring, and it would have disconcerted Rose if she had seen the faltering but tender submission of Mary was that which hurt him, and spoiled any sense of "triumph of freedom" far more than the saucy and sly shots from the quiver of dainty arrows that Rose directed with marksmanship to the selected spots. The veteran had felt deeper wounds, but when he saw Mary trying to hide tears, eyes grew dim, but they were only keener when Rose twanged the bow string, and showed a fine talent for perseverance in teaching her stern parent the errors of his ways that led to the Radical Cross Roads. When the transaction of destiny was made formal, so that at Pittsburg the passage of money would complete it according to law, statues and customs duly, followed, Mr. Murray joined the Wall Street man for a walk and talk, and said: " Ihave forgotten something about which I should have made stipulation in the contract. The Murrays of two generations have been buried on his place. Whatever it costs, the acre and the oaks that contain the bones are—those of my father and grandfather, my first wife and others—I want to re-purchase. I wish that reservation to be protected and in no contingency violated." "That land shall never be touched," said Roberts, adding, "The graveyard has not been forgotten, for I knew you would care for it, and was about to speak of it. Already it is marked on my map. The proper conveyance shall be made and recorded, and the security of it made definite and certain." "I thank you," the old soldier said; "and there is one thing more. The girls and Mrs. Murray hope the chimney will not be thrown down. We want it to stand. I do not care for the house, but it is not a bad one. The chimney saw me off to war and saw me back, and so did some of the trees. I wish they could be spared. They will not be much in the way. I would rather the well and spring were not spoiled. My father and mother and first wife, and my wife and children now, are fond of the trees and spring, and the well and berry bushes and some rose bushes in the garden, but I do not want to trouble you with too many cares, and you need not bother with them. They can go." "The trees and chimney, the well and spring, and garden bushes and all, shall stay as they are. It would be barbarous to permit them to be destroyed. I shall write orders to the Pittsburg parties, our agents." The veteran said, "I hope you will do well with the place, and wish you well." "Poor old chap, said Roberts, as he drove off, I am afraid he has fooled away his land. It would have made him rich if he had kept it and worked it up, but it will not all be lost. Poor old chap, when it comes to the jumping-off place, he is not as much in love with Radical Cross roads as the thought he was. That Radical Cross Roads must be a nice place for a circus, no reads to cross, no trees, but cottonwood and black locust, no water that is not pumped; but then there is air and liberty, and if anyone wants to find out what not to do, he can find it there, and go right to the grocery and talk it out, seated between barrels of salt fish and molasses. I suppose tobacco is a sin out there. That is what Rose says she gets from John's letters, and 'liquor' is positively horrid—and the milder it is, the worst it must be." The inevitable hour of the parting with the old place came swiftly, and the morning to take the last wagon with the ironbound box for the Plow Boy at her landing in the afternoon dawned, and whitened and was sunny. The girls were glad of the sunshine. A rain would have broken their hearts. The house never looked so well. The old tower of a chimney was grand. The wagon was in the road, and Leonidas had walked to it and taken his seat as driver. Rose shut the front door and heard a dismal echo in the deserted hall, and Mary closed the front gate, the click of whose iron latch had told her of the friends who came and departed, and the latch would never walk again. The trees were stately in their green robes, and there was a sight of farewell in the flutter of the stirred leaves. The big yellow dog, Bounce, always joyous to join an excursion, galloped gleefully down the road, and "Thank goodness," said Mary, "dear good Bounce goes with us." The old soldier had known what it was to march away to the wars, and after a good glance around, set his face Westward and looked backward no more. The mother and Mary wiped away showers of tears, but Rose was composed until the turn of the road, where that landmark of home, the chimney, was lost to view, and then cried so passionately, her mother petted her, and her father tried in vain to think of what he ought to say. The good-byes of the neighborhood had been said several days. There was not much love or sympathy in the last words. Mr. Murray was condemned as a crank for going so far to fare worse. The Plow Boy had a big stateroom for the mother and daughters, but the friend of Liberty and Bounce, kept up like soldiers on guard, perpetual vigilance in and about the wagons. The "High Sperrets" of Rose asserted their freedom after a few hours, when she put [*16*] [*16020*]it to her father, "Pop, plenty of time to take my piano aboard at Pittsburg? Mary it to have a fiddle, you know. We can't go to Kansas without music." The old man was meditating, and it did not please him to hear words of levity, but he winced to hear of the fiddle and piano all at once. "Great Heavens, how frivolous children were, and the world full of great problems and the money power crushing manhood, the people huddled in pens like sheep for slaughter." It was that way the wheels were whirling in his head. "Rose, Mr. Bowen told me this was the river where George Washington was nearly drowned when he was young, and he had been up to the head water, hunting French." "Oh, yes, I know," Rose replied, "that was when Washington was a major, paid a big salary in tobacco for being on Governor Dinwiddie's staff, and it was not far from here that he fell in love with an Indian Queen. This is a romantic stream, or was until they struck oil." "What is that about the Indian Queen and Washington? Your Mr. Brown says so, he must have told you so. How do you come to quote Mr. Brown?" "But he never said Washington loved an Indian Queen. Better than that, he told me he had read it in a novel, which is a surer thing than history, and he offered to get me a book, written by a celebrated Western author - an Ohio man - and Dan said it was in the official reports that Washington gave her a bottle of poison and a blanket, and I wonder whether that did not tell her he was in love. The poison was strong drink. The young Queen must have been fascinated by that tall young major, with his rum, and blankets, and British uniform." "Rose," said the soldier crank, "you have the most unbridled imagination." "Didn't get it from you, Pop. I suppose my other grandparents, Mother's pop, must have been a man of imagination. All the same, I have got the Indian story all right. Rum and a blanket beats Rum, Romanism and Rebellion. Really, Washington sometimes smiled and sang funny songs." The soldier crank had been sitting on the upper deck, watching the procession of hills, the long trail of black smoke - the great fleeces of steam blown from the lofty pipes, and noting the shaking, and yet, the stalwart steadiness of the boat, as the lever toiled at the big wheel, making a constant roar in the stream astern, while the timbers of the ark were kept shivering. Rose's discussion about Washington had fatigued the father. He feared she was becoming eccentric, and took his way down stairs, followed by Bounce, to see how the horses enjoyed themselves. When the boat stopped, there were small delegations of the leisure class, who seemed to be looking for news, no matter of what, so that it didn't mean they had to go and find something to do. The soldier, who felt that he was on a mission, was interested to hear the talk at one place, where there was a wait of an hour, putting on "plunder" for Pittsburg, and heard with pain a main talking true principles falsely this way: "You say there isn't no need of gold or silver, that paper is the thing, stamped by the mint, the people being all behind it, and holdin' it up steady, but I don't agree. We must have some gold and silver, no need of using so derned much of it. Catch my idea? Needn't put so much gold in an eagle. Catch that as it goes? Take a bit the size of a dime, stamp it ten dollars - catch my idea? Make more money stamping smaller dollars - they're dollars if the United States say so. Catch on to the idea?" This seemed at first to be a triumphant deliverance, and the statesman was red in the face with it when a bulky citizen, resting on the head of a barrel, with a black soft hat turned up in front, the rim fastened with a girl's hairpin, interrupted his whittling and put in, "You're just right in principle, but you are not radical enough, don't go far enough." Mr. Murray heard this and became absorbed. He always dived for the bottom of basic questions. "What's the use of principle if you don't carry it clear out?" Mr. Murray gave a low, approving exclamation, as if he already felt in his lungs the air of liberty. "Now, listen to me," said the bulky man. "I agree with you, but I go further. There's no use puttin' o much gold and silver into dollars, if there is any use puttin' in any at all, and that I do not concede." (The word "concede is a power in the discussion of scientific finance.) "I don't concede no such thing, but if it is conceded the government of the people can make a gold or a silver dollar as big or as little as it pleases - now to go on with the principle. What's the use of putting a hundred and ninety-six pounds of flour in a barrel of flour, or makin' great big loaves of bread. If you don't have a barrel of flour more than a quart, and put the stamp of a barrel on it, just burn on the "Merican flag" and it's a barrel of flour.'" "See here,' 'said the florid stateman, "you are talking like a derned fool." But the gentleman with a pin in his hat was silent and impassive, and helped himself from a tin box to a cutting of Cavendish, and Mr. Murray ran his hands through his hair and beard, and there came over him a shadow of discouragement about the ultimate money of the people - the first time he was ever smitten that way. The florid statesman, who had the idea of the little dollar, presently said: "The rest of the country can do as it pleases, but Kansas and Colorado are going ahead, and we shall see what states can do for a despotic government." The citizen with a pin in his hat remarked, "That was somewhat tried between the North and the South, after old John Brown set things afire in Kansas and Virginia, and it wasn't good for them that began it. It's bee tried. Don't you know that buckin' against the Government in the states - been tried?" "No," said a third citizen, "it was slavery that got up the war and that's gone." "Surely," came a shrill voice, "but there's always some sort of slavery - more or less. They had it in Bible times, and we've got it now." This was a grain of comfort for Mr. Murray. "Cap'n," said the statesman, "where are you taking the wagons and cows?" "Kansas." "What's that for?" "Movers." Mr. Murray was a mover. When the Plow Boy ran her nose into the bank at Pittsburg, a familiar figure appeared. It was Mr. Daniel Brown, wearing a new Derby hat. --- CHAPTER IX. GIRLS' DEBATE IMPORTANT ABOUT KISSING. The Plow Boy moved with dignity rather than speed in the Allegheny, blowing off steam resonantly, and bellowing in a fog, tedious at landings with affairs that would have tortured impatient persons. Mr. Murray was thoughtful to excess, found fault largely with a small bar-room, shocked that intoxicants were sold, insisted on watchfulness that the boat shouldn't burn. He had forgotten to insure his goods, and was glad to see Mr. Daniel Brown, who knew a great deal about "business." The girls were in good "sperrets," for they had seen the new moon over their right shoulders, and the new comer, Mr. Brown, over their left shoulders. There was a whole day for affairs at Pittsburgh, and Mr. Murray and Roberts had much to say and do. Brown took charge of the insurance - accident, life and fire - and selected a safe deposit box, all of which gave confidence that was comfort to the veteran. The girls were shopping for a while, but their parents told them there were a lot of towns on the Ohio, a big one on the Mississippi, and several on the Missouri, so that it would be premature to buy themselves rich or poor, as the case might be, at the first chance. Rose was developing a taste for history, and told 16021 17her sister she had found George Washington discovered Pittsburg when he was twenty-one years old, and before there had been a stick cut at "the fork;" and there was one of the pivots on which North America had teetered —between the French and the English, before the predominance of the latter had been made sure. The veteran was inclined to carry his wealth with him, for he had no faith in Banks, or nay of the fixings, including safe deposits; but a personal inspection appealed, through observation, to reason, and he took a certified check on Kansas City, opened an account with the First National Bank, of Pittsburg, got a steel box with duplicate keys built solid in a brick wall, He filled the box with papers and certain mementoes the women prized; and, having signed some papers and deposited others, and slipped a few slips of "credit" marks inside an inside compartment of a pocketbook placed it inside his shirt, and safety pinned his steel keys, and signed a will, giving everything to his wife, and made his son John one of the executors, Mother to give no bond and John to give bond. He took the chair selected from his own lot, sat down, felt tired, thought it all over, was sorry he did not bring more cows— he had taken only two—and concluded, after reflection, that as he did not own any land but a graveyard, he was in favor of a single tax on land, and favored municipal ownership of all transportation and franchises, also that Government, with everybody's consent, should take up the celebrated Great Bill and Do Everything for Everybody, and while abolishing the army, put a majority of the people at large into civil service uniform. The shower of darts from Miss Rose Murray's armory had been more effective in some ways than that young lady was aware. Her object had been to prevent the removal to Radical Cross Roads, which seemed like the end of the world, and now she had started a train of thought likely to carry her still further. Mr. Murray was shaken by what Rose said as to the permanence and potentiality of the prevalence of the instinct of Liberty in Kansas. There were fears excited in his mind that reform was fading in the land of freedom and true goodness. That, after all, the exalted education of Kansas, the blood that was shed, the clash of principles in the great sections, the comments of events on the Constitution, perhaps Kansas was not ready for the true leadership; but surely, he reflected and reiterated, "the way out must be Westward." Growth could not be in any other direction; and, more than that, the inclination of progress, defined by latitude, must be Southward, as out course was when crowded by the Canadian line, and the immense alterations of frost and sunshine further North. It might be the path to be pursued was into the tropics. Athens and Rome, Cairo and Carthage, were Southern countries, and, perhaps, the lands of the sun were destined to supremacy. But the lands of frost had never had a chance. The veteran had been educated in the fields and camps, the common schools and the army, and felt he was a graduate of the greatest university on earth, and he did not turn his back on the South any more in peace than he had in war. He knew, he said, the Southern soldiers were no more responsible for the war than he was, and they shed their blood too bravely to be held in enmity after Grant and Lee had shaken hands. He felt that if the Current of Progress passed beyond Kansas in finding the soil sacred to itself, the deflection would be Southward. Additional movers boarded the Plow Boy at Pittsburg, and their boxes and horses were handled by the light of torches, in which pine knots burned. There were eyes that were hopeful, faces stained with tears, partings that were bitter memories and fears of misfortunes of men along the great rivers, the haunting stories of death, the gloom of tragedies that opened the broad ways into the wilderness. There was thoughtfulness of the fire and steam, the snags and sands, the rocks and torrents; but the steamers raised their mighty voices, the caliopes whose melodies made the forests shake, and smote the gliding waters like the breath of rising storms. Of course, there was danger, there as always, but there was powerful protection, and it ceased to be a surprise to wake up safe in the morning. Next to the Atlantic Ocean, the Ohio River has been the chosen channel of the Westward movement of humanity from Europe to find homes and found states in the heart of the North American Continent. The Ohio River is the one of the worlds that flows for nearly a thousand miles with the Western current of emigration, that has been as certain and as ceaseless as the trade winds, and its office in the world is not that of destruction. It is a path of progress. The scenes at the European ports, from which the ships that assist so generously in peopling this country, sail, of the partings of those who are changing worlds from the Old to the New, are extremely affecting, for their farewells, "My native land good-night," are, unless there are wonders wrought, farewells forever; and whether the departure is from the rugged Northland, or the sunny Southland, from the low shores that look Northward over the North Sea, or the white cliffs of England, the stormy rocks of Ireland, the pleasant shores of France and Italy, the last look upon the fading land—always to be when it is gone far away over the billows—there are the stories of broken hearts in the fixed and pallid faces of those who still are looking backward as the clouds and shores cease to be defined. As the Plow Boy got under way, slowly, but with dignity, though the ark is unwieldy, for there is power in the awkwardness, the air was dusky, though the gas was ablaze, and the torches, too, and there were shouts and waving of hats, and a deep throated gossip of steam blowing, rather trumpets than whistles. Mr. Roberts, of New York, and Mr. Brown, of Pittsburg, were among those who walked ashore on the last gang plank, and waved their Derbys to three bonnets and a big, slouched hat, which nodded, but was not handled. The veteran did not take off his hat, without giving the matter consideration, and he was not in a mood of obeisance, or even of complacency. He was not a hat slinger, under any circumstances. He was unused to putting his hand in his pocket to find his handkerchief, and as for the use of a handkerchief— his crying days were over. Mr. Brown and Mr. Roberts had spent the time, after the business of the day was done, in conversation with the Murray girls, which was not thrilling but deeply interesting. The conditions of acquaintance and inclination several times separated the couples, and the artificer of these incidents was Mr. Brown, who was moved sharply by the good-bye that could not be long postponed. He had refrained from saying what he had to say as he understood the situation, and had been displeased with his disabilities when there were critical minutes, and "no one nigh to hinder." He and Mary were seated side by side, with the Western sky darkening, the new moon, a silver reaping hook, glancing over the edge of a bank of cloud, and Daniel said: "Mary, may the young moon bring us good luck. One should look at it, they say, with wishes, and what one thinks may be sometime, and I am thinking and wishing now with all my heart, and there is something I wish more than I can tell you, but I think you know what it is, Mary." Now Mary had been still, motionless, almost breathless, and as her name was uttered, she started uneasily, as if timid and anxious, yet protesting in her manner that it was not well to have a crisis; Daniel was timid, too, fearing the movement of Mary was meant as a disapproval of his advance. It is not always, and was not then, that the sympathies of those most interested in truth were correctly interpreted. "My thought is, Mary, and my heart is full of hope, that you may be happy far away, and that the new moons may always tell you the same for me"—he was acting but not decisively—on what he held to be a high resolve. There were approaching rapid steps. Roberts and Rose were promenading with a dash of gaiety, almost of frolic, and passing near, pretending not to see, but seeing all, moving jauntily. Rose was rosey and bright with menace of fun, and gave her sister a chance, [*16022*] [*18*]and the act touched Roberts and nearly upset his pose, for he felt she was so womanly and caught as in a breath a fondness for her sweetness, but he had not been thoughtfully on the brink of a declaration, and felt with a pang that it was too late, for, as the couple swept around the prow, the bell warning all not passengers to go ashore clanged peremptorily, and the hoarse voice of command came "all not going get ashore." It was a call not to be questioned. Time was up. Daniel was really in love, and true love has its weakness as well as strength. It is so dreadful to contemplate the extent of the disaster of a mistake, small at the beginning. He had to do something and tried to speak, but was dumb, and Mary could not help him, for she was in love, too, and no player, no coquette, and he had not given her the word she longed for, and was ready to say herself, but all the voices in the air told her it was death to speak first. There had been so much time and yet so little, and the time was all gone but a few seconds. "This man" had a mad idea of clasping "this woman" in his arms, and kissing her by main strength. He did better. He took her right hand in his, raised it to his lips, and kissed it, holding it fondly for half a second, and the kiss was not rough but gentle, not disrespectful, but an act of homage, of adoration. It was a declaration of love, and there was no word spoken. When Daniel thought over it for some hours, he grew content. He was satisfied with her yielding her hand to his hand and lips, and the exclamation, lower and softer than a whisper, just a sigh not a sob- an expression of modest content. Rose knew something had transpired, and asked pointed questions, and there was a scare that reduced the red of the roses as Mary said there was nothing said, but later told all; and Rose kissed her sister's hand in the same place Daniel had kissed it, and then forced Mary to kiss it every day—Mary's apparent reluctance decreasing daily. Both were in love. One was pledged and bound in silken threads, fine as gossamer, yet strong as steel. The girls did not tell their parents. They studied music and made a luxury of their secrets. They had a lesson of independence. They had been launched into a new life on a steamboat. The moon grew as the boat thumped churning along down the Ohio, Mary growing pensive and inclined to silence, as the stream and steam carried them away— the Murrays and their fortunes. Seldom has a sea voyage seemed so great a journey. It was a fancy of the girls they were possibly floating in some gulf stream of the air—so freely the river seemed to have them at its mercy. At night along the shores were spectral lights here and there, fringes of trees, like tall and massed shadows, vague in the moonlight, and the shifting, gliding stream of the river bore them in an easy masterful way. One long, lonesome evening, the sisters were sitting on the Ohio side, and the colored firemen were singing "Roll, Jordan, Roll," and sounding the changes on "Ohio," phrasing the word as of three letters— O. Y. O. A penny was offered by Rose for Mary's thought. It might from her dreary face have been sombre, and suddenly she answered: "Could he have been mean enough to have found outfirst that I loved him, and got sorry for me and tried to comfort me, thought I was downhearted to be going away from him, and so did what he did to help me get away without losing my mind? If I believed that was the way of it I would hate him for a century, and I'd write I'm never to speak to me again." "You are just a fluttering white goose, sister mine," said Rose. "It has been no trouble for a long time for me to see that he loved you. He gave himself away, silly, forty times a day. Why, he pretended for a while to make up to me, just for the reason he was scared of you, and you were so much to him he got shy. That is just the way with them. You were so tiresome, you got jealous of me and moped. Yes, you did, you need not shake you head. It was as plain as the day, and I let you fidget and droop; and he soon waited around and blundered in your way, asking stupid things, his feet heavy and his head light, and had it out with the roaring old fiddle. How the fish in the Allegheny will miss that fearful fiddle. When a man is in love he is afraid of girls and ghosts and they are mixed in his mind." "Why, Rose, you pretended to like the fiddle, yet, for some reason, you thought you didn't like it. You were afraid of the charm of it. It was too tender for you." "Now, I will even so tell you of his kissing you." "He did not kiss me!" "Oh, yes, he did. He meant more by that kiss on your fist than if he had hugged you and kissed your mouth, and mussed your bonnet and tumbled your hair." "Why, he could not have done such a thing, I would not have let him. But what do you say 'fist' for? He would not have dared to hug or kiss me. I'd never have allowed that." "I'm afraid, you would, couldn't help it if he had been sly and sudden, swift and strong, don't you know?" "No, I don't know." "Really, I don't think you do know, but I know about the kiss you got." "On my hand?" "Yes, on your hand, and all the better for that. He is a gentleman, since you will be told. He expected to have more time, but he knew the right thing, the respectful way—the first steps of the wedding-march— that's why he kissed you that way. A man does not grab a woman he wants for his wife. It was just the same as if he had called you his wife. If you had known what you were about, he did call you his wife. Why did you not kiss him back- on his cheek at first, you little fool. It might have been an accident. Of course, you couldn't. Who said you could? I have to play older sister for you, because you don't know how to read your titles clear to mansions in the skies. It was very sweet and nice of you, though. You have a heart like a baby, and you didn't know you had caught a fish, and that the fish would land itself and get into the basket. You didn't know enough to blush. When my Prince comes, I'll take pattern by you. Kiss me! There, simpleton, go and make love to yourself. There are girls who give away their kisses free and easy, just as they would give a boy, an apple, but they haven't got real sense, and even the boys, though they like the kissing, do not like the girls who let them be too free, and my Mother told me so and you too. You can't think of Pop snatching a kiss, can you? Mr. Brown kissed your hand for another reason. He knew by your mute way of taking it that you were 'sealed for him,' as they say in Salt Lake." "Why, Rose, you are dreadful. How can you go on so? I would not say 'yes' now, even if I thought he was sure, as you say." "Oh, yes, you would. You know it yourself, and he knows just as well as you do what it is. He knows he's got you when he calls for you, just the same as you know you have got him when you call for him, with your hand or eyes; and you can tell all that to him, and he is on the watch now to see the clouds break from the new moon, as it hides far away down West. There it is now, and I will turn away my face while you kiss him goodnight in your mind. You will do very well. you don't know a blessed thing, but you do all right. You will give him the signal 'Come and take me, for it is May cherry time, and the birds are in the cherry trees'; and she made a song and poem out of the birds in the cherry trees." "But I will not signal him, as you say." "Yes, you will, and you won't know it. You couldn't do it so well if you knew anything. Where ignorance is bliss, you know what folly is. Why, it is just wisdom. Don't you kiss me any more. I think I would shriek like an old steamboat. I think rather better of Pop than I did. I have a great notion to kiss him. Wouldn't it be funny if he should turn out to know better than we do what is good for us? Mom is a great woman. She don't know any better than to love Pop, and just let him have his way. There will be divorces in our family." "Don't you think Pop loves Mom?" "Yes, as well as anything except himself. He thinks he loves liberty, but he means his own way." The last of Pittsburg for the voyagers was a lowering [*16023*] [*19*]sky under a mass of darkness, and with the morning there was news that a box had been hurried on board and overlooked in the evening bustle, that was from the Wall Street broker to the younger daughter of the Murrays. It contained books and maps of the states and rivers of the West, the Ohio Valley first, and then the Mississippi and Missouri, all of which was to serve as a guide book, and there was an inscription in it, "To my dear Friend," and when Mary read that she looked at her younger sister in a tantalizing way, and smiled as if she thought herself no longer without defenses; and it was the turn of Rose to be rosey, and she bowed with pretended meekness. "It seems maybe as I have taught you; it may be your inning"—and Mary thought so too, and was enabled to conduct, with the box as a basis, a brief campaign of invasion of the heart history of the sprightly Rose. Had Wall Street ever put on airs of a lovers likeness? He had not. Had he seemed to notice? Yes, he had. Did he give signs of awkwardness, such as betoken devotion? He did not. Had he sought to influence musical education or romantic reading? Only a limited extent. Was he in the habit of dwelling upon the delicacies of the newspapers about the tender passion? He had rather avoided them. Rose was asked at last whether she had been influenced to look into the future, and she came out of the trenches and raised the siege. She told her dear sister that she was, so far as she could tell, fancy free, and had not formed a favorable opinion of Mr. Roberts, for he was seldom serious about anything, except making money. The next thing Rose said was beyond her years, and awed the elder girl. It was that she would be afraid of a lover all of whose experiences were successes, for constant success hardened a man into vanity, and did not prepare him for the rainy days of adversity. Roberts had bounded on his way from one favor of fortune to another, and, when hit hard, the hurt would be deep. Such people were risky. All of this Rose appeared to have got out of her own head, and she was in possession of the field, until out of the affectionate nature of Mary came a question that was a disturber, so unoffending was it. “Why, Rose, you must have been thinking of love,” and she added in substance of the treasures there were in loving, until she had found theories and woven them into a system, and why this study, these walks, when the bees and birds and blossoms had been teaching her the spells that enchanters are forever weaving. "What would you do, Rose, if he should kiss your hand?" “I don’t know. I do not make up my mind about kissing men until the time comes, and then trust I shall act as becomes a prudent person under the surrounding circumstances. If I was as much in love as you are, I think I should know what to do I might follow your example. It does not seem to have made you miserable, and I do not believe you hurt the feelings of the kind young man.” “Well, Rose, you are a women of wisdom, which may be better or worse than folly, and in a crisis of love, your heart will help you. You ought to be sorry you scolded me for saying nothing, just as if I had kissed back. Rose, I do not believe you are any better off than I am.” Then Rose drew and threw away her dagger. “Not so well off, is what you want to say, and that is so.” Irrelevantly Mary said, “It was nice to send the books." At the mouth of the Kanawha where George Washington had a patent for twenty thousand acres of land, advertised it in the Baltimore papers, and promoted the Westward movement of the good old stock of Virginians; and some of their descendants, a group on the way to the Missouri country, joined the Pennsylvanians. It turned out they were going to Kansas or Nebraska, and there were two of Murray’s comrades, as he presently insisted upon calling them —two Confederate soldiers of the regular Stonewall stock, serious persons, men of views. They soon gave evidence in their conversation of the wonderful moral power General R. E. Lee possessed. They were sure the surrender was a military necessity, because Lee considered it so, and if any other man had been in Lee's place, the surrender would not have been the end of the war. This proposition was discussed at length. The elder Southern soldier, Mr. Ashbury Pierce, had been scraped, almost scalped, in the Pickett charge at Gettysburg, with a sliver of shell, and was as fierce about his principles as Comrade Murray. He had but one weakness, and that chewing tobacco, with distinguished enjoyment and moderation. He was devoted to evangelical religion, and had been a champion in proving that the Bible taught the holiness of human slavery, and he still held that doctrine. He approved and admired Lee's surrender, and the abolishment of slavery was “a good thing for the whites,” but there was no telling what would become of the black men. They were no longer protected. He said he did not fight for slavery, not a bit of it, neither did his cousin and comrade, Henry Shaw. They would not have the old state trampled on, but they were and always had been Union men, first and last. The question was, who was to be boss in the Union, and he disgusted the veteran from Flatrock by quoting passages from Lincoln's debate with Douglas. The two veterans, a Pennsylvanian and a Virginian, who had faced each other in great battles in their respective states, became comrades indeed, thought they were not in agreement on the questions of the day, any more than they had been when they pumped lead at each other, both acting in self defense and defending the Union! The Virginian did not believe in too much reform, did not want paper money, could not be sure about silver without limit, did not want the Government should take up the peoples' business, thought Congress and the President had too much to do already. They were about to pass through the cross of the great rivers— the Mississippi the tree—the Missouri and Ohio, the arms. The Northern veteran was an extremist for reform, the Southern veteran held to the old doctrines, and they discussed the money questions—mint and mine and all the rest—-what the Government should and shouldn’t do, and they were going to take a fresh start on new ground. So sturdy were the old soldiers in their discussions of the old and new ideas and facts, that Rose could hardly give attention to the story of the Ohio river, with which she was daily equipped. Mother Murray was dejected, but there was amelioration in finding a Virginian mother who knew the virtue of a quiet smoke in an atmosphere that elevated them above sectional strife, and the economics of the manufacture of money, the questions of land and water taxation. Cincinnati had been selected as the place at which letters sent by mail were to be received, but there was not much of moment. Mr. Leonidas Murray was pleased by the report that thus far there was nothing new at Flatrock Farm, though the new road was soon to be in course of construction. The papers contained the usual stories about grasshoppers and the enforcement in Northwestern states of prohibition laws. Murray wondered occasionally whether his old farm was over a gulf of oil. Mary got a letter from Daniel, and read it with care before she said anything about it. There was no letter for Rose. When the sisters found themselves alone, Mary said the letter from Daniel was an apology for not asking her to be his wife before kissing her, but he wrote that he wanted her hand for his very own, and that he had repented his ruthless haste in kissing it, and begged her forgiveness, and what he said was according to the intuition of Rose. "Why, the poor boy is in a mournful state, is he not? Why, Mary, you must kill him or tell him you will live for him. Of course, he wants a letter and you should save his life. Write him a long letter about the trip, all about Virginia and Kentucky shores, Blennerhassett's island, Marietta, Maysville and the mouth of the Licking, and just at the end say you will keep the hand he took such a liberty with for him." And Mary did so, and forgot all about the steamboat accidents for several days, and Rose read [*16024*] [*20*]up about George Rogers Clark, who set forth from the Falls of the Ohio to capture Kaskaskia and Vincennes, and made a material change in the history of the world by doing so. CHAPTER X. ANOTHER NEW WORLD ON THE OLD ROAD. There were rains on the mountains, after the Plow Boy was on the Ohio, and the river turned from a stream of silver to a flood of gold, hiding the scars on the banks, reaching the willows and the grass fresh with the delicate greens of May. The steamer, though well laden, stood high out of the water, and the chimneys sent up lofty masses of black vapor, while the 'scape pipes spurted with hoarse wheezing, pillars of snow fog, that seen against the background of the gloomy smoke, were of dazzling whiteness. The scene became beautiful and impressive, as the yellow river, in the frame of the green hills, and the skies changing, as shadows of sunshine, the clouds of carbon, and shafts of steam, afforded a spectacle of contrasts, the whole speaking of the resources of the country and the energy of man. As the days passed, Mary and Rose grew cheerful. They were intelligent, observant, curious, and the new things they saw soothed them and gave confidence, broadening the sense of the possible enjoyments of life, and their lovers did not seem so far away as expected. They had drawn nearer. The boat was at any rate not a meteoric machine, but sober and gifted in voices, that were not always bad company. There was, after all, a bit of adventure in the pilgrimage, the great river helping them on the way, the country showing breadth of cultivation, villages, towns and cities unfolded as bends of the favorite flood of the adventurous French were turned. There was evidence every hour of the advancement of the quick world called the West. It was to them a great book stored with knowledge, and they became sorry that they partially lost "the passing show" when sleeping. A new world was opened. It was not a series of savage scenes that were displayed. The country was beautiful, the green shores not too rugged for utility. There were steeples with bells, orchards that were fruity and opulent in happy trees heavily laden. The golden road to the Golden Gate moved with the movers. The gates of paradise swung wide. The stars were as lamps hung out for an infinite festival. Was it indeed true that on the once hopeless Plow Boy they were drifting to better things? The going forth to new countries, already blooming in health, superb in growth, and glowing with vivid life, appealed to the hopefulness and the wholesomeness of the imagination of unsullied youth, and the girls beamed with increasing brightness as they faced the sunsets, and caught the rosy tints on their cheeks. Mary was sure of her lover, and Rose was not so sure of the need of adversity to educate a good man for her as she has been. She liked the daring dash of the young man who had been so near and yet so far. There was music at nightfall, not classical concerts, but the firemen were loud and long in song, and revelled in hoedowns. There was a fierce fiddler, and an artist in shaking bones between his fingers, and above all, a bugler, who played when the mouth of the Kentucky river was in view, and caused the famous poem of General William O. Butler to be remembered, and the first line of his song, once on all lips, but not of enduring fame, seemed like an echo and an encore of other days - "Boatman, wind that horn again"* There was a dreadful "horn" aboard, however, that aroused derision during recitations, and there were burlesque cries, "Gentle musician, repeat that dulcet strain, play Michael Wiggins once again." Then the bugle yielded miraculous melody, for it was a master who gave it breath and touched the stops, the pensive notes were ringing, and voices joined in singing, Rose told her father she felt as though she had got into a theater. The passengers of the Plow Boy had a notion, as they were gliding and grinding down the broad Ohio, such as besets many wafted by the trade winds, in the subtropics, on the greater oceans, that the world was originally arranged for the promotion of Westward emigration by a system of winds on the broader waters in the Oriental interest, that was, if we had not crowded the Orient into the Occidental place. The superstitious sailors of Columbus were awe-stricken, because the wind monotonously favored their commander's enterprise, and fancied they might be under the influence of a magic that was enticing them with enchantment into some wild gulf, an awful whirlpool, that would prove a monster of the deep to swallow them. How should they know that the world might not end in a prodigious cataract, approached by irresistible rapids, sweeping, hurling them into a cloud of doom? A river is a road that moves forever one way if it is not overcome by tidal influence. The Ohio is the greatest of the world's rivers flowing West, with the exception of the Congo, which was revealed in all its grandeur by Stanley, and is broken by rapids as it nears the sea. He felt the pressure of the rush of waters irrevocably into the mysteries, between the source of the stream, between pathless forests and precipitous rocks, into the sea. On the Pacific, as on the Atlantic, the trade winds favor American adventure in Asiatic enterprise. The first steamboat from Pittsburg for New Orleans, spent a week taking coal that protruded from Kentucky shore below the mouth of the Tennessee, that gave store of energy, enabling them to run the gaunlet on the Mississippi, of the New Madrid Earthquakes, that rent the forests, and even held and rolled back for hours the volume of the father of floods, leaving the well-named Reel Foot lake as a memorial of the great quake. The Plow Boy, with its interesting cargo of representative people of the old states of the Susquehanna and the Potomac, had an experience, novel to the moving passengers, when, instead of gliding with the road that moved their way, they struck the waters from the Northern plains and the Rocky Mountains, swelling in murky volume and in haste as they coiled through the Southland of our country to the Gulf that is the Pan American Central Sea. The river road ran against the boat, with the state of Missouri on the left and Illinois on the right, and the broad torrent was laden with the perpetual tribute of the Rockies to the sea. The City of St. Louis was a point of detention. There were letters to read, and shopping to do. The completion of outfits had been deferred, and there was a hustle on "the ark," as the good steamer was styled by Rose, whose lively fancy found a resemblance in Noah's safeguard, ship, built for floating, not sailing, and adapted to landing on mountain tops, and the wooden tower propelled by a single wheel. Rose held that the ark was top heavy, and she could never get a satisfactory answer to the question, of the direction of the currents of the water that rose above the snow line, in the history of the deluge when the time came to fall. Still, she gained confidence in the stability of the sturdy craft, as it got on, and the Ark has always had the reputation of a staunch sea-going ship. It was a strange sensation and experience that held a place in memory, that to turn into the Missouri from the Mississippi river was going home. The man told *THE BOATMAN'S HORN. By General W. O. Butler, of Kentucky O Boatman! wind that horn again, For never did the list'ning air Upon its lambent bosom bear So wild, so soft, so sweet a strain! What though thy notes are sad and few, By every simple boatman blown, Yet is each pulse to nature true, And melody in every tone. How oft, in boyhood's joyous day, Unmindful of the lapsing hours, I've loitered on my homeward way By wild Ohio's bank of flowers, While some lone boatman from the deck Poured his true numbers to that tide, As if to charm from storm and wreck The boat where all his fortunes ride! Delighted Nature drank the sound, Enchanted, Echo bore it round. [*21*] [*16025*] that they were near the heart of their country. The river from the West testified that there was a great future there. It was "God's country," the boys said, and the girls believed it. The Confederate veteran's daughters, Susannah and Martha, sang hymns, and they were delighted to know that the Pennsylvania girls were psalm singers, with voices sweet as their faces. Singing on the way up the Missouri became a popular function, and "by request," there was a variation from the hymns. "The Blue and the Gray" was given by the Virginian and Pennsylvanian quartette, and the fighting fathers had to stand up with tears for other years in their eyes, and forgive each other, as they did, silently and sincerely, and the national airs, including the Star Spangled Banner, The Bonnie Blue Flag, Yankee Doodle, and Dixie, were given by the American girls to the river and to the sky. The Missouri was so swift and twisted, and the boat heavy and unwieldy, that there was, it appeared, some extra time, and the Murrays and the Pierces became so well acquainted they were nearly inseparable. The National veteran and his Confederate comrade had met in many battles; that is, did their duty on opposing sides in combats, including the Seven Pines, Gaine's Mills, Antietam, Gettysburg, and the Wilderness. They were not hasty in professional reconciliation. Some days were needed before they were sure of each other. Then each recognized in the other a soldier and citizen, to be respected as a fighting man, and one at home in the house The Fathers built. First, they agreed about the war, were glad it was over, and proud to take each other's hands. They were shy for a while about things they had been fighting for and against, but were alike glad slavery was gone—this on a white man's basis— and then there was agreement slavery was bad all round. There were race questions that could not be solved in a day or many days. There came a wrestle about the problems most prominently before the people, and, as both the old soldiers were free talkers, they had small, but very attentive audiences. The listeners were amazed and then amused, to ascertain the Virginian was so much more conservative than the Pennsylvanian. "Old Virginia" spoke in an old fashioned way, and "Old Pennsylvania" was a revolutionist, a radical, and not as fond of peace as his comrade, who had seen as much reform as he thought was good for the country, if there had to be a fight about it. He had tried both ends of it, and was satisfied. "Old Pennsylvania" having, as he conceived, wiped out slavery, sought more sins and sorrows to eradicate, and that right away. He wanted to see everything done in his good time, for he held as a great principle, in advance of the specifications, that works of reform were appointed for his generation. He was for turning and ever turning, for entering into the very chemistry of our institutions, functions, customs, methods, manners' and manias may be added. "Old Virginia" had tired. He went back to Jefferson, Jackson and Benton principles, proceedings and policies, and laid out his politics accordingly. As to the war, he had surrendered with Lee, and that ended it. He would not fight again the old battles, except the individual incidents, and was sparing of that form of egotism. The war was, however, and was over, and we should not go behind it to find trouble. There was one burning question that the comrades did not care to take up. They had different views for avoidance, almost involuntary. Old Virginia would not talk about White Man's Government, or Black Man's Government, because he knew as well as he cared to know that there could be no great power government other than that of white men, no matter on what continent, or what were the articles and clauses of the Constitution, or the laws, or their interpretation by the courts. The stars rounded their courses, and kept time, as well as the sun; and the older civilization was, and the greater the advancement, the more the governments would be in the hands of the white men. It was just as sure the black man would not rule a sovereign state, as that the red men would not convert themselves and their land into a state. That was fundamentally the whole story, and discussion was in vain. Give the South a chance. Let, the National prerogative be construed literally as to localities. That was the substance of the system of State - each to do as it pleased so that it did not harm the other states. Our states were in line across the Continent - three of them on the Pacific. We should have no more "free coinage" of states. Go slow about new states. Old Pennsylvania consented that as to races they needed time. He held Abraham Lincoln's doctrine, that the North and South originally sinned alike in slavery, and neither was called to punish the other, and the races had to live together. They could not run away from each other if both tried. It must be that was one of the things slavery had done; it had mingled the blood on the same soil. To quote again from Abraham Lincoln, the black man had a better right to own himself than the white man had to own him, and the black man had the right to feed his wife and children with the food he had raised. The hands that earned bread had the right to put it in the mouths and the children he had brought into the world, and no man had the right to take his wages away from him or to interfere with the disposition of his earnings. There was the race question, and it must mark out its own administration, upon the high plane of reformed "economics." The "basic" rights were fixed, and would vindicate themselves, if the Government became absolutely the servant of the people. The people were to protect themselves with the Government, and use the Government as their own, as their organized instrumentality and the Constitution was for all the states and was well considered production. The cranks grew after the Constitution was in force. The first line of cleavage between the two movers was well over, and the country settled down, to "grow up with the country." To be sure, there was the single land tax, but their experience, there was nothing in that to draw blood, no reason to excite fears. The purpose of the Pierces, the more they studied in their plans was to decide the one question they had left open when leaving Virginia soil, and that was to prefer Kansas to Nebraska. The names of the two states were curiously coupled in history, and as the land money of the Virginians was in transferable securities, and there was a feeling that the climate might be a proper theme for personal observation, it was reserved for discussion which state should be selected for habitation. The force of impressions favored Kansas, the one overbearing argument being that the states was Southern territory, and when the great sections were antagonized, should have been conceded to the South. Nebraska was a great country, but was far away North of Old Virginia, and the wind averaged colder there than in South Kansas or Oklahoma. The question that all the states and territories should be free soil having been decided by the appeal to war on both sides, it was remarkable that the Plow Boy carried representatives of the two sections, renewing under peaceable auspices the currents of civilization that had once been warlike. Now they were going to work in corn and wheat fields, orchards and gardens, for the security, plenty and peacefulness of homes. As the Missouri river journey drew to an end, the Virginian decision was to join Pennsylvania, and go to the Radical Cross Roads, to look over that country. If the decision should be to go on, the direction would be South or West, perhaps both. The impulse of movement was, at least, a thousand years old. The settlement of Iceland by Norwegians was in 874, on the Greenland end of the island, and the movement was still the same. CHAPTER XI. GOVERNMENT BY THE PEOPLE, FOR THE PEOPLE. Mr. Asbury Pierce, of Virginia, his wife Betsy, and her daughters, Susannah and Martha, and son Louis, grew interesting and friendly on the Ohio River, pleasing on the Mississippi and neighborly on the Missouri. Martha and Louis were not properly out of school, and [*22*] [*16026*] the school girl was in just the state in which the remark is justified, "She will soon be as tall as her mother." They had remnants of better days. Their fortunes had suffered in the great war, but, personally, they were uncomplaining. The fact that Pierce was one of the Confederate column that charged for a mild through the flaming regiments and batteries of the National line at Gettysburg, was a passport to the consideration of those of the other side, who had breasted like tempests. He and Murray were gazed upon, as they walked together and talked, with admiration and pride, and the generous breadth of sentiment of the Southern soldier, and the kindliness of his manhood made friends on all sides. As his views became known through candid utterances, conversation with him was sought, but he was not swift in confidence. The two veterans had a great deal of each other's company. They were farmers and had much in common, beside heroism in war. The shy, tall Southern Girl, Susannah, modest and retiring, but alert and sparkling with vitality, and Rose, in the bloom of her saucy beauty, became fast friends. Susannah's soothing accent was of the sunny South. Her gifts were of gentleness, and each day added to her graces. She was in the May days of life, a lovely mingling of brightening Spring and early Summer. At first, the talks of Leonidas and Isaac were chiefly of farming in Pennsylvania and Virginia. War experiences were regarded as worn. Neither was able to lay down the laws for cultivating and sowing crops in Kansas and Nebraska. They did not know enough of the soil and climate of the country to which they were going to make the studies of their farming experiences attractive to themselves; still, they knew about land, and how to get out of the soil what it was good for. So to speak, they fell back on the Great Hereafter, and for a time, the Pennsylvanian held the field, and blazed away from his position, which he fancied was another Gettysburg, upon all advances. Young men of the South, who had been educated in Northern Colleges, were, as a rule, uncompromising in their expression of Southern sympathies, and positive in doctrine, making it a point to expound Calhoun. They had a broad field from which to illustrate their propositions, knowing, as they did, both sections, but as for statesmanship, Clay and Webster were not in it with Calhoun. The Northern men who knew the South were largely school teachers, and during the decade before the war, railroad and telegraph men, express messengers and young lawyers, aspirants for public life, prone to accept the local coloring of convictions, and swift to adopt Southern habits. The Collegians spread the proposition in reply to Northern Radicalism, that there could be no property in man (that the sense of the right to have and to hold property in black men, that the average Virginian had), surpassed the feeling of property right entertained by any race of men. The sacred right to own black people, being contested in other states, was in excess of all other rights known among men. This was one of the misapprehensions that made mischief. There were on the Plow Boy a few mutual friends, who fancied there would be entertainment in getting the two fighting men, who had knowledge of their own about war, to warm up over the current issues, and the warriors were each told of the extraordinary ideas held by the other, with a zeal that may have been touched with higher colors than called for. Both had self respect, and they had understanding that discussion could not close argument, and that. therefore, they might as well not precipitate controversy. As they became acquainted, between themselves and through others, the freedom of speech grew upon them, and they were curious as to each other. The cousin comrade of Pierce was content to be a plain Confederate enlisted man. Kansas was, it seemed, still a disputed state. On her soil there had been a great deal of education. It was favorable to free states, and there was an impulse to go on with good reform works. Of course, there were "problems," but what should be solved first? Taxation? Government proprietorship? Regulation of transportation? Gold, silver, paper standard of value? Destruction of all monopolies; and, incidentally, what was a monopoly? Concentration of all taxes upon that which could not be moved or concealed. Mr. Murray, late of Pennsylvania, harbored in his bosom a burning question, and burst forth one day, saying to Mr. Pierce, of Virginia, "I am told you do not favor the issue of all money—gold, silver, copper, paper, by the government. What do you think? How do you make sure all the securities, for the benefit of the people with thought to make and handle their own money stuff?" Mr. Pierce calmly stated that they had tried the issue of unlimited paper in the Southern Confederacy, and it didn't work well, as they could not limit the issue. This had been a weakness of the Confederate Government. "Why not put it out until the people are satisfied, until they have enough?" was the answering inquiry of the Northern veteran. "They are never satisfied," said the Virginian, "better not throw down the fence." "What fence?" Old fashioned Virginia "staked and ridered." "You have not gone into economics, maybe." "Have had some experience in our parts. But are you a follower of George? Are you a single taxer? "What do you understand by that?" "That there must be only one tax, and that on land, letting the people be free, they say." Mr. Murray squared himself for an important utterance, and said: "I have thought enough about it to have my opinion of it, and I do not say I like it, but I am not as much against it as I was when I owned a good deal of land and very little of anything else. It is one of the subjects I have had before me when hunting new land." "The idea is that the land is for the people, and that they make the value of it with their work, and that the land ought to be taxed for all, so that there should be no land monopoly." "Yes, that's the idea, but how would it work with me. I shall take up land in Kansas, if I do not go further, now that I have started, and then I am to pay taxes for everybody, and on what improvement I put on it. And here go the railroads over the country, a-whoopin' and charging for freight what they please, and I think they had better tax the water in the stock. I am for a water tax, if it has got to be one thing. Tax the water first, and then try the land." "I see it is hard to adjust, but the principle, I think is correct." "Well, I do not see that, and so far as I have noticed, the land taxers, who are disciples of George, are loaded up with patents—pumps and suckers and crosscut saws, and ways of getting up railroad iron and all sorts of contrivances that the pubic want, to pay for to get the use of them. Then, we have got the Golden Rule politics, which means an exclusive right, according to law, to do something, and tax the people through the nose. Pay them for the monopoly and the holders are all right. It is an airy sort of real estate." "Can not we find a remedy in all inequalities in having the people take charge of their franchises, and manage their own business for themselves? Then the states, or leastways, the United States, should own all the railroads, street roads and across the country roads, and all the rivers." "That is a part of it, as I see and hear. In Europe, they have the single tax in particular, but it does not include all the taxes by a lot. Your notion is, and I have been all along down the road and have quit it, that all is to be free for all except one thing, and that the thing that can't get away or be hidden—the land. Right after this, of course, is that all things touching the people are to be done by the Government as a part of its duty." "Well, isn't that fair?" If we have a government by the people, why not for the people, too, as Abraham Lincoln would say?" [*23*] [*16027*] "Maybe that is the way to destroy what government for the people we have got. The two greatest armies in the world are those of Germany and Russia, and they are Empires, military government. Germany has to handle and tax the tobacco of the people, and Russia is monopolizing the whisky making of the country. If there is a single tax, and it can not be laid on water, try it on tobacco or whisky, or try it on incomes." "We do not get any nearer together in the debate, and let me tell you as fast as I can say it all at once, what should really be done. It is, the people must really govern, not partly, but altogether. There's the railroads, we must have them - take them. They are in sight, they can not escape the people If the people rule, the way to rule is to run things, to go for them and get them and use them. I mean all public transportation. Let each man have his own share of it. The same as to the telegraph. The people want the wires and to use them for their own benefit. The Post Office carries letters and packages, why not dispatches; and why not the Government give the news? The country spends forty or fifty (I do not know which) million dollars a year for the circulation of weekly newspapers. Why not furnish daily newspapers also? Give the people the truth, the news and stop lying? There are too many rich men in the newspapers, and the people want the facts, and might as well have them. Take the wires and use them for the information of the people, and convey the mails to the farms, as well as to the houses in the towns. Then the people will be in power." "Wouldn't more than half the people be in the Government?" "They ought to be—all of them ought to be—that's what a Republican Government would be, or should be." "Would you be getting them all into uniforms?" "I think I would, and drill them, too. "Don't you see you are getting back to Empire, to the way Government goes in Empires? Give me the machine you have up in your mind, and I would make myself the Czar, and I would not be re-elected, either. Stick to Jefferson - "The world is governed too much". "What is your remedy for everything?" "It is MAKE MONEY by the people for the people. Give it to the credit of the Government and print enough of it for everybody. Kill the Monopolists with a flood of money, and let it redeem itself by wearing out. There will be a great statesman arise and save the people from the metallic money god, and especially the Gold Boss. I remember a great newspaper up the river that published greenbacks by tens of thousands, that would have been as good as any money if the Government stamp had been on it, and the greenbacks were largely circulated and got up a great circulation for the paper, and the subscribers were interested in it by lot. What we want is enough money of the people, and not to waste time with what they call valuable metals. Their precious metal is so soft that it has to be alloyed or it will stick to your fingers. Let us tear the people from the Great Demon of Despotism. Do that, and tax the water instead of land, and there you are. All is plain sailing and consistent. All great things are simple. The secret of public life is to tax them in their simplicity." "There ought to be a compromise with George, the man who had planned with his own hands the fields he held deeds for, had earned all the increments, repulsing all borers, railroad schemers and plotters of towns, standing off all who attempted to corrupt his views. He loved George for what he meant, but if that good man had owned land, he would have been broader in base and firmer in standing. Farmers started our country, and one must plow a furrow before he holds a fort." CHAPTER XII. ON WHEELS AMONG THE WILD WOLVES. John Murray, who would have stood successfully a competitive examination with his father, as to which was the bigger crank, was waiting at the landing when the big and booming stern wheeler,' Plow Boy, pawed and snorted, jangled bells, blew whistles, and let down a huge bridge ashore. He had a remarkable hat of wool, that was colored at the will of the sun and rain. It was warm weather, and there came a whiff of the heart of the Southwest from the winds that were sweeping from Arizona, and the Desert of Death of California, to the land of the taller cornstalks. John had two teams, with three horses each, two goodly dogs chained under the respective wagons. There were, too a liberal store of horse food, coffee and sugar, to be dealt with according to the restrictive receipts of political economy, a supply of bacon and codfish and providently a pile of wood for emergencies, also a bag of coal, and there were splinters for kindling. The horse feed was clean corn in the ear. The cobs were good to put under a coffee pot. No member of the family had as yet found out the refinement that the sin of coffee drinking was as bad, except in degree, as that of more acute intoxicants. In a heavy leather locked box were a few flasks of gun powder, also a rifle, old style percussion, and a double-barreled shot gun—breech-loading, centre-fire. The horses were well selected for the open prairie, the wheel horses to be driven with reins, or, by riding the larboard horse, and two keener animals, lighter, swifter, and, as they say in South Africa, more "mobile," to pull at the ends of the tongues, or in case of a heavy haul, the two leaders would be put at the end of a tongue, and get up a four-horse force; or, in a serious stress, there were ten horses to call upon. There were saddles and bridles for two riding horses, for scouting purposes, galloping ahead, or making excursions to investigate the country, to find water, food or fuel. There were two hundred and fifty miles to go, and a fixed policy to steer clear of railroads and taverns. John's equipment showed experience. The caravan would be self-sustaining. The pilgrims from Pennsylvania mustered five horses, one big wagon, and a light one for one horse, two cows, a bull and two powerful dogs. There was a big load for the greater wagon, and a special wagon for machinery, to use in driving wells, and a fine sucker rod pump, prepared according to the golden rule of Mr. Jones. There was a harness for two horses for the pump service, that were to be purchased, and a driver to be engaged for the journey. The Virginians had a two-horse wagon, a big buggy and three horses, an exceptionally powerful animal for the buggy, and Mrs. Pierce took upon herself the guidance of the latter. She would have been more at home on the back of the best horse, and had a side saddle that had seen service. The lady knew horses, and that there was "blood" in the big bay, her particular charge. There was great satisfaction because there was a Confederate Union make up between Pennsylvania and Virginia, and the old confederate soldier was not by any means disarmed. Asked why he did not take with him a colored man or two, he said the "boys" preferred to stay at home. They were doing about as much or little as they pleased, and it would be more trouble to get them to go than was worth while, as they did not mind changing jobs. When the soldiers of the blue and gray stated to each other the extent of the preparation to protect themselves, they smiled grimly at each other. This followed a conversation with a citizen with whom John was acquainted, whose feeling was that so unusual a turn out might excite attention, and lead desperate characters to hold up the wagons, as they did trains sometimes, but the alarmist was told, without wasting words, that they would be able to give themselves protection, that they would call a halt at long range, if curious people came in a crowd. John soon got on the track of a reliable youth for the extra driver. There was but one element of discord, and that was among the dogs. The Virginians had a dog with a good deal of blood in him, including a streak of hound, that looked as if a gaunt gray wolf had interfered with the purity of his ancestral tree, and, perhaps, improved the stock for fighting purposes. It was necessary to arrange that [*24*] [*16028*] the dogs should be kept under their respective wagons, and taught by traction to trot peaceably between the wheels where they belonged. Turned loose with encouragement, they would be unkindly receivers of unauthorized callers. John Murray had in his pocket a letter which he did not remember for a few hours, that had been forgotten under pressure of duty. It seemed to be from Mr. Daniel Brown, and an indication of it was that it was addressed to Miss Mary Murray, and, as she did not report on this communication, even to her father or mother, the business to which it related was of a personal nature. Her father's face stiffened a shade when John handed it to Mary, and she received it with a blush, but her mother expressed appreciation with a fainter blush. John did not accept the Virginians with his heart in his hand, or even on his sleeve. He was a slighter and severe copy of his father, and made no reservations except in speech meant to offend. He did not want to cross anybody about anything that did not involve a great principle, but nearly everything that he took up had a great principle in it, and, of course, the blood of the martyrs was the seed of patriotism. He had an idea that our greatest man was John Brown, and the old Virginian warrior was not cross examined on that question. Cohn adopted a very simple form of religious faith that saved him a great deal of trouble. It was to take the Bible just as it is, and believe it as a whole, and interpret it as his judgment determined; and with his infallibility accepted, he did not care to argue the case. He was not in favor of any sort of ministers, preachers, or priests, and immovable on the proposition that every man and woman should take the good Book in hand and believe it, with no mental reservation or shadow of turning; and make it his or her guide. Right there he stood. There was no mystery in the Book for him, and he would not go into any discussion as to what certain books, or chapters, or verses meant. He was solid for the solid Bible, and there he was. He did not fancy "rebels" as rebels, and he still felt the pricking of his conscience about them. No sweeping generalities as to constitutional doubts, or local education, helped him to feel happy about the people who tried to break up our glorious Union. He was a tall young man before he believed the rebels had any great generals, and never for a moment conceded that any statesman of the South who did not want to emancipate slaves, loved his country. He was rather surprised to find his father "taken up" with an "old rebel," so as to be glad to have him go to the Radical Cross R oads. John would have preferred very much that there should not be an "ex confed" settled in that place. It did not look like reform, and it would interfere with the radicalism of expression of fixed principles. Rebels were really out of order. They had insurgents against prohibition laws in Kansas. The Radical Cross Roads had been picking up. There was a small church, with a short steeple and a big bell in it, that had been cast in Massachusetts, and bore the same inscription—text from the Bible—that hallows the old Philadelphia Independence Bell, and that, as John said, was the clear thing, no compromising in it, and he pointed to the words, "all the inhabitants thereof," with as much pride as if he had written them for the Bible. John himself had a little blood in him that was thicker and redder than water, and he could not insult his father's friend, but he put away in a pigeon hole of his mind a whereas and series of resolutions that he would not abandon Mr. Asbury Pierce until he had tried to bring him to admit his errors, and make contrite confession of political repentance. But John was unhorsed from this unkindly aspiration, even before the pilgrims moved with their procession from the banks of the "Big Muddy" Missouri. John had a surprise in store. He hungered and thirsted for conversation with the Confederate citizen, who was disposed to stalk across the fact of the country and take some of his sunshine. They had been industriously at work, getting their "stuff" off the boat and into the country, clear of the houses, where a big lot could be rented, while the preparations were made to launch away into the boundless Southwest. This caused a separation of the company, and John Murray and Mr. Asbury Pierce, with the heavy Virginian wagon, and one of the Pennsylvania Prairie Schooners, got to the starting place out of town, and rested from their labors, kindled a fire, made coffee and broiled bacon, had a dog - the hybrid monster from Virginia —duly untied and fed and placed ready to bite if there should be any living thing, "man or beast." prowling. Before turning in of the advanced guard, there was time to pass. The Confederate had not hankered for conversation with John, having, indeed, formed rather a critical opinion of that young man, and a tendency to think that golden silence with him was preferable to even silvery speech, and really that it would not be good to talk politics with John without firearms in the background. In truth, Old Virginia had almost a prejudice against the young man, and was convinced that although he was the eldest and only son of his father, he lacked a few of the ingredients of attractive information, so much so that much talk with him would not be a boon. Mr. Pierce had a high regard for his old comrade as a man, but held that he was tedious in talk, that betrayed him as a believer in all the Northern isms, and he held that isms were strictly a Northern product, as cotton was a staple of the South, and he did not expect all at once to find all the Yankees agreeable people. Having enjoyed the bacon and coffee, while the dog took care of the share of meat allotted him, and the horses ground their corn and hay, Old Virginia, who now restricted the use of tobacco to an occasional Wheeling stogie, unless he was away from home and wanted to save a few good smokes, crammed and lit his pipe, and puffed in silence. John was a reader, usually by lamplight, and when he could not read or work, he wanted to whittle a soft stick, but he had not had the forethought to lay up a supply of reading or of pine. Whittling hard wood was too hard work to make the way easy to wear away. John did not, as he was proud to say, and happy in the phrase, "stain his soul with tobacco," and in a short time came the first shot of the conversational engagement in which he got his surprise. "Mr. Pierce, may I ask what are your religious convictions?" The veteran's reply was terse. "I believe the Bible." "Ah." said the younger man, "how do you construe it?" and he wore a "so far so good" expression of doubt, not unmixed with satisfaction. Again the answer was brief, but covered a good deal of ground. "I try to make it my guide. It contains enough for me of all the doctrine I know." John turned to the Virginian with deep interest and some agitation and asked: "May I ask to what denomination you belong?" "Certainly, to no denomination, as I use the word, but I claim to be a Christian. Do you?" "Yes, said John, and having an opening, he improved it. I believe the Bible as it is, and find Christianity in it, and I do not allow any man to come between me and the Bible, no matter how learned he is, or what clothes he wears. I am Bible scholar enough to read the Book, and I believe it. "Why, my brother," said the soldier, "give me your hand. You believe as that grand old Virginian, Alexander Campbell, believed and taught." And the brethren forgot there was any politics, or had been any war, and prayed together before going to bed. The next day accounts were settled with the Plow Boy, and all property and persons removed to the camping ground. The following day—the morning was bright—an early start was made, and the overland stage of the pilgrimage began. The disembarkation at Kansas City, gave the direction of the Radical Cross Roads South and West, striking out boldly according to the points of the compass for the head waters of the Arkansas. This independent emigration was not, however, arbitrary, according to the longitude or the elevation above the level of the sea, or determined [*25*] [*16029*] by the course of the rivers. The general direction of moving was Southwest, and the old campaigners studied maps of the country to learn the lay of the land. The Pennsylvanians were inquirers about local politics, but the Virginians were almost indifferent. They were, at least, going where they were not apprehensive of finding a majority of black citizens, and that assured, they yielded to the sensation of comfortableness but they were uneasy about the name of the town "Radical Cross Roads." There were few trees, except in the neighborhood of running water, and where they had been planted, and the absence of such forests as were still on the mountains and by the streams of Pennsylvania and Virginia, fixed the presumption of barrenness until the impression was corrected by corn fields. "What is this?" was asked three days' drive out, when in the evening there appeared on the horizon a low, white line, rising slowly Northwest, and drawn as with a sift pencil Southward. The white line would remind those familiar with the sea of the dusky mark far away, where no ships are visible, meaning that the smoke was of a steamer out of sight. That which was seen on the edge of the sky was the steam of a locomotive. Time was not so much an object of our people on the grand move, as to be self sustaining, and defeat the monopolies by furnishing their own economical transportation, and there was no hesitation in taking unfrequented routes, with care to be in reach of water and not involved in difficult country. When the route was not well known there was a horseman detailed to be vigilant as a scout and point out the easy lines of movement. The supply of water did not much exceed that required every twenty-four hours. There were tokens of dry weather, and while the summer airs were not of high temperature, the horses often required the refreshment of drink, and there was painstaking to keep in sight, as the days declined, the cotton woods that marked the running waters—and the water was sometimes underground. The calls upon reserved strength increased from day to day, and, at length, it was evident that a prudent regard for conditions demand rest. The trees did not appear in any direction to vary the monotony, and no puff of locomotive steam had been seen all day. They were free from railroads sure enough. The loneliness of the immense plain was oppressive, the horses were not allowed to drink freely, and they did not relish the grass as usual. There was fatigue in the air. Caution was given when preparing supper that the fire should not reach the grass, for, while there were no farms visible to be in peril of wild fire, it was only reasonable that movers should not increase the fire risks that those who knew the country could not fail to consider. A few days without rain had multiplied places in which that which had been food was fuel. In the night the dogs were uneasy and the horses disturbed, the men were grave; and, at last, the women folks were uneasy and wanted to sit up and look at the stars, though there were not as many sparklers in the sky as had been seen during the steamboat era of the journey. The veterans wanted to watch by turns all night, lest evil should come with the rising wind; but John claimed that as he knew the country best, he should be the sentinel, and the others would drive tomorrow while he slept in his wagon. He examined his Winchester, located a pistol and axe, fed the dogs extra that they might not be noisy, and got everybody early to rest, while he walked around the camp, studied the sky and noticed the snorting of the horses. The camp's educated seniors had been schooled in the art of improving chances to rest and commanding sleep. Their wives were uneasy and confided themselves to the goodness of Providence, and were firm in the faith that all was well when the men of war were close at hand. The Virginian girl, Susannah, was not cheerful, but the fact that her parents slept soothed her, and she soon surrendered to the drowsy influences. Mary and Rose were wide awake, with their arms around each other, and had been whispering softly, and each told the other this was like their dismal dreams of Kansas, when they first contemplated the missionary work their father had so much at heart. They had exhausted their faculty of apprehension, when snug in bed, under a wagon cover, guarded by a still, but keen eyed sentinel, whose foot-steps they occasionally heard, when there was—it seemed not very remote - a strange, vibrant yelp, not shrill, but rather mournful, a series of desolate cries, that lingered and broke into fantastic howls, that at first appeared close at hand and then far away, a dismal menace and note of desperate sorrow. Each asked the other in a whisper that was subdued, "What is that?" The howling was repeated quite near, but rather faintly, and then echoed at a distance. The girls were aware of a stir of the sleepers, and the steps of the sentinel close by the wagon were welcome sounds, and Rose asked in a soft, low but penetrating voice," What is it John?" and he answered, "Only wolves, quite harmless creatures." The dogs did not think so, for they growled savagely, and the old folks became interested, and asked with some earnestness what manner of wolves were abroad, without getting a perfectly satisfactory answer. Were they such wolves as made attacks and might hurt a cow, and John, that everybody might be satisfied, rekindled the supper fire, which shed a protecting light, and the evil ones abroad caught a hint that there was no bacon for them and were silent. The girls felt safe with a light, and the fire was supplemented by a lamp that could be closed and became a dark lantern, or shine abroad through glass. This was elevated on a tent pole; and there were sleepers in the wagons until the welcome morning. The sentinel was warned by his experiences that there were changes impending, and did not venture to get a few winks. He had an old watch with a bell in it, that upon touching a spring would strike the hours, and concluded a very early start would be a good move, for the state of the grass aroused a fear of fire, and the expectation of reaching water during the day was strong. The country ahead was a plain, gradually rising in the West. It did not strike him as they closed the day that taking the chances of a short cut would shorten the course. It might even lead a day's drive around. Certainly, the country looked dismally dry ahead. He called the men and started when the light brightened, and the uncertainties of the land passed away, and giving drivers points, he was soon asleep. The fact that his bed was on wheels and on the way, did not bother him. It was not the regular way to hitch up and go on before breakfast, but water was short, and must be used with uncommon care, or would give out, and a water famine in a fiery prairie was not to be permitted, and would hardly happen to experienced persons, whose wits were with them. CHAPTER XIII. FIRE FIGHTS FIRE—A BRAND SNATCHED FROM IT. John Murray was distinguishing himself as a man of usefulness in the handling of the train. He caused the seniors, alternately, to remain with the wagons, to take trips in riding a mile in advance, to find easy and uneasy going, and search the horizon with field glasses. Above all, it was necessary to give attention to signs of water, and select the best grass for the horses and cows. His order for the day was to steer Southwest, and bear to the South, if obstacles were encountered. The best horse he held for his own use in the day, the outriders to wait for the wagons, feed and rest horses after ten o'clock. His first dash was to be for water, and, waking after five hours' sleep, he set out, giving his horse a small drink, about three swallows, and the hired driver was told he must be on the lookout for signals. It was Father Murray's duty at the time to be the scouting outlook, and they came together about four miles from the wagons and consulted. John feared the had taken a course leading too far South, and that by noontime it would be the better policy to bear Westward, and make direct for a stream that ran into the Kansas instead of striking a tributary of the Arkansas; and he started at last, with care-taking [*26*] [*16030*] second, action. First, the horses were harnessed and hitched up, their heads were turned Northward, the wagons in a row, ready to move at a word. Then men and boys and girls began to prepare torches. There were four scythes immediately swung by strong arms, cutting wide swaths. The grass was mown around the wagons, and heaped Northward. This was swift, hard work. Strips of cloth were used to blindfold the horses and cows. The dogs were unchained and heard kindly spoken words. The word given to all was that precautions were being taken against possibility of danger from fire; that there was a fire far away and it might draw near, went without saying. There was work for life to do, and words were few. The men took turns in fiercely mowing. The girls put on their shoes to zealously and good humoredly carry grass to add to the swath Northward, "not their's to reason why." Their strong helper was Shaw, the Confederate Cousin. The breeze was freshening, but oppressive, and the Southern sky glowed like the Northern lights. The smell of fire in a little while was not to be mistaken; and announced the red terror was riding the wings of the wind, and its formidable march and direction were not doubted. There was no mistaking the onset of the sea of fire, billowy in awful evidence. The wagons were back away from the grass piles, as far as the scythes cleared the ground. Newspapers were saturated with coil oil, and on the extreme left—west of the camp—the back fire was started, and there was another army arrayed in a lurid line, sweeping Northeast with the breeze, that steadily rose. The spectacle soon was North and South a grand and dreadful one, and the prayer of the beleaguered movers for deliverance was pathetic. "God help us, and God help those in the way of the fire we have kindled." Soon there was a crescent of flame rushing over the land the pilgrims had traversed, the centre of the curved line—for where the first torch touched was the arrow head of the bow of flame, flashing over the prairie, gathering headway, the wings spreading and following fast. There was no help from fire but by fire - the foremost defensive, the other rushing on to find a black desolation. Was the world indeed on fire? The scene was startling; and the coming conflagration, with its rush of the springing spray of fire, followed by rolling, rushing waves, overshadowed by frightful wind phantoms and whirling clouds of dense smoke, making a fantastic and formidable play of darting light and fitful but gloomy shadows, overwhelming to behold, as a tremendous charge of Arab cavalry, led by dervishes, fanatical as those by the Red Sea, but their streaming robes and banners were a ghastly crimson. As the space Northward was blackened, and the fire ceased to sparkle and glow in the charred surface near at hand, but suddenly faded, for the fuel was gone, there was a scorching and stinging heat. The fire line rushing on from the South was less than a mile away, moving at race horse speed. All the wagons were started at once, the blinded horses pulling obediently, following the back fire, encouraged by the voices of the men who used the lash sparingly, that they might have the confidence of being in touch of their masters. The women folks were in the wagons, untying and rolling up the covers, and protecting all things combustible with blankets. The precious barrel of water was still resolutely reserved. There were apples sparingly served to the whole party, including the cows. The wagons followed closely as possible the fire that had been kindled in self defense, and the pursuing tempest gained rapidly, the advanced clouds outspeeding the fire. The crises was at hand; the shadow of death filled the heavens. The wagons were halted. The horses were unhitched and tied to the wheels. The blankets were all in use. The pilgrims were grouped in a black oasis, by fire surrounded, the angry vapor blotting out the sky. There came a rush of wild animals and birds fleeing from the consuming wrath - side by deer and wolves desperately running - and just ahead of the charging legions of the Southern burning deluge, came a scorched horseman on a smoking horse, ready to sink when the black desert marked the boundary thus far and no further of the red line, [*27*] [*16031*] arrangements extraordinary. He was afraid of wild fire in the grass, and that reckoning of the voyage on wheels had not been well kept—not even the bearings of the compass. The wagons groaned along. The horses were inactive. They pulled sluggishly, and were willing to stop and hang their heads. The dogs had a subjugated attitude, whether they pretended to trot or walked, with listless ears and jaws hanging. It was a "rare" hot day in June. There was a barrel of water, with a blanket cover, that had been wet, held in reserve, and as the sun became a red ball, going down to roll on a pillow of purple, there was only this emergency water left. The outriders came in and an oppressive night began. There were three-hour watches provided, John Murray on the second watch, and he rode ahead to get the advantage of an elevation that had for hours of studious approach seemed stationary, and it was presumed there was a point, beyond which, there was a slope that gradually slanted away to the water supply, the illusive nature of which was giving anxiety, and as the hours passed, increased in rapid ratio. It was near midnight when John reached the limit of his proposed advance, and became aware a brisk breeze had sprung up. It was a new and a favorable feature, but there was no freshness in the air. Presently, there was a faint odor, so strange its origin was not instantly made known. It was not that of grass or trees. It was subtle, indefinable, sinister, almost imperceptible. Ahead, the stars were disappearing. Was there a magnetic storm on high, or was it the far-off flavor of the valley of death in California? Was there a storm on the way? If it was something in the Southwest wind, could it come without bringing the blessing of rain, and this was a seriously consoling conjecture, but no one felt that the stirring air was fetching showers. The lights of the wagon lamps were visible Northward, and the loneliness like that of the ocean. Could it be that there was a cyclone lost from the gulf? The howl of a wolf would have been a relief. There could not be the stealthy approach of an enemy unobserved unless there was a tempestuous threat lurking in the heated air. The foot of an animal would have been heard in the brittle grass a long way, but the foe was not one that moved by footsteps. Only one mind was made up that something fearsome would surely suddenly spring out of the darkness. The advanced watcher, after a look at the lanterns that marked the camp, were nearly under the North Star - far in the North the stars were keen—turned his face quickly to the South, and stared long, for there was a change, a low line of sickly brightness in the distance, and yet, no stars—a distant gloom but not a cloud. In a minute there was a film; a pale, narrow, horizon belt, and then a deeper darkness was discerned. "Ah, Watchman, what of the night?" There was a dull, uncertain flush, as if there was a lingering reflection of the departed sun, but the hour was too late for that. There was a cloud indeed, but no lightning —no rumble of thunder. This, then, was not a message from the remote mountains. Again a change, as if suddenly there was a surf of light, and the conjecture came that this might be the realization of the worst apprehension of peril. In a moment this flashed into conviction. Far off the sky reddened. Was it the flickering play of summer lightning? Could it be— it was—the prairie was on fire! Far along, the flush extended and increased, the glaring banners many miles away, the blazing ranks charging, with leaps and bounds. It was a wide winged tempest of fiery cavalry. There would be need of energy and intelligent application of it to rescue the little colony from this fearful advance. The Watchman could hear his watch counting the seconds in his pocket as he sat on his horse quietly and thoughtful, as a Commanding General studies the first aggressive movements of an opposing army. The light in the South grew visibly, and he hastened to the rescue. When he arrived at the wagons, the waves of the flames could be seen from them. For a moment, there was consultation, and after anotherand here shall the scourging waves of flame be stayed; and the horse and rider went down by the wagons, that, in a crowded row, were serving as a barricade to protect the teams. There was an appalling scene, and then in the midst of suffering, with parching thirst and stifling air, came consciousness of safety and thankfulness that all still lived, that they had been in a fiery furnace, and walked in the valley of the shadow of death, and had not been harmed. One half the last barrel of water was soon divided between the people and the animals, and the only man not restrained by himself or others when he drank was the horseman, who came a stranger, as if on the wings of the blistering wind. More apples were served, one for each person and horse, and they gave a comforting aid to endure the hours of famishing. There was, to make coffee, another reduction of the stock of water, and it was beautiful to see, over the dark and desolate world that had been on fire, the stars "fretting the firmament with golden fires," and fading before the white radiance of the delightful dawn, once more telling the immortal story, "Let there be light." The Virginian veteran led in prayer, and his simple words were eloquent with grateful thanksgiving. His brother of Pennsylvania and his daughters and "amen" and "Praise the Lord for wonderful mercy." The problem of the morning was whether the world that had been, as appearances gave assurance, reduced to a cinder, still contained water, or were the streams all lost in the heart of the continent, the Great American Desert at last established and the tropical tempests loosened. The escape from perishing by fire would be unavailable if the thirst parching every tongue should prove on the scorched planet unquenchable. The man who raced with the steeds of the fiery wind, and was plucked as a brand from the burning, had been crossing the prairie in a light wagon, but the last and saving struggle was to strip the horse and mount him. The last race of the gallant and hard-fated steed was run. He died for his master on the field of victory, and under the arm of the survivor by miracle, was a saddle bag unharmed, and it was remarked there must be something in the bag the owner prized, and that was a true saying. "Old Pennsylvania," who came out first and foremost when the light of a "rare day in June" revealed the woeful, fire swept earth, and was greeted by his daughter Rose, with the remark, which was passed without approbation, "Singed cat of a country, Pop." Mary's eyes were reddened with smoke, and perhaps, she had had the presence of mind to cry. There was a sharp suspicion still of dust and ashes in the air. Mr. Murray had a feeling of responsibility that his family should be in so forlorn a situation, and did not feel that he was enjoying a triumph. His self confidence had been for a few days reduced. It was his will that stood between the party and the use of a railroad to a point of a long day's loaded wagon drive, from the Radical Roads Crossing. He had been thinking fast and was ready with orders. The dangers were not over, but urgent and pressing. "We must divide," said he, with orderly sergeant energy—prompt and peremptory. I will take the light wagon and go ahead with the pump we have in the big wagon, and John should go on horse back ahead of me, and pick and choose the way. The first thing is to get out the pump fixings, for we must have water. We have the pump entire all but the sails, and can cut them out of the extra wagon cover, and use bed cords to fix them firm in the frame. John and I, with the tools, can drive the well and get water, if we find a spot where it is within twenty feet from the surface, and we will do it if it is within a day's ride. The chances are with us." John got out two baskets, and put in each an empty water can that had seen service in the milk trade, and straps to swing them beside a horse. "And if we are hard up," said Leonidas to John, "you can, as soon as we find water, put back at full speed with full cans, and keep the folks alive until we get a supply for all. John, take you man along, for you may have to ride for living water, and return. It will be a ride for life. I will need help in driving the pipe with patent tips. If we reach a low place that has green grass on soft ground, we will try the pump. You take a drink for your horse in one of the cans, and go on as fast as is safe, and if you come to a creek or a pool, fill the cans with any kind of water, and go straight for the train, which is to push on after me, and all the way they can cover in our direction is so much the better for all of us. There was a sheet of paper produced and two rude diagrams drawn, with the course of a search for water faithfully marked, and points of the compass carefully considered and understood. Old Virginia and his son, Cousin Shaw, and the guest who flew in out of the fire, his hair burning and ears blistered, were to stay with the wagons, the Confederate veteran commanding, duly instructed how to steer, and it was agreed that he was not to overdo the horses in a rush, unless the affair became very hazardous, and then to go for life, as long as a horse, whipped and spurred, could totter on. There were some stern exchanges of observation about the ultimate uses of horse blood as a last resort to save the people, but this was not talk for the women. They were not aware of all the intensity of the emergency. There was water for coffee, and a sup for each person and horse, and still the remainder was a gallon or two by the sound. The pump pipe and the wind mill frame, the pump with the famous "sucker rod," the new cover cord and shears, and the Murrays were off, at a good stride, while the heavy baggage proceeded without extreme eagerness, but with skilled and earnest effort. After two hours, the reconnoitering detachment were barely seen for another half hour, and then vanished altogether into the immeasurable blackness ahead or the blue over all. The fire escape guest gave his name as a Kansas City and New York City lawyer and business man, who had been scouting in Colorado. He was, he said, William Wallace, and had been out to make personal inspection of an enterprise that he held was highly important; and as he did not want to risk too many inferences as to his movement, he had made a plunge across the plains on horseback to avoid inquisitive acquaintance. He was dazed by fatigue and the shock of his narrow escape. It was held to be a symptom of doubtful character that he did not tell all his affairs, but it was admitted that he was a well-spoken man. As far as eyes could reach and glasses expose, there was a blackened void, not a spark, or stump, or even thread of smoke. There was an illimitable picture of death. Here and there were the half burned remains of animals, overtaken by wide sweeping chariots of fire. There were still apples in the wagons of the independent movers to chew, but about an hour after noon, the last of the water, except that which Murray had secreted in a half gallon jug, was carefully divided and given to the horses, whose distress was great, and danger of collapse evident. Then objects on the edge of the blue sky and black ground were made out to be trees, the greater number without foliage. Even trees that had been in the way of fire meant that the roots had sometime found water. The last water jug was produced and served with a tin cup—one good swallow for each woman, and two swallows, scant, from a tin basin, for each horse. Then the policy of more haste was adopted, but the scramble could not last long. If the horses might have rolled upon green grass, they would have been refreshed, but no green thing was spared. There were weary and pinched faces fixed on the West, and the Virginian, who had seen hard times many times, walked from wagon to wagon and prophesied that the worst was over, that sundown would bring better times, that prayer would be answered, that he had been young and was old, yet had "never seen the righteous forsaken or his seed wanting bread" or water. The afternoon was waning when he stood on the box of goods that gave the best outlook, and with a telescope to his eye, slowly turned it from right to left, then back again to the left, and held it steadily. There was a dot, not of the common level of the universal grime. The dot seemed to move—or was that an illusion! It did move; in a moment was a shade larger, that was, [*28*] [*16032*] nearer. When in doubt take time. The glass clung to the object, and it may have been owing to change in the direction of the wind—the air was clearer. There was a patch of blue sky, and then a white spot alongside the speck, that was in the shade black, and in the sun another tint- "Man on horseback, girls, waves a white handkerchief, that is good news. It means rescue." The girls had a look and said the coming man was the size of a grasshopper. He kept coming, and, of course, it was John. When his horse was pulled up, the first thing was to open a water can and give each thirsty one a tincup full, then to unsaddle and off harness the horses, give them a small portion of water, rub them well, then a little food and drink and an hour's rest, for the sunshine was merciless. John had found a pool of water that before the fire had been shaded by willows, in the bed of the creek, and had ridden at high speed, after filling himself and giving the horse several small drinks, but this was out of the safe wagon way. His father, with the apparatus for driving a well and rigging a pump, had been left some miles aside. With arduous effort the revived teams were able to draw the lines so far that after nightfall a spark of sharp light told the locality of labor with the pump, and John rode off to join the advance, found the well driven and the pump adjusted. But before the sails were set, there was a calm. Not a breath of air to turn them came, but they were ready to whirl when the wind arrived. No one knew whether the pump would draw. This was the news that John brought. The pool had been exhausted, but he was able to impart something of his own confidence that there would be water found, so that at the worst, the pilgrims would come out of their tribulations, however grievous to bear. His troubles were not over, however, when he had piloted the train to the pump, and arrived tired, with horses that exhausted, staggered. It was night, and though the wind whirled the sails, and the sails the wheels, the pump did not draw. There was nothing to do but pull up the pipe and proceed with the utmost urgency to drive it in the pool where John had discovered the water with which he had ridden to the train. This forlorn hope was deferred until the next day. In the night John's sleep was deep, and he was up invigorated, gave the horses each two apples and an ear of corn, made a painfully slow start with his riding horse; and the pump was pried out of the unlucky place for another trial. The sun was cloudless and had strange power. The women were all in one wagon, and sought to comfort each other, but the common effort was dreary. The promise of John was that the pump could be driven readily into the pool, where there was still a little green grass and moss, while some of the shrubbery was not killed by the fire, and the tramping about the edge of the water, as it was found, made a muddy margin, such that it seemed quite sure the water supply would be found near the surface. The case demanded heroic treatment. The time for a rush, and the call upon all reserved forces had come. The stronger horses had been selected for the struggle, covering the distance for the pump, and the faithful steed that had carried John to the rescue was summoned again and gallantly responded, but his pace was reduced. His rider dismounted and led him, for he was the dependence, if water was found, to gallop to those who felt they were ready to perish. Driving the pump into the soft place in the vicinity of the remnant of the clump of willows, and rigging it, was hearty work for four hours. The sails were set that the now fairly fresh breeze should play on the edge only. The critical moment came, and as the lever handle was pulled, turning the sails to catch the wind, giving the power that lifted the pumping rod. There was the supreme moment that the bravest feel is the hardest on their courage, just when they know a few seconds will announce and declare, for weal or woe, the outcome of the impending risis. Over twice, three times, four times, the great fans fluttered and filled, the wheels turned, and the pump rod moved easily up and down, showing good fittings, all dry, when there was a slight, hissing, sighing and sputtering. Whether it meant a stream of water, or a trouble with sand, was not clear. The suspense was broken by the sound as of a deep sigh, rapidly repeated, followed by clear water that gurgled and splashed into a bucket, a slender steady stream. There was enough and to spare, freely as sometimes the fortunate who do not know the limitations of fortune "have money to burn." Again, John was a messenger of good tidings, and this time the quality of the mercy of good water was not strained, for the quantity was ample. The wagons left behind had made a move forward that brought them in better time than expected to the place where, in the dark desert, a fountain was springing. The quartette of girls welcome the beautiful spectacle with a service of singing, and the foundling of the fire, hearing the voice of Rose, was startled by the delicate melody and thrilling spirit of it, something she had not before consciously made known; and Virginia's Susannah sang, modest as she was, with the fervor and sweetness that was compared with nightingales and mockingbirds. She sang because she was happy, and forgot herself until she noted that she was singing alone and had a hushed audience. Her songs were wiser and sweeter than she knew. There were two days' rest given to find relief from the strain of danger and to "water up," and in six days of easy stages of travel, the long expected arrival at the Radical Cross Roads took place. This event was late in the afternoon, and the distinguished company was a memorable acquisition to the ambitious village. There had been, by the way, a protracted public meeting held a few days before, and a spirited discussion as to whether the name of the place should be perpetuated. A party held that a town meant to have a great hereafter should be named other than Cross Roads. It might do for a village, but was raw for a town that was meant to have a hereafter, and not a camp to be shifted. Nothing was more positive than that, with a thousand wind mills to irrigate, the rich land of the adjacent country, whose tendency was to dust and ashes, there would be required a business center. The proposed change did not take place. It was the voice of the community stronger in intelligence than in numbers, that the settlement of the Murrays and the Pierces, and their families, representative, as they were, of two great states, one of the North and the other of the South, and the coincidence that the two heroes of the war, in addition to the population, had been repeatedly confronting each other in their respective native states, on memorable battlefields, and now had come, by the same road, in the same style, at the same time, and in companionship, as old comrades, was an incomparable illustration of the Crossing of war paths, by the broader roads of peace, and in itself an incident that should confirm the name Radical Cross Roads, and was a practical vindication of it. That Virginians and Pennsylvanians after three wars, so to speak, the bleeding Kansas border ruffian war, the John Brown raid, and the great war of the states, should come in company for land occupation, and not regard as an impediment to friendliness and the kindly co-operation, indeed, that they did not regard at all, the fact that they had fought each other for the war was over indeed. This was held to be of rare significance and pleasing. Here the Roads of Radicals had crossed, and it was conceded their lines had been cast in pleasant places. That the religion of the two representative families of the distant historic states was denominationally the same, was much remarked and held to be an agreeable episode, to be held in remembrance and held up as an example. When there was union in Church and State, it was a certainty that peace would prevail. There were two important old settlers - they had arrived two years before the late arrivals—the leading blacksmith and the leading shoemaker—met at the grocery the leading wagonmaker; and they smiled over the curious turn of affairs that caused what they were inclined to think first an uncommon and almost unnatural attitude in [*29*] [*16033*] the old soldiers; and the industrial trio talked long and gave themselves great satisfaction. The queer evolution was that the Populistic Radical was the Pennsylvanian, and the Constitutional Conservative the Virginian. Neither of the old fighters was quite well satisfied with the old party names, each complaining that the party he had belonged to had wandered in the section of the other from the straight path, and they were not either Republicans or Democrats. This was a contention that almost kindled flames in the bosoms of the soldiers, and yet, the common sense of fighting men kept them from fighting about it. They found themselves at the Radical Cross Roads under a cross fire, and each was somewhat discouraged at the lack of sympathy his views excited. They had thought better of Kansas, each in his way, than it appeared at first hearing and seeing, except in climate, soil and situation. The war horse from Pennsylvania was a ferocious opponent of both gold and silver, except in the case of silver; that metal he wanted used as "basic money" because it was depreciated. He held all that capital lost on it, labor would gain. That was one of his grand passions of reform. He desired to go to the utmost extent into the paper money business. The war horse from Virginia, when hammered down into plain words by persisted inquiries, declaring his views (and while he wasn't swift to avow, he wasn't slow to state in response to earnest inquiry) was that he was a Gold Democrat; and he added if there was anything in that part of the country that seemed more peculiar than another, it was Democracy of the paper persuasion. So much of a Gold Democrat was Mr. Pierce that if it had not been for his Christian principles, he would have hated anybody who differed with him on the Gold issue. He squared his shoulders, put out his toes and straightened his back on the old silk purse, gold standard. As it was, he conducted himself with fortitude and stated his points with precision. It didn't take much time for him to get to the pitch of saying that he was "brought up to abhor isms," and populism was the very worst thing that had happened to the country since abolitionism. He held that he was quite consistent in not regarding himself as an abolitionist, though he was glad of the abolition of slavery. The old Pennsylvanian held that slavery wasn't abolished, except in a feature relating to complexion, and that he was more of an abolitionist than ever. The old Virginian stood up to it that he was an anti-slavery man from the white man's standpoint, and his earnest words gave an impression, somewhat puzzling and profound, when he said that the whole South, the land of cotton, would be Democratic on the gold question, and on the questions of economy, if it wasn't that the isms drew the color line, and disturbed the natural politics of the people. CHAPTER XIV. THE HARP AND SWORD - THE NEW RICH IN A PLAY. The Radical Cross Roads Forum was the grocery on the North-eastern corner of the Cross. No spirituous liquors were permitted to be sold as such. There were certain animating beverages called "bitters" that relieved the strain of total abstinence from the use of intoxicants. There was a Swedish tonic for the evil of dyspepsia, that produced the desired effect in bar rooms, given up to lawless indulgence. It was the expert opinion that the tonic harmed the basic liquor. One could not walk up to the counter and order a glass of the strong drink that is raging, but could buy a quart of fluid in a square-built bottle, with the name of an alleged physician blown in the glass, with his famous signature on the envelope, on which was red sealing wax deeply stamped, and the intelligent features of the distinguished practitioner punched in the wax gave proof of the genuineness of the matchless medicine. Occasionally bad men took advantage of the actual merits as a stimulant of this gift of sanitary science. The fashionable name of the tonic was "The Matchless Sanative." No medicine in fluid form was taken on the premises. It was a current story that a Kentuckian, who strayed far from home, not in search of great principles of a political nature, but to see whether he could find a Southwestern soil that would bear blue grass and red cheeked apples, said when questioned as to the Swedish cure, which had been mentioned to him as a mystery that should be solved, when he was hard pressed with a thirst for the wine of his native land, that the taste of the "bark" used in the medicine did not seriously injure a fair article of whisky, but the liquor was not what it ought to be, and he never could approve the shape of the bottle. He hated an angular bottle. A "jar" of the cure, prepared with the utmost care, was not regarded in all radical villages as a signal of the beverage that the orators said withered and crisped and seared and scathed, and blistered, burned and blasted, and otherwise obliterated the noblest qualities of manhood; still the style of the jar was not unqualifiedly acceptable, and at the Cross Roads its propriety was a theme of grave grocery discussion. One citizen, who came in about twenty miles once a week, to get his horses shod and buy a few salt mackerel and a jug of molasses, declared the Swedish "sanative" drink did a power of good in cases of stiffness of the joints, removing rheumatism, but it was liable to the objection of heating the blood and heightening excitability, and even the complexion. Some people could be fooled with it, but the fellows seasoned according to the Old Crow standard, were proof against deception, though ministered by all the arts of Scandinavia. The discussions at the Radical Cross Roads town were of vast scope, and so various that there seemed to be no end of debate. Freedom of speech was not restrained if it was a radical nature. A man was expected to speak right out. It was among the favorite sayings of the free thinkers, who stepped right in and took a seat on something standing around, that a man who was man had something to say, and should slam it out. There was too much earnestness to permit disorderly conduct, and a serious idea of the importance of conversation. There was no presiding officer, no parliamentary rules, except that one who was talking might at any time be interrupted by a question, and that there should be no issues raised of personal veracity. A tall, red-headed man, whose profession was opposition to shams, was editor of the Cross Roads weekly paper—"The Radical Roads Harp and Sword"—an uncompromising sheet. It will be noted that he omitted the word "Cross" from the name of the town. He held firmly to the minority opinion that the word "Cross" was a handicap, that it was less expressive than Radical Roads, and diminished the power of language. The majority opinion was that there was truthfulness in sticking to Cross Roads, for the meaning was a centre. A bull's eye is on cross lines. The show of the place in the next census would not compete with older places, but it looked well on the map, and it was the center of wind mill irrigation. This was something in a land where a cheap and durable machine would raise water for fields, orchards, and gardens. The mill was a beautiful emblem of industry, an attractive landscape feature; and where there were wheels whirling high there were trees growing and cultivation spreading. There was something creative in making the wind aid in the growth of timber on good soil of the dust and ashes from which trees had been wiped by fires. It was well that nature should aid in reconstruction, and the Radicals would have it believed that they reposed only on the bosom of nature. The Harp and Sword had a small black cut that illustrated those instruments, on friendly terms. The editor was proud of the name. He had a fondness for war and music. He gave a great deal of attention to local matters, and celebrated all evidences of growth. His policy, proudly and perpetually proclaimed, was the promotion of the prosperity of the people. It was not precisely a new passion in that part of the country, but it was his pleasure to believe that it was his invention. [*30*] [*16034*]He made the greatest effort of his life, up to date, in the issue that recorded the arrival of "The Pilgrims of Freedom," as he felicitously described them in "The Land of Promise," which was the point where the American heart beat, so that its throbs could be heard around the world. "Since our last issue," the editor remarked, "our community has been deeply stirred by the arrival, for some time anticipated, of the honored father and mother and the charming sisters of our well-known fellow citizen, and fellow laborer in all causes that are progressive, Mr. John Murray, a man of the highest promises of usefulness in the works of radical reform." The community was congratulated upon the addition of its members of not only the brave soldier from Pennsylvania, who shed his blood in Virginia, and the game old hero of Virginia, who shed his blood in Pennsylvania. That such gentlemen had made their homes together in the salubrious climate of Kansas, leaving their own classical mountains and beautiful and noble rivers, was indicating the drift of public opinion, and was also an achievement of intelligence, for there was no spot in this broad land of ours that could more fitly welcome such heroes to participate in its riches. The currents of immigration were sowing their testimony broadcast that Radical Cross Roads was the right spot for the recompense of enterprise and the reward of free industry. A full list of the names of the conductors of the caravan, which had been enveloped by fire, and faint for the want of drink, which was taken from the earth by marvelous forethought that provided a miracle of mechanism to draw the hidden treasurers of water, when men, women, horses, cows, and dogs were ready to die of thirst; and the thoughtful editor pointed out that a most fortunate forethought in equipment for a hazardous journey, which had terminated so handsomely, to find room for several bags of the juicy and delicious apples of the country. The cider was not fermented, and the excellent fruit had done much to sustain life. A good deal of space was occupied in describing the race with death, just won in personal agony, and the loss of the gallant steed that came to the train that had been protected from fire with fire, and the famous scholar and scout, Mr. William Wallace, rapidly recovering from his fiery trials. His dangers and hardships had so shaken him, that he was not able to collect himself for the task of setting forth in his own way the thrilling story the country was waiting to hear. This was the splendid way the able editor put the case, but he did not succeed in getting the thrilling adventure written out by the enterprising gentleman himself. The town was almost dominated by a board yard, and associated with boards were other material for house building, but the display of lumber did not cause the veteran soldiers to make haste to build houses. They were looking for suitable land, and an enterprising land holder so far forgot his public spirit as to propose to start a new town a few miles farther South, if they wanted it, and even proposed to call it Liberty Hall. The independent conveyances that had safely landed the Plow Boy company at their destination, answered a good purpose for temporary residences, and with a few planks and posts, and a liberal use of saws and hammers and ten penny nails, the wagon beds became social centers of plenty and comfort. Mr. John Murray had taken the precaution to provide a ten-acre lot, and divided it into two equal parts, calling the Northern one Pennsylvania and the Southern one Virginia. The map was duly drawn and the lots named. It pleased the inhabitants to place their habitations near each other on the line. Mr. Murray, Senior, had not been given in full the confidence of his son, as to the views of the pioneers of Radical Cross Roads of the correct way of carrying on the natural warlike propensity of the former on railroads. There was a hostile feeling toward iron roads but not expressed to any extent in vindictive energy to get away from them. In one matter John Murray differed from his father, the heroic and radical reformer, Leonidas, who fought as long as he could against the very presence of railroads, and was persuaded to move on West, down stream on two rivers and up stream on two more, to be removed from the coming locomotive with its horrors of shrieks, all warnings to labor, Leonidas said, and clanging dreadful bells, saying forever to the people, "Get out of here; go away from this: I am boss; the earth is mine and the fatness thereof," and so forth. It was a trial to the earlier crank, in course of time and growth officially, to discover soon after he had his home partially on wheels in a five acre lot, and before he had got his pump set up in good order for his wind work, to see in the Harp and Sword of the Free, that "my son John's name was attached to a call for a public meeting, to take action to promote a railroad enterprise, the object of which was a railroad station at the Cross Roads." The wrath of Leonidas was so intense that he said nothing and avoided talks to his son about the "nefarious scheme" that he found his flesh and blood countenancing, but he resolved to be present and listen attentively, and possibly improve the occasion. It was disheartening to hear that many supplies that entered into the life of the Cross Roads, had to be handled twenty-five miles across the country, and that this process greatly increased the cost. Some articles that had been bought and ordered at Kansas City to be railroaded to Foxview, the railroad station where flagged trains stopped, were charged for transportation on rails at a cruel rate, and when the wear and tear of wagons, harness and horses, and the loss of time going and coming seemed to accumulate altogether a condition that was disadvantageous. Leonidas had insisted, fortunately, that he would not go to his future home without a pump for wind and water work in his wagon, and he had made out in his own mind of what he found at Kansas City, that he must have two more pumps, and just to show what sort of a business man he was, he paid for them in advance, and his additional equipment passed over the railroad end of the movement earlier than he had expected them, and his calculations had thus been disturbed. Letters did not arrive soon after they mailed from anywhere in the world at the Radical Cross, and while that did not fret the veteran pioneer, the young ladies would have preferred to hear more frequently from the old Pennsylvanian home. However, the letters were more and more prized when they broke the blockade of the wind blown grass lands that were not touched up with the ribbons of steel that made stripes across the surprising spaces. Rose and Mary had been out walking and seeking wild flowers one day, and found waiting a letter that had an official and solid style about it. There was a strange inscription duly printed in the corner. It was, "If not taken out in fifteen days, return to the Flatrock Oil Company, Flatrock Station, East Side, Allegheny R.R., Pa." "Did you ever?" said Mary. "No, I never," said Rose, "but you know the hand writing, I fancy, for I do, and you saw a lot of it at Kansas City, not all of which was passed to me, but such is sisterly sympathy that I could read the letter without opening it. You need not have kept it from me. I read it sight unseen before you did." "Read this one, then, Miss Know Everything, before it is opened. It may help you to take it in your hand to bring out the invisible ink." Mary handed the letter to Rose, who pressed it to her closed eyes, and then held it up to the sun, as an egg is placed to see whether it is clear or clouded, and then she tossed her head, curved her neck like a bird selecting a cherry, and closing her eyes whispered softly, and to her sister gave this free translation: "The hand writing is mixed up in the folds, and one loses the lines often, but it is on the firm paper of Roberts and Brown, Railroad and Oil Speculators, and Wall Street Brokers. I can read it enough now to give the news. The firm of Roberts and Brown have [*31*] [*16035*] struck oil, big gusher! We lived over standard oil, thousands and tens of thousands of barrels of it, and on the line of a railroad, only the oil was not bored, or the rails laid, or even the line marked by visible stakes. The oil strike has made the firm rich, and they have been invited into the Standard. We are rich, too, you and I. Pop took his pay in money. We share and share alike with the Wall Streeters. I heard Roberts say that to Brown. 'Share and share alike' is what he said several times. We might be millionaires just as well as not. It is possible we may be, and why not? We can afford it. We do not have to ask Pop for pianos. He has money in bank. Big joke on Daddie. Banks were robbers, and he sold his land and put the money into a robber's den to keep it for him, and that's where it is now. I heard what was going on, and he has got a certificate of deposit. We have got stock, and it grows, if it is in a standard oil company. I have heard Pop tell what awful people the standard oilers were. They insist on saving every drop of oil the earth has got inside itself. I'll bet our stock is mature and up as far as we can see." "But, for goodness sake, Rose," said Mary, "that isn't in the letter. You get that out of your head. Give me the letter and please go away. No, don't go away, stay and see. Give me a hair pin to tear open the letter. Flat Rock Farm, Roberts & Brown, Flat Rock Station. Rose produced a hair pin with the words of command: "Read fast and see if your second sight is not the same as my foresight. 'Tis the sunrise of life gives me mystical lore, and a flood of oil rushes white on my sight." Mary's eyes devoured but a few lines, when she cried, "Rose, you are a witch! You must have got another letter. Mr. Brown says they have struck oil! It is a wonderful strike. The railroad has been rushed, they say, and it is by this time open to Flat Rock Station. Brown and Roberts got option on other lands, and they are with the Standard, which is saving the "stuff" - that is what they call it, the 'stuff' —and our share of stock is worth more than the whole farm brought—yes more than twice as much. Why, you really did read the unopened letter. What is the matter with you?" "I guessed it on the strength of my dreams," Rose interrupted. Mary continued, "Why they want to know what is to be done with our money, how to invest it, and are recommending that we take it in our names in Standard stock, and they have sent the papers to be signed with witnesses, and then we will get our regular dividends, and before Mr. Brown comes here to look after land, he goes to New York and then to Pittsburg, and then to Flat Rock. He represents in the "Upper Ohio Country,' he calls it, the Standard Oil concern, and got it through Roberts and the Flat Rock oil development. They had only bored two wells before they got the gusher, and they can not have a bore now until the oil runs out, and the order is to stop striking until there is a place for more oil. It is like going crazy, I fear. Daniel says Father need not be afraid of water. It is oil to get scared at. He is going to buy a newspaper for himself. Maybe he Harp and Sword could be bought. He hopes Father will not be sorry about our good luck, or angry either. He is a dear old Daddie. He is scared about our being spoiled. Do you know what we have got to do? We are rich and we must spoil Daddie. He has needed spoiling a long time, and we will do it with our money." "That's a beautiful thought," said Rose. "How good of you to think of it." I suppose the good old man would call it corruption, but you are right. It would be the making of Pop to spoil him. The first thing is to give him a play in real life, put on airs, telephone him we want a brick house right here, and a grand piano at once, lots of clothes, high-tipped bonnets, silk and feathers. We must go for Pop and see what will happen. I shall mention that I want a dozen diamond rings." Mary: "He might take it so hard he would die." Rose: "No, money will never kill him. He isn't afraid he will do harm with it. It is the other people who make money the bane of life. We must see whether Daddie can be moved with riches." The old cronies, Leonidas and Asbury, sat in the shade several hot days, and talked over the striking oil business, and agreed that they came from pretty peart parts of the country; and while Murray reflected over his New Departure, Pierce wondered whether he had left an oil field in the lurch in West Virginia. He closed what he had to say with the remark that he was not sure but it might be better to live where water ran down hill, and oil pumped itself, instead of hitching on the wind to pump water to drink and make garden with. The Murray sisters mastered the contents of the letter from Mr. Brown, and for a whole half day said nothing about their riches, but Mr. Wallace had not been so reticent. It turned out that he was in communication with Foxview, and that he had crossed the abyss to the railway station on horseback, sent a telegram to an unknown person who happened to know him, and gave him the points of the Flatrock oil strike, which caused an elevated feeling at Kansas City. Miss Rose got up a domestic drama, in which she was to play the leading part, Miss Mary consenting and aiding with her pathetic manner. The scene was at tea, the new house having been put together, and the wagons relegated—one to the yard, which was spacious, and the other to a half section of good land, with irrigation, and possibilities, according to the power of fancy, backed by wide-spread examples of success in the great state which stands like a block of granite on the map, with the Northwest corner worn roughly off by the invasion of the Missouri river. "Father," said Rose with gentleness, "your girls know you have always sought their good, and it had come to us in the form of material possessions, such that we thank you for permitting us to open our eyes upon this beautiful world." Mrs. Murray looked frightened; there never were such tones or just such language before in the conversation of the family. She had heard of the gold mine, but agreed not to tell. The extraordinary was on her mind, firmly associated with the formidable and the lamentable. Her tender heart had been jarred a great deal within a few months, and she did not feel that she could stand much more trouble, as she called it. She regarded her husband as a hero, who had the blood of the martyrs in his veins, and would be a martyr himself, if he got half a chance to do the good he had in his head to do. She glanced at Father Murray with faith in her face that would be equal to the case, and turned a look of meek wonder to her last born daughter, who was "not like any of our folks," so far as she knew. Mary was disturbed, but the letter from Daniel in her pocket gave her comfort, and Rose continued: "We had letters today; that is, Mary had a letter from Daniel - her Daniel" - at which the parents present lost all expression but surprise for a moment, "and she and I are rich now. The old place is just upheaving with oil, and the Standard bought out the old company that bought you out. 'Absorbed' is the word Brown uses, and we—Mary and I—have the stock certificates that amount to money, and a great deal of it. We have Standard Oil stock, and Brown and Roberts say they have money to burn. The old farm pours out streams of gold night and day. The poor whales are allowed to live, and the Italians have oil to cook with and warm their fingers with. We might go and live on Fifth Avenue, New York, but we will not leave our Western home and our aged parents. We are not that sort of children, but now that we are rich, we want our comforts about us, and the first thing we need is a brick house, with a hall in the middle of it, plenty of upstairs and a kitchen in an L, and we are going to send a messenger to buy a piano, and we want a few silk dresses, and we will get Mother a new bonnet [*32*] [*16036*]and Father wants some guns and watches and clocks and books." Amazement settled upon the scarred brow of Leonidas. He knew that the girls and Mrs. Murray had riches, but not that the girls were raving mad. His features wrinkled like molten iron, and the tip of his tongue glided slowly over his lips, a way he had when he called up his reserves. Mary had an expression of feebleness unusual in her comely face, and made a furtive gesture of dissent aimed at Rose, fearing that lady might have transgressed to everlasting unforgiveness. Rose resumed, however, with an effort to rise to a great height of impertinence. "We intend to be dutiful children, and—" The stern father extended his hand toward Mary, and as he did so said, "Let me see the letter," and it was his without a murmur; and he read it through— love, money, oil, happiness, hope, to the last words and gazed at the signature. It might have been too much for him, if he had not been warned by Wallace. Then he turned over slips of paper enclosed—the legal papers that were to complete the transfers of stock— that converted hundreds into thousands, and said with an effort to command all his forces, "And my daughters are of the Standard Oil Company, and there is a fountain of gold broken out in the old garden." He fell into a meditation that, though far down South in Kansas, he was going to a railroad meeting that night, for son John wanted a railroad in Kansas. He returned the letter saying: "There are papers here to sign, and I will show you where to write your names," and, as he walked, it occurred to him transiently that the ways of the world were getting more mysterious than they were before the war, but he grew gloomy over the general situation. Was he to be tried as in a flaming furnace, by having ill gotten riches thrust upon him? Mr. Brown had been aware in writing the letter that contained so much solid matter, that it would reach the hands of his prospective father-in-law, and he had inserted a paragraph for his personal information. Mary was told to tell the father that the house and garden, the graveyard and orchard, had been spared in the railroad improvements, that the old well had been spoiled with the saturation of the soil, but that the spring was good, and, it was possible, the farm might be repossessed by the family, on the condition that the leases of the Oil Company should be made to cover all the land, and that the railroad should not be held liable to damage suits on account of improvements. This was at once a gratification and a perplexity. The railroad Cross Roads interest had been widespread, and the farmers were generally convinced they needed a road, but that it must be under the management of the State. The way the business meeting happened was— the line of road under consideration had been represented at other meetings, and the claim was pressed that the granting of a liberal lot of land at the Cross Roads, for "terminal facilities," would be a point well made for the place. There was a large and respectable meeting of the citizens and farmers, and it was held in the structure of a steam mill, not yet provided with power, and the lighting was by oil lamps. There was much curiosity to hear the Blue and the Gray Grand Army men talk business. The meeting passed the resolution desired without a dissenting voice recognized by the Chair. The Blue Veteran, who had won, was first to give his views, and he proceeded to state certain broad principles. He was against railroads as instruments of oppression, but not opposed to the roads themselves. He wanted all the roads that could be had, but gave notice that the day would soon come when the people would make every line of transportation in the country their own particular property, but he had modified his policy so far as to let the corporation build the roads; with the plain purpose held up before them, that their roads really belonged to the people; that is, that the citizens of the State of Kansas should take them, and some day they were all to belong to the United States, and he further held that the Government must make all the money, and could make it out of anything, and there should be enough of it to stop all speculation in it. The veteran who had worn the Gray, said, on the compliment paid his state by the presiding officer, that his great state had suffered enough in schools of sorrow to have been taught wisdom to those not touched to the quick by misfortune, but he hd not evidence they had yet mastered all the lessons. They had, however, tried the plenty of money of cheap material, and it had not worked well, but was one of the causes of the defeat of the South; and, as for himself, he still believed in the maxim of Thomas Jefferson, that the world was governed too much. He was opposed to the monopolists that damaged the interests of the people, but thought he could see that there must be corporations. That was to say, corporations given the powers and restraints of law, to mass capital and organize labor for great works. Great works might be good works, and there should be divisions, as well as concentrations of labor, of all effort that was too much for one man accomplishment. He was not sure that railroads should become a part of the Government of the United States. If the Government was to take the roads, was it certain the roads would not take the Government? These were the leading observations of the evening, and the Harp and Sword complimented both veterans and said they were heard with deep attention. The effect upon the mind of the Senior Murray, of the atmosphere and the utterance of he meeting, was to cause apprehension that Kansas might not, after all, furnish the fulcrum and the lever to move the world; that it might be there had it not been for an accumulation in the Central West of the immigration that had moved from the Atlantic slope, to build a church or state molded upon the sublime designs of the Radicalism that demanded the perfection of the politicians, as well as of the Saints. He had wondered whether the Sublime Brigham believed everything or nothing, though he had an immense individual inspiration. And this question shouldered itself into contemplation—did the leader of the Mormons build better than he believed or worse than he imagined? Could it be that skepticism was haunting even Kansas? CHAPTER XV. THE BROKER'S COURTSHIP. Mr. Roberts pleased with the clear headed, clean cut, rapid work of Mr. Brown, in grasping the opportunity of Flat Rock, and providing for success, arranged for him a firm interest, and that he should spend some of his time in New York, though his personal attention must be given, for a while, to the Farm, the oil property, and railroad building. It was soon evident Brown was a planner, and did not get rattled when decisions were to be made. He did not discuss as well as he did, but was brief and made plain points when reducing things to writing. One of the compliments paid Brown was that he could state more particulars in a telegram of ten words than any other man; and that was a great point. Talent in ten word expression is a winning endowment. From the first strike of oil at Flat Rock, it was evident the find was good as wheat or gold, something sure, and the better that the golden fluid needed only to be tapped saved, and refined. The rocks were full of it, and the railroad, included in the old farm evolution, was part of a line from Lake Erie, and would unite the iron of Lake Superior with the coal of Ohio and Pennsylvania. There was a succession of deals, each successor required by the immediate predecessor. Right there was one of the great centers. The giants in oil and steel were alike interested, and the words of magic were "peace and profit." Why [*33*] [*16037*] should there be contention in the midst of such harvests? There was always enough to go around. Mr. Brown was able to point out in an "able article" that Flat Rock was "one of the Pivots of the Epoch." The article was copied in The Harp and Sword, and pointed out Pittsburg as the Jupiter of the solar system. The Wall Street office was located in the very latest of the modern buildings, and therein were facilities for flashing and rushing and flushing business throughout the civilized earth. "Wires" were great features of the cosmopolitan machinery. They led to Chicago, Boston, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington, London (and, therefore, around the shores of Asia and Africa), Pittsburg, Flat Rock, and the El Dorado of the day, and there was no city within the system of wires that was not in the connection and responsive. The talk was with all cities, and the wires worked all the continents. The world was entangled in wires. The 'phones and tickers and buttons were arranged so that the manager could have his mouth, ear, eye, and hand engaged at the same time, receiving and conveying information. The history of the world—past, passing and coming—was on the iron and copper spider webs, and there was magic in the tips of the truth. There was "mine world" in its capacity of an "oyster" opened on half shell, and on the other half shell, half a dozen worlds, and at hand lemon, salt, pepper, black and red, horseradish—what would you have? Why, there it was. If there was anything wanting touch a button, and a prestidigitateur would appear and secure the rarity. The general office was a place of "strenuous life," but the strain not on all the time, with the exception of invariable vigilance, readiness to spring into action. The flutter of a fraction in a familiar stock might start a breeze in the street and on the other side of the oceans that are our boundaries East and West. The ticker could tell the tale in Asia before the sun would get there, and the pulsating needle quivering with intelligence start an echo of a word uttered in New York, giving the news that a great financier had lifted his hand or turned down his thumbs, on his throne overlooking the enormous theatre of the hemispheres of the great globe, under the Atlantic, across Europe and speeding through the lost Empires of the Euphrates, beyond the world Alexander conquered, all this in the minutes during which the same story is told over the long distance telephone. Why, the Wall Street view is that the earth is a music box that must play as the crank is handled, and our sun and plants the decoration of a panorama, ranking with John Robinson's incomparable ancient circus, and Colonel Cody's Wild West, each in turn "The Greatest Show on Earth." The passing show is passing fast and turns and comes again. The Brokerage House of Roberts and Brown was an up-to-date structure, and there sure enough was Trinity spire from the windows. Just as the Western dreamers see it - only there are business houses that out-top the steeple. The general office was furnished for solid and quiet comfort, plenty of easy chairs and light and tobacco smoke, for the great games of the street are, as a rule, directed by men with cigars in their teeth, but they smoke far less than the spectators. The physicians of the higher class operators have generally put them on short allowance of cigars, and still more restricted cigarettes, so they take dry smokes and hold bits of "fine cut" tenderly between their lips. The men who are interested watching the fate or margins are the smokers. They try to take the edge off anxiety by a sense of pre-occupation. They use strong cigars and burn them at high speed, blowing off smoke like steamboats. None of them tell the truth about the number of cigars per day they allow themselves. They say "very few," or multiply the consumption. They desire to surprise their friends, the very thing men over fifty years of age are warned by discreet physicians not to do. One of the last injunctions of a wise and great man is, "After fifty years never try to astonish anybody." IF there could be a law to this effect, it should be amended making the years given to moderation to open at forty instead of fifty. The Books of Reference of Brokers are largely statistical. They are for reference, showing the value associated with enterprises; the corn, wheat, rye, barley and oats, grown in countries alongside certain roads; the population, commercial movements, banking capital, municipal debts and properties, rates of taxation, schemes of public improvement, conditions of gas and water supply, death rate, manufactories in cities, with maps of street roads and reported dividends. There are in drawers the names and residences of members of city councils, state legislatures, points on Governors and Mayors. There are two unofficial classifications of invaluable misinformation—"dope" and "guff"—highly unimportant if true. The terms imply a spirit of skeptical inquisitiveness, a state of doubt as to the truthfulness of official reports and the infallibility of certified figures. In a rear room there are desks, from ten to twenty in number, and as many clerks—telegraph and telephone operators, book-keepers, cashiers—all keenly at work, with drawn faces, flying pens and pencils, keeping pace with an active business requiring instant execution and a record of transactions, accurate and not half a dozen seconds behind. In an adjoining room the important customers are found in force in times of excitement, and there is where good advice is given, dangerous in proportion as it is gratuitous. There is a legend that there is venom in news that is volunteered. The members of the firm are in separate apartments, where they are approached for confidential advice. The market conditions are not presented with many words. They have shorthand speech in Wall Street. Giving reasons takes too much time; it is not often good form to finish sentences. The typical, terrible bore is the man who wants a great deal of deep private news and seeks to have it of a mixed character, to guide him in personal adventures, not important in dimensions, but of overbearing moment as he weighs and measures himself. Roberts was regarded as a man of admirable news sense, and good judgment as to the market tendencies, who added largely to the profits on his commission business by a habit of living along large lines of the speculative favorites and taking bites of them. He was held to be a money maker on a large scale, and his partner known as a "rising man," but it must be understood that New York is a canyon swept with ferocious rapids, in which strong men are numerous, and often go down in the chill waters with but a ripple and bubble - not even a groan to tell of their departure. The sudden advancement of Mr. Brown was due the fact that quietly prepared with papers, proving his authorization to do business, "limited," and with money to command skilled labor, he appeared at Flat Rock before the Murrays in the descent of the Ohio river passed the mouth of the Kentucky, took possession of the old house for an office, and secured, in the course of a few weeks, positive and private knowledge of the existence of oil on the Murray land, and made himself also acquainted with the story of the wells that were failures, and those near or far that were successes. He used the knowledge of experts, with the tips of science, in picking out new places—ascertaining the depth and dates of the work done, the produce where there were strikes, and was prepared to talk to the magnates of the "Standard," and state facts, giving, to guard all the interests of the investors, consecutively, coherent and cumulative specifications. His next move was to secure oil leases on adjacent farms, as far as possible, without too much vigor, and there were few refusals. The boring that had been done near the Flat Rock purchase was not at first well directed. The attitude of Murray had been a discouragement to the people of the vicinity, almost an intimidation of further enterprise, so that the old man had caused a good deal of contiguous territory to be unoccupied by the oil interests, and this was largely quickly secured. Not a day was lost in making ready for decisive operations. The campaign was thoroughly arranged before a blow was struck, the timber for the derricks prepared and [*34*] [*16038*] at hand, the pieces marked and numbered, so that they could be put together swiftly and almost noiselessly. The machinery was in perfect readiness, and the pipes and tanks to save the oil were within easy reach. Above all, there were the latest devised stoppers for handling to check the waste of the precious product, if it made itself known with voluminous vehemence. The policy of the projectors at first was that the closest attention should be given the signs—the surface indications of oil - that there must be circumspection that results might be carefully calculated, prepared for, and that unready strikes should not be allowed. Meantime, the bed of the new railroad as hastily prepared, hurried up to the end, rails put down in a temporary way sufficient for considerable immediate transportation, a brick station house built, a side tract and a commodious platform provided. These things advertise admirably. When the strike was made, after due notice from the workmen that it was to be immediately, if ever, expected, the throbbing energy of the oil to spend itself on the hillside was quickly controlled, and the tank cars awaiting the outpouring on the siding were quietly drawn to the places where it could be refined and transported according to quality. The first well gushed as if called for by an electrical button. In a word, the finding oil business was converted from a series of adventures and accidents and wasteful expenditure, into a business, carefully considered in all its relations, so that when a well was struck, it was cared for as experience proved was necessary, to avoid profligacies in dealing with the one of the great resources of the country that it seemed for a time might be exhausted, through incompetent handling by opening its reservoirs without due preparation. In keeping the treasure when found, the secret was only a simple process of harvesting for commerce and consumption, one of the riches that have expanded the country, and aided the splendid showing of the balance of trade in our favor. Care was taken to rest from the labor of well boring. Arrangements for the application of the supply to the demand were thoughtfully ordered, and the profuse product indicated retrained the ardor of experience. A second well was soon struck, however, then a third and a pause followed for the adjustments of the financiers. So copious was the flow from the third well, some time elapsed before further driving was permitted. Then strikes were made systematically, according to estimates and a scale so liberal that Mr. Brown said there was in the Flat Rock farm "the potentiality of wealth beyond the dreams of avarice," as Dr. Johnson remarked of the British brewery, belonging to a widow lady, who was favored with his eloquent esteem. It was figured out that the share realized for the Murray girls gave them a profit of more than ten times the figures of the stock that had been originally issued to them, and the product might be so opulent in the outside oil lands that there would be handsome outcome in Flat Rock town lots, and the use in the stock—expansion also according to additions —were enough to "make the girls giddy," Roberts said, when the letter was written by Brown to Mary, stating the general result, and giving directions when and where and how to sign and seal papers—inviting also instruction as to investment. "Giddy, yes, but not gay," said Brown, "for the combination between the father and mother that appears in the daughters is good as possible. The children beat both the old folks, and there is pure honesty in them—the father a crank with all sincerity, and the mother learned in nothing but the knowledge of love and its duty. That is the rarest, most promising parentage possible." Roberts soon found occasion to write to Rose, and gave her more particulars about the Wall Street house and the way it did business, and instructed her, as an interested party, in the speedy certainty with which business communications might pass between them. He had ascertained the distance between the Radical Cross Roads and Foxview, the nearest telegraph office; and stated a good horse, with a light rider, who knew a horse, could gallop from the Radical metropolis—he always called the Cross Roads the "Metropolis"—in an hour; and he gave his client a lesson in time belts, that if he sent her a telegram when he got to this office at nine in the morning, and had itdelivered by a rider at high speed, she could read it at eight A.M., an hour in advance of the time it was wired - that was, by her watch. The brokers were at pains to inform their lady customers that they must not measure the space between New York and the Radical Cross Roads by the time made by the Plow Boy from the landing on the Allegheny river to Kansas City, and that from the Missouri river, by heavily laden wagon, stopping on the way to fight fire and find water. The splendors of travel by trans-Atlantic cars were made know in glowing particulars of luxury and pictures of the palatial trains, and thus a feeling was created that the distance between Wall Street and the Cross Roads was not so enormous as the girls at first believed. The young ladies, in truth, were beginning to find themselves much at home; and the brokers succeeded, without difficulty, in drawing letters from their Western girls, and were pleased with their dignity and brightness. Rose enclosed a photograph taken by a strolling man of art, of the Main street of the Cross Roads town, and the city and country homes that adorned it. They were few and far between, and she did not mean to point out the possibility in photographing persons. "We must not forget," said Roberts, "that our girls of the far West brought us luck, and how lucky we were in the plan of watering stock for them over the head of the crank - who knew as little what was under his farm as he did of what was in his house. How he hankered for freedom! Wonder whether he's had enough of it. Do you think if we had him in New York, and sent him to bed in a sky-scraping hotel, that he would blow out the gas, notwithstanding his political wisdom? I think he would." In a conversation a few weeks later than this, after letters had just arrived from the fair clients, Mr. Brown said he must write and find out about the romantic gentleman who was singed in the fire that swept around the wagons, before the wind pumped water from them. "There," he said, "was the singed cat of the drama." The girls never failed to say something about the melancholy party, Wallace, who was hurled at the feet of the pilgrims on a wave of fire, clinging to a saddle bag, which was fast under his arm when he fainted. Plainly, he was a friendly person. "Beat bathing at Coney Island, did it not?" said Brown; "and I do not favor the vivacious person who was roasted and done to a turn just as he arrived, and now turns up whenever the wind blows from the West." "He could not have set that up on the girls, though, could he?" "I admit it was rather realistic for a play." The first mention made of the vivacious citizen, who had been half cooked, Indian fashion, after the brokers had taken stock in him, was in the form of a statement on the authority of the girls who had left them far behind, that the stranger declined to give an account of himself, other than that he became acquainted with a secret that made him unhappy, and thus his conversation turned on the Wall Street brokers, who, when they heard of the secret, said that was suspicious. Mr. Brown, feeling that he was a man of substance, wrote Mary that he wanted her, without any more delay than was required, to become his wife, and he went so far as to call her his "wild flower of the prairie." and nearly made a mistake in using the word "wild." She was the very "Rose in the garden for you, young man." Mary was sorely disturbed and confided in Rose, who said she hated wild flowers, which she did not. The sisters then clung to each other, and thought at first they would cry, but they concluded to drop a tear and laugh, agreeing they never would be separated. There was a question raised by a letter from Roberts, that might imply either difficulty or deliverance from the problem of marriage Roberts proposed to Rose, and told her he did so without telling his partner of it. [*35*] [*16039*] knowing his relations of faith and hope in his sister. Roberts, having opened the subject late, as it were, was naturally disposed to be precipitate. He desired Rose to keep his secret, if she did not care for him, as he hoped she did or would, but he feared if she refused him it might give pain to Brown and Mary. If it turned out that Rose did not care for him, he would bear it as best he could, and it would not then be important to live, and would pass as a dream that was a delight, though too joyous to be true; and when he grew old he might get to be forgetful. He assured Rose that he had been in love with her ever since he saw her saucy beauty, when he called by "early candle light" on her at father's house, with the chimney that towered over the landscape of Pennsylvania, and he remembered with a feeling of having made a mistake that he had faced the crank in his den, and gave him Wall Street straight from the shoulder. He felt then disqualified for a suitor because his own fortunes were unsubstantial. He had consented at first to the plan of gobbling the farm merely to overcome her father's scruples by interesting the daughters, and he was happy and not surprised at the lucky hit that followed. He felt that she was his "mascot" and had brought good to him, and trusted she would not regard his prosperity objectionable, as they were related in business, and she must not think he cared for her because she knew he knew she had a "tidy bit of money," an English phrase he unconsciously honored. He made the very business-like remark in conclusion that as each had enough to get along without the other, there was no reason why they should not be united. They need not wait if they did not want to, and he did not desire delay. If she felt that she would be his wife, she was to tell Mary of his proposition; otherwise, she was to bury it out of sight or mind, that it might never be a disturbing element in anybody's life, with the exception of his own. Rose put his letter aside sure enough, wrote Roberts at length, "just like a girl's love letter," about everything he wanted to hear but one thing, giving him a delightful picture of their home and life in Kansas, and, acting on a hint from Mary that Daniel was jealous in a shy, silent way, of the singed waif that came on horseback on the very crest of the fire. She gave up a page to a tale of woe about the mournful interest the mysterious Wallace excited—with, as she believed, a deep and burning secret in his heart he was unable to tell to any mortal creature, and she closed by saying it was very remarkable that he should have thought of writing as he did to get a favorable answer from her, and not trust to her natural simplicity; and she was surprised he should think of the money question between them. That was the last thing she would take into consideration. In the P.S. at the close, she smiled through three lines to the effect that she trusted he would not find anything in her declination to commit herself, to change their relations of friendliness, and their common interests surely should not affect their mutual regard. The conclusion the flourishing broker came to when he read and re-read this letter was that Rose was a smarter girl than he had thought she was, and a delightful charmer altogether, and so young, too, and of such country raising, also good health, pure air and all that sort of thing. "Why, she would shine in society. If he should be a millionaire—indeed, a multi-millionaire was not above, beyond or beneath him or her—and he would like to load her with splendors, and he gloated over a contemplated necklace around her white throat, and so possessed by the idea that he asked—seeking information without giving himself utterly away— whether it would not be a good thing to invest, say a thousand barrels of oil in diamond necklaces, to be a band around the necks of the Murray sisters, and did he not think and say ropes of diamonds would be joys on the necks aforesaid—so appropriate. Brown gravely and, indeed, rather severely—for he marked the rising tide of enthusiasm—observed those necks and shoulders had not been exposed enough to the sun, or the public gaze, to take the exquisite whiteness from them; he did not think he would care to see the necks clothed with diamonds only. "I agree with you," he concluded, "that a string of diamonds, perfect brilliants not too large, would be the most lovely thing possible on the necks that would have a beauty rose tint, if the little ears over either should hear a report of the discussion—yes, a nice string of diamonds, not a flaw in one of them, and not one so big as to be vulgar, would be a matchless decoration, 'only one thing in the world prettier, and that nothing at all.' "You can't improve necks like those," he added, "but the girls are not vain enough to understand that superb compliment. They would like the diamonds, and would not be angry if they were as big as burr oak acorns in the hull." "Well," said Roberts, "there is too much talent or poetry in this firm. It will bring bad luck, I am sure. Yes, the compliment about the white necks without decoration beating diamonds is superb, and more, it is supreme. However, we will need nourishment tonight. We have had a hard day, and I have had something in my correspondence that I want to assimilate —not stimulate—and I need something extra. Besides, I wish to talk more business, and talk it more seriously than usual, and I need sustaining, for I have been holding back a conviction from you, until I made sure my way of thinking was as close to accuracy as anything I can get into my head or out of it. It has been a long time between drinks with us—drinks of champagne, I mean—and we do not partake of the deadly venom of the cocktail." "I have just got a good thing from Mary about her father, but this is the darling's secret, and it had a flavor of fun in it that makes me love her more than ever, for it gives relief to the eyes that contemplate her perfections." "His mind's eyes, you mean." "Well, as you please, but one would not want a supernatural angel for a wife, you know, a plain woman is much preferable." "Plain woman! Why, now you are in the way of killing yourself, any moment. Say a woman, or if you go so far as to say a real woman, why stop right there. But what did the angel whisper?" "She says, whispering with her pen, that her father is disgusted with some things in Kansas. He has got so far he is in doubt whether the Kansas people are any better moral metal than the people of Pennsylvania." "Well, why should they or could they be of better moral metal." "Don't know. I'm quoting Mary Murray's story. She says another thing, and that is, he is immensely fond of the old Virginian Confederate, and likes him except as to being a Gold Democrat, and disbelieving in the blessings of freedom for Negroes, though it's good to have white folks freed from taking care of the Negroes." "But hurry up the real story." "Oh, it's that Daddy Murray is mad about two things. One is the sale of whisky with a "bitter" in it that doesn't hurt it much, as a beverage that had been invented in Sweden as a tonic, though there are some that say it comes from Russia and is no better than clear Vodka." "But the story." "That's a part of it. The other thing is they (that is, some do) carry whisky around in canes, in bottles a foot long, and a little long glass. The head of the cane opens when a spring is touched, like a sword cane, and there's your glass bottle two feet long, and there is your whisky, and none molest or make you afraid; and one wretch asks another, 'Will you take a pull at my cane?" and they go into a shady corner and have a drink of whisky - high diddle diddle and the cat played the fiddle, and the milk cow jumped over the moon." "Oh, I have heard that. It is not a bad joke. It was invented in Iowa, they have the impudence to say in prohibition times, and used as a life preserver. It was gotten up for its moral effect upon people who profess too much goodness to be useful." [*36*] [*16040*] "But we will not have cocktails, or bottles a foot long. Cianti is long enough for me, but the Italians overrate the wine of their country. The French are the wine makers for the wine bibbers. They can produce a perfect claret out of American dried apples and huckleberries, price, and brand it what they will, with brandy and sugar to wet it and sweeten it, if it is too dry. The color is exquisite. Dried apple juice boiled and huckleberry is harmless. Oh, you can do anything with the apples of our orchards and the berries of our mountains." The talk at dinner was on going bravely into the rising market, and the main question most frequently decided in the affirmative, was passed upon in this ornate form: If this is a great country, why not act up to your faith that is a great country? In argument the antagonists of big things urged that there were too many holidays, and too much getting away from close and constant acquaintance with hard work. The answer was, our country was growing so fast as to be all the while in a transition state, but this was not disease and health. The trusts put up combinations to reduce the cost of production, and eliminate a competition of tricks and pretenses, and the workingmen combined to increase their compensation. It was merely the natural method for capital and labor to combine, occupy our country and possess foreign markets. Holidays were on the increase, but it must be remembered that the Lincoln, Grant and Decoration days, and the corresponding Confederate festivals, only partially covered the Sunday time used up in days of work instead of rest. On Sunday, look at the Sunday trains and boats and ships, the Sunday newspapers, the Sunday excursions, recreations, games, attention upon the gay and festive. There was danger of a consensus of public opinion that more hard work was done on Sundays than on other days—not work of production, perhaps—but work of pleasure. Our race toiled so terribly to have fun. See the devotees of golf, the special trains, the roof gardens, the places where beer can be had with music, and the awful strain on the millions of people who rush every Sunday to plunge into the sea, where the salt water is modified by the dump boats. There are over fifty Sundays in a year, and we lose half of them in hard work, and we have added but three or four extra holidays in a generation. We really need the strikes as a recreation. There is so much fun in them, too, only the boys and girls are so emotional when they get started, that they get up frolics that look like fights, but do a power of good. Eight hours a day doesn't go in the corn fields or the kitchens. You can not cut down labor to put it up. Give the boys a chance. Moral: Give the boys and girls of this country a chance. Keep them busy, and bet on them all the days of all the years. CHAPTER XVI. THE MAN OUT OF THE FIRE SOLD P. Q. The man who had less to say in the Cross Roads Forums and Auditoriums, the summer following the appearance of the Plow Boy contingent, was Mr. Wallace, who arrived at the line of the fire that put out the greater one prematurely for the play, but just in time for the audience consuming the fuel, was Mr. Wallace, who lost his horse, but saved a worn leather saddle bag with a brass lock, containing papers and woolen clothing. It became known that among his effects, all of which were mystically interesting, was a small box of surveyor's instruments, and a few maps, bearing marks, showing careful surveys and indicating measurements and lines of bearing, fixed points and studied directions, taken and drawn with the utmost care. This kit looked as though it might have contained the belongings of a magician, and, indeed, Mr. Wallace was, in his way, a magic man. His art was social conversation, reconstruction—if the word were not hard ridden—the development of a question of political economy. He had touches of improvisitation and slight of hand. He puts facts in new but remarkable relations with each other, and waved a wand. When he took a lead pencil in his fingers one beheld a prodigy. He was a promoter of enterprise with a scientific apparatus of consecutive information. He not only used his eyes constantly, but he found out fresh things incessantly, and as a seeker of truth that could be turned to practical uses, he rode far afield. He became more intimate with the Virginians than with any others, and had the confidence of Mr. Pierce, to a greater extent than anybody else. Habitually he confined his talk to brief answers to questions, for example. Q. "Mr. Wallace, what are your politics?" A. "I am in favor of the United States." Q. "What party do you belong to?" A. "Not to any party. A part of a party generally belongs to me." Q. "What part?" A. "That which is least advanced. I am not a political pioneer. I prefer the paths well known to no roads. In this country, I say learn to labor and to wait." Q. "What do you mean by that?" A. "Though I am at the Radical Cross Roads, I am not a Radical. I mean to be reasonable. Radicalism and reasonableism do not go hand in hand. Q. "You do not use the word respectable." A. "And I do not because it is misused." Q. "What are the powers of the Government?" A. "To get out of the way, and let the people mind their own business in their own way." Q. "Do you think the Government should own and operate the great railroads and telegraph wires, the gas companies, the street railway systems?" A. "I do not." Q. "Why not?" A. "Because I want to hold on to a Republican Government. Q. "Isn't it the way to do that for the people to do what the corporations now do, and get the good of doing it? A. "No." Q. "Why?" A. "Suppose you to be—no, suppose that I am very ambitious, professing all the popularities, say, but really believing not in the people but in myself, and I was the head of the Government. If I assumed to do what the railroads all of them; the telegraphs, all of them; all the transportation; all the circulation of intelligence—if I handled all the wires and all the rails, I would be too powerful." Q. "How could that be?" A. "Because I would have a standing army of four or five millions of my fellow citizens and find jobs for the army." Q. "An army, no army at all, and no navy wanted." A. "The army might exist and not be in uniform at first, but you would load up the nation in brass buttons." Q. "What army do you speak of?" A. "I mean the servants of the Government. First, all the railroad men—all of them. All the manufactures for them. All the telegraphs and telegraph operators, all the express companies—and there you are! Every rail and every wire in the country official. Every man who is engaged in running the roads and working the wires an official. The Government would control all the roads, all the streets, all the gas works, all the electric and traction and lighting plants and wires, and then you have only started the list. The Government would have next a tobacco monopoly, and a whisky and a beer monopoly. Why, you couldn't get a telegraphic dispatch on or off the wires without the consent of the President, or some of his numberless subordinates. Everyone would be in his servitude; his power would be ten times multiplied. As Mr. Jefferson said, in the simple days of old, "The world is governed too much," Better throw more work on the combination of the people. The radicals, the isms men, are the imperialists. Take the other end of the road and keep in the middle of it. Your radical reform is a back action machine. It is on the back track—jump off." Q. "Do you not know that the success of our postal [*37*] [*16041*] system contradicts all that?" A. "Hardly, when the Government pays sixteen times as much money for one of the most important Postal offices it performs as it gets for the service, that the Government gets pay for an ounce whether it transports a pound—pays sixteen to one and gets for the work one to sixteen - and this is alleged to be done to educate the people. One great idea is to teach the farmers farming by sending them medicinal literature." Q. "Why, this is something new." A. "I fear not. Congress is feeble when there is a cry raised that we must educate farmers instead of the old way farmers educating the Government, and governing themselves. Is there any corporation besides the Government that pays sixteen times as much for the transportation of say a carload of articles manufactured, across the continent as it gets for doing the very thing? Government had better hire itself to a trust than do that, be the trust a combination of money or labor." Q. "Can you give us a specification? A. "Government gets one-sixteenth the money it pays for handling and movement of certain favored trash. A great lot goes to the railroad, but it is not the fault of the roads. Government has no business to do business at a loss, to distribute newspapers, toys, books or selections of alleged periodicals and charging only one- sixteenth of the money it pays for the system." Q. "Would you put an end to the letter carrier system? A. "No, but I would not have a cavalry force of fifty thousand men to carry letters in sparsely populated regions, as you would have if you carried out your theories. Here it is twenty and more miles to a telegraph office. Would you have a troop of horsemen there to distribute official telegrams. It would cost from a hundred to a thousand dollars to carry a telegram." Q. "Would it not be better for the Government to construct telegraph lines to the Cross Roads? The majority of the people here want a railroad. If the people ruled, the Government would build it for us, and the wires would come with the rails, and we would be in the world." A. "I thought Mr. Murray came here to get out of the world. Would you hunt him with the locomotive he deplores? I came by accident, was rescued by the pilgrims from West Pennsylvania and West Virginia, and I like the place because one can be quiet, if he wants rest; and can find work if he is able to work, and it is exceedingly well placed for observation. Kansas is the biggest school house in the country—has been forever and will be for another generation. I am not opposed to railroads or telegraph wires. I want the people to raise the money and build them when they are demanded, and my idea is the people will have them when needed, and we do not do well if we take from the people the habit of taking care of themselves. They can do it better than the Government can, and that fact is the essence of Republican forms of Government. The Government is, after all, an awkward instrumentality. Cut down its work. That is the way to clear the road for reforms." Q. "Didn't the Government do well to aid in building the railroads across the Continent?" A. "Yes, but that was National work. We wanted the people of the two ocean fronts to be united. It was needful that the should be. It was necessary, and some people got richer than they should have been; and we ought to do like things in a general way, and give the poor all the chances for riches. There are cables wanted to bring the ends of the world together. We should take a hand in that. We should be the first to construct a cable across the Pacific. Q. "But not build a railroad and telegraph wires here?" A. "Not until they would pay. To run wires through oceans or rails across the continent is another thing. We should not set a bad example. If I had to be put into a party and kept within its lines, as a part of its property, that is if I was to belong to the party and not the party to me, I would take for my choice the party that gave the official classes the least to do. Republicanism is individualism, not socialism. When we get into socialism, we bribe the people to look up to the Government. The Government ought to look up to the people—not grow to be above them. Socialism is a breeder of idlers, of dependents upon Government, and then comes Government intermeddling, and then we tread on the snake in the grass anarchy." Mr. Wallace tapered off quickly all talks after this, but he had said enough to lose his reputation at the Cross Roads for reticence. It was remarked that he seemed to seek the society of Miss Susannah, the eldest daughter of the Confederate veteran, who was tall and slenderly fashioned, with bronze brown eyes, bright and brave with innocence, and whose soft Southern speech had a charm of its own, while her modesty was winning in its grace and graciousness. Her sunbonnet removed, she was seen to have a glory of coppery hair, with a gloss that testified its health and the absence of artificiality. It seemed to Wallace a piteous thing that such a face with such a crown over it, should be hidden so often under a sun bonnet, but he was consoled for a while by the thought that the enjoyment of the delight of contemplating her admirable young womanhood was his own; but he presently ascertained that "others" saw what gentleness there was in the tall girl, and were not careful to not stare at and follow after her, and he fell into a state of mind that would have been capricious if there had been a sign of levity in it. His fancy was that he was taking lessons of sorrow—and yet they were sweet. He had said all he wanted to say about his "principles;" briefly gratified curiosity by telling what his views were as to "basic money," and "economics," and was held to be like minded with the old Virginian, only to go further, and not to fear the precipices in the "problems." He was rather opposed to heaps of "problems," as used by those who held that all things they had just heard of were news to everybody, and should be proclaimed accordingly. Mr. Wallace had an awakening. He rode on an early Autumn day to the line of rails and wires, and pulled up his horse at Fox View, because he felt a sudden hunger to know what was going on; and he often said afterward he would say he knew there was something in the air that called for him, but he did not care to accept a superstition; had heard of the Murray family's association with Wall Street—a place not unfamiliar to him—and he had a feeling of doubt as to what the result would be. The Murrays did not gossip of their home affairs. Mrs. Murray was a loyal and satisfied soul, whose higher law was the knowledge she had intuitions to gather without conversation, other than casual, what the will and prejudices of her husband were; and she knew Wall Street was not an agreeable theme for him. He half repented that he had left the old farm. He remembered with a sense of loss that once he had been a ruler on the foot hills of the Alleghenies. When he had forbidden a thing should be done, it was a veto accomplished; and when he proposed what happened on two square miles, opposition disappeared, at least, within his jurisdiction. Now he did not recognize himself as a force in the community, where he had driven his wagon, pitched his tent, set up irrigating pumps, planted orchards, and made gardens. The trouble was with him. The people were so much occupied with their own views, and so fierce about their peculiarities, that they did not care what he thought, and resented his air of authority, especially in matters related even remotely to religion. He who had once thought of establishing a Church, had still kindlings that he felt were such inspirations as the priests who were prophets had, and yet, spiritually he had become insignificant, even to himself. His son was not of a religious turn of mind, and did not give the first effusions of his emotions to the mysteries, but took high, and, as he believed, holy ground, in stalwart politics. His weakness in his father's sight, now that he saw him at close range, was that he was so far ahead that he had not a clamor at his heels. Popular progress called for a crowd. There was no great movement after all in blood-bought Kansas that made it Holy Land. If there were crusades going East or [*38*] [*16042*]West, they were so far invisible that they did not appeal to him. He had the strength and the deficiencies that grew from the certainty that his imagination was of the iron clad sort. It walked with a heavy tread. When his son was far away from him, he had idealized him. Close at hand, he had a fine enterprising courage, mechanical skill, not afraid of anybody, but no notion of making himself the John Brown of any of the systems of slavery existing. He was indeed commonplace, save in a fanatical energy - a combination that had many times moved the world, but not now. In Kansas, as elsewhere, organization was swallowing up individuality, and vigilance might be at fault in finding the lowest initiative, even in knowing where to touch a match to start fuel as had been supposed, in the people for public use. The Murray girls took their knowledge of the ability to draw checks very easily. They were, as those said who knew best, very sweet about it. They did have material bought and brought to make new dresses for themselves and their mother, and they made advances to their father to find out what could be found that would please him, and plotting zealously they succeeded in imposing upon him a new watch, with a gun metal shell and superb works—nothing golden, brassy or gaudy about it—and he accepted the simple and plain gift, and was after a while greatly satisfied that it kept time with surpassing accuracy. This had been specially arranged. The work was done in New York by special request, and there were marks on it intended to deceive. The old man would have been shocked by the extravagance of affection if he had seen the paid bill for it. The girls did not find that it made as much difference to them to be suddenly rich as they had thought it would when the first hopeful hints came, and they even had misgivings, since Brown and Roberts were in Wall Street, that they were too much absorbed to write as often and in as loving a way as would compensate for absence. It was a considerate Poet who wrote the song: "They say that absence conquers love, But oh, believe it not." Wallace rode for Fox View at a slow trot, for he was thoughtful and many things seemed to have been waiting for his new mood. There was a lot of Omaha, Kansas City, St. Louis, Leavenworth and Topeka papers at the station, and he was soon made aware there was a Bull Market in Wall Street that surpassed records, and seemed to be going on forever; and there was a letter with a New York postal stamp mark on it, that commanded his attention even more than the headlines in the Western newspapers. His return ride across the country to the Radical Cross Roads late in the afternoon was profoundly disturbed. He put his horse to the gallop for a while, and then consented the gait should be a walk, and trusted the horse to find the way. The question was whether he should go to New York at high speed once again, and the more he thought of it the less he was convinced he could help it. He must go. He sought the old Virginian the next morning, and they took a ride. He began the conversation by saying he had been across the country and saw a railroad and telegraph poles, also a table covered with late newspapers, and all at once ascertained the conditions of the people's industries of production and commerce had stimulated confidence so extensively, that there was money made by buying all sorts of securities and there were immense transactions. Even some old affairs of his own were flourishing. Stock he had been tempted to destroy was floating high in the swim, and he was about to go and see what could be realized. He might stop at Kansas City, St. Louis or Chicago—had not thought it out—but he was going North and East and that quickly. "I have been," he continued after a pause, "as you are aware, fond of the society of your eldest daughter. Now, I have much to say and little time to say it. It may be, I have hoped it was so, that your daughter has been interested in me, but I have only lingered in her presence and waited for I could not feel reconciled to give up a chance for happiness. I have told you the truth always, and you have the proof of my history in outline. Now that I am going away, I want to tell our daughter that I shall return, that I anticipate with better chances, perhaps assured success, that I am going to redeem the misfortune of other days, and am interested in her on a hope to be endowed with the right to say more, that I mean to tell more than I have made known, but it seemed I had to say something, and must not without your permission." "Your sentiments of honor compel my confidence, but you see my child will be very happy or unhappy— one or the other- that is the way she is—and that young as she is, and precarious as your fortunes have been, there must be time. You have not asked to speak to her of love, and care sure of command of yourself. Part with us all as good friends." "It will mean more than that to me, but she will be free, for I may not claim her now, but if all goes well, win her hereafter." The point gained of being known as a gentleman, Mr. Wallace gave his friend briefly a statement that he had on deposit in New York stock that after deep depression had made a marvelous improvement, not burdening him with wealth, but something substantial, and he had found a lost mine in Colorado—gold, silver and lead - which had been so far tested as to make sure something handsome; and he had above all a few certificates of what they called in New York "P. Q.,” and it was recovering from sleep, and by handling might, and he thought would, settle the question of the possession of a moderate competency in his favor. The Miners' camp had been full of "lost mine" traditions, all gold, of course, and wonders. He knew something of science, but it had not helped him to find, only to confirm, a considerable percent of old stories, when the modern crust was broken. There were great possibilities and moderate probabilities. Before taking the plunge that he had resolved upon, of a rush Northward and Eastward, he wrote these letters, and dropped them in the office as he started. There was moonlight after nine o'clock at night, and starlight too—a sky of delicate but deep blue, studded with the everlasting lamps of gold and silver, and the broad river of diamonds, softened by an infinite, misty atmosphere or remoter stars. The departing lover and adventurer wrote goodbyes in these terms: "LEONIDAS MURRAY, ESQ., MY DEAR SIR: I am leaving you, will be quite gone when you get this; will never cease to be grateful for your kindness and that of your family, when rescued by your train, and the skill and courage of your company. I thank you all. I am drawn as by a magnet that is irresistible to New York, where I will see your friends, whom I already know, not, I may say; by the name I hear here. I have a writing name and a speculating one, but when I came out of the fire I resumed personally the name of my father. Very respectfully and truly, WILLIAM WALLACE. ASBURY PIERCE, ESQ., MY DEAR SIR: When I talked with you, very awkwardly, I fear, but I am sure you know in all sincerity, for one could not have been as stupid as I was if he was not playing himself for his part. I meant to have a talk with your daughter—just a little talk, as I told you—but when I thought well of that, I knew I could not keep words from my lips that would have been unfaithful to the promises I made to you. I, therefore, flee from here, and enclose to you a letter, not sealed, of course, for her, and beg when you have read it to give it to her, with a few words not too serious, for we must not—pardon this presumption—hurt her tender heart. We may have known the color and fragrance of each other's dreams, as we have talked together, for sympathy is a telltale. I am too mature to be a boy again, but I am not the master of myself as I thought. I kept still here for what seemed a long time, and then submitted to be interviewed by everybody. WILLIAM WALLACE. P. S. I do not say ‘yours truly and respectfully,' for [*39*] [*16043*] you know my truth and my dependence, and that I honor you. It was a hard choice for a Virginian to make between fighting for his state and the United States, but he thought the Union gone; and if I had been big enough to have carried a gun, I would have been where you went, as far as I could go, though I am not a native American. I have not written the letter to Susannah yet, and can not imagine what is will be, but the thought just comes to me that I will leave that to you. WILLIAM WALLACE. "MY DEAR MISS PIERCE: I am summoned suddenly away, and am so hard pressed that I ride off to Fox View, and will be there at daylight, sending back my horse by a trutsy friend —your brother—and my horse is his horse until I come back. Your father has a message from me for you. I never wrote the customary 'very truly' as I now do it, with so keen a feeling as I know how that I may say I am, Yours truly,* WILLIAM WALLACE." It seemed a long ride under the stars and moon, but at last the railway station stood out black, silhouetted against the white light of the East. Wallace found on the one train a stateroom empty and took it, and felt that he was opening a new campaign. When he met the morning papers, he bought them all and read them, not omitting a telegram or business notice, and found an advertisement that had in it good news between the lines for him. As he was at Kansas City, and Chicago for a few days, they would have been slow to recognize him at the Cross Roads. *He did not italicize the four last formal words, but she did. CHAPTER XVII. A SCIENTIFIC BULL—MAPS OF PROGRESS.. William Wallace was born in Scotland, of a family of some conspicuity in ability and success in affairs. His father was a Liberal politician, but of tendencies away from popular channels. As a rule, he was not captivated by a cry of reform. There was property of considerable importance held by the Wallaces, but it was not ostentatiously handled. In boyhood, William had been strongly inclined to be a rover, and North America or Australia seemed to have for him the strongest inducements. He was uneasy at school, for there were no conclusions reached as to his future. There was much talk, and decision deferred. At last, he seized the question, had a few days' struggle with himself, then abruptly approached his father, not for advice but cooperation, saying he had gone to the bottom of the subject and resolved to go to America. A difference of opinion developed, the conclusion of which was the father became denunciatory and the son respectfully obstinate. The young man disclosed a range of views the elder member of the family was displeased with, and declared them to be disgraceful. There was even a decided difference of opinion as to Mr. Gladstone, and the young man took his leave with the remark that he would not disgrace the name of his family, but select one, for which he would be responsible. His mother and sisters were distressed, but his father's behavior was that of a philosopher, and the parting a serious affair—a function of sorrow. The young man was the possessor of a small sum of money, which was well placed, and he drew it and invested it on arrival in New York, where he found friends and employment. The same restless spirit that sent him from Glasgow to New York disturbed his business relations when he had crossed the sea. The passion for the Wild West seized him, and as there were others, and he was persuasive, he became a prospector and founded a town in Colorado, also bought a mountain stream and tried the efficacy of snow water in raising the clover of the country. The point at which he rallied, returning from long journeys, was Kansas City, and he drove from Denver to the Missouri, his earthly goods, not of a flighty, paper sort though some of them materialized handsomely, contained in a stout wagon. Later, he became intensely interested in railroads. All unfinished roads had a charm for him, and in the course of three years, he was so versed in Western properties, that he was called to New York and consulted extensively, then invited to be interested in road projects, taking pay partially in stock. He was habitually economical, and steadily accumulated margins, made the acquaintance of Roberts and Brown, Brokers, in Wall Street, in their early strident days, and heard of the Radical Cross Roads people before he met them—a fact he as not hasty to speak of, because he had a distaste for personal talk, and was weather beaten and sun browned. Wallace, when the wind was blowing with him, and the sunshine and showers fell where he plowed, looked over the vast spaces unoccupied by settled human beings in the North American continent, and studied them as the greatest opportunities the world offered, unless, possibly, in South Africa. He had a Scotchman's head for exact information, and the conservative processes of thought, a logician in business, and could back his logic with statistics. The tables of immigration were familiar, the growth of cities by decades was a breakfast table theme, also railroad mileage, the development of lake navigation, the improvement of agricultural machinery —the cost in time and tons of all American produce over oceans. He made a special study of the West, the Northern, Central, Southern, Middle and Far West, watching intently the mineral finds and returns. He had the faculty of measurement of the resources of a country, near and remote, and in the Northwest he took into consideration the hours of sunshine to be depended upon in the Summer days, was struck by the fertility of the Northlands, observed the latitude of Scotland compared with Labrador and Siberia, and would have tried to latter if it had not been for the Russians, whose imperial ways were too slow. The mighty monarchy of expansion had a prodigious inertia to overcome. The Northern sunshine hastened the crops to ripen, as the Scotchman well knew with an energy greater than was realized in the lands that were called sunny; the Northern lands were enriched by enormous forests, and grasses that were good for the soil, while the rivers were thronged with the finest food fishes, and the rock bound frigid coasts and shallow waters beating in surf on sandy shores, were besieged in innumerable swarms of the inexhaustible favorite finny tribes. The figures of rain falls and floods, of cyclones and blizzards, and their associated temperature, were patiently compared; and nothing escaped the observer in the growth of vegetables, or the stories of berry bushes or fruit trees. The reports and romances of the production of Northern latitudes and Western slopes, in whatever proportions of fact and fancy in the Expositions, were patiently collected and the points applied by Wallace, and the marvels the mechanics achieved in agricultural machines, that would scatter the seed, cut the stalks and thresh them, turn the clean wheat or barley into the cars and elevators that stood by the railways and the seaports - the use of straw for shelter, fuel, and food for domestic animals - these potent factors were collected and classified. The capacity of lines of steel rails was calculated faithfully, as astronomers obtain exact knowledge of stars; the rivalry of rails with rivers, and the relative rates of transportation of strings of steel and rivers, noted as features at the beginning of progress, were greatest trough the years and the seasons subjected to mathematics. The next thing was minute information about railroad building; the cost of the manufacture of steel for the lines and all consumed in equipment, of the movement of freight cars by the thousand for thousands of miles. The surveys and plans of the construction of new roads were anxiously sought. A clipping bureau furnished food for thought for railroad literature. There was a bureau of information where all facts were welcomed, and added to the pool of knowledge. Maps of the past, present and probable future, were scrupulously prepared. The base of calculation was the gigantic territory North of the Missouri river, and North and region, contrasted with those of the earlier settled scope, West of the Arkansas and Colorado The maps of this [*40*] [*16044*]old controversies are "relegated" to the people at large. In the weighing of Sections and States in the balances, none are found wanting, and Texas holds her own with the spread of the fields and splendor of the cities of the North. The problems of extension and the current of advancement have been simplified. Our country truly great, its future is brightest on the broad certainties, of any of the world. The majesty of it, as of the globe, is measurable. The elements of doubt have been so reduced that we reach a business basis. The storms that threatened have spent their force. There had been enlarged not merely the area of freedom, but of fertilization. We are the Empire not of one man or family, but of a swelling roll of millions and tens of millions, soon to be one hundred million. They have confidence in the dynasty, for they are it. There is the basis of business. There is the market for the Bulls, the believers in American manifest destiny. In the generation of the great war, it was seen that the greater Northern American Road to the Greater Ocean of the Globe, would be the Path of Destiny—the March of Empire—the way of the progress of man. The time is coming when the faces of a majority of the people of the United States will look with personal interest toward Asia, look forward not backward. The earlier civilizations were Asiatic, and the movements of men from the East, Westward have crossed and conquered Europe and America. Now the impulse, the ultimate achievement of regeneration of the ancient abiding places, and still the course of Progress, is with the stars, the States. America out of the East, seen from Asia, moved with the light of the morning, and the energy and illumination once shown in Egypt and Greece, has circled the earth. Our sunrise goes on to the sunset land. Those who have read the history of the progress of the world, can not fail to find the certainties that North America is the next of the Great Continents to become subject to the uses of humanity so that all bad lands will be good lands—all countries cultivated and made prosperous—and not only shall the surface be improved, the great deeps of the earth and the sea—the hearts of the mountains and the bottom of the oceans will be searched, and the North America will outweigh entire Europe. The American people have just cleared the way. Our America is as ripe for adventure and achievement, and as ready to reward courage and labor, with fruits of bravery and toil as Kentucky was a prepared paradise for Daniel Boone and the Westward county of Virginia ready to be a State of the Union. To believe this, to know this and act upon it, to convert visions into realities—this is not speculation, it is discovery, realization, to prepare the ways for the travelers to plow and pierce the earth, and till it into bloom. That was Persia in her pride, Greece in her beauty, Rome in her Grandeur, to the new fortunes for those who dig and find, delve and build and prepare for the broader, deeper, higher things that are to be. Here is the field of the material world that is to be beautified with good tidings, and made opulent with that which man is endowed to reveal. Here the great Republic has its landed estate, its States and its Territories. Here are the foundations of the Republic that is the lead of Nations. Here is inevitably to come a demand for a tremendous transportation. Only here and there a line was traced that marked on the maps when the first railroad was completed across the continent, the preemption of enterprise. The great hereafter, so plain to the faithful student, is as yet invisible save by those who have seen what mechanics have wrought, what chemistry had made practicable, and still more, what electricity has promised. The business men of American will sub-soil the continent, and go far beyond contiguous territory. Already the snows on the mountains have money in them—snow is convertible into gold—for, as the avalanches melt, they make the wild wastes blossom and the fruits of the flowers ripen. The rocks are rent and crushed, and the precious metals flow in stream from the furnaces. The precious waters from the icy peaks and slopes and ravines, choked with crystals, convert the sands that were as deserts to green meadows, and the rivulets become as flowing gold. On the map on which was displayed the business knowledge of Wallace, was lined the Q. P. road - the finished [*41*] [*16045*] were remarkable for the new and far between railway lines. Here were the granaries of the Great Hereafter, and the crumpled strata containing all the minerals, especially silver and gold, copper and lead. The mountains were held in this business house to be advertising as true and plain as the heretofore fabulous and incredible portraitures of the swiftly coming ages, when America would be greater than all the nations in Europe, West of Russia. The revelation was, that there was an immense, imperial, in the sense of acres, area, not provided with the essentials to be of the world of activities. The stored energies of this unconquered immensity were not appreciated, and it entered into the calculations that this region was but scantily provided with rail lines, and with navigable waters. Certainly here was the place for a growing demand for more railroads, and the scenery of stupendous development. All the lost Empires might have been tumbled into this arena of nature. The forces of civilization were concentrating here. One of the invading armies, pouring like a fertilizing flood, was the tide of European immigration never rolling Westward, and finding incomparable inducements in the popular Government of the United States, and the cordial welcome of the masses of kindred people. The effort of the explorer and recorder looked to enterprise and speculation, and a detail of it was to put on paper the future communities—what they would find for improvement by industry - to locate the grain lands for farmers, also improvements by irrigation, to employ the power of the winds that sweep over the plains; to find the mountain passes for the coming railroads and know the fastnesses that held the hidden treasurers; and with the divining rods of science, point the drill to strike fountains and reveal mineral deposits, ascertain as swiftly as experiences would furnish evidence, the rainfalls, the cost of production of horses, cattle and sheep to consume the Buffalo grass—to guard against the snow storms of winter and the water famines of summer. That which was to be taken into special consideration was: The North and South war was over. The value of land and the fortunes of States will be less influenced than in the past by political agitations, for the anarchists will always be out voted, unless the country dooms itself by disorder to downfall. The radical questions of free soil or slave soil conditions are eliminated. The strain of civil war upon the Government proved the strength of the Republican form of transacting public business, on the greatest as well as the smallest scale. The last doubt of the foremost rank of our country has been dispelled. All the weaknesses of National childhood have been overcome. The industrial competency and independence, as well as Democratic freedom and stable government of "the Government of the people" has been established. Artificial obstructions to the growth of the whole country, according to the ease of access to good lands, and the marketing of the products of farms, mines and shops, located according to resources, are removed. The inconsistent intrusion of slave labor will appear no more. The influences of abolished slavery will remain in racial questions, and these affect, in some degree, the movements of men seeking homes, but there is no evidence of ability to settle them. There is noble breadth of truth in the words "all free," that is excellent, as it at last placed the Southland on an equality with the Northland in labor. Slavery is no longer a great black rock, changing the current of immigration, influencing the investments of capital - and hence, retarding the growth Southwest as well as Northwest. The Gulf cities should grow as those on the lakes have grown. The terror of the wintry wastes of the Dakotas and Montana departed with the knowledge that the new States of the far Northwest were but greater Wisconsins and Iowas. Science, the higher law of nature, warrants that the caprices and antagonisms of man will not blast any more our goodly land in any part. The centre of population still moves West, though slowly, but between the sections that had warred as to the supreme sovereignties,part black—the projected dotted. It was all plain to the instructed eye. This must be one of the important avenues of the trade of the world; a factor in the commerce, that is to send cotton and wheat to Asia; and also, it is a wheat road, a corn road, a cotton road. On these huge plains we shall not find the ghosts of the cattle on a thousand hills, but the substantial, full fed figures of the portly herds of animals, that replace in the interest of man the buffalo that have departed. There remain to us the steer with storage of steaks, and the kindly motherly, succulent cow, and the capering calf rising up to accept destiny full grown. Wallace had watched the Q. P. many a day, as it fought its way in the newspapers into the world's notice, so that here and there it was noted by a far flashing, far seeing eye, and he had followed the engineering and financiering, and also the ceremonies of rail laying, and the annual reports of the earnings. More and more he was persuaded to invest in the stock of the Q.P., and in it he planted the profits gleaned in other quarters, and held it for permanent investment. He took part in no strife of managers. The country would bring it out all well, This was his fancy and faith. He watched and waited, and, as he increased in knowledge, his holdings of Q.P. were enlarged. A steel box in a safe deposit held the volume of bound stock certificates, that was to grow in value, as the country grew. It was a Chicago bomb proof—a lofty castle with vaults of brick and steel. The news that aroused him was that after weary years of vicissitude, and ridiculously low rates, the Q. P. had bounded several points in the market, and the newspapers were pressing it upon public attention, as though it was almost new, and had, at least, a record of happy uniformity; so that the remarkable fluctuations in the figures, though not for the first time, were handled as if such flurries were habitual. However, from the hour that Wallace read the market news, at the lonely railroad station, he carried in his mind all the important transitions in the market history of the road, with its constructed and projected feeders, that had not fed it to any great extent, but were "channels measureless by man;" and he arrived by a process of mental arithmetic as to the value of his certificates of Q. P. in the box of steel. He arranged in his head a time table, to go to Kansas City and telegraph messages to the firm of Roberts & Brown, of whom he knew enough to know they were in the thick of the storm: "Kansas City tomorrow, Chicago and long distance telephone next day. W. W." The horse that galloped over the gap between the Cross Roads and Fox View had been spurred for the last miles, and when the rider dismounted, the train bound North was in sight far down the line; and he had a feeling of revisiting the solids of the universe, when seated in a car restful yet rapid. The swift rolling wheels did not keep pace with his restless urgency. He was hastening to a field of strife, and lo! could it be that he was a laggard, when his time to strike had come! It was a comfort that his "rushed" message sped to the mark, a beam of light. It conveyed orders executed on the lightning line. The man who made maps for himself gave himself up to the meditation of the revelation of his records. The country was the rock on which he rested. Now he was sure there was no miscalculation as to the prosperity, and it had come to stay. CHAPTER XVIII. A VOICE FROM THE WEST IN WALL STREET. Once upon a time a business man said to his partner, one who had experienced financial adversity, "We have ten thousand dollars in bank that we do not need for a while. Let us take it and try our luck in Wall Street. The way is facile and the margins easy. It is a pretty sure thing. The world runs in the way of winning that I prepared to give as a pointer." "Sure things are not according to my fancy," was the reply. "There are no sure things in the street. You know even the History of the Four Kings is a romance, and there are elements of uncertainty in Wall Street that are not in a deck of cards—not even when the 'joker' is played." "But this is a matter that stands to reason, and is according to nature." "What is the tip?" the partner of the larger experience inquired, with a provoking air of credulity. "Simply that there are Bears clawing at Pork, and they base their views upon the proposition that hogs are scarce and will grow scarcer. Hogs are never scarce. Pigs are plentiful. They multiply and replenish. The man who bets on a scarcity of pork does not comprehend the prodigality of the animal kingdom." "This is very fine," it was the voice of the man of experience, "but as for the markets, they make rigs and runs in Wall Street—things go down when they ought to go up, and go up when they ought to go down—there is no common sense in it at all. That story of the decline in the population of pigs has shaken the markets repeatedly, when the porkers, who should have protested were immovable." "You think, maybe, it is not always safe to bet on the United States." "Well, I have had days of distrust about the United States paying debts, but thought we might make greenbacks do better than our revolutionary script or the confederate paper." "Have you no faith in the people?" "I have faith in the people, by the people and for the people, and so forth, but the hardest test is to ask them to vote new taxes to pay old debts—money spent and gone—when the bond holders got the bonds below par, and the rise in the credit of the country put them at a premium. The passion for paper money often takes the form of a mania." "However, the United States is as a steady thing a good thing." "We agree there, but you will not bet on the combination of corn and pigs." "Not to the extent of $10,000. Besides I do not wish to bind myself in the servitude of watching the gambles of the gamboliers, for it is all gammon." It has been said of men and nations that though they might withstand the shock of adversity, they could not endure the pressure of prosperity. When the sails are filled by the steady trade winds, and there is elation in the imagination cultivated with realities, when the business men rise up and call each other blessed - when everybody says to everybody, "You are a good fellow and I am a good fellow;" and then, "Let us go for and take our share of good things, and the thermometer and barometer record high figures, look out for the bubbles waltzing from the Caribbean and the Chinese seas, and shun the shores." Calculation would be more difficult on 'Change in America (if it were not for the magnetic corruscations of our public spirit, and the affluence and the excitability of our patriotism. It is an unfortunate habit that so many of our countrymen regard their country as essentially phenomenal and themselves as phenomena; and, therefore, estimations based on pure mathematics must be faulty. There is also such a wide sweep in the wings of our professions of popular passion, that there are such rushes of reform to the heads of the highest and lowest bidders for the favor of the people, that even our standards of value are affected. Anything can happen in a country where, in a time of profound peace, it is proposed by a party strong and aggressive, that the measure of the worth of all things produced from the rivers, the shops and the fields, shall be made out of something valueless and to be determined by an alleged vote. The theory is that a few people can vote out of nothing all the money they want, and pay all debts with it at home and abroad. Another thing, there are increased doubts as to remote results when there are propagandists of the classification of the people, and of antagonisms among the classes. This, unless stamped out by the enlightenment of the masses, is more perilous than sectionalism. Again, there are demands, backed by those who claim to be the representatives of [*42*] [*16046*] the people, that we shall reverse the maxim, "The world is governed too much," and say, "The world must be governed a great deal more." That is, that the people shall be by the million officialized and uniformed, and the Government made the master of the affairs that belong to the people; and that the old foundations must be broken up by the election of an anarchist to the Presidency, on the ground that the Chief Magistrate may become more potential, and by the enlargement of the Supreme Court, give fresh appointments for socialistic phantom finders—possession of the court—that it may be a tribunal representative of the collected follies and failures of at least a thousand years. When there is this high flopping of ghostly spooks in the political air, there is a show for alarms, disturbing the developments of the resources of the country. There came a time of serenity that we had reached the bed rocks of stability, that we had ourselves assurance of a stable form of government, because we had made the Union a Nation, the Standard of Value Gold, the Protection of American industry, a correct function of the General Government; and the response was evidences of our growth that were so immense and rock ribbed, that the day of our destiny to be the greatest of great powers seemed suddenly to have dawned with such triumphs in the markets of the world—such extension of commerce and expansion of manufactures, and aggregation of financial ability - that we were at the front, and boastful that we were bigger than Europe considered e pluribus unum. This was at the close of successful wars, that gave our navy and army prestige, placing us at the front of the armed powers, and crowned according to our Republican form, with a popular verdict favoring the maintenance of the conditions that had the glory of good times, supplied a massive basis for the genius of the architects to construct an unexampled edifice. There was to be another test of our capacity for composure. We had overcome misfortune, and profited by the lessons of generations in equipment for caring for ourselves, and now the supreme trial came out of our stupendous prosperity. In Wall Street there was a Business Congress of Nations. The world was represented hourly through wires. The House of Roberts & Brown was not colossal, but was representative, the more sensitive because comparatively new. A few intelligent and lucky turns had given them a place of respectability, that is the reputation of enterprise moderated by discretion, and sustained by a considerable accumulation. The structure of the house was not, however, suited to torrid or tornado weather long extended. The partners were not, however, afraid to swim when the tides were high, and they felt that beyond the wading they were boatmen. The house was carrying a heavy sailing pressure, the vessel keeled over so as to give the masts a rakish slant, and the sails all drew. This "ship ahoy" was held to be an emblem of prosperity, evidence that the past and present had been profitable, and the future promising. A mast might crack or a sail split, but the surveys of navigation made clear, there were no hidden rocks in the channel where the American Armada sailed with security and pomp, bearing the trophies of the century. The brokers and their customers walked in a procession of the exalted, tip toe fine. Money was easy. The country was blooming. All the news was to that effect. There was an enormous balance of trade in our favor. There were meetings of the magnates abroad, the purpose of which was to go to Vienna to centralize Europe, to make a united stand against the overbearing affairs and attitudes of Americans. There was a hint that Europe was to become a Commercial Confederacy against us, for the reason that we got along without great standing armies, had but one soldier to a thousand civilians, and natural resources, both agricultural and mineral, in excess of allied Europe; in addition, a Clearing House better than a National Bank of the imperial style of France, Germany or England; mechanics with trained heads, expert hands and ambition to excell in quantity, quality and time of production, known in no other land; swifter in executing contracts than all others, wasting a smaller proportion of working days than any other people, with less than our share of strikes; our work done with machinery of our own contriving, in a faster, and deeper, more extended and yet saving way, than could be in the Empires where the flower of the men were drilling in the armies. How could peoples compete with us, when they sent their men and horses to war, and depended on women and cows to do the work of the absent, whose labors were without reward, save in ways of destruction. With us, aiding all possibilities, our capitalists have a less ponderous, more elastic and energetic system of getting together to find means for labors on a grander scale, and pressed at a higher velocity than ever was known. Why should we pause, why indulge in the hesitations that are fatal, observe in daylight the precautions that were the traditions of the darkness upon the face of the earth, before the illumination by electrical apparatus, that tells the earth's story day by day, takes mankind into confidence, and lives in a light that casts no shadows. Yet, the trial was upon the people whether the prosperity was endurable, whether it had its perils, whether there were slippery paths, winding among unknown precipices, gulfs that were misty at bottom, ships at sea never to see land, caravans laden with precious things to be lost in the sand storms of deserts! Were we exempt from the maxims of precaution? After all its widespread beneficence, was not prosperity "limited," and should not its expression in Wall Street and kindred streets be under the restraint of the saving forces of the instincts of conservatism, that are all the stronger as the elevations are greater? On all sides were words of encouragement, and the pressure of unsatisfied adventure. The railroad earnings exceeded all that had been realized, and waxed without waning. More rails and cars were wanted, more lines to bring the trunk roads and the people in contact needed. Everywhere Bull Pools were active to "meet the wants of trade." There was an industrious dissemination of confiding "tips"—many true, more speculative but truthful - the faith that steps out boldly, the feet finding the walks. All was well. There were no cries of the watchers that all was well in the night, but joy came in the morning in the news of the American victories of peace. "All the world wondered" that North America headed the pageant of prosperity. But why not? We had knowledge of our strength of government, and of the capacity of the people to care for themselves; and Europe was handicapped by five million men whose business was to be machines, not of production but of destruction. We were having the good of our own. We had come into possession of our kingdom. On the rising market it was easy to dump at an advance cheaply acquired stocks. They rose and were sold, going higher and higher again, and yet again; and it was treason to utter words of warning. The way to make money was to buy something. It was unpatriotic to distrust the firmness of tread in the rapid pace of the prosperous, but it was forgotten that it is the growth of two blades of grass instead of one, two ears of corn on one stalk, that is the increase of wealth, and that the papers representative of the gathered sheaves must be true and proportionate to be independent of the flurries of finesse. The crops, at least, must be real sustenance. The Q. P. stock was commended to R. & B. by one who had strong associations. The information was that it was to be a leader and have a sensational advance, but such is the rarity of prophecy fulfilled, that there is something awful and miraculous about it, and important as were the connections from which the pointer proceeded, it was not regarded a verity until there was authentication. The Q. P. was selling around 60, within a year had sold at 30. As the intelligence had been imparted in financial shorthand, there was mentioned a guarantee of five percent, and many more details that made up a chain of evidence. R. & B. bought freely, first for themselves and then for their customers, and as the stock steadily advanced, [*43*] [*16047*]they bought more and more, and the tips received with reserve were verified. The customers were of like minds with the brokers. At length, the firm stood to win a million and a half. The day was one of wild excitement, and regularly records were broken, and the volume of business on change surpassed the high water marks of guessers. The large commissions of the brokers made them joyful and the customers were equally happy. Profits are pleasing. But interest rates from day to day had been hardening, so that brokers could not well advance the interest charges to transactions involving large sums, and carrying large loans at high rates. These were not a profitable accompaniment to prosperous conditions. About all the means within sight had been invested, and the most of the mediums of swift proceedings had pyramided their holdings. With each successive advance, more stock would be bought on paper profits, and an unfavorable development of necessity would send the market down. Of course, there was a chance for a thunder clap and cloud burst, one of those clouds that holds a lake suspended until a change in the breeze precipitated it, and the flood that falls wipes the trees from the hill sides, and fills the ravines with rivers. R. & B. mentioned with composure to their customers that it was the part of wisdom to lighten their loads, but the gentlemen had tasted the sweetened water, and elated with the life-quickening qualities of successes, and satisfied that they were rolling the world before them, refused to sell. That would end the play. More fun convertible into cash was wanted. The firm began quietly to realize the million and more they had in the air, especially the Q.P. deal, but before they had sold a third of their stock wanted to perfect the handsome turn, the market closed. The time had come when the stocks that were slammed on the market were not seized in a few seconds. The momentum was failing and the inertia augmenting. At the close, the market had eased off. On the next day, London came higher for the international stocks, and gave a cheerful appearance to the countenances of the interested spectators, who clung close to the tickers. Our firm had passed from the state of boundless and bounding confidence, and continued the gradual sales, fearing to set a fashion. The studious experts in the executive corners said the markets were feverish, but the fever was not observed by those watching particular stocks. The unfavorably affected securities were going in a swift, silent way that excited a depressing influence. It was noon before the quotations, showing clearly a stringent money market at hand, flagrantly appeared, and there was not much conversation for a time, as the fact that stocks were made to sell as well as buy was forced upon attention; and, as the prattle of the voices that dwelt in echoes ceased, brows clouded, and florid tints faded in strained faces. The market once started rolling down hill presently plunged headlong. Money rose to over one hundred percent; that is, the rate of interest on a dollar was at more than a dollar a year. The prosperity of the people was not affected in essentials. The machinery of exchange had gone wrong. The clocks and tickers were all alarms, running off to an accompaniment of the howls of a wrecked menagerie on the floor where space is so valuable that a place to stand is worth more than an old- fashioned farm; and the street that was a volcano shuddering with earthquakes. The prosperous populace were as anxious to sell on any terms as they had been to buy, no matter how high the strain had hoisted the indicator. First, the strife was to save a shred of the profit thought to be realized, and then to retrieve a part of the involved capital. Blanched faces hung over the tapes and told the tales of woe, in characters only too sure and familiar. Prices fell away like water poured from a pitcher. Roberts & Brown glanced from time to time over the sheets, on which the clerks toiled with supple fingers and keen eyes, silently keeping up with the downward rush of quotations. There was O.P. 1000 —82; 200—81 1/2; 300—80; 100—79; 4000 -—77; 2500 —76; O.P. 7500—55; 100—53; 1000—50; and after a little time, tens of thousands down to 40. Everything was, on the evidence of the tapes, in the course of being swept away. Here and there specialists sought to take orders. None were anxious to buy. Margins were called right and left, in many cases no responses. Customers' stocks were sold as the margins were wiped out. Even the rapid ticker toiled far behind actual business. Stocks were sacrificed like straw in flame, and the final peril of the House of R. & B. was that customers were unable to meet losses. The strong young firm had to stand a fresh flood of misfortune, that threatened to sweep the last vestiges of their successes away. There had been from a House of the greatest strength in Chicago, one whose order was good for millions, on the second day of the excitement, the going up day, and also on the going down day, a few most important communications, that appeared to be more mysterious than significant. The one stock called for in Wall Street when the cyclone raved was Q. P., and it went up by leaps and bounds. There was a battle of giants over this stock. Two trans-continental monsters wanted that stock each to carry a point of international and almost universal policy. There were expectations of cables from London that would be conclusive, and there came instead two strokes from Chicago, and in the combination there was salvation. London had a touch of timidity. Chicago calmly took the stroke oar. Suddenly, over a direct Chicago wire, was a question that pierced the marrow of Roberts & Brown, and they exclaimed together, as they recollected a cipher phrase, "Why, it is Williams!" So it was, and he wanted first to be assured of the safety of the investments of Rose and Mary Murray. R & B were happy to say the fortunes of the Murray girls were not within reach of harm, unless the great globe we inhabited should turn out a bomb shell and explode. Then came an order to sell 1000 Q.P., then another thousand of the same stuff, then another, until a block of 10,000 had been disposed of, and then 10,000 were offered at once, and the news that such blocks had been secured was warmly welcomed beyond the sea, and steadied the cracked earth of North American soil. There was no time for phoning or wiring felicitations or information, but there came, as it were, in a whisper on the wires, a tip that was in a command— two words with magic in them—"Sell X," and the sale was suddenly vindicated. The sale was "short," and a house of cards believed to be granite, crumbled. Williams was Wallace! He had changed only his last name when he made the decision with a proud boy's stilted vanity, to protect the honor of his father and the family name from fault finders. To call himself William Williams, he had only to double his first name, and no change was made in the initials. In his American career, he had scrupulously held to the name of William Williams, and the understanding was that he was a Welshman. Either as Scotchman or Welshman, he was of Great Britain, and at any rate, he was not unmindful of that Empire. He argued that Williams was not a far departure from Wallace. His actual name had never been used in America. He maintained a severe reserve, with due respect for his old family in Scotland and never indulged in his unfrequent letters in statements about personal affairs, stating merely that he was in health, a great traveler, making a living in a way that was interesting, having enough for his needs, and he mentioned to his mother, in sending her a few curiosities, that he had reason to hope he might prosper in America, for the country was rising up, and he had written from the Radical Cross Roads that he was interested in a fair young Virginian. He had made a successful journey to Colorado, dipping into Utah and Nevada, when he met the party from Pennsylvania and Virginia under such circumstantial evidence that the world was on fire, as marked time for him impressively. He had taken the across country route with the evidence of a success, exceeding all that had gone before in his life, and strove constantly to improve time by taking chances, grasping opportunity, and working hard incessantly. He [*44*] [*16048*]had drawn the papers in his saddle bags so that he could transfer the rights, letters and interests he had acquired, including properties, to himself; that is, to Wallace. He had taken legal advice, and prepared for resuming his old true name. As he had not attempted to be a public man, he had secluded himself in his personal toils. There was no serious impediment to be himself again. It was as he saw a boy's freak to change his name, on putting the ocean between himself and his birth place, and instead of it being chivalrous to call himself Williams, he saw it was a case of presumption, and was moved not to arise and go to his father as a prodigal son, but as a successful sinner. The act of taking a Welsh instead of a Scotch name was that of a high spirited youth, but boyish, and as he had made his calling sure, so that he could go to the home of his boyhood independent, and without a stain on his life to haunt him with a pursuing shadow, he longed to do it. His fondness for the old country and pride in the old house, came back to him. He set forth from Colorado well armed, but not heavy laden, for his papers were not voluminous as valuable, and he had a supply of food to last a week. The evening of the fire he made up his mind to be Wallace thenceforth, to introduce himself by that name, and was deep in this meditation when he beheld his environment of flame, the dreadful, far sweeping army with scarlet banners borne forward, the battle clouds of smoke like ranges of black hills tipped with bursts of flame, and had saved his horse for the last dread conditions of the race with the steeds of fire - led, walked and talked with him, patted his neck and rubbed his face, and gave him lumps of sugar, with the hope and watchful trust that there would be an opening of which advantage might be taken - a stream, a pool, a wood in which the grass was beaten down, a farm with a plowed field ready for a rescue; but, as he pushed on and the pursuing enemy came nearer, so that the scorching heat was felt on the breath of the consuming blast, the fierce vapors whirling over head, and the plain spread like a sea, with low hills, but everywhere the grass was quick fuel. The lurid gloom and terror of the prospect alarmingly increased, and when the time was close at hand to make the last dash for which he had so carefully saved and encouraged the horse, he saw another fire and that right ahead. He found himself riding from one flaming crescent with enveloping horns, hastening forward into another that awaited him like a ghastly hemisphere. The headway of the fire kindled was greatest at the point started, and Wallace was for a few minutes fearful that the grass would burn against the wind to meet him, but the conflagration behind was burning with far greater fury and wider sweep than that ahead. It became of appalling immensity. "Swifter than a race horse" is the favorite phrase of the people of the plains for the speed of the fiery blizzards abroad. It was a wild ride for life, and the man to whom the mountains had opened their treasurers, reached the blackened area where the fuel had been swept away, just as the horse fell dying, and died for the rider, who found friendly faces around him, had a cup of water pressed to his lips, and saw through the smoke faces whose sweetness was with him ever more. He was the man with the map - his name, William Wallace. He had realized his dream of fortune, and came as if in a chariot of fire, to a camp that was a refuge, and found the angel of His House, sitting with gentle and weary eyes, lovely in the sympathy of her womanly heart, in a landscape of ashes. CHAPTER XIX. THE DRAMATIS PERSONNAE—TALKS ON THE PHONE The two thousand shares of the Q. P. sold at the height of that soaring specialty, was not the most remarkable of the transactions of the House of Roberts & Brown, based upon commands from Chicago. Seeing the crushing drift of the market, the cataract and whirlpool, they sold heavily, short, to catch a rope, and were on the ragged edge of activities to know whether instead of straddling the abyss, they had doubled their losses, and were indeed demolished, when the Q. P. seller got the ear of Roberts on the long phone, and gave him a peremptory hint to save himself, striking an unexpected weak spot, and when the turn came, the house stood in the wreckage, scathed but not shattered, and emerged from chaos with a record better than they deserved for nerve, address and a rare ability in speedy executive discrimination. The young men, who had been fluttered, came out with a character for the virtue of calm capacity, the gift of action with wisdom upon instantaneous impulse, the agility of acrobats in letting go one straw and catching another so deftly as to swing or swim far and clear and land with an easy balance. Their friend a thousand miles away had handed them the golden keys. After launching on roast apples, they telegraphed to Fox View, the wired point within the readiest reach of the messengers, to send express rider to the Cross Roads, and the message was that all was well in Wall Street; and the Radicals concerned were not aware of the disturbance before there was a cessation of troubles, and as the news of the storm wreckage came, there was a grateful sensibility on the part of the ladies that they had not known how badly they ought to be scared, until the horseman came, as if "riding for a doctor," and there was magic in the message that there had been wonderful mercies dealt out during the stress of the hurricane. The fact that it was the brand plucked from the burning, was reserved for a happy fireside story, after some time had passed. The girls were glad they did not know when there was peril in Wall Street; and even Mr. Leonidas Murray refrained from a full statement of his desires as to "the street." Indeed, his sentiments could hardly have been expressed in terms of civility, and while his Kansas land was not an unsatisfactory exchange for the Flat Rock farm, as he became accustomed to Western air, the absence of hills, trees and broad streams to find broader horizons, was wearing, and the turn of fortune that had given the girls firm footing, did not stir up evil temper, though as a philosophical citizen, it was not a theme for unalloyed satisfaction. It was sorrowful that Wall Street was a personal matter in the family. Still oil wells were an abomination, railroads should be in the hands of the Government, and the manufacture of gas carried on by the ruling politicians of the towns. Even Kansas, "blood bought" as the soil was, did not keep step with the Pilgrims of Progress. There was still carried to and fro over mail routes bottles of beer, and even stronger drink. Mr. Murray had thought if Kansas should fail him, he would go to Colorado or Utah, but his inclination was shifting, so that he had an eye for the cotton fields of Texas, and even had contemplated Oklahoma, the territory that was peopled in a night. As his wind water mills gave succor to more trees, and had testimony borne for them in the corn fields, and thrifty young orchards, he began to feel that he might not again "join the innumerable caravan" going South and West forever, especially to magnify the grandeur of Texas. One disturbing enterprise aroused sensibilities. He discovered Mr. Wallace had an interest in railroad promotion, and seemed concerned to, as he put if "move the Cross Roads into the United States." Very little had been said before there came a string of wagons, with a gray haired man who wore a military cap, and a few smart young men, handling glittering instruments and dragging a mystical chain, leaving a row of firmly driven stakes, crossing the "plantation" of Old Virginia. The Allegheny patriot viewed the proceedings quietly, with a few unusual lines about his mouth, said he supposed the railroads would chase an honest man, no matter where he was from or set up a cooking stove. They wanted all things. He did not see that a design lurked in the omission to drive stakes into the sacred soil of the Murray farm, and the occasion that appeared to exist for so much surveying of the Virginian's domain. Mr. Wallace could have offered an explanation, for accidents occurred with regularity that brought him [*45*] [*16049*]near Susannah, whose womanliness seemed to become more captivating, for her eyes were so sweetly unconscious that she should regard any friend an enemy, and her smile was so frank, there could be no wrong in giving her provocation to beam upon beholders. She did not give much time to Wallace. She to him was near but far. When they walked together, there was little conversation. The silence was sweet to both, but Rose Murray, whose eyes flashed whenever there was news half hidden and half disclosed, said they had so found each other out, there was no use in saying anything about it, as there was nothing to say—only the old story known by heart. Rose was herself growing fast in grace, but not much in graciousness. The current accusation was that she was saucy, and she carried it carelessly. Roberts wrote to her under the excuse of his interest in her worldly goods, as he had invested her estate, and took the liberty of adding a few lines, addressed to "Gracioso." Asked what he meant, he bewildered the inquirer by saying it was the name of one of the Azores, which was an extinct volcano, a great cup of crystal waters inhabited by gold fish— an incomparable urn, transparent, glittering and framed in blue waters. Mary Murray was tender and true hearted, and to her life was so lovely, she could not feel that she should treat it with levity; and the giddy Rose charged her sister with solemnity. Still, she could not see why a girl should be absent minded because pretty, and she thought more attention should be given to courtship, especially as one could only be courted once—a sage observation for which she was indebted to her saucy sister, who protested that courtship should be sacred as marriage, and last all through married life. Rose said there was no use talking to a girl who had reached the perfection of the saints, as wisdom was wasted on her. Still the sisters read in common all the love letters from New York, but the partners did not share and share alike in the correspondence from the Cross Roads. Mr. Wallace waited a day in Chicago, then called the Wall Street House he had saved, and an hour and minute were appointed for a talk over the long distance phone- which usually means a short talk, but this was an exceptional case. There was no mistake about identities. The voice through the phone tells the tale, and Roberts led the way, saying: "We knew you and were yours without reserve, but tell us about the new name, was that a nom de plume, or a symbol of Q. P., the hidden meaning not fully stated?" The reply had a shade of the positive in it. "Wallace is the true name - my father's name— and when I was leaving home, he was so opposed to my going to America and sure I would come to grief, I relieved him of all responsibility by taking the name Williams; and yet, I had some successes in the mountains, as well as on the roads; and when I was saved from the fire at the camp of Murray and Pierce, I resumed my old and right name. They have not known me by any other." Then came business. "Your orders to sell on your account, and tips to sell short were wonderfully smart. You are made and we are saved, and much more obliged than we can say at this distance, but are you not coming to New York at once?" "Not immediately for I have a new road to build, a Kansas line. I have it surveyed. It is like the medicine that 'fills a long felt want.' I had made all surveys and calculations, adjustments and arrangements, when I saw in some stray papers that the time had come for a run and a jump." "When shall we expect you here?" "Not until I have found the equipment and bought the rails for the new line, and put the whole work under contract. Then I shall be with you. I infer there is nothing of an unpleasant nature of which you want to speak with me. No secrets to tell. No wild flowers to be tied up in bouquets!" "You seem to have had an inkling. There is an undercurrent in your speech. We do not mind telling anything, provided you do not know already." "I guess, as you Yankees say, that you need not heat any trouble, for Southern Kansas knows it all —and perhaps more- and is rather pleased with it. It is history in Kansas about that stern wheel steamboat, with Pennsylvanians and Virginians aboard, and oddly associated principles, that eluded the railroads and got into the fire with pretty girls, too—a pair of them in one family - struck oil for the girls, and their mother, and the new railroad at Flat Rock station. I must know whether you know how clever that was, what a good stroke of work you did and all that," "And what about Old Virginia—are there no girls from the Mother of Presidents? Nothing clever in that quarter, eh? Shall we not, as we freely confess our merits and blessings, share in the common happiness?" "Old Virginia never tires in production of the choicest specimens of humanity. She is like Old Scotland in that respect, and neither of the Old Dominions keep all their best at home. There are dispensations." "What about Susannah?" There were several seconds lost waiting on the wire, when the reply came, "Susannah is my sweetheart. She is the sweetest of all creatures. Even her accent is a delight to me. She has the softness of speech that persuades sinners to repentance. She has the Southern—well, it is not a burr or a lisp—but just the way, the turn and tone, love is spoken in the land of the magnolias, where the mocking birds beat the nightingales silly. I shall not try to imitate it. The Southern girl just coos like a dove that is dreaming." "Does she say, doe for door, foe for four, poe for poor?" "Well, she doesn't say it as you say it. You think you imitate her, but you don't. She is 'divinely tall.' She sings not too much, but it is delicious. Her simplest speech is better than songs." "Come now, does she not say, shut de doe?" "Never, when I am going out, but let us stop this. Some profane ear may be at a tap of the wire. I want you to see my sweetheart. She does not ask my age. She does not even pretend that she can see gray hairs in my head, but she might. She does not say she wishes herself younger or older for my sake. We do not want any change in either. She loves me and has no better reason for it than that I love her, and a girl always finds that out, and loves or otherwise accordingly. Love is not an art—it happens—grows like a rose. I am going to hang a railroad around her neck; that is, I shall convert steel into diamonds, and the rest you know." "And her old Confederate father?" "A gentleman and a hero - jumped the stone wall at Gettysburg, going lickity split for Philadelphia, and he is full of good sense. The fun is, he is so stiff a Democrat, you can not tell him from Republicans who have not got into crusades, to have rows with the wicked who are indispensable to majorities." "Is Murray still a masterpiece of the mountaineers? Is he going to do everything for everybody all the time, and have an army of four or five million civil service reformers?" "Oh, no. Kansas air has done him good. He has time now to take a long breath. But he sticks to the making of gas and running of trolleys by the Bosses instead of the business men. I think he would really rather ride in a railroad car than on a sled or a wheel barrow." "He is too fine spun of good stuff to go into details, unless lured by respectful questions, but I fear if cross examined, he would come out a Gold Democrat. The country would be good all through if we could get rid of the race questions. The South has not risen above them, but has made progress that is a surprise. "How can a World Power be rid of race questions?" "Cut that—where is your new road soon to be? As they say in Dixie, don't shoulder more than you can tote." [*46*] [*16050*] "The new road runs straight to the Cross Roads and beyond. The survey is not complete. We expect to want it for an ore road, and shall smelt a little. I know a land where the copper is green, and that may mean gold and silver also, and perhaps lead." "And so they never mind the weather when the wind don't blow in the lands you have explored?" "Not much, but speaking of the weather, the long distance is too costly." "One other word. When will the locomotive howl at the Cross Roads?" "When the frost is on the pumpkin." "Why not open the line with a special for a wedding?" "Grand thought. Run away with three brides in a special car." "Surpassing intellect." "Would the Cross Roads stand a few boxes of champagne?" "Why?" "There must be wine at weddings." "Not where Old Murray is, on your life." "What if we should scratch the labels from the bottles, and paste on a special brand of Platte Pippin Cider, with natural gas in it, but warranted not to intoxicate but to cure rheumatism, backache, headache and sleeplessness?" "That would do well, if you could keep John Murray where he could not see the bottles or smell the fluid. He is a crank and candidate for Congress, and, therefore, dangerous. You may deceive a Congressman in Congress—in his Washington boarding house—but not a candidate, or even a new member before his constituents." "The total abstinence of members when at home is a martyrdom. The old boomers of reform have so cultivated their noses, they can smell a pint of whisky in a man for a month, just as a cannibal can tell a smoker by the taste." "There is something else. John is a sincere statesman. His habits conform to his principles. He believes things—nearly everything he should not. He has no weakness so far as he knows, and goes for all the sinners in the neighborhood without mercy, and nothing can be done to placate him, for he is determined to devote himself to uplifting man." "Has he no sense of humor?" "No." "The world can be conquered without it." "Time is up. Push the road." Mr. and Mrs. Pierce were making an afternoon call on Mr. and Mrs. Murray, and they discussed irrigation, fruit, farming, the growth of various trees. protection from hurricanes by groves, the propriety of preparing places of safety, the security against fire by the expansion of cultivation, and Mrs. Murray calmly stated—innocent that she was walking where the ground was uncertain—"We hear that the railroads are coming right upon us out here, thought we were to get ahead of them, got here without paying a railway fare, and have not found ourselves at home when— "Here come the surveyors' was the word, and then the gangs appeared, and now, as far as we can see, there is a road building and tents and houses, and as the rails go down, there is a town on wheels." Mr. Murray hitched his chair and meditated while his wife filled and lit a fresh pipe—a beautiful corn cob, with a stem made of a briar stick. Murray was not hasty, and the other veteran was not quick to offer views. When he talked, he said: "It seems like a long time since we groaned and jogged up the Missouri and set out for the Cross Roads, and the man who invented them." "Your son John was with us, and it was just as well he was, for he knew the country. Then came want of water and fire, and we got along. It seems as though it was a long time ago, and I'm not sorry I'm here." "It is as you say," Mr. Murray added, "a long time, counting by what has happened, and it is a good while anyhow. We've seen two winters—they were hard enough, but we have found how to provide. There was the most trouble about wood. I'm rather sorry hauling was so bad a job. This country seems to me fixed for railroad hauling." Mr. Murray was quick to say this, but slow of speech to reply, at last, consenting that he thought the railroads must be expected in the big countries where distances had to be overcome to get the means of living together, but he added, as if to close the subject, "The railroads must belong to the people at large, and be run by the Government, and telegraph, too. The freight should be handled and passengers as we carry the mails." "That," said Mr. Pierce, "is too large a matter to be settled at once. The danger was the official class would have the advantage over the people that did not wear the buttons; and that was the way of some failures." "My Murray mentioned that the Cross Roads was about to become a railway town, and to be private property and run that end of Kansas. It was a scheme. Mr. Wallace drove up in a Jersey wagon, and with him was Susannah. "Here is the railroad man," said Mr. Pierce" "suppose we have him to tell us about the Government doing for the people railroading and telegraphing." "I will ask the first question," said Mr. Murray: "Mr. Wallace, you are the man building the railroad here, I am told. Why do you do it? Why shouldn't the Government do it and act for the people direct?" "I am a business man, not a statesman," said Wallace, "and it does not concern me who the successful politicians are, so long as they do not interfere with the people's business, fight enterprise and tax away money and jobs, in the name of public spirit. I, with my associates, build this road, because we think it will pay. We have been to the end of it for the present, over in Colorado, and we have found business there that needs a road, and these are the finds and the schemes the Government can not engage in, without usurping the occupation of men and interfering with individuality. The more the people do for themselves, and the less the Government does, beyond enforcing the laws, the better. There now, that is the first and last speech of mine in Kansas, unless I rise to respond to a toast some time, and I am very happy tonight, for I have asked Susannah if she will be my wife, and she said she would, some time, and I am afraid a long time, for she would not kiss me but once. Now I want to know that her father and mother will say?" And Susannah kissed them all and shed a few tears, saying she was too happy to laugh, and she was kissed and blessed by all the company; and there was no more politics. The statement Mr. Wallace made of the find at the end of the railroad, which was not the end at last, and of the prospects of the company, it was evident had all the strength of moderation, and Susannah was all the dearer to him because she did not seem to be interested in his position or to care for his promises to pleasant things; but she was sharply interested in what concerned him, and blushed and flashed and was subdued with her fondness when he came, for she knew that which had been understood was between themselves was to be confirmed and the secret told. She had written in reply to an inquiry about her engagement ring that she was willing it should be a diamond, but it must be perfect and small—just to match her hand—her lover said. Before leaving, he had agreed, in consideration of the liberality of the town in the matter of terminal facilities, to build a town hall, and put a bell in it with the same inscription that has sanctified the one that rung for independence and proclaimed liberty. Mr. Wallace was a popular man in the Cross Roads. In succession, came to the Radical Reform Cross Roads, Mr. Brown and Mrs. Roberts. They would have been in evidence at the same time, if it had not been for business. The fact that they survived with credit the days of disaster, had given them standing, and while they did not press upon the public their confidence to [*47*] [*16051*] the extent of stating the narrowness of their escapes, they reserved, also the extent of their gains, and were scrupulous not to be obtrusive in any respect. Mr. Brown drove along the byways of the new railroad, and gave it a keen inspection, and was the welcome guest of the Murrays, whose cordiality was not marred every by railroad invasion. Mr. Murray did not consider there was public money in stocks that were under valued. His Wall Street experience had not influenced his prejudices. When he came in contact with the machinery of commerce and the business of organization for large enterprise, he was persuaded there were honest men in charge of the projects that might prove helpful to mankind. The betrothal of Mr. Brown and Mary was lacking in pomp, but there was a beautiful ring on a pretty finger, and the size of the sparkling stone was greater than that which had been sufficient for Susannah. John Murray had by this time been defeated for Congress and was a candidate for the Legislature, and was in a state of high opinion of himself, for he would be able to introduce many bills to help the human race rise to high occasions. Mr. Brown did not undertake to do anything for the public. It was as much as he could do to realize the happiness of Mary and his own. The people did not seem to be much in his line. He found a pleasant occupation in loving one woman. The fair girl had teased him delightfully, and he had kissed her when he put the ring on her finger—kissed her fingers and lips also—and in a happy state of mind led her by the hand to her father and mother and asked their blessing. The mother shed a few delicious tears, and the father gave his words a turn of solemnity— falling on his knees, wife and daughter and lover following the reverend example. The weddings were deferred until the railroad was finished, the happy days not made certain. CHAPTER XX. THE SPECIAL TRAIN AT THE CROSS ROADS. There was a great deal of correspondence between the corners of the Quadrilateral - New York, Chicago, Kansas City and the Cross Roads. Several citizens who were proud to live so close to Mother Nature as to be weather beaten, took an interest in the news of the weddings, that were highly respected and decorously named, and their kindness was not all bestowed upon the brides that were to be. Public opinion was favorable to the men, who were so sensible as to go West to get wives. It was simply the proper thing to do. Nothing better could be done. The Cross Roads daughters were not fashionable, but they were good; and that they were lovely was before the eyes of all. Their hearts were sound, and their beauty of ways won all hearts. They were not stuck up. They were honesty in love with the men they were going to marry, and, as for money, they had some, and they were true girls of God's country —American girls—and they had the knack of being equal to any high station. They could be trusted to wear the finest dresses in the world without being disturbed by finery. They could walk among Queens on an equality with all the royalties. Why not, indeed? They were themselves queens as their neighbors saw them. We could raise a crop of queens in any of our States, that would supply the palaces of all the Powers, and hold on at home to as good girls as were gone abroad to rule the rulers of the Nations. It was not the judgment of the gentlemen of the Cross Roads that the girls were to marry men above their standing though the happy men were distinguished in distant cities, but there was general consent that the girls were not throwing themselves away on nobodies. There was an impression that Kansas and Wall Street were not so far apart as they had been, and that there was a chance for a good citizen to deal in money to a limited extent without immorality. It was a subject of some speculation whether with two of the four corners of the country in Kansas, there should not be a boom at the Cross Roads. The lovers were at first content with the knowledge of their engagements. There was pleasure in the rings that glittered; and the tender kisses, true love's pledges, were fondly remembered. There was the sweetness of mutual confidence, and the joys of memory mingled with the pleasures of hope. All agreed it was wise and well to prepare for a time to appreciate the great changes that the new life was to bring. One uncertainty hovered over the future. The time for the ceremonies had not been fixed. It was the comprehension of all there was a requirement there should be a course of preparations that would require a good deal of consideration and consume time. The prospective brides shrank from naming days or even seasons. They needed wardrobes, and they were not of the mind that matrimony should be entered into hastily. All things were to be subject to deliberation. The coming events were to be serious, and there was to be no slighting. The young men made tentative efforts in the course of correspondence to have the happy day settled upon, "as a matter of business," but the suggestion that there were urgencies of moment was ineffectual. There was, at first, no opposition to giving the girls plenty of time. It was too much like surrendering the girls to fix a day when they were to be taken away. The allotted time of waiting had not been limited, even by a hint as to the precious nature of time. The first reason for waiting assigned by all the parents was that their daughters were "so young, and going so far away." They were loved at home and were to go to other loving homes, but they were all the more that this consent was given, the more fondly the daughters of the House of their fathers and mothers. They were needed yet a little while in the old nests, with the wings over them, that had sheltered them as babies. Murray and his wife wrote letters, without confiding in each other, to Roberts and Brown, begging for more time for the girls at home, and the father was most urgent in pleading to retain Rose, the mother to withhold Mary; and the young men were besought not to press the girls so as to disturb their sense of duty, now that they had divided duties. Rose ventured the remark that she did not know there was so much love, and was sorry to find it out. "It made people very uncomfortable," she said. She had not supposed that getting married was such hard work, and meant terrible sacrifices at home. Why could not the young men who married the girls be "the boys around the house" afterward, and why was it not a part of religion that the people who loved each other should live under the same roof? Mr. Wallace, with all his exact intelligence, had been so considerate that he was fully impressed, as he was hurrying up the railroad, that as soon as it crossed the other road—that was the old classical trail of the emigrants going forth beyond Kansas—he was substantially naming his wedding day. He manifested some fine feeling on the subject, and was almost ready to enter into an argument with the lady who was to be his mother-in-law, and was not much older than himself—to be precise, only ten years older. He concluded, as his loving letters did not appear, as they said in Chicago, to "cut much ice," he would make a trial trip to the Cross Roads; and arrive there in his Special Car. He had become so monopolistic that he must have a car for himself and friends, when he set forth to inspect railroad property. This was in the nature of an observation car, and fairly well stocked with good things; but, as burned children dread the fire, the railroad master was at pains in Kansas never to allow a telltale bottle to appear or disappear in passing lonely spaces of road side. He had been taught that the vigilance of a real prohibitionist in Kansas, in hunting down alcoholic criminals, was something superhuman; and he guarded his rolling castle vigilantly. The arrival of Wallace with his palace on wheels, was an event in the life story of the Cross Roads, exceeding the opening of the road. The car was found to have a forty acre field for a "terminal facility," and was shunted over several V's guarded by locked switches, so that there might be no peril from wild trains running [*48*] [*16052*]amuck in the night, and picking up special cars on the cattle guards of locomotives. There was a distinct grandeur in one car for the occupation of one man; and it turned out the Railroad Monarch was followed by a pair of horses and a carriage, of a rapid style; and for these conveniences was provided a tent. With the railroad came the wires, with which the world is jollied and dallied and handled by the Monsters of the Age, who are said, in the eloquence not native but natural to thePlatte river, to consume the substance of the people. The season was autumnal, the month September, and on the second day after the new Pullman personal car arrived, there were two tents—one for the horses and the other for the men - and there was a special wire for telegraphing and one for telephoning, from offices in the car. The horses and carriage were in constant use. The Murray and Pierce families were particularly favored, and there were not wanting signs that the Railroad Power had designs even on John Murray, the most severe of the indomitable old guard, that was ready to perish for the emancipation of the people from monopolies, and who despised and condemned cider. Mr. Wallace, however, had taken care to find any fault with him. As he had contributed the town hall to the public property, he was invited by a committee of the substantial citizens to meet the people to have peace with the labor employed, and it was hard and favor them with a few remarks on the relation of transportation to the Government. He accepted without any fuss, and made what even John Murray said was a good talk; only the "basic principle" was wrong; and, of course, it was fundamentally wrong. It was a feeling in the community that monopoly was clearly represented, and the wrong, in respect to great principles, covered with flowers. However, the stings in the Populistic heart of the bitter wrongs of endless ages did not seem to be as poignant after Mr. Wallace concluded, as had been the most acceptable dogma of the extreme. There was a show of apparent reasoning in what the railroad man said, that the builders of steel lines, that surpassed as public conveniences even navigable waters, might be tolerated in aid of the movements of country produce; but, of course, the money finders and the mechanical constructors should not be allowed to manage their own work. It should all be the property of everybody and managed by the majority vote of those who knew the least on the subject. The divine right of the Know Nothing to oust the expert was a matter of course. The wires that glistened from two tall poles and penetrated the car were pointed out with pride and awe, and the boys correctly said: "Why, he must be telegraphing and talking to New York, and maybe to Europe"; and one young gentleman, whose education had included a newsboy's experience said Wallace had a regular whispering gallery to Chicago. He "touches a button, and there is no great city so far off that it does not talk back when he calls them up" and is chipper with them as to the way the dollars, yellow or white, go rolling. There was, according to appearances, much business, railroad and other, to detain Mr. Wallace. He had the Murrays with him to a dainty supper on his car one evening, and the Pierces at breakfast the next day, and then all of both families to a midday lunch, on which occasion he passed the compliments of the day with Mr. Murray, and poured a glass of unnecessarily sweet cider, which Mrs. Murray profoundly said, when asked whether it was of the correct flavor, that she thought it would be "better if older and flavored with a little ginger." The statement seemed of such an extraordinary quality, considering the atmosphere, that Mr. Murray was asked whether he approved the idea of older cider with a suspicion of ginger, to flavor the sourness, and when he solemnly said he did, with no sign of wickedness in his countenance, Mr. Wallace stepped aside a moment and stated he had some cider that was older, and that perhaps Mr. and Mrs. Murray would prefer; and he gave secret directions to have a pint of dry champagne opened—special care to be taken that the cork should not be noisy, the bottle a pint not a quart, and the glasses plain and chunky as for water service. There was but a small quantity of the subtle grape juice administered, with a great deal of ice and very little gas. It was pronounced excellent, but rather soured with gas. The host made a mental note of this, and promised himself that he would see to it the champagne from concealed bottles in plain water glasses, should thereafter be not dry but sweet. He felt a pang when he saw that innocence had been betrayed by the use of strong drink, and he came to the resolution that there should be no more "mockery." On the contrary, the dealing with conscientious people, so far as he controlled it, should be irreproachable. Thus, as there was better acquaintance, there was increased mutual respect. The railroader saw the strong characteristics of the citizens of Kansas in a better light than before, and knew that as he gained their good will, he had asserted his self respect, and was able to stand with them and appreciate their ideas of lofty standpoints; and deep in this formation of the friendship of fellow citizens was the process of Americanization and the creation of the elements of the Republicanism and Democracy that abides in the land. There was a conversation over the wires to New York, in which the success in the administration of cider, the wine of the country, was referred to in terms of humor; but, for the real champion of freedom and exemplar of advanced thought—John Murray—he declined cider, remembering the old Washington pledge, that originated in Baltimore, "We whose names are hereunto annexed, agree that we will not drink spirituous or malt liquor, fermented wine or cider as a beverage," Mr. John Murray contended that this pledge was the foundation of the temperance movement, and that the use of cider that had fermented was prohibited "as a beverage." The elder Murray agreed as to the construction of the language, but claimed that the old pledge was not the higher law, or that cider in the sour stage was in evidence as fermentation. The cider question was not persisted in. It passed away. The special car visitation was an effort to study the situation on the spot, and press the point that the weddings must take place in the winter, because the businessmen who were to be named should have a vacation long enough to make trips to Europe. This did not seem to be conclusive, but it shifted a new scene. Westward, in the night, the tents and horses and carriage vanished, and this meant a week for reflection before Mr. Wallace returned, Eastward bound, and waited a day. It was arranged that the Murrays and Pierces should go on the special to the end of the road, which had penetrated the recesses of Utah. This was a good thought for the cultivation of domesticity. It was very agreeable for the old soldiers to talk over new things and the girls to renew, under more auspicious circumstances, the companionship of the wagon train. There was no lack of water and ice, of steaks and birds, and the fresh vegetables of the gardens. No trains interfered with the royal rights of the specials. Those of most interest were the strings of cars bearing ore. The views from the observation car were almost Alpine in coloring. The party was joined by a guard for three days, that the train robbers might not be tempted to try their luck on a lone and sumptuous car, but the potentate was also protected by the reputation of carrying a check book and not coin. Wallace divided his time between the old folks and the young folks, impartially as he could, and found both attractive. There were no shams. His business was to persuade the elders of the flock to come to a conclusion as to the time for the triple wedding, and he was at last, during the closing hours of the return run, successful in doing better than the girls had thought possible. The brides to be were at first shocked when the first Thursday of the new year was named. The objection, timidly, and rather faintly urged, was that there was not enough time to get ready, but the resources of the great cities were set forth, and as the practical knowledge of the ladies was not extensive, they at first failed in argument. They had pointed out to them the wonders of the wires. They could go to Kansas City, St. Louis or Chicago, to visit dressmakers, and could make their [*49*] [*16053*]selections from specimens, but Rose and Susannah said no to that. They wanted to see the goods, and to go to the shops for a week, and, after discussion, St. Louis was chosen as the town for the dress making, and the more the girls thought over the preparations, the greater their reconciliation to their allotted fate, and the faster afterward did they find time slip away. The next point in opposition offered was, that the winter was not the time to go to Europe, that the storms were dreadful, the cold severe, the days short and nights long, the ships not of the best, the European capitals not in the full dress of their attractiveness. The reverse of the picture was stated to be that the time to see Europe was not when the crowds of Americans were on the deep, or swarming over the railways and overbearing the hotels and theaters, running the accustomed courses, and listening in mass meetings to the guides' monotonously droning their lessons, in languages neither their own nor ours. More than this, the part of Europe most interesting, after the British Isles, was in the South of France and Italy, and if one had time, on the Southern side of the Mediterranean. The watering places of Germany were not in season in winter, unless travelers had the rheumatism or weak hearts, but the great cities were in full bloom, hotels, restaurants, theaters, galleries and all that, most worthy of study. It was a delightful excursion for students to find their lessons in the winter - there was so much to learn. Could not the studies of real value be better pursued at home than abroad? was the pungent question put by Mrs. Murray, and the ready answer was yes, in a majority of cases, but there was a great deal at home that one had more knowledge of, if personal experience contrasted them with that with which there was contact abroad. One appreciated America the more for having enjoyed the European standpoint. The most intensely patriotic American children were those enduring their exile abroad to learn the languages. They were crazy about the American flag, and wild concerning home. It would be a good thing if millions of American boys and girls could be transported to Europe long enough to make them homesick. Mr. Pierce desired to know whether it was not the sure, safe rule that Americans should become well acquainted with America before spending their time in sight-seeing abroad. The answer was a plain no. America was so vast that a lifetime might be spent in going about the country to look at it. Americans of intelligence could hardly fail to get acquainted with America. There was no danger of a loss of interest in this country, in its scenery, its manners, customs, and associations of history. We saw so many new things in our country, that it was worth while, in youth especially, to go away from home to see old things. It would be interesting and valuable, exceedingly, for instance, for people of the far Western States, where the houses were all new and the roads streaks of mud across the country, to go to old Virginia and take note of the old mansions and churches, built, in many cases, of brick imported from England, return loads in tobacco ships; and the American abroad would do well to ascertain the excellence of familiarity with the old. One may become attached to the stumps in a field, to the burning of corn stalks and brush piles, to breaking now land with powerful plows, drawn by strings of horses or oxen, but it is not instructive to those who are used to this, that these things speak of the rugged forces fighting to convert a rude wilderness into fresh farms. The old tells us the secrets of the new. The interest in one's country is made keener by knowing another, just as the accomplishment of more than one language is an aid in commanding the mother tongue. The special excursion to the mountains where the mines were provided to be a happy thought. It was agreed that the weddings were to be in the winter, that the winter months were the time to visit Europe, that the Mediterranean should be regarded as a field of exploration, and the first Thursday in January was established for the weddings at the Cross Roads. The special car was a low hum passed away, and they said to the Scotch-American, "Ye wheels of time roll swiftly on." They rolled accordingly and brought "the welcome day." It was a great day. There was a wedding breakfast hall built for the occasion out of tongued and grooved plank, with strong timbers. It was decorated in a style becoming Christmas and New Years, and there were stoves to take the chill off the air, in case there were snow drifts. There was snow, but no drifts to deter, or such severity of frost as to give discomfort. "The day so mild was Heaven's own child." The brides were married in their own homes, in the order of the engagements. There was a band of music from Denver, famous for its variety and vigor. The people were invited and came. The fame of the function had gone far, and it was alleged, as a loyal sentiment, that railroad men were improving. As for Wall Street men, they were more than had been expected, like other human beings. The fact that they were dressed with simplicity was taken in good part. Their conduct in not opening champagne was commended. There was a punch, but a few young men of experience as travelers gave voice to the feeling of the people in saying "that punch tasted good, but would not hurt a baby." There was ginger ale in abundance, and coffee, and of all created things, ice cream. There was just snow enough for the sleighs, and it was observed that this was a particular favor from Providence. A few men of the country drove in twenty, thirty, even forty miles, for everyone had heard of what was to be, and that there were invitations without cards. It was fashionable to go to the Roads on this occasion for no better reason than to see what was to be seen, and the generous provision for friends in general was regarded with approbation. The whole affair was popularly summed up in two phrases—It was a Love Feast, and a good advertisement. The town got a boom. There were conjectures whether John Murray would be elected to Congress next time. It was conceded that there were no probabilities that his brothers-in-law could change his principles, and they did not mind having a very radical brother—in that part of the world. The two old soldiers, the fathers of the brides, were the most striking figures of the scenes, and seemed to fall naturally into the shoulder to shoulder attitude, though the spectators said they had shot at each other many times. The question whether they had done so being squarely put, there was a double denial, because the veterans stated they were too good marksmen to have wasted many shots at a mark; and they did not want a reputation for doing that. Mrs. Murray was tearful and smiling, and won all hearts by her buxom kindness, and the sweetness of her frankness. The transformation of Mrs. Pierce was a special gratification to her son-in-law, who was silent but satisfied. When a spectator of the solemnities at the Murrays, he regarded the lady, whose tall daughter was about to become his wife, and saw that she was stately, most becomingly dressed in black, with old point lace that had been seen in other days, and considered that there was no reception in which she would not shine with distinction. Until that moment he had not seen that she was handsome, and concluded he would overlook her defects for her daughter's sake, and it gave him a degree of delight to find out the old lady was splendid. The special car stood waiting for the nine o'clock train, and the hours before starting were not too long for the final preparations. The latest hand bags, the addition of venison and antelope steak to the supplies occupied time, and the partings at last were most touching, and the farewells were repeated. The effort of Wallace to be a comforter to the girl's mother he left behind him, as he took her in his arms, after shaking the old soldier's hand and saying good-bye to the boys, was, "Remember, Mother, though the world is of the size it is, it has grown smaller. You can hear from us every day by telegraph, and talk with your daughter by phone, and I am sure we shall have to tell you only that we are well and happy and love you. Your daughter is simply charming, so lovely in her beauty, so tender hearted and fond. She is a treasure, and I am everlastingly your debtor for the honor of being her husband, and for your goodness, and you know we must see you often. If you do not come to us, we shall go to you," and with tears on his cheeks, he kissed [*50*] [*16054*] her again, and his wife's heart was all his own, and she told him so, gladly as he heard the delicious secret again. The two new sons of the Murrays felt that they were leaving the new home of their new parents in the Southwest desolate indeed, and were disposed to say something fitting; but the grim father and son stood as if ready for action, and it appeared in their faces was a sudden sensibility that, after all, Wall Street had robbed the House of Murrays, after getting away from them the ancestral lands, and after all this, leading away the daughters, into a state of captivity. Love was the warrant and security. John's wife came out with suppressed force of gentleness, that was soothing and testified that what is in a good woman's heart is in her hands, and is told by her manner and features, with or without speech. Hearts were too full not to speak with each other, and the language was truth itself. Mrs. Murray cried heartily for a while, but when her mother's grief in parting with her children had been sobbed away, as the special was attached to the train and about to move, she lifted up her comely face. The tears were gone, and the clouds, and her eyes were starry and her smiles gave the captive girls consolation, as the lights of the train and the town faded, and the snowy landscape, over which the cars were flying, was broad bosomed under the blue sky with its exquisite constellations: "On earth peace and good will." [*The End*][*akd*] [[shorthand]] UNITED STATES SENATE. COMMITTEE ON APPROPRIATIONS. Dubuque, Iowa, September 30, 1901. To the President, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President:- I have yours of the 27th, and note contents. I do not expect to be in Washington until say about the 21st of November. I cannot leave the state now until after our election which is on November 5th. Then it may take me ten days or two weeks to get ready for the winter. I fear this may not be in time, although I suppose your message will not be completed until a day or two before the meeting of Congress. There are some things that I would be very glad to talk to you about before the session begins, and if you think it very important I could run down perhaps for two or three days after our election and then return here. I am glad to see the caution with which you approach all these public questions. There are some delicate questions now being broached; one or two of them will disclose a great divergence [*16056*]UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE OF APPROPRIATIONS To the President, #2. of opinion among our own people, and, if practicable, should be handled so as to save friction. I have faith in your ability to deal with these questions wisely and well. Still I will be very glad to go over [these questions] them with you after our November election. In the meantime, I am, with the highest respect and consideration, Faithfully yours, W. B. Allison [*16057*]acped 10/11/1901 File P.F. 10, Elm Park Gardens, S.W. Sept. 30th. 01. My dear THEODORE. My friend Walter Neef, who is representative in LONDON of the ASSOCIATED PRESS - an old friend and neighbor and an excellent all round man, has a son 16 1/2 years old now at HARROW, in England. This boy is a well grown intelligent and altogether creditable lad, devoured by the ambition to enter the American Navy, and his father begs me to help him in the matter. So I write this letter. This morning I cabled to you on the subject - I hope it is not too late. with best messages to you and your wife yours always Poultney Bigelow [shorthand notation] P.S. An officer (French) whom I met at RHEIMS during the Csar's visit told me that 58 000 soldiers were withdrawn for the protection of the Csar's body during those few days. Consequently the newspaper reports were wrong - the defile before the Csar was only 100 000 men- many papers made it as high as 150-160 000 men. The Cathedral was crammed with [detectiv] [services] detectives - even up on the roof, behind the traceries - one could see them creeping about from [were] where I was like immoral tom cats after dark. [dark z] It was a sad picture to me. This is, I think the last visit of the Csar to France- he made a bad impression- he carried his cap in his right hand in order to avoid giving his hand to the Cardinal- he refused to allow the Csarina to ride with Madame LOUBET. This and many another little detail which you will not find in print are straws from which I weave a bit of prophecy. PB [Bigelow} 16058Copy. Clarence D. Clark, Chairman. Ed. J. Wells, Clerk. [*Copy?*] UNITED STATES SENATE. Committee on Railroads. Evanston, Wyoming, September 30th, 1901. To the President, Executive Mansion. Sir: I desire to recommend, for appointment as Secretary of Porto Rico, Mr. Albert D. Elliot, now a resident of the District of Columbia — formerly a resident of Wyoming and Utah. I have known Mr. Elliot for a number of years, and know him to be an active, energetic and capable man, with an ambition to fully succeed in whatever he undertakes.He was for some time Secretary of Alaska, and rendered efficient and valuable service for the Government in that capacity. He is in the prime of life, a graduate of Harvard, I believe, and, without doubt, will be a credit to the administration. I cordially commend his application. Respectfully, (Signed) C. D. Clark. Dictated. [*16059*][Enc. in Elliot 7-3-02]THE CHICAGO RECORD-HERALD, COMBINING THE CHICAGO RECORD AND THE CHICAGO TIMES-HERALD. H.H. KOHLSAAT, EDITOR FRANK B. NOYES, PUBLISHER [ackd 10-3-1901] [pp &] [shorthand notation] September 30, 1901 Dear Colonel:- I enclose you a letter which I received and a copy of my reply. I did not intend at first to answer the letter, but it comes from Iowa and is on the heels of a number of covert attacks which have been systematically made upon you during the last six months. The literature in connection with these attacks has been spread over much of the country west of Chicago to the Pacific coast. Some of it has gone out in the form of so-called syndicate letters. I have a very good idea who inspired the letters and what their purpose was. I trust in answering this letter as I have, I have overstepped no bounds in your opinion. Sincerely yours, H.J. Cleveland Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C. 16060[For 2 enc, see [?] 9-24-01 & Cleveland 9-30-01]September 30, 1901. Mr. C.H. Wegereler, Alta, Tenn. Dear Sir:- I have you favor of the 24th. I am not authorized in any way to speak for the personal habits or private conduct of President Roosevelt. I enjoy the honor of his acquaintance and I trust that in so far as he knows me I have his confidence and esteem. On my own authority, though, I may say in reply to your interrogation that I never have known a more temperate man than the president. I never have known a man with more perfect self-control. His habits are cleanly, wholesome and of a character that mark the true gentleman. The accusation from any lips that he is "severe" drunkard or even what you might term a "drinking man" is so impertinent as well as false that I would not have answered your letter but for the evident sincerity of purpose on your part in making the inquiry. I deprecate the dangerous tendency of the times to be not only uncharitable but malicious in the discussion of the characters of the men we have freely chosen to be our public leaders. Yours truly, [Cleveland] 16061[ENCL IN CLEVELAND 7-30-01]THE PITTSBURG, BESSEMER & LAKE ERIE R. R. CO., PITTSBURG, PA. Herewith please find our Check for [*$31.50*] being semi-annual dividend of one and one-half percent on [*42*] shares of Common Stock of this Company, for six months ending September 30, 1901. No acknowledgement is necessary. R. A. FRANKS, TREASURER. 16062New York and Cuba Mail Steamship Company WARD LINE. NEW YORK NEW YORK TO TO HAVANA VERA CRUZ NASSAU TAMPICO SANTIAGO PROGRESO CIENFUEGOS CAMPECHE MANZANILLO FRONTERA GUANTANMO LAGUNA COATZACOALCOS TUXPAM [*CF*] [*Gw*] JAMES E. WARD & CO., INC. Agents. 113 Wall Street. S.S. Morro Castle. September 30th 1901. President Roosevelt, My dear Sir- It occurs to me that your knowledge of the general lack of civic instruction and training in the public schools and colleges of our Land resulting in apathy and political inaction on the part of educated men in the cities, and that a method (the "school city) has been devised and proved to be most successful for meeting this serious condition, and that it is possible for the Government to forward the cause of such training in the schools and colleges, you may care to take the matter up in some way, should it be brought to your attention. If I am right, and you care for it, I will send you printed matter on the subject. That God may grant you continued health and strength to meet your vast responsibilities, is the prayer of Very sincerely yours, Wilson L. Gill Pardo 8, Havana, Cuba [*16063*][*PPF*] COMPTROLLER'S OFFICE, ALBANY, N.Y. THEODORE P. GILMAN DEPUTY COMPTROLLER [short hand writing] September 30, 1901 Mr. William Loeb, Jr. Executive Mansion Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr. Loeb: By the advice of our mutual friend, Mr. William J. Youngs, I desire to ask you to kindly hand the enclosed letter to the President. Sincerely hoping you are enjoying good health, and with warm regards, I am, Very truly yours Theo. P. Gilman [*16064*][*PPF ackd 10-1-1901*] COMPTROLLER'S OFFICE, ALBANY, N.Y. THEODORE P. GILMAN DEPUTY COMPTROLLER Sept. 30. 1901. His Excellency. Theodore Roosevelt Washington D.C. My Dear President I desire herewith to add to the mighty voice of a mighty people, the great admiration my heart feels for one whose deeds and manifold attainments fit him so admirably for the high duty that God and the people have put upon him. Out of the tremendous voices of a nations greeting the small echoes from one man's lips may perhaps not reach you, but one admires another for his honorable achievements something other than words holds fast the faith. It is a source of endless pride for me to look back upon my official and social intercourse with you at Albany; to know that those traits which won you adoration from your friends and respect from your enemies, were set a priceless example before other men who would win a peoples confidence, and hold it inviolate, unbroken and for good. [*16065*]I have felt your hands in mine, I have felt your arm on my unworthy shoulder, I have felt your masterful influence in my life, and the same force of character which anchored the foundations of your Youth will hold you in the "hearts of your countrymen" I wish you success in the days to come and the guiding hand of Providence in your life. I have the honor to be, Sincerely Yours Theo. P Gilman [*16066*][*P.F.*] Litchfield Connecticut Monday Sept 30th 1901 My dear President Roosevelt I am very much obliged for your kind note of the 26th. I am on a vacation now but will be back in the City Monday next Oct 7th and the man can see me at my office between 2⁰⁰ ocl-k. and 5⁰⁰ oc on that day or on any day there after between 10⁰⁰ am and 6⁰⁰ PM.. He ought not to fail to see me; I hope nobody besides yourself knows his instructions or anything about [*16067*]retirement would be pretty near equivalent to cutting off the snake's food supply. You know how they treated you, tho' in God's Providence their treachery reacted upon them, and they will practice any treachery in the future, not only on you if they can, but on anybody who follows you and the decent, practical politics you stand for. This is not written in passion it represents experience and common sense. Very faithfully & respectfully yours Thomas Goddard The "Sun" is trying to injure you with its articles about you and Platt. It is a false friend to you as it always has been to Everybody! him. I shall do everything I can to help make it possible that the appointment of B. be not made for I believe that if it had to be made it would be fatal to any chance of strengthening the local organization and of putting it on the road to become anything but an obstacle in the path of decent government; - the local organization is today as it was yesterday and will be tomorrow a snake in the path of those who cherish an honorable ambition to do something to benefit their city, state & Country, and our fat blonde friend's [*16068*][*p.F*] Office of the Commercial Bulletin. 282 WASHINGTON STREET. Boston, Sept 30/1901-- Dear Theodore:- I'll fix the Repub. Club. I merely wished to know just what to say to them. Here's the Reciprocity matter. Kasson's treaties amended would be capital. We can grant even greater concessions on some things. His selection was unfortunate. Don't bother to answer this. I dare say the points covered have occurred to you. Yrs-- C.G.K. [*Guild*][For 1. enclosure 9-28-01][*[9-30-01]*] In matters, concerning the stories about a Duel between Mr. Adolf Hartmann of Duluth, Minn.,U.S.A. and a German Lieutenant, called Pachmann. Mr. Hartmann was heard to day by the Rector of the Königlich Technische Hochschule |Royal Institute of Technology| at Aachen, Germany, in the presence of the President of the faculty of Mining and Metalurgy of the same College. - Mr. Hartmann makes the following Statements: I, Adolf Hartmann, student of Mining and Metallurgy at the Königlich Technische Hochschule |Royal Institute of Technology| at Aachen, Germany, the son of Mr. and Mrs. Emil Hartmann of Duluth, Minn., U.S.A., do herewith declare, that the stories, published during the months of July and August 1901 in Duluth and other American news papers, concerning the duel between myself and a German Lieutenant are not tree - Particularly I wish to state: 1. I never heard a German Officer or other German make insulting remarks on America or Americans: in contrary I have been received in Germany and German societies with the kindest regard. 2. I nevr had a quarrel or duel with a German officer. 3. Never, since I am living in Germany, up to the present date have I fought out a duel. In testimony of the truth of my statements as given above, I affix my signature hereto in the presence of the two subscribing official representatives of the Royal Institute of Technology at Aachen. Aachen the thirtiest day of September 1901 [*16070*] Adolf Hartmann, Student of Mining & Metallurgy Testified before: Dr. Bräuler, Rector and Professor Dr. W. Borchers President and Professor of the faculty of Mining and Metallurgy of the Königlich Technische Hochschule, |Royal Institute of Technology at Aachen, Germany. [*Die Richtigkeit ????? Original ????? Chicago ??? 15 October 1901 ????????. ???????.????? ???????*][Enclosed in Leurzes, 10-28-01][shorthand notation] [*ackd 10-2-1901*] Newbury N.H. Sep. 30. 1901 p7 Dear Mr. President I thank you for your letter of the 28th. Our Canal Treaty is past the breakers. Even if we got no further improvement, it is a great success as it stands. But we will try to polish it up a little more. I think I told you I had cabled Choate to show everything to Cabot. I am glad we are to have his help. Dr. Hill tells me you made some inquiry about the Prague Consulate, and about Herdliska. There is, I believe no pledge out as to either. Eugene Hale demanded Herdliska's place for his son Chandler, and got [*16071*]Foraker to consent to Herdliska's removal. McCormick, the Minister, said he would want to employ Herdliska as his Private Secretary & Chancellor. No promise was made to Herdliska. There is no promise out as to Prague. There is a vacancy at Ghent, which I think might profitably be given to Mr. Ames now employed in the Legation at Rio Janeiro. He is the most meritorious candidate on the waiting list and is earnestly recommended by President Eliot and many others. He is worthy a much better place, but Ghent would do for a start and he would be a gain to the service. I will not mention President McKinley's wishes in those matters, as I hold you are under no obligation whatever to carry them out. I will submit to you, when I return, a statement of all "special" recommendations on file-- but merely a titre de reseignement. My wife thanks you for your kind wishes and wants to be remembered to Mrs Roosevelt to whom I send my homage. We are pretty well and our woods & hills are putting on their royal colors. Yours faithfully John Hay [*16072*][*[9-30-01]*] [*7*] 709 Fifth Avenue. Mr President Honored Sir: - I was the nurse for your mother Miss Martha Bulloch who came from the South with the family, and though for the last forty-three years, I have been living here with the mother of Judge John C. Gray of the Court of Appeals, the fact that I once belonged to your honored family has made [*16073*]of yourself and guard against these wicked men, for the sake of your wife and children, and the country. I nursed your mother and Miss Anna. I was eighty-eight years old the sixth day of last June. Most respectfully yours, Nannie Jackson. Sept 30" 1901 me very proud, and make me bold to ask that you will speak a good word for my nephew Abraham Hill of Atlanta, Ga, who is trying for the position of Surveyor of Customs for the Port of Atlanta. He stands high in favor of leading Republicans there I am told, but I know a word from you Mr President would settle the matter. I beg leave to offer you my respectful, congratulations. How proud Miss Martha would be this day! Do, Mr President take great care [*16074*]Monday, September 30th, 1901. Lowland House, Nahant P.O., Massachusetts. [*PPF*] [*ackd*] [*10-2-1901*] Dear Mr. President: I am wondering if you will care for my assurance that in all my crowd there is not one dissent! If you have not closed, you have covered, the check; making intercourse, and support, [*16075*]support easy and glad! With great respect, faithfully yours George Abbot James To The President White House Washington D.C. [*16076*] [*PPF*] ackd 10-1-1901*] [*"S" P.P.F*] [[shorthand]] SUCCESS Orison Swett Marden EDITOR THE SUCCESS COMPANY WASHINGTON SQUARE NEW YORK September 30th, 1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir: - Please find enclosed check by Mr. James S. Barcus for $25.00, in settlement of your contribution to the "Success Library." This is a portion of investment which falls to Mr. Barcus. Thanking you for your contribution, we are, Yours faithfully, THE SUCCESS COMPANY Per L. M. Kemp. [*ackd to "The Success Company"*] [*16077*]when Madeline and I will be in Washington. Give my love to all and with much for yourself I am Yours Sincerely George C. Lee Jr. Everybody here has the greatest confidence in you old man and we all feel very proud of you Sept. 30, 1901 [*File*] 44 STATE STREET BOSTON Dear Theodore Just a line to ask if it would be possible for me to get the courtesy of the port for Mrs. Jackson my mother in-law. She sails on the Teutonic on Oct. 10th and we are going in to meet her. Now Theodore if it is not proper for you to have this why just say so. I hope to see you in March [*16078*] [*PF*] 49 Broadway New York City, September 30, 1901. My dear Mr. President: I thank you very much for the prompt and hearty response to my recent note. I shall be on hand at 7:30 o'clock on the evening of October sixth, for the purpose of dining with you, as you suggest. Faithfully yours, T C Platt The President, Washington, D. C. [*16080*]Wesley M. Oher Herald [*File*] [*PPF*] [*Pr*] [*over*] New York City 25 Broad St 30 Sept. 1901 Dear Theodore: I want to say to you that you have thus far coacted in the very trying circumstances in which you have been placed as to make most favorable impression upon the country I can only give you good wishes for the future. I could not find the heart or the language to write you [*1608*]before: for the surroundings were too overwhelmingly sad. No words seemed to reach the feeling you must have had. Very truly T.B. Reed [*16082*][*[9-30-01]*] The Senate of the United States, Dr. To Theodore Roosevelt. 1901 Sept. 14 For salary as Vice-President of the United States, from Sept. 1st to Sept. 14th 1901, at $8,000 per annum, 304.35 282.61 _______ 21.74 Sept. 30th, 1901 Received of CHARLES G. BENNETT, Secretary of the Senate of the United States, three hundred +four 35/100 Dollars, in full of the above account T. Roosevelt [*16083*][*[Enc. in Nixon 11-11-01]*] [*12*] No. 3. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. $304.35 ________ 282.61 SALARY OF THE VICE-PRESIDENT Sept. 30, 1901. [*✓*][*Roosevelt, W. Emlen*] [*PPF*] TELEGRAM [*PF*] Executive Mansion, Washington 3 WU.HU.KQ. 31 Paid - 12:40 P.M. New York, September 30, 1901. The President of the United States: Mr. Scrymser leaves for Washington at twelve to-day. If convenient telegraph me what time you can see him this evening or tomorrow morning. I will communicate with him at Shoreham Hotel. W. Emlen Roosevelt 16084[[shorthand]][shorthand] [*ackd 10-1-1901*] 25 East 69th St. PF. Sept 30, 1901 Dear Theodore Markoe brought Dr. Delafield into consultation yesterday & he strongly advises against more sea air & in favor of the Adirondacks So I am going there probably the last of the week & I have telegraphed Hockett 16085that I shall not have occasion to use the Dolphin. I guess a little good cool air of the woods will set me up. [cant you] (To be continued when see you - soon I hope) The boy gets on finely & I hope to take Mrs. Root with me. She really needs a rest & change more than any of us. Faithfully Yours Elihu Root [*16086*]R. Sheridan. [*Pf*] English Boot Maker, 47 Broadway, New York, Sept 30 1901 Mr Wm Loeb Jr Dear Sir Your letter ordering two pairs of shoes for President Roosevelt came direct. Will make & send them directly Very Respectfully R. Sheridan PNS [*106087*]THE OLDEST AND LARGEST INTERNATIONAL LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY IN THE WORLD. SUPERVISED BY 82 GOVERNMENTS. New York Life Insurance Company, COMPTROLLER'S DEPARTMENT, 346 & 348 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. HUGH S. THOMPSON, S. M. BALLARD, COMPTROLLER ASSISTANT COMPTROLLER.. JOHN A. MCCALL, PRESIDENT. IN YOUR REPLY REFER TO FILE NO... [*PP7 ackd 10-1-1901*] New York, September 30, 1901. The President, Washington, D.C. I am informed that Lieutenant Preston Brown of the army has been tried by court martial for shooting a Filipino rebel, who was a prisoner, and that the record in the case will soon be presented to you for action. His friends earnestly desire an opportunity to appear before you as they believe they can present some mitigating circumstances for your consideration. I am not familiar with all the facts in this case, but I cheerfully comply with the request which has been made of me to ask that before reaching a decision you will give the friends of Lieutenant Brown a hearing. I am informed that Robert A. Thornton, Esq., of Kentucky, is soon to appear before you in behalf of Lieutenant Brown, to whom he is related by marriage. Mr. Thornton is personally known to me and I take great pleasure in commending him to you. I have the honor to be, Very respecfully, Your obedient servant, Hugh S. Thompson [*16088*][*Young, James C.*] [*[9-30-01]*] BROOK LODGE [*File*] My dear Mr. Roosevelt: The two books which you have found time in the midst of all your cares to inscribe reached me in good order today. I am deeply grateful. If there is anything I can ever do for you command me. Assuring you of my most loyal friendship I am [*16089*] Very Respectfully September 30th 1901 James. C. Young[*c/o F.I. Stimson [ca Sept 1901]*] 709 Exchange Building Boston, Mass. [*ackd by wire 9-25-1901 Entered File*] My Dear President Best thanks for your written invitation. Unluckily I can't reach Washington in time for lunch on Monday 30th, but I can get there by 6 P. M. that day, and would come to the White House, or any other place you may name, any hour between 6 P. M. and [*16090*]10.30 P. M. We have to go on by the night express, or by the first train next morning, to St. Louis en route for Mexico. I am very glad that I shall have a chance of seeing you, for nothing has ever tried one's sympathy more than the thought of the responsibilities and opportunities of your position. Sincerely yours James Bryce A note addressed either at once us above or after Tuesday to c/o President Eliot 17 Quincy St. Cambridge, Mass. will find me till & on Saturday. [*16091*]To my Father's friend, who has the same hatred of injustice and love for direct truth that distinguished Senator Benton. From Mr. Roosevelt's, always, believing and, respecting, friend Jessie Benton Frémont. taken in September 1901 Los Angeles. This fine gown is from a friend who brought it to me from Japan and who had me taken in it- but the lines of pain in my face are my own. [Los Angeles 934 Santee St.] [*16092*] [9-19-01] [For 1 attachment see memo re. Fremont 11-5-01] from Mrs. J. B. Frémont 1104 W. 28th Los Angeles California 16092 [9-19 01] [For 1 attachment see memo re. Fremont 11-5-01] from Mrs. J. B. Frémont 1104 W. 28th Los Angeles California 16092Copy. Spray, N. C., September 1901. His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. Sir: With what you have done and said, the next wisest and greatest achievement for you to accomplish is to break the "Solid South". You will have an opportunity to do this before a great while. You can draw the young Republicans of the South around you, and have more power and influence for good and rapid advancement than any public man possibly with the exception of Washington and McKinley. Most respectfully and sincerely, B. Frank Mebane, 16093 Port Leyden, N.Y., Sept. 1901 Hon. Theo. Roosevelt; Vice Pres. Oyster Bay, N. Y. Dear Sir:- My grandfather Wm. S. DePeyster a former resident of Lewis Co. N.Y. married Mary Roosevelt of Belleville, New Jersey about eighty-five years ago. Before marriage she resided with her Uncle at Belleville, New Jersey who afterwards we believe removed to New York and engaged in the Mercantile business. She had a [*16094*]brother John (deceased). Will you kindly inform me of the given name of John and Mary's father and also of their Uncle with whom Mary resided at the time of her marriage. Respectfully Yours, Mrs. R.F. Wilcox P.S. We wish to complete our family record. R.F.W. By_ L. W. [*16095*]ASTROLOGIA-SANA, As Advocated by Lord Bacon. PUBLISHED MONTHLY AT 36 BOYLSTON STREET, Room B, BOSTON MASS. BY CHAS. HENRY WEBBER. President Roosevelt took his oath of office at 3:32 p.m., Sept. 14, Saturday. It was during the Mars Hour. Those who have the Pocket Mascot may easily judge what the Mars hour portends. Mr. Roosevelt is a Martial character (Scorpio) and the instrument of Divine Law, for the hour. The Sun at this time was in Virgo-the domain of Mercury-and Mercury was in Libra- the domain of Venus-and Venus was in Libra-her own domain. Mercury and Venus are Social planets, and Mars is the Life or Energetic planet. The Moon was also in Libra, in her first quarter, separating from Mercury and applying to a conjunction with Venus. The Moon was afflicted by a square of Jupiter and Saturn, which doubtless denoted the troubles of the times between capital and labor, inborn with the new administration. Sun, Uranus, Mars, Venus and Mercury favored the Moon, which represents the people. The Sun was free from aspects, showing that the government under Roosevelt will start with hands untied and in the sign Virgo. Virgo is the sign of the Virgin, from which all Christ-principles are born to the people. It now stands clear from Celestial evidences for the people to shape such reforms as are needed before the administration becomes tied through personal or partisanship obligations. The new president is all right. If the people will but demonstrate clearly to him what it is that they most desire for the "peace, honor and prosperity of our beloved country," the people may rest assured that he will leave no stone unturned to bring about the desired results, but, a president to be a president of a country supposed to be ruled by the people, must not be left alone to do all the thinking and the planning and the execution. The president is but an integral part of a new administration which came into power under the Divine Law of Virgo. His personality or his individuality, as a man, or as a citizen, is one thing, but as a president he comes under the rulings of an entirely different law of the heavens. The character of Mr. Roosevelt is Scorpio, but the character of the new administration represented by Mr. Roosevelt is Virgo. This latter is the Superior power, and the Scorpio nature of Mr. Roosevelt, by a natural law will be dominated by Virgo. The new presidency, therefore, must not be judged from Mr. Roosevelt's personal nor from his individual character, as heretofore known, but from his new character as president of the United States. In this character, then, Astrology declares that he will: See into things at a glance, with critical and discriminating tastes, a pure love for the duties of his position, with great aspirations as an official, with much presidential self control. His executive mind will be very active and the administration will be one of great forcefulness and will be marked more by intuitive power than by reason. Occult or secretive policies, [*16096*] BOSTON, MASS., SEPTEMBER, 1901. on a philosophic basis will be the deeper force. The science or order of the government will be with domestic interests prevailing and these will be marked with many changes or reversals. Home life conditions will be encouraged and the glory of the administration will be through refining influences of a loving, faithful order, tending towards universal equalities. The administration will find obstacles from both the monied and the laboring powers, but these will not detriment the progressiveness of the government so much as they will annoy the mental condition or anxieties of the masses. As a whole it will lead to the higher futurity of this government, on a more humanitarian ground. This progressive work will nevertheless be attended with much contention between progressive and conservative ideas, leading to a glory not even dreamed of. This judgement is not made by what is ordinarily termed a "horoscope." A Horoscope is the most superficial part of the great science of Astrology, and it is the indiscriminate use and dependence put upon Horoscopes that has ever caused Astrology to be looked upon with great contempt. The superficial features of the Horoscope, even, are not without their value when the judgement is first made on the "sure foundation," such as I have given. It was of this sure foundation in Astrology that Jesus of Nazareth spoke when he referred to the building of one's House upon a sure foundation and not upon the Horoscopal sands. The Horoscopal features of the new administration show the signs Capricorn and Aquarius in the first house and Saturn and Jupiter in Capricorn which is also in the twelfth house, with Saggitary on the cusp. Here then we have the ruler of the first house in conjunction with the ruler of the twelfth house, and these superior rulers of the Horoscope are the superior planets in the heavens. In combine they represent government, religion, labor, capital, ambition, pride, generosity, conservatism, bones, muscles, etc., in the house of secret enemies and self-detriments, with Sun, in trine, symbolic of foreign power, or favor, and the inferior planets in square from Libra. Here would be an abundance of Horoscopal scarecrows, especially with the superior planets in bad aspect with the sixth house, the house of the masses. The Horoscope is very largely detrimental, from the ordinary view and in the exercise of the ordinary judgements by Astrologic thumb-rules. Good or bad, these are God's laws, or, as the martyred president put it, "God's way." The writer long ago learned to judge God's laws, as all good, when we undertake to shape our ways, in conformity to them. For instance, enmity of the superiors to the masses, should be understood to mean, enmity to the present existing conditions. We know that the great cry is that the masses are suffering. To make them suffer more would not be "enmity to the conditions," it would be exactly the contrary. "God is no respecter of persons." God works for or against conditions, and he uses all kinds of instruments-even his own son-to work out a betterment of conditions. Therefore, this Horoscopal enmity of superior forces to the condition of the masses, or domestic matters, or Gemini uncertainties, in reality means a powerful force in nature disposed to produce a change. It therefore rests with the masses, which include all classes, to assist nature in making this change beneficial; to make it a progressive betterment to humanity, not by ignoring the laws of both God and man, in assassinations and in mobbings, but by conforming strictly to the laws of man in matters relative to our personal (or mortal) comfort, and to the laws of God in matters relative to our individuality, which is the soul (or immortal) part of man, as can be easily proven by any man of intelligence who makes an honest investigation of Astrology. Astrologia Sana has arranged with the publishers of the Wonder Wheel, to supply its subscribers with a Wonder Wheel at 25 percent discount so that a subscriber to Astrologia Sana can obtain a Wonder Wheel and the paper for one year for $1.00. As the Wonder Wheel is the very best illustration of the heavens as used in the study of Astrology, this is an excellent arrangement to aid our paper in the educational work in which our paper is engaged, and we shall endeavor to explain, in every way the features of the Wonder Wheel and by it try to make people familiar with Astrology, and the uses of Astrology for every day life, in all its various branches - religious, civil, political, commercial and social. For subscribers who do not have the Wonder Wheel, we shall try to speak of Astrologic matters plainly enough to be understood, provided they have, or obtain, knowledge of the signs of the zodiac, and their relative bearings to each other.[*[ca Sept 1901]*] [*PF*] [*F*] The President and Fellows of Yale University have the honor to inform Vice-President Roosevelt that he is cordially invited to be the guest of Hon. William W. Farnam, 335 Prospect Street during the celebration of the two hundredth anniversary of the Founding of Yale College to be held in New Haven Connecticut on the first four days of the week beginning October the twentieth nineteen hundred and one. To His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt Oyster Bay, N. Y. The Favor of an answer is requested addressed to Professor Farnam, Yale University [*16097*] TELEGRAM. Executive Mansion, Washington. 16 WU .WN .KQ. 13th dh., -- 3:45 P.M. GENESEO, N.Y., October 1, 1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President: Your horse will be expressed to-night or to-morrow morning. Should be delivered Thursday. George Bleistein [*16098*][shorthand][*F*] [*PF*] The President and Fellows of Yale University have the honor to inform Vice-President Roosevelt that he is cordially invited to be the guest of Hon. William W. Farnam, 335 Prospect Street during the celebration of the two hundredth anniversary of the Founding of Yale College to be held in New Haven Connecticut on the first four days of the week beginning October the twentieth nineteen hundred and one. To His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt Oyster Bay, N. Y. The Favor of an answer is requested addressed to Professor Farnam, Yale University [*16097*] TELEGRAM. Executive Mansion, Washington. 16 WU .WN .KQ. 13th dh., -- 3:45 P.M. GENESEO, N.Y., October 1, 1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President: Your horse will be expressed to-night or to-morrow morning. Should be delivered Thursday. George Bleistein [*16098*][*[10-1-01]*] [*File pps Ps*] Northlands, Geneseo, N.H. My dear Mr. Roosevelt.-- Making good my promise I am sending you the horse "Koran". He is yours,--and may he serve you well. = Three-quarters Thoroughbred-- Eight years old-- came into my possession when five, after being schooled by Trumbull Cary-- A good Hunter,--and will drive, single & double-- Has an easy mouth and good disposition. [*16099*]Mrs. Roosevelt and Miss Alice. Sincerely yours Geo. Bleistein Oct. 1st 1901— not afraid of Steam or Trolley Cars, — or Automobiles — Jim Cannon who has been riding the horse during the past month and who will bring him to Washington, will be glad to go more into detail should you so desire. I may go south this winter and if I do, will stop over an hour or two and shake your hand. In the meantime you have my very very best wishes, which I will ask you to share with [*16100*][*Ackd 10-3-1901 PPF*] Rowell-Potter Safety Stop Company Automatic and Semi-Automatic Manual Block Signals, Automatic Interlocking, Draw Bridge, Switch and Grade Crossing Protection, Speed Controllers and Flagman's Portable Safety Stops. 723 The Temple...184 La Salle Street CHICAGO, Oct. 1st. 1901. Mr. President:- I received your reply to my letter of Sept. 5th, and I do not wish you to think me presumptuous in addressing you again, but the attached editorial from the Tribune of this date called to my mind a matter which no doubt will interest you, coming as it does from one who has no aspiration for office, and who was your friend when you had no offices to bestow, you are right, when you wish to get at the bottom facts as they exist in the South, I want to call your especial attention to the State of Kentucky, where you have hosts of friends, in both Parties. I hope that you will not think me impertinent when I suggest that you have a talk with Ex Governor W.O. Bradley, who has always been a warm adherent of yours, and who will tell you the truth, in August last he was here, I asked him how his state would go in the next Natl Convention he replied, we will send a solid Delegation for "Teddy," of course the Office holders don't want him, but the Democrats of our State will help us out at the Primaries, this is my reason for making the above suggestion. Your obedient servant. Geo. W. Clark To. Theodore.Roosevelt. President of the United States. [*16101*][For 1 enc. see ca. 10-1-01 "Roosevelt & the South"][[shorthand]] Rowell-Potter Safety Stop Company Automatic and Semi-Automatic Manual Block Signals, Automatic Interlocking, Draw Bridge, Switch and Grade Crossing Protection, Speed Controllers and Flagman's Portable Safety Stops. 723 The Temple...184 La Salle Street CHICAGO, Oct.1st.1901. William.Loeb.Jr. Washington.D.C. My dear Mr. Loeb: Will you kindly hand the enclosed letter to the President, as well as my letter to him under date of Sept. 5th, to which he replied on Sept. 14th. I send this enclosed to you knowing that it will reach the President direct. Very truly yours, Geo. W. Clark [*16102*][For 1. enc. see Clark, 10-1-01]UNITED STATES MILITARY GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. OFFICE OF COLLECTION OF INTERNAL REVENUE. DISTRICT NO. _________DEPT. OF NORTHERN LUZON. Manila P. I. Oct 1st 1901 [*ackd 11-14-1901 wrote Secy War File P.F.*] My dear Colonel: Yesterday evening while aboard of the "Transport Meade", which was there ready to weigh anchor for San Francisco, I received a dispatch from the Division Comd'r. to the effect that I had been appointed a first lieutenant of Cavalry, and assigned to the 9th regiment - to report for duty at once with my regiment. Notwithstanding the disappointment of having to leave the ship after having started for home, I was delighted at the splendid opportunity given me - and can never tell you enough of my gratitude. It was more than I deserved - both the branch of the service and the regiment - were just what I had hoped for. I received your letter of the 21st of August a few days ago, and was much gratified to hear that you had good reports of me here in the Philippines. I have tried to do my duty, and believe my efforts have been appreciated by immediate Comd'g. Officers. I was anxious to get in the Army, as I have always had a liking for it: and when the chance came again, to complete my examination, I was only too glad to embrace it. I was told by the Examining Board that I had [*16103*]passed with a general average of 89.27, and that they had recommended me for Commission. So that when Gov. Taft heard that I had been up for Examination and passed - I was asked to choose between the treasurership of Ilocos Norte and the Army - I chose the latter - and was relieved on the 31st of August, upon that province being organized under the civil government, I waited for sometime Expecting daily to get my appointment, and as I had nothing else to do, I concluded to go home - when the announcement came. The people here were terribly shocked to hear of the tragic death of president McKinley. The Inquisition is far too good for such fiends. Something should be done at once to rid the country of such criminals. The public spirit here is "that it is fortunate for the country that we had such a man as Theodore Roosevelt for vice president" - and of course Colonel, while we lament the death of Mr McKinley - we [are] cannot help from being glad that you are president. You would be surprised to see the number of "Rough Riders" here in Manila - and I am pleased to say that all of them are doing well. I have gotten several of them, who were discharged from Volunteer regiments over here - good positions - Curry is chief of police for Manila, and is very popular - he seems to take the right hold. Sweet has had some trouble with a certain clique in power here - but will come out all right. He pushed things too vigorously for his own good - but his integrity and honesty has never been questioned. Green is with the Constabulary, and is giving good satisfaction. Color Sergeant Wright comes to see me quite often, he is well and looks just the same as he did[*[10-1-01]*] UNITED STATES MILITARY GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. OFFICE OF COLLECTOR OF INTERNAL REVENUE. District No. Dept. of Northern Luzon. that day on San Juan hill - except a good deal bigger - and so it is with all of them. An officer of the regular Army remarked the other day in my presence "that all the "Rough Riders" he had met in the Philippines appeared to be remarkably good men" - I tell you these little remarks knowing the interest you take in us all - no matter if you are President of the United States - you will always be in our hearts - "our Colonel" - and the men will die for you again if the opportunity [presents it] is ever given. I wish I could have been at the reunion at Colorado Springs - four years is a long time to wait. Who is President & Secretary of the Association now - and dont they ever need any money? But I am taking up too much of your valuable time. There is a young man by the name of Bracken, of the 34th Inf. who was Davies first lieutenant - who passed an excellent examination - was recommended for appointment by both of his senators - Spooner and Quarles - it is the ambition of his life to get into the army, and I believe he will make a fine officer for the regular service - through some hitch of which he says he knows nothing - his appointment has been held up - Davie has taken the matter up he writes. I wish too, to testify to his ability, and if you will look into the matter I believe you will find nothing seriously wrong. I know nothing to the contrary. I want to thank you again Colonel, with all my heart for what you have done for me. I shall appreciate all my life. With best wishes for your good health and that of your family - believe me - Gratefully Yours, Sherman S Coleman [*16104*]FOREST AND STREAM PUBLISHING CO. 346 BROADWAY, NEW YORK, Oct.1st, 1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. My dear Roosevelt:- Many thanks for your kind note asking me to lunch with you on Thursday, at 1:30. I shall be delighted to do so and hope that I may see Mrs. Roosevelt and the children. Yours sincerely, [*Geo. Bond Grinnell*] 16105[*Jelks.*] STATE OF ALABAMA GOVERNOR'S OFFICE [*ackd 10/5/1901 P.P.F. Pr*] Montgomery, Oct. 1, 1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President: Some time ago I wrote you inviting you to Montgomery for a day in November. You wrote expressing your pleasure at the invitation and hoped you would be able to be with us. I see from the papers that your new duties will probably prevent your coming. I hope it will be otherwise. Our people would be very glad indeed to see you and shake your hand. You need not apprehend any assassin's bullet or knife in this state. We are some times looked upon as lawless but no harm can come to a President of the United States in the state lines, and if harm should come to you I do not believe I would call out the Guard to protect the assassin. Let me express the hope again that you will find it convenient to come. Now, if you will allow me, I want to address you on another subject. I have a bright young nephew of proper age to enter West Point. You have, as I understand it, some appointments which you can make from the country at large and I want to beseech you to appoint to that place my nephew, Robert Wright Cabaniss. If it is not possible for you to give him a place at West Point, you might help me to get him a place [*16106*]Hon. T. R. 2. at Annapolis. My Senators would join me, I am sure, in asking for it, if the conditions of the appointments are such that you could afford to allow their names to have any weight with you. I am, my dear Mr. President, Very truly your, W.D. Jelks Governor. W[illiam] D[orsey] Jelks 16107[*[For 1 enclosure see 10-1-01]*] THE CHICAGO [TIMES] RECORD-HERALD [*Oct 1*] Editor's Room [*ackd 10-3-1901 PPF.*] Oct 1, 1901 Dear Mr. President Enclosed please find two editorials in todays paper that may interest you. Am sure they will attract great attention throughout the South especially. Yours Sincerely, H.H. Kohlsaat [*H. H. Kohlsaat*] To President Roosevelt Washington DC [*16108*] [*PF*] Headquarters of the Army Washington October 1 1901 My Dear Mr. President: It will give me great pleasure to accompany you tomorrow at four-thirty P.M. as suggested in your note. With great respect Very sincerely yours Nelson A. Miles [*16109*][*[Roosevelt, Theo-Salary as Vice President]*] [*PF*] United States Senate, OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY FINANCIAL ROOM. October 1, 1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Executive Mansion; Sir: I have the honor to transmit herewith check No. 12, on the Treasurer of the United States, for three hundred and four dollars and thirty-five cents, payable to your order, being the amount of your compensation as Vice-President of the United States from September 1, 1901, to September 14, 1901. Respectfully, R. B. Nixon Financial Clerk. [*16110*][*File P.P.F. Pr*] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. October 1, 1901. The President: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of September 27th, addressed to the Secretary of War, with reference to the grade of first and second lieutenants. As you state in your letter, it has been the intention of the Secretary of War to make the distribution purely according to the merits of the candidates. It is proper to add that the Board which, in the first instance, acts upon the question, and the Secretary of War are both ready to consider any evidence which may be considered bearing upon the fitness, qualifications, age and other elements which are entitled to consideration in the final determination of the question. Very respectfully, Wm. Cary Sanger Acting Secretary of War. [*16111*][*P.F.*] LESLIE'S WEEKLY 110 FIFTH AVE. NEW YORK W.J. ARKELL, PREST. Editorial Department John A. Sleicher, Editor [*Personal*] October 1,1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt President, Washington,D.C. My Dear President: - Dr. Harvey writes me from St. Louis that, despite what has been said in reference to 1904, the friends of Fairbanks and other western candidates, are all beginning to [see] say that nothing is settled and that the course is open to any one who can win the nomination. Any practical politician knows that this is but Natural. I only drop the suggestion that the New York appointments by yours more than anyone else's, because you may need [*16112*]every friend you have and all you can make, if a struggle is invited. The history of the past teaches us that such a struggle is almost inevitable. I write all the more freely because I know that wherever you have made your own choice of public officials, the results have vindicated your judgment, which has been singularly clear and remarkably conservative. Of course I write this in confidence. Faithfully yours, John A Sleicher [*16113*]A. M. STEVENSON DENVER. [*File Pr*] Dear Mr President I now confirm my telegram to you from Chicago, sent on the morning of the Presidents death, as follows: "The death of your noble and great President, the gentle and lovable McKinley, makes me inexpressibly sad. May God give you that strength and wisdom, in your trying position, which will enable you to guide aright the affairs of this grief stricken nation" I knew you would do the right thing, at the right time, and you acted nicely indeed in saying the few words you did say when you took the oath of office. The late Presidents Buffalo speech is almost a [*16114*]you will pardon me for these thoughts. They are at least prompted by correct motives. I thank you for your letters and for Mr Cortellyou's telegram about the appointment of Mr Hartzell I will be greatly pleased when the appointment is made. Our convention is on the 7th and I am going to try hard to see you soon after that although I may not be able to get away as soon as I hope With highest personal regards and esteem Trustingly A M Stevenson The President Washington DC October 1st 1901 message from Heaven and will be so regarded by a majority of Republicans everywhere His policy has been wise and satisfactory to the Country and his party and is therefore a proper policy to persue. But Mr President I hope you will not consider it presumptuous in me to suggest that this is now the Roosevelt administration and you are responsible to the Country and your party - Is it not wise then to be surrounded by friends? The intrigues and labors of official life are many - There may be here and there obligations which it would not be in the interest of the party to carry out - These things of course have occurred to your friends, but you are a generous man and might fear no evil where evil might exist and so I hope [*16115*]The Sun New York, Oct 1. 1901. Dear Roosevelt: Many thanks for your note of the 24th. I will let Goldwin Smith know what you say. Pray give mine and Mrs. Dana's grateful acknowledgments to Mrs. Roosevelt for the suggestion about the White House, and our hopes that putting it in order will not be too big a labor for her. [*16116*]So far as concerns the present, we have just sent one boy to Groton, and putting two others in school and moving are the programme for the present month. I should like to call Mrs. Roosevelts attention to the fact that the American Architects, at their meeting at Buffalo, are to discuss plans for altering the White House, on Oct. 3. Faithfully yours Paul Dana 16117THE OUTING PUBLISHING COMPANY 239 FIFTH AVENUE ADVISORY BOARD C. C. CUYLER W. B. THOMAS S. R. BERTRON S. F. HOUSTON D. M. GOODRICH WALTER CAMP T. D. M. CARDEZA CASPAR WHITNEY, PRESIDENT AND EDITOR ROBERT BACON, VICE-PRESIDENT FLETCHER HARPER, SECRETARY AND TREASURER NEW YORK October 1-1901 [*Ackd 10-3-1901 PP7*] My dear Col,- Selous will not come to N. Y. at all.- I am sorry to say. I had a steamer letter from him a few days ago-& before your kind invitation came telling me that he was obliged to be back in London- so early that he had to abandon part of his hunting trip & his expected visit to N. Y. I should so much like him to meet you- as I have [certain] so often referred to you as an ideal, at least in my eyes. & I wanted him to see for himself. Then too, you would like Selous.- he is so unassuming- & simple & frank. After all- those are traits of [*16119*] BOOKER T. WASHINGTON TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED. TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. October 1, 1901. [*file [*ppp pr*] President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President:- I have just reached home and go to Montgomery tonight to attend to the matter regarding Gov. Jones. Within a few days I will be able to let you have detailed information regarding the appointments we discussed in this state and also in Texas as well as some others we did not discuss. On the tenth of this month I start on a trip through Mississippi for the purpose of helping our people through a series of talks, and while there I shall get detailed information regarding conditions in that state. I meant to have said to you Sunday evening that I know pretty well the character of the colored men holding office in Georgia, and as a rule they are far above the average. Whatever objection will be brought to bear in regard to them I think will be wholly on account of color. Yours truly, [*Booker T. Washington*] [*16118*]BOOKER T. WASHINGTON TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED. TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. October 1, 1901. [*file [*ppp pr*] President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President:- I have just reached home and go to Montgomery tonight to attend to the matter regarding Gov. Jones. Within a few days I will be able to let you have detailed information regarding the appointments we discussed in this state and also in Texas as well as some others we did not discuss. On the tenth of this month I start on a trip through Mississippi for the purpose of helping our people through a series of talks, and while there I shall get detailed information regarding conditions in that state. I meant to have said to you Sunday evening that I know pretty well the character of the colored men holding office in Georgia, and as a rule they are far above the average. Whatever objection will be brought to bear in regard to them I think will be wholly on account of color. Yours truly, [*Booker T. Washington*] [*16118*] THE OUTING PUBLISHING COMPANY 239 FIFTH AVENUE ADVISORY BOARD C. C. CUYLER W. B. THOMAS S. R. BERTRON S. F. HOUSTON D. M. GOODRICH WALTER CAMP T. D. M. CARDEZA CASPAR WHITNEY, PRESIDENT AND EDITOR ROBERT BACON, VICE-PRESIDENT FLETCHER HARPER, SECRETARY AND TREASURER NEW YORK October 1-1901 [*Ackd 10-3-1901 PP7*] My dear Col,- Selous will not come to N. Y. at all.- I am sorry to say. I had a steamer letter from him a few days ago-& before your kind invitation came telling me that he was obliged to be back in London- so early that he had to abandon part of his hunting trip & his expected visit to N. Y. I should so much like him to meet you- as I have [certain] so often referred to you as an ideal, at least in my eyes. & I wanted him to see for himself. Then too, you would like Selous.- he is so unassuming- & simple & frank. After all- those are traits of [*16119*] 2 greatness - dont you think! Your cougar paper has given me instruction and great interest - so far as my knowledge goes - I fully indorse what you say - especially about the yarns spun of the cougars tendency to charge. - I lived at one time in New Mexico where they were fairly plentiful, and I hunted them quite a bit, light snow. (I never had the fun of hunting with dogs it must be great - I should confess) and others hunted them. a great deal - yet I never heard of but two cases where they charged. - one was when a chap was taking a kit from a cave - the mother coming unexpectedly - the other was a painfully (but seriously) wounded big male - I had cornered. I like what you say about the common use of inconvenient names. - Bob-cat is most excellent, & even put it convincingly. I still envy Scribners their luck. I have a paper "About the Cougar" - which has been here for some time 3 by Franklin Calkins - which perhaps may interest you, when it is published - as it will be soon. By the way, does the magazine reach you regularly. - I am having it sent I hope the high honors which have come to you - will not interfere with the deer family papers. I am impelled to say, for my heart is full of it, so that I have never admired you so much in my life, as during & since the terrible calamity which befell the nation. Perhaps such frankness is a little out of place in addressing the President, but you know me well enough I am sure, to know, my dear Colonel, that it is honest heartful sentiment, without a tinge of servility or a thought to presume upon the friendship with which you have honored me. - Faithfully Casper Whitney [*16121*] I don't quite know how to address personal mail or the magazine to you.WILCOX & MINER. COUNSELLORS AT LAW. ANSLEY WILCOX. WORTHINGTON C.MINER. Fill PPF ROOM 816 ELLICOTT SQUARE. BUFFALO, N.Y. Oct. 1st, 1901. My dear Mr. President:- I received this morning your note about the Bleistein horse, Koran, and am glad that you wrote about it. Last Saturday I was in Geneseo at the horse show. Bleistein did not show your horse, though he was entered and is said to be in very fine shape, but he told me that he was going to ship him to you early this week. I have telephoned to him in Geneseo this morning, and he says that the horse will start either this afternoon or tomorrow, as soon as they can get a car. Bleistein will write you about it today and give you the details. I understand that he intended to present the horse to you. I am sure that you will find him a very good and serviceable beast. With sincere regards, Yours very truly, Ansley Wilcox To the President, Washington, D.C. 16122 X 67 10-1-01 In the Matter of the petition of John C. Davies, Attorney- General of the State of New York, for an Order Directing Robert A. Scott, Charles W. Morse, and Others to Appear Before a Referee for Examination, Pursuant to Chapter 690 of the Laws of 1899. John C. Davies, Attorney-General, Appellant; Charles W. Morse and the American Ice Company, Respondents. (Decided October 1, 1901) Appeal, by permission, from an order of the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court in the third judicial department reversing an order denying a motion at Special Term and granting the motion. Also motion to dismiss the appeal. An application by the attorney-general for an order to examine witnesses, pursuant to chapter 690 of the Laws of 1899, resulted in an ex parte order, made on the 28th day of May 1900, by a justice of the Supreme Court at chambers appointing a referee and requiring the witness named to appear before him for examination. A motion to vacate the same, made at Special Term, was denied by an order which was silent as to the reasons for making it. The order last named was reversed by the Appellate Division and the motion to vacate the order made at chambers was granted, but the order of reversal stated no ground upon which the court proceeded. Subsequently, upon motion of the attorney-general, an appeal was allowed and the following questions were certified by the Appellate Division to have arisen, which, in its opinion, ought to be reviewed by the Court of Appeals" "First. Are the duties which the statute (Chapter 690 of the Laws of 1899) imposes upon the justices of the Supreme Court non-judicial duties, and, if so, is it for that reason unconstitutional and inoperative? "Second. In granting the order of Mary 28, 1900, was Justice Chase performing a judicial function? " Third. Has the legislature constitutional power to confer upon the referee appointed in the matter provided by such statute the authority to take testimony and punish for contempt in the manner and to the extent therein provided? "Fourth. Do the facts set forth in the petition of the attorney-general show that any action authorized by section 3 of chapter 690 of the Laws of 1899 could be maintained? "Fifth. Does chapter 690 of the Laws of 1899 require Charles W. Morse, under the order of Justice Chase of May 28, 1900, to give evidence of matters which might subject him to penalties or criminal prosecution under any Federal statute in violation of his rights under the State or Federal Constitution? Pursuant to the leave granted by the Appellate Division an appeal was taken to this court, which the respondents now move to dismiss. 16123J. Newton Fiero, John C. Davies and Henry B. Coman for appellant. David Wilcox, William Rand, Jr., and Robert C. Scherer for respondents. VANN, J. In support of the motion to dismiss the appeal it is urged that, so far as the record discloses, the order of reversal may have been made in the exercise of discretion, and, hence, that it is not reviewable in this court. (Matter of Attorney-General, 155 N.Y. 441, 445.) We think, however, that the motion to dismiss should be denied for the reason that where the Apellate Division allows an appeal and certifies a question of law for us to review, the presumption is that its determination was made upon the merits, unless it expressly appears by the record that it ws made in the exercise of discretion. The statute which gives rise to this controversy is entitled "An Act to prevent monopolies in articles or commodities of common use, and to prohibit restraints of trade and commerce, providing penalties for violations of the provisions of this act, and procedure to enable the attorney-general to secure testimony in relation thereto." (L. 1899, ch. 690.) It is a continuation, with some changes, of a similar act with the same title passed in 1897, which was the subject of consideration in Matter of the Attorney-General (28 Misc. 101; 22 App. Div. 285; 155 N.Y. 441; L. 1897, ch 383). The act now in force declares every contract or combination to be against public policy, illegal and void whereby a monopoly in this state of any commodity in common use is or may be created, established or maintained, or whereby competition in this state in the supply or price of any such commodity is or may be restrained and prevented, or whereby, in order to create or maintain a monopoly within this state, the free pursuit in this state of any lawful business is or may be restricted or prevented. (§1.) It provides for the punishment of every person or corporation who shall make or attempt to make any such contract or combination, or do any act pursuant thereto, "or in, toward or for the consummation thereof." ($2.) It authorizes the attorney-general to bring an action in the name of the People against any corporation, foreign or domestic, its offices or agents, or against any person, "to restrain and prevent the doing in this state of any act herein declared to be illegal, or any act, in, toward or for the making or consummation" of any prohibited contract or combination, wherever the same may have been made. ($3.) It declares that "whenever the attorney-general as determined to commence an action" under the act, before beginning the same he may present to any justice of the Supreme Court an application in writing for an order directing the persons mentioned therein to appear before such justice "or a referee designated in such order, and answer such questions as may be put to them * * * and produce such papers, 16124documents and books concerning any alleged illegal contract" or combination in violation of the act. Said application "may simply show upon" the "information and belief" of the attorney-general "that the testimony of such person or persons is material and necessary." It is made the duty of the justice to grant the application, with such preliminary injunction as may appear to him to be proper and expedient, and of the witness to attend at the time and place designated. "The testimony of each witness must be subscribed by him, and all must be filed in the office of the clerk of the county in which such order for examination is filed." The provisions of the Code of Civil Procedure relating to the examination of witnesses before the commencement of an action "shall not apply except as herein prescribed." (4.) The order must be signed by the justice making it and the attorney-general may endorse upon the same "a clause requiring such person to produce on such examination all books, papers and documents in his possession, or under his control, relating to the subject of such examination." (5.) No person is "excused from answering any questions or from producing any books," because the evidence, documentary, or otherwise, may tend to incriminate him, but he is protected from criminal prosecution and from any penalty or forfeiture "on account of any transaction, matter or thing concerning which he may testify, or produce" documentary evidence. (6.) The referee so appointed is given "all the powers and is subject to all the duties of a referee appointed under section 1018 of the Code of Civil Procedure, so far as practicable, and may punish for contempt a witness duly served as prescribed in this act for non-attendance or refusal to be sworn or to testify, or to produce books," documents, etc. "in the same manner, and to the same extent as a referee appointed to hear, try and determine an issue of fact or of law." (7.) Pursuant to this act the attorney-general presented to a justice of the Supreme Court, at chambers, his petition, verified upon information and belief, in which he stated that "as such officer" he had determined to commence an action under said statute, in the name of the People, against the American Ice Company, a foreign corporation engaged in business in the state of New York, and against its officers and directors, to restrain them "from doing in this State any act in, toward or for the making or consummation of" a certain contract or combination "and from doing business in the state of New York, and to vacate, annul and set aside the certificate procured from the Secretary of State, pursuant to section 15 of the General Corporation of Law, authorizing said company to do business in the state of New York." He further alleged that the two available sources for the supply of ice to the inhabitants of the city of New York are the Hudson river valley and the Kennebec and Penobscot rivers in the state of Maine; that prior to March 11, 1899, more than eighty per cent of the ice available from said sources was owned or controlled by [*16125*]two corporations organized under the laws of that state, known as the Knickerbocker Ice Company and the Consolidated Ice Company; that the latter, prior to said date, controlled about 90 per cent of the wholesale and retail ice business in the city of New York, and the former about 80 per cent in the cities of Philadelphia, Baltimore and Washington; that these two corporations had a virtual monopoly of the ice supply available to the inhabitants of the city of New York, and, acting together, had it in their power to arbitrarily fix the price of ice; that prior to said date they agreed to combine their interests, and thus control by one company and one management the entire ice-producing territory for the purpose of creating a monopoly of the ice business in various cities, and particularly in the city of New York; that on the 11th of March, 1899, pursuant to such agreement, a third corporation, known as the American Ice Company, was organized under the laws of the state of New Jersey, with an authorized capital of $60,000,000, and immediately thereafter it acquired title to more than 90 per cent of the total capital stock of the two Maine companies, under an arrangement whereby shares of the American Ice Company, although without any value and representing no property, were exchanged share for share for the stock of those two companies, thus vesting in the board of directors of the New Jersey company the control of the Maine companies, and thereby effecting a monopoly in the supply of ice to the inhabitants of the city of New York, and destroying competition in the production, supply and sale of ice therein; that although the capital stock of each of said constituent companies amounted to only $10,000,000, and the actual value of the property of each did not exceed $3,500,000, still the American Ice Company issued its stock to the amount of $20,000,000 in exchange for their stock, and subsequently about $15,000,000 more to acquire the properties of possible competitors on a similar basis, and then caused the whole $35,000,000 to be listed upon the New York Stock Exchange; that thereafter, and as a direct result of this combination, the American Ice Company raised the price of ice in the city of New York 100 per cent over the prices prevailing during the two preceding years, with no reason therefor except to provide means for paying dividends upon its "enormous capitalization, * * * issued without value, as aforesaid." After making these allegations the petitioner set forth the names of twenty-eight persons and alleged that the testimony of each was "material and necessary to the establishment of the unlawful agreement, arrangement or combination, whereby the above-described monopoly in the sale of ice was created and established and has been maintained." The remaining allegations of the petition show the relations of some of the proposed witnesses to the American Ice Company, the opportunity of others for knowing about the combination, and of others still for knowing about other companies in the city of New York whose business had been absorbed by the constituent companies and through them by the American Ice Company [*16126*]It is also alleged that the principal office of the American Ice Company is located in the city of New York, and the source of the petitioner's knowledge and the grounds of his belief as to the truth of the allegations of the petition are briefly stated. The relief asked is that an order be made directing the persons named to appear before a referee "and answer such questions as may be put to them or any of them, and produce all papers, documents and books concerning the aforesaid illegal arrangement, agreement or combination." Upon the presentation of this petition the justice made an order requiring Charles W. Morse, who is president of the American Ice Company, and the other persons named, to appear before a referee for the purpose of the examination provided for by the act. Mr. Morse was also directed to produce "all contracts and agreements of the American Ice Company with "twelve other ice companies as well as certain other contracts relating to the purchase of ice and the plants, business and good will of ice dealers in the city of New York. He moved to vacate the order, and thus the questions arose that we are called upon to review. It is insisted, preliminarily, that as the combination had been formed before this proceeding was commenced, and even before the statute was passed, the attorney-general is too late and can accomplish nothing. We cannot sustain this contention. The act is a substantial re-enactment of an earlier statute, and, according to the Statutory Construction Law, must be construed as a continuation thereof. (L. 1892, ch. 677, 31, 32; L. 1897, ch. 383.) As it aims to prevent the consummation and maintenance of unlawful combinations, it reaches those already formed but which are still maintained and are in the process of consummation. Any other construction would violate the spirit of the act, as it would render it practically useless by allowing an unlawful agreement, made in secret, to be carried into effect, simply because the attorney-general did not discover that it was in contemplation in time to procure an injunction to prevent its execution. The general purpose of the act is expressed in its first section. Its object is to destroy monopolies in the manufacture, production and sale in this state of commodities in common use, to prevent combinations in restraint of competition in the supply or price of such commodities, or in restraint of the free pursuit of any lawful business, trade, or occupation. The act in this respect is little more than a codification of the common law upon the subject, and its validity, to this extent, is not and cannot be successfully questioned in view of a long line of authorities. (Cohen v. Berlin & Jones Envelope Co., 166 N. Y. 392; Cummings v. Union Blue Stone co., 164 N. Y. 401; People v. Milk Exchange 145 N. Y. 267, Judd v. Harrington, 139 N. Y. 105; People v. Sheldon, 139 N. Y. 251; Leonard v Poole, 114 N. Y. 371; Arnot v. Pittston & Elmira Coal Co., 68 N. Y., 558; Stanton v. Allen, 5 Den. 434; Hooker v. Van Dewater, 4 Den. 349; People v. Fisher, 14 Wend. 9; People v. Trequier, 1 Wheeler Cr. Cas. [*16127*]142; U.S. v. Joint Traffic Assn., 171 U.S. 505; U.S. v. Freight Assn., 166 U.S. 290; The King v. Journeymen Taylors of Cambridge, 8 Mod. 11.) The validity of the procedure authorized by the act, however, is challenged as in violation of both the State and Federal Constitutions. The first and second questions certified involve the proposition that the statute imposes other than judicial duties upon a judicial officer and that for this reason the provisions relating to the procedure are unconstitutional and void. Free government consists of three departments, each with distinct and independent powers, designed to operate as a check upon those of the other two co-ordinate branches. The legislative department make the laws, while the executive executes and the judiciary construes and applies them. Each department is confined to its own functions and can neither encroach upon nor be made subordinate to those of another without violating the fundamental principle of a republican form of government. As this conceded by the counsel upon either side, discussion is unnecessary, but the following authorities are cited for the convenience of those who desire to investigate the subject. (Matter of Steinway, 159 N. Y. 250; People ex. rel. Broderick v. Morton, 156 N. Y. 136, 144; People ex rel. Burby v. Howland, 155 N. Y. 270, 282; People ex rel. McDonald v. Keeler, 99 N. Y. 463, 480; Wynchamer v. People, 13 N. Y. 378, 391; Dash v. Van Kleeck, 7 Johns, 477, 487, Taylor v. Porter, 4 Hill 140, 147; Wayman v. Southard, 10 Wheat, 1, 46; Murray's Lessees v. Company, 18 How. [U. S.] 272, 280; Kilbourn v. Thompson, 103 U. S. 168, 190; Cooley's Prin. of Constn. Law [2d ed.], 51; 6 Am. & Eng. Encycl. [2d ed.] 1060.) While the performance of administrative duties cannot be imposed by the legislature upon the Supreme Court, as such, except as to matters incidental to the exercise of judicial powers, yet for many years, and without serious question, acts have been passed conferring upon the justices of that court authority, out of term, to perform a variety of functions, administrative and semi-administrative in character, such as the approval of certificates of incorporation, the acknowledgement of conveyances, the solemnization of marriages, the appointment of commissioners of jurors, the investigation of the financial affairs of villages and the like. (2 R. S. 756, § 4; L. 1847, ch. 319, § 1; L 1892, ch. 682, § 64; L. 1892, ch. 685; L. 1897, ch. 194; L. 1887, ch. 430.) A distinction seems to prevail in practice between powers conferred upon a court and those conferred upon the judges thereof. The duties of the justice to whom application was made for the order in question were judicial in form. He was not required to grant it as a matter of course, although the language used is mandatory upon its face, as it was in Jenkins v. Putnam (106 N.Y., 272), yet we declared that "while it is said in section 873 (Code Civ. Pro.) that the judge 'must' grant an order when an affidavit conforming to the requirements [*16128*]of the previous section is presented to him, yet we do not think that the language is absolutely mandatory and that it was intended to deprive the judge of all discretion. * * * Where the judge can see that the examination is sought merely for annoyance or for delay, and that it is not in fact necessary and material, he ought not to be required, and cannot absolutely be required, to make the order." The expressions in the statute, "it shall be the duty of the justice * * * to grant such application" and "the order shall be granted by the justice," do not deprive him of the power to decide whether upon the facts alleged the order shall be granted. It was his duty to consider the allegations of the petition and decide whether they made out a case pursuant to the statute and authorized an order of examination according to its provisions. It was necessary for him to be satisfied judicially that the attorney-general had, in good faith, determined to commence an action and whether the testimony of the persons named was material and necessary in connection with that action. The statute is not satisfied by a simple statement of the attorney-general in his petition that he is informed and believes that the testimony of such persons is material and necessary, but he must show how and why it is material and necessary. This involves the general nature and object of the action that he has determined to bring. A determination to bring an action, indefinite and undefined is not what the legislature contemplated, but one, the general character of which is described sufficiently to show that it is founded upon the statute as well as upon probable cause, and that the testimony of the witnesses will be material and necessary therein. Thus the justice is called upon to exercise the judicial function of deciding whether the application conforms to the statute as thus construed, the same as is required of him when an application is made for an order of arrest, a warrant of attachment or any other provisional remedy. His duty is not merely clerical but requires the exercise of judgment. When a writ of habeas corpus is applied for, the statute says that the judge "must grant it without delay," and even inflicts a penalty for failure to comply with the command, yet it is his duty to refuse the writ unless the facts required by the Code are sufficiently set forth. (Code Civ. Pro. § 2020). In all these cases the judge is required to act judicially, for he must decide the question of law whether the facts alleged make out a case under the statute. But while the power committed to the justice is judicial in form, unless it is judicial in substance and has a judicial purpose to accomplish, the duty is of an administrative character only. Since the object of the statute, so far as it relates to procedure, is not expressly stated, it must be inferred from the title and the provisions of the act. The title declares that the object of the procedure is to enable the attorney-general to "secure testimony" in relation to violations of the act and the text indicates the same purpose. The statute is remedial [*16129*]and it is the duty of courts to so construe it as to "suppress the mischief and advance the remedy." As no notice to the proposed adverse party is required and no opportunity is expressly afforded for cross-examination, the testimony cannot be read in evidence upon the trial of the action. The taking of testimony for use upon a trial is part of the trial itself, so far as the constitutional provision allowing the right to counsel and requiring due process of law is concerned. No judgment can be pronounced or determination made, based wholly or in part upon such testimony, which is not reported to the judge or court for judicial action. The only use, so far as we can now see, that can be made of the testimony is to enable the attorney-general either to prepare his complaint or prepare for trial. The former is a judicial purpose and is clearly within the power of the legislature to entrust to the court, or its judges. (Glenney v. Stedwell, 64 N. Y. 120.) It aids directly in framing the issues which the court is to try, tends to prevent the delay resulting from amendments of the complaint, and thus advances the remedy to the end which is to be effected by the judgment. (In re Cooper, 22 N. Y. 67, 84.) The other use suggested involves a serious question. It is urged that an inquisition into one's private affairs, the compulsory production of his books and papers and the disclosure of his business secrets, is an invasion of personal liberty as guaranteed by the Constitution. It is insisted that a proceeding which ends in nothing, that establishes no right and prevents no wrong, either directly or indirectly, is not of a judicial nature. As the legislature has all the power of legislation there is, it can authorize the state, through its judges and attorney-general, to take testimony in order to enforce its own laws, unless the Constitution forbids it. The provision of the fundamental law relied upon to prevent such legislation is that no person shall "be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law." (Art. 1, § 6.) The word "liberty," as thus used, has a broad meaning. It includes liberty of action, which is interfered with by a command to lay aside all business and excuses and appear at a designated place and give testimony. It embraces the right to keep secret one's books and papers, his business methods and his knowledge of his own affairs. Yet these constitutional rights may all be interfered with by due process of law when the general good requires it. By due course of law qualifications and limitations may be imposed and the natural rights of the citizen somewhat abridged, without infringing upon constitutional liberty. (Interstate Commerce Commission v. Brimson, 154 U. S. 447; Cooley's Lim. 414.) Organized society requires some sacrifice of personal liberty by its members, and the Constitution which organized the state government makes liberty subject to due process of law. The ultimate question, therefore, is whether it is due process of law for the state, through its judicial department, to examine a witness in order to see whether his testimony is material and necessary in a judicial proceeding about to be instituted. [*16130*]Through its legislative department the state can examine witnesses with reference to prospective legislation, and why can it not, through its judicial department, under an appropriate statute, examine witnesses in order to establish in court rights belonging to all its citizens, even if the testimony is not to be read in court, but is to be used for a purpose incidental to the trial? A witness, when subpoenaed in a private lawsuit, is compelled to leave his home, his usual avocation, and at his peril to appear at the time and place named for the purpose of giving testimony. He may even be required to produce his books and disclose the secrets of his business. He has no discretion about it. The law imposes this obligation upon him in order that justice may be done. It is a sacrifice that he must make for the benefit of the whole community, the same as he must give up part of his property through the payment of taxes for the like purpose. The application authorized by the statute under consideration cannot be made by a private citizen, or by a party to a personal controversy, but only by the attorney-general, in behalf of the state, representing all citizens, as a party to an action to be prosecuted for the common welfare. It must be made by the law officer of the state, acting upon the responsibility of his office, and the testimony must be material and necessary, so that there is reasonable protection against danger of abuse. No general inquiry into private affairs is allowed, nor general production of books and papers is required. No vested right is interfered with. While the testimony cannot be used as evidence in a judicial proceeding, except as an admission, as against himself, by the witness who gave it, it is to be used in connection with a judicial proceeding in aid of a judicial purpose. The procedure authorized is in the nature of a statutory bill of discovery. The ancient remedy of enforcing discovery was devised by the courts to compel a party in a pending action at law to discover and set forth upon oath in an independent action every fact and circumstance within his knowledge, information or belief material to the plaintiff's case. (2 Story's Eq. Jur. (13th ed.) 811; Adams Equity (8th ed) 1.) A bill of discovery was never brought to a hearing and there could be no decree on matters set forth therein, for its sole object was to obtain testimony for use in another action. (6 Encycl. Pl. & Pr. 781). It would like even if the other action had not been brought, provided there was an intention to bring it. (Stebbins v. Cowles. 10 Conn. 408.) The process of thus obtaining testimony has never been regarded as an unauthorized interference with personal liberty but as due process of law. If the courts themselves, simply of their own motion, can establish such a system, cannot the legislature create a procedure similar in nature, even if it is more drastic in effect? It is true that testimony thus taken could be read in evidence upon the trial of the other action, but is this essential to a judicial purpose, or does due process of law require that testimony cannot be taken by a judge, unless it is to be read in court, provided the sovereign power needs it in order to [*16131*]enforce its own laws through judicial proceedings? Is the state itself, when a litigant, not to establish a mere right of property, but a cause of public justice, limited by its own Constitution to the procedure that ordinarily prevails in controversies between individuals, or has it the power through its legislature to authorize testimony to be taken in order to aid its attorney-general in attempting to enforce its policy as a political community and to promote the general welfare by proceedings in its courts of justice? Is there no power in government to examine a witness for this purpose? The question is not whether the exercise of the power is wise or discreet, but whether the power exists. We are not called upon to decide whether the thing should be done, but whether it can be done, and care should be taken in making the decision not to hamper the state in the enforcement of law. "A method of procedure having the sanction of settled usage is commonly regarded as due process of law." (People v. Adirondack R. R. Co., 160 N. Y. 225, 236: Wynehamer v. People, 13 N. Y. 395; Westervelt v. Gregg, 12 N. Y. 202, 209; Murray's Lessees v. Hoboken Land & Improvement Co., 59 U. S. 272.) Aside from the bill of discovery established by the courts, formerly in force, there is the statutory right to discover property through proceedings supplementary to execution, created by the legislature. (Code Civ. Pro. 2432-2471; Code Pro. 292.) The power of the legislature to thus subject a citizen to a searching examination in relation to his property, books and papers, is sanctioned by long usage, with the approval of the courts, the bar and the public. It is not challenged as non-judicial in character, or as in violation of due process of law. So a party, or a prospective party, may be examined out of court and depositions of witnesses may be taken within or without the state for use in courts of justice within or without the state. (Code Civ. Pro. 870-920.) A deposition may be taken before an action is brought provided one is "about to be brought." (Merchants' National Bank v. Sheehan, 101 N. Y. 176.) Even a physical examination, without regard to the sex of the subject, may be ordered by a justice of the Supreme Court to be made by one or more surgeons or physicians, to be designated by him. (L. 1893, ch. 721; Code Civ. Pro. 873.) While this is done in connection with the examination of the plaintiff as a witness before trial, the effect is simply to qualify the physicians to testify upon the trial, for no testimony is taken or record made by them as to what they saw or discovered, which, of itself, can be used as evidence. Thus the purpose of the physical examination made by them is merely incidental to the trial, as an aid to the court in administering justice by enabling them to examine the body of the party before the trial so as to swear to what they saw, upon the trial. Yet we have held that this legislation does not violate any of the express or implied restraints upon legislative power to be found in the Federal or State Constitutions. (Lyon v. Manhattan Ry. Co., 142 N. Y. 298, 302.) [*16132*]An act of Congress, authorizing the Circuit Courts of the United States to use their process in aid of inquiries before the interstate commerce commission, has been held not to conflict with the Federal Constitution nor to impose non-judicial duties upon judicial tribunals. (Interstate Commerce Commission v. Brimson, 154 U. S. 447.) In that case the subject is treated in a masterly manner and the main authorities relied upon by the respondents, which are from Federal sources, are examined and distinguished. The interstate commerce commission was authorized by acts of Congress to inquire into the management of the business of all common carriers and for that purpose "to require by subpoena the attendance and testimony of witnesses and the production of all books, papers, tariffs, contracts, agreements and documents relating to any matter under investigation." If any person refused to obey a subpoena or was guilty of contumacy, the Circuit Courts of the United States were authorized to issue an order requiring such person to appear before the commission, produce books and papers and give evidence touching the matter in question and to punish any failure to obey such order as a contempt of court. The testimony taken by the commission was for its own use only. It could not be used in any court or judicial proceeding, although the report of the commission was made prima facie evidence, if an application was made to enforce its recommendations. (U.S. Statutes 1887, ch. 104; 1889, ch. 382; 1891, ch 128.) The proceeding in court was in aid of executive action, yet the act was held to be constitutional and the duties of the Circuit Courts judicial in their nature. The principle of that case goes farther than is necessary in order to sustain the statute and the proceedings thereunder in this case. Substantially the same means of testing the rights of a witness under the act of Congress are afforded by the laws of this state in connection with the statute under consideration, as is shown by the proceeding we are now reviewing. The courts are open and a motion may be made, as the one before us was made, to protect any substantial right of a witness. We think the duties imposed by chapter 690 of the Laws of 1899 upon justices of the Supreme Court are of a judicial character, because they are incidental to a judicial proceeding; that said statute does not infringe upon personal liberty without due process of law and does not come within the express or implied prohibition of the State or Federal Constitutions. The first question certified should, therefore, be answered in the negative and the second in the affirmative. The third question consists of two parts, the first relating to the power of the legislature to confer upon the referee appointed under the statute authority to take testimony, and the second, to his power to punish a contumacious witness for contempt. The latter part of the question is as yet abstract, and the court below had no power to certify it to us, and we have no power to answer it. (Grannan v. Westchester Racing Assn., 153 N. Y. 449.) We can only review the determination [*16133*]tion of the Appellate Division, and that court has not determined, and could not determine, whether the referee has power to punish a witness for contempt, because he has not attempted to exercise that power and may never be called upon to exercise it. That a justice of the Supreme Court may be authorized by the legislature to appoint a referee to take testimony, which it could authorize him to take himself out of court, seems hardly open to discussion. Divers statutes for many years have empowered a judge at chambers to appoint a referee to take testimony for various purposes, and the right to do so has not hitherto been seriously challenged.(2 R. S. 391, [S] 3; L. 1847, ch. 280, [SS] 77-79; Code Pro. [S] 401; Code Civ. Pro. [SS] 873-879.) It is a matter of convenience in procedure, designed to expedite business and save the time of high judicial officers for more important purposes. The subject is under the control of the legislature, for there is no constitutional prohibition, express or implied. We think the power existed to authorize the appointment of a referee, and the first part of the third question should, therefore, be answered in the affirmative and the last part not answered at all. The fourth and fifth questions are as yet abstract, and we have no power to answer them. The order of the Appellate Division should be reversed and that of the Special Term affirmed, with costs, and the questions certified answered as indicated in the opinion. Bartless, J. (dissenting). I dissent on the ground that a witness in this proceeding is deprived of his liberty without due process of law in violation of the Federal and State Constitutions. Physical restraint is not essential to constitute, in law, the act which deprives the citizen of his liberty. The Constitution equally prohibits the interference, without due process of law, with the right of privacy, the right to keep from the general public business methods and secrets, the right to the custody of books, papers and correspondence and the general right to shut out the world from private affairs. The procedure authorized by the act under consideration does not, in my opinion, constitute due process of law. The general purposes of the act are praiseworthy, but the legislature, in seeking to restrain monopolies, must not invade the constitutional rights of the citizen. The object of the act before us is, in brief, to prevent monopolies, to inflict penalties and to enable the attorney-general to "secure testimony." As the act deals with penalties it must be strictly construed. It is only necessary for the attorney-general to state that "he has determined to commence an action or proceeding" under the act, and to "simply show upon his information and belief that the testimony of such person is material and necessary," to entitle him to an order for the examination of any witness or witnesses he may think proper to name, and for the production of such books, papers, etc., as he may indicate. [*16134] This act, in terms, provides that the provisions of the Code of Civil Procedure relating to the application for an order for the examination of parties, or proposed parties, and witnesses before the commencement of an action, and the method of proceeding on such examination, shall not apply. (Code of Civ. Pro. 870 et seq.) This is a striking feature, as it discloses the legislative intention to allow parties proceeding under the act to prosecute as examination untrammeled by the wise restraints imposed upon private litigants. I am of opinion that the Code of Civil Procedure furnishes an ample remedy to the attorney-general in the premises. The act and the papers upon which the attorney-general moves disclose that this proceeding is not for the purpose of framing a complaint, or preserving the expected testimony, but is "to secure testimony," as is declared in the title of the act. It is very clear to my mind that the ommissions from the act of 1899, of certain provisions contained in the act of 1897, indicate the legislative intention to authorize the attorney- general to make a general investigation, an unlimited examination, in seach (search) of evidence. The legislator, even clothed as it is with great and undefined powers, cannot authorize such a general investigation. It is prevented by those constitutional barriers which stand between liberty of the citizen and the tyranny of arbitrary legislative power. It has been well said that the protection of this right "is the very essence of constitutional liberty and security." (Boyd v. Smith, 116 U. S. 616.) The act of 1899 subjects the citizen to an ex parte examination, without the aid of counsel, in a proceeding which may result in the attorney-general bringing an action in which he may be named as a party defendant; he is compelled to answer such questions as may be put to him, whether they incriminate him or not; he is required to produce such papers, documents and books as the attorney-general indicates, whether they contain incriminating evidence or not; he is forced to sign and swear to a deposition that lacks the quality of evidence and it not to be read in the contemplated action or any pending case. I have referred to this proceeding as a general investigation, an unlimited examination, but it may well be styled a "fishing expedition." Under the old equity practice a bill of discovery that sought an examination along the lines of the act of 1899 would have been dismissed as a "fishing bill." (Story's Equity Pleadings, 325, and cases cited.) The provisions of the Code, excluded by the act of 1899, are a substitute for the old bill of discovery. I am unable to see any analogy between the examination under the act of 1899 and the compulsory examination of a witness at a trial, or of a debtor in proceedings supplementary to the execution. To my mind the distinction is self-evident and can be made no plainer by argument. [*16135*]I find nothing in the cited case of Interstate Commerce Commission v. Brimson (154 U. S. 447) that supports such legislation as the act of 1899. A reference to the Interstate Commerce Law and the case above cited will show that the latter is clearly distinguishable from the proceedings at bar. The Constitution of the United States confers upon Congress the power to regulate commerce among the several states. Carriers engaged in interstate commerce, having in many instances been guilty of unjust charges, discriminations or preferences in respect to property, or persons transported from one state to another Congress, in the exercise of its constitutional power passed chapter 104, U. S. Statutes, 1887, entitled, "An act to regulate commerce." This act was amended by chapter 382, 1889; chapter 128, 1891. This act of 1887, as so amended, provided at length certain rules and regulations as to the conduct and procedure of common carriers, calculated to remedy the evils to which reference has been made. It also created the Interstate Commerce Commission, composed of five commissioners. The commission was given authority to inquire into the management of the business of all common carriers subject to the provisions of the act and to require by subpoena the attendance and testimony of witnesses and the production of all books, papers, etc., relating to any matter under investigation. The act further provided that in case of disobedience to a subpoena, the commission, or any party to a proceeding before it, might invoke the aid of any Circuit Court of the United States in requiring the attendance and testimony of witnesses and the production of books, papers, etc. The act also contained provisions for the framing of issues by complaint and answer to be tried by the commission. Also for the taking of depositions in any proceeding "depending before the commission * * * at any time after a cause or proceeding is at issue on petition and answer." There are provisions for findings of fact, conclusions and final order; the findings are made "prima facie evidence as to each and every fact found." In case any common carrier neglects to obey the final order of the commission, the United States Circuit Court on petition of the commission, or person interested, is required on short notice to "proceed to hear and determine the matter speedily as a court of equity, and without the formal pleadings and proceedings applicable to ordinary suits in equity, but in such manner as to do justice in the premises." In the case cited, the commission sought to compel the attendance and testimony of certain witnesses who had refused to testify by invoking the provision of the Interstate Commerce Act authorizing the Circuit Court of the United States to order witnesses to appear and testify and produce books, papers, etc. [*16136*]The persons proceeded against insisted that this provision was repugnant to the Constitution of the United States as imposing on judicial tribunals duties not judicial in their nature. The court, in holding that the duties imposed were judicial, stated that the fundamental inquiry on the appeal was "whether the present proceeding is a 'case' or 'controversy' within the meaning of the Constitution and the statutes conferring jurisdiction upon the United States Circuit Courts." The court, after citing a number of authorities, uses this language (p. 475): "So, in Smith v. Adams (130 U. S. 173), Mr. Justice FIELD, speaking for the court, said that the terms 'cases' and 'controversies' in the Constitution embraced 'the claims or contentions of litigants brought before the courts for adjudication by regular proceedings established for the protection or enforcement of rights, or the prevention, redress or punishment of wrongs.' Testing the present proceeding by these principles, we are of opinion that it is one that can properly be brought under judicial cognizance." The court further said (page 476) that it was the duty of every citizen to appear and testify and produce books, papers, etc., "if the testimony sought and the books, papers, etc., called for relate to the matter under investigation," etc. The court (at page 478) thus alludes to the fact that these witnesses were called to testify in a judicial proceeding where issues had been framed: "* * * Why is not this proceeding judicial in form and instituted for the determination of distinct issues between the parties, as defined by formal pleadings, a case or controversy for judicial cognizance within the meaning of the Constitution? * * * As the issues are so presented, as the judicial power is capable of acting on them finally, as between the parties before the court, we cannot adjudge that the mode prescribed for enforcing the lawful orders of the Interstate Commission is not calculated to attain the object for which Congress was given power to regulate interstate commerce." It thus appears that the Interstate Commerce Commission is a judicial body authorized to try issues, framed under formal pleadings, and make findings of fact and conclusions; that its subpoenas and final order are enforced by the Circuit Court of the United States; the final order by a judgment rendered in a most summary mode of procedure on the issues framed in the commission. It is apparent from a careful study of the able and elaborate opinion of Mr. Justice HARLAN, that the Supreme Court of the United States compelled these witnesses to testify and produce books, papers, etc., for the reason that the commission is a body engaged in the judicial work of trying issues framed under formal pleadings, and that the testimony and the books, papers, etc., related to the matter thus under investigation. These witnesses were not called upon to sign and swear to depositions in an ex parte examination, having no quality of evidence and not to be read in any judicial proceeding, but [*16137*]they were required to testify in a pending judicial inquiry which would result in a final order setting in motion the summary powers of the United States Circuit Court under the Interstate Commerce Act. The case cited lacks, in my judgment, every essential feature of the legislation and proceedings now under consideration. The prevailing opinion very fairly and clearly states the important question in this case as follows: "Is the state itself, when a litigant, not to establish a mere right of property, but a cause of public justice, limited by its own constitution to the procedure that ordinarily prevails in controversies between individuals, or has it the power through its legislature to authorize testimony to be taken in order to aid its attorney- general in attempting to enforce its policy as a political community and to promote the general welfare by proceedings in its courts of justice?" The prevailing opinion holds that the state has this power. To accord this right to the state, through its legislature, is to permit it to override the Constitution, to place in jeopardy the liberty of the citizen, to subject him to general and unlimited examinations, and the inspection of books, papers, etc., unknown to the common law or our modern procedure. The beaten paths are best and the eliciting of facts according to the course of practice in courts of law and equity is safe and affords an ample remedy to the state as well as to the citizen. The interests involved in this litigation are, comparatively speaking, of little importance, but the general principle now sought to be established is in its effects far-reaching and portentous. I vote for affirmance. Parker, Ch. J., Martin, Landon and Cullen, JJ., concur with Vann, J.; O'Brien, J., concurs with Bartlett, J. Ordered accordingly. [*16138*] 6 [*10-1-1901*] -------------------------- THE RECORD-HERALD FIRST YEAR. NO. 188 -------------------------- COMPRISING -------------------------- THE CHICAGO HERALD TWENTY-FIRST YEAR. -------------------------- THE CHICAGO TIMES FORTY-EIGHTH YEAR. -------------------------- THE CHICAGO RECORD TWENTY-FIRST YEAR. -------------------------- -------------------------- ------------------ President Roosevelt and the Southern Problem. Before Theodore Roosevelt has had time to gather the reins of state well in hand he is confronted with the same old southern problem that for a generation has been the puzzle and confusion of Presidents. Every Republican administration since LINCOLN'S has dallied and temporized with the question of federal appointments throughout the South, to the shame of the party and the perpetuation of race animosities in that section. Instead of these appointments being made for the good of the service they have been almost invariably dictated in the interest of discredited party leaders to corral state delegations to national Republican conventions. While the result has not always answered the expectation of those manipulating Republican politics in national conventions, the practice of appointing unfit and sometimes notorious colored Republicans to important offices throughout the South has served to array all its business and conservative elements against the Republican party. In the election it has solidified the solid South. To the scandalous abuse of the appointment power more than anything else can be traced the continuance of the color line as the dividing line between parties in the South. The appointments which were a bribe to the blacks were an affront to the whites, so that while the former were bound to the Republican machines by the expectancy of place, the latter were forced, by what they regard as the law of self-preservation, to support the Democratic ticket en masse, no matter how they might differ over the platforms and candidates of that party. It is the opinion of the closest observers of political tendencies in the South that the "Solid South" would have suffered disintegration long ago if federal offices had not been used as the bait and bond to keep colored delegations in line for trades and spoils in national Republican conventions. And now President ROOSEVELT is face to face with the same old dilemma - appointment to federal office for the benefit of the Republican bosses in the South or for the good of the service and the honor of the country. The death of E. A. WEBSTER, collector of internal revenue for South Carolina, presents a choice between the selection of a man of his notorious kidney or the naming of a successor who will have the confidence of all honest men in that state, black or white. The Republican organization urges the appointment of another WEBSTER in the interest of the organization. The wisest statesmanship counsels the selection of a man fit for the office irrespective of what effect it may have upon South Carolina's delegation in the next Republican national convention. THE RECORD-HERALD is rejoiced to see that President ROOSEVELT has called BOOKER T. WASHINGTON into his counsel in regard to this phase of the southern policy, and that MR. WASHINGTON has given the sound advice that the old gangs should be "turned down" and that "highly respected white men" should be appointed to federal offices irrespective of party lines. "You must get the better element of the whites with you if you want to build up the Republican party in the South and make it something besides a byword and a reproach," was the spirit of Mr. WASHINGTON'S counsel in words he used to Mr. ROOSEVELT when the latter was still Vice President. "That is best for the party and for the public service. It is also best for the negro." There can be no doubt of the wisdom of this last statement. Only a few rapacious colored leaders and their immediate followers in each state profit by the offices and jobs that are distributed from Washington. The great mass of decent and industrious negroes is brought into disrepute and disfavor with their white neighbors by being the voting chattels upon which these leaders trade. President MCKINLEY won golden opinions during his visit to the southern states when he expressed the desire that all memories of the ever to be lamented war should be obliterated from the feelings of his countrymen. And it is known that but for the trammels of anti-convention obligations dating back to 1896 he would have entered upon reforms in the public service there. There are no such shackles upon the free hand of President ROOSEVELT. It is within his power to break up forever the ominous line of race prejudice, fear and mistrust that prevents voters of the South considering political questions upon their merits. He can emancipate the negroes from the bonds of self-interest that keep them from taking an independent and self-respecting stand upon questions of national politics. And at the same time be can emancipate the whites from what they regard as the ever-pending black peril of ignorance and rascality. If in the balance of his term President ROOSEVELT can accomplish the dissolution of the Solid South into two parties in which white and black shall mingle their views and votes in about equal proportions, irrespective of race and the spoils of office, he will deserve higher honor from his countrymen than a second term which such true statesmanship may jeopardize or insure. ------------------ [*16139*] ------------------ London Times on McKinley's Death. No other testimony to the deep and intense interest taken by the British public in the loss this republic and the world suffered through the assassination of President McKINLEY could be more impressive than the nearly 40,000 words with which the London Times of Monday, Sept. 16, 1901, announces the tragedy. More than twenty of its broad columns are devoted to the sad topic - twelve of them bordered with the unusual tribute of turned rules - marking the sympathy that made the whole world kin about the bier of our murdered chief citizen. All the capitals of the continent and of the British colonies are represented in the dispatches telling how the tidings were received throughout the world and the official attitude of the British empire is announced in three lines under the heading "Court Mourning": The King has commanded that the Court shall wear mourning for one week for the late President of the United States. The sentiment of the British public is voiced in opening sentences of the editorial leader, which, after referring to the death of QUEEN VICTORIA eight months ago, continues: In our grief the hearts of our American kin were with us, and we tenderly cherish the memories of the alleviation which our knowledge that it was so brought us in our woe. To-day it is they who are stricken, and, from one end of the empire to the other, the subjects of the King of England extend to our brethren the sympathy they so loyally, so generously and so earnestly extended to us. The British people share to the full the thoughts and sentiments expressed with touching dignity in the proclamation in which President ROOSEVELT appoints the day when the body of his predecessor is committed to the grave shall be kept as a day of solemn mourning and prayer throughout the Republic. The same tone of dignified sympathy and friendship pervades the estimate of President McKINLEY's life and character, who, as the champion of protection, was not originally a popular American in British estimates. And concludes with the tribute that "he guided his country with patient sagacity and marvelous success through memorable events which must have abiding consequences of the highest moment, not only to the United States but to mankind." [*( )*] The Times regards the succession of Mr. ROOSEVELT to the presidency with confidence in the sobering effect of great responsibilities on "a strong man with high ideals and an enthusiastic temperament." And one of its correspondents fittingly describes him as "belonging clearly to his own epoch." [?] --- Bring forth the white-winged racers And start them off once more, And may old Boreas kindly Let might breaker roar; Though shaken-up landlubbers The boisterous sea deplore, No gale can be too mighty For us who stay ashore. --- It has taken the weather man a long time to get those showers. --- The health officer says Fido must go. If this sort of thing continues some of our fashionable ladies will have only their babies to play with after while. --- In his interview with Lilian Bell Tolstoi failed to mention Senator Beveridge, but said he thought Andrew D. White was a big man. Aha! Count Lyof is jealous of Albert. [*10-1-1901*] The Tribune. FOUNDED JUNE 10, 1847. ROOSEVELT AND THE SOUTH. The fact that President Roosevelt recently invited Booker T. Washington to the White House for a conference of several hours on Southern political subjects is justly regarded as significant. His action in taking counsel of the the most highly cultivated member of the colored race indicates an intention of breaking away from conventional methods in the South. In a conference with Vice President Roosevelt several months ago Booker Washington remarked that if the Republican party wished to command general respect and allegiance in the South it should begin by getting the best white residents to fill the federal offices in the Southern States regardless of party lines. He said this would be best for white and black alike. His ideas were so clear and sensible that Mr. Roosevelt evidently has wished to hear them in more detail. The Southern people always have complained that the federal offices in that part of the country were controlled, under Republican administrations, by an insignificant handful of professional Southern Republicans who were in politics for the offices and who did not represent the best elements of the community in which they lived. It is asserted that these machine politicians, by attempting to exploit the negro vote, are keeping alive racial prejudice and doing harm to blacks and whites alike. The practice of allowing these men to control federal appointments is regarded as an important cause of the perpetuation of a solid Democratic South. The heart of the evil lies in the continuance of party cleavage along the color line. It is believed that President Roosevelt is seriously seeking some means of changing this chronic situation. President McKinley succeeded in banishing the last of the old sectional spirit, and Mr. Roosevelt is ambitious to complete the good work by breaking up the pernicious party division on the color line. He hopes to see Southern voters supporting whatever economic policy seems best for their local interests, just as voters do in the North. It would be a great benefit to the South and to the whole country if this change could be brought about. If any man can create more healthful political conditions in the South it should be President Roosevelt. He is animated by a sincere desire to do what is best for the South as well as for the rest of the country. He is popular in that section, as elsewhere. He has no political pledges binding him to the party machine anywhere. That he has the independence to act as he believes best nobody will question. If he shall see fit to ignore party lines in his Southern appointments or to take any similar steps toward winning the support of the best element to the people, he may be able to accomplish beneficent changes and at the same time add to the strength of his party. His policy in the South will be watched with interest and we believe with approval by the whole country. [*16140*] ROOSEVELT AND THE SOUTH. The fact that President Roosevelt recently invited Booker T. Washington to the White House for a conference of several hours on Southern political subjects is justly regarded as significant. His action in taking counsel of the the most highly cultivated member of the colored race indicates an intention of breaking away from conventional methods in the South. In a conference with Vice President Roosevelt several months ago Booker Washington remarked that if the Republican party wished to command general respect and allegiance in the South it should begin by getting the best white residents to fill the federal offices in the Southern States regardless of party lines. He said this would be best for white and black alike. His ideas were so clear and sensible that Mr. Roosevelt evidently has wished to hear them in more detail. The Southern people always have complained that the federal offices in that part of the country were controlled, under Republican administrations, by an insignificant handful of professional Southern Republicans who were in politics for the offices and who did not represent the best elements of the community in which they lived. It is asserted that these machine politicians, by attempting to exploit the negro vote, are keeping alive racial prejudice and doing harm to blacks and whites alike. The practice of allowing these men to control federal appointments is regarded as an important cause of the perpetuation of a solid Democratic South. The heart of the evil lies in the continuance of party cleavage along the color line. It is believed that President Roosevelt is seriously seeking some means of changing this chronic situation. President McKinley succeeded in banishing the last of the old sectional spirit, and Mr. Roosevelt is ambitious to complete the good work by breaking up the pernicious party division on the color line. He hopes to see Southern voters supporting whatever economic policy seems best for their local interests, just as voters do in the North. It would be a great benefit to the South and to the whole country if this change could be brought about. If any man can create more healthful political conditions in the South it should be President Roosevelt. He is animated by a sincere desire to do what is best for the South as well as for the rest of the country. He is popular in that section, as elsewhere. He has no political pledges binding him to the party machine anywhere. That he has the independence to act as he believes best nobody will question. If he shall see fit to ignore party lines in his Southern appointments or to take any similar steps toward winning the support of the best element to the people, he may be able to accomplish beneficent changes and at the same time add to the strength of his party. His policy in the South will be watched with interest and we believe with approval by the whole country. [*16141*]