[*THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS*] [*PHOTODUPLICATION SERVICE*] [*WASHINGTON 2S, D. C.*] HARPER & BROTHERS PUBLISHERS NEW YORK AND LONDON EDITORIAL ROOMS FRANKLIN SQUARE, NEW YORK CITY OCTOBER 2nd, 1901. recd 10-3-1901 File PP2 R My dear Mr. Cortelyou:- Will you do me the favor of seeing that the enclosed personal note to the President reaches him. It contains a suggestion which I think he will regard as important. As the time for the accomplishment of the work is short as nearly immediate attention as possible is desired. With kindest regards, believe me Faithfully yours, John Kendrick Bangs George B. Cortelyou, Esq., Executive Mansion Washington, D. C. [For eve. see Bangs ?toTR 10-2-01J HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS NEW YORK AND LONDON (PERSONAL) ALL COMMUNICATIONS MUST BE ADDRESSED TO THE FIRM AND NOT TO INDIVIDUALS FRANKLIN SQUARE, NEW YORK [*ackd 10-3-1901*] [[shorthand]] New York, October 2nd, 1901. My dear Mr. President:- I am, as you know, very much interested in the work which has been accomplished by the United States in Cuba, and it has occurred to me that with the somewhat intimate knowledge I have of the precise nature of the work done in the Island since the beginning of the American occupation I might to my own and to the advantage of others as well, prepare a volume of some 75,000 or 100,000 words which shall be in the nature of a popular accounting of Uncle Sam's Trustee-ship. I presume that in the ordinary course of events, before another year has elapsed the Government of Cuba will be turned over to the Cuban people and the psychological moment for the publication of "Uncle Sam, Trustee," giving a full description of the work in every department from beginning to end would be the time of the transferral of the re-organised concern from the hands of the Trustee into these of the owners of the property. Such an undertaking, of course, will involve a great deal of hard work on my part and I should not care to undertake it unless I felt that the effort would be pleasing to yourself, Secretary Root and General Wood. To you the idea is first submitted for several reasons: First: That the work done in Cuba must redound everlastingly to the credit of the Washington Administration. Second: That the general public is woefully in the dark as to the tremendous results achieved, and Third: That your personal feeling toward General Wood, who has had to bear the brunt of the discouraging criticism would possibly make such an [*16143*]HARPER & BROTHERS. PUBLISHERS NEW YORK AND LONDON ALL COMMUNICATION MUST BE ADDRESSED TO THE FIRM AND NOT TO INDIVIDUALS FRANKLIN SQUARE, NEW YORK -2- President Roosevelt. effort in his behalf agreeable to you. I do not wish to seem at all officious or to intrude impertintently where a possibly better informed man might more successfully attain the results which I consider desirable, but with a word of encouragement from you, which I shall use only for my personal satisfaction, I shall be glad to undertake the work as a labor of love. If you think well of the idea and are inclined to believe that I can accomplish it to the satisfaction of all concerned, I shall begin it at once. If still thinking well of the idea, you think it would be better that some one else should undertake the work I am perfectly willing to step aside and letter the better man do it. Will you kindly, at your convenience, let me know how this suggestion strikes you, so that I may either devote my time to the preparation of the story or free my mind from any further consideration if its possibility. I am, with great respect Faithfully yours, John Kendrick Bangs Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Executive Mansion, Was hington, D.C. [*16144*][Enc. in Barge to Cortelyson 10-2-01] The Commercial Advertiser. ESTABLISHED 1797. 187 BROADWAY AND 5 & 7 DEY STREET, NEW YORK, 2d Oct. [*[1901?]*] [*ackd 10-3-1901 ppF**] [[shorthand]] My Dear Roosevelt- Encloses herewith two articles from the Providence Journal that I am sure will interest you. The first one I spoke to you about when I was with you. The second comes to hand this morning and is better than the first. It fully justifies your treatment of certain overtures for peace. Yours always J. B. Bishop To/ President Roosevelt. [**16145**][shorthand] [*ackd 10-4-1901 pp7*] [*[10-2-01]*] On board Frolic Dear Colonel Roosevelt; Your very kind note of August 22nd has only just been forward to me here from New York. I appreciate more than I can say your willingness to help me in the matter, but I would not have written had I not been told in Newport that you were a member of the N. Y. Yacht Club. I shall be [*16146*]home Saturday from my summer's cruise and, as I told you in June, I can no longer hold the League inactive. I must "do something" or make my administration a failure. Of course the recent event must upset the ambitious plans we discussed in June, but I know your friendship for the League and, in a small degree I am proud to believe, for myself is the same as ever, so I am going to ask for an interview (not the luncheon we had planned) of twenty minutes, when more important matters will permit, to advise with you concerning league matters under the new conditions. Please address me at the Union League Club, Sincerely Theodore Cox Chatham, Mass. Oct. 2. 1901 [*16147*][*ppF ackd 10-2-1901*] NEWTON W. GILBERT, LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR INDIANAPOLIS INDIANA. [shorthand] His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. Dear Sir= May I presume upon our war acquaintance and also upon the delightful day spent with you last fall from Kalamazoo, Michigan, to Chicago, to express to you the fact that the rank and file of our party in Indiana has supreme confidence [*16148*]that your administration of the high office, to which you were called under such sad circumstances, will be one which will reflect great credit upon yourself and conduce to the best interests of our common country. It is regarded here as [of] the utmost good fortune that in this great emergency, you occupied the Vice-Presidential chair. Your ability and courage are a guarantee [*16149*]NEWTON W. GILBERT, LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR INDIANAPOLIS INDIANA. to the country that all policies which have conspired for our well-being will be fully continued; and that as new questions arise they will be met in the spirit of patriotic devotion to country which you have ever manifested. May I express again our confidence in you, and our prayer that personally and [*1615*]officially you will be pre[p]pared in every way! I have the honor to be, Very Respectfully, Newton W. Gilbertare in constant communication with Adee and everything seems going straight, I should like to stay a week or two longer — say till the 15th if nothing happens to prevent. I am to go to New Haven on the 23? Next week the greatest of all personal — this is, individual — misfortunes is to happen to me — my 63rd birthday. On that day, I become an old man - without possibility of denial or evasion, and there is nothing worse in the arsenal of Evil hat can happen to any man. Brazen it out as we like — when the clock strikes that hour, there is nothing to say but Habeb! What a career of splendid achievement lies for you between now and then! Yours affectionately, John Hay [*ppF Pr ackd*] Newbury N.H. Oct 1901 My dear Theodore (As there is nothing official in this letter, I will use the familiar name which it is pleasant for me to write.) Have you seen the Spectator of Sept 21? It has an admirable article about you. I know St. Loe Strachey very well. He is an unusually intelligent and fair minded man — but capable of the grossest errors. He is extremely unjust to McKinley — which simply means than an English Free trader cannot be just to an American whom he regards as par excellence a Protectionist. [*16152*]Strachey has been our staunch friend throughout in the Canal business - he began while I was in England. At the close the article about you, he has a singularly sagacious paragraph - whether is it insight or"tip" I cannot say. I am greatly pleased with the look of things as to the Canal. I have long letters from Mr. Choate and Harry White which shows the best disposition over there. I see Hepburn, in a second interview, says he is going to rush his Canal Bill through the House again. He says a treaty is unnecessary because the Clayton-Bulwer convention never really existed; but adds that it may be as well to have a treaty to satisfy the superstitionly conscientious. Which shows a degree of intelligence in Hepburn almost human, and a distinct glimmer of moral sense. I am hoping for benefit from this wonderful air and "tingling silentness." I think that word would have made Shelley great if he had written nothing else. I am ready to come to Washington at any moment if you want me! But as I [*16153*][*ret cal*] Thos. G. Jones. Chas. P. Jones. Thos. G. & Chas. P. Jones Attorneys at Law. Montgomery Alabama. Oct 2d 1901 My Dear Mr. Cleveland. If I may ask any thing improper, drop this in the waste basket. There is a vacancy in the office of United States District Judge at this place. The probabilities, as I learn from excellent services, are that the president will not find suitable material in his own party, and will, therefore consider a Democrat. I would like to have the place. It is honorable, is for life, and is in line with my aspirations & hence is preferable to the practice through I make more money then the salary. I would not of course ask you to make any direct effort for me. It occurred to me that you knew some Republicans of influence, who at your instance might write the Prest what manner of man I am. With the exception of four years in the Governors office, I have been practicing since 1867. I was for ten years Reporter of the Decision of our Supreme Court. I have been quite often selected as special justice in cases in that court. I think I may say without the slightest egotism, that I have been one of the leading lawyers in my State for some years & I have always been employed in the heavy litigation here and also as Counsellor. I dont think any one will doubt my fitness for the place. When Benjanism forced me to chose between my party & my country, I followed my [*16154*]2 conscience, and was president of the State Convention of sound money Democrats & a delegate to Indianapolis. When I was but a youth, I took advantage of the opportunity of being orator in Confederate Memorial Day here, in 1874, to urge our people not to cultivate a sectional vendetta, but to cultivate a love of a common country. At that time & in this locality, it was thought I was ahead of the times & it create some opposition to me. In 1876, Ohio soldiers in recognition of the sentiments of the speech gave me a gold medal at Manetta Ohio. As Governor I stood stoutly for law & order & while not concealing my conviction that the supremacy of [xxx] whites was essential to the welfare of both races. I sturdily insisted on justice to the negro - fought the division of school funds on the basis of taxes drawn from the property of each race. I was Chairman of our Relief Committee on the Yellow fever epidemic of 1897. In our late Constitutional Convention I took strong ground against any thing which looked like grinding the negro down. In view of all these things, I hope I can say I have been a patriotic and courageous citizen. If you are in condition to get some Republican friend to lay before the President the facts to which I allude, I believe it will be of very great advantage. If you are not in position to do this or it would in any wise be a departure from your own rules, I do not of course wish you to go further about this matter. With best wishes for a long & happy life for you & yours. Yours faithfully Thos. G. Jones Ex-President Cleveland [*16155*]Thos. G. r. Chas P. Jones Attorneys at Law Thos G. Jones Chas. P. Jones Montgomery Alabama [Enclosed in Cleveland, 10-6-01] not be definite on dates. Have Mr. Cortelyou or Mr. Loeb inform our office, if there is any hitch about getting Eagles Mrs McKelway joins me in warm regards for Mrs Roosevelt and yourself. I should say for the President and Mrs. Roosevelt but because I ought I won't. Faithfully yours St. Clair McKelway [*file PPF Pr*] ONE TWENTY ONE HICKS STREET, BROOKLYN HEIGHTS. October 2 1901 Dear Mr President O yes, I received and appreciated very much your letter to me on the train en route to Buffalo. Very likely I should have answered it, but I forebore to do so, lest I should needlessly add to your necessary burdens an acknowledgement that could wait. The cordial invitation to Mrs. McKelway and me to visit Mrs. Roosevelt and you in the White House — or to meet you informally in case good judgment counseled that — is very much appreciated and understood exactly in the broad spirit in which you made it. My inclination to run over to Washington, if only for a day, has been headed off by a multitude of small causes here. Now I [*16156*] on your duty judicious inertia in local campaigns I shall send to you my address on New York Day at Buffalo. It was prepared before the dire tragedy. I shall not change it to refer to that. Doubtless references by others will be made to it, but the set address will be no worse for turning the thoughts of men toward other things — I think. We all here follow your public course with interest and the best wishes and hopes and read of the enterprising press allusions to the new social side of the White House with sympathetic regret that your preference for home privacy cannot be wholly regarded. I or we will run down for a bit of stay in Washington as soon after the 13th as ante-election matters will permit I can have to go to Buffalo, a little while before and remain there a little while after the State of New York Day. I have been waiting for Tammany to make its choices - with some effective work, I think, on my part to avert the nomination of a Brooklynite for whom should be neither party nor public rewards or confidence. If two competent candidates by capacity and character can be put in the field, the decision will turn on the choice between the wild men in the Fusion and the base men in the Wigwam. In any event, administration should be better, or less flagrant, here for two years more I think the apparent elimination of the Controller removed some dangers from the path of a lightning calculator at Albany. I am glad we hit the mark [*16157*][*P.F.*] 1169 DELAWARE AVENUE BUFFALO NEW YORK October 2nd, 1901 My dear Mr. President: I give this letter to Mr. Robert M. Manser, a young Englishman who belongs to the same college in Oxford to which my sons belong, and who has been spending part of his vacation with them: If you will see him just for a moment to shake [*16158*]hands with him it will be an event in his life. It will be a memorable feature of his visit that he saw the President face to face in the White House. I do not wish you to give more than a few moments to him. He does not expect more. If I wished more you know I would say so frankly. With my kindest regards, Believe we are ever sincerely yours, John G. Millner [*16159*][*File P.P.F. pr.*] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, October 2, 1901. The President: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of October 1st, in which you say that it is unpardonable in an officer to be surprised, and further stating that if a detachment is surprised and the commanding officer escapes death it is presumed he will at once be placed under arrest and tried by court-martial. I beg to say that, anticipating your wishes in this matter, investigation was promptly ordered for the purpose of securing all the facts in connection with the loss of Company "C", Ninth Regiment, at the island of Samar, and word was received from General Chaffee that he had already directed an investigation. As soon as the facts are obtained they will be brought to your attention in accordance with your wishes. Respectfully, Wm. Cary Sanger Acting Secretary of War. [*[SANGER]*] [*16160*]Treasury Department, Office of the Secretary, October 2, 1901. Dear Mr. President: I return you herewith the letter of Mr. Geo. C. Lee, Jr., enclosed in your note of yesterday. I have instructed the Collector of Customs at New York to extend the usual courtesies to Mrs. Jackson, who I assume is traveling alone and so comes within the terms of our regulations. I have advised Mr. Lee. Very sincerely yours, O. L. Spaulding The President, Executive Mansion. [*16161*] [*see Lee, Geo Cabot Sept 30, 01*]THE S. S. McCLURE Co. PUBLISHERS NEW YORK AND LONDON LONDON : HASTINGS HOUSE, NORFOLK ST., STRAND 141-155 EAST 25th STREET, NEW YORK S. S. McCLURE, President JOHN S. PHILLIPS, Vice-Pres't and Treas. ALBERT B. BRADY, Secretary CURTIS P. BRADY, Ass't Secretary [*[ca 10-2-01]*] McCLURE'S MAGAZINE Cable Address "AIDDECAMP, NEW YORK" [*PPF ackd 10-2-1901*] [shorthand] My Dear Colonel Roosevelt; Here is the answer to my telegram to Stanley — the Governor. Of course it is confidential [aut] and probably useless to you. But it shows the drift of things. I shall leave here the last of the week for Chicago and be home Thursday the 10th after making my [*16162*] THE S. S. McCLURE Co. PUBLISHERS NEW YORK AND LONDON LONDON : HASTINGS HOUSE, NORFOLK ST., STRAND 141-155 EAST 25th STREET, NEW YORK S. S. McCLURE, President JOHN S. PHILLIPS, Vice-Pres't and Treas. ALBERT B. BRADY, Secretary CURTIS P. BRADY, Ass't Secretary McCLURE'S MAGAZINE Cable Address "AIDDECAMP, NEW YORK" speech at the Marquette Club. Respectfully W. H. White [*16163*][*File ppy Pr*] HARLAKENDEN HOUSE. WINDSOR P. O., VERMONT. October 3d 1901 My dear Mr. Roosevelt, Had it been any other time or occasion, I could not have resisted writing to you of my delight in your article in the present Scribner's, which I have read twice. I have also finished "Knights in Fustian", which was one of the books you recommended, and I think I liked it a much as you said you did. I cannot tell you how pleased Mrs Churchill and I are over your letters, and how much impressed we are by the fact that you took the time to write to us, and to think of us. How we wished you could have come to us for shooting in Corbin's Park. I hope you will remember that we always have room and we should feel very highly honored if you would come at any time. The boars seem fairly plentiful this year. [*16164*](2 HARLAKENDEN HOUSE. WINDSOR P. O., VERMONT. We are taking a long delayed opportunity to go to Europe this winter, and expect to sail for England about the middle of November. It used to be, and still is, an ambition of mine to shake hands with the President of the United States. I know of no man I would rather shake hand with as President than yourself - of none for whom I can more heartily thank God as our President. And so I think we shall go to Washington for one day before we sail just to do this. I shall let you know when we are coming, and find out whether it is convenient for you to see us. I am writing to Murchie today. We shall look forward to the pleasure of seeing Mrs. Roosevelt, and thank you for this mark of your kindness - Sincerely yours, Winston Churchill [*16165*] His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt.[shorthand] LAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER & BURHARD, 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. FREDERICK Wm HOLLS. LOUIS A. WAGNER. EDWARD M. BURGHARD. [shorthand symbols] [*ackd 10-7-1901 PPF*] October 3, 1901. Dear Mr. President: I cannot restrain myself from writing you a note of congratulation on the article about yourself in the Review of Reviews, for October. I know that you are aware of the authorship, and hence I am violating no confidence, when I say that the two best things written about the tragedy in Buffalo and your accession [position] are Butler's editorial in his own Educational Review, and his article in Shaw's magnificent October number. The latter seems to me just about perfect; and I may be permitted to state that I doubt whether anything more gratifying, not only to yourself but to your children and childrens' children, unto the third and fourth generation, is likely to be published during your administration! Moreover, the best thing that can possibly be written, when the time comes for you to retire from the Presidency, will be "He justified everything which his friend[s] said about him." I called Butler up by telephone and told him that I was almost as proud of him as I am of you; and you know me well enough to need no assurance that this is not idle flattery. I trust you have seen the article about you in the Buffalo Express, by Frederick A. Crandall, one of the ablest and most upright of journalists living today. It is well worthy of your attention, even amind the flood of articles and appreciations, which must be almost overwhelming you. I have the honor to remain, Dear Mr. President, very faithfully, Your Obedient Servant, Frederick W. Holls [*16166*][*Ackd10-9-1901 Wrote Judge Burke*] [shorthand] [*Minneapolis*] Oct. 3, 1901. To this President, Washington, D. C. I am home from the west. I learned much that will be of interest to you and considerable that I deem of importance as bearing upon your administration. I refer especially to the temper of the people in the far northwest, to the arid land question and to the Alaskan boundary. From the standpoint of diplomacy I think it would be well to address a letter to Judge Thomas Burke, Seattle, Wash., suggesting that you have learned of his interest in the Alaskan boundary--my name can be used or not, as you choose--and you would be pleased if he could make it convenient when east to call at the White House. Judge Burke is a gold democrat, a man of influence, the attorney for James J. Hill, of the Great Northern, and influential with him, and a believer in you. He does not like Secretary' Hay's action in this connection. A valued friend can be made, I think. I went to the bottom of the Oregonian matter. There is nothing there that need worry you. There are those who will seek to trip you, but I believethe work of all such can be checkmated by a careful inside organization. Believe me, I am not seeking to instruct you, but I am so entirely interestedin your welfare, and sincerely so, that [yo] you must overlook any suggestion that may seem to you to be too officious. I shall go east this month. Sincerely, HN James [*16167*][*[1 Oc 02 01 per trenbatts, of] AYUNTAMIENTO DE MATANZAS. Octubre 3 de 1901. HONORABLE GENERAL LEONARD WOOD. HABANA. Señor:- En virtud de lo acordado por el Ayuntamiento de esta ciudad, en 30 de Septiembre próximo pasado, tengo el honor de elevar á Vd. la adjunta instancia que dirije dicho Ayuntamiento, por su autoriza de conducto, al Sr. Presidente de los Estados Unidos de América, en deman da de aquellas medidas que más inmediatamente puedan contribuir á sal var la situación económica de la isla de Cuba. Al remitirla á Vd., ha querido el Ayuntamiento, no sólo amoldar se á la forma oficial que corresponde, sino también obtener su apoyo en las peticiones que hace y que es seguro que le dispensará un gobernan te recto é illustrado y que tan bien conoce las necesidades de este país. Esta Alcaldía le ruega, á nombre del Ayuntamiento, que se sirva dispensarle este apoyo. De Vd. respetuosamente. D Lecuomo [*[Lecuomo?]*] ALCALDE MUNICIPAL. [*16168*][For attachment see 10-10-01][[shorthand]] [*ackd 10-7-1901 & wrote letter of introduction PPF*] FIRST PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH. 55 MUNN AVENUE, EAST ORANGE, N. J. Oct. 3. 1901 To his Excellency The President of the U.S. My dear Mr President The Presbyterian Board of Missions is about to commission the Rev. D. J. Milton Greene as superintendent of their work in Cuba. Dr. Greene will sail with a competent force of assistants within a few days. I am requested to ask such letter of introduction and commendation of Dr. Greene to Governor Wood as the President may deem best to give him. You are aware, Mr President, that underscore as your old pastor, I have had some experience in watching the development of good and strong men. I assure you that Dr. Greene is one of the noblest sort. He is not one consecrated to his work, but a man of unusual sc of large acquaintance with men, a wide-awake American yet with intimate knowledge of the Spanish and and peoples, among whom he has resided for some years. My own congregation will bear the expense of Dr. Greene's work. I am Sincerely yours, James M. Ludlow [*239 16169*][[shorthand]] [*ackd File*] Warm Springs Va. October 3 1901. Mr President The feeble health of Honl. John Bruce, District Judge for the Northern District of Ala. indicated, during several years past, that he would pass away. And, having an earnest desire for the appointment of Judge James W. Lapsley on the Federal Bench, I wrote to some gentlemen of high character in the Northern States, who have known him long and well, to ask them for their knowledge and opinions of his character, abilities, and fitness for the bench. I have several letters from [*16170*]2 such gentlemen, who are known to you, at my house in Washington, that I will lay before the President, at an early day. Among them is a letter from Mr Jessup of New York. Some of these letters were sent to Mr. McKinley by my colleague Senator Pettus, when he was asking the president to appoint him as one of the Spanish Claims Commission, I suppose that Mr Cortelyou has them, or has filed them. My colleague is as earnest in his support of Judge Lapsley as I am, having known him from his early manhood. I never knew a man who I could more earnestly recommend, upon my personal knowledge, and I am sure [*16171*]3 that no man in Alabama is more highly, more justly, or more widely esteemed. He read law in my office and, from his admission to the Bar, he was my law partner until I came to the Senate, His influence and example were on the right side of every question that relates to the removal and material welfare of the people, and justice is his guiding principle in private and official life. He has been a Judge of Circuit and City courts for about fifteen years and has a most excellent record. You probably know the character of his family, as he is nearly [*16172*]4 to the Dunwody's who have interest in Roswell factory in Georgia. Three of his sons, one of whom lives on a mission he established in Africa, (a noble gentleman) are Presbyterian preachers. I mention this as a proof of his manner of life. Judge Supsby is a democrat, but he is catholic in his Americanism. He is strong, industrious, patient, firm and considerate and has the moral and mental equipoise that is so greatly needed in the qualifications for the Bench. He is my friend, who I am proud to own as such, but this is not the reason why I give him this earnest endorsement. In him the President will find an opportunity for illustrating [*16173*]5 the high policy that looks to the welfare of the people, that is now anticipated, in the Executive administration, with confidence. With great respect, John T. Morgan [Morgan] [*16174*][*File p.p.f. Pn*] United States Senate, Marshall, N. C., Oct. 3, 1901. Dear Mr. President:- I have your esteemed favor of recent date, and in reply I beg to say that I fear you misunderstood my former letter. Among other things, you say: "I have absolutely refused in any case to interfere in reference to a candidate being made first lieutenant. My directions to the War Department are explicit that the assignment to first lieutenancy shall be purely on the basis of merit." I hope that you did not understand me to ask you to violate the rule which you lay down for your guidance in regard to the appointment of officers in the army. The request which I made with respect to my son was based on the assumption that his record was such as to justify his appointment as first lieutenant, and I hope you will not consider it in any other light. I regretted very muvh in the first instance to write you in regard to the matter, but after being urged to do so by my son, I finally decided that there could be no impropriety in simply stating the facts to you. However, the Medical Board seems to have raised some objections to his physical condition, (although one of the most eminent physicians in North Carolina says that he is perfectly sound with the exception of a slight murmur in the heart which is congenital, and that he will live to a ripe old age), and I presume that we will never reach [*16175*]United States Senate, the question as to the rank that he is to occupy in the army. With best wishes and high regards, I am, Sincerely yours, J C Pritchard [*16176*][shorthand] October 3rd 1901. My dear President Roosevelt. This is the first opportunity I have had, since you took your new position, to write you, to make you, and I hasten now to offer you my most sincer congratulations [*16177*]happy - I have the dearest little boy - just one month old - Remember me to Mrs. Roosevelt and the children, and tell Mrs. Roosevelt that I wish her every happiness. Sincerely yours Minnie Kelly-Reiffert [* Mrs. F.A. Reiffert 121 E. 90" St *] - and hearty good wishes. You have heard, I presume, that I am married - Two years today to Sergeant Reiffert - I am sure you will be glad to know that I am very, very [*16178*][[shorthand]] CABLE ADDRESS "RYRAPORT NEW YORK." DOUGLAS ROBINSON 160 BROADWAY TELEPHONE CONNECTION. NEW YORK, October 3, 1901 [*PPF R*] Dear Theodore:-- Frank Appleton has just called to see me about the matter of the subscription to the Porcellian Club, for the erection of the McKean Gate. Circulars were sent to all the members of the Club last April, but he does not know whether you received one or not. The fact is there is more than sufficient funds already subscribed to build the gate , but Appleton thought you would probably like to appear as one of the subscribers, and so wanted to call your attention to it, [in case this is a Pact]. The amount you subscribe[d] is of very little consequence-- The subscriptions run from -1 $5. to $250. A great many gave $25. and many gave $50., and any sum that you feel you want to give will be entirely satisfactory, as it is only a question whether or not you would like to have your name appear as one of the subscribers. I enclose you a notice like the ones sent out last April, so you can refresh your memory. Yours, D R. [*[Robinson]*] [*16179*] [*I want to write to you about [an] important matters personal & bearing in important matters here but shall I address letters or mark them so the[y] letters will get to you first D R.*]CABLE ADDRESS: "RYRAPORT, NEW YORK." DOUGLAS ROBINSON 160 BROADWAY TELEPHONE CONNECTION. NEW YORK, October 3, 1901 Dear Theodore:-- I am sending this letter to Edith as I wanted it to get to you not through the Secretary. I had a long talk with Perkins on Saturday - he told me he dined with you on Friday, and that you and he were very much in accord on the subjects you talked over. I suppose you have already seen some of the fruit in the public statement by the United States Steel Corporation published in the papers on Wednesday. I think this is helping the cause very much - this publicity is what you want and everybody else wants and through Perkins and Bacon this has been accomplished, and the objections of their senior overcome. I think these two fellows are doing all they can to help you carry our your ideas as far as they can -- I think quite a stroke of diplomacy would be if you think well of it, so write me a private letter referring to the fact of the publication of their status and earnings by the United States Steel Corporation, saying to me that you feel that it is a very good move in the right direction and stating perhaps without stating it too strongly without in any way committing yourself, your appreciation of the action of those in control there in carrying out your ideas as expressed in part of your Minneapolis speech as to the importance of giving publicity to the affairs of these large corporations - I think you would makeplay a big card for Bacon and Perkins, if I happened to let them see the letter by accident and they could then convey the intelligence to their senior who would at once pat himself on the back and say what a big man am I -- If you don't agree with me don't do it - I merely thought I would suggest it to you as you would perhaps by so doing gather [*16180*]into the fold or rather make a present ally a stronger one than before-- I asked you today to let me know how I can reach you without troubling Edith, as from time to time I may want to write to you giving you some points which may or may not be of use to you. By writing to me a personal letter no one then will have any letter of yours to file and I think it would be unwise to express anything to Bacon or Perkins by letter direct. I merely suggested this to you by way of getting around the stump if you care to do it-- I want to tell you that I have heard nothing but the strongest commendation of your course since you have been President. I have met men who are identified with the largest corporate interests here and they tell me among all the men they meet they hear nothing but the greatest confidence and praise of you [and your]expressed. You have a great hold on the public and I am sure that each day will make it stronger. Yours DR [*[obinson]*]only in your position, but also in the way you bear your honors. The blessing of an old woman, who loved you, and is proud to be your relative, and hopes to welcome you again under her roof, rest upon you. May God be with you! is the constant prayer of Your Affectionate Aunt Elizabeth [[S?]] Roosevelt [*[n Corris Emlen] [Mrs James Alfred Roosevelt]*] October 3rd [*File ppp pr*] [*[1901]*] Oct. 3 YELLOWBANKS. OYSTER BAY, L.I. N.Y. Dear Theodore I can not refrain from writing to you. What I begged Edith to convey in a message, - my deep interest and genuine admiration in your career through the trying scenes of the last month. The world rings with your praises, I would fain add my feeble tribute. I think constantly how gratified your Father, Mother, and Uncle would have been, not [*16181*]appreciated fully the weight of your new burdens, and I have been profoundly thankful from day to day for the wisdom that has guided all your deeds and words. Of course, I should have apprehended nothing else at all; yet it is gratifying to a man of somewhat fastidious and independent mind to find when the great crisis comes that his faith in a chosen leader has been justified. With warmest regards, as ever, Faithfully yours, Albert Shaw. President Theodore Roosevelt, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. THE AMERICAN MONTHLY REVIEW-REVIEWS 18 ASTOR PLACE, NEW YORK --------- ALBERT SHAW, EDITOR [*file*] October 3, 1901 My dear President Roosevelt: I have just received your line saying that you want to see me, and I have been meaning to go to Washington every day for some little time past. I shall to to-morrow (Friday) unless something unforeseen should prevent, and I shall, of course, hold myself subject to your convenience. For one thing, I have to write an article about you immediately for the Contemporary Review, and it will be necessary to consult you about one or two points upon which the English people will expect me to touch. I need hardly say that I have abstained from writing letters to you, and hitherto from going to Washington to see you, chiefly out of a feeling of consideration. I think I have [*16183*][*Keep*] [*PPF*] E.H. LESLIE CONTRACTOR AND BUILDER. Estimates, Plans and Specifications Furnished on Application. Satisfaction Guaranteed. Personal Supervision of all Work. PHONE 127. P.O. BOX 36. Newberry, S. C., Oct. 3rd. 1901 Hon. Theo. Roosevelt, President of United States. Washington D.C. Honored Sir: It is a great pleasure to answer your questions: Who was Gen'l Daniel Stewart, son of John Stewart and Susannah, grandson of John Stewart, Jr and Jerusha, and great grandson of John and Hannah Stewart, was born December 20" 1761. and was a gallant soldier of the Revolutionary War, and to him the country owes a debt of gratitude which it can scarcely ever repay. [*Stewart*] [*16185*]E. H. LESLIE CONTRACTOR AND BUILDER. Estimates, Plans and Specifications Furnished on Application. Satisfaction Guaranteed. Personal Supervision of all Work. PHONE 127. P.O. BOX 36. Newberry, S. C., 190 county Ga. was named for him. He first married, Martha Pender November 1783, he married, second, Susannah Oswald daughter of either Robert and Susannah Oswald, planters of So. Car. or of Joseph Oswald This name extends back into the annals of So. Ca. to about 1723" Hoping this is the desired information and thanking you for my reception at the White House. Your obedient servant, Thos. Oswald Stewart Newberry, So. Car. [*16186*][* Roche Pilot -*]WILCOX & MINER. ROOM 816 ELLICOTT SQUARE. COUNSELLORS AT LAW. BUFFALO, N.Y. ANSLEY WILCOX. WORTHINGTON C. MINER [*File ppf P-*] Oct. 3rd, 1901. My dear Mr. President:- My brother, Marrion Wilcox, writes me from New York, where he now lives, a letter just received saying that he was starting for Washington yesterday with a commission from the North American Review to make studies and write an article on some of the present conditions. He tells me that he has a letter of introduction to you from Mr. Howells, and that his address there will be in care of Mr. H.M. Hoyt, Assistant Attorney General, who is a friend of his, and that he expects to call on you as well as on Mr. Secretary Root and others. Perhaps he has already made his call. He did not ask me for any letter of introduction to you, but I send you this letter of my own accord, and venture to ask you to do what you properly can for him. He is a thoroughly good fellow, if he is my brother. He has done much good work in the field of letters, and will, I hope, do more and even better work in this and other fields in the future. Besides many lighter productions, he wrote the condensed daily chronicles of events connected with the Spanish War and the war in the Philippines which were published in Harper's Weekly, and has written other articles on recent historical events, besides his History of War with Spain and History of the War in the Philippines which were published by Harpers. He lived for some time in Spain, as well as Italy, Switzerland and England, and has quite a command of Spanish and other foreign languages. This seems like rather an elaborate introduction for such an occasion, but I have wanted for some time to present my brother to you personally, and now that he is going to Washington without me, I am genuinely desirous that you should know something about him. With sincere regards, Yours very truly, Ansley Wilcox I shall send a copy of this letter or a similar letter to Mr. Secretary Root - and probably to the Attorney General. To the President, Washington, D.C. [*16187*][*File ppp pr*] [* [10-3-01] *] THE S. S. McCLURE COMPANY, PUBLISHERS, NEW YORK AND LONDON. EDITORIAL ROOMS 141 EAST TWENTY-FIFTH ST. NEW YORK. My Dear Colonel Roosevelt I Can't come back to Washington for some time not till winter I fear. I see with joy that you have nominated Dean - a clean capable man instead of Tracy. Dean is of the best sort and I am glad Benton had the sense to choose him. Now I hope our friend Leland can be taken care of soon. He feels that an early appointment - according to the McKinley agreement will help him greatly. I do wish you could send for Brestow and get his version of that agreement. The President went over the details with Brestow and I wish you could use that as an occasion for meeting Brestow. [*16188*]THE S. S. McCLURE COMPANY, PUBLISHERS, NEW YORK AND LONDON. EDITORIAL ROOMS 141 EAST TWENTY-FIFTH ST. NEW YORK. I have had all kinds of offers for that Life of you — but so far have turned all of them down. I want to take this matter up when I get home. I am going to be in Chicago next week — Tuesday and Wednesday, where I shall see our friend Ben Lorimer @ deliver your message. Also I am going to make a speech for the Marquette Club. Truly, W A White To Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States Oct 3rd, 1901[*File*] TELEGRAM. Executive Mansion, Washington. October 4, 1901. Attached message respectfully submitted by Mr. Adoo for the President's consideration. [*16190*][attached to Smith 10-4-01][shorthand ] [* File On *] Confidential. Copy. Washington, D. C. Oct. 4, 1901. Dear Mr. Scotti- I am happy to take the earliest possible moment to express my keen satisfaction and high appreciation of the cordial and brotherly feeling, exhibited and expressed by everyone whom I have met since my arrival in the United States, for Peru, Peruvians, and for South America as a whole. The general familiarity with the historical friendliness of Peru for the United States, its people and institutions is peculiarly gratifying and reassuring to me and to my countrymen, who are industriously striving to emulate the progress of our great northern Sister Republic in manhood development, and in utilization of the immeasurable natural resources of our Country. The increasing commerce and improvement of transportation facilities between our Countries, promises more intimate commercial and social relations, which will surely result in a better understanding all around and insure and impregnable definition and application of the "Monroe Doctrine", and a uniform North and South American determination to preserv the Western Hemisphere for freemen and their families. I am glad of an opportunity to say to you and hope you may give it currency to your Countrymen, that Peru is eager to welcome North Americans who may desire unequalled opportunities for obtaining wealth, health and pleasure or who would establish themselves as Citizens with us. Peru's mineral wealth cannot be paralleled, her climates, soils and markets offer every attraction for the agriculturist, and to the Merchant and Banker, the growing commerce, increase of population and liberality and stability of our laws, offer greatest security and profit; we need many of your industrial ambitious sons, we need their exhibition of [*16191*]2. your industrial, personal and civic virtues and I promise you upon my honor and my authority of my Countrymen, that equal liberty and security for body and property to that characteristic of the United States will be assured any such people who may establish their homes or invest their money in Peru. I cannot conceive of a more alluring prospect than that of the Pacific Company; our Congress has awarded it a Railroad concession embracing a territory of great extent, having some of the best harbors on the south Western Coast, a vast area of agricultural lands, a region called by Humboldt "the richest mineral region in the World", the seat of ancient Aztec power and wealth, and easy and economical Railroad route within less than 350 miles to deep water navigation on the Amazonian System, thus a trans-continental route from the Pacific to the Atlantic, bringing the World's chief Rubber supply 1300 miles and many days nearer New York. Great undeveloped nitrate fields, and as your accomplished Col. G. Clinton Gardner and Mr. William Griffith have scientifically discovered and demonstrated, unlimited areas of the finest of anthracite and other Opals, capable of most economical mining and shipping, in a trade area requiring only cheap fuel, good transportation and honorable banking to make it he rival of any region in the World. Peru's development has only been delayed, its people hold in common with its Northern brothers the same high ideals, and ambitions which your Declaration of Independence so nobly defines; she solicits your hearty cooperation and reciprocity with which she promises to rival your achievment. She hopes to assist at the Pan-American Congress in Mexico City Oct. 22nd, 1901, in establishing a high Pan-American Court of Arbitration which shall be the assurance of Justice, Equity, Liberty and Peace alike for all the governments and inhabitants of the Western Hemisphere, 16192#3. which practically isolated by the Ocean from other forms of government, should forever be the home of Republics, and liberty. The unity which makes for strength in the United States, should be much more applicable to the reciprocal Republics in America as a Whole. Our people intend to exhibit by their liberality and justice to the Pacific Company, that security for Capital invested, equity in definition and application of law, friendliness and cooperation of Citizens will accompany the intelligent use of the powers of the Concession in Peru, as is the United States, with profits even the United States cannot parallel Thus shall we develope Peru, promote civilization, and strengthen the traditional bonds of affection and high esteem so long existing between our Countries. Very truly yours, (sd) Isaac Alzamora, First Vice President of Peru. John Winfield Scott, Esq., Pacific Company, 100 Broadway, New York City. [*16193*][[shorthand]] [*ackd 10-9-1901 CF*] FIFTH AVENUE HOTEL MADISON SQUARE, NEW YORK. Oct 4th 1901 Dear Mr. President: The gold Democrats with whom you might confer are John W. Fries, Winston, N. C. (& not Henry Fries),, Lawrence S Holt, Burlington, N.C. & John H. McAdam, Charlotte, N. C. There are a dozen men of this kind who could organize a movement that would win. North Carolina can not be carried in any other way — The Democratic leaders are already making overtures to these men - Next spring it it will be too late to take advantage of this situation — Among Republicans, in addition to Judge Boyd (of whom you spoke) your [*16194*]FIFTH AVENUE HOTEL MADISON SQUARE, NEW YORK. will also find Judge Thos. R. Purnell; Raleigh, N. C. a good man to consult, He is Judge of the Eastern Federal District — was appointed by President McKinley — He knows the Eastern situation thouroughly - With great respect, I have the honor to be your obedient servant — Marion Butler Hon. Theodore Roosevelt President U.S.A. — [*16195*][*File PPF*] "TO FOSTER THE TRADE AND WELFARE OF NEW YORK." THE MERCHANT'S ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. NEW YORK LIFE BUILDING. S. C. MEAD, ASSISTANT SECRETARY. TELEPHONE: 935 FRANKLIN. OFFICERS AND DIRECTORS: D. LE ROY DRESSER, PRESIDENT. JOHN C. JUHRING, 1ST VICE-PRES. ALVAH TROWBRIDGE, 2D VICE-PRES. JOHN C. EAMES, SECRETARY. CHARLES H. WEBB, TREASURER. WILLIAM F. KING, GEO. F. CRANE, ADOLPH OPENHYM, CORCELLUS H. HACKETT. JOHN H. STARIN, GEORGE L. DUVAL, GUSTAV H. SCHWAB, FRANK SQUIER, JAMES B. DILL, COUNSEL, OF DILL, & BALDWIN New York Life Building. PLEASE ADDRESS ALL COMMUNICATIONS TO THE MERCHANTS' ASSOCIATION. New York, Oct. 4th, 1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President: A petition for a Mr. Jacobs, to be appointed in place of Mr. Sharkey in the Naval office, is being circulated for signatures in the dry goods district. It was brought to Mr. King. He declined to sign it. He did this, not from any feeling either for or against either of the men, or on account of any special information concerning either, but on the general principle that he felt he did not want to embarrass you by affixing his signature to a document of this kind. The appeal made to him to sign it was very strong. It had already been signed by a number of very prominent men. He has always pursued the policy that it would not be proper to burden an Executive, either National, State or City, by signing petitions in matters of this kind. He made that rule with The Merchants' Association when he organized it in 1897. Neither the organization as such, nor any of its executive officers or employees, has signed a document of this kind, or endorsed an applicant for appointment to the public service. He feels that you have gone into office absolutely untrammeled and that the signing of petitions of this kind by merchants and [*16196*]Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, - 2 - members of commercial organizations simply open the door for flooding you with similar documents by politicians and others, and that it is the duty of people to leave you alone in matters of this kind, knowing full well that you will use your best endeavors to arrive at the merits of any nominee for office. Mr. King wished me to convey to you his kindest regards and to explain the situation. With kind regards from myself, I remain, Sincerely yours, Wm. R. Corwine [*16197*][*Ackd 10-14-1901 File*] [[shorthand]] [*P.F.*] E. E. BURNS. W. H. ELLIS. [*Personal*] PRACTICE IN ALL COURTS. COLLECTIONS SPECIALIST. BURNS & ELLIS ATTORNEYS AT LAW FIRST NATIONAL BANK BUILDING PLATTEVILLE, WIS., Oct. 4th, 1901. 190 Hon. Theo. Rosevelt, Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr President:- During the campaign of one year since, I took occasion at several appointments and on one particular occasion when I introduced Congressman Baker of New York to a large audience, to quote you as follows in substance, and giving the time of your utterance of this sentiment as when you were a member of the New York legislator:- "The moment a public official when about to cast his vote on some public measure, stops to consider just how his vote will effect his own political progress or ambition, or who stops to consider how this vote of his will effect his personal interest from a political or other standpoint and then votes in accordance with an end in view to subserve his own or his political friends interest, that moment this individual becomes an enemy to his country and is unworthy of the confidence of his fellow Americans." I have been asked several times during the last two weeks to give my authority for thus quoting you. And while I have away back in the 80's, while quite a simple kid, read much of your and your efforts in the N.Y. Legislature, and have conversed with one Louis E. Church, then Governor of Dakota Territory, where I then lived, but formerly I think, a democrat member of the N.Y. Assembly at the time you were there a member, and it occurs to me that it was Mr. Church who thus quoted you. Do you recall having ever made such remarks in a speech in the N.Y. Assembly, or words implying the same? And if so, is this speech attainable? I simply wish to either verify my statement on this quotation or be not right on the same. Very truly, W. H. Ellis Dictated to O.M.D. [*16198*][shorthand] [*Ackd 10-9-1901 PPF*] John W. Griggs 27 Pine Street New York October 4, 1901. Dear Mr. President: The enclosed letter is from James T. Woodward, President of the Hanover National Bank of New York City, formerly a Democrat, but a strong supporter of the Republican Presidential ticket in the last two elections, on the sound money issue. Mr. Woodward has many strong and influential Southern connections, and, to my personal knowledge, was highly thought of by your predecessor, President McKinley, and consulted by him with reference to the policy to be followed in the matter of appointments in the Southern States. I am not personally acquainted with ex-Judge Jones, the gentleman in whose behalf Mr. Woodward writes, but my experience in the Department of Justice satisfied me that in the matter of Federal appointments in the Southern States, especially for Judges, it would be wise for the Administration to pay special attention to the Democratic lawyers of high character and standing and independent tendency like Judge Jones. The class of Republican lawyers which the President is privileged to choose from is not of the highest standard, and my experience was that it was extremely difficult to find among the Republican members of the Bar in the extreme Southern States men who were in all respects fitted for a judicial position. I trouble you with a note upon this subject, because I am interested in the general question of judicial appointments, and also because I am desirous of commending your notice to any recommendation which Mr. Woodward may make. Very sincerely yours, John W. Griggs [*16199*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. [*File*] [*[Hale. Eugene]*] Portland Maine 62 GRAY STREET. 4th October 1901 My dear Mr Roosevelt Your kind note of September 30th has just reached me here having been sent to me from Ellsworth — I will be in Washington right after the middle [*16200*]of the month & will come to see you at once If I can at any time be of service do not fail to command me Most sincerely Yours Eugene Hale [*16201*]There ought not to be a vote against that treaty — except of course, Bacon — as Advocatus Diaboli. Yours faithfully John Hay Newbury N. H. Oct. 4. 1901 [*Ackd*] My dear Theodore I received last night your letters of the 2nd telling me to put Ames in for Ghent: But ay de mi! I had just got a telegram from Foraker asking it for a friend of his. He says he has seen you. I did hope that your first Circular appointment might be made on grounds of fitness alone. But we need Foraker's cordial coöperation this winter. His man is a decent fellow, and I have no doubt it will be best to promote him to Ghent. We can give Antigua, where Mowrer now is to Ames, and move [*16202*]him to a place better suited to him, after a while. I have sent a dilatory telegram to Foraker. If you approve, I will have the two appointments sent over to you. I hope you were as much gratified as I was at Choates telegram yesterday. So far as Lord Lansdowne is concerned, the work is done; and we have gained every point we started out for. Salisbury, I am sure, will approve. The Lord Chancellor, is a crabbed old fellow, with no blood in his veins, only a sort of legal ichor, immune to human influences. But Choate is also a lawyer and will probably bring him around all right. In this matter, and in the Alaska Boundary question, Choate has shown great ability and tact. Harry White, too, has been very valuable. I am glad Cabot was there. Choate, at my request, took him into his full confidence; and I fancy we may count on his enthusiastic support of the treaty. But is it not a shame that we have to work so hard for a self-evident proposition? [*16203*][*[For 1 Encl. see ca. 10-4-01]*] [[shorthand]] [*ackd 10-9-1901 File*] Auditorium Annex, Chicago, October 4th, 1901. My dear Mr. President: I send you the first complete stitched copy of "My Life of McKinley". I take the liberty of presuming upon our "literary relations". I think this is a pretty good output for 16 days work. I shall have the pleasure of calling within a week upon you. I have read with greatest interest, the story of the "Cougar Hounds"; it is rather funny that I was quite taken with it before I discovered the authorship - dropped into the middle of it and read it both ways. With great respect Yours Murat Halstead [*16204*]Police Department of the City of New York Precinct N. 24-- New York, October 4th. 1901. Walter L. Thompson, Inspector, 3rd. District. Sir:- In answer to the enclosed communication of Will[x]ard Parker, of No. 7- West 43rd. Street, in which Mr. Parker states that No. 35- West 43rd. Street, is a beastly drinking hole and assignation house such communication having been forwarded to the Hon. B. B. Odell, Governor, State of N. Y. and returned by the gentleman to this Department for investigation and reply, I would report as follows:- "The premises No. 35- West 43rd. Street, is a three story brick building occupied and conducted since July 9th. 1901, by Francis A. Clark as what is commonly termed a "Raines Law Hotel", complying in all respects with the provisions of the Liquor Tax Law as accommodations, etc." "Soon after Clark assumed the management of this place, I suspected he was not fully complying with the liquor tax law, and I instructed the patrolmen who patrol in front of that place to give it their especial attention, and to report to me daily the manner in which it was being conducted, these reports being on file in my station. In addition I detailed different members of my command in plain clothes to visit the premises for the purpose of obtaining evidence of the violation of law, and on July 9th. 1901, Detective James B. Macauley and Patrolman Charles J. McLaughlin, of my command arrested one John Miller, the bartender for violation of liquor tax law. On August 22,d. 1901, Detective Patrick White, Patrolman Peter E. Burns and Monroe Rosenfeld. of my command, visited the premises 16205in question, and obtained the necessary evidence of the disorderly character of the place, and applied to City Magistrate Henry A. Brann for warrant, which application being granted, and on August 23rd. 1901, the officers arrested William Murphy, who was in charge of the place, charged him with keeping and maintaining a disorderly house in the premises in question, also arresting three (3) women as habitual frequenters of the place. The prisoners were arranged before the Magistrate who issued warrant and Murphy was held in $500- ball for trial in Special Sessions, and the women were fined $5- each, the case against Murphy not being yet disposed of." "Since that time I have kept the place under the strictest police surveillance, and will continue to do so as long as I have any doubt to the character of the place, and arrests will promptly follow any violation of the law." "Patrolman Burns called on Mr. Parker and informed him of action taken by me, and my further instructions as regards the place complained of" Respectfully, John J. Lantry, Captain 24th. Precinct. 16206[Enc in Odell, 10-14-01][*ackd 10/14/1901*] Adresse télégraphique: YASSIS, Paris Téléphone No 252-03 PARIS NOUVELLES AGENCE D'INFORMATIONS [*Ackd 10/14//1901*] Politiques, Sociales, Économiques et Financières POUR LA FRANCE ET L'ÉTRANGER A. SAISSY, DIRECTEUR. [14, Rue des Saints-Pères] 22 rue Chaptal Paris 4 October 1901 [[shorthand]] My dear President I did not send you a telegram of congratulation on the occasion of your accession to the Presidency, because I felt that the circumstances were too painful, & that the manner in which that destiny fell to you was the last that you would have entertained in your ideas. However I feel [sure that] also that, at the beginning of a vast new development of American history, it might be said of the nation: - His sudden loss was sudden gain And gave all ripeness to the grave It might have gained in after-heat. I am not sure of my quotation, as I have not looked at [*16207*]Tennyson for many years; but the sentiment will stand. I send you a copy of the "Revue Bleue", in which I have endeavored to give the French public an idea of your personality. The article has been cut down for reasons of space, but though a little injured contains enough to make them recognise a great President. With all good wishes for your personal welfare Believe me Very Sincerely Yours Arthur Lynch [*16208*]The Journal, INDIANAPOLIS, IND. [shorthand] [*Oct 8th Acted 10-4-1901 ppF p2*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. President: I reached Indianapolis last night after a month absence in the Rocky Mountains on a highly successful hunting trip, and find today your very kind note of Sept. 27th acknowledging receipt of a message I sent you from Cody and expressing a wish to see me as soon as you may. We are in the midst of a municipal campaign here, the election occurring Oct. 8, and if it suit's your convenience I shall go to Washington as soon as possible after that date. I am under some obligation to remain here until after that time in order to contribute my effort to bring about the success of our [*16209*]The Journal, INDIANAPOLIS, IND. 2. ticket. I am sure you will understand the circumstances. On the day of the attempt upon the life of the late President I was at Cody, where there is no railroad and no telegraph, but through a very deficient telephone service was apprised of the occurrence. I delayed my departure for the mountains until assured the day following that the attempt of the assassin had failed and that President McKinley had not suffered serious injury. In this belief I felt that it was all right for me to go ahead and did as rejoicing in the belief that the President's life had surely been spared. Not another word reached me until my return on the day I telegraphed you. What an appalling tragedy! The idea that a man could be found to attempt the assassination of so 16210The Journal, INDIANAPOLIS, IND. 3. quiet a soul in one of such lovable and altogether admirable character as was McKinleys. Under all ordinary conditions I could address you as Mr. President with unalloyed satisfaction. As it is I commiserate you upon the great responsibilities so suddenly and unexpectedly thrust upon you. That you will prove yourself equal to them I am as unqualifiedly certain as I ever was of anything in my life. My best wishes and most cordial good will are yours. Sincerely Yours [*Hon*] Harry D. New. Indianapolis, Oct 2, 1901. [*16211*][*File ppF R*] 25 East 69th St. Oct. 4. 1901 Dear Theodore Mrs Root & I go to the Adirondacks tomorrow evening Sanger will have the address in case there is anything official but I have told him I want nothing sent that can wait or that he can dispose of. When my pants bag sufficiently [*16212*]at the knee I shall jump to Washington You may infer that the boy is practically out of danger from the fact that Mrs. Root goes with me She joins me in kind regards to Mrs. Roosevelt Faithfully yours Elihu Root [*16213*]War Department, Washington, October 4, 1901. My dear Mr. Cortelyou: Replying to your letter of October 3rd, I beg to say that instructions have been given in accordance with the President's wishes that action in the court-material case of Lieutenant Brown shall be suspended until his return to this country. The papers in the case of Lieutenant Howell, court- martialed and discharged for drunkenness, will be sent over to the White House for the President's personal consideration. The President's wish that excellence of service in the field shall count far more than written examination allowing candidates to enter the regular service in the cavalry and infantry arms are being carried out. Very truly yours, Wm. Cary Sanger Acting Secretary of Wars. [Sanger] Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Executive Mansion. 16214[*2*][*ansd PPF*] CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS PUBLISHERS 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE, BETWEEN 21ST AND 22ND STREETS NEW-YORK Oct. 4, 1901. Dear Colonel Roosevelt: I have been intending to write you for some time concerning your articles in our Magazine. Of course we appreciated the fact that you would not have written them for appearance at this time if you could have foreseen what has come to pass and at first we thought of communicating with you with a view to holding the articles over until later; but after thinking the matter over we decided that we might safely go ahead, being very careful not to over advertise or in any way misrepresent the articles. The reception of the October number has convinced us that there was no mistake in this, for the newspapers have all received them very favorably - in more than one case congratulating the country upon having a President with such [*16215*] a true love of nature. There is really now nothing about which we need consult you and this note requires no reply, but I wished you to know that we had not overlooked your possible wishes Also as a business man I feared you might almost think that we were, for want of energy, failing to make the most of our opportunity. I do not know of another case where a magazine has had the chance of publishing for a President and we appreciate the distinction. Yours sincerely Charles Scribner To Honorable Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States [*16216*][*Amer Board S*] [*Stone*] TELEGRAM Executive Mansion, Washington. Boston, Massachusetts, October 4, 1901. Hon. A. A. Adee, State Department, Washington D.C. The Prudential Committee of American Board cannot be responsible for the payment of ransom for Miss Stone. It must depend on all Governments for Miss Stone's protection and release. Please inform Mr Peet, Constantinople, by cipher at once. A committee is appointed to wait on the President and State Department tomorrow. Please arrange such interviews for tomorrow forenoon, after eleven. Judson Smith. [*16217*][*[For 1 attachment see 10-4-01", attached message"...]*][*85*] EXHIBIT NO. 27. Laoag, October 4, 1901. The Governor of Ilocos Norte forwards to the Civil Governor an official letter and certain documents for such action as he may deem advisable. To the Honorable Civil Commission: Agudo Agbayani, Governof Ilocos Norte, forwards to the Commission copy of the act of a session of the municipal council of Laoag, which was sent to him for his approval of the different resolutions taken by said council; a proposal made by councilor Severino Palting, asking that the cemetery of the town be given back to the Church, is deemed by the Governor to be anomalous and contrary to the provisions of the Municipal Code, which prescribes that property belonging to the municipality in virtue of its former organization shall belong to it under the new organization; article --- also prescribes that the municipal council shall administrate the property of the municipality; Councilor Severino might really be charged with maladministration, since, on August 30, 1900, when the municipality was constituted under G. O. 40, and had not yet been organized under Law 82, the cemetery had been recognized as the property of the pueblo, and the revenue derived therefrom figures in the estimate of receipts of the pueblo. As I consider that Councilor has been guilty of maladministration in making sucha proposal, I enclose herewith a copy of the act of the session of the council, in which the cemetery was recognized as municipal property, and of that in which Councilor Palting presented his proposal, for proper action on the part of the Commission. (Signed) AGUDO AGBAYANI, Governor. Municipal Council of Laoag. Session of August 27, 1900. The Secretary read an order of the Colonel commanding the province, fixing the burial fee at one peseta. Session of September 2, 1900. The object of the meeting was to know if the cemetery had been built by the pueblo or at the expense of the church. The two oldest councilors declared that, if the church was built on the proposal of the parish priest who was then in office, all the inhabItants of both sexes contributed to the work and supplied free of charge the materials, such as bricks, stones, mortar, etc.; the lot on which the cemetery was built was given to the pueblo by Señora Macaria Guerrero; once, when repairs were made to the church or chapel which is inside the cemetery, the work was done for the account of the pueblo. The other councilors also declared that they know from hearsay that the cemetery was built at the expense of the pueblo, and that the church or the priest took no part therein. Session of August 22, 1900. The Secretary read an order of the Commanding Officer, declaring that if the cemetery had been built by the pueblo, and was its legitimate property, the burial fee of one peseta should be paid to the municipality and the cemetery known as the "Municipal Cemetery". The municipal council then declared that the cemetery belonged to the pueblo, although the initiative thereof belonged to the parish priest; that the work and materials were supplied free of charge by the people, etc. (see session of Sept. 2) By an unanimous vote the council decided that the burial fee would be paid to the municipal treasury and would be double for foreigners. The income from burial fees appears in the municipal budgets for 1900 and 1901. During the session of the council of August 23, 1901, Councilor Severino Palting proposed that the cemetery of the pueblo be returned to the church. The municipal council decided to request the opinion of the Provincial Fiscal in the matter. [*16218*]-2- Manila, P. I., October 17, 1901. Señor Agudo Agbayani, Governor of Ilocos Norte, Laoag, P. I. Sir: I am in receipt of your communication of October 4th concerning an attempt of the council of Laoag to cede to the church the cemetery. If the cemetery belongs to the municipality, it would hardly be within the power of the municipality to thus part with the [p]roperty of the municipality. The question of ownership is one on which there may be different opinions, but it the municipality is in possession of the cemetery and the Municipal Council believes that it belongs to the town, then it is their duty to hold the cemetery until by proper Judicial proceedings it shall be recovered by the Church, if it belongs to the Church. I have the honor to be, Very respectfully, (Signed) WM. H. TAFT, Civil Governor. [*16219 Mc*][[shorthand]] BOOKER T. WASHINGTON TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA Personal. October 4, 1901. President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear President Roosevelt:- I am glad to have the privilege of introducing to you through this letter, Col. Charles W. Thompson who resides in Tuskegee and who is a Member of Congress from this district. Col. Thompson is highly thought of by the colored people in this section, and so much so that a very large proportion of them voted for him when he was making the race for Congress. When President McKinley visited Tuskegee, Col. Thompson gave him a luncheon at his home. He has encouraged and supported our school in every way possible. Yours truly, Booker T. Washington, [*16220*] BOOKER T. WASHINGTON TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA October 4, 1901 President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear President Roosevelt:- I have taken the liberty of looking pretty carefully since I came home into the conditions in Georgia so far as they relate to the chara cter of colored people who are holding office, and I find as I think I stated a few days ago, that a considerable fight is being made, or is likely to be made upon both Mr. Rucker, the Internal Revenue Collector of the State of Georgia, and Mr. Deveaux, the Collector of the Port at Savannah. Both of these men I find stand high in character with both races and whatever fight is being made I am rather sure is made purely from the standpoint of their color. There is a colored man in charge of the post office at Athens, Ga., named Mr. M. B. Morton. I was in Athens a short while ago and made special inquiry as to his character and find that he stand high. He is a business man and has the confidence of both [*16221*]BOOKER T. WASHINGTON TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA No. 3. he held the position of Receiver of Public Money some years ago gave the highest satisfaction in his conduct of the office. If you wish to further consider the colored people in Alabama in reference to appointment, the following men stand high and would fill any position that might be given them with great credit: Mr. W. R. Pettiford, a successful banker in Birmingham, Ala., Mr. George W. Lovejoy, a lawyer, Mobile, Ala. Mr. Ad. Wimbs, a planter, Greensboro, Ala. I shall try to give you further detailed information when I see you which will be about the 16th. Yours truly, Booker T. Washington [*16223*] BOOKER T. WASHINGTON TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA No. 2. races, but there are some a ctive politicians in that section who are trying to get his place and basing their opposition on the ground of his color. In Alabama there will be vacancies soon I find, in the positions of Receiver of Public Money both at Huntsville, Alabama and at Montgomery, [*Herbert knows little about him.*] Alabama. The place at Huntsville is held by Mr. H. B. Cashin, a colored Decent man, and while he has engaged, in politics for some considerable time I cannot find that there is anything against him. He has accumulated considerable property and has the confidence of his neighbors. The position of Receiver of Public Money in Montgomery is held by Mr. H. C. Leftwich, a colored man. Mr. Leftwich [*very bad*] I find, is in bad odor. He does not pay his debts and associates with immoral characters. Mr. Nathan Alexander, [*Herbert thinks him doubtful*] of Montgomery, is an active [*h*] [*honest*] candidate for Mr. Leftwich's position. While Mr. Alexander has been engaged in politics in one way or another during the last twenty-five years, I find that he stands high in a business way. He owns and operates a drugstore and owns considerable property in Montgomery. When [*16222*][Marshall in Middle Dist of Alabama Bryan; B. W. Walker Montgomery sent man. Collection of Internal Ser Morton of North Alabama [* [Look into it]*] Tuskegee; make Joseph O. Thompson Postmaster.] [*[ For 1 enc. see ca 10-4-01 Holmes]*][*[10-4-01]*] POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY ALBERT B. CHANDLER, President. J. O STEVENS, Sec'y. WM.H. BAKER, V.P. & G.M. IN CONNECTION WITH THE COMMERCIAL CABLE COMPANY. JOHN W. MACKAY, President. ALBERT BECK, Sec'y. GEO. G. WARD, V.P. & G.M. Design Patent Dec. 30-19-- POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY COMMERCIAL CABLES MACKAY-BENNETT REGISTERED TRADE MARK. TELEGRAM [*605 pm.*] THE COMMERCIAL CABLE COMPANY ATLANTIC OCEAN MACKAY-BENNETT SYSTEM REGISTERED TRADE MARK. The Postal Telegraph-Cable Company transmits and delivers this message subject to the terms and conditions printed on the back of this blank. 43 W - By - Mo / 92 Paid Tuskegee Ala 4 [*File CF*] Mr. Emmet J. Scott, 1732 I St. Washington D.C. Received at (WHERE ANY REPLY SHOULD BE SENT.) Office at Huddleson's Pharmacy, 14TH STREET & RHODE ISLAND AVE. WASHINGTON, D. C. Party voted for palmer and buckner and supported them strongly in ninety six but in order to have influence in defeating bryans nomination went into democratic primaries in nineteen hundred voted for him but made no addresses, he has strongly and [*16224*] THE COMMERCIAL CABLE COMPANY. JOHN W. MACKAY, President. ALBERT BECK, Sec'y. GEO. G. WARD, V.P. & G.M. Design Patent Dec. 30-19-- POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY COMMERCIAL CABLES MACKAY-BENNETT REGISTERED TRADE MARK. TELEGRAM [*605 pm.*] THE COMMERCIAL CABLE COMPANY ATLANTIC OCEAN MACKAY-BENNETT SYSTEM REGISTERED TRADE MARK. The Postal Telegraph-Cable Company transmits and delivers this message subject to the terms and conditions printed on the back of this blank. Received at (WHERE ANY REPLY SHOULD BE SENT.) Office at Huddleson's Pharmacy, 14TH STREET & RHODE ISLAND AVE. WASHINGTON, D. C. 2nd sheet openly supported McKinley's expansion policy was president of sound money club in ninety six, suggest to our friends that it might be good policy to appoint Montgomery man as representing best class of white people and Dr. W.D. Crum internal revenue collector of South Carolina as representing best class of colored Booker T. Washington. [*THE POSTAL TELEGRAPH OCT 4 1901*] [*16225*]Price Williams, Probate Judge of Mobile County and hearing what a fine brave little fellow you are I am sure you will help me out. My brother, who I love better than anybody on earth — Albert Sidney Williams in the beginning of the Spanish-American war volunteered as a private and served in the 2nd Ala. Bealewould Hendersonville North Carolina October 4, 1901. My dear little Archibald; Knowing if I write your father my letter will probably never reach him, I am going to get you to ask this favor of him for me. I am an Alabama girl being from Mobile, and the daughter of [*16226*]and, while stationed at Miami, Florida went through many, many hardships - after his regiment was mustered out Mr. McKinley gave him an appointment as Captain in the 29th Infantry Volunteers. For nearly four years as a soldier in the Phillipines he discharged his duties nobly and well. But about last May this regiment was also mustered out - so he remained over there in the civil government - as secretary and Treasurer of the Province of Romblon - but, of course, this appointment is probably not permanent - and then to where you go for the army life. Now dear little fellow, won't you try and get your dear, godfather to give him an appointment as captain or 1st or 2ndhaven't been successful in securing an appointment for him — Hoping to hear from you very soon - am very sincerely — Maribel Williams address - c/o Mr. J. D. Beale, "Bealewould" Hendersonville N. C - For I am visiting here. [*[For 2 attachments see 10-4-01]*] [*[10-4-01]*] Bealewould Lieutenant in the regular army? My brother deserves it — and if you will only do this, you will make me the happiest little girl in all the south - My brother has had recommendations from all our public Alabama men, but somehow or other we [*16227*][*9/412*] [*ackd 10/8/1901*] [[shorthand]] [*File PPF Pr*] THOMAS G. RITCH STEWART L WOODFORD C. N. BOVEE JR. WILLIAM C. WALLACE. DAVID F. BUTCHER CHARLES L. FOSTER Ritch, Woodford, Bovee & Wallace, 18 Wall Street, New York, Oct 4, 1901 190 CABLE ADDRESS - SEDUM Dear Mr. President:- I learn that Judge John Bruce, United States District Judge at Montgomery, Alabama is dead. I trust that I do not overstep the limits of propriety in addressing you in regard to the appointment of his successor. My business has called me frequently to Alabama since the War, and I have come to know ex-Governor Thomas G. Jones of the Montgomery Bar well, both professionally and personally. He served on Gen. Gordon's Staff during the Civil War, being then a very young man. He has since been Governor of his State and for years has been a leader at the Montgomery Bar. As Governor he was singularly just and brave in his dealing with the negro race. When Mr. Bryan was nominated, Governor Jones had the courage to lead the gold movement in his State, and has never wavered in his advocacy of the soundest kind of sound money. He is a very able lawyer, and is, or was last year, President of the Bar Association of Alabama. As such President he made an address at their June meeting, in [*16229*][*9/413*] which, for a Southern man, for a Southern democrat, he made quite remarkable reference to the new conditions arising out of Porto Rico and the Philippines. I venture to enclose a marked copy of this part of his speech which has been lying on my desk for some weeks. I trust you will not think this letter intrusive, coming from a New York republican in regard to an Alabama Judicial appointment. Faithfully yours, Stewart L. Woodford. His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. enc. [*16230*]POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY ALBERT B. CHANDLER, President. J. O STEVENS, Sec'y. WM.H. BAKER, V.P. & G.M. IN CONNECTION WITH THE COMMERCIAL CABLE COMPANY. JOHN W. MACKAY, President. ALBERT BECK, Sec'y. GEO. G. WARD, V.P. & G.M. Design Patent Dec. 30-19-- POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY COMMERCIAL CABLES MACKAY-BENNETT REGISTERED TRADE MARK. 16, W. [*149*] TELEGRAM THE COMMERCIAL CABLE COMPANY ATLANTIC OCEAN MACKAY-BENNETT SYSTEM REGISTERED TRADE MARK. The Postal Telegraph-Cable Company transmits and delivers this message subject to the terms and conditions printed on the back of this blank. Received at Postal Telegraph-Cable Co. Building 1345 Penna. Ave., Washington. A-116-NY-Pr.H.36 Paid. New York Oct 4, 1901 Brown, Washington D. C. Have seen Dunn he is willing go Washington once see President says can give much information but suggests President call for report made by Burns by secret service to Chief Wilkie says latter has much information W. 545P:M TELEPHONE MAIN 458—TELEGRAMS—CABLEGRAMS—MESSENGERS. [*16231*] [[shorthand]] [*HENDERSON OCT 4 1901 N.C.*] [*UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TWO CENTS*] For Mr. Archibald Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. [*16232*] [*1916 40*][*[attached to Williams 10-4-01]*] FORM 16. POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY. This Company transmits and delivers the within message subject to the following TERMS AND CONDITIONS. To guard against mistakes or delays, the reader of a message should order it REPEATED, that is, telegraphed back to the originating office [?] comparison. For this, one-half the regular rate is charged in addition. It is agreed between the sender of the message written on the face hereof and the Postal Telegraph-Cable Company that said Company shall not be liable for mistakes or delays in the transmission or delivery, or for non-delivery, of any UNREPEATED message, beyond the amount received for sending the [same????] for mistakes or delays in the transmission or delivery, or for non-delivery, of any REPEATED message beyond fifty times the sum received for sending the same, unless specially insured, nor in any case for delays arising from unavoidable interruption in the working of its lines, or for errors in cipher or obscure messages. And this Company is hereby made the agent of the sender, without liability, to forward any message over the lines of any other Company when necessary to reach its destination. Correctness in the transmission of messages to any point on the lines of the Company can be INSURED by contract in writing. stating agreed amount of risk, and payment of premium thereon, at the following rates, in addition to the usual charge for repeated messages, viz: on per cent. for any distance not exceeding 1,000 miles, and two per cent. for any greater distance. No responsibility regarding messages attaches to this Company until the same are presented and accepted at one of its transmitting offices; and if a message is sent to such office by one of this Company's messengers, he acts for that purpose as an agent of the sender. Messages will be [delivered?] free within the established free delivery limits of the terminal office. For delivery at a greater distance a special charge will be made to cover the cost of such delivery. This Company will not be liable for damages or statutory penalties in any case where the claim is not presented in writing within sixty days after the message is filed with the company for transmission. This is an UNREPEATED Message and is delivered by request of the sender under the conditions named above. Errors can by guarded against only by repeating a message back to the sending station for comparison. No employee of this Company is authorized to vary the foregoing. WILLIAM H. BAKER JOHN O. STEVENS, JOHN W. MACKAY, V. P. and Gen'l Manager. Secretary. President. [*[Enclosed in Braun, 10-5-01]*]PREFACE. The Author of this book had the pleasure and advantage of the personal acquaintance and the honor of friendship and confidence of William McKinley for a quarter of a century, and as a public journalist knew the public men of his State—knew the man McKinley at this homes in Ohio and Washington—knew his friends—he had no enemies —knew his relations with men and measures, and there was not a blot on the illuminated pages of that open book, his life. There has been no embarrassment in the work of biography, from the beginning to the completion, save in the surpassing riches of the material testified by clouds of witnesses. It is a life illustrious indeed, without a blemish or a flaw, nothing to avoid, explain or extenuate. His good reputation is the white light of a cloudless sky, no shadow falling to dim the deeds of a day. The life of William McKinley, twenty-fifth President of the United States, was luminously representative of the better characteristics of Americanism. He was the ninth President re-elected. Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Jackson, Lincoln, Grant, Cleveland and McKinley are the names of that list. The first recorded leadership of McKinley is that he was the foremost boy of his village to leave school and go for a soldier. He entered the first class in the army, that of the enlisted men, and was a man with a gun for fourteen months on his shoulder on the march, and against his shoulder on the fire line. When the war was over he was a Major, and always a Major with the majority. He is the only enlisted man in our history who served as a private in the ranks for a year and became President. He earned the promotions he got in war and in peace. From private to President, he secured no advance that was not coming to him. There is no prouder record written on the rolls of glory. A PERSONAL LETTER FROM MURAT HALSTEAD, THE AUTHOR OF "THE ILLUSTRIOUS LIFE OF WILLIAM MCKINLEY" [Read and then Place it in Your Prospectus] I have written many books and never was so certain that the subject upon which I wrought was one of the greatest and gravest an author ever sought to make acceptable to the public. No event in the history of our country has been of more absorbing present interest or is likely to be for a long time so influential, as the assassination of President McKinley, by an Anarchist who avowed his mission of destruction that culminated in murder, and plead that his most cruel and awful crime was justified by the failure of our republican form of government. The [check] blow the world has felt from the fatal shot fired closing the illustrious career of the President, has shocked and startled all the nations. It becomes all citizens to study the circumstances and it is essential that the children should be taught in their homes and schools the lesson this catastrophe impresses, that lawmaking should be esteemed of the highest responsibility, and the enforcement of the laws a sacred obligation—that order and liberty may preserve our institutions, on the foundations laid deep by the fathers of the republic. There is to be a change that may be traced to the McKinley tragedy, and whether it shall be for the better or the worse rests with the people, and we, the people of the United States, have each and all parts to perform for weal or woe for many a day to come. On this day and date, Wednesday, October 2d, 1901, I have finished my work on "The Illustrious Life of William McKinley," the third of our martyred Presidents, and the twenty-fifth President of the United States. (It has been my experience as a journalist that the writing most adequate to a theme of moment is that in which there is fullness of information and the sharpest pressure for the improvement of the time within which the task must be performed. Elegant leisure dulls, while strenuous labor quickens the faculties.) I have scanned the heads and sub-heads of the twenty-seven chapters, into which my "Life of McKinley' is divided, and am certain it is not often one sees a table of contents so attractive, or a greater variety of exceedingly interesting reading offered. (The sum of it is—it is the news of the day and the truth told of it in book form.) No part of "The Life of the Illustrious President" has been neglected, but as his duties increased, and his weight in the world augmented, with his advancing years, the later in his life we dwell upon his deeds, the more impressive becomes the work done. It has been remarked by all who have been observant that during his national administration strength was given the President in proportion to the magnitude and critical nature of the requirements, and that his growth in his endowment for the highest executive work had its greatest manifestation. When first a candidate for the Presidency before the people in 1896, the anecdotes and incidents of his boyhood—the scenes of his childhood—his early struggles for education--his experience as a soldier, his start as a lawyer, his congressional activities, his interest in our industries almost 1 [*16233*]exclusively occupied attention. Laterally the President was so thoroughly known that the stories of first struggles and successes have become the common knowledge of the people and passed into twice told tales and household words. The first chapter of my "Life of McKinley" is of the "The Assassination"— does not fail to note the matters of antecedent times but regards especially that which is up to date. Chapter second is of "The Shadow of Death." Our country was in "The Valley of the Shadow of Death." Chapter three is of "Anarchy," its history, influences and dangers. Chapter four is of the "Anarchists' Agitation After the Assassination" —a chapter full of surprises, warning and instruction. Chapter five is of "Anarchy as a Doctrine," and the necessity of safeguards, and in the chapters concerning anarchy, there are incidents very remarkable when collected, that transpired during the doubtful days that followed the assault upon the President. Chapter six covers the "Early Manhood of McKinley,"—the story of his regiment as he wrote it-a most interesting narrative Chapter seventh is of a battlefield meeting of great historical interest and importance between Phil Sheridan and William McKinley, given with the celebrated poem by Thomas Buchanan Reed, of Sheridan's Ride. Chapter eight is of "McKinley a Congressman," and of his indebtedness to his opponents for causing his promotion after sixteen years in the House, to be twice elected Governor Of Ohio, and twice elected President of the United States. Chapter nine is the "Story of the Glory of McKinley's First Administration." —a story that will be memorable in the industrial and commercial history of the world. Chapter tenth is of "The High Mark of American Prosperity," the most splendid exhibit ever made of the masterful growth of any country. Chapter eleventh covers the second nomination of the third martyred President, with personal details of unusual interest. Chapter twelfth gives the campaign of 1900, the opening scene at the McKinley home in Canton. Chapter thirteenth, "How President McKinley Faced the People,"—his face to face speeches. There never has been a President who got so close to the people and talked to them so eloquently of the things that were of the keenest interest to them, as McKinley. This chapter contains carefully chosen extracts from his speeches taken by his stenographers as they were made in long travels through the Northwestern States, particularly. Chapter fourteenth, "McKinley as an Orator,"—a study of his style of public speaking, with comparisons introducing other of our most distinguished men on the stump. Chapter fifteenth, "The Home Life of McKinley,"—carefully, candidly, and tenderly devoted largely to the attentions that he gave his invalid wife and their delightful enjoyment of each other's society, written from personal observation, by the Author. Chapter sixteenth is "McKinley's Farewell Address."—his Buffalo speech, made at the Pan American Exposition the day before he was shot down. One can hardly help thinking, reading this speech, that he felt, in delivering it, an uncommon inspiration or presentiment. Chapter seventeenth. "McKinley's Funeral at Buffalo, Washington and Canton."—the scenes at the house where he died, at the hall in Buffalo, at the White House and the National Capitol, at the Court House in Canton and the night of desolation when his body reposed in the parlor of his old home. Chapter eighteenth. "Splendid Tributes to McKinley,"including those of 2 Grover Cleveland, Senator Foraker, William J. Bryan and Senator Dolliver. Chapter nineteenth, "The Voice of the Clergy on the Martyrdom."— selected passages of those things that were said most fit to be preserved in commemoration. Chapter twentieth, "The Sympathy of the Nations of the Earth," quoted from despatches from all civilized lands and the more important journals and utterances by persons in authority, and representatives of the people in all the continents and islands of enlightened people. Chapter twenty-first, " Two of Our Presidential Tragedies,"—the cases of Garfield and McKinley, two Ohio Presidents. Curious comparisons of the fate of those martyrs. Chapter twenty-two, "The President and the Treaty of Spain," being the confidential cables between McKinley and the American Commissioners in Paris, who had the treaty making with Spain in their charge, under the constant direction of the President. Chapter twenty-third, "The Christian Character of President McKinley," —a chapter of the profoundest and most pathetic interest, the illustrations and incidents selected from a wide range of publications. Nothing can exceed the interest of the testimony borne in these utterances. Chapter twenty-four. "Personal Recollections of the Murdered Presidents" by myself. Chapter twenty-five. "Scenes, Incidents and Anecdotes," a fascinating collection of matter, pithy with interest and charming in style. Chapter twenty-six, "The Twenty-seventh President, Theodore Roosevelt,"— his first official act as President, and his Minneapolis speech of September 2nd, on his public policy, a document that now materially concerns the whole country. Chapter Twenty-seventh, "The Assassin's Trial and Sentence to Death." giving the official and sworn testimony taken in court and an account of the assassin's arrival at Auburn, where he collapsed; a study of the assassin personally. This synopsis of the subject matter shows the scope and thoroughness of the work done. There is no patching up of back numbers about this book. There has been much inquiry whether a campaign sketch of McKinley and Hobart, written in 1896, is my book on McKinley. It is not. The new book throughout, that I have this day completed, twenty-seven chapters, every page of it was prepared for this work, entitled, "The Illustrious Life of Our Martyred President, William McKinley." If it is my book that is wanted, THIS IS IT, and any other that uses my name as the author of a McKinley book at this time, is a "Junk Book," probably the same that has been going for some years under another name, and of it I have no knowledge saving that it is not what it is advertised to be. This "Illustrious Life" is my work and I regard it as worthy the public confidence and patronage, because it is an honest job of hard work. I have been a literary laborer-a writer of "copy" for the printers more than fifty years, and there are many chapters in the book I am commending to the people at large that I believe are equal to the best I have done. I have had extraordinary opportunities and experiences for knowing the whole truth of the matters I have treated and have been painstaking to set them forth with becoming candor and scrupulous accuracy. (Signed) Murat Halstead 3 [*16234*][*Hampton, Va.,*] Mr. Henry L. Holmes, a Hampton student in 1873, who visited the school last month is believed to be the only Negro who holds an elective office in the State of Virginia. He has been commissioner of revenue for Alexandria County for nearly twenty years, and was elected for successive terms by democratic white votes. [*16235*] [*C.F.*] [*Williams, Miss Maribel*] [*[10-4-01]*] MEMORANDUM for Secretary Cortelyou: The writer of this letter does not appear to have any personal acquaintance whatever, but simply adopts this form of address in the hope of thereby more certainly reaching the President's attention. In this light her letter sounds insincere, and it does not seem to me it should be given any attention whatever. [*Hold B.*] [*16236*]one of these, though an expert swimmer, nearly lost his life in a brave effort to rescue his Indian brother. Notice TO THE ARMSTRONG LEAGUE OF HAMPTON WORKERS the absence of the Executive [*[attached to Williams 10-4-01]*]DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION FOR THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Manila , P. I., October 5, 1901. Sirs: The Division Superintendents are requested to prepare and forward to this office, at a date not later than Dec. 15, a full report of the educational matters pertaining to their several divisions. In addition to such matters as may be embodied by the Division Superintendents in their reports, it is desirable that they incorporate therein answers to the following questions: NOVEMBER, 1901, DAY SCHOOL. I. Number of pupils enrolled on the school register (excluding duplicates or reenrollments): Males Females Total II Average daily attendance: Males Females Total III. Average number of days the public schools were kept IV. Number of buildings used as schoolhouses (including buildings rented): For boys' schools For girls' school All V. Estimated value of public school property VI. Whole number of different teachers enrolled: American-- Males (Regular (Soldiers detailed Females Total American Filipino-- Males Females Total Filipino [*16237*]2. VII. Average monthly salaries of teachers: American-- Males Females Average American Filipino-- Males Females Average Filipino VIII. Receipts for the month of November, 1901: From Insular Government-- Salaries of American teachers Financial Assistance Native teachers Buildings Total From Municipal Sources-- Native teachers Rentals Buildings Total Total receipts from public funds IX Filipino Teachers' Classes (Daily): Males Females Total X. Evening Classes for English Instruction of Adults: 1. Number enrolled: Males Females Total 2. Average attendance: Males Females Total The topics given above will show also the data desired for the school year (1902). Their enumeration is not intended to exclude the presentation in the November report of other educational matters which may commend themselves to the Division Superintendents; on the contrary, the fullest information is desired. It is desirable that the reports of the Division Superintendents be submitted by December 15th, in order that proper consideration may be given to the important subjects therein requiring attention in the report of the General Superintendent to be handed in on January 1st. It is especially requested that the Division Superintendents make any recommendations that they may desire to suggest along the following lines: High Schools: Support of. Industrial and commercial courses in, [*16238*]Agricultural Schools: Where needed. Normal Schools: Where needed. School Laws: Change additions, &c. Compulsory Attendance: School Buildings: Suitability of present buildings. Sanitary Arrangements. Construction of. School Furniture: Character of. Provision for modern desks. Schools in the Barrios. School Books and Supplies: Changes, alterations, Additions, &c. Protection of. Transportation of. School Periods: School year. School month. School day. Vacation and Holidays. Vacation Normal Courses. The Filipino Teachers: Examination. Certification. Recommendation. Appointment. Supervision. The English Teachers: Classification. Promotion. Illness. Living Expenses, &c. The Pupils: Attendance of. Grading of. Local School Boards: Duties, &c. How may they be of greater assistance? Financial Aid to Poorer Communities. Education of Filipino Teachers and Students in the United States. Special Schools: Art. Music. [?] Technical, &c. Instruction of Adults in Evening Schools. Respectfully, [FRED W ATKINSON] General Superintendent of Public Instruction. 16239[*[For 1 enclosure see 10-4-01]*] [[shorthand]] NEW YORK HERALD. WASHINGTON BUREAU. Oct 5 — Dear Mr. Loeb: Here, at last , is something definite for "Dunn" read "Waffeman." If any explanation is needed send me word. I will be glad to help in any way. Sincerely H. S. Brown. [*16240*][[shorthand]] [*ackd 10/8/1901 p.p.F. Per*] MAYOR'S OFFICE. BOSTON, MASS. 5 October, 1901. Dear Mr. President:- We took for our summer reading your Winning of the West, and have to thank you for a purely American book, singularly well done. There is not a statement from which we dissent. And if our wishes prevail, your administration will be honorable to the United States and to yourself. We wish you the benediction of Heaven, and think that Boston will not disappoint you. Very truly yours, C. W. Ernst President Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. [*16241*][*ackd 10-9-1901 File*] [[shorthand]] PRESIDENT'S ROOM INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ECONOMICS UNION SQUARE, NEW YORK October 5th, 1901. Theodore Roosevelt, President United States, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President, I received your recent note and in reply would simply say whenever I can be of service to you I shall be at your command. Apropos of your letter expressing satisfaction at my attitude on labor unions, you wil be interested to know that yesterday I addressed the students of Cornell University, and that on the 14th I am to address the Manufacturers' Club of Cincinnati, on "The Duty of Manufacturers in the Future toward Labor Unions." Knowing my views on this matter, this shows a greatly improved spirit on the part of employers on this subject. I know your time will be more than full and I do not want to take a moment of it except at your request or when I have something of moment to say. For this reason, I should like to know if I send you something or write you a letter whether it will be sure to reach you, or it may fall by the way, at the hands of a discriminating secretary? I ask this so that I may act accordingly, but be assured in any event, that I shall try only to help you and never lightly take your time. Very cordially yours, George Gunton [*16242*][*File ppf Pr.*] United States Senate, Cleveland, Ohio, October 5, 1901. The President, Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr. President: I have just written the Secretary of the Treasury endorsing Mr. L. W. C. Blalock for appointment as collector of internal revenue to fill the vacancy caused by the recent death of Doctor E. A. Webster. I have gone over the situation there in detail with our friends, and am satisfied that this appointment will be to the best interest of all concerned. A large number of endorsements have been filed with the Secretary of the Treasury, who will doubtless bring the matter to your attention very soon as there seems to be necessity for immediate action. I have today appointed Hon. John G. Capers, United States District Attorney for South Carolina, a member of the National Committee to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Doctor Webster. Truly yours, M A Hanna [*16243*][*pp7 pr October*] Newbury N. H. Oct 5. 1901 My dear Theodore, Some time ago the Chamber of Commerce of New York asked me to come to their dinner Nov. 19.th in the place of the President + to make a big speech. I gave no definite answers, as we were there hoping for the President's recovery, and it was at least possible that he might be well enough to go in person. Now, I suppose I ought to say whether I will accept or not. Would you kindly let me know whether you expect to go to the dinner? I hope you will, for two reasons. 16244You will have a great reception and a good opportunity to say things, in advance of your message, which will have an inspiring effect on the business community; and secondly, it will relieve me of a task which is always extremely disagreeable to me, and for which it has seemed proper to Minerva not to qualify me. Yours faithfully John Hay (COPY.) Committee on the Judiciary, UNITED STATES SENATE, Washington, D.C. Worcester, Mass., October 5, 1901. To the President, Sir: On the strength of the recommendation of President Eliot of Albert D. Elliot, and understanding that he has done excellent service in Alaska, I concur in recommending him to your favorable consideration for the office of Secretary of Porto Rico. I am faithfully yours, GEO. F. HOAR. [*16245*][*[Enc. in 7-3-02 Elliot]*] E.G. Keith, President. Wm. J. Watson, Vice President. No 3179. Capital $2,000,000. Surplus $1,000,000. H.H.Hitchcock, Cashier. Edward Dickinson, Asst. Cashier. THE Metropolitan National Bank OF CHICAGO. October 5, 1901. R. W. Patterson, Esq., Chicago Tribune, C h i c a g o, Illinois. Dear Mr. Patterson: Regarding the subject of our interview a day or two since, I would say as to trusts, I believe that such combinations as promote economy will prove beneficial and that those formed with any other foundation would be in peril from competition and the protest of public opinion and eventually die a natural death. This would not apply, however, where they are permitted to enjoy a monopoly fostered by protection. Congress should compel publicity in all their acts, either as organizers or as operators of industries, and any unjust privileges should be restrained or removed by legislation. As to reciprocity, I am enthusiastically in favor of removing every barrier to free and unlimited commerce with all the world, which does not work hardship to our own people. I believe we ought to extend to our near neighbors, - especially those of Canada and South America, -the highest privileges of reciprocal trade and to do our utmost to cultivate cordial commercial friendship,-receiving as fully as 16246E.G. Keith, President. Wm. J. Watson, Vice President. No 3179. Capital $2,000,000. Surplus $1,000,000. H.H.Hitchcock, Cashier. Edward Dickinson, Asst. Cashier. THE Metropolitan National Bank OF CHICAGO. possible their products and asking the same from them for ours. As to subsidies, I confess to a double mind. In the abstract, I do not believe in them. If, however, by limited subsidies we might encourage and extend trade where we have no footing and it seems clear we cannot obtain it without, it might be that a trial for a period sufficient to test the question as to whether such subsidies would promote commerce or not, would be well, but I confess I am afraid of such methods as opening a wide door to corruption. May I add that it seems to be the duty of Congress to reduce taxation if there is an increasing surplus from revenue such as now exists. Nothing so promotes careless methods and extravagant appropriations, or fosters careless methods and extravagant appropriations, or fosters unscrupulous schemes as an overflowing treasury. You wil excuse the hasty manner in which I have stated to you my opinions. I fear they are hardly worth expression and yet I am glad to unite with you in aiding towards a higher and better public policy. I believe our esteemed President is conscientiously endeavoring to do that which will be for the best welfare of the Nation, and is entitled in the trying hour in which he is called upon to act to the hearty support of every patriotic citizen. Yours very truly, E.M. Keith 16247[*[Enc. in Patterson, 10-5-01]*] Letter from Elbridge Keith President of Metropolitan National Bank For many years at the head of one of the largest business houses in Chicago —[*[Oct 5, 1901]*] [*File *] Hingham oct 5 1901 Dear Mr. President I have your kind telegram and thank you for your sympathy which I deeply feel. Believe me Truly Yours John D Long [*[Long]*] [*16248*][*Ackd P. P. F. pr*] Oct 5: 1901 436 TREMONT BUILDING, BOSTON. [[shorthand]] Dear Mr. President This is a book by a friend of mine, now dead. It is in effect privately printed so you may not notice it in book lists. I send it because it is something of a primer on to arnolds' journey to Quebec and so interesting. I wish we, too, might go down a river together some time Yours Faithfully Guy Murchie The President [*16249*][Enclosed in Curtis, 10-7-01] ORANGE JUDD COMPANY Established 1842 Headquarters, 52 Lafayette Place, New York Publishers of books pertaining to Agriculture, Horticulture, Live Stock Husbandry and upon all topics connected with rural affairs; also books on Outdoor Life, Sports, Domestic Science and Household Matters; also text books on Art, Manual Training, Nature Study, Agriculture and Education. Also publishers of the Agricultural Weeklies AMERICAN AGRICULTURIST, at New York, for the Middle States AMERICAN AGRICULTURIST, at New Orleans, for the South ORANGE JUDD FARMER, at Chicago, for the West THE NEW ENGLAND HOMESTEAD, at Springfield, Mass, for the East Our rural weeklies go to the wealthiest, most intelligent and most progressive farmers. Our semi-monthlies appeal to a somewhat different class of country and village people. Our monthly magazine reaches the best families in cities and towns. These periodicals reach over two million homes, not only in the United States and Canada but throughout the English speaking world. HERBERT MYRICK, President and Editor. THE PHELPS PUBLISHING CO Headquarters, Springfield, Mass Manufacturing Printers, Binders, Engravers, Electrotypers. Publishers of GOOD HOUSEKEEPING, Sprinfield, New York, New Orleans, Chicago, [San Francisco,] Montreal A high class monthly magazine "conducted in the interests of the higher and broader life of the house-hold." "Unlike any other periodical." Also publishers of Semi-monthlies. FARM AND HOME, Eastern Edition, Springfield, Mass FARM AND HOME, Western Edition, Chicago, Ill FARM AND HOME, Southern Edition, New Orleans, La FARM AND HOME, Canadian Edition, Montreal PQ Springfield, Mass., Oct. 5. 1901. Col. Curtis Guild, Jr. 282 Washington St., Boston, Mass. Dear Sir:- Allow me to thank you for your very able editorial in today's "Commercial Bulletin" on "The Reciprocity of Congress". It is a very sane and logical discussion of a proposition about which many people seem to be in danger of running into erroneous conclusions. Yours very truly, Herbert Maguire 16250[[shorthand]] [*C. F.*] [*ackd 10/8/1901 File*] U. S. SENATE CHAMBER, WASHINGTON, D. C. Alexandria Minn. Oct 5, 1901 My Dear Mr. President; Your kind favor of the 1st, intimating a wish to talk with me over some features in your message, is at hand — will try & call on you at Washington some time before the 20th inst. at all events before the end of the month - With ardent wishes for & full confidence in your success I remain Yours sincerely [*Hon*] Knute Nelson His Excellency - - - Theodore Roosevelt President of the U. S. [*16251*]The Chicago Tribune. EDITORIAL ROOMS. Chicago, October 5th 1901. [*22 Around Jul pp7 pr.*] Mr. President: In compliance with your request I have had talks with a number of republicans in Chicago whose business and political judgment I have confidence in. They are all properly classified as republicans, with the possible exception of Mr. James H. Rekels, the former Comptroller of the Currency, now President of the Commercial National Bank, who I consider is identified with no party although he has twice voted for President McKinley; and is so far removed from all political entanglements that his opinion is deservedly esteemed by all who know him as strictly impartial and disinterested. Another man I spoke to was Mr. Elbridge G. Keith, President of the Metropolitan National Bank, of whom you may have heard. He was for many years active in local politics for unselfish and patriotic reasons but he has never held nor sought an office of any kind. Before he was a banker he was for a quarter of a century a successful merchant being at the head of his particular branch of business and enjoying the confidence of business men of all classes in the city. He is a man of high character, active in religious work and of cool, conservative judgment. Another man to whom I spoke was Mr. A. C. Bartlett who is the active executive head of the largest wholesale hardware house in Chicago, and I believe in the world. I enclose you a letter from him which I think will be sufficient indication of his character and ability. I regard it is a remarkable letter for its conciseness and clearness of expression. [*16252*] Still another man to whom I spoke was Mr. A. A. Sprague, now and for many years the head of the largest wholesale grocery house in Chicago or the world. He is a Yale man and studious and his opinions #2 are entitled to great respect. He is a stanch republican as are also Mr. Bartlett and Mr. Keith. Another man to whom I spoke was Mr. E. S. Lacey, a former republican congressman from Michigan and former Comptroller of the Currency but now President of the Banker's National Bank. I scarcely think he needs any introduction. You have doubtless found in your own experience that business men often think little or not at all on political subjects and in many cases can express themselves with difficulty in the discussion of the public questions which are brought to their attention. I have been surprised at the crudeness of some of the opinions offered to me and I do not think it wise to take up your time by speaking of some of the other interviews I have held with business men on these particular subjects. I shall ask you, however, to consider this communication as confidential because the men whose opinions were worthless were the most gratified by being asked to express them. Personally I have little to add to what I said to you in my conversation with you Saturday last. Generally speaking I think it is the opinion of wise and disinterested men in our party that you will be going far enough for the present if you demand publicity with reference to the affairs of corporations denominated as "Trusts". The people are entitled to have information in regard to their methods of organization and their volume of business and the manner in which their affairs are conducted. It will do later to consider methods of regulation. Whether you shall choose to insure publicity through a Commission or in some other manner which shall seem to you to be adequate, it is of course for you to determine. Something should be done to allay public feeling on this subject and to satisfy the people that there is no purpose to permit them to become the victims of great and rapacious combinations. 16253 #3 With reference to reciprocity you will do all that any reasonable person can ask if you carry out the policy indicated by President McKinley in his last speech and approved by yourself before he had made any intimation on the subject, in your Minneapolis speech, which, since any interview with you, I have printed in full in the Tribune. You have pledged yourself to carry out the policies of President McKinley. One of his policies was the extension of reciprocity. You can in no better way give expression to your purpose nor better insure a fulfillment of your pledge than by using your influence to have the French Treaty taken up and adopted. If that shall be done it will be a great triumph for your administration. I may say that the middle west is united to a man in support of the extension of the reciprocity principle. I find nobody who is opposed to it. We are much stronger in this part of the country in advocacy of reciprocity than some of the people of the east are and our public men I believe will be found at the proper time to be united in its favor. With reference to the extension of the commercial marine, I find that there is a languid interest in any subsidy project that has been mentioned. Mr. Bartlett is probably a radical on this subject. He goes farther than any man with whom I have spoken on the subject. Generally speaking our people do not like the subsidy idea, no matter whom it may favor. They believe it is radically unsound in principle; that it is co-ordinated with the principles of a bounty, and one man whose name I have not mentioned to you, went so far as to say that he would rather see bounties paid to exporters than subsidies given to owners of ships. Of course I would not go so far as to support this proposition but I do find that many of [all] our people are either indifferent to the subsidy project or hostile to it. It is promoted chiefly by ship owners and would be supported by ship builders of the east and it is regarded in the west 16254#4 as a rapid upon the Treasury in the interest of special and favored classes at the expense of the general tax payer. The word "subsidy" in damning in and of itself. As so many of our people know little about shipping it is difficult to convince them that it is for the interest of the general government to use the tax payer's money for transportation by water when it has not been found necessary to extend transportation by land in the same manner. Some of these opinions, as you know, are crude but they are tenaciously held. I have nothing further to add except that I enclose a letter from Mr. Bartlett which I think states admirably his views and will consume very little time in the reading. Mr. Eckles and Mr. Keith have agreed to write similar letters which I will forward to you as soon as I recieve them. I have the honor to be, Mr. President, Very truly yours, Robert W Patterson Since writing the above I have received Mr. Keith's letter which I enclose. 16255[*[For 1 attachment see Patterson, 10-5-01, & 1 enc. see Kulk 10-5-01]*]ARCHIBALD C. PEACHY, LAW AND COLLECTIONS NEWPORT NEWS, VA., October 5th, 1901. Mr. John S. Wise, New York, N. Y. Dear Mr. Wise:- I saw J. E. B. Stuart to-day and had a talk with him. He says he will attend the conference we were talking about last night. If Wise had returned to-day, I had another man picked out to talk to but as you told him to look after the other fellow I thought I would wait until he returned. Yours very truly, A. C. Peachy [*16257*] [*File*] Patterson, Robert W., Chicago, Ill., Oct. 5, 1901, In compliance with the request of the President the writer has had talks with a number of prominent business men of Chicago, regarding the subject matter of their recent conversation. Generally speaking he thinks it is the opinion of disinterested [pa] men in the party that the President will be going far enough for present if he will dem demand publicity with reference to the affairs of corporations denominated as "Trusts". Whether this publicity shall be given [by] through a commission or otherwise is of course for the President to determine. In the matter of reciprocity, the President will be doing all any reasonable man could ask if he will carry out the policy of the late President and approved by the President in his Minneapolis speech before he had made any intimation on the subject. In the matter of commercial marine, finds that ther there is a languid interest in any subsidy project. Encloses letters from Mr. E. G. Keith, President of the Metropolitan National Bank, concerning the subjects above referred to. Letter from Mr. Bartlett not with other papers. [*16256*][attached to Patterson 10-5-01] [Incl. [?] 10-7-01][[shorthand]] [*Ackd 10-9-1901 File*] Private THE UNION LEAGUE PHILADELPHIA Oct. 5. 1901 My dear Mr. President I trust that I am not presuming too much on our former acquaintance, and your very kind endorsements of me for the position of assistant Secretary of the Navy, if I ask that, in case a vacancy shall occur in that position, any name may be favorably considered by you in the selection of a successor to the present incumbent I would deem it a high honor to be connected with [*16258*]an Administration which all who know you believe will run with the best this country has ever had. I am certain that my appointment would find favor in the Service, with the Press generally and in this city & State. Capt. Cowles U. S. N., Hon. H. B. G Macfarland and Gen. Bingham or the Postmaster General can give you assurances on these points. Wishing you all possible success & again asking pardon for trespassing on your time. I am Very Respectfully Yours, H W Raymond Germantown Pa. To The President of the United States [*16259*] [*Oct. 5. 1901 Mounted Infantry The System under which Mounted Infantry ought to be trained is greatly puzzling experts especially since the lessons of South Afrika which have been followed by a Mounted Infantry boom all over the world. To set up one uniform standard for all armies is impossible, owing to the varying conditions: All depends on the training and character of the enemy you expect to fight, on the character of the country you expect to fight him in, on the material at your disposal and on the time allowed to shape it. Hence [*16260*]Hence the system has to be followed by the continental armies of Europe and North America must differ from that which would be best to adopt in Afrika, China, or on the Indian Frontier. As regards the former, high class horsemanship is an all important condition and cavalry must remain cavalry. As to the latter you can get on with more indifferent riding. In both expert mark-manship is essential. To obtain this the present armament of the continental cavalry will have to be changed and the many hours a day, devoted to sabre and lance drill, will have to be devoted to the science of modern marks-manship manship. The weight of Cold Steel will have to be suplemented by the weight in Cartridges, thus increasing the sounds of ammunition. Also the uniform + equipment must undergo a change. The dull gray or brown will have to replace the gaudy colours still in use, the slouch has the helmet and the gaiter and laced boot the clumsy jack boot which must take the wind out of even the leest trained skirmisher. Armament. The main weapon of the horseman of the future ought to be the carbine, at least 22 inch barrell, elipp system for loading. Asdo the secondary weapon always have been A 16261A staunch advocate of the revolver versus Cold Steel, especially since the former has been increased 50 percent as regards efficiency, owing to the invention of the automatic pistal. The pistal has but one disadvantage as a cavalry weapon, and that is its use in winter campaigns. When the heavy glove must be warm which impedes the handling of the trigger. Here the lance becomes the better weapon, but the clumsy lance of the continental armies will have to be replaced by a handier pole. Horsemanship. The South African War has demonstrated the desastrous effect of long range rifle fire on troops manouvering inin more or less close order. But if the massing of infantry has proved fatal, the close formation of cavalry will do so in a much higher degree, owing to the larger targets affixed to the enemies fire. Hence the open order will have to be adopted by the cavalry to a much greater intent than hitherto in the armies of the continent. During the battles of the future the duties of cavalry will mainly consist in quickly occupying and holding important advanced positions along the enormously entended lines and in wrenching such from the enemy. To approach them in close order would be suicidal. The more of less open order will 16262will have to be adopted according to the character of the country. The positions to be occupied will be pointed out to the officers and non commissioned officers, and immediately the squadrons or regiments will brake up in small parties. The dash for the position, as for the cover from where the attack is to commence in case the position should be held by the enemy, will closly resemble a point to point, and each detachment as individual will during the sun take the greatest possible advantage of cover. To accomplish such a task high class horsemanship will be more essential than ever, especially as regards jumping and cross country country riding. Further, high intelligence and individualily are indispensable qualities, and will be especially required for scouting. The other tasks which the horseman of the future will chiefly be called on to perform will be the silencing of artillery, the riding down of hostile bodies who have run out of ammunition and the persuit of the broken up enemy. The latter two can. only be succesfully accomplished be man who know how to ride. Asdo the silencing of artillery it will altoghether depend on high class long range marksmanship of detatched bodies supported by one or more machine guns. Continuation of the present 16263present methods used in the continental armies, against artillery would mean annihilation if employed against an Ehrhardt quick firing battery. But there are other reasons why mounted infantry who are indifferent or poor horsemen could be more of an impediment than an advantage to an army, except in countries where they would have to operate against an enemy poorly organized equipped and drilled, like in China and some parts of Asia and Africa, where the horse would mean not much more than a machine of transport. Poor seats necessarily must cause sore backs and soon render many horses hors de combat. And whatWhat is to become of horses under weak seats when they get into artillery fire? This tends to show that there will be no use for mounted infantry of the latter destinations among armies operating in Europe or North Amerika, and cavalry will remain cavalry, only its tactics will undergo such changes as the small bone repeater and the quickfiring field and machine gun has commanded. No cavalry approaches the cavalry of the future, as call it mounted infantry if you like, closer than the regular cavalry of the army of the United States. Sheridan told me that the enormous bodies of horsemen he handled in the Civil War were practically mounted infantry. The 16264 The cavalry of the United States of to-day is built up on the schools of Sheridan and other great cavalry leaders of the Civil War. It has proved itself during the late war with Spain superior to unshaken regular Spanish infantry, firing from trenches & using the most approved modern rifle. The United States Cavalry man possesses the highest degree of horsemanship, as a skirmisher and marksman, he is as efficient as regular infantry, and as to the use of the revolver, especially when mounted, he is far ahead of any cavalry of Europe. He still carries the sabre, though only as a weapon of emergency, during the Cuban campaign it was wisely left at home. EvenEven during the Civil War when the northern cavalry carried the old fashioned nipple revolver, it generally greeted the Southern horsemen, using the Sabre, with a yell of derision before it emptied their saddles with the pistol. One regiment raised during the Cuban War is of special interest as regards its achievements in the fighting at Santiago, and it came nearer to the ideal of the cavalry of the future, or mounted infantry, than any other mounted body the world has seen. This regiment. the 1. U. S. Volunteer Cavalry was raised on the ideas of and afterwards commanded by Colonel Roosevelt, now President of the United States, and is generally known as Roosevelts Rough Riders. It [*16265*]It was made up chiefly of South Westerners from the four Territories, - Cowboys big game hunters, miners and men which had been brought up with the horse, rifle and pistol. The rest was composed of eastern club men, sons of millionaires who had made a reputation in the polo + hunting field and on the steeple chase courses. The regiment assembled on San Antonio, Texas, & Colonel Roosevelt had just a couple of week time to put it into shape before leading it to victory in Cuba. All the Western men were natural fighters, dead shots with rifle and pistol, and every man was an expert in handling + braking the most difficult + vicious bronco. OnOn June 8th the regiment embarked without horses for Cuba. The men carried the Crag carbine, 30. Cal. U. S. Cavalry model, and a frontier bolt revolver. Only the officers carried sabres besides a revolver. The Khaki uniform was adopted, but in Cuba the men wore the blue flannel shirt, slouch hat, khaki breeches, gaiters and a cartridge belt (the Crag does not use the clip) The regiment was attached to wheelers division, 1st, 3rd, 6th, 9th, 10th regular U. S. Cavalry and fought first at Las Guasimas and afterwards at San Juan Hill. In all fights it met regular Spanish Infantry, well entrenched on hights, armed with the 7mm Mauser (the rifle used by the Boers, in South Africa) and [*16266*]and was well supported by field and heavy guns using smokeless powder. Especially at San Juan the Spaniards, who are noted fighters in trenches, showed great bravery. The American attack was not supported by artillery, owing to the fact that the guns used black powder. They were brought into position, but had to cease firing on account of the heavy smoke on which the Spanish fire was concentrated. The fight at San Juan Hill was especially noteworthy because the dismounted cavalry carried two hills in succession on which the unshaken Spanish infantry was heavily entrenched. The charge was over a more or less open country and the men advanced in a skirmish line with comparatively small intervals intervals. Owing to the character of the country the fight was one of troop commanders, almost of squad leaders. All the men had to fire at were the heads of the Spaniards, bobbing up over the trenches. It was the high class marksmanship of the Americans which saved the day, chiefly their skill in sharp-shooting. The official separts of the battle state that after the trenches had been carried, they were found to be filled with dead Spaniards, all showing small red marks on their skulls out of which brain matter was oozing. There were no wounded. This proves that crack marksmen do not need too much space between them in skirmishing, not more than about 8 feet, too large intervals prevent concentration and control of fire. The 16267 The Rough Riders were supported by a battery of gatling guns on wheel mounts firing the 30. Crag cartridge. The guns were moved across the most difficult ground & pushed right into the skirmish line. If troops or squads were detached they were always accompanied by a Gatling. After the trenches of San Juan still had been taken by the cavalry they were held by it a night and a day, and all attacks of the Spaniards were repulsed by the unnerving carbine fire supported by the Gatlings. The Colt automatic Gun was partly a failure and the tripod mount was found cumbersome & far less handy than the wheel mount of the Gatlings. In conclusion I should likelike to mention a word as to the length of barrel of the rifle or carbine, best adapted for mounted troops. I had many talks on this subject with Colonel Roosevelt and with many of his men. They all seemed to favor the shorter arm as more handy in thick growth, and less cumbersome on the horse. Twenty two inches ought to the limit as regards shortness. The western mounted hunter and ranchman favours a 24 to 26 inch barrel. At Santiago there was not much long range firing, most of the work was done between say 200 and 600 yards, for these distances the 16268the 22 inch barrel is very handy and is a much lesser length for snap shooting, which will play an important role in the battles of the future, than the full length infandry arm. The limit of length of barrel I should put at 26 inches (on an ordinary bolt action) for use on horseback. Simla, October 5, 1901. H Sternburg.[[shorthand]] HENRY E. WEAVER MARQUETTE BUILDING CHICAGO October 5, 1901. [*ackd 10/8/1901 P.P.F. pr*] My Dear Mr. President: I take pleasure in calling your attention to the night when, as a Committee-of-one, representing the Union League Club, I met you at the Railroad Station, and took you, bag and baggage, away from our friend Hamlin, whom Mr. Rob't T. Lincoln had sent down after you. I remember that you told us we had made a mistake if we had invited you to the Union League Club on the assumption that you were a popular public man. You will remember, however, that we seemed perfectly satisfied with our selection of a representative public man. I want to assure you of my loyal regard during these years, and also of the fact that the Committee and all of the members of the Union League Club who selected you for the Orator of the Day, have been, and are, your staunch friends, and I am pleased to count myself among this number. In these days when there are so many "Original Roosevelt Men", it may please you to hear from one who is not after anything. I am very much pleased at the position you have taken in regard to the Cabinet, and especially so, as relating to our esteemed friend, Secretary Gage, whose well-earned [*16269*]popularity is general throughout the country. Sincerely yours, Henry E. Weaver To His Excellency, Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, The President of the United States, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. [*16270*]HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF MINDANAO AND JOLO. Zamboanga, P.I., October 5, 1900. Dear Captain Kelly:- I read the reports from your well ordered post with much interest and, I shall mention them in a personal letter to General MacArthur by next mail. It will be very unfortunate if the Government does not retain the services of a number of officers now doing such faithful and effective work in Mindanao. The photographs are very good and very interesting. If you have duplicates to spare, please send an unmounted set to Adjutant General Corbin for the War Department collection. I think that you should appear personally in at least one of them. Faithfully yours, W. A. Kobbé Brigadier General, U.S.Vols Captain L.S. Kelly, 40th Infantry, U.S. Volunteers, Dapitan, Mindanao. [*16271*][Enc in Kelly 3-14-01] [*Boston Transcript Editorial October 5.*] ONE DUTY THAT IS DOOMED When so good a protectionist paper as the Boston Commercial Bulletin calls upon Congress to "begin reciprocity with a commodity which William McKinley in his tariff wisely put upon the free list," it is safe to presume that this issue is well outside the domain of purely party politics, and is not involved in the simple proposition of protection to American industries. When, moreover, Republican congressmen like Messrs. Moody, McCall and Roberts, not to go out of our own State, assert that the duty is a standing injustice to New England and hampers unnecessarily an industry in which millions of money is invested all over the country, and ought, consequently, to be repealed, ultra-protectionists cannot afford to retard the righting of so manifest a wrong to our manufacturing and trade interests. As to the utility of the tax in making desirable reciprocity treaties, the Bulletin says: "Argentina is the coming nation in South America. It is the greatest hide-producer in the world. It is ready to grant concessions on American goods. The duty on hides is not a protective duty. It is but fifteen percent ad valorem. Such a duty on a mere by-product does not lure a single man into raising cattle. The total revenue from the duty last year was but $2,197,138, utterly needless to a country with a surplus revenue. It is a direct and annoying tax on every shoemaker in the country. . . . We cannot only reduce, we can remove the duty on hides without hurting a single American industry. We can unquestionably get in return valuable concessions from the leading hide-producing nation in the world, and, as it happens, from the one South American nation most favorable disposed towards the United States." [*16272*] But the Bulletin is only one of scores of good Republican papers throughout the country that are pronounced in their opposition to this tariff, while the Massachusetts congressmen represent that sentiment that desires fair play for every American industry that is dominant in their party and which, if the duty is repealed next December, will be the principal factor in bringing the result about. The question of a duty on hides has not, in fact, been a question of party politics for a long time past, but has been, rather, a personal matter in which the selfishness of the Western packers' syndicate has been able to override the wishes of the majority and to seriously harass every industry that requires leather as its basis. It adds, for instance, from five to eight cents a pair to the cost of such shoes as are worn by workingmen. Buyers of belting, harnesses, leather bags, etc., are of course obliged by it to pay higher prices for these articles. It begins to look now, however, as though this essentially private commercial deal would be undone, in view of the strong opposition against it that has materialized of late and which is being made effective through organization. In another column an account is given of the new propaganda that is deriving its force from the recently formed Free-Hide League of the United States, and whose membership is drawn from all sections of the country. New England is doing her part, and, shoulder to shoulder with the West and South, is working for the common cause. If persistent labor, intelligently applied, counts for anything, the days of the iniquitous tariff on hides are numbered, and nowhere, in such an event, will there be greater cause for rejoicing than in the boot and shoe manufacturing centres of our own State.4 The Commercial Bulletin. [*[ESTABLISHED 1859.]*] Published Every Saturday Morning. Curtis Guild & Co., Publishers. CURTIS GUILD. B.F. GUILD. CURTIS GUILD, JR. Four Dollars Per Annum (in advance.) Single Copies 10 cents. Office, 282 Washington Street, Boston. Entered at the Post Office at Boston, Mass., as Second Class Mail Matter. Telephone No. 1400 Main. BOSTON: SATURDAY, OCTOBER 5, 1901. CHANCES FOR BUSINESS MEN. The following chances, deserving the attention of business men, will be found explained at length in the column of "Business Chances," on the fifth page of today's COMMERCIAL BULLETIN: Chance to Buy Manufacturing Location. Chance to Invest in Woolen Factory. Chance to Purchase Cotton Mill at a Bargain. Chance to Buy Machinery from Bates Mfg. Co. Chance to Buy Woolen and Worsted Mills. Chance to Hire Land and Water Power. Chance to Buy California Woolen Mill. A RECIPROCITY CONGRESS. The plans of Mr. T.C. Search of Philadelphia for a reciprocity congress are worthy of the heartiest endorsement. The association of which he is the head—the National Association of Manufacturers—is not a political organization, but an association of business men of all shades of political belief. The treaties framed by Mr. Kasson were apparently put together with little regard for anything except the general principle that in order to gain one must give. Though unquestionably the American end of the negotiations was conducted with great sincerity and high purpose, it is, to say the least, unfortunate that some person better posted on American industries was not selected for the task. A reduction of the duties on spirits, wines 'and malt liquors might be made without injury and yet prove satisfactory. The removal of the absurd duty on works of art is as ardently desired by American as by European artists. These articles indeed are suggested in the Dingley Tariff as suitable for a basis for reciprocity treaties. Hides are another commodity that need no protection. It may also be doubted whether some reduction of the duty on certain steel products might not be safely made. Such highly finished products as silks and knit goods, however, for the sake of our own industries should not have been included in a reciprocity scheme. The selection of certain other articles which it is proposed to include in negotiations with some favored c ountry would lead to most serious international complications. The reduction of the duty on Argentine wool, as already mentioned, would unquestionably lead to trouble with the great rival Australasian wool raising federation. The selection of anyone country's sugar as a basis for reciprocity would also lead to grave difficulty. Aside from the question of Protection to American sugar, favoritism to Cuban sugar, for example, would open so wide a door that Germany would be almost forced to act against us in self defence. Our direct exports to Germany last year were valued at $191,072,252. The United Kingdom buys more, but except the United Kingdom no country in the world buys half as much from us as Germany. One after another Germany's agricultural products have been struck down by foreign lands till the sugar beet remains almost the only paying agricultural product. Except Cuba no one country sends us so much sugar as Germany (659,922,954 pounds last year). The wiping out of the American market f or German beet sugar by the preference of any other really large producer (Cuba, for example) is of vital importance to Germany. The agrarian suffering caused thereby might even end in social disorder throughout the German Empire. The German people would not, could not, give moral support to a government that did not in such a case make reprisals on the United States. A reduction of sugar duties in any scheme to which Germany is not a party would, therefore, almost certainly result in the alienation of the best customer, next to England, that the United States possesses, and possibly eventually transform the European power whose rivalry is growing in South America, into a very real enemy. We need not fear that our German cousins will want to fight us while our market is the best one for their goods; but if they find themselves discriminated against in favor not merely of American products but of competing foreign products, there may, indeed, be incidents that will forcibly suggest the value of an army as well as of a navy. The best service these American business men can do is to collate information as to what American products no longer need Protection and why, and as to what American products are suffering from foreign tariffs and where. If the manufacturers can do this and stop there, they will perform a National service. The slapdash performance of their last convention gave no evidence of the ripe judgment that is expected from an association of conservative men of affairs. With expert information as to what American products need no Protection and what products suffer most from foreign tariffs, the State Department can be permitted to make the best trade possible but with due consideration to the fact that relations of the United States with some outside nation may be infinitely more important than those with the treaty making power. The markets and the friendship of Germany are too high a price to pay for cheaper sugar from any other country. The markets and friendship of Australasia are more important than any gain in exports to some other country to be obtained by a reduction n our duty on its wool. [*16273*]Office of Hotel Holston, THOS. J. WILMORE, PRO. Good Sample Room, Free Bus to and from Trains. 2 Marion, Va, 1901. the organization of the party, has such interest been manifested, caused I presume, by the threat — and strong probability - of the constitutional convention, now sitting at Richmond, disfranchising a large part of our white voters without giving the people a chance to vote upon it. If the State Chairman and his Committee would go in to this fight, it is the chance to put Va. in the Republican column. But it seems they are content to let the party [*16275*] Office of Hotel Holston, THOS. J. WILMORE, PRO. Good Sample Room, Free Bus to and from Trains. Marion, Va, Oct 6 1901. Hon: John D. Wise New York My Dear Sir, Remembering the great interest you always feel in the Welfare of Va. Republicans, I venture to write you a line concerning our present canvass. I have never seen so much interest manifested by the rank and file of our party. We are greatly disappointed that the head of our party is taking so little interest in this contest. Never since [*16274*]Office of Hotel Holston, THOS. J. WILMORE, PRO. Good Sample Room, Free Bus to and from Trains. 4 Marion, Va, 1901. selfishness of those in control of the organization. Mr. Lincoln was in Richmond attending a meeting of the State Committee at the time of McKinleys assination. He disagreed with the bal. of the committee in their scheme to boom Mr. Hanna for President. I am sure he is of opinion that an organization are much more interested in holding what they have, than carrying the State for a Republican. I wish you could have a conference with Mr. L. [*16277*] Office of Hotel Holston, THOS. J. WILMORE, PRO. Good Sample Room, Free Bus to and from Trains. 3 Marion, Va, remain in a minority, as if all that was at stake was for "they to hold their jobs." I wish you would as a Virginian - a leader in whom our people have great confidence, look into this matter — If you would have a conference with some of our workers, such as Hon. C. C. Lincoln P.M. here and members of State & Executive Committee from the 9th Dist of Va they could tell you thinks which would surprise you and show the [*16276*]Office of Hotel Holston, THOS. J. WILMORE, PRO. Good Sample Room, Free Bus to and from Trains. 5 Marion, Va, 1901. I feel sure you would be interested in what he would say. Yours Very Truly A. M. Dickenson. [*16278*][*[Enc. in Wise 10-8-01]*]which are upon you, your thought of me touched me deeply — Believe me, my dear Mr. President the most generous expression of your good will and friendship are of vastly more value to me than Ambassadorship; In the near future, I shall avail myself of the privilege which you grant me, of calling on you in Washington — Very Sincerely Yours Myron T. Herrick [*Myron T Herrick*] To President Roosevelt Oct 6th 1901 [*[10-6-01]*] [*ppF pr*] OVERLOOK ROAD. EUCLID HEIGHTS. My dear Mr. President I was impelled to go at once to you on recpt of your letter of Sept 26th concerning myself for the picture; that I might better express what is in my mind and heart to day - However, had I done so I could not have found words, as I can not now to tell you my appreciation of your thoughtful kindness. With all the burdens and responsibilities, [*16279*]E. H. KENT, LAKOTA. PRESIDENT. W. C. GILBREATH, MANDAN. FIRST VICE-PRESIDENT. A. J. F. VOIGT, OBERON. SECOND VICE-PRESIDENT. GEO L. RYERSON, GRAND FORKS. SECRETARY AND TREASURER. NORTH DAKOTA PRESS ASSOCIATION. Executive Committee: E. C. CARRUTH, GRAND FORKS. WELLINGTON IRYSH, WHEATLAND. H. H. LAMPMAN, NECHE. M. B. DE LA BERE, SHELDON. P. H. SHORT, DEVILS, LAKE GRANT S. HAGER, ST. THOMAS. GRAND FORKS, N. D., Oct 6th, 1901. [[shorthand]] [*accd 10/18/1901 File ppF*] Hon Theodore Roosevelt, President. My Dear Mr. President. I have just written an editorial for the Lakota Herald on the "Roosevelt System" which I herewith inclose, and which I am sure is not too strong. If I have not accurately summed up your sentiments on this matter, I would very highly appreciate from your your secretary, an indication of about the lines your friends would be warranted in following. Of course you know that we North Dakotans'feel an especial interest in you and your administration, that our readers are very much interested in any and every thing pertaining to you, and I do not desire to misrepresent or mis-quote you to a class of true loyal honest people who believe in, and have faith in you, to the extent of following wherever you may lead, -this is my excuse for addressing you. Very respectfully, E. H. Kent [*16281*][for enclosure see editorial 16-11-01][*[For 1. enclosure see Jones, 10-2-01]*] Princeton Oct 6. 1901 [*ackd File ppF Per.*] [*not cal*] My dear Mr. President I think so much of Ex. Governor Jones of Alabama, the writer of the enclosed letter that I have not the heart to dispose of it as I usually do those of its class. After some hesitation I have determined to send it to you, with the assurance that such a condition indicates no requests on my part, Yours very sincerely Grover Cleveland President Theodore Roosevelt Washington D. C. [*16282*][[shorthand]] [*ackd 10/15/1901*] BLACK POINT SAN FRANCISCO Sunday October sixth 1901 Dear Roosevelt I am sure you will appreciate the reason of my delay in writing. Aside from & beyond my great respect for, and confidence in, Mr. McKinley our President and Commander in Chief — I had come to love him dearly as a man. His taking away in such a manner was too vile and outrageous to be considered in temperate thought or language. "It is God's way. His will be done. Not ours" I want to assure you from my personal [*16283*]knowledge of the full confidence of the best people and to the best of my knowledge and belief of all the people in this section in your true patriotism. fine ability and. more than all else in your unswerving integrity and honesty of purpose both in your private life and public duties — This being nationally known I may say universally known and believed held our country steady and firm as never before in a similar crisis in our national existence. God bless and keep you and your dear sweet family Affectionately S. B. M. Young[*Jacksonville (Ill.) Journal Oct. 6, 1901.*] ROOSEVELT AND YATES. Chairman Rowe Talks About Their Relationship. Comments on the Ability of the New Chief Executive and the Cordial Support for Him in Illinois — State Committee Affairs. Hon. Fred H. Rowe, chairman of the Republican state central committee, in an interview Saturday commented on the ascendancy of President Roosevelt; the relations of the president to Governor Yates; Illinois politics in general. He said: "It is a peculiar and fortunate circumstance that before President McKinley was shot by the assassin at Buffalo, and more than three years prior to a presidential election, that Theodore Roosevelt was hailed in the three states of Illinois, Minnesota and Vermont as the rising sun of the Republican party. "Senator Proctor and Governor Yates had just welcomed him to their respective states in language very similar and most significant. This meant more than the voice of the far west where Roosevelt was known and loved so well,—it meant the fixed determination of the great Republican organization of three of the strongest Republican states of the nation to support him in any aspirations he may have had. "The men who conducted the campaign of 1900 and who went over various states as candidates knew better than anyone else the power of Roosevelt with the people. They knew better than anyone else that his name and influence was winning votes for their ticket and so it is not strange that the first indicators for 1904 came from the heads of political organizations and committees in Illinois and elsewhere. These men had been frequently cheered by word from all parts of the states—"The young Democrats will enlist under the banner of the valiant Rough Rider." "Illinois has always supported favorite sons loyally, and on the other hand has not allowed any feeling of jealously or rivalry to prevent her from being early in the field to acknowledge the claims of men in other as in the case of McKinley. "It is remarkable how quickly the footing of several favorite sons of many years' standing had slipped away in the short period that Roosevelt occupied the vice presidency. Governor Yates' observations in June that the people of Illinois were for Roosevelt was followed by extending to him in August a most hearty greeting in behalf of the people of Springfield. "The Roosevelt reception and greeting meant more than the heart admiration of citizens and soldiers for one whose strenuous and upright life they approved. It meant that they had the utmost confidence in their guest's ability to fill any position to which he might be called. "Illinois vied with the home state of McKinley in her devotion to his cause and nowhere has been there been deeper and more general mourning. Illinois may feel just pride to day that the youngest governor in her history had it in heart, was wise and brave enough in August to give such a hearty greeting to the then vice president destined so soon to become, under painful circumstances, the youngest president, and as wise and conservative at the outset, under his heavy and difficult burdens, as the country ever had. "Unfortunately during the past four years, because of differences between certain leaders, the Republican party in Illinois has been divided into contesting camps known as State and Federal and at times much bitter feeling has been engendered. It was the fixed purpose of Governor Yates and the new elements in the control of Republican politics by a fair treatment, to wipe out these differences for the good of the party as a whole. As far as these efforts have been met in the same friendly and conciliatory spirit they succeeded beyond all expectations. "Never was there such an opportunity for the effacement of all factional lines as now. President Roosevelt's known friendliness to Governor Yates and the state administration makes it possible and probable that recognition and official position will be given simply on the basis of good, loyal Republicanism. There is every reason for hoping that the time for the encouraging of factions at the expense of the party is past. "Another thing that has been made plain by recent events is that President Roosevelt is a thorough believer in political organization in its highest sense. A man once brought into contact with an organization as forceful for evil as Tammany fully appreciates that namby-pamby reformers acting independently are not the forces to put into the field, and only the most compact, and systematic organizations can win victories in such a fight. "Neither Roosevelt or Yates have ever shown any indications of being unduly dominated by the organization in their own party. They have never allowed the organization to dictate to them what were to be their policies. They have both sought the aid of organization to carry out right plans and policies. The men who do the legitimate work of the party in a precinct have some right to suggest officials, provided those officials will do the business of the people well and carry out right measures. "Some are anxiously inquiring what effect recent events will have upon the selection of the next United States senator from Illinois. There is less chance than ever that a senator will be selected because he has been allied with any faction. There is every reason to hope the rank and file of the party in the precincts will have something to say and they will select some good Republican who has been tested and found capable of being their representative. "Illinois Republicans are fortunate to day both in their position and prospects in national and state affairs. all are united in desiring that the plans already made by McKinley should be fully carried out and it is well known that President Roosevelt appreciates the past and present attitude of the state leaders toward himself. [*16284*] Our state has a congressional delegation unsurpassed for ability and experience and from these, if a change is desired, a senator could be selected who would at the very beginning of his term take a high stand in the senate. Other men are spoken of as candidates whose ability would easily place them in front rank and have important committee assignments. The delegation in congress are in hearty accord with the state administration, as they well know that all faction opposition to a Republican administration is a blow at the Republican party in the state. "The people approve the plan of having men who want to be national or state officers come out and meet with them in the counties and a senator is no exception to this rule. In this way only do the precincts get some say in the selection of a senator. The time has come when no one can complain at the being "turned down" if he is unwilling to do the preliminary work before the rank and file in the counties. "There is, on the one hand, no feeling that the successful management of one office ought to bar a man from taking a step higher, and on the other hand there are men of great business experience who the people would trust without further trial. "May the next senator from Illinois receive his commission from the rank and file of the Republicans of the state. May he have them as thoroughly for him as did Theodore Roosevelt during the campaign of 1900 and as thoroughly as he had them with him last month at the time of his visit to Springfield. “Happy will be the outcome if President Roosevelt can have both the Republican organizations and the people of all states as ready to give him hearty support as are the Republicans of Illinois to day." Speaking of other matters Mr. Rowe said: "I know of now reason why the state committee should be called together soon. The accounts of the committee for the campaign were audited by a committee consiting of State's Attorney Charles S. Deneen of Chicago, John W. Bunn of Springfield, Hon. Daniel Hogan, Senator Len Small and their report was approved by the executive committee and members of the committee can examine the report at any time. The business-like management of the last campaign has been repeatedly commended in the highest terms by Comptroller Dawes and the national committee and criticism at this time can only be made for the purpose of stirring up discord. The full committee will be called whenever the executive committee determines that here is business that needs attention. "I am informed that a new member of the committee has been selected by the congressional committee in the St. Clair district. As congressmen still represent their old districts and their is no precedent for adding to the committee in this way presume the committee will remain the same until reorganized in the regular way. [*16285*][*Accod 7a ppy Pr*] THE OUTLOOK 267 FOURTH AVENUE NEW YORK October 7, 1901. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: May I put myself down as one opposed to any plan which gives to a private corporation an exclusive right to lay a Pacific cable. The cable ought to be built, owned and operated by the United States Government– if for no other reason, because the United States Government ought not to be dependent on a private corporation for opportunity to communicate with its distant possessions. Yours sincerely, Lyman Abbott pv.) 16286[*ackd - Instructions returned 10-8-1901, approved*] H. Department of State, Washington, October 7, 1901. My dear Mr. Cortelyou: The enclosed draft of instruction outlining the duties of the American delegates to the Pan-American conference at Mexico has been prepared by Doctor Hill, at Nantasket, Massachusetts, with the approval of Mr. Hay. At Dr. Hill's request, I submit the draft for the President's consideration and signature if approved. Very cordially, Alvey A. Adee Enclosure: Draft of instructions as above. 16287 Honorable George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. [*16287*][[shorthand]] [*ackd P.F. 10/10/1901*] E. A. ANGIER, U. S. ATTORNEY, C. D.CAMP, CHIEF CLERK. Department of Justice. OFFICE OF United States Attorney, Northern District of Georgia, W.L. MASSEY, G. L. BELL, ASSISTANTS. Atlanta, Ga., Oct 7th, 1901. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt Washington, D. C. Honored Sir: While I was at Mt. Airy, Ga, it was my good fortune to meet Mrs. Geo. Pond, whose husband was for years an honored clergyman in the Episcopal Church, and this lady talked to affectionately of your mother and the Hon. John Elliott (at one time State Senator from the district in which is located Liberty County) that I felt sure you would be glad to hear from this excellent lady, who was so intimately acquainted with your mother and uncle. I think his name was Senator Elliott or perhaps Wilson. Mrs. Pond has been bedridden for 29 years nearly and [*16288*]E. A. ANGIER, U. S. ATTORNEY, C. D.CAMP, CHIEF CLERK. Department of Justice. OFFICE OF United States Attorney, Northern District of Georgia, W.L. MASSEY, G. L. BELL, ASSISTANTS. Atlanta, Ga., 190 blind for several years, and I know it will cheer the good old lady's heart that I have written you about your mother and Uncle. She was a Mrs. Jones and a resident of Riceboro, about 30 miles from Savannah, and your uncle represented that district in the State Senate. Mrs. Pond still refers to your mother and uncle by their given or Christian names, and it was so beautiful and touching to hear her talk of your mother, your uncle and you and auld lang syne at the Old Midway Church that it recalled the words of the poet: "Still o'er these scenes my memory wakes, And fondly broods with wiser care. Time but the impression deeper makes As streams their channels deeper wear." Very Respectfully, E. A. Angier. [*16289*]FIFTH AVENUE HOTEL MADISON SQUARE, NEW YORK. [*Accd 10-8-1901*] [[shorthand]] [*File ppF Pr*] Oct. 7, 1901 Mr. Theodore Roosevelt The Hon, the President Washington Mr. President:- If not too much to ask, I trust you will allow us the novelty of the retention in office here of one honest man, namely, the appraiser, Mr. Wilber F. Wakeman. And believe me, with greatest respect. Faithfully yours Wm. Hosea Ballou [*16290*][*[For enc. see 10-7-01]*][*P.F.*] United States Senate [Washington, D. C.] Indpls Private. Oct 7th 1901 Dear Mr. President: I am just in from a campaign trip & find your good letter. As to your inquiry about Indiana: 1st. We will poll the full Republican vote. 2nd. Outside Indianapolis, Ft. Wayne & a smattering few in other places, we will hold the gold Democratic vote. 3. We will get many Bryan silver Democrats Word was Bryan swings them into line. These men adore Bryan, admire [*16291*]Taggart is spending no effort or money or anything else on Parker. He is devoting himself exclusively to the Legislature. And he has money. But I'll beat him anyhow. Sincerely Albert J. Beveridge you & hate Parker. On the other hand Taggart may hurt me with the negro vote. I have no time to go into details — but, broadly speaking, the above is correct. Unless there is a revolution your majority will be unprecedented. My meetings grow greater every day. You would not believe the size of them unless you saw them. [*16292*][*Resd 10-9-1901 PPF Pr*] The Commercial Advertiser. ESTABLISHED 1797 1st BROADWAY AND 5 & 7 DEY STREET, EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT NEW YORK, 7th Oct. [*[1901?]*] Mr Dear Roosevelt: I thought I might as well write direct to our absent friend about that matter and today I have his answer to the effort And he is quite sure the owner would not consent to sell. In replying he sends this suggestion which of course is "another story.". He asked me to destroy his letters at once and I have done so with this exception. You will, of course, finish the job as soon as you have read it - for the handwriting gives it away. I wonder if it would be possible to do what he suggests? The capital I could command him for the other project might not be available for this - most of it I am sure would not - but other might be found. I think great good might result from a really honest news paper there because Senators and congressmen read a local paper more than any others [*16293*]2 The Commercial Advertiser. ESTABLISHED 1797 1st BROADWAY AND 5 & 7 DEY STREET, EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT NEW YORK, save their home papers. At present this paper is all that our friend says of it and more - It has been as mean and unjust toward you as its namesake here. and will be again as soon as it thinks it prudent to do so. I confess to a decided inclination to undertaking the thing if it could be brought about. I should like nothing better than to be where I could work shoulder to shoulder with you. Here I am at arm's length and the opportunity is not so large. If this bothers you, dismiss it from your mind without ceremony. By the way, about everything that you said to me in confidence has been published by some body else. Leupp has heard most of it and today Platt gives to the Sun all the rest. It is rather [*16294*]3 The Commercial Advertiser. ESTABLISHED 1797 1st BROADWAY AND 5 & 7 DEY STREET, EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT NEW YORK, ' annoying, but I did not feel at liberty even to talk abut what you told me, neither did I think it good policy, helpful to you to do so. I am sorry this letter is so long for I know you are too busy to read letters now. Yours always J. B. Bishop To / President Roosevelt. [*16295*][For 1. enclosure see 10-8-01]SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS. PUBLISHERS, 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE. [*S*] [[shorthand]] [*File ppF Pr*] [*ackd 10/8/1901*] New York, October 7, 1901 Dear Colonel Roosevelt- In reply to this inquiry in the letter of October 5th, from your secretary, enclosing a letter from a publisher in Paris named Charles Carrington, we beg to say: -- I consulted in the matter with Mr. Charles Scribner and he says that we shall be glad to carry on the negotiations for you in regard to the matter if you so request. We do not know anything about the standing of Mr. Carrington, but we can make inquiries in regard to it. Our idea is that it would be well to offer him the right of translation of the Rough Riders for a ten percent royalty on all copies sold by him; and we should ask him to pay £5 down as an evidence of good faith and to seal the bargain. Of course all the royalty in the matter belongs to you. In regard to the illustrations this house will offer to sell to Mr. Carrington electros of the thirty-nine illustrations in the book for $125. This seems to us a fair proposition all around, and if you wish it we shall be glad to negotiate with Mr. Carrington on those terms. We have also a similar request for information in regard to what terms we should consent to for a translation of your "Cromwell." This request comes from the Société Francaise d' Imprimerie et de Librarie, formerly Lecène, Oudin et Cie. This we know to be a very reputable establishment, and we should advise making them a similar offer: that is, that you are to receive a ten per-cent royalty [*16296*]CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS. PUBLISHERS, 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE. on all copies sold: and that this house will sell electros of the illustrations at a similar rate to that mentioned for the Rough Riders. We also have a request from a French publisher for the use of electros of the illustrations in the Cougar Hounds and we propose to offer him the privilege for say $100. It is probable that we shall charge him a nominal sum for the right to make a translation of the text. In all these and similar matters I beg that you would freely command my services, and we shall endeavor in every way that is feasible to carry out your wishes with your best interests in view. I have a complete set of artist's proofs of the illustrations in the Cougar Hounds articles which I have been saving for you. I have not sent them to you in your present unsettled condition of changing residences, but when you want them if you will kindly direct where they shall be sent, I will see that they are immediately forwarded to you. With best wishes for your success in every way, I am Faithfully yours Robert Bridges The President. 16297 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY NEW YORK FACULTY OF PHILOSOPHY [*pp7 Pr Aned*] October 7, 1901. My dear Mr. President: The New York Sun of today contains what I suppose to be Senator Platt's version of his conference with you yesterday. I notice that it announces that Mr. Fitchie, Superintendent of Immigration at New York, is not to be retained. I had no interest in Mr. Fitchie and no acquaintance with him, but I want to say a word or two about that office. The Immigration Office at New York seems to me one of the most important places in our entire civil service. Through it we make our first impression as a people upon the nearly half-million of aliens who arrive at this port each year. If they are met and treated with honesty, courtesy, and capacity, their first impressions of our institutions are favorable, and their disposition toward us is fortunate. If they are met in contrary fashion, the reverse is of course true. What I want to say is, that while Mr. Fitchie is probably not a strong man, yet his successor should be one of such capacity and character as will lead him to improve the administration of the office, and yet in no way yield to the hordes of persons, not alone politicians by any means, who seek to make a living in some fashion from the immigrants who land at Ellis Island. My suggestion is that you should institute a personal, and if necessary, a confidential inquiry into the management of the New York office, but more especially into the management of the Washington office, which is under the charge of Mr. Powderly. 16298-2- I have seen a letter from Mr. Powderly, written on his official paper and signed with his own hand, which shows him to be an absolutely unfit man for any governmental office, and which explains the animus that he continually shows toward his subordinates in New York. Secretary Gage has some experience on this point which must be interesting, and I have no doubt that you could get him to tell all about it. I have also seen a letter from Senator Platt in which he urged Mr. Fitchie to secure an exemption from the classified service for the office held by Mr. Fitchie's associate, Mr. McSweeny. As a matter of fact Mr. McSweeny, who is protected by the classified service, and who is always antagonized by Mr. Powderly, seems to me to be the strongest man in the service. I came to know him in 1897 when he was a candidate for Sheriff on the ticket headed by Mr. Low for Mayor. Mr. McSweeny has made himself a good deal of an authority on matters of immigration, and the leading historical and economical associations have frequently called upon him for papers and addresses. I do not believe the rumors in circulation about his integrity, and I feel pretty confident that an investigation instituted by you would confirm this belief. I am writing you this simply for your personal guidance, and because I should hate to see this very important side of our governmental administration turned over any more than is at present the case, to the ward politicians in New York and the crowd of boarding house runners and railroad passenger agents who infest Ellis Island. It needs a pretty strong hand and clear head to stand up in the face of all the adverse influences there. My suggestion is, then, that 16299 -3- unusual care be taken in filling Mr. Fitchie's place, and that Mr. McSweeny be not exposed to political attack by having his place exempted from the classified service. If there are any valid charges to be made against him he can readily be tried on them and removed in proper fashion if proved quilty. The Hess contract is, of course, abominable, but as I understand it that is a matter which the Treasury Department and the Steamship Lines can bring to an end if they desire. Always yours sincerely, Nicholas Murray Butler To the President, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. [*16300*][*C*] JOHN G. CAPERS, U. S. Attorney, Charleston, S. C. [*Personal*] Department of Justice. OFFICE OF UNITED STATES ATTORNEY, DISTRICT OF SOUTH CAROLINA. B. A. HAGOOD, Asst. U. S. Attorney, Charleston, S. C. E. F. COCHRAN, Asst. U. S. Attorney, Anderson, S. C. Charleston, S. C. Oct. 7th, 1901. [*ack'd 10/8/1901*] Hon. George B. Cortelyou, White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Cortelyou, I desire to address you a confidential communication, confidential to you, but at the same time meant equally for your chief, our President. For, while I do not care to burden the President with every detail connected with the patronage in this state I would [would] not address you a communication asking information which I would be unwilling for you to show the man whose confidential associate you are. I have just been appointed National Committeeman for the Republican Party for South Carolina, and as such, fool already a sense of responsibility as to the character, competence, and personel of the Federal office holders in this state. In that connection an immediate matter presents itself. I have endorsed Mr. L. W. C. Blalock, for Collector of Internal Revenue, and he has been endorsed by any number of responsible persons, together with Senator Mc Laurin. I am not advised of any reason why I should withdraw my endorsement, and I am as anxious now as as ever, [I have been] that he should be appointed; but the fact remains, that in spite of the urgency of the case and his unusual endorsements, from the Treasury Department, as well as, from Senator Mc Laurin, he has not been appointed. Therefore, what I want to ask you is this, if the President, for reasons satisfactory to him, has decided positively that he can not appoint Blalock, will you advise me of the same at once, so that I may have an opportunity [*16301*]to hand in the name of a man who could receive every endorsement and meet every requirement, whatever they may be, which Blalock may possibly lack. Remember, I am still Blalock's friend in this matter, but I feel that my duty to the Republican party in this State justifies the request herein made. Respectfully yours, John G. Capers United States District Attorney and National Committeeman Rep. party for South Carolina. [*16302*]one of your personal and intimate friends who did not wait with serene unconcern for your every action and who did not glow with pride when it came - The is the first Monday in Oct the first day for the payment of taxes and as I came to the court house and saw the long waiting line this morning I thought of this day in 1898 when your taxes were being paid at the head of the line and the Tammany conspiracy was foiled! we have been in great things together and I yield to no one in belief in your future & belief in you - Sincerely yours John Proctor Clarke Col Theodore Roosevelt Personal. [*Odells letter/see Price about Blalock*] [* A Whight*] [*Ackd File ppF pr*] SUPREME COURT JUDGES CHAMBERS COURT HOUSE, CHAMBERS STREET NEW YORK Oct 7 1901 My Dear Theodore: - Now that the first rush of "other people" to write to you is over I must say a word of hope for you and the country - There was not a hour through those long days of doubt and anxiety - that you were not in my thoughts - And no one could have done better than you - You rose to the full measure of the occasion needed no advice or suggestion from any source. [*16303*]and the country instantly responded showing how true at heart it is after all. We sometimes hear despairing, gloomy, pessimistic talk, but it needs but a real crisis to prove that the Republic is sound and will endure. To you has come the evidence of the confidence of a people - In days to come there may be criticism and fault finding and perhaps abuse - It is the fate of all public men. But you will go on in your own way with your nimble manly sincere and gentle manly character as you always have and will win out every time. You may or may not remember what I have said to you from time to time but I remember well saying in June that all you had to do was sit still and wait when you were needed the country would find you - Little did we think how soon. But you were not wanting. your brief sentence before taking the oath settled the business of the country back into its orbit from which it had been widely flung. I can hardly write without seeming fulsome, but in all sincerity there was no [*16304*][*2 Ackd 10/10/1901*] #1634 S St., N.W., Washington, D.C. October 7, 1901. Theodore Roosevelt, President, Dear Sir: I am writing a biography of the late Senator Davis of Minnesota. He was my pupil and life-long friend. Mrs. Davis has placed in my hands his correspondence and I find here letters from yourself and him showing mutual appreciation; from private conversation also, I know the high esteem in which he held you. Will you kindly write me your estimate of him. I have the expressions of many public men and desire to add yours. This, not because you are the President, as that adds no force to your opinion, nor to the request I have long entertained for you. But you seem to be of the same moral and mental fibre, though in different spheres of action. In 1893, you made a speech before the Hamilton Club of Chicago, on Americanism. I find a copy of it carefully treasured with a few lines in your hand-writing on the cover, and within its pages a manuscript letter from Senator Davis to you, a copy of which I enclose. His last great effort in the fall of 1900 was a speech before the same Club and very much in the same vein. He beleved America was as good as Europe: He stood for this idea all his life; he insisted on the assertion of it in all the Nation's acts and utterances. It was with him to the last moment. In his death, I think we lost the greatest man in Congress; 16305 #2 We cannot afford to lose his glorious example. It should be held up as the inspiration and guide of all Americans. I add assurances of sincere sympathy for you personally, called to the Presidency under circumstances so painful. All true men in all parties trust unreservedly your fidelity, courage and patriotism. From the ashes of bereavement, the Country turns to you with unfaltering faith. It rests securely in the absolute confidence your past service inspires, and this will be your tower of strength in the mighty task to which you are called. Respectfully yours, Edward Daniels (Formerly Colonel of 1st Wisconsin Cavalry and State Geologist in that state.) [For attached see 10-7-01][*p. 7.*] Daniels, Edward? Washington, D.C. Oct. 7, 1901. Mr. Daniels is writing a biography of the late Senator Davis, of Minnesota. States that in the correspondence turned over to him by Mrs. Davis he finds letters from the President to the Senator and copies of letters to the President from the Senator; and asks for a letter from the President giving [?] his estimate of the late Senator; has the expression of many public men and would like to add that of the President. [Short hand] 16307[attached to Davis, 10-7-01]T. ST. JOHN GAFFNEY, COUNSELLOR AT LAW, 66 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. [*m Ackd 10/8/1901 p.p.F.*] CABLE ADDRESS, "CALDRON," NEW YORK. TELEPHONE, 2875 CORTLANDT. New York, Oct. 7th, 1901. The President of the United States. Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President: Referring to my conversation with you on Friday last, I desire to submit for your consideration the following suggestion. In the event of the removal of General Kerwin, I think it is only proper that the special element that he was supposed to represent but did not, should receive recognition in an office of at least similar rank and salary. I remember you stating that the Commissioner of Emigration of New York should be a native born citizen, in which I entirely concur. Why not transfer Captain Dickey from the post of United States Shipping Commissioner to Mr. Fitchie's position? Previous to the naming of Fitchie, the salary of the Commissioner of Emigration was $5000. but was reduced by either $500. or $1000. upon his appointment. Nobody could understand why this was done, except for the reason that Fitchie was not regarded by the Treasury as in the $5000 class. There is not the slightest doubt in my mind that Congress will put the salary at the old figure upon the appointment of Fitchie's successor, as the office is a most important one. As long as I recollect, the Emigration Commissionership has been held by a man from up the state excepting in the case of Fitchie and as you are aware, Captain Dickey is not from the city and I think the place would otherwise suit his character and capabilities, particularly if the additional inducement of the increase in salary was held out. [*G*] [*16308*]T. ST. JOHN GAFFNEY, COUNSELLOR AT LAW, 66 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. CABLE ADDRESS, "CALDRON," NEW YORK. TELEPHONE, 2875 CORTLANDT. #2 The United States Shipping Commissioner is a $4000. place and if the arrangement I suggest could be made, I think I could fill the post to your satisfaction. and that of the country. It was formerly held by a friend of mine, Maurice J. Power and I know the duties pretty well and am satisfied I could fulfill them with credit. It is unnecessary for me to say to you that I could secure endorsements, not alone from the most distinguished people of my race in New York, but also native born Americans of every creed. I have the honor to remain, my dear Mr. President, with the assurance of my highest respect, Very faithfully yours, T. St. John Gaffney. 16309[*File PPF Pr*] Baltimore Oct. 7, 1901. My Dear Mr. President: In reply to your esteemed favor in reference to an army chaplain, I beg to say that I will take immediate steps toward the selection of a priest who will fill all the requirements you so justly require for that office. Very respectfully Yrs. James Card. Gibbons Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States over [*16310*]P. S. when you are more at leisure I shall call to pay my respects.Constitutional Convention, Virginia. Richmond, Oct. 7, 1901. Capt. John S. Wise Dear Sir Referring to our recent conversations, will state that I did not feel confident to give the names of representative men in the different countries of our sections of the state until I have heard from my brother, and wrote asking his advice, but have not yet heard from him. At this season of the year he is often absent from home, buying cattle, and I take it that this is the reason I have not heard from him. But I will certainly hear from him in a few days when I will again write you. I have seen a letter from Mr. Charley Lincoln of Smythe County, which clearly shows that he is not in sympathy with the present state organizations, and I feel sure that he is well as many others in the South. Most will gladly welcome the movement of which you spoke. You will hear from Mr. A. J. Lincoln in a few days, he is a modest man but one in [whose] whose character and good judgment I have great confidence and [feel] I feel sure that he is in full sympathy with the movement. With best wishes, I am very truly yours A. P. Gillespie [*16312*][Enc in wise 10-8-01] Constitutional Convention Virginia Richmond, Oct 7th 1901 Capt. John S. Wise Dear Sir Since writing you this morning I have received a letter from my brother mentioning the following representative names: Columbus Phipps, Clintwood, Dickenson County, Va J. W. Tho[???}sbury, " " " " John M. Rattiff, Shadie-Mills, Buchanon " " J. R. Campbell, Lebanon, Russell " " Edward Hope, Gate City Scott " " H.C. Juslyn, Jamesville, Lee " " H.H. Dud[???], Wise Wise " " Thomas Munncy, Bland C.H., Bland " " Pendleton Struther, [???]isbury, Giles " " My brother says that he does not know as well as to the name suggested from XXXX XXXX XXXXX Gate City but that he was the best name he could think of in that county. My brother sends his good wishes, and says that he very much hopes that the movement may be sucsefafully carried out. Yours truly A.P. Gilles Jr [*[Enc. in Wise 10-8-01]*]Office of the Commercial Bulletin. 282 WASHINGTON STREET. Boston, merely supplementing the other. Don't bother to answer. Reciprocity by the abandonment of duties not needed to maintain a Protectionist wage scale is my idea. Affy, Curtis [*[Guild]*] [*16315*] Private. Office of the Commercial Bulletin. 282 WASHINGTON STREET. Boston, Oct. 7, 1901 — [*ackd 10-9-1901*] [[shorthand]] [*File ppF pr*] Dear Theodore:- As I seem to have hit among others both the Free Trade Transcript and the Protectionist Orange Judd agricultural publications I venture to send you a second article on reciprocity. The transcript uses the one you already have - Myrick's letter is in regard to the one enclosed - Both are in harmony, one[For 2 enclosures see 10-5-01][[shorthand]] [*File PPF Pr*] United States Senate, Cleveland, Ohio, October 7, 1901. The President, Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr. President: I thank you very much for your kind compliance with my request of the 26th ultimo concerning the Mentor and Lodi, Ohio, postoffices. Answering your inquiry concerning the Fairport office will say that I find now that it had already been disposed of, so you need not give it any further consideration. Truly yours, M A Hanna [[shorthand]] [*16316*](COPY.) [*copy*] UNITED STATES SENATE, Washington, D. C. Dictated. October 7, 1901. To The President, Sir: I send to you as the best explanation of the case, letters, which I believe are already on file in your office. It makes a very strong case in favor of Mr. Albert D. Elliot who wishes to be appointed Secretary of Porto Rico. He has had a fine education,-Hardvard, etc., the highest recommendations, and has made a very fine record in various capacites in Alaska. I ask that the letters be placed again on file and I commend the case to your kind consideration. I have no doubt he would be a faithful and capable servant of the government. Very respectfully, JOS. R. HAWLEY. 16317[Enc. in 7-3-02 Elliot][*File*] Lee. Higginson & Company. [*p7*] 44, State Street. LJ. Boston. October 7, 1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. Dear Theodore: I have received and thank you very much indeed for your kind letter, and also favor which you have done [done] me. I know it will help us to get Mrs. Jackson's baggage through and into Boston. The next time I shall trouble you will be when your "country cousins" strike Washington, on or about March 1st, when we hope to have the pleasure of calling upon you and Edith. Very sincerely yours, George C. Lee Jr 16318[*ackd 10-8-04*] 101 East 19th Street NY Oct 7 1901. My dear Mr President. — Mr. Wilmer our old friend from Virginia & son of the Bishop, & partner of Canfield professor of law at Columbia showed me this morning something he had written for publication on the subject of the Democratic & Republican candidates for the Presidency - in which he shows a predilection to favor your candidacy — — At the end he runs into the pension question & seemed to stick there, he told me he had talked with F. W. Whitridge (who has written some similar matter, as I recall) & he - Whitridge, could not [*16319*]help him or head him out of the woods on that score. I ventured to tell him; (Wilmer) that I presumed a chief executive, elected by the people through the medium of the Republican party, who could & did employ men like Holmes Conrad of Virginia or Charles Bonaparte of Maryland both Democrats (I believed) to investigate & prosecute the postal fraud, would, after he had been elected, personally, President by succession, would be capable of appointing a group of Equally distinguished lawyers to investigate the pension fraud, or at all events investigate the pension question 3 & see what frauds had been perpetrated, if any, & proceed upon such line of action as might be legally warranted. I thought this might interest you, otherwise I would not take the liberty of this intrusion. Do not trouble yourself to acknowledge this, but take it simply as indicating that I am keeping a friendly eye on current events in this section. Faithfully Wm. C LeGendre[*Ansd*] [*file*] [*PPF?*] LAW OFFICES OF WAYNE MACVEAGH FREDERIC D. MCKENNEY JOHN SPALDING FLANNERY 1317 P STREET, N.W. WASHINGTON, D. C. Personal October 7, 1901. Dear Mr. President: I was delighted to know you were so usefully occupied last evening. Never see me unless it is perfectly convenient; for as my only object is your success I am best pleased when you are better occupied. First. Please read enclosed slip. It is from the Phila. "Ledger" of Saturday, a steadfast Republican journal and one of your warmest supporters in every phase of your career — so that it can do you no harm to know its views, whether [*16322*]you finally conclude to agree or disagree with it. Second. I think I can safely assure you that the British Treaty will be made to suit your views if you express them — with the utmost kindness and courtesy of course — but also with such distinctness as leaves no room for misunderstandings. Plainness of speech is in no sense incompatible with true courtesy. My information goes to the extent that if you finally conclude the treaty should be confined to an amicable and courteous abrogation of the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty it will be conceded in that shape. Third. And let me beg you never to forget that you are the first instance — so far as I recall — in which "the plain people" - and especially of the West - concerned themselves about the nomination for Vice President - and they forced your nomination - so that you only need to be true to yourself - as you are sure to be - to retain their confidence and affection. Sincerely Yours, Wayne MacVeagh [*16323*][*Ackd File PPF Pr*] JACOB A. RIIS, 524 BEECH STREET, NORTH, RICHMOND HILL, NEW YORK. NEW YORK, October 7 1901 My dear Mr President. Will you not give me a hint as to the proper way of addressing you now? Is the above right. President or not, you will always be my dear friend, but I want to pay proper respect to the rules of my country. And will you tell me if you are coming to New York very soon? If not, will you permit me to come to you for a half hour & talk? I find upon my return in my rather overpowering mail two or three propositions from publishers that I shall write a "life" of you. It is a new idea to me, but very alluring. Having written [*16324*]JACOB A. RIIS, 524 BEECH STREET, NORTH, RICHMOND HILL, NEW YORK. 2 NEW YORK, 190 of the making of an American. I would love to write the story of the best American ever made as my summum opus. But what I would like is one thing — what you say another. Would it be agreeable you, and is this time? May I talk it over with you. Paper is such a poor medium. Ever yours Jacob A Riis [*16325*] If the field is occupied, just tell me so. It just seems to me a delightful thing to talk of.[T.R. Papers I-19-C, 2 Box marked "PP7 (R-Ri)"]THE AMERICAN MONTHLY REVIEW OR REVIEWS 13 ASTOR PLACE, NEW YORK ALBERT SHAW, EDITOR [*Acod File ppy Par.*] October 7, 1901 My dear President Roosevelt: A number of days ago the editor of the Contemporary Review cabled to me asking me to prepare an article about you for his November number. I had declined to write about you over my own name for any of our American newspapers or periodicals, but I thought it best to accept this English invitation because I thought I had perhaps some qualifications for saying the things that ought to be said. I meant to talk this over with you when I saw you in Washington, but there wasn't time to go into it. It now appears that after cabling me for the article for his November number Poultney Bigelow, who was in London, turned up with a manuscript on you which the Contemporary editor was able to squeeze into his October number. I have to-day received a letter from his explaining that fact, and sending me proofs of Bigelow's article, and also explaining that he still wanted my article for the November number. My first thought after looking Bigelow's article over was that I would simply send a cablegram declining to go ahead. On second thought, however, I think it rather more desirable than ever that I should write the article. I am sending you the proofs of the Bigelow article, which will not be extant in this country yet for perhaps a week or so. Poultney Bigelow writes with a rather clever pen, but it seems to me he presumes a great deal upon early acquaintance with you in this article, and that it is both impertinent and undignified at a moment of such gravity as the present one, when you assume enormous responsibilities under exceptional circumstances, for a friend of yours to step forward in London and publish through a serious review like the Contemporary such a mélange of boyish reminiscence. The mischief of it is that it carries so much the air 16326 -2- of familiarity as to seem to the uninformed English reader to be rather authoritative than otherwise, and it is so long that this average English reader would think it exhaustive. Yet it is so careless and so ill-proportioned that, while purporting to review your complete career, Bigelow even forgets that you were Governor of New York, that you bore a magnificent part in last year's presidential campaign, and that since then you had presided over the United States Senate as Vice-President. I think I may be able to prepare an article that will wholly avoid the intimate tone, that will not try to be clever or picturesque in a single sentence, and that will avoid all comparisons with the Emperor William, but which will give some well-proportioned notion of the conditions of public life in the United States at the present time, and some of the reasons why you represent by virtue of your convictions, and of your well-rounded training and experience the best and most intelligent elements of the active men of the present generation in the United States. I have got to write this article immediately in order to get it off in time for its purpose. As I have said, I think it even more desirable now than before that the right sort of article should be published in a London periodical that is at least read in all the clubs and looked over by the leading English public men of both parties. I do not think I shall make any very serious mistakes in writing it, but if you have a hint or two for me I wish you would send them along, particularly as to any allusions you would like to have me make as to your attitude towards (1) the Boer question from any point of view whatsoever, military or otherwise; (2) the Isthmian canal question, and the Monroe Doctrine; (3) the general relations of the United States with other powers, and particularly with England; (4) the continuation of Mr. Hay's excellent Chinese policy; (5) the perfect content and freedom from friction under which you find yourself working with a group of constitutional advisors who had been selected 16327 -3- by your predecessor; and, finally, anything as to the internal or external commercial policies of the country, whether as respects trusts, or the tariff, reciprocity, or the like. I take it myself that you will scrupulously avoid friction with England, and yet will not mortally wound Western sentiment by making any concessions on the Alaskan boundary question; I take it, too, that it will be even easier for you than it was for Mr. McKinley to uphold the hands of a man like Evans in the Pension Office, provided, of course, you find it right and proper to do so; and I am quite sure I understand your Southern policy, your ideas about civil service reform, and, in short, almost all of your general attitude. Meanwhile, of course, I have not the remotest idea of preparing an article that would seem to have been authorized by you, or that will seem in any manner to commit you. As ever, faithfully yours, Albert Shaw. P.S. If you find it convenient to run your eye over the proofs of Poultney Bigelow's article, kindly let your secretary mail the thing back, as I might need to refer to it before finishing my own. President Theodore Roosevelt, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. 16328 STATE OF MINNESOTA W.B. DOUGLAS, ATTORNEY GENERAL. WILLIAM J. DONAHOWER, CHARLES W. SOMERBY, ASSISTANTS. State of Minnesota ATTORNEY GENERAL'S OFFICE. St. Paul, Oct. 7 1901 [*Ackd 10/10/1901 P.F.*] Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, White House, Washington D.C. My dear Sir: The sad events of the past thirty days have caused me to delay acknowledging receipt of your kind note of Sept. 7. Mr. H. V. Jones of Minneapolis has discussed with me some things relative to your interests in Minnesota. When the time comes you may count on my cordial support. In the meantime please do not hesitate to call on me for any assistance possible. Sincerely C W Somerby [shorthand] [*16329*][*07*] BOOKER T. WASHINGTON TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED. TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. October 7, 1901. President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- Your inquiry concerning Mr. Julian Bingham has been recieved and I have taken some pains to make a careful inquiry concerning him. My information has come from disinterested parties. Mr. Bingham has made a good record as a revenue officer in Alabama and stands high in both official and personal character. It seems that whatever opposition he has, is of a purely political nature. If I get further information on this point I shall write you. If it should happen that you do not see your way clear to re-appoint Mr. Bingham and you are in doubt as to a good man to appoint, I call your attention to Mr. W. R. Pettiford, the colored banker of Birmingham, Alabama. Yours truly, Booker T. Washington 16330 (Over) FROM BOOKER T. WASHINGTON [*File*] TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED. TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. October 7, 1901. President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- This letter will be handed to you by Mr. R. L. Smith of Texas, about whom we have talked several times. I thought that you might be glad to meet him personally and he can explain in person and in detail what the conditions are in Texas and what his own wishes are. I have known Mr. Smith for a number of years and know him to be absolutely reliable and of the highest character, and further know that he has the respect and confidence of all classes of people in Texas. Yours truly, Booker T. Washington 16331I think you already understand that Mw. Wm. Vaughan is the leader of one faction of the Republican party and Mr. Bingham is the leader of the other. Both men, however, stand above the average Republican politician. B. T. W. [*P. P. 7.*] ADVISORY BOARD C. C. CUYLER W. B. THOMAS S. R. BERTRON S. F. HOUSTON D. M. GOODRICH WALTER CAMP T. D. M. CARDEZA THE OUTING PUBLISHING COMPANY 239 FIFTH AVENUE CASPAR WHITNEY, PRESIDENT AND EDITOR ROBERT BACON, VICE-PRESIDENT FLETCHER HARPER, SECRETARY AND TREASURER [*ackd 10-10-1901*] Dictated. NEW YORK October 7, 1901. My dear Colonel Roosevelt : You may entirely depend on my following your wishes to the letter. I think you know that, do you not? I will see that there is freedom from all advertisement tending to make capital of your high office. The "foreword" will answer for the volume and I will make an editorial note on the opening page of whatever articles I use in OUTING (as I have the privilege of doing from the Macmillans) making it perfectly clear that the paper belongs to a volume that was done in the spring of 1901 and which is to be brought out subsequently by the Macmillans. You may absolutely depend on both the Business and Editorial Departments of OUTING doing precisely what you want. Of course I will send you proof of everything. Faithfully yours, Caspar Whitney Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. 16332[shorthand]TELEGRAM. [*ppy pp*] Executive Mansion, Washington. 46 WU UA JM 19 D.H. 202pm New York, Oct. 7, 1901. The President: Am mailing you important letter with names and other information asked for. Please read and advise at your service. Jno. S. Wise. 16333J. S. & H. A. WISE, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, COMMERCIAL CABLE BUILDING, 20 BROAD STREET, NEW YORK. JOHN S. WISE HENRY A. WISE. JOHN S. WISE, JR. [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 10/10/1901*] October 7th, 1901. To the President, Mr. President:- After parting with you I was so impressed with the importance of giving you proper names that I took the night train to Richmond, where I was enabled to see some of our best men. I talked the matter over in the most confidential way with some of our leading representative men and with some gold democrats in whom I had absolute confidence. The situation is ripe, so far as the Republicans are concerned, for one of the most gratifying revolutions that ever occurred in the South, and, so far as gold democrats are concerned, some will be with us at once, but they should be approached individually, while as to the mass, we can well afford to wait a little while, for reasons stated in my letter to Gen. Rosser, of which I send you a copy. I expect definite answers from some gentlemen with whom I talked in Richmond. We need the class of gold democrats [and] in the large cities in the East more than anywhere else. In the Shenandoah valley and in Southwestern Virginia we already have abundant material for as fine a Republican party as exists in any State of the Union. They are unharrassed by the presence of blacks and have long formed a fighting majority because of their interest in the coal and iron and other protected industries. If a new State were formed west of the Blue Ridge Mountains it would be one of the strongest Republican States in the Union and with a very small black population. During all my campaigns our strength lay there [*16334*]-2- and our losses were in the black belt where the vote was falsely returned against us. In any reorganization of the party the Shenandoah Valley and Southwestern Virginia ought to be in the preponderance, which the representative character and numbers of the Republicans in those sections entitle them to. In the men I have consulted I had regard to this, although the duties and responsibilities which fall to the lot of the men in the East will be much more difficult and much more delicate. You will see my general views in my letter to General Rosser enclosed. Hoping I am not intruding my views upon you, I proceed to outline the following plan: 1. To get together a very few leading representative Republicans, not of the old scalawag type, but natives and men identified by their antecedents with the history of the State and possessing sufficient interest to relieve them of the charge of being camp followers, and of character which will give dignity and weight to the movement which they endorse. These men might bring them a few men of democratic antecedents who are ready to join the Republican party upon being assured that it is respectable in the men who have charge of it, and that they themselves will be invited to join in the effort to make it and keep it such. 2. To those men thus assembled the assurance that an organization formed by them would receive recognition would enable them to return to their respective sections and get recruits. 3. They should be warned to move quietly; to take none but the most trustworthy into their confidence, and to await, for open action, the time which their leader deemed propitious. 16335-3- 4. The present campaign may well be permitted to take its course -- I mean the campaign for Governor etc. It will result in the overwhelming defeat of the machine. It will tend to make them more willing to give up, and returns will show what I have stated, to wit, that in the western and southwestern portions of the State, where the machine is in greatest contempt, lies the real strength of the party, and that in the east it is hopelessly rotten and requires new blood and new management. 5. In the meantime Federal patronage should be absolutely withheld. The only effect of disbursing it now would be to give fictitious strength to the machine, if bestowed upon it, or to disclose the ultimate purposes of the administration, if bestowed on the other side. 6. By the time the election has occurred and the machine is once more overwhelmingly defeated, this Constitutional Convention will have acted, and the inevitable disappointments and divisions which its action will produce, will have made the new elements, which we hoped for, ripe to come to us when the administration has removed the obnoxious presence of the machine. Permit me to suggest that the first step should be a conference with the gentlemen whose names I enclose. I have put under the name of each his personal and political antecedents, to show you the character of men with whom I believe it possible to organize a Republican party in Virginia entirely different from any that has heretofore existed there, and I do not see any other way of accomplishing it. Until something like this is done, the irresponsible character of those in charge of the party is the best guarantee of [*16336*] continued democratic supremacy. -4- I found myself much embarrassed by demands, oft repeated, that, if this movement is to be organized, I shall go back there, take the State chairmanship, and organize and lead the movement. This seems to me almost impossible situated as I am. They are sadly without an aggressive leader, but it seems to me we must be able to find some one. Of this we can talk, however, when I see you, which I should do as soon as possible. Our young friend Moore, whom I found I had known for many years, is one of the brightest and most efficient men in his section. He is also enthusiastic. While I write I have received the enclosed from Mr. Peachy, which tells me that J.E.B.Stuart, the son of the great cavalry leader, is ready to go with us. His name would be a tower of strength and he is one of hundreds, nay, thousands, of young Virginians that we can bring enthusiastically into this movement, if it is properly organized. I would take a representative man like that and place him in some prominent position right at Norfolk or Newport News or Petersburg in the heart of the black belt, so that whoever spoke of the Republican party as the negro party, or the scalawag party, could look at men like Stuart as a "pillar of cloud by day and a pillar of fire by night," denying that the Republican party was less representative than the Democratic. I have wired you of the mailing of this letter. Kindly read it at your leisure and remember that I am yours to command at any time day or night, for if I can do this thing, I shall feel that I [*16337*]-5- have not lived in vain for the service of my dear old State. I have been afraid to talk freely on this subject without further authority from you, as it is so easy for any one to exceed authority or fail to catch the exact shade of another's views or expressions. Respectfully, Jno. S.. Wise Enclosures. [*16338*][forLeves see ca 10-7-01] 10-5-01]Private and Confidential. October 7th, 1901. Gen. Thomas L. Rosser, Charlottesville, Va. My dear General:- I took the liberty of putting your name upon a list of gentlemen which I have handed into the President at his request. Exactly when or how he will consult you I do not know, but he will probably advise me later. I have no authority to speak for the President, but may say to you in the strictest confidence that I have urged upon him the fact that he can never hope for a Republican victory in Virginia under the present organization. I told him that the personnel of those in control of the party there is alien, hostile and repellant to the people of the State; that Republican principles will never be so attractive, that Virginians will forget their aversion to the men who are now in charge of the party, or consent to go into an organization in which those people are the leaders and arrange it so that they are almost the sole beneficiaries. I have expressed to him the opinion that the effort to build up a Republican party upon the present formulation would be as futile as grafting green limbs upon dead trunks and roots; that the only hope for the future lies in the practical extinction of the present organization and the formation of a new organization, with men of character, substantial interest and identity with the people, which will make the Republican party as respectable as the Democratic party there or the Republican party in the North. In my opinion, this can [*16339*] Gen. T. L. R. --2 only be accomplished by ignoring and eventually wiping out the present disreputable organization and delivering the party machinery and patronage into the hands of native men of character and influence, even if it becomes necessary to take a class known as gold democrats. The President requested me to send him in some names and I have done so. He will speak for himself concerning his objects in calling for them. I merely advise you now that you will not be surprised, and I wish that you would send me the names of a very few in your neighborhood upon whom I may rely for cooperation. I have not seen you but know where you stand without seeing you. In my opinion the time is ripe for this movement on lines similar to those pursued by the President in South Carolina, but there are some differences between our situation and that of republicans in South Carolina. We have one marked advantage - we really have a nucleus of very fine men who have been republicans for years, though few, if any, such, are in South Carolina. We also have a much larger element of business men of character, standing and means, who are almost if not quite ready to join our party as soon as its management is respectable, and it ceases in its machinery to be mere provider of offices fo a class of old scalawage. At the same time we must proceed very cautiously in order to get the full benefit of what is going on among the democrats themselves. Immediately after seeing the President I went to Richmond, not only to see some of our leading representative men, but to study [*16340*]Gen. T. L. R. --3 the democratic situation. I had long and satisfactory talks with Judge Lewis, Hon. Harry Libbey, Mr. Gillespie, of Taswell, Mr. Lincoln, of Smith, Mr. Moore, of Montgomery, Col. Waddy, of Norfolk, Mr. Peachy, of Newport Naws, Mr. George N. Wise, of the same place, and others. The better elements of our party are ripe for a revolution which will overthrow the machine and put the party in the hands of our respectable people; but, after a conference not only with out friends above named, but with certain disaffected democrats, we all concurred that, while this is an excellent time to form the nucleus of our new movement by conference not only with our friends above named, but with certain disaffected democrats, we all concurred that, while this is an excellent time to form the nucleus of our new movement by conference between the President and a few gentlemen, it would be unwise to proclaim it new, because there is a large element of dissatisfied democrats who still hope that this Convention may do something to justify their remaining in the democratic party. We all agreed among ourselves that the action of the Convention will ultimately disgust and disappoint them, and that by waiting a while, with all arrangements made to receive them, they will flock to us in greater numbers than if we, by now proclaiming anything, put the Convention on its guard or frightened off the timid too soon. This does not mean, however, that we should do nothing now. A few of us, republicans and former democrats who were sufficiently disgusted to be trusted and willing to cooperate, should endeavor to see the President, discuss the desperate situation with his, convince him that the only possible successful movement that can be made in behalf of the republicans in Virginia is a new movement; have his countenance our effort, proceed as quietly as possible [*16341*]Gen. T. L. R. --4 ble, either to split the present management or to organize for its overthrow; have the Federal patronage held in abeyance until we are ready to move; and then, when our plans are in proper shape, come to the front and seek to enforce them. It was due to you to outline this much of the plan. If I could accomplish it, I would feel that I had done the old State the greatest service rendered her by any son in many years. Whether it means republican triumph or not is a secondary question. The primal object is to have a Republican party in Virginia as respectable and as representative as the democratic party. With such a party there, the democracy, even if it succeeds, will be infinitely more decent than it is at present, and the whole people of Virginia, Democrats and Republicans alike, will be relieved of their servile thraldom to democracy, which, as things have been organized, has been absolute and has cut off independence of thought or action among the people, until the State has degenerated beneath notice. Kindly let me hear from you at your earliest convenience. Yours very truly, [John S Wise] [*16342*][Enc. in wise 10-7-01]Personal [*Ackd 10/7/1901 PP.F.*] HEADQUARTERS MILITARY GOVERNOR ISLAND OF CUBA HAVANA October 7, 1901. To the President of the United States, Washington. D. C. Dear Mr. President:- I sent you the other day a copy of my annual report in which you will find a complete account of all branches of the civil government for the past year. Everything here is moving on quietly. I am very busy just at present making numerous inspection trips to the interior of the Island. There is no concealing the fact that there is a good deal of anxiety concerning the new government and annexation talk grows space. I always tell the people, however, that they must talk annexation through their own government and annexation talk grows space. I always tell the people, however, that they must talk annexation through their own government when it is formed. I think we can be ready to turn over the government not later than May 1st, and in April, if necessary. There is a tremendous interest in the tariff question and that it is of vital importance is shown by the fact that the warehouses here are full of unsold sugar and tobacco of last years crop. There is an excellent feeling throughout the Island. The people were never more friendly and they all appreciate that you are a good friend of theirs. When I go up in November I will have all the data necessary for the consideration of the government. With kind regards to Mrs. Roosevelt and yourself, Sincerely yours, Leonard Wood [*16343*][[shorthand]] [*[10-7-01]*] Director Walcott and Adml. Evans are also ready to make statements in this matter if requested. [shorthand] [*wrote Director Walcott 10-7-1907*] [*16344*][attached to Walcott 10-20-01][*ca 10-7-01*] List of names submitted to the President of men upon whom he may absolutely rely to carry out the policy discussed in the letter from John S. Wise to him, dated October 7th, 1901. ------- 1. Judge Lunsford Lomax Lewis, Richmond, Va. Judge Lewis is a native of Virginia, a descendant of Gen. Andrew Lewis, a brother of the late Hon. John F. Lewis, senator from Virginia. By birth and marriage his social position is the very highest in the State. He is a life-long Republican, and although not of age during the Civil War, his whole family were Union people. He is a distinguished graduate of the University of Virginia; was for many years U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District; is ex-President of the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia, and now President of the Virginia Bar Association. No man in Richmond occupies a higher position in his profession for character and social standing. The ring considered him in the gubernatorial nomination but he declined the same. 2. Honorable Harry Libbey, Phoebus, Virginia. Mr. Libbey is from New Hampshire; has resided in Virginia, near Fortress Monroe since '62 or'3; has been a successful business man and was the Republican representative in the 48th Congress from the Norfolk district. He is a man of the very highest integrity and commands the respect and esteem of all his fellow citizens. He has been excluded from public office through the manipulations of the ring foro his unwillingness to pursue their methods. 16345-2- 3. Gen. Thomas L. Rosser, Charlottesville, Va. General Rosser was a distinguished soldier in the Confederate Army, a man possessed of a competency and occupying the highest social position known throughout the State. His name would be a tower of strength among the respectable element. He foreswore allegiance to the Democracy in 1896 and is now a proclaimed republican, but never a favorite of the ring because they want the offices themselves and fear any new accessions. 4. Honorable Jacob Yost, a native of the state of Virginia and a Republican since he attained majority; several times representative of the Staunton district in Congress; one of the finest and most aggressive men in the Commonwealth; a man of means and force and thoroughly acquainted with party organization. 5. Hon. A. P. Gillespie, Tazewell Court House, Va. A native of Virginia and a member of one of the oldest families in that section, being connected with the Bowens, the Pearys, and all the prominent families there. The County of Tazewell has about 4,000 votes, of which not exceeding 300 are negroes; it gives republican majorities ranging from 800 to 1,500. Gillespie is one of the best men in the State, and a man of means and highest character. He is now a member of the Constitutional Convention. 5. Honorable Henry Bowen, Knob P.O., Tazewell Co., Va. A man of the highest character and means; for several terms representative of the 9th Congressional Dist. in Congress as a republican; a descendant of Lieut. Rees Bowen, who [*16346*]-3- was killed in the battle of King's Mountain. 7. A. F. Lincoln, Esq., Marion, Smythe Co., Va. Mr. Lincoln is a young, vigorous and intelligent republican, now representing the County of Smythe in the Constitutional Convention, the very type of native Virginian of character and means needed in this movement. 8. Thomas L. Moore, Esq., Christiansburg, Montgomery Co., Va. Mr. Moore is a republican since he attained his majority, a native of the State, of large and influential connections, and has fought his way into the existing State organization, although not a very welcome member there. He is at present a member of the Constitutional Convention and one of the brightest and most valuable young men in our party in the State. 9. Archibald Cary Peachy, Esq., Newport News, Va. Mr. Peachy is a practitioner of law, a member of one of t he oldest and most respectable families in the State, and of character and social standing equal to that of any democrat in the State. 10. Bathurst D. Peachy, Esq., Williambsburgh, Va. Mr. Peachy is an attorney at law, a brother of Mr. Archibald Peachy, and a leading representative man in his community. 11. Col. John R. Waddy, Norfolk, Va. Col. Waddy was born in Accomac Co. and entered the regular army about 1855; was in Albert Sidney Johnson's regiment. At the outbreak of hostilities he resigned and was Colonel and Inspector General to Gen. Beauregard, with whom [*16347*]-4- he served with distinction. After the war he did business in New York for some years. Socially and in point of character he is the peer of any man in the State. At present he is Postmaster of the City of Norfolk, made such by President M'Kinley upon the urgent appeal of my brother, the late Hon. Richard A. Wise, a representative from the Norfolk District. 12. H. P. Brooks, Suffolk, Nansemond Co., Ca. Mr. Brooks is a native of Maryland, employed in railroad work; he is a man of high personal character and of excellent connection; has for years been chairman of his County and a zealous working republican. 13. R. L. Woodward, Suffolk, Nansemond Co., Va. Mr. Woodward is a high a native of Virginia, a man of great energy and high character, a stalwart republican, and a suitable representative of the people of his section. 14. Judge R. H. Rawles, Suffolk, Nansemond Co., Va. Judge Rawles is native of Virginia and a leading and influential men in his section; was for years Judge of his County and is as much respected as any citizen of the State. 15. J.E.B.Stuart, Newport News, Va. Major Stuart is the son of the great cavalry leader of the South, a man of excellent social position and large family connections; he is a young man who is sick of democratic rule and would gladly join a respectable republican party. Accession of men of his kind will be invaluable to the party. [*16348*]-5- 16. Mr. George Nelms Wise, Newport News, Va. Mr. Wise is an attorney at law, a man of independent means, a member of one of the oldest families in the State and a distant relative of the writer. He is one of the rising young men of his section and a most enterprising mover in all of the business developments of his section. He has been a republican since he attained his majority. 17. Dr. Henry A. Wise, Williamsburg, Va. Dr. Wise has the largest practice in his section, is a son of the late Hon. Richard A. Wise, and is perhaps as influential a citizen as any within a circuit of thirty miles of his home. 18. Hon. James Lyons - Buckingham Court House - Ex U. S. Asst. Atty E. Dist of Va The foregoing are deemed sufficient for the present. They represent people from Tidewater, Piedmont, the Valley and Southwestern Virginia, the four most important sections of the State. If it be deemed desirable the number may be greatly multiplied, but it is believed that these are sufficient for a preliminary conference; and with the exception of Major Stuart, they are all of republican antecedents. If the President will permit it, a few other names will be added to the above by the time any step is taken. [*16349*][Enc in Wise 10-7-01][*Oct 7*] THE NEW YORK PRESS ROOSEVELT MAY REMOVE BIDWELL Wakeman Not the Only One in Danger of Dismissal. CHARGES AGAINST COLLECTOR Interference of Federal Employes in Primaries Laid Before the President Last Week Even Platt Republicans now admit the likelihood of an extensive "shake-up" in the Federal appointments in this city. Platt's visit to President Roosevelt in Washington is for the purpose of patching up his fences as best he may and of saving some of his favorites from the wreck. President Roosevelt's action in relation to the recent Kansas appointment, when he felt compelled to disappoint Senator Burton, who is his personal friend and who was one of his stanchest advocates for the nomination for Vice President, because Senator Burton's protege, whom he wished to have retained, was not as "clean as a hound's tooth," has opened the eyes of the Platt men as to what may be expected here. Present Roosevelt, having been Governor of this State for two years, is fully conversant with the reputation and standing of every Federal official here. Although the Platt men may believe they have gained the advantage because Appraiser Wakeman is to be superseded by George W. Wanmaker if the Platt programme does not miscarry, the truth is that several of the Platt machine officials, Collector George R. Bidwell among others, also are liable to lose their yellow jackets of Federal authority. Several other Republicans have visited President Roosevelt in advance of Platt. Some of them say that the President will not reappoint Collector Bidwell "unless he can explain away many things," and the intimation from the same source is that the Collector and his friends will not be able to make much explanations to the President's satisfaction. The constant attack to which Appraiser Wakeman has been subjected for the last four years, and which now has culminated, if report be true, in the President's determination to put an end to the wrangling at this port, may result in establishing a new regime in the Collectorship, the Surveyorship and the position of Naval Officer of the Port. The Department of Immigration, too, probably will be overhauled, and both Commissioner Fitchie and his deputy, Edward F. McSweeny, may find themselves out. PROTEST AGAINST BIDWELL McDougall Hawkes, the Republican leader of the Twenty-fifth Assembly district, and John A. Weekes, the Republican Member of Assembly from that district, were the President's guests in Washington on Saturday. It is surmised that the President gained valuable information from them concerning Collector Bidwell's pernicious activity in factional politics in the interest of the Quigg clique in this city. Charles A. Hess, whom Quigg, when he was County chairman, made the leader of the Twenty-fifth district, although Hess lives in Madison, N.J., was Mr. Hawkes's rival for the leadership in the last primaries in the Twenty-fifth. Mr. Hawkes, as leader of the district, and so recognized by the organization, requested Collector Bidwell to remove or transfer certain employes in the Customs service who were much more active in Hess's interests in factional politics than in discharging their official duties. Collector Bidwell, however, turned a deaf ear to Mr. Hawkes's request. On the day of the primaries every one of these Federal employes were open in their active antagonism to the leader of their district, Mr. Hawkes, Hess, however, was defeated, and Mr. Hawkes, again established as the district leader, has carried his complaint to headquarters in Washington. It so happens that General Francis V. Greene, President Roosevelt's close personal friend and former president of the County Committee, is a voter in the Twenty-fifth district and supported Hawkes in the contest against Hess. Captain F. Norton Goddards, too, another personal friend of the President, had troubles of his own of a similar nature with Hees and Bidwell when he contested the election as a delegate to the Republican National Convention with Hees last year. Captain Goddard, too, has been in Washington to talk with his friend the President recently. Assemblyman Weekes has been a friend of President Roosevelt for many years, as he has a summer home in Oyster Bay near Sagamore Hill, the President's residence. In the recent contest between Hawkes and Hess in the Twenty-fifth district the statement was made that Hess enjoy a Federal contract of feeding the detained immigrants on Ellis Island, and that by "manipulation"—to use a mild term—this contract returns a profit of $25,000 a year. CUSTOM HOUSE RING. Intimations have been made which have reached the President that Quigg shares in this profit derived from Hess's "pull" with the customs and immigration departments. Hess, by the way. is a Custom House lawyer: that is, he acts as counsel for accused importers when they are "In trouble" with the customs service. This Quigg-Bidwe.l-Hess ring must be broken up, many reputable Republicans say, and they have made a strong case, according to report, to the President, Although Quigg always boasts of being the man who made Mr. Roosevelt's selection for Governor "possible" in 1898, the President takes another view of Mr. Quigg's part in that understanding, so Quigg, after all, may not be able to says his friend Bidwell and retain his own source of influence and profit. Abraham Gruber has taken no hand, it is said, in the fight now on against Collector Bidwell, but others have reminded the President that the Collector had Mr. Gruber's brother transferred after Mr. Gruber defeated George C. Austin in the primaries in the Twenty-first district when Quigg tried to "isolate" Gruber in Republican politics. Added to these complaints against Bidwell is the dissatisfaction with the present administration of the Custom House on the part of Republican leaders up the States, as told of in The Press recently. Collector Bidwell has shown scant courtesy to many Republicans not identified with the Quigg clique, and these chickens now are coming home to roost on Bidwell's doorstep. Before the President gets through hearing all about the administration of the customs service and its allied branches at this port, well-informed Republicans said yesterday, he may decide that Bidwell and a few other heads of departments should follow Appraiser Wakeman out of office "for the good of the service." [*16351*] Some Republican leaders said yesterday that Francis Wayland Higgins of Olean or James S. Sherman of Utica would make a good Collector of the Port. DEFENSE OF WAKEMAN. The friends of Appraiser Wakeman, with the warning given of his danger, have set to work. Charles F. Homer, treasurer of Silk Manufacturers' Association, left for Washington yesterday, and intends to see the President to-day in Mr. Wakeman's behalf. Other representatives of leading industries are expected to put to the President arguments for Wakeman's retention. It will be shown that undervaluations have criminally been permitted at the Port of New York to the detriment of honest importers, and that the scandals arising from this condition of affairs received no check until Mr. Wakeman actively proceeded to unearth the frauds. It will also be said that Mr. Wakeman has gained the enmity of Senator Platt by refusing to make appointments at his behest and for attempting to remove incompetent or dishonest employes who owe their retention in office to the protection of the Boss. Thus far the current against the Appraiser has been strong, but it is probable that when the President is made to understand Wakeman's struggle for an honest administration of his office he will get an opportunity of stating his side of the case. [*16352*] PLATT SEES THE PRESIDENT. New York Federal Offices Subject of Their Conversation. Special to the Press. WASHINGTON, Oct. 6—Senator Platt of New York took dinner at the White House this evening. He remained with the President until about 10 o'clock. The story that the President sent for Senator Platt is true in so far as it fits into the information conveyed by the Senator to the President that he intended to be in Washington over Sunday. Thereupon the President answered the Senator that he would be glad to see him. The President intended to talk to all the Republican Senators in turn as they may visit the national capital, but he has extended formal invitations to the leaders only, and Senator Platt of New York is not in that class. Senator Spooner of Wisconsin has been honored with a summons. Senators Allison and Aldrich, Platt of Connecticut, Hale of Maine, Vice President pro-tempore Frye, Foraker of Ohio and others are on the President's list for special consultations on questions relating to party policies and legislation in the coming session. The New York Federal offices are giving the President considerable to think of. There are demands from various quarters for changes. Collector of Customs Bidwell, who has a recess reappointment from President McKinley, is under fire. There are allegations concerning his personal conduct that have not been put in writing, but which have been given to the President as among the dozen reasons why he should not renominate Bidwell when Congress meets. The removal of Naval Officer Sharkey, as well as of Postmaster Wilson of Brooklyn, is demanded. Altogether New York affairs are in a state of lively agitation, and Senator Platt's views will add to the information of the President. It is not considered likely that Senator Platt will oppose the wishes of the President with regard to any of the appointments. In accordance with his custom long followed the Senior Senator from New York will find out which way the land lays and then adapt himself to circumstance, claiming credit for whatever may be the outcome. [*Oct 7*] THE PRESIDENT AND THE APPRAISERSHIP The most dangerous enemy of President Roosevelt in the State of New York, if not the Union, is the United States Senator who is to-day seeking at his hands the removal of the one Federal official of the port of New York who has displayed in office the Rooseveltian quality of a rugged, ugly honesty. The official life of Wilbur F. Wakeman, Appraiser of this port, is sought by Thomas C. Platt because he has waged relentless war on those cheating importers whom it is Thomas C. Platt's "private business" to protect. This fact is well known in business circles. It is notorious in political circles. Platt's scheme of vengeance, conceived before the late President was cold in his coffin, is in consequence aimed more at the reputation of the present President than at the incumbency of the present Appraiser. Such a removal would be a harm to the business of every honest importer in the country. It would be a blow to the efficiency and morale of the Treasury Department, whose thousands of responsible officials would see the triumph of the corrupt and the humiliation of the honest element in the service. But most of all it would be a catastrophe to the luminous civil service reforming career of Theodore Roosevelt. In his whole term of office he will find no more wily snare for his feet than this first attempt to stultify his record and brand him, according to Platt's indecent newspaper brag at McKinley's deathbed, as "a member of the organization." [*16350*]it when he became a member and served in the Confederate Congress. The Republican party at this time has no such popular idol or leader as Henry Clay, other than Theodore Roosevelt. Millard Fillmore, who became President upon the death of General Taylor, was recognized as a Whig, but was known to be in sympathy with the Knownothings, and was nominated in the hope of catching the Knownothing vote for the Whig ticket. Filmore broke with the Whigs when he signed the Fugitive Slave bill, and although sustained by most of his cabinet, the Whig party, as an organization, turned almost solidly against him. The slave question was uppermost in the minds of the people at that time, and Filmore put himself squarely against the Whig party on that, the leading issue of the hour. Filmore was not a strong man mentally, nor a man of much foresight, or he would have been able to see the avalanche that was awaiting him. He was scarcely less execrated than Tyler had been by his party in the Northern States, and practically had no support in the National Whig Convention of 1852. Besides, General Scott, who was nominated at that Convention, was the popular hero of the American idea, had concluded a successful was with Mexico, and was absolutely in accord with the Whig party on all leading questions. The only great leader in the Republican [*16355*] Kansas City, Mo., Oct. 7, 1901. HON. E. C. BROKMEYER, Editor "Missouri State Republican," St. Louis, Mo. My Dear Brokmeyer:— Your two questions, "Why have none of the vice-presidents who became president, through death, succeeded themselves; and why may not history repeat itself in the case of President Roosevelt," received, and I answer with pleasure. There has been much discussion on this subject since Colonel Roosevelt became President, but when we take the history of each vice-presidential administration, it is not difficult to understand why it would not apply in the case of the present occupant of the White House. The Vice-Presidents who became President by the death of the running mates were John Tyler, Millard Filmore, Andrew Johnson, Chester A. Arthur and Theodore Roosevelt. When we study the history carefully of these first three, and the circumstances surrounding them and their administrations, it is only to wonder why their names were ever mentioned for the nomination, and it is certainly clear why Chester A. Arthur was not nominated in [*16354*] President Roosevelt's Successor. BY E. MONT. REILY Kansas City, Missouri JOHN HARMAN, PRINTER. [*16353*]Preface LAST October Hon. E.C. Brokmeyer, and editor and proprietor of the Missouri State Republican, of St. Louis, requested me to write an article for his paper and answer the following questions: First, "Why have none of the Vice-Presidents, who became President by death of their predecessors, succeeded themselves?" and Second, that being the case "Why may not history repeat itself in the case of President Roosevelt?" This subject has caused a good deal of discussion, and since the publication of my reply, I have had so many requests for a copy of my article that I decided to have it printed in this little book, so any one thinking it is worth the reading, is welcome to a copy of same. E. MONT. REILY KANSAS CITY, MO., March 1902. 1884, when we study the conditions existing in our party at the time. John Tyler, who became President upon the death of William Henry Harrison, to begin with, had always been a Democrat, but had quarreled with his party and had been taken up by the Whigs as early as 1836, in the hope that he would draw from the Democratic strength in Virginia and other Southern states. When he became President, he soon broke faith with the Whigs on the National bank issue, and all his cabinet resigned at once, with the exception of Daniel Webster, who held on for a time, but later had to leave the cabinet to retain any standing with his party. Tyler appointed Whigs in their places at first, but soon afterwards appointed Democrats in their stead. Tyler again ruined his standing with the Whig party by his arbitrary and unpopular vetoes of Whig measures. Tyler followed that up by forcing the nomination of James K. Polk for President in 1844 in the National Democratic Convention, whom he earnestly supported after his nomination. On the other hand, the "Great Commoner," Henry Clay, was a candidate for the Whig nomination, and in all probability would have been nominated, even if Tyler had been a loyal and devoted supporter of the Whig policies. Tyler's heart and sympathy were ever with the Democratic party and the South, and he fully demonstrated 3 an party to-day, who possesses the popularity that General Scott held at that time, is Theodore Roosevelt. Andrew Johnson, who became President at the depth of the great Lincoln, was never a Republican, never claimed to be, but was nominated as a "war Democrat." When he became President, he soon broke with the Republican party, and was at swords points with it during nearly all his term. Johnsons extreme views regarding reconstruction, first on one side then on the other, and his bitter attitude toward the popular War Secretary, Edward M. Stanton, not only lost him the support of the Republican party, but brought him within one vote of impeachment by a Republican Congress. In the Democratic National Convention of 1868, Johnson received 65 votes for nomination for President, and regained his standing in the Democratic party and was by it elected to the United States Senate. On the other hand, the popular and heroic figure of General U. S. Grant at that time appeared like a "star in the East." He had returned as the victorious commander of the greatest of all wars, and a grateful people were almost ready to crown him King. The people loved him, they believed in him. they trusted him, and as he was in perfect harmony with the Republican party, they made him President. President Roosevelt more nearly approaches 5President in the past by the death of their predecessors, had ever been mentioned for the Presidency. In the case of Colonel Roosevelt, his name had become a household word for the 1904 nomination, months before he sadly became President, and since he has become President, the people "love him for the enemies he has made" in the Republican party, as well as those out of it. President Roosevelt is in perfect and complete harmony with President McKinley's policies and the Republican party, and the party is in unanimous accord with him. He is the first Vice-President to become President who was in entire accord with his predecessor on all leading political questions. No commanding figure can appear on the political horizon to obscure powerful personage of Theodore Roosevelt in 1904. He himself will be the Henry Clay of the Republican party; he himself will be the General Grant of the party; he himself will be the James G. Blaine of the party; he himself will be the Roosevelt. E. MONT. REILY, Kansas City, Mo. [*16357*] the heroic and popular military character of the hero of Appomattox than any man who has been before the American people since the days of reconstruction. He also represents in civil life, in the estimation of all thinking people, as General Grant did, the very embodiment of absolute integrity, courage and fidelity to duty. Chester A. Arthur, who became President at the death of the martyred Garfield, made a very good President and was a good Republican, was nominated for the Vice Presidency to placate the "Stalwarts" of New York, and after he became President he recognized only that element of the party, and the "half-breeds," known as the opposition in the party, became very bitter against him. The split that occurred in his own state did much to encompass his defeat for nomination in 1884, but still he might have won if the great and commanding influence of James G. Blaine had not been so thoroughly united and cemented in the Plumed Knight. Arthur was a man of mediocre ability; had never held any position of influence till he became Vice-President, and was never regarded by the Republican party as a great leader or a man of superior ability. On the other hand, James G. Blaine at that time was the idol of the Republican party; great in intellect, powerful in prestige, magnificent in oratory,-the "Magnetic Statesman." The statesmanship, leadership, and 6 [*16356*]devotion to party principles, as demonstrated so strongly in the character of Blaine, have been fully and perfectly exemplified in President Roosevelt's entire public career. The last, but greatest, and only great Vice-President to become a President, Theodore Roosevelt, occupies a very unique position in the party and country to-day. The Vice-Presidents of the past who became President were not men of great ability, nor were they leaders of their respective parties. Not so with President Roosevelt. He is the greatest leader intellectually in the nation to-day, and since the death of the lamented McKinley, is the recognized leader of the Republican party. Who doubts if President McKinley had declined renomination at Philadelphia, that Colonel Roosevelt would have been nominated almost by acclamation? And President Roosevelt is a thousand times stronger to-day than he was then, and those people who were yelling "erratic" and "grand stand player" at that time, can't be found to-day. His conservative, sensible, broad, statesman-like course since he became President, has endeared him to every American patriot. The wise course he pursued in retaining the cabinet of President McKinley, showed that he belonged to a different class to his Vice-Presidential predecessors. Another thing we must remember, that none of those who becamePRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S SUCCESSOR. Timely History of Vice-Presidents Who Became Chief Magistrates of the Nation. E. Mont Really Tells Why Roosevelt Will Prove an Exception and Succeed Himself. Editor Missouri State Republican, St. Louis, Mo. Kansas City, Mo., Oct. 7, 1901.-Your two questions, "Why have none of the vice-presidents who became president succeeded themselves? and, "Why may not history repeat itself in the case of President Roosevelt?" received, and I answer with pleasure. The vice-presidents who became president by the death of their running mates, were John Tyler, Millard Filmore, Andrew Johnson, Chester A. Arthur and Theodore Roosevelt. When we study the history carefully of these first three and the circumstances surrounding them, it is only to wonder why their names were ever mentioned for renomination. John Tyler, who became president upon the death of William Henry Harrison, to begin with, had always been a democrat, but had quarreled with his party and had been taken up by the whigs as early as 1836 in the hope that he would draw from the democratic strength in Virginia and other southern states. When he became president, he soon broke faith with the whigs, on the national bank issue, and all his cabinet resigned at once, with the exception of Daniel Webster, who held on for a time, but later had to leave the cabinet to retain any standing with his party. Tyler appointed whigs in their places at first, but soon afterwards appointed democrats in their stead. Tyler again ruined his standing with the whig party by his arbitrary and unpopular vetoes of whig measures. Tyler followed that up by forcing the nomination of James K. Polk for president in 1844 in the democratic national convention, whom he earnestly supported after his nomination. On the other hand, the "Great Commoner," Henry Clay, was a candidate for the whig nomination, and in all probability would have been nominated, even if Tyler had been a loyal and devoted supporter of the whig policies. Tyler's heart and sympathy were ever with the democratic party, and the south, and he fully demonstrated it when he became a member and served in the confederate congress. I don't think it is very difficult to understand why Mr. Tyler was never nominated for president by the whigs. Millard Filmore, who became president upon the death of Gen. Taylor, was recognized as a whig, but was known to be in sympathy with the knownothings, and was nominated in the hope of catching the knownothing vote for the whig ticket. Filmore broke with the whigs when he signed the fugitive slave bill, and although sustained by most of his cabinet, the whig party, as an organization, turned almost solidly against him. The slave question was uppermost in the minds of the people at that time, and Filmore put himself squarely against the whig party on that, the leading issue of the hour. Filmore was not a strong man mentally, nor a man of much foresight, or he would have been able to see the avalanche that was awaiting him. He was scarcely less execrated than Tyler had been by his party in the northern states, and practically had no support in the national whig convention of 1852. Besides, Gen. Scott, who was nominated at the convention, was the popular hero of the American idea, had concluded a successful was with Mexico, and was absolutely in accord with the whig party on all great questions. Andrew Johnson, who became president at the death of Lincoln, was never a republican, never claimed to be, but was nominated as a "war democrat." When he became president he soon broke with the republican party, and was at swords' points with it during nearly all of his term. Johnson's extreme views regarding reconstruction, first on one side then on the other, and his bitter attitude toward the popular war secretary. Edward M. Stanton, not only lost him the support of the republican party, but brought him within one vote of impeachment by a republican congress. In the Democratic national convention of 1868, Johnson received 65 votes for renomination for president, and regained his standing in the democratic party, and was by it elected to the United States senate. On the other hand the popular and heroic figure of Gen. U.S. Grant at that time, appeared like a "star in the east." He had returned as the victorious commander of the greatest of all wars, and a grateful people were almost ready to crown him king. The people believed in him, they trusted him, and as he was in perfect harmony with the republican party, they made him president. Chester A. Arthur, who made a very good president, and was a good republican, was nominated for the vice-presidency to placate the "stalwarts" of New York, and after he became president, he recognized only that element of the party, and the "half breeds" became very bitter against him. The split that occurred in his own state did much to encompass his defeat for the nomination in 1884, but still he might have won if the popular and commanding influence of James G. Blaine had not been so thoroughly united and cemented in the "Plumed Knight." Arthur was a man of mediocre ability; he never held any position of influence till he became vice-president, and was never regarded by the republican party as a great leader or a man of superior ability. James G. Blaine, at that time, was the idol of the republican party, great in intellect, powerful in prestige, magnificent in oratory, the "Magnetic Statesman." The last, but greatest of the vice- presidents to become president, Theodore Roosevelt, occupies a very unique position in the party and country to- day. The vice-presidents of the past who became president were not men of great ability, nor were they leaders of their respective parties. Not so with President Roosevelt. He is the greatest man, intellectually, in the nation to-day, and since the death of the lamented McKinley, is the recognized leader of the republican party. Who doubts, if President McKinley had declined renomination at Philadelphia, that Col. Roosevelt would have been nominated almost by acclamation? And President Roosevelt is a thousand times stronger to-day than he was then, and those people who were yelling "erratic." and "grandstand player" at that time can't be found to-day. His sensible, broad, statesman-like course since he became president, has endeared him to every American patriot. The wise course he pursued in retaining the cabinet of President McKinley showed that he belonged to a different class to his vice-president predecessors. Another thing we must remember, that none of those who became president in the past by the death of their predecessors had ever been mentioned for the presidency. In the case of Col. Roosevelt, his name had become a household word for the 1904 nomination, months before he sadly became president. President Roosevelt is in perfect and complete McKinley's policies and the republican party, and the party is in unanimous accord with him. He is the first vice-president to become president who was in entire accord with his predecessor on all great political questions. No commanding figure can appear on the political horizon to obscure the powerful personage of THEODORE ROOSEVELT in 1904. He himself will be the Henry Clay of the republican party; he himself will be the Gen. Grant of the party; he himself will be the James G. Blaine of the party; he himself will be the ROOSEVELT. E. MONT. REILY 16358[*[For enc, see 10-8-01]*] [*ackd 10/10/1901*] Incorporated in 1852. Boston Young Mens Christian Union. Boylston Street. Wm. H. Baldwin, President Office 48 Boylston Street. TRUSTEES OF PERMANENT FUND SAMUEL WELLS, Chairman. WM. ENDICOTT, Treasurer. WM. H. BALDWIN, Secretary. EDWIN L. SPRAGUE. WM. L. RICHARDSON Boston, Oct. 8th 1901 President Roosevelt. — Dear Friend — Our hearts are keenly touched by the great affliction which has fallen upon our dear friend Secretary Long in the passing away of his dearly beloved daughter Helen, and they all in that home have our warmest sympathies. As I read just now the enclosed report of the funeral service of yesterday I felt prompted to inclose to you feeling that You and Yours would read with a sad interest. With my warm personal [*16359*]regards and very best wishes to you in the great responsibilities which have been placed upon you, and with precious memories of our dear departed one Prest. McKinley, I remain, Very truly yours, W. H. Baldwin. Washington D. C. [*16360*]to Secretary Gage a strong letter from Marshal Field. Please understand Mr. President that I am making no plea for the appraiser. If as I am told Sec'y Gage no longer favors him I have not a word to say. Mr. Gage must know better than any body the true inwardness of the whole matter. I simply wish to advise you so far as I can of present conditions as they appear to me, and then leave the whole matter to your own good judgment, to which, whatever the decision, I shall loyally agree. Sincerely yours C. N. Bliss [*[Bliss]*] The President Personal Oct 8th 1901 87 DUANE STREET. [*Ansd file Pr*] Dear Mr. President As a private in the ranks it has been my aim to interfere as little as possible with New York appointments, and to make any suggestions that seemed necessary, on account of my former position, through the Senators of the State. I am fully sensible of the strained relations between the collector and appraiser and that the latter is not supported by the Senior Senator. I said to Senator Platt a few days since that notwithstanding the complaints of Wakeman, it seemed to me [*16361*]your policy under existing circumstances to retain him in office, certainly for the present, and that if he would take collector and appraiser together and insist upon harmonious business relations existing between them conditions would be more satisfactory. Wakeman has always been bitterly opposed by the class of importers supposed to be given to undervaluation, and in his early career was vigorously supported by those who were considered to be honest importers. Some of the latter have, however, suffered from his rulings, and are now somewhat indifferent as to his fate. I think today his strongest support comes from Senators and Representatives who have had a good deal to do with him in connection with the Tariff League. Col. Tichenor Genl Appraiser sent to me some time since the enclosed letter with the request that I would submit it to President McKinley. I never had an opportunity to do so and it seems proper that I should now forward it to you, with another enclosure from Consul [uncertain word]. I sent Personal Oct 8th 1901 117 Duane Street Dear Mr. President I have understood from Senator Platt, that Collector [?] of the Internal Revenue Service, and Marshal Henkel were certain to be retained in office. I hope this is true. I have seen newspaper statements that both were to be removed. It seems to me that if merit is to be considered both are entitled to reappointment. I feel a strong personal [*16363*]interest in [?] and Henkel and wish you may be able consistently to keep both in their present positions. Sincerely yours C. N. Bliss [*Bliss*] The President I feel like apologizing for taking up so much of your time. With these three cases out [?] may I never do it again. B[*PF*] 452 MADISON AVENUE, NEW YORK. Oct. 8th 1901 Dear Mr. President, I am very much touched by your thoughtful kindness, and will give the subject mentioned my best and earnest attention. In two or three days-on I am just leaving home on duty. I expect to have the honor to write to you with definite information. [*16364*]Meanwhile, permit me informally, to express all my loyalty and allegiance to your high office, as well as my sincerest wishes and poor prayers for your health, prosperity and success. I have the honor to remain, Your obedient servant, M. A. Corrigan. His Excellency The President of the United States. [*16365*]WILLIAM E. CHANDLER, PRESIDENT GERRIT J. DIEKEMA JAMES PERRYWOOD WILLIAM A. MAURY WILLIAM L. CHAMBERS WILLIAM E. SPEAR CLERK WILLIAM E. FULLER ASST. ATTORNEY GENERAL SPANISH TREATY CLAIMS COMMISSION. OFFICE No.1411 H STREET N.W. WASHINGTON, D.C. Oct 8th 1901 My Dear Mr. Cortelyou, I would esteem it a personal favor if the inclosed note is brought to the President's notice in a way that he should read it. Appreciating your kindness Yrs very Truly W. L. Chambers P.S. If convenient I would like to be able to retain the papers left with the President in connection with the judgment matters relating to my candidacy. [*16366*][*ackd 10/10/1901 P.P.F.*] WILLIAM E. CHANDLER, PRESIDENT GERRIT J. DIEKEMA JAMES PERRYWOOD WILLIAM A. MAURY WILLIAM L. CHAMBERS WILLIAM E. SPEAR CLERK WILLIAM E. FULLER ASST. ATTORNEY GENERAL SPANISH TREATY CLAIMS COMMISSION. OFFICE No.1411 H STREET N.W. WASHINGTON, D.C. Oct. 8th 1901 Mr. President. I would be insincere if I should conceal the fact that the failure to secure the Alabama Judgeship was the severest disappointment of my life. Please allow me to say, however, Mr. President, that you have conferred the honor upon a conspicuously able lawyer, a gentleman of the highest character, a man without a superior in the affection of our people, one who will, in every way, distinguish the jurisprudence of the country. I have the honor to be sir, Most respectfully Wm L. Chambers [*16367*][shorthand]Confidential. Topeka, Kans., Oct. 8, 1901. My Dear Friend:-- Without present explanation, but after due consultation and advice with controlling authorities, it is positive that the re-appointment of Leland can be prevented if individual protests of sufficient number, from Republicans of Kansas, is sent to the President at once. This is from inside authority, which I will explain to you when we meet. So please write a personal letter to the President, and have as many others as you can of your confidential friends do the same, protesting against the re-appointment of Leland, and giving the reasons therefore, and showing that it is to the paramount interest of the Republican party in this state and its future success, that Mr. Leland be not re-appointed, and that some suitable and uncontentious Republican be appointed in his place. Please do this at once, and believe me, Sincerely and Truly, your Friend P. H. Coney To-- F. P. Cochran Cottonwood, Falls, Kans. [*16368 174*][ENC. IN COCHRAN TO LELAND 10-15-01]WAR DEPARTMENT Adjutant General's Office, Washington. October 8, 1901. Mr. Leonard Wilson, War Department, Washington, D.C. Sir: Replying to your verbal enquiry of this date, I have the honor to inform you that the report of Major-General Joseph Wheeler, U.S. Volunteers, commanding the Cavalry Division in the campaign before Santiago, dated July, 1898, mentions you favorably on account of the services you rendered the General in that campaign; and, subsequently, in a report which General Wheeler made to the Adjutant General of the Army, dated March 10, 1899, in which he submits a more detailed report of said operations, he again mentions your service as his Secretary and Volunteer Aid. Very respectfully yours, H.C. CORBIN, Major-General, U.S. Army, Adjutant General. 16369[Encl in Wilson 6-15-18] (COPY.) [?] SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Committee on Coast and Insular Survey. Tacoma, Wash., October 8, 1901. To the President, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. Sir: I take pleasure in heartily endorsing Mr. Albert D. Elliot, formerly Secretary of the Territory of Alaska, for appointment as Secretary of Porto Rico. In the Interior Department, where Mr. Elliots's work is well known and appreciated, he has many friends and I feel confident that he would be exceptionally valuable in the Porto Rican service. Very respectfully, A.G. FOSTER 16370[Encl. in 7-3-02 Elliot][*File*] [*PF*] ESTABLISHED 1847. J. W. Goddard & Sons, 98, 100 & 102, Bleecker St. and 197 Mercer St. New York, Oct. 8, '01 190 M President Roosevelt, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir: Very dear Mr. President I have your favor of Oct. 3rd and have written Mr. Nichols, enclosing your letter. I have no doubt that he will be glad to comply with your suggestion. The gentleman you recommended to me in a previous letter called on me to-day, and I believe is in a fair way to accomplish his mission. Very truly yours, F. Norton Goddard [*16371*]both as a grower and as a refiner. I know no man in New England so thoroughly versed in all sides of the situation. I know that Mr. Atkins had the ear of the President before the Spanish War. He saved me from what would have been a most unwise championship of certain [*P.F.*] 282 Washington St Boston Oct 8, 1901 My dear Mr. President:- May I present to you Mr. E. F. Atkins of Boston. Mr. Atkins has large business interests in Cuba and I have always found him a mine of information in regard to Cuban business interests, tariff etc especially in regard to sugar in which he is directly interested [*16373*] "patriots" who have since turned out exactly what he said they were. As you know, I feel that a reduction of the duty on Cuban sugar means necessarily a reduction of the duty on German sugar as well. This, however, is aside from the question-Mr. Atkins wishes to present to you the story of Cuba's commercial needs-I know no man who knows them better. Faithfully yours, Curtis Guild, Jr.PPF B Newbury N.H. P.F. Oct. 8. 1901 Dear Theodore A letter from W. Choate just received, says among other things "The King inquired most warmly for President Roosevelt and yourself, expressed great admiration for the President's record, with which he was familiar and wishes me to say to you that he was much pleased to hear that you were to continue as Secretary of State. The audience ended by his asking me to send him a good photograph of President Roosevelt, which I shall do with the greatest pleasure." I am greatly amazed by the puffs our treaty is receiving at the hands of some of our good friends. If old Lord Halsbury reads those, it may get his back up so that he will block the whole business. Thanks for your kind letter; and give my cordial messages to Mrs. Roosevelt for her sympathetic insight. Yours faithfully John Hay2 thrust upon you and under such sad circumstances - I pray earnestly that God will give you wisdom & knowledge "for who can judge this, thy so great people" - The events of the past few weeks, while filled with untold sorrow must leave an impress for good in every thoughtful [*Ackd 10/14/1901*] 1721 12th Ave South Birmingham Ala Oct 8th 1901 President Roosevelt. "My dear Colonel" - Since Gordon has sent me your kindly messages of remembrance I feel at liberty to express to you how deeply I feel for you with the great burden of a nation duties suddenly [*16375*] Man & woman in our land - Who would not-gladly give up a few years of lifes troubled dream to die as our President did, & in his dying, touch its nations soul & call forth all that is good in us — With Mr McKinley to teach us how to die & you to show us how to live, we surely must attain heights we never reached before I wish to say to you in regard to Gordon that I was completely reconciled to his soldiering, when I found it had developed all the best in his nature; still it is a blow to my ambition to have him settle down to a sub officer & be disallowed up in the great army of the Republic — However, we mothers cant expect the world to see our sons as we see them - [*16376*][[shorthand]] 5 I am deeply grateful to you not only for what you have done for Gordon but for more for what you have been to him an inspiration — and a friend! Now he can never fail or falter, for you will ever hold him to his best. [*16377*]Should you visit the South, I hope you will honor us by giving us even a small portion of your precious time — I hope Alice is quite well — please remember me to her and to Mrs Roosevelt . I know you are too busy to reply, and I feel I am trespassing as it is, but I just had to tell you, how my [h] heart & prayers are yours — & how I hope & believe you will make the best, the very best President we have ever had - Yours sincerely Mrs R D Johnsen Johnston [*16378*]it to you, although I realize that your sources of intelligence are doubtless better than ours. Sincerely yours, Hammond Lamont President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. [*Ackd File ppF Pr*] The Evening Post EDITORIAL ROOMS NEW YORK, Oct. 8, 1901. My dear President Roosevelt:-- When you were kind enough to talk with me Saturday night, you said you found it hard to arrive at the facts in the political muddle in Hawaii; and you added that you should be glad to get further information. I therefore take the liberty of enclosing three clippings, which probably add nothing to your knowledge of the situation. I have also asked our correspondent for an unbiased statement as to the merits of each side in the controversy with Governor Dole. Should he send anything of value, I will, as you suggested, forward [*16379*]does not sympathize with the Boers. I have not found a single American who is proud of our war in the Philippines - tho' there seem to be few who know how to let go. And when a country officially does what surely 90% of its people do not believe in, something is wrong, Anyhow, "here's how!" May all go with you á pedir de boca. Away off here we are with you. Sincerely yours Chas F. Lummis [*ackd 10-16-1901 ppF * THE MAGAZINE OF CALIFORNIA AND THE WEST. AUTHORITATIVE, VIGOROUS, RICHLY ILLUSTRATED. $1 A YEAR. "Its lively independence and its genuine learning... A steady evenness of worth and interest."— The Nation. "The best there is in periodical literature on the Pacific Coast...Ability and individuality powerful enough and original enough to give distinction to any periodical... A voice listened to with respect and interest in all parts of the country."—The Dial. EDITORIAL ROOMS THE LAND OF SUNSHINE CHAS . F. LUMMIS, EDITOR LOS ANGELES, Cal Oct 8 1901 [*Ackd 10-16-1901 ppy*] Prest. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C., Dear Mr. Roosevelt: Banging about from civilization to the Free Country pretty continuously for the last three months — just in from New Mexico, & going back in a few days on another trip - there has been no chance in my 21-hour days to send you my godspeed. And this must be done before I go forth to measure any more ruins of the old pueblos, [*16381*]the ways so hard to find, but surely not hopeless to a good trailer - to salve the two sorest spots in American hearts. I hope this republic will not forever abet & connive at the butchery of men like Snipnan (with whom we've been having a good time) & the "reconcentrating" of such wives & children. And I hope we may get our hands washed of another & sadly similar procedure. I have not yet found a single American - thank God!- who or to play caballerango for my party. There isn't any way to say it, only to put out a Western fist with all good wishes for you & for my country. I am glad you are in the saddle when the hard days come; for we can trust a Man. I hope all your pluck, all your horse sense, all your patriotism, may have the highest reward you or I could ask for them - to count full for a country we care a bit about. And I reckon they will. Power to your elbow! [*16382*] I hope with all my heart you can findANDREW P. MCCORMICK, U.S. CIRCUIT JUDGE. Dallas, Texas, Octobrer 8, 1901 My dear Judge:-- I spent my summer vacation this year with my children who reside in Burlington, Vermont. I met Mr. Justice Brewer casually and for a few moments only in Burlington, and I learned from him that you were at your usual summer resort. I regretted that conditions were such that I could not give myself the pleasure of calling on you. I write now touching our mutual friend Colonel P.B. Hunt. You knew him long before I did, and in fields and times which tried men. But he and I have now been neighbors, intimately associated for many years and in fields and times somewhat different, but almost as trying as those presented in Kentucky during the Civil War. He was for several years United States Marshal for the district in which I served as United States District judge. For several years previous to that time he had been a citizen of the frontier county in which I then resided, and in which I had much thrilling experience in the trial of some cases which were reviewed by your court in Logan v. United States, (144 U.S. 263.) At present he is, as you know, Collector of Internal Revenue for the district in which I reside, an office which he has now held for more than four years. The recent most shocking assassination of the President having devolved the Executive office on a new incumbent provided by the Constitution and by express popular election for the place, and universally deemed worthy, and conspicuous for his devotion to Civil Service, it may seem a work of supererogation to guard against the contingency of arbitrary change in such subordinate but most honorable employment as that held by Col. Hunt. But eternal vigilance is [*16383*]ANDREW P. MCCORMICK, U.S. CIRCUIT JUDGE. -2- the price of other things as well as of liberty. My relations with Col. Hunt have been so intimate, and my observation of his bering as a citizen so constant, and my approval of his life and conduct so unqualified, that I feel a strong personal interest not only on his account and on my own account, but on account of the public welfare and the credit of the Government, that he should not be removed, unless by promotion, from the public service in which he is engaged. His record as a public officer, so far as his conduct touches the Departments, is fully preserved there. But his bearing and daily execution of his official duties as they bring him in contact with the public, where he serves, cannot appear from his accounts and reports, but has been most obvious to those who have had my opportunities to observe, and I wish to bear my humble testimony to his worth as a man, his activity and energy as a citizen, his patriotic devotion to good order and good government, and the credit which his example reflects upon the present administration. You will know whether and how far you can aid him, and whether and how far this testimony of mine may be used. With warm regards to yourself and family, I remain, Sincerely your friend, Andrew P. McCormick Mr. Justice John W. Harlan, Washington, D.C. 16384[Enclosed in Harlan, 10-12-01]opportunity of congratulating you on the splendid way in which you have answered this highest call to duty and the admirable manner in which you have carried out [[shorthand]] [*PPF ackd 10-8-1901*] My dear Theodore, Joe Murray tells me he is going to Washington to pay you his respects. I take the [*16385*]your great responsibilities. With my very best wishes for your success and happiness believe me always Most Sincerely Yours John Murray Mitchell Tuxedo N.Y. Tuxedo — Oct 7, 1901 To The President. [*16386*][[shorthand]] [*Ackd 10/11/1901 P. F.*] PLANT TREES ARBOR LODGE. Nebraska City October 8 1901 My Dear Mr President What tremendous duties and responsibilities have come down like an avalanche, upon you since our pleasant journey with Paul to Colorado Springs! But, I had a long talk with Ex-President Cleveland at his own house, the other day and we cordially agreed that with your honesty, courage, good judgment and practical patriotism you will make a most excellent and fearless Executive for this great Republic. God Bless you and protect and direct you ! Your friend J. Sterling Morton [*16387*] To Theodore Roosevelt Executive Mansion Washington D.C.P.O. Box 1222. CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT. Roosevelt & Son, 33 WALL STREET, NEW YORK, Emmet thought you or I might like it, but it seems too small for me as my children & growing so tall. If you wish to do anything about it you should write Merritt at once. We are getting into the Fall campaign I wonder where I can put a subscription to do most good. Low has so many organizations behind him I do not know which to help. Fulton Cutting has applied but I wonder if he is really practical. Love to Edith & the children Sincerely yours Emlen [*[Roosevelt]*] [*16390*] P.O. Box 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT. Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, NEW YORK, [*OCT 8-1901*] [*Ackd File ppp Pr*] My Dear Theodore, I understand your view of the Scrymser matter & in a certain way it is correct. It is a contest between different business rivals and Scrymser is not ready to come forward with his plan but I think you gave him a jar that will hurry him up. But I try to look at it from the point of view of what is best for you. You do not wish [this] personally the antagonism of any powerful interest and do want a cable. If you put the thing in the hands of Mackey I believe it to his interest to delay laying it on account of his cable to the East by the Azores and I do not think it practicable to lay it direct from Honolulu to the Philipines. Scrymser's interests are I believe to get cable communication across the Pacific as soon as he can by the best route he can find. I believe [*16389*]the best thing for you is to serve notice that you intend to have a cable but let the rival interest make the fight with Congress, and whoever will give the best guarantees [of] that the cable will be laid and will agree to throw it open to universal use by the public at reasonable rates can get the privilege. It will save your getting into any entanglement with either side & as Congress has already considered the matter I suppose they do not wish it taken out of their hands, Do you wish a pony for the children. Merritt has just sent me a letter from Devereau Everet offering him a pony for $150. He describes it as 13 hands high & a good jumper & perfect for children under 15 years of age. In color shape & disposition like Idaho (Merritts pony)EXECUTIVE MANSION Washington, October 8, 1901. The Honorable The Secretary of State. SIR: An International Conference of the American States having been proposed by the Executive Committee of the International Union of the American Republics, to be held in Mexico in October, 1901, and the Government of the United States having accepted an invitation to send delegates thereto, my predecessor in office has designated as delegates to that Conference Henry G. David, of West Virginia; William I. Buchanan of Iowa; Charles M. Pepper, of the District of Columbia; Volney W. Foster, of Illinois; and John Barrett, of Oregon. The Commission above named will act under the direction of the Department of State, to which it will make all necessary reports, and which will arrange for the transportation and entertainment of its members and for such clerical service as it may require, in accordance with an act of Congress making provision for this purpose. The end toward which the proposed Conference is directed is the promotion of the mutual prosperity of the America republics, and of harmony between them. The interests likely to be affected by its discussions and conclusions are (1) political, (2) commercial, and (3) special. The general principles which should guide the delegates in the performance of their duties may therefore be indicated under these heads. I. - POLITICAL QUESTIONS. The chief interest of the United States in relation to the other republics upon the American continent is the safety and permanence of the political system which underlies their and our existence as nations—the system of free self-government by the people. It is therefore to be desired that all American republics should enjoy in full measure the blessings of perfect freedom under just laws, each sovereign community pursuing its own course of orderly development without external restraint or interference. To this condition of security the peace and prosperity of all our neighbors will materially contribute. Every failure on their part to maintain social order, every economic distress which might give rise to domestic disturbance, every discord between them which could impede their industries, menace their stability, or bring upon them the calamity of foreign interference would be a misfortune to us. It should therefore be the effort of this Commission to impress upon the representatives of our sister republics of Central and South America that we desire, above all, their material prosperity and their political security, and that we entertain toward them no sentiments but those of friendship and fraternity. The method by which this result may best be accomplished is not, however, that of direct assurance, but of generous cooperation for the common good, and sincere interest in the efforts and aspirations of our neighbors to [*16391*]attain it. It is not, therefore, opportune for the delegates of the United States to assume the part of leadership in the Conference, either in its official organization or in its discussions - a position which naturally belongs to Mexico, the inviting nation and host of the occasion. It is desirable that that plans and propositions of the Latin American states should be solicited, received with consideration, and if possible brought to fruition - if this can be done in consonance with our national interests and without offense to other powers. Great care should be taken not to wound the sensibilities of any of the republics, or to take sides upon issues between them, but to treat them with frankness, equity, and generosity, and to disabuse their minds of any false impressions, if such exist, regarding the attitude and purposes of the United States. Owing to the fact that the Executive Committee of the Union of American Republics is located in Washington, many of the preliminaries to the Conference have been conducted here, and the records of that Committee show how careful its presiding officer, the Secretary of State, has been to avoid initiative, to leave all to the representatives of the Central and South American republics, and to harmonize their differences of view in such a manner as to result in the presence of delegates from all the countries invited to the Conference. This course of conciliation should be continued, if possible, throughout the Conference and every effort made to secure the greatest possible unity of action. With respect to political differences subsisting between the states of Central and South America, it is important for the Commission to proceed with great caution. The general principle should be to enter as little as possible into these questions. At the same time it will be useful to impress upon all the deep interest which the Government of the United States has in the peace and tranquility of all American states in their territorial integrity. While no specific engagements or declarations should be made with regard to such questions, it is desirable to cause it to be generally understood that the quarrels of neighboring states can not be without effect upon the interests of the United States, and that this Government would seriously condemn any attempt to destroy the territorial integrity or to encroach upon the sovereign rights of the existing states, or any conduct on their part which might tend to evoke such a calamity. The attitude of the United States toward the special questions which have arisen in connection with the territorial difficulties between Chile and Peru will be considered in another place. Nothing is of greater importance from a political point of view than that the United States should be understood to be the friend of all the Latin American republics and the enemy of none. To this end it will be prudent to propose nothing radical, to favor a free expression of views among the delegates of the other powers, and to favor and support only such measures as have the weight of general acceptance and clearly tend to promote the common good. II - COMMERCIAL QUESTIONS. With reference to questions of a commercial and industrial character, it is important to lay special stress upon the growing desire in the United States to secure the largest mutuality of interest and to avoid even the semblance of an attempt to obtain unfair advantages for ourselves. The 2 true interest of our people, it is being more and more generally admitted, lies in helping the Latin American countries with our more advanced industries and our characteristic forms of energy to expand into strong and flourishing communities, and not in seeking to aggrandize ourselves at their expense. In developing closer relations with them, we should be most careful of their autonomy. The most beneficent form of Pan-Americanism for ourselves, as well as for our sister republics, will be found in a free local development over the entire continent. If the influence of the United States spreads southward, it will be a pacific, not a hostile, influence. We find in Mexico, the West Indies, and Central America the most gratifying evidence of progress on the part, not only of our manufactures and other products, but of immigration from the United States and the investment of our capital in various forms of industrial enterprise. In Mexico this movement is most marked. Within the past few years our money has flowed into that country in a constantly swelling stream, and is now largely invested in railways, mining, and banking enterprises. The natural result has been a steady increase in friendliness and appreciation of us as a people, and we in turn have benefitted greatly by the increase of trade which necessarily grows out of such conditions. In Central America the growth of our business relations is not so marked, but is encouraging. We are fast gaining ground in the trade of the West Indies and are contributing largely to the financial and industrial interests of those islands. The fact that our trade with South American countries remains nearly stationary is probably to be explained by their greater distance from us, the lack of transportation facilities, and the larger profits to be reaped by exporters in countries which can be reached more expeditiously, or more economically - as, for example, Mexico, Canada, and even the great commercial nations of Europe. It is found, however, that where our goods are properly introduced in South America, they obtain a ready sale and speedily become popular. If our manufactures are successfully competing with European industries by their increasing sale in the home markets of the latter, it would seem to be a foregone conclusion that they will also compete with them successfully in distant markets, such as South America; and we may assume that, if the proper means are provided, the volume of our trade with South America will soon grow to large proportions. These means are: adequate transportation facilities, such as steamship lines, railroads, and an isthmian canal; reciprocal trade relations; participation in the business of banking; and a corps of commercial travelers specially equipped for the Latin-American trade. It is not impossible that, following such development, the magnificent conception of an international railroad connecting the United States with the remotest parts of South America may at last be realized. All such enterprises are deserving of encouragement, but the essential thing in the efforts of our Commission at the Conference will be to cultivate a sympathetic spirit and endeavor to remove any prejudices that may exist against us as a people; thus sowing the seed of friendly relations, of business confidence, and of permanent feelings of good will. It is not unworthy of attention that the accentuation of our desire for increased commercial facilities may be misunderstood and awaken the feeling that in wishing to cultivate closer relations with our southern neighbors we are prompted by merely mercenary motives. Such a misconception 3 [*16392*]may be best avoided by giving prominence to the moral as well as the material advantages which these relations would bestow upon all the American nations in the development of their industries and the greater stability of their institutions resulting from a better economic condition. Whatever advantages the extension of trade has to offer are of necessity reciprocal. By opening a wider market to our productions, our sister republics will greatly extend their own. It should be made clear to them that we shall naturally and almost inevitably take most from those who take most from us. The policy of our Government is well and clearly expressed in the memorable address of our lamented President delivered at Buffalo, in which he said: We must not repose in fancied security that we can forever sell everything and buy little or nothing. If such a thing were possible it would not be best for us or for those with whom we deal. * * * Reciprocity is the natural outgrowth of our wonderful industrial development. III - SPECIAL QUESTIONS 1. Programme.— If a question should arise regarding the range and character of subjects to be discussed by the Conference, or the optional or obligatory nature of the tentative programme sent out by the Mexican Government, or the application of amendments thereto by the Executive Committee of the Union of American Republics, the Commission will hold that it is for the Conference to determine, according to the usual rules of deliberative bodies, its competence to take cognizance of and to discuss any matters which may be introduced by the delegates pertinent to the objects for which the Conference is called. 2. Arbitration.— The Government of the United States is favorable to the pacific settlement of international disputes and will be gratified to see provision for such settlement promoted and applied wherever practicable. In the discussion of this subject and in the formation of any convention that may be proposed relating to it, the Commission will be guided by the following general principles: (1) All arbitration should be voluntary; (2) the choice of judges should be left to mutual agreement; (3) the locality in which a tribunal of arbitration is to act, in case one should be instituted, should not be a definitely prescribed in a general convention. While the International Tribunal established at the Hague may furnish important suggestions for a similar tribunal intended for the American republics, modifications would be necessary to adapt the conception embodied in that tribunal to the specific needs of the American states. In view of the circumstances of its formation, it might not be appropriate for the delegates of the United States to urge upon the Central and South American republics accession to The Hague Convention. Such a step, if it is deemed advisable by those republics, may be left to their own initiative, partly because the Government of the United States is not specifically authorized to invite their accession, and partly because such an invitation might not be acceptable to them, or might even be misunderstood. 3. The disputes between Peru and Chile.— While the policy of the United States in advocating the pacific settlement of disputes should be strongly impressed upon our delegates and clearly expressed by them upon proper occasion in the Conference, and while the attitude and declarations 4 of the United States at the Hague demonstrate the interest of our Government in providing an international forum whereby two States engaged in a controversy otherwise irreconcilable may have open to them a judicial means of determining the issue according to the principles of justice and with honor to both, it is not the province of a voluntary conference to enforce the employment of these honorable means of settling differences. As regards the present disputes between Peru and Chile, therefore, we can not support the view which would assert the competence of this Conference to assume the responsibilities of an arbitral board by taking cognizance of these disputes and providing in terms of their settlement. The delegation of the United States could not properly join in the assumption of any such function by the Conference unless it should appear that such action were to be taken upon the request of both parties for the exercise of its good offices. On the other hand, while our Government is not disposed to participate without the consent of both disputants in the reconciliation of their opposing interests, it can not forego the privilege of discussing the general merits of arbitration, should the Conference decide to consider that subject, nor surrender the right to express opinions with regard to the extent of its theoretical application. It would be unreasonable to maintain that an impression as to the merits of a pending controversy should silence the discussion of general principles; but it would doubtless render such discussion fruitless to apply them, without general agreement, to a concrete case. The delegates will, therefore, as their prudence may dictate, give such support to the principle of the pacific settlement of disputes as the occasion may seem to justify; but they will refrain from any effort to have the Conference take cognizance of any existing controversy with a view to its settlement, unless the good offices of that body are invoked by both the opposing parties. If such a controversy is brought by others before the Conference, they will do all in their power to preserve general harmony, and will maintain a strict neutrality. 4. International Court of Claims.— It has been thought that an organized tribunal for the adjustment of indemnity claims arising between the American republics may not be impracticable and may constitute a distinct advance in the administration of justice by serving to adjust many vexatious differences of this nature which might not readily yield to diplomatic treatment. The expression 'Court of Claims,' however, while convenient, is objectionable, partly because certain domestic courts bear that title, and partly because the name, as applied internationally, may easily give rise to misapprehension. A better designation, perhaps, would be a 'Tribunal of International Equity,' its precise purpose being to secure equity for those who are believed to have suffered injustice in a foreign country for which there is no existing judicial remedy. The Government of the United States is favorable in principle to the establishment of such a tribunal for the American republics, if it is found practicable, but the form in which it should be constituted presents a serious difficulty. It is desirable if possible, to avoid the well-known evils of mixed commissions, and it would be a great convenience to have a well-conceived permanent tribunal to which questions of indemnity might be referred without the delay of forming a special board of arbitration. The general principles already named under the head of Arbitration would also 5 [*16393*]have application here. The constitution of The Hague Tribunal may suggest a general plan of organization, particularly as regards its representative idea, each constituent power furnishing one or more members, with provision for constituting a particular bench of judges ad hoc, composed of one, three, five, or seven persons, according to the importance of each particular case. The Government of the United States has no special plan to offer, however, believing it to be preferable that proposals and projects upon this subject should come from the other American states. The success of such a tribunal would depend largely upon the personnel of the court as actually constituted and the public acceptance of its earliest decisions. Opposition would, no doubt, be diminished if the plan presented should be of a tentative character, leaving details to subsequent evolution, as experience might justify. In case a general convention should be formulated by the Conference, it would add to the probability of its general ramification if the experiment should be for a limited time and should embody nothing compulsory. Every successful effort to accomplish its purpose would then strengthen its support and gradually commend it to public confidence. 5. Bureau of American Republics.—Regarding the reorganization of the Bureau of American Republics, included in the tentative programme, the Department of State has no special suggestions to make. The reorganization contemplated has doubtless appeared desirable from the experience of the Bureau in dealing with the interests committed to its supervision, and the Director, who has probably ascertained the views of the Executive Committee, will best be qualified to offer suggestions upon this subject, In conclusion, it is hoped that the personal contact and exchange of views for which the Conference affords occasion may tend to tighten the bonds of friendship and good understanding between all the republics represented and give new assurance of the relations of mutual good will and helpfulness which it is designed to cultivate. The delegates will not fail to convey to the President and Government of Mexico the pleasure felt by this Government in accepting the hospitality generously extended to the representatives of the United States, and the gratification afforded by the relations of amity and cordial intercourse now existing between the two Republics. Very respectfully, (Signed) THEODORE ROOSEVELT.[Enc. in Adee, 10-10-01][*ackd 10/11/1901 P.F.*] WILLIAM A. OTIS & CO. BANKERS AND BROKERS. COLORADO SPRINGS, COLORADO. October 8th. 1901 WILLIAM A. OTIS. PHILIP B. STEWART. WILLIAM P. SARGEANT. FRANCIS GILPIN. Dear Colonel Roosevelt: I plan to leave here on Thursday, the 10th. This will bring me to Washington in time to visit you at your convenience on Monday. I regret very much that Mrs. Stewart considers herself bound here. It is a disappointment to us both that she can not come with me. On the chance that this short notice will find you arrived at the White House, I shall go to the Ebbett Home upon my arrival. I think I can now give you the political situation here pretty nearly as it is. I remain Most Cordially Yours, Philip B. Stewart [[shorthand]] [*Ebbett Home*] [*16394*][*ackd 10/12/1901 File P.F.*] [*A.H. Whitfield*] Supreme Court Consultation Room Jackson, Miss. Oct. 8th, 1901. His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, President U. S. My Dear Sir:- Although not having the happiness of a personal acquaintance with you, I have felt such infinite satisfaction at your appointment of Ex-Gov. Jones of Ala. to the Federal bench, that I deem it a duty to so say to you, I do not know Ex.Gov. Jones, except from reputation, and was myself a free-silver Democrat, of the Jefferson-Bryan school, and hence have nothing to expect from yourself, I mention this, that it may assure you that what I write, does not proceed from the "expectations of favors "to come", but simply and solely from the deep anxiety I have to see you make a really great head of this great country. "Blood is thicker than water"- and I prefer your [s]Southern blood to all the easy platitudes that have been uttered from Garfield to McKinley inclusive as to the "fair treatment of the South"the. I like what you have written. It discloses a genuine man, who will be himself, and take [and] care to square his administration [to] with the noblest standards of past. I like this beginning of what you do. God guide and sustain you! The South has no favors to ask. She wants merely the period of political-step-childhood to end forever, and to be given justice in her "father's house". She looks to you tremblingly, but confidently. She has had the "word of promise kept to the ear, and broken [*16395*]Supreme Court Consultation Room to the hope" quite often enough. She wants deeds now. And thank God, I believe she is going to get them. He who is half her son, and who has written the splendid hhings you have written of Lee, cannot fail her in this long deferred hope. May I be pardoned for just a suggestion or two? Build the Nicaraguan canal! Build it as soon as possible! That one thing done, and not talked about merely, will do more to make the South great commercially and industrially, than all other things combined. The trans-continental R.Rs. do not want it; New York ,Philadelphia, Boston do not want it- but the Republic of the Present and of the Future wants it, and it is an exigent, and inevitable need.You stand free of Mr. McKinley's embarrassments and entanglements [to start] [with]. Lend all the power of the Executive to its building, and its speedy building! Second: fill Judicial stations with the best men- men of the highest legal ability and of the loftiest integrity-, and this in the South,necessarily means, in a majority of cases, Democrats. Third: appoint no negroes to postmasterships, or to any other offices coming so intimately to the "bosoms and business" of [s]Southern whites. And lastly: if you would build up a strong, able ,aggressive Republican party South, find your leaders-your appointments to all important offices, among the Democrats of the South; that is in all except rare instances; for it is a rare instance, that there is a [*16396*]Supreme Court Consultation Room Republican equally well qualified, Mr. President, I trust these suggestions will not be deemed impertinences. Filling the great trust which I do-the Chief-Justiceship of this court, I feel that I may venture, not improperly, to give expression to the earnest hope I entertain, that, in this grave crisis, our beloved country will find a master-spirit at the helm, broad enough, great enough, wise enough, brave enough, to know "his country, his whole country, and nothing but his country." Very respectfully, A. H. Whitfield. [*16397*]J. S. & H. A. WISE, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, COMMERCIAL CABLE BUILDING, 20 BROAD STREET, NEW YORK. JOHN S, WISE. HENRY A. WISE. JOHN S. WISE, JR. [*ackd 10/10/1901 PPF*] New York Oct: 8th. 1901. Mr. President I omitted in my letter of yesterday to urge that you notify your cabinet, pruding our further proceedings, to make no further appointments of any kind in Virginia - This is particularly necessary in the Post Office Dept where Mr. Bowden the member of the National Comee. has had absolute sway, in conjunction with Mr Agnew, Chm. — The "pabulum" of these offices is the whole strength of those people — Cut off from this they will collapse. Am delighted to see you made Tom Jones Judge in Alabama — He is a fine man — It will do us more good than a thousand scalawags or negroes. I enclose three letters which will interest you — The movement will go like wildfire if it is encouraged & we will have a real Republican party — Yours Truly Jno. S. Wise [*16398*] [*[For 3 encs see 10-6-01 10-7-01 10-7-01]*]Gladystone Abbey Chaplain Vattmann, F. Sheridan, to be sent for information on religion — political matters to Hawaii and the Philippines; (G. Morton to furnish transportation) to return via Suez Canal route and report to President or Sec'y of War. Quarters at F. Sheridan to be kept. [[shorthand]] [*Gave min. to Col. Sanger 10-8-1901*] [*16399*]MISS LONG'S FUNERAL, A Simple Service and a Tender Burial. Sweet Flowers From Official Friends. The Bereaved Family Alone at Grave. Miss Helen Long, daughter of Hon. John D. Long, Secretary of the Navy, was buried yesterday afternoon in the old Hingham Cemetery, which is located not far from the Secretary's home. The funeral services, although very impressive and somewhat out-of-the ordinary, were simple and unostentatious. Only the near relatives and a few personal friends assembled at the Long residence in Cottage Street, for the services were private. Those Who Attended. Among those present were Gen. W. W. Blackmar, S.M. Bartlett, Surgeon Frank Urie, U,S,N., Commander SUtherland, recently of the Dolphon, Admiral O'Neil, Surgeon Stone, U.S. N., Surgeons Hollin and Allen, U.S.N., retired, Hon. Charles H. Allen, former Governor of Porto Rico, who was also Assistant Secretary of the Navy to Secretary Long. Alfred Hemenway of the law firm of Allen, Long and Hemenway, and Charles Barnes, Jr. There was a remarkable display of flowers. They were banked about the coffin and occupied a large part of the room where the body lay. In addition to many from members of the family, there was a beautiful wreath from President Roosevelt, who at one time was Assistant Secretary of the Navy; a large floral piece from Justice Gray of the United States Supreme Court; wreaths from the officers of the U.S.S. Dolphin, the Secretary's dispatch boat; from Commander Sutherland, and floral pieces from Rear Admiral Belknap, retired, and Curtis Guild, Jr. A Simple Service The services consisted of the readin of the service of the Protestant Episcopal Church by Rev. Mile H. Gates of St. Stephen's Church, Cohasset, and the reading of a selected and very approrpiate poem, and a prayer by Rev. Charles E. Park of the North Church (Unitarian) of Hingham. A niece of Secretary Long sang "Abide With Me," and another selection, with much feeling, The closing prayer was by Rev. Mr. Gates. Miss Long was an attendant at St. John's Church when in Hingham, but the rector of the church was ill, and therefore could not take part in the service. Buried Amid Flowers. Immediately after the service the burial took place in the historic and picturesque old cemetery, about half a mile from the residence of Secretary Long. All of the flowers were taken there from the house and placed in position before the funeral procession started for the grave. They completely filled two carriages. Situated in one of the most beautiful spots in the cemetery the burial lot of the Longs was the scene of a heart-stirring display of parental love, notably original.Everywhere about the newly made grave the vividly green grass was strewn with fragrant roses and pinks of all descriptions and varieties of color. The effect was unique in the extreme. At the head of the grave were piled the great wreaths, bouquets and floral pieces which has come from all sections of the country, and gave eloquent token of the high regard in which the young woman was held. But Few at the Grave In deference to Secretary Long's desire that the burial should be private, there were few assembled near the grave. The lot is situated in a hollow surrounded by little, tombstone -covered hills. About 40 or 50 people from the village, where Miss Long was known and respected by all, stood in the path that winds up and down these hillsides and looked sadly, and with sympathetic eyes down upon the funeral procession as it approached the grave. Following the hearse walked Mrs. Long, Miss Margaret Long, sister of the deceased, and Master Pierce Long, her youthful brother. Secretary Long was immediately behind them. and with him other relatives and the two officiating clergymen. The entire party walked from the house to the grave with the hearse, and constituted a pathetic picture. Upon arriving at the grave, Secretary Long helped remove the white satin-covered coffin from the hearse. Not only that, but he assisted in lowering it, tenderly, into the grave. Committed to Earth. Rev. Mr. Gates, gowned in white surplice, stood upon an eminence at the head of the grave and read the burial service. His voice was clear, and the beautiful and comforting words rang through the pine groves and picturesque hillsides, reaching the ears of those at a considerable distance. Prayer was offered by Rev. Mr. Park, and was constituted the service at the grave. It was a striking picture and everybody who looked upon it was deeply affected. Workmen proceeding along a bypath were seen to stop and remove their hats. Genuine sympathy was written on their faces. The grave-diggers stood aloof and actually appeared moved. Secretary Long, his wife and daughter, Margaret, together approached the open grave and gazed down into it for the last time, for several moments. Then, they slowly proceeded out of the cemetery, walking-as they had come. The other mourners nearly all took carriages. The Commercial Advertiser. By The Commercial Advertiser Association. TUESDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 2, 1901. TYPICAL ROOSEVELT APPOINTMENTS. A politician of some eminence in his state and what he believed to be dominating influence in his party there, was urging upon President Roosevelt a few days after the latter came into office the appointment of a certain person to a place of large responsibility and power. The President listened to him attentively and then went over with him the record of the man. "Could I," he said to the politician, "in view of that record employ that man as my private counsel or agent in any important matter?" The politician was not able to say that he could. "Very well," replied the President, "then how shall I be justified in employing him for the United States?" There was no satisfactory answer to that question, and the politician's candidate was "out of it" from that moment. In two recent appointments the President has applied this principle to the letter. One of them was a United States district attorney in Kansas and the other was a United States district judge in Alabama. In the Kansas instance he refused to appoint the man whom Senator Burton and the Republican organization desired him to appoint because he had his record before him, and it was not such as would have enabled him to select the man as his private counsel. In the Alabama case he applied the test of superior fitness to all candidates proposed, and under this selected an ex-Confederate and a Democrat whose qualifications were so far superior to those of all other persons suggested that there was really no choice. Among his qualifications was a consistent record as governor and public man of genuine friendship for and interest in the colored race. Booker T. Washington, the ablest and wisest champion and leader of his race in their struggles for advancement, says that ex-Governor Jones, the President's appointee, has aided him in all his efforts, and opposed his own party's course in incorporating in the Alabama constitution an amendment disfranchising the negro. It was Mr. Washington's approval that was conclusive evidence of superior fitness in the President's mind. President Roosevelt's course in these two appointments may be taken, without a particle of hesitation, as typical of his general policy. He will apply the test of fitness to the south as well as to the north. He believes firmly in the theory of Booker Washington as to the future of the colored race-that it must win out on its merits like any other race. If he can get fit men for office in the south who are colored, he will appoint them, but not otherwise. If he can get fit men who are Republicans, he will appoint them; but if he can not get them he will take Democrats of the type of ex-Governor Jones -that is, Democrats who are progressive in ideas and liberal in opinions. This will be treating the south [*16401*] on the same terms as the north, and treating both with an eye single to the public interest. There is a disposition in many quarters to treat this method of the President as something new, but it is not new. It is the "Roosevelt way," as he practised it while governor of this state and practised it without variation or violation. He takes counsel now as he took it then with politicians and bosses and with personal friends who are neither politicians nor bosses, and then follows his own judgment. The politicians advertise their interviews and talks with him and leave nothing undone to give the impression that he is following their advice exclusively, but nobody knows better than they what the real truth in the matter is. A politician or boss who goes to see the President, and is confronted, for example, with some such statement as the following, knows at once where he stands: "Mr. Blank, I am very glad to see you and to get your views. I shall always be glad to have your advice, and shall always be glad to have you suggest men for office. More than that, I shall be glad to appoint your men to office when I can, because you are one of the trusted leaders of the party and, all other things being equal, I prefer to appoint Republicans to office. All that I shall require is that in every instance the man whom you select shall be such a man as you would employ in private life or business for work of like responsibility." That is a very simple plan, and it is a very difficult one to attack in public. The more the politician or boss to whom it has been revealed examines it the less inclined is he to assail it in public, however acute his private sufferings may be. [*16402*]THE TIMES, TUESDAY, OCTOBER 8, 1901 THE UNITED STATES (FROM A CORRESPONDENT.) NEW YORK, OCT. 7 What is regarded as the most important political step taken by President Roosevelt since he took office is the appointment announced today of ex-Governor Jones, of Alabama, as a Federal Judge of that States. Mr. Jones is a Democrat, but an anti-Bryanite. President Roosevelt is said to have told an Alabama Congressman to-day that he had selected Mr. Jones without regard to politics simply because he regarded him as the best man for the place. He added that he should adopt this method for other appointments. If President Roosevelt is correctly reported, there will doubtless be a terrible outcry among the Republican senators. To follow this course will be to defy all the traditions of the Presidential office. The engineers appointed by the District Attorney to report on the condition of Brooklyn Bridge declare in effect that the Tammany officials in charge of the structure have been guilty of gross neglect, and that the bridge is greatly overstated and in urgent need of repair. (FROM OUR SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT.) WASHINGTON, OCT. 7. A statement was made by Senator Platt to-day that, after a long interview with President Roosevelt last evening, he is entirely in harmony with the views of the Administration. This important as an indication of the cordiality of the Executive with a powerful section of Congress. [*16403*] When the United States—and, we may add, the well-wishers of the American people all over the world—had to some extent recovered from the shock of the atrocious crime at Buffalo which deprived the Republic of its lately re-elected PRESIDENT, the political problems that MR. ROOSEVELT'S new Administration would have to deal with forced themselves at once on the attention of all thinking men. In some ways, of course, it was evident that the new Chief of the State had his hands strengthened by the tragic character of the events which placed him in power. His countrymen are disposed to take the most favorable view of his capacity and his conscientiousness, and all that is known of him, as has been pointed out in our columns, is entirely to his credit. But, of course, he has never been required hitherto to give proof of his quality in dealing with political problems of the most complicated and comprehensive kind. He has, moreover, to subject himself to what is, perhaps, even a more severe test of statesmanship—that of carrying those problems to a practical solution by quiet influence over a Legislature enjoying independent authority, which it is always eager to enlarge, and traditionally jealous and suspicious of the Executive. What MR. ROOSEVELT'S policy would be if he had a completely free hand, it would be left to conjecture. What it would be if he had been elected to the Presidential office as the representative of a party and the exponent of a platform is equally beside the question. A Washington Correspondent shows that the most important issue with which PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT will have to grapple, and which he can only hope to settle by the co-operation of Congress, and especially of the Senate, has been marked out by his predecessor in circumstances which will make it difficult, if not impossible, for him to turn aside from it and to take up a new line of his own. MR. MCKINLEY'S speech on the occasion of his visit to the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo, the very day before the outrage which has made a deep impression on the minds of the people of the United States, was recognized at the time, in our own column and elsewhere, as marking a new departure in policy. It would have given rise, no doubt, to more widespread and animated discussion if attention had not been diverted from it by the crime of CZOLGOSZ. But, as our Washington Correspondent argues, it remains as a political declaration of the highest order of importance. It was not a casual utterance or a hasty expression of opinion. The late President, so long the standard-bearer of extreme protectionism, had been for some time feeling his way, we are told, to the announcement that the very success of that policy had rendered its modification inevitable. The figures of American trade, the late PRESIDENT said, were "almost appalling." In half a dozen years, indeed, the exports of the United States had nearly doubled. "Our capacity to produce," MR. MCKINLEY argued at Buffalo, "has developed " so enormously, and our products have so multiplied, " that the problem of more markets requires " our urgent and immediate attention. . . . By " sensible trade arrangements which will not interrupt " our home production we shall extend the " outlets for our increasing surplus. . . . Reciprocity " treaties are in harmony with the spirit of " the times; measures of retaliation are not." The whole of the remarks of the late PRESIDENT on the tariff question, which were printed some ten days ago in a letter from our Special Correspondent in New York, are deserving of careful study. They should be read in the light of the criticisms of the Washington Correspondent which we publish to-day. There must be no mistake about MR. MCKINLEY'S position. He had not ceased to be an ardent believer in protectionism. He had not come an inch nearer to free trade as we understand it in this country. But he had slowly and cautiously arrived at the conclusion that the high tariff policy had, in various directions, done enough for American industries at home, and that it might be used henceforward as an instrument "to extend and promote American [*16404*] markets abroad." The policy of reciprocity treaties had lately become attractive to MR. MCKINLEY for the reasons he frankly stated at Buffalo, and he had made some tentative efforts to give effect to it by conventions with France and the West Indies. But, as our Correspondent states, the tacit resistance of the high protectionists in the Senate, of whom SeNATOR ALDRICH, of Rhode Island, and SENATOR LODGE, of Massachusetts, are specially mentioned, prevented any progress. The late PRESIDENT, with all his skill and experience in the management of Congress, had become doubtful whether he could overcome the resistance of the Senate, which, as has lately been pointed out in The Times, is inclined to throw difficulties in the way of all treaty arrangements concluded by the Executive. He foresaw that it would not be easy to induce the vested interests that had grown up under a high tariff to consent to any relaxation on general grounds of benefit to American trade. He hoped, however, to evade those difficulties to some extent by carrying out the reciprocity policy, not by treaty, but by legislation, since the latter course does not require a two-thirds majority. He believed that he could obtain the support of both Houses of Congress for measures establishing a maximum and a minimum of duties, on the basis of which important trading concessions could be obtained from other countries. The Americans, in spite of their practical qualities, have in them a strong vein of sentimentalism. MR. MCKINLEY'S last political declarations have acquired an authority they would never have possessed in his lifetime. This is the main strength of the reciprocity policy, which the new PRESIDENT will be expected to take up, and which, our Correspondent believes, will be taken up by the Democrats, who are sorely at a loss for a policy of their own, if it is abandoned by the Administration and by the Republican leaders in the Senate. But if MR. ROOSEVELT commits himself to the course towards which his predecessor was cautiously feeling his way, what will be the result of his venture? Careful observers, like our Correspondent, are doubtful. That MR. ROOSEVELT is a man of firm character and resolute will is certain, and a fresh proof of this has been given by his courageous appointment of a Democratic lawyer to a Federal Judgeship in the State of Alabama on the simple ground of professional fitness. This very quality, while it will ensure him the respect of the best section of the people of the United States, may possible bring the President into strained relations with the party leaders and the Senate, which is the special stronghold of that able body of men. He will have to walk warily, if he is not to create a breach in the party and to jeopardize its prospects at the next Presidential election. Yet, if he is to establish his reputation as a strong manwhom the country can trust, he cannot afford to have the suspicion grow up that he has no policy of his own. To yield tamely to the Senate, or to defy the Senate, are two courses, each of which has its own perils. MR. ROOSEVELT may not have the peculiar powers of Congressional management which Mr. McKinley had gradually won. Yet he has the great advantage of being able to appeal to his predecessor's political legacy, and SENATOR PLATT'S declaration of confidence shows that some of the most powerful politicians are disposed to cast in their lot with him. It will be interesting to see how Congress will deal with the reciprocity policy when it is presented in the next Presidential Message, for it is hardly possible to conceive that it will not be put frankly before the country by so courageous a man as MR. ROOSEVELT. [*16405*] RECIPROCITY. (FROM A CORRESPONDENT.) WASHINGTON, SEPT. 24. President Roosevelt's most serious obstacle to a successful administration is reciprocity, at once the most important and the most perplexing legacy he inherited from his predecessor. In the last speech President McKinley delivered, that in Buffalo the day before his assassination, Mr. McKinley fully announced his policy in favour of more liberal trade arrangements between the United States and all the rest of the world. In that speech, Mr. McKinley more explicitly and publicly expressed views which he had frequently discussed in private. He was giving expression to nothing which he had not said often before, and in almost the same terms, to scores of men during the last six months; the circumstances and the occasion made his speech momentous. The public, however, the general public, who only know the inner workings of Government by long-range reading, who have to be told the same thing a dozen times before they can comprehend its significance, looked upon the address as a new line of policy first promulgated at Buffalo. To the people of New York as well as those of Chicago and elsewhere it was regarded as a second "farewell address," to be held in as much veneration as the words of Washington, who laid down a principle in regard to the foreign relations of the United States from which neither President nor Congress has dared to depart. Mr. Roosevelt must champion reciprocity, the public think, or be false to the trust committed to him. To those persons who were familiar with the late President's mental process, and those who understood that he never risked a frontal attack, but always tried to gain his objective point by a series of flank movements which so often veiled his real purpose, his Buffalo speech was not a surprise. Mr. McKinley had permitted his economic views to be modified by circumstances. Recently and for many months before his death, the man who died was not the high tariff protectionist who had drawn the McKinley Tariff Act of 1890, or even the same McKinley who was elected President in 1896 to repair the ravages wrought by the Wilson low tariff. Let there be no misunderstanding, however, about the position of the late President. He had not ceased to be a protectionist. He believed up to the day of his death as firmly as he ever believed in his life that to the American people the American market was of greater consequence than any other, and that it should be protected against foreign competition. He was as far removed from being a free-trader, in the English sense of the term, as Mr. Bryan is from being a gold monometallist. But he had seen that the time had come when the United States could with advantage buy as well as sell; that the future commercial prosperity of his country demanded that it should enlarge its market to the foreign producer. There was in this no abandonment of the cardinal doctrine of protection, but protection had ceased to be a fetish and had become simply an economic policy. The McKinley of 1890 would have regarded almost as profanation the suggestion that it was profitable to provide a market for the products of European factories, the McKinley of 1901 knew that it was an economic necessity that this should be done. Holding as rigidly as ever to the principle of protection, he still saw the benefits to follow from reciprocal trade arrangements. He was wise enough to see, to quote from his Buffalo speech, that "isolation is no longer possible or desirable. The period of exclusiveness is past. Commercial wars are not profitable." It was always Mr. McKinley's policy thoroughly to test sentiment before definitely committing himself. He delighted in sending up ballons d'essai to ascertain the velocity and direction of the wind currents of public opinion before he cut loose from firm ground. This habitual caution often led to the criticism that he followed but never led. It is unnecessary to discuss that question now. What is more important is that, whether he simply drifted with the current or was clever enough to turn the current to suit his own purpose, and without any one knowing it, he was usually able to obtain popular support for whatever he recommended. And that, after all, must be the measure of successful leadership in a democracy. Impressed with the wisdom of reciprocal trade arrangements, Mr. McKinley last year negotiated several of these conventions, the most important being those with France and the British West Indies. These treaties were sent to the Senate, and when that body adjourned last March they had been neither ratified nor rejected, they were still pending and in the natural order of events would come up for consideration this winter. The Senate is strongly protectionist, and the few men who exercise a dominant influence in the Senate are ultra high tariff in their views. Senator Aldrich, of Rhode Island, whose power in the Senate is greater than any other man's opposed the French treaty because it was believed to injure the interests of a few manufacturers in his State, and Senator Lodge, of Massachusetts, for the same reason was also in opposition. They did not want openly to oppose the President by defeating the treaty; but the same end was secured less offensively by non-action. In the interval between last March and his death Mr. McKinley had sent up many trial balloons. They clearly showed the current. That is not to be taken to mean that the country is unanimously in favour of reciprocity. Many Republicans, especially Republicans of the old school, were filled with dismay at the suggestion of 'tinkering with the tariff,' and saw in reciprocity the cloven hoof of the free trader; but the sentiment in favour of more liberal trade relations has rapidly grown. Mr. McKinley knew that he should have a struggle with the Senate, but he believed in the force of public opinion and trusted to it to be powerful enough [*16406*] to compel the Senate to subordinate their views to his. A few weeks before he made his Buffalo speech Mr. McKinley was visited in Canton by a prominent Republican, a man holding an important appointment by the gift of President McKinley, who was also an old personal friend, and with this man the President discussed the question of reciprocity and the attitude of the Senate. He spoke quite frankly about the opposition that he anticipated from the Senate, and expressed grave doubts as to whether the Senate would be more inclined to favour reciprocity at the approaching Session than it had been earlier in the year. Then in a general way he outlined his plan. If the Senate still proved intractable he proposed to bring about reciprocity by legislation instead of treaty. Congress was to be asked to pass a minimum and maximum Tariff Act embracing a limited number of articles, the minimum rates being granted to those countries making similar concessions to the United States. Legislation could be more easily secured than the ratification of a treaty, because only a majority is needed to pass a Tariff Bill and it requires two-thirds of the Senate to assent to the ratification of a treaty. The President believed that he could command a majority in both Houses. Whether or not he could have done so is of no importance now; it is of much more importance to remember that McKinley could have done with far less effort what President Roosevelt cannot do, or can only do by exercising all the great influence of the Presidency. Mr. McKinley possessed the wonderful gift of making Congress do his bidding while enjoying to the fullest the confidence of Congress. No President was ever before quite so trusted by the Legislature. This feeling of security was due to the well-known caution of the man, his age, and the prestige of success. He was not a man to do anything rash or put prosperity in peril; he had come triumphantly out of war. As an instance of this trust of Congress in his wisdom and self-restraint, their action in leaving the government of the Philippines in his hands is noteworthy. The President did not believe that the time had come for Congress to legislate for the islands, and, although some members of Congress differed with him, they were easily induced to withdraw their opposition. Mr. Roosevelt has no such advantages. He is an untried man, he has the reputation for being rash rather than cautious (a reputation not deserved, I think), and he is younger than the majority of Senators. These are reasons that will operate against him. Any attempt on his part to coerce Congress may lead to a party rupture. Presidents have tried it before and they have won, but it has been usually attended with disastrous consequences. Jackson, more than 60 years ago, is a conspicuous example in the early days of the Republic; Cleveland is an equally conspicuous illustration in our own time. A man of Roosevelt's temperament might do more than defeat himself for nomination; he might cause a breach in his party which would ensure the election of his opponent. Mr. Roosevelt may properly look forward to the nomination for President in 1904. If the Republicans should ignore him and select another candidate, it would justify the Democrats in claiming that Roosevelt's administration has been a confessed failure and that the Republicans, by their own admission, are ashamed of their President. The Democrats would ask nothing better than to have this situation made for them by their adversaries. Mr. Roosevelt at the present moment stands between Scylla and Charybdis. To clear the rock he may be drawn into the whirlpool. It will require the greatest tact, prudence, and firmness for him to escape making an enemy of the Senate and to avoid the charge that he has no policy of his own but is prepared to accept anything the Senate may be pleased to offer him. A President who is regarded by the country as a weakling yielding to Congress loses the moral effect of popular support which makes him so all-powerful in dealing with Congress. This was Mr. McKinley's great strength. Congress was afraid to oppose him because it would have been resented by the country, who believed that Mr. McKinley was not only wise but also patriotic. On the other hand, if Mr. Roosevelt has the country with him, but is opposed by the politicians, it will be almost impossible for him to secure the nomination. If reciprocity is accepted by Congress, the Republicans will make it the leading issue in the next campaign, and may reasonably to hope to find in it a new lease on power. Reciprocity will satisfy the demands of those Republicans who are in favour of lower tariff duties; the ultra-protectionists, opposed as they are to reciprocity, will find it less dangerous than a readjustment of the tariff on Democratic lines. But if Congress ignores the President's recommendation the Democrats may seize the opportunity presented to them and endeavour to win the support of those Republicans who see the necessity of breaking down trade barriers. "Free trade" is too dangerous a battle-cry; "low tariff" recalls the memories of disaster and hunger, but "reciprocity" is safe because it was the policy advocated by Mr. McKinley. The Democrats had already started discussing the outlook. If the Republicans reject reciprocity, they are prepared to champion it, and they believe it may retrieve the mistakes of four years ago. The coming Session of Congress may determine to the Presidential campaign of three years hence. [*16407*]The Commercial Club of Topeka Directors W. M. GREEN. M. C. HOLMAN. JOHN E. FROST. J. F. GARVES. D. J. GREENWALD. J .S. COE. W. H. DAVIS. M. D. HENDERSON. R. S. BRIGHAM. Officers JOHN E. FROST, PRESIDENT. J. S. COE, VICE PRESIDENT. T. J. ANDERSON, SECRETARY. D. J. GREENWALD, TREASURER. [*ackd 10/11/1901*] [shorthand] Topeka, Kansas, Oct. 9th, 1901. To the President: As an humble worker in the ranks of the Free State and Republican parties in Kansas for 45 years, whose highest ambition has been to serve the Republican organization in township, county, state and Nation, I protest against the appointment of any man to a federal position in this State who is obnoxious to a majority of the rank and file of the Republicans of Kansas. Bossism did more to cause the "revolution" in Kansas in 1890 than all other influences combined. Mr. Leland's methods have long been obnoxious to the working republicans of Kansas, and his treatment of party workers who did not believe in his methods, finally resulted in his overwhelming defeat for National Committeeman and the selection of a gentleman who knows and respects the rights of every laborer in the republican vineyard. Mr. Leland has been generously rewarded for any service he may have rendered the Standard bearer of the party in 1896 by getting in line after the State had been won for Major McKinley. His reppointment means trouble for our Senator and continued factional strife in the party. His personal abuse of men who are republicans from principle and not for pelf and his well known habit of applying vile epithets to those in the party who do not obey his royal dictum ought to place his name beyond serious consideration in naming the federal officers for the ensuing term. There are plenty of clean men in the Republican party who command the respect of the voters of all parties and whose [*16408*]The Commercial Club of Topeka. Directors WM. GREEN. T. F. GARVER. W. H. DAVIS. M.C. HOLMAN. D. J. GREENWALD. M. D. HENDERSON. JOHN E. FROST. J. S. COE. R. S. BRIGHAM. Officers JOHN E. FROST, PRESIDENT. J. S. COE, VICE PRESIDENT. T. J. ANDERSON, SECRETARY D. J. GREENWALD, TREASURER for the ensuing term. There are plenty of clean men in the Republican party who command the respect of the voters of all parties and whose appointment would reflect credit upon the administration and tend to unite the party in the State. For my standing as a citizen, soldier, and Republican I refer with confidence to Hon. Thos. Ryan, Hon. Charles Curtis, who are my neighbors, or to any member of the Kansas delegation. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, T. J. Anderson [*16409*]TOPEKA, the capital of KANSAS. PUBLIC PARKS Population March 1, 1901 38,067 CITY ELECTRIC LIGHT PLANT - PERFECT GAS SYSTEM WATER WORKS, capacity, daily 13,000,000 GALLONS FOUR COLLEGES STATE CAPITOL COST $3,000,000 STATE INSANE HOSPITALS COST $718,000 STATE INDUSTRIAL SCHOOL (BOYS) COST $196,000 SANTA FE SHOPS EMPLOY OVER 2000 SANTA FE GENERAL OFFICES 56 MANUFACTURING ESTABLISHMENTS 10,000 WAGE EARNERS STORAGE HOUSES NEW SANTA FE SHOPS WILL COST $457,000 ICE PLANTS 8 BANKS 5,666,400 IN WAGES PAID - 1900 7 FLOURING MILLS ANNUAL OUTPUT 901,456 BBLS. BANK CLEARINGS $39,375,923.00 IN 1900 6 HOSPITALS PAID FIRE DEPARTMENT 3 DAILY AND 44 OTHER NEWSPAPERS COUNTY COURT HOUSE COST $150,000 BEST PUBLIC LIBRARY IN THE WEST 4 TRUNK LINE RAILROADS 9 DIVERGING LINES 37 MILES ELECTRIC STREET RAILWAY GOVERNMENT BUILDING COST $400,000 71 CHURCHES 24 PUBLIC SCHOOL BLD'G'S. 3 COMMERCIAL COLLEGES 16 HOTELS COMPLETE TELEPHONE SYSTEM PRODUCT OF MANUFACTURER YEAR ENDING MARCH 19 1901 11,995,790 TWO THEATRES AUDITORIUM SEATS 4000 FINEST MELAN ARCH BRIDGE IN THE WORLD WHOLESALE TRADE - 1900 $7,493,120.00 RETAIL TRADE $11,301,451.00 39 MILES OF PAVED STREETS AND ALLEYS - 144 MILES OF BRICK, STONE AND CEMENT SIDEWALKS, (NO WOOD) REID-TOPEKA[*F.*] JAMES H. ECKELS, PRESIDENT. D. VERNON, 2D V. PRESIDENT. JOS. T. TALBERT, CASHIER. JOHN C. McKBON, V. PRESIDENT. N.R. LONCH, ASS'T. CASHIER. 713 COMMERCIAL NATIONAL BANK. CAPITAL $2,000,000. SURPLUS $1,000,000. CHICAGO, October 9, 1901. [*Ack'd to Mr. Eckels* 10/11/1901 P.P.F.*] My dear Mr. Patterson: Referring to our conversation of Friday, as to the position which should be taken on the questions of reciprocity, trusts and ship-subsidies by the Administration and Congress, I beg leave to say that my own opinions in a general way do not differ greatly from yours. I believe that the President should urge upon Congress the necessity of a revision of the tariff schedules, however, before employing any measure of reciprocity, because it is quite essential to not take from the channels of business unnecessary revenue as it is to undertake to enlarge its volume abroad by a scheme of reciprocity. When reciprocal trade relations are entered upon they should be fair and equitable in every respect, not having in view the obtaining of the advantage wholly to our own people. There is a great opportunity for the President to put his party in an advantageous position on the tariff question, now that it is generally acknowledged that the revenues of the Government are wholly and extravagantly excessive. This could be done without in anywise abandoning his party adherence to the protection theory. I am on principle opposed to the adoption of a policy of ship-subsidies. At the most I would only tolerate as a mere temporary experiment, the granting of ship bounties, and in so doing would insist that there be no favoritsm but instead absolutely [*16410*]-2- impartial treatment of all vessels carrying freight to foreign ports. The recent subsidy bill in the thing attempted to be gained through its provisions was a wicked perversion of legislative power. I am not prepared to say without reserve that the experiment of granting a ship subsidy is not worth a temporary trial, but I have no doubt on the question of the unwisdom of adopting such a policy as a fixed and unalterable one. The general government can well afford to leave the State authorities to deal with the problem of regulation and control of combinations of capital employed in industrial enterprises. I am not in favor of any considerable legislation from any source touching the employment of capital in any business undertaking, no matter how large the amount involved, the character of the enterprise, the extent of the field of operations or the number of laborers employed. The regulation of business questions can best be left to business men who have direct relations with them, with full confidence that they will be dealt with in a manner that will insure the best results to all concerned. Too much legislation on this character of semi-public interests is always productive of more harm than good and the fruitful source of a political demagogy which ultimately ends in class hatreds and public demoralization. I have great faith in the President's courage and good sense, and I have no doubt when his policies are matured they [*16411*]-3- will reflect great credit upon his administration and be a source of benefit to the people. Very respectfully, James H Eckels To Mr. R. E. Patterson, Chicago [*16412*][shorthand][*pof*] [*PF*] United States Senate, WASHINGTON , D. C., Cleveland, Ohio, October 9, 1901. The President, Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr. President : I have your telegram concerning the Alabama judgship, and assure you that I had no desire or intention of interfering with your decision or prerogatives in the matter, but was forced to recognize the demands of the organization in that state. I have written my friends there declining to take any further action in this case. I am making trouble for myself with the regular organization , but you can help me out now if you will see that the commission, which I understand had been prepared and signed, appointing Mr. Thomas B. Morton successor to Mr. J. H. Bingham, collector of internal revenue, is issued at once. The case had already been settled, but the actual transfer of the office was delayed to give Mr. Bingham an opportunity to be heard. Truly yours, MA Hanna [*16413*]remarks on the fight of San Juan Hill has especially interested him.- The Amir of Afghanistan died on the third inst. The opinion of the Govt. here is that things will develope peacefully and that they will get their candidate, Habib-Ulla on the throne. He is Aldure Rahmans eldest Richmond Simla, October 9-1901 [*Ackd*] My dear Roosevelt- The South Afrikan war has caused a marked mounted infantry boom, in Europe and especially in India, & some most extraordinary theories are expounded that Men returning from South Afrika [*16414*] would like to see the whole army of England and India turn into mounted infantry. I have had various talks with the Commander in Chief, Sir Power Palmer, on the question. He is writing a paper on mounted infantry for the home government asked me to furnish him with a resumé of my ideas. As there are various remarks in my paper which may interest you. I send you a copy. There is but little news in it, because most remarks were made some 12 years ago during our walks & rides. Sir Power told me that my [*16415*]of Afghanistan as a casus belli. The opinion of the Govt. here is that Russias internal troubles will prevent her from fighting. On the other hand the temptation for her to have a go must be great. I'm sure she must know about the Indian phantom army which the press here has been 2 son. His only handicap is his low caste mother who was a slave. The second boy, Nasr-Ullah, who visited England, is no good. The third boy, Mahomed Umar, who is just 15, had good chances a year ago, his mother has royal blood which means so much among these orientals, but of late she has had too many [*16416*]flirtations among her old husbands friends, and the leading element of Afghanistan has abandoned her, so the hopes of raising her boy on the throne in Cabul are small. If there's a row it will come soon. no doubt Russia is pulling from the other end. During the chinese war she dispatched a force to Kushik her railway terminus on the Indus. England asked for an explanation, she said she had tried an experiment. I was told by the Secretary for Foreign Affaires that England had informed Russia that she would treat the violation at the northern frontier [*16417*]him out of the water. A squadron was ready at Bombay to proceed to Kawait and, as it was believed here, to proclaim a protectorate. Instead of this England and Turkey are calmly cooperating there so as to put thinks back into shape. It seems as if London had turned another cold yet on Simla 3. minutely dissecting the gloomy news & from South Afrika is not making things easier for England. All men (who are men) coming from South Afrika, only have words of praise for the Boer, only the cad condems him. Especially men in highest office here cannot help expressing their admiration for the fight [*16418*]those deserted & scattered ladies, are setting up. — Things have been lively in the Persian Gulf during the last week. The policy of London to me seems to be in conflict with the policy of Simla. The press is constantly supporting the indian Govt. and calling for a strong and defined policy in the Gulf, painting and that it is Germany who is pushing Turkey at Kuwait; because Germany needs Kuwait harbour as a terminus for her Anatolian railroad. A couple of weeks ago a british man of war prevented a Turk to land troops at Kuwait and threatened to blow [*16419*][*For 1 enc. see 10-9-01 Pioneer*] same number of hunting leopards in his stables. I am especially interested to see the latter at work. I hope you are all very well. Please give my kindest regards to Mrs. Roosevelt and to the family yours most sincerely H Sternburg. Enclose an interesting article on the wild horse for Ted. Its the first authentic news I have been able to find about him. 4. Public opinion and the press here are much agitated as to what you are going to do. I enclose some clippings which will amuse you. At every social event you are discussed, & I have been frequently asked „if I know anything about you" — I wish they [*16420*] would set the ball rolling in Afghanistan as long as I'm here. It would be an interesting campaign. Next months we are going to visit some native rulers, & first go to the Maharaja of Jaipur. He is the most powerful and independent of all of them. I'm anxious to see his cavalry - he has an army of some 20,000 men - it is said to be the model cavalry of India as regards mounts. He told me that he had 200 elephants, 100 riding camels and about the [*16421*] [*PF*] [*ppF R*] 30 EAST 64th STREET. Oct 9, 1901. My Dear Mr. President: Your very kind letter of Monday bringing me good cheer. The fight is on, and I am warming up to it. I shall be glad to talk with you about the [*16422*]Brooklyn P.O.; but I hope that it can wait until after the election! I am, as always, Seth Low President Roosevelt.which you have been called upon to fill. Your friends and Classmates of the Class of '80 are all proud of You and are taking the keenest interest in your doings — It certainly gives me the greatest [*ackd 10/9/1901 File P.P.F. Pr.*] CHESTNUT HILL My dear Theodore, I have thought often of you during the past month and I can assure you most sincerely that we are wishing you a most successful administration of the important office [*16423*] pleasure to feel that, in this crisis, the affairs of our great country are to be guarded over during the coming four years by one who is so well equipped in every way to do so most ably and honestly — Please remember me kindly to Mrs Roosevelt. Very Sincerely Your friend Richard M. Saltonstall To Theodore Roosevelt. The President Washington D.C. [*16424*]Copy- No. 96. Bureau of Immigration. Room No. 8, Tooke Bldg., 169 Peel St., Montreal, Can. October 9, 1901. John R. DeBarry, Esq., Immigrant Inspector, Buffalo, N.Y. Sir:- I herewith enclose for your information and action, Bureau letter #27,726. There being great need for an efficient inspector at Malone, N.Y., I respectfully request you to comply with the enclosed instructions at the earliest possible date, and report to me, by letter, immediately on your arrival at your official station. Respectfully, Robert Watchorn, Special Immigrant Inspector. ------------- No. 27,726. Treasury Department, Washington, Oct.5,1901. John R. DeBarry, Immigrant Inspector, Buffalo, N.Y. Sir: You are hereby relieved of duty at Buffalo and directed to proceed to Malone, N.Y., which will be your official station until further instructions and where you will perform service in conformity with the directions of Special Inspector Robert Watchorn. Respectfully, T. V. Powderly, Commissioner-General. Approved: n Spaulding Acting Secretary. [*16425*][*File P.P.F. Pn*] Williams, Wood & Linthicum, Geo. H. Williams, C.E.S. Wood, S.B. Linthicum, J.C. Flanders, Attys at Law. Chamber of Commerce Building, Portland, Or. Oct. 9. 1901 My dear Roosevelt. I have just arrived with Erskine at La Grande on the R. R. from that horrible and lonely canon. I have come here for the day to arrange my affairs preparatory to taking him to the Sanatorium at Saranac Lake N.Y. as a last resort but I have no hope. He is sinking rapidly. I wrote Scott the same mail by which I wrote you and I have just seen him. He says he replied to me via Burns but I must have passed [*16426*]the letter. Our talk was eminently satisfactory to me as I know it would be to you. He tells me he saw you. If I see you this winter I can tell you what it is not necessary to write. So the rumours proved true and you are president. The manner of your elevation is to be deplored by every good citizen but since fate so ordered I am glad for the sake of the country and your own honorable ambitions that the lot fell to you. for your peace of mind, your real enjoyment of life I am sorry. But you are not so cloister-minded as I am. You will of necessity be the candidate. Williams, Wood & Linthicum, Geo. H. Williams, C.E.S. Wood, S.B. Linthicum, J.C. Flanders, Attys at Law. Chamber of Commerce Building Portland, Or. 2 nothing you can do will give the politicians, the setters up of pins and packers of conventions any liking for you - (and that's to your credit - I despise them) They have no use for a selfwilled, politically honest man. but you can, and I believe will, force them to take you because of your place in the confidence and hearts of the people -. I think the vox populi is a very drunkard's whoop when it praises an administration for good crops and damns it for the crash of credit. But like other children the masses instinctively feel character and love the man who is brave and true, come what may - C.E.S.W. [*Wood*] [*16427*]HARTMAN TESTIFIES ________ Investigation of Duel Story Takes Place In Germany. _________ Says He Wrote No Such Story as Credited to Him. __________ No Such Officer as Lieut. Pachmann in German Army. ___________ More about the alleged duel at Aachen, Germany, of Adolf Hartman with "Lieut. Pachmann," of the German army, has come to light. Lieut. Von Stockhausen, of Aachen, has investigated the matter, as he said he would, and a long letter has been received here from him, explaining the result. There is no such individual as Lieut. Pachmann in the German army, no duel took place and Adolf Hartman says he never wrote home that one did take place. Lieut. Col. Von Stockhausen is commander of the troops in the district in which Aachen is situated. After receiving the newspaper reports from America, he took the matter up and made a thorough investigation. The results he writes as follows: "In answer to your letter of Aug. 27, received here Sept. 9, I have to say the following; "1.-According to official records there is no officer named Pachmann in the German army, either in active nor reserve service. "2.-A duel between Adolph Hartman, of Duluth, Minn., student at the technical college, with an officer of the German army of any name has not taken place, neither here or anywhere, neither last summer nor any other time. "The student, Adolf Hartman, fought a duel with no one. But Adolph Hartman, during the carnival, had a dispute with a young merchant named Essers, which resulted in a challenge, but the duel did not take place. Young Essers in 1899-1900 served as a volunteer in the fusilier regiment Hohenzollern, and acquired the qualifications entitling him to appear as a candidate for an officer's place in the reserve. He did not take the examinations necessary for his advancement, and hence left the army as a non-commissioned officer of the reserve and as such has no connection whatever with the officers' corps. "3.-The examination made by Prof. Braenler, rector of the college of Student Hartman, as well as the investigation of the non-commissioned officer of the reserve, Essers, by the courtmartial at Aachen, has established the following: [*16428*] "At the time of the last carnival, Student Adolph Hartman had a trifling dispute with said Essers and made a remark in fun which was taken in earnest by Essers, who called Hartman a booby, and challenged him to a duel with rapier. The affair came before the court of Honor of the Student Corps Alania and also of the Chemical Students' corps. They decided that the duel should take place with the weapons usually used by the Corps Alania. "The day before" the time set for the duel, Essers, in consequences of a death [cut off] is family, withdrew, and notified [cut off] [?ions] to that effect. Nothing [cut off] [?ter and both had nothing to do with the publication of these articles. I wrote nothing to my father on the subject except the two letters above referred to. "The newspaper clippings sent to me as well as others that have some to me, in which the details of the so-called duel were given, are inventions and wholly false. America was not mentioned in the dispute, no officer was present at the time and no duel took place. "I send you this privately in order that you may be enabled satisfactorily to expose these slanderous falsehoods. "VON STOCKHAUSEN, "Oberst Lieutenant, Z. D., and Commandant des Landwehrbezals, Aachen." [*16429*]PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT. Regarding President Roosevelt, mixed opinions are entertained as yet. He has been identified with fire-eating utterances concerning England and with dangerous jingo instincts : but he is growing older now, and even the swashbuckler tendency, which made him so boisterous an advocate for war with Spain and so enthusiastic a participant in it, may be sobered down by the responsibilities of his great office. About five years ago I met Mr. Roosevelt--the name, by the way is pronounced as if it was spelt "Rosevelt"--in New York : and he struck me as a man of superabundant energy. He was then in the thick of his fight with corruption in the New York police administration, and was alienating even his friends by the thoroughness of his proceedings. The "better classes" had, for instance, warmly supported his programme of reforms in connection with the liquor traffic, all the laws having previously been set at defiance by those publicans who subsidised the police. But the "better classes" themselves were in the habit of assembling on Sundays at the big hotels ; and when they found that Mr. Roosevelt intended to make the big hotels also obey the strict letter of the law as to Sunday closing, their zeal visibly cooled. So at the next election Roosevelt and his reforms went overboard. Now, theoretically Mr. Roovsevelt's thoroughness was all right : but unquestionably it wrecked the chances of good government for New York for a number of years, as many of Mr. Roosevelt's best friends told him it would. The question is, therefore, whether a man who will, for the sake of a principle, defy expediency in this way, is not likely to prove something like the proverbial bill in the china shop when he finds himself possessed of the almost unlimited powers of President of the United States, with most delicate questions all round him. He has said, for instance, that the States ought to own, construct and work the Nicaragua Canal without any reference to England at all but if he puts this into practice as President, who can foresee the ultimate consequences of one Power thus deliberately ignoring treaties which it has signed, merely because it chooses to do so? 16430 "THE SAME OLD GUN"? Fortunately, however, we are not likely to have to answer this question. The new President has already stated that he will carry on his predecessor's policy. He may upon occasion "raise or lower the sights, " but he will, still use " the same old gun:" We are not alone, however in watching with some anxiety for the developments of the new President's foreign policy. In every capital of Europe perturbation prevails as to the consequences of the accession to power of a man who has hith-rto been known to them only as an outspoken jingo and a fire-eating advocate of war; and this consideration no doubt accentuates the regret which is universally expressed for Mr. McKinley's death. None of the countries of Europe had anyreason to love America under its late President: for the outcome of his protective tariff and his war against Spain was to make the United State appear as a menace to the commercial and political existence of Europe. But now that Mr. McKinley has gone, Europe realises that the United States under President Roosevelt may be a danger indeed. Le roi est mort ; vive le roi. What of his successor? In many respects Mr. Roosevelt is unique among American Presidents. To begin with he has a distinct and pronounced personality. That personality is engaging the attention of Europe at the present moment, and so far as the Continent is concerned the attention is marked by uneasiness. Even in this country we are not quire at rest. In domestic politics and American President can do little ; at any moment Congress is able to apply the curb. But in foreign affairs, if he pleases he may be supreme ; and there is a widespread belief, "perhaps", apprehension would not be too strong a word, that in foreign afairs Mr. Roosevelt means the United States to come very much to the front. The feeling concerning him is similar to that aroused in regard to the German Emperor when de dismissed Prince Bismark. He is a strong, impulsive, masterful man and there is no knowing what he will do next His countryman are as uncertain as others about him. "Teddy," as he is universally called, is immensely popular, but popularity is not always the same thing as trust and confidence. "Teddy's a grand fellow," is the verdict of the crowd. The ladies call him "quite the lovely man," an adjective which must be translated into the English loveable. Young America is enthusiastic over him, and imitates him as best it can in manner, style and dress. Old American and Wall Street are proud of him, but with perhaps a certain parental anxiety. Before the death of the late President, when it was believed he might recover, an American citizen said to the Montreal correspondent of the Times, "We prefer McKinley, whom we know, to Teddy, whom we don't quite know." Another remarked: "We forgive Teddy a great deal for his absolute honesty." A third, after much cogitation observed, "I'm thinking that when Teddy's dons with America it will, may be, require another Christopher Columbus and find what's left of it." The Times Montreal Correspondent gives the following vivid picturesque portrayal of the new President: {1 cart:] "He is a man who speaks with Bismarckian frankness, and who directly impresses one with the conviction that you are speaking to a man and not to an incarnate Blue-book. As my eyes fell on him I received a first impression, which deepened with every moment that I watched him. I was speaking not with Lord Cromer, but with Evelyn Baring of 1882. Bear in mind that both of of Dutch origin, the one of British and aristocratic or Whiggish growth, the other, though equally well-born, of American and democratic growth ; the one of official development, the other of free national development ; and making allowance for these differences (no one ever called Lord Cromer 'Teddy ') you see the same type. Resemblance in feature, though by no means striking, is not absent. There is the same jaw, suggestive of a bull-dog ; the same quick, impatient yet tolerant look in the eyes, which, before you speak, seems to say, ' I know what you are going to say and will tell you where you are wrong ; 'the same way of brushing aside irrelevant or insignificant details and going right down to the root of the difficulty. There is the same tendency to be perhaps a little unjust to the man who does not see eye to eye with him ; the same generous readiness to admit the injustice of an exaggeration when pointed out to him, and perhaps, the same tendency to assume that "I and Providence' and convertible terms. I do not think that anyone who recommended clemency to anarchists would long continue to speak of him as 'Teddy.' Whatever may be the ultimate destiny of Mr. Roosevelt, I am certain that he possesses the elements that make a great man, and that he will leave a strong impress for good or evil. His danger, I should be inclined to say, may lie in extreme impulsiveness, a quality by no means absent in Sir Evelyn Baring, though Lord Cromer has it well in hand. If Mr. Roosevelt can do the same, the United States will produce a great President. But one thing against him is the short term of the Presidential office. If Sir Evelyn Baring's administration had closed in 1887, after only four years, his reputation would have been different." Whether Mr. Roosevelt will so far resemble Kaiser Wilhelm as to embark upon a neuer leurs, time alone will show. He has begun well, though it is too soon to say whether he will entirely allay the apprehensions that are entertained. He has announced his intention of continuing the policy of his predecessor, and has given a substantial earnest of his good faith by requesting all the members of Mr. McKinley's Cabinet to retain their portfolios. It had been understood thattinu Mr. McKinley's policy, it is not certain that he will give the same interpretation as his predecessor to the somewhat vague phrases in which that policy was set forth. It was never easy to affine what Mr. McKinley's policy was. A friendly critic used to say of him that he kept his ear to the ground, and that his policy always harmonised with the trend of public opinion. But the day before he fell beneath the murderer's bullet he delivered a speech at the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo which was the most noteworthy he had uttered for a long time, if not the most remarkable of his life. It was the one most admired in the United States, and it has been described as the speech incomparably the most significant for the remainder of the world. Had the assassin's outrage not occurred within twenty-four hours of its delivery, the Press of every country would have been full of it. In Vienna they were quick to perceive its significance. "The world's products," said the late President, "are now exchanged as they never were before, and prices are fixed with mathematical precision by the law of supply and demand. Isolation is no longer possible or desirable. Trade statistics indicate that the country is in a state of unexampled prosperity; and the figures are almost appalling. That all the people are participating in this great prosperity is seen by the unprecedented deposits in the savings banks. Our capacity to produce has developed so enormously that the problem of more markets requires immediate attention. A system which provides for the mutual exchange of commodities is manifestly essential. We must not repose in the fancied security that we can for every sell everything and buy little or nothing. Reciprocity is the natural outgrowth of our wonderful industrial development. 16432 If, perchance, some of our tariffs are no longer needed for revenue, or to protect our industries, why should they not be employed to extend our markets abroad?" President McKinley also referred to the need of a merchant marine under the American flag, and said that America must build the Isthmian Canal and construct the Pacific cable. The above extract is worth reproducing because President Roosevelt has asserted at a Cabinet meeting that the policy outlined by Mr. McKinley in his speech at Buffalo on September 5th would be the one which he would endeavour to follow closely in every particular. Mr. McKinley proclaimed that the period of exclusiveness was passed, that the prohibitive system, having served its purpose, must be laid aside, and that a policy of lower tariffs must be adopted in order to increase the competitive power of America. It has frequently ben asserted, and is generally accepted as the truth, that, as soon as America abandons Protection and begins to move in the direction of Free Trade, she will be the most formidable competitor that has ever yet appeared in the struggle for the world's commerce. America has entered the arena of international politics. She is now preparing to enter the arena of international trade and to become the active rival of all the commercial countries of the old world. The old traditional attitude of isolation and aloofness from European associations is to be abandoned both as regards politics and commerce. The condition of things foretold by Count Goluchowski, and against which he urged Europe to combine her forces, seems to be approaching. America is entering upon a new career, and she is embarking upon it under the guidance of a new President, a man young in years, of marked individuality and force of character, and of culture, training and experience unusual among American statesmen. If Mr. Roosevelt means to take President McKinley's last utterance for his political programme, it would seem that the Daily Chronicle is not far wrong in its estimate when it says: -- "He believes in a big America. He is an Expansionist and an Imperialist. He will out-Monroe Monroe in the interpretation of the policy which goes by that name. He was the most earnest advocate of the acquisition of Hawaii, the foremost in demanding a strong navy, and he was thoroughly opposed to England in the Venezuelan question. We can gather from these actions what his attitude will be over the Nicaraguan Canal. Mr. Roosevelt is far too level-headed a stateman, and knows too much of diplomacy to do anything rash, but his policy will be firmly, if not aggressively, American in the widest sense of the term. He has unbounded faith in the future of his country, in the destiny and mission of America. He is likely to make Uncle Sam more than ever the policeman of the Central and South American States, and shout in a louder voice than his predecessors, 'Hands off, Europe!' Much depends on his selection of a Cabinet; but it is more than probable that, if he runs counter to precedent in selecting nominees of his own, he will not choose millionaires, but seek representatives of the young American spirit of which he is the leading exponent. In the realm of world politics Mr. Roosevelt will make the influence of America till more felt. He is more likely to seek fresh island colonies than to give up any of those which are now being organised. He will naturally throw his energies into the settlement of all these Colonial problems which still hang in the balance. Whatever course of action Mr. Roosevelt may adopt on particular questions, we are safe in thinking, judging from his past, that this youngest of Presidents will prove one of the greatest. 16433 [????] he did not see eye to eye with Mr. Secretary Hay, especially in regard to those matters of foreign policy on which America's views might possibly clash with England's interests. The Hay-Pauncefote treaty was mentioned as a subject which Mr. Roosevelt would not allow to go any further. Mr. Hay, however, authorises the announcement that he is in agreement with Mr. Roosevelt upon every question of foreign policy after full discussion both before and after Mr. Roosevelt's accession. While his health and strength last he will remain Foreign Secretary. Our Washington Correspondents, too, seem satisfied that the Roosevelt Administration will preserve both at home and abroad the continuity of President McKinley's policy. Nevertheless, as the Times remarks, although Mr. Roosevelt may con- [*1 Copy to Mr Latta File CF*] Department of State, Washington, October 10, 1901. My dear Mr. Cortelyou: I duly received your letter of the 8th transmitting the instructions for the American delegates to the Pan-American Conference at Mexico, as approved and signed by the President. These instructions have been communicated to the delegates under date of the 9th instant. In accordance with your request, I send you herewith two copies (printed) for your files. Very cordially, Alvey A. Adee Enclosure: 2 copies instructions to delegates as above. Honorable George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President [*16434*][*[For 1 ens see 10-8-01 Roosevelt to Sec of State]*][*PF*] AGENTS FOR THE WORKS ISSUED BY THE UNIVERSITIES OF CAMBRIDGE (ENGLAND), COLUMBIA (NEW YORK), MESSRS. MACMILLAN & CO., LTD., MESSRS. GEORGE BELL & SONS, BOHN'S LIBRARIES, MESSRS. A. & C BLACK, AND MESSRS. WHITTAKER & CO. The Macmillan Company, PUBLISHERS, 66 Fifth Avenue, New York, October 10, 1901. Dear Mr. Whitney:- We enclose check for five hundred dollars in payment for Mr. Roosevelt's articles. Will you very kindly forward this check to him and get him to sign the enclosed form of receipt in accordance with our arrangement with you. There should be no question, whatever about the carrying out of his wishes with regard to advertising. We will not refer in any way to his title as President. I have given instructions to our advertising department. I am very glad indeed that the book is in hand and note what you say about reproducing it in "Outing", and also about your sending us the MS after you have reproduced the several chapters. I return Mr. Roosevelt's letter herewith. Very sincerely, W. S. Booth FOR THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. [[shorthand]] Caspar Whitney, Esq., 239 Fifth Ave. New York City. [[shorthand]] [*16435*][[shorthand]] [*ackd 10-18-1901 P.P.F.*] Embassy of the United States Mexico, October 10,1901 Dear Mr. President: I wish to try to express to you my great appreciation of the desire you have expressed, through the State Department, that I should continue in the office I now hold. My appreciation of your generous action is greatly augmented [*16436*]by the fact that I have no claim whatever upon you, and what you have done has been upon your own volition, uninfluenced by representations of myself or friends. Believe me, Mr. President, I shall not prove forgetful or ungrateful, but if we both live, will, when the opportunity occurs, as I believe it will, prove by acts, which mean more than words, how greatly I am indebted to you. In the meantime I shall be under the same obligation to aid in making your administration a success as I was during that of my dear friend, President McKinley I have the honor to be, Sincerely, your obedient servant Powell Clayton Honorable Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States [*16437*][*ackd 10-18-1901*] Embassy of the United States Mexico, October 10, 1901 To the President of the United States, Washington, D.C. Sir:- I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt, through Mr. Adee, of the Department of State, [*16438*] to be, Sir, Your obedient servant Powell Clayton [*[CLAYTON]*]of State, of the expression of your wish that I continue in the office I now hold. For the confidence you have thus reposed in me, and the kind language in which your wish has been expressed, I beg that you will accept, Mr. President, the assurance of my high appreciation. I hope to be able to so conduct the affairs of the high office I now hold at your pleasure, as to always meet with your approbation. In compliance with your wish that I continue in office I respectfully withdraw my resignation of the 20th ultimo. I have the honor [*16439*][*ackd 10/11/1901*] MILLER, FINCKE & BRANDEGEE, 30 GENESEE STREET UTICA, N.Y. Oct. 10th 1901 - Dear Theodore - Saw Littauer & Jim Sherman at lunch last Monday. Talk naturally was about you & the situation in N.Y. Said to them I hoped Odell would be far sighted enough to feel & say "The King is back. Long live the King" Littauer replied he had just come from the Governer & that was just what he was going to say in his address on New York's day at Pan American, Wednesday the 9th. See by the papers, clipping enclosed, that he knew what he was talking about. Knowing both Congressmen well, I ventured to speak about you personally & my knowledge of you & affection for you. Mentioned your first letter to me as a convincing proof of all I had said. Littauer said, "You are [*16440*]right Fincke & I am glad to hear you speak as you do" - Both expressed not only respect & loyalty but affection for you. There was no need of their talking through their hats or lying to me. They know I am not in politics & do not want to get in. I believe they meant all they said - Situated as I am I think I get more honest & answered expression, than I otherwise would - Know all this is trivial but can not refrain from writing you. Hope to see you in Washington when you get back from New Haven. Until then may every thing good thing be yours. Yours faithfully, F.G. Fincke [shorthand][[shorthand]] [*ackd 10/12/1901 Encl to Al P.F.*] ESTABLISHED 1847. J. W. Goddard & Sons, 98, 100 & 102, Bleecker St. and 197 Mercer St. New York, Oct. 10th, '01 190 M President Roosevelt, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. [Dear Sir] My Dear President Roosevelt, On Oct. 3rd you wrote that you would be glad to hear from Mr. Nichols in regard to Hawaii. I communicated with Mr. Nichols and he has now sent me the enclosed letter, which I forward to you. I don't know why exactly he addressed it to me. Any way it doesn't belong to me and there is, of course, no occasion for returning it to me. I was very glad to hear from the gentleman whom you recommended to me in a previous letter, that his visit here had been successful in establishing the correctness of certain reports which I communicated to you, and which I told you I believed in the truth of, notwithstanding the positive contradiction of Mr. Riggs who, I am more and more convinced, is too much of a friend of somebody else, to be a trustworthy friend of yours. I sincerely hope Col, Dunn will recommend to you my man for Marshall or Internal Revenue. Things over here are looking pretty well for Low. With kind regards, Faithfully yours, F. Norton Goddard [*over*] (Over) [*16441*]P.S. I enclose you a tabulated analysis of the vote in Henkel's district for some years past. He is absolutely worse than no use. Vote in 18th assembly Dist - McKinley Bryan Majority for Dem 1896 - 2975 4798 1823 1900 - 2474 6075 3601 Rep. Assembly Dem Assembly 1899 1315 5353 4038 Henkel was Cornelius N. Bliss's man - Mr. Bliss's influence in New York politics is nil - unless he should get away with a mans hardship! I believe there is no precedent for the reappointment of a U.S. Marshall - this tends to effect offset Henkels letter of recommendation from Judges etc.. Your policy of appointing good men, tho' Democrats, down South has produced an excellent effect but I suppose can be carried too far; if I recollect correctly, Blaine made a notable speech in opposition to somewhat the same policy in (I think) Hayes' time.[*AYUNTAMIENTO DE MATANZAS PRESIDENCIA*] MATANZAS, OCTUBRE 10 DE 1901. AL HONORABLE SR. TEODORO ROOSEVELT, PRESIDENTE DE LA REPUBLICA DE LOS ESTADOS UNIDOS DE AMERICA. Señor:- La crisis económica que atraviesa la isla de Cuba y la circunstancia de carecer en estos momentos de personalidad, para gestionar la defensa de sus intereses en el concierto de los pueblos libres, obligan al Ayuntamiento de Matanzas en representación del pueblo, á acudir en demanda de aquellas medidas que más inmediatamente puedan contribuir á la salvación de su riqueza en la seguridad de que su petición encontrará favorable acogida en vuestro gobierno, siquiera sea porque ellas coronarían la humanitaria intervención americana. Los esfuerzos realizados por el pueblo de Cuba para reorganizarse y reponerse de los grandes quebrantos sufridos en la guerra, terminada felizmente por la intervención americana, resultan completamente estériles, si los principales productos de Cuba, aumentados por aquellos esfuerzos no encontraren mercado para su venta: hoy por hoy casi constituye el único mercado para ellos, el de los Estados Unidos, llamado por esta razón la Metrópoli Mercantil de Cuba y la importación de esos productos en ella, se hace imposible por los fuertes derechos arancelarios que los gravan y que vienen casi á constituir derechos prohibitivos. No puede Cuba gestionar otros mercados para sus productos por la situación legal en que se hall colocada: la intervención que sufre a priva de personalidad para practicar esas gestiones y contratar sobre ese punto aunque pudiera esperarlo de otros paises que no fuera el de los Estados Unidos, su mercado natural y éso obliga moralmente al Gobierno de Vd. á tomar medidas tendentes á evitar la ruina que nos amenaza; de otro modo la gloriosa y humanitaria intervención ejercida en Cuba, resultaría eclipsada por los efectos de la misma. [*16442*][*AYUNTAMIENTO DE MATANZAS PRESIDENCIA*] (2) Levantar á Cuba hasta hacerla vivir la vida de los pueblos libres, estimular á su pueblo para el desarrollo de todas sus fuerzas y dedicarlas á la reorganización del país para corresponder en esa forma al beneficio recibido y encontrar después como resultado final la inutilidad de sus esfuerzos y sentirse condenado á la inacción y á la miseria, no parece que sea la conclusión que armónicamente corresponda á la intervención ejercida por vuestro gobierno: una nación grandiosa como la república de los Estados Unidos, no podrían consentir que un acto filantrópico suyo é hijo de su podería quedara convertido en la ruina material de un pueblo. Una modificación en los derechos arancelarios que sufren nuestros productos en su importación á los Estados Unidos, sería suficiente tal vez para salvarnos y evitar nuestra ruina y esa reducción, sería tanto más posible, cuanto que no llevaría impresa un carácter de perpetuidad ni revestiría la naturaleza de un contrato de relaciones mercantiles entre los Estados Unidos y Cuba: esa reducción sólo sería una concesión hecha por el Gobierno Americano para salvar á un pueblo creado por él y cuya personalidad tiene asumida merced á su intervención. Por todas esas razones aspira el Ayuntamiento de Matanzas á obtener del Gobierno Americano las siguientes concesiones: PRIMERA:- Que se admitan en los Estados Unidos. con absoluta libertad de derechos arancelarios, las mieles y los azúcares crudos producidos en Cuba, hasta el número 16 de la Escala Holandesa. SEGUNDA:- Que el tabaco producido en Cuba, clasificado en el número 213 de la Tarifa de los Estados Unidos, al importarse en esa República, cuando sea en capa pague un peso por libra y que las tripas no especificadas y sin despalillar paguen veinte centavos por libra. TERCERA:- Que los cigarros, cigarrillos y charutos de todas clases, elaborados en Cuba y especificados en el párrafo 217, paguen dos pesos cincuenta centavos por libra, suprimiendo el veinte y cinco por ciento ad valorem que satisfacen actualmente. CUARTA:- Que á los alcoholes, aguardientes y ron productos inmediatos de la [*16443*](3) caña de azúcar, y á los dulces fabricados con frutas de Cuba, procedentes de industrias de esta Isla, se les conceda una bonificación de cuarenta por ciento en los respectivos párrafos de la Tarifa de los Estados Unidos y QUINTA:- Que no establezca ningún impuesto interior en los Estados Unidos al tabaco elaborado de todas clases procedente de Cuba que anularía las anteriores rebajas solicitadas. . Con esas concesiones hechas oportunamente para que puedan ejercer sus saludables efectos en la inmediata zafra, cree el Ayuntamiento de Matanzas, y con él el pueblo de la isla de Cuba, que podría devolverse á ésta la prosperidad que le corresponde por sus esfuerzos y que cerraría de una manera digna la epopeya realizada por la intervención americana. A nombre del Ayuntamiento de Matanzas esta Alcaldía suplica á Vd. respetuosamente que se sirva acoger con agrado esta solicitud, patrocinarla, é interponer su indiscutible influencia para que sean satisfechas sus justas y naturales aspiraciones. Respetuosamente de Vd. J. Lecuona -ALCALDE MUNICIPAL-. [*AYUNTAMIENTO DE MATANZAS PRESIDENCIA*] [*16444*][attached to Lecuvmo? 10-3-01][*ackd 10/11/1901 P.F.*] FIRST PENNSYLVANIA STATE NORMAL SCHOOL, MILLERSVILLE, PA. E. ORAM LYTE, PRINCIPAL October 10Th, 1901. PRINCIPAL'S OFFICE Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President U.S., Washington, D.C. Mr dear Sir:- A short time ago in a letter to our good friend, Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, I said to him that it was extremely fortunate for the people of the country that the man who is our martyred President's successor would have been chosen to be the republican nominee at Philadelphia if President McKinley had not been chosen. Dr. Butler was kind enough to suggest to me that it would not be improper for me to say this directly to you. I can assure you of what you probably have abundant proofs,- that you have the confidence of the "plain people" of the entire country and will have their hearty support without much regard to party lines. May I occupy your time a little further? In the event of President [*16445*] FIRST PENNSYLVANIA STATE NORMAL SCHOOL, MILLERSVILLE, PA. E. ORAM LYTE, PRINCIPAL October 10Th, 1901. PRINCIPAL'S OFFICE Roosevelt-2- Low's election to the Mayoralty of New York no one could be selected to fill his place at Columbia University who would so fully meet the approval of the educators of the country as Dr. Butler. You know his ability better than I, no doubt. I know his strength among the leading educators of the public institutions of the land and am confident that his election as permanent President of Columbia would receive their heartiest endorsement. If this suggestion will add anything to what you may say to the authorities of Columbia concerning Dr. Butler I shall be delighted. With assurances of personal respect, I am Sincerely yours, E. O. Lyte Dictated. [*16446*]are fully alive to this need. Pray accept my most sincere and confident good wishes and believe me Your most obedient servant, Richard C. Parderes. His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt. President of the United States We have dealt elsewhere with President Roosevelt's position and views. We will only say here that besides being a statesman of high character and lofty aims, he is a man of great courage, moral as well as physical. People talk as if he were a Jingo, but he is probably not more imperialistic in his ideas than the majority of Americans. He is, however, not in the least afraid of great responsibilities for himself or his country, and would never shrink back from a policy he believed in because he found it too big. He is a man who likes the idea of big duties in a big future. He has been called an aristocrat, but this is only the picturesqueness in which the Americans, being an imaginative race, delight. If by "aristocrat" is meant a man of good birth, education, and independent means, President Roosevelt is, we suppose, one, but that he has any notion of conducting himself in the way popularly supposed to belong to aristocrats is ridiculous. He will be a thoroughly American President. As proof of his statesmanlike moderation we may note his retention of the Secretary of State, Mr. John Hay, - one of the ablest and most sincerely patriotic of living American statesmen. That act is a sign of the new President's breadth of vision and strength. People have described Mr. Roosevelt both as the friend and as the enemy of England. He is, in truth, neither. He will not try to quarrel with this country, but he will show her no special favours. The chief danger before him is that in insisting on the policy of "hands off" he may come into violent collision with Germany, and that this collision may take place while America is unprepared and Germany prepared. We may be sure that Germany will only respect the Monroe doctrine as long as she feels that she is too weak at sea to challenge it. When she thinks herself the stronger in ironclads she will "call" the American fleet. [*Ackd 10-24-1901 File*] AMERICAN EMBASSY ROME October 10, 1901. Mr President: - I need not say, I am sure, but the brutal crime which makes it possible to write to you as President of the United States, was a great shock and grief to me. I was a great admirer of Mr McKinley's many qualities as a man and a President, and his loss is a National, as well as a personal one. That you were at hand to take his place I consider providential, as what was his policy is also yours, and your friends will know, that, with you, to believe is to act. [*16447*]as you know, I always hoped you would succeed him, and meant, as I wrote you last year, to do what I could in Ohio, to bring about that result. Of course all that is now unnecessary and out of place. You are already President, and we well know that all your mind and heart will be given to the work in hand - with us thought for your personal future. You will have the fullest confidence and support of all your friends and, and they feel sure your shoulders will prove broad enough for the burdens placed upon them. Permit me to give you my personal assurance of such confidence, as well as of every belief that your administration will speak for itself, and solve the problems of future horrors. I venture to enclose a clipping from the "London Spectator" which, as far as it goes, echoes my sentiments exactly. We want peace - without paying too dearly for it - and to have peace we must have a Navy! I should like to preach that doctrine at every cross-roads in America — and do more than preach were I in a position to do so. Fortunately you yourself are [*16448*]are fully alive to this need Pray accept my most sincere and confident good wishes and believe me Your most obedient servant, Richard C. Parsons. His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt. President of the United States [*We have dealt elsewhere with President Roosevelt's position and views. We will only say here that besides being a statesman of high character and lofty aims , he is a man of great courage, moral and physical. People talk as if he were a Jingo but he probably more imperialistic in his ideas than the majority of Americans. He is not in the least afraid of great responsibilities for himself or his country, and would never shrink back from a policy he believed in because he found it too big. He is a man who likes the idea of big duties in a big future. He has been called an aristocrat, but this is only the picturesqueness in which the Americans, being being an imaginative race, delight. If by "aristocrat" is meant a man of good birth, education and independent means, President Roosevelt is, we suppose, one, but that he has any notion of conducting himself in the way popularly supposed to belong to aristocrats is ridiculous. He will be a thoroughly American President. As proof of his statesmanlike moderation we may note his retention of the Secretary of State, Mr. John Hay,— one of the ablest and most sincerely patriotic of living American Statesmen. That act is a sign of the new President's breadth of vision and strength. People have described Mr Roosevelt both as the friend and as the enemy of England. He is, in truth, neither. He will not try to quarrel with this country, but he will show her no special favors. The chief danger before him is that insisting on the policy of "hands off" he may come into violent collision with Germany, and that this collision may take place while America is unprepared and Germany prepared. We may be sure that Germany will only respect the Monroe doctrine as long as she feels she is too weak at sea to challenge it. When she thinks herself the stronger in ironclads she will "call" the American Fleet. 16448A*] [*Ackd 10-24-1901 File*] AMERICAN EMBASSY ROME October 10, 1901. Mr President:- I need not say, I am sure, that the brutal crime which makes it possible to write to you as President of the United States, was a great shock and grief to me. I was a great admirer of Mr McKinley's many qualities as a man and a President, and his loss is a National, as well as a personal one. That you were at hand to take his place I consider providential, as what was his policy is also yours, and your friends well know, that with you, to believe is to act. [*16447*] John Patton, Counsellor at Law, 925 Michigan Trust Co. Building. Grand Rapids Mich. Oct 10/01 [*ackd 10/12/1901 P.P.F.*] The President, Washington D. C. My dear Mr President; You wrote me on May 11/95 When you were on the Police board as follows "You have no cause to feel discouraged; you will be back in the Senate soon. As for me I will never be given anything but an occasional disagreeable job which has to be performed" How little you knew what was in store for you! I send you enclosed what I said of you at the Memorial meeting here the day the President was buried, and congratulate you on the splendid things you are trying to do amid much difficulties. Am looking forward to seeing you at the Yale Bicentennial. By the way I should not do my duty if I did not tell you that Mr J M Jemison of Phoenix Arizona, who called upon you with Senator Burrows the other day and who wants to be Chief Justice formerly lived here and is intellectually and morally unfit for that place. His career here was most discreditable, and he was defeated for a Judgeship in this city by 600 when the rest of the ticket was elected. Hoping to greet you at New Haven and with evry good wish I am, Sincerely Yours, John Patton [*16449*][shorthand]JACOB A. RiiS, 524 BEECH STREET, NORTH, RICHMOND HALL, NEW YORK NEW YORk, October 10th, 1901. My Dear Mr. Washington: Yes, we are both stumped on the trip with Roosevelt. He has other things to attend to now, and you and I both know---we all know----or if we do not how we will before he has finished his term---that they will be attended to right up to the handle, by a man as a capable and honest and good, and splendid every way, as ever sat in George Washington's and Abraham Lincoln's chair. When we do meet we will all bear testimony to that and be happy together. My love to all your people. Faithfully yours, Jacob A. Riis. Mr. Booker T. Washington, Tuskegee, Alabama. [*16450*][*File Business PPF*] DOUGLAS ROBINSON, CHARLES S. BROWN & CO., REAL ESTATE AGENTS AND BROKERS, 160 BROADWAY, DOUGLAS ROBINSON, CHARLES S. BROWN, FREDERICK WINANT. "CABLE ADDRESS" "RYRAPORT, NEW YORK." TELEPHONE CONNECTION. UPTOWN OFFICE 570 FIFTH AVENUE NEW YORK, October 10, 1901- Mr. George B. Cortelyou, Executive Mansion, Washington D.C. My dear Sir:-- I am in receipt of your letter enclosing one from Mr. Wm. Steele, of Burwyn, Pa. I am writing to Mr. Steele to tell him that I have already made arrangements to purchase the horses for the President,- and will tell him also that the horses he mentions are too small. Yours very truly, Douglas Robinson [*16451*]CABLEWORD: PLASTERS CODE, A.B.C. 4TH EDITION GEO. J. SEABURY, PRES. G.W. HOPPING Treas. HENRY C. LOVIS, Sec'y. 56 HIGHEST AWARD OVER ALL COMPETITORS. Seaburg & Johnson. Established 1867 Manufacturers of MEDICINAL, SURGICAL AND ANTISEPTIC SPECIALTIES. LONDON. NEW YORK. HAMBURG. [*Ackd 10/12/1901*] "RAWSON'S U.S. ARMY" AND "SARATOGE" SUSPENSORIES, ATHLETIC SUPPORTERS, ETC. DRESSINGS:-ANTISEPTIC AND SURGICAL. Absorbent Cottons, PLAIN OR MEDICATED. Absorbent Gauzes- SEABURY'S DRY, PLAIN OR MEDICATED: MEAD'S MOIST, MEDICATED. Absorbent Lint, Oakum, Tarred Jute, Lamb's Wool, Bandages:-Roller COTTON, ELASTIC WOVEN, "B.W.B." FLANNEL. GAUZE-ABSORBENT, PLAIN OR MEDICATED. PLASTER-PARIS, RUBBER, SELF-FASTENING, STARCH. * * * TRIANGULAR ILLUSTRATED. Gutta Betcha Tissue, India Rubber Sheeting, Oiled Silk and Muslin, Surgical Sponges, etc., etc. PLASTERS:-Medicinal ARNICA BELLADONNA, BELLA. AND CAPSICUM, BENSON'S BLISTER, KIDENY-MEAD'S MERCURIAL, MUSTARD, THAPSIA, TOOTHACHE, ETC., ETC. PLASTERS:-Surgical MEAD'S RUBBER ADHESIVE, SEABURY'S RUBBER ADHESIVE ADHESIVE TRACTION STRIPS, ISINGLASS, COURT, ETC., ETC. Corn Plasters, Bunion Plasters, Sanitary Cumpidores, Hospital Spitting Cups, Drainage Tubes, Hydronaphthol, Hydronaphthol Pastilles, Surgical Ligatures, Antiseptic Soaps, Adaptable Porous Felt Splints, "King's Thermometer Fountain Syringe." Sulphur Candles, Antiseptic Tablets, Vaccination Shields. Seabury's Improved Corn and Bunion Plasters. 59-61 MAIDEN LANE New York, Oct. 10th, 1901 (Confidential) H. E., Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C., Dear Mr. President : The Business Men's Republican Sound Money Organization during the last Presidential Campaign did Yeoman service in behalf of the ticket, and I think when it comes to enthusiam, you had more than your share of the glory when you reviewed us, including the rain. I am still conscious of the fact that I got soaked escorting you up to the Grand Stand, and had the pleasure of heading the Drug, Chemical, Oil, and Paint section, and having the misfortune repeated ; but nevertheless I have all my life been an all around hunter and fisherman, it made but very slight impression on my economy. I have a favor to ask of you at this time; you know that we are in the midst of a strife to oust the Robber Barons of Tammany Hall. I feel sanguine that Low will be the next Mayor. When Tammany opens its campaign on bluffing bets, it is sure to be an evidence of defeat; the song of the dying swan. I felt so sure of my judgment in that respect that I accommodated Mr. Richard Crocker of wantage at the very opening of their betting, with a souvenier wager of Twenty Five Thousand Dollars. They put the money up all right, the checks being signed by two of his foremost henchmen,--Dry Dollar Sullivan and John F. Carroll. If you can see your way clear, considering your present position, and that which you once occupied in our Community and State, I would ask you to write me a few lines that I could use as campaign document, or if you choose, you might address it to Seth Low or to anyone of your selection in our municipality. You might write it to my friend Douglas[s] Robinson, on two questions only, A Liberal Sunday Excise Law and a reorganization of our Police Department. I accepted service on three Campaign Committees prior to the nomination of Seth Low by the Fusionists. I wrote Low a letter in which I placed great stress upon the fact, that if we are to be winners by an overwhelming [*16452*]CABLEWORD: PLASTERS CODE, A.B.C. 4TH EDITION GEO. J. SEABURY, PRES. G.W. HOPPING Treas. HENRY C. LOVIS, Sec'y. 56 HIGHEST AWARD OVER ALL COMPETITORS. Seaburg & Johnson. Established 1867 Manufacturers of MEDICINAL, SURGICAL AND ANTISEPTIC SPECIALTIES. LONDON. NEW YORK. HAMBURG. [*Ackd 10/12/1901*] "RAWSON'S U.S. ARMY" AND "SARATOGA" SUSPENSORIES, ATHLETIC SUPPORTERS, ETC. DRESSINGS:-ANTISEPTIC AND SURGICAL. Absorbent Cottons, PLAIN OR MEDICATED. Absorbent Gauzes- SEABURY'S DRY, PLAIN OR MEDICATED: MEAD'S MOIST, MEDICATED. Absorbent Lint, Oakum, Tarred Jute, Lamb's Wool, Bandages:-Roller COTTON, ELASTIC WOVEN, "B.W.B." FLANNEL. GAUZE-ABSORBENT, PLAIN OR MEDICATED. PLASTER-PARIS, RUBBER, SELF-FASTENING, STARCH. * * * TRIANGULAR ILLUSTRATED. Gutta Betcha Tissue, India Rubber Sheeting, Oiled Silk and Muslin, Surgical Sponges, etc., etc. PLASTERS:-Medicinal ARNICA BELLADONNA, BELLA. AND CAPSICUM, BENSON'S BLISTER, KIDNEY-MEAD'S MERCURIAL, MUSTARD, THAPSIA, TOOTHACHE, ETC., ETC. PLASTERS:-Surgical MEAD'S RUBBER ADHESIVE, SEABURY'S RUBBER ADHESIVE ADHESIVE TRACTION STRIPS, ISINGLASS, COURT, ETC., ETC. Corn Plasters, Bunion Plasters, Sanitary Cumpidores, Hospital Spitting Cups, Drainage Tubes, Hydronaphthol, Hydronaphthol Pastilles, Surgical Ligatures, Antiseptic Soaps, Adaptable Porous Felt Splints, "King's Thermometer Fountain Syringe." Sulphur Candles, Antiseptic Tablets, Vaccination Shields. Seabury's Improved Corn and Bunion Plasters. 59-61 MAIDEN LANE New York, Oct. 10th, 1901 T. R. (2) majority, he must come out flat-footed on the two above questions. We must however satisfy the toiling masses that we are their friends and propose to treat them as they deserve. First:--A Liberal Sunday Excise Law, for the benefit of the toiling masses in general ; an element in our Community which you are aware possess great power, which simultaneously involves the Brewing and Distilling interests, together with the influence of the Liquor Saloons. Ninety per cent of the latter class are undoubtedly owned body and soul by Brewers. They control over one hundred thousand votes, which can be easily swung over to Seth Low. The other question was the re-organization of the entire Police Force ; giving reasons that are quite well understood by yourself without my entering into details. I read his letter of acceptance ; it is a ten strike. He happily endorsed those two points, which up to date has made him extremely popular, and further, I believe, if he will come out flat-footed for the enactment of A Liberal Sunday Excise Law, setting aside certain hours when [houses] Saloons & Bars can be kept open for the procurement of drinkables, that he will receive the votes control[l]ed by Brewers and Saloon Keepers. I am positive that a few lines from you on both these subjects would have great influence and be of immense advantage to us at this time, and I hope that you will consent in your own way. Leaders to whom I have imparted my conception consider it a grand strike in the contest if Barkis is willing. You have got the nerve if anyone has. A parade is talked about but what form it will take is yet undecided. We, in the Business Men's Republican Organization believe that it would be much better for us to parade as Anti-Tammany Organizations ; in other words, the organizations that are antagonistic to Tammany to parade as such, and all others that choose to organize themselves in addition, would be given a place in the line. There is no doubt in my mind but that Seth Low will be the next Mayor ; Even Carl Schurz has joined the conclave against his friend Sheppard. With my best wishes for your continued popularity, I remain, Very truly yours, George J. Seabury [*16453*][shorthand]CABLEWORD: PLASTERS CODE, A.B.C. 4TH EDITION GEO. J. SEABURY, PRES. G.W. HOPPING Treas. HENRY C. LOVIS, Sec'y. 56 HIGHEST AWARD OVER ALL COMPETITORS. Seaburg & Johnson. Established 1867 Manufacturers of MEDICINAL, SURGICAL AND ANTISEPTIC SPECIALTIES. LONDON. NEW YORK. HAMBURG. [*Ackd 10/12/1901*] "RAWSON'S U.S. ARMY" AND "SARATOGA" SUSPENSORIES, ATHLETIC SUPPORTERS, ETC. DRESSINGS:-ANTISEPTIC AND SURGICAL. Absorbent Cottons, PLAIN OR MEDICATED. Absorbent Gauzes- SEABURY'S DRY, PLAIN OR MEDICATED: MEAD'S MOIST, MEDICATED. Absorbent Lint, Oakum, Tarred Jute, Lamb's Wool, Bandages:-Roller COTTON, ELASTIC WOVEN, "B.W.B." FLANNEL. GAUZE-ABSORBENT, PLAIN OR MEDICATED. PLASTER-PARIS, RUBBER, SELF-FASTENING, STARCH. * * * TRIANGULAR ILLUSTRATED. Gutta Betcha Tissue, India Rubber Sheeting, Oiled Silk and Muslin, Surgical Sponges, etc., etc. PLASTERS:-Medicinal ARNICA BELLADONNA, BELLA. AND CAPSICUM, BENSON'S BLISTER, KIDNEY-MEAD'S MERCURIAL, MUSTARD, THAPSIA, TOOTHACHE, ETC., ETC. PLASTERS:-Surgical MEAD'S RUBBER ADHESIVE, SEABURY'S RUBBER ADHESIVE ADHESIVE TRACTION STRIPS, ISINGLASS, COURT, ETC., ETC. Corn Plasters, Bunion Plasters, Sanitary Cuspidores, Hospital Spitting Cups, Drainage Tubes, Hydronaphthol, Hydronaphthol Pastilles, Surgical Ligatures, Antiseptic Soaps, Adaptable Porous Felt Splints, "King's Thermometer Fountain Syringe." Sulphur Candles, Antiseptic Tablets, Vaccination Shields. Seabury's Improved Corn and Bunion Plasters. 59-61 MAIDEN LANE New York, Oct. 10th, 1901. T. R. (3) P. S. I notice that Senator Platt is at his tricks again ; he is trying to oust Wakeman as Appraiser. When it comes to a position of retainment in office, I believe that every Leader in the Business Men's Republican Sound and Money Organization will support Wakeman and sign a petition to that effect. The only political crime that he has committed is, that he cannot be manipulated by Senator Platt ; no great affection for the despicable methods employed by the Boss, who in local affairs, (Platt) is too much for a Tammany Republican. Platt has slaughtered our Candidates too often in municipal politics, yet many of his malleable corrupt henchmen have been turned down by us, the independent element just the same. I don't think he was very fond of you when you ran for Governor and probaly would have shown his true colors in case of a re-nomination at that time ; you deserved a second term as Governor, but everything is well that ends well. The amendment to my letter is merely a passing reflection. Wakeman is unpopular with conscienceless importers. On many occasions he found that they entered fraudulent invoices and seized their wares, and there is no doubt in my mind, but that some Assistant Appraisers have accepted palm oil from many of the complained mercantile houses. Wakeman is simply doing his duty as an honest republican in the interest of the administration, our tariff and fair play to honest importers. I know positively there is not a straighter man in the service of the government, in that respect. The same can be said of my friend, Henry Clay Evans, Pension Commissioner, whom the "Pension Sharks" have been trying to drive out of office, but McKinley, God bless him, would not listen to those thieves and their Champions. No man should ever occupy the position of Collector of New York City, the great entrepot of the nation, unless he be a thorough man of business affairs, who holds the esteem of the Business Community. I cannot say as much of the present incumbent, because he is ever prepared to enforce the untidy schemes of his preceptor, locally. He claims to be the Leader of my Assembly 19th District with the Republican Party;-he is not. If the Tammany method of [*16454*]CABLEWORD: PLASTERS CODE, A.B.C. 4TH EDITION GEO. J. SEABURY, PRES. G.W. HOPPING Treas. HENRY C. LOVIS, Sec'y. 56 HIGHEST AWARD OVER ALL COMPETITORS. Seaburg & Johnson. Established 1867 Manufacturers of MEDICINAL, SURGICAL AND ANTISEPTIC SPECIALTIES. LONDON. NEW YORK. HAMBURG. [*Ackd 10/12/1901*] "RAWSON'S U.S. ARMY" AND "SARATOGA" SUSPENSORIES, ATHLETIC SUPPORTERS, ETC. DRESSINGS:-ANTISEPTIC AND SURGICAL. Absorbent Cottons, PLAIN OR MEDICATED. Absorbent Gauzes- SEABURY'S DRY, PLAIN OR MEDICATED: MEAD'S MOIST, MEDICATED. Absorbent Lint, Oakum, Tarred Jute, Lamb's Wool, Bandages:-Roller COTTON, ELASTIC WOVEN, "B.W.B." FLANNEL. GAUZE-ABSORBENT, PLAIN OR MEDICATED. PLASTER-PARIS, RUBBER, SELF-FASTENING, STARCH. * * * TRIANGULAR ILLUSTRATED. Gutta Betcha Tissue, India Rubber Sheeting, Oiled Silk and Muslin, Surgical Sponges, etc., etc. PLASTERS:-Medicinal ARNICA BELLADONNA, BELLA. AND CAPSICUM, BENSON'S BLISTER, KIDNEY-MEAD'S MERCURIAL, MUSTARD, THAPSIA, TOOTHACHE, ETC., ETC. PLASTERS:-Surgical MEAD'S RUBBER ADHESIVE, SEABURY'S RUBBER ADHESIVE ADHESIVE TRACTION STRIPS, ISINGLASS, COURT, ETC., ETC. Corn Plasters, Bunion Plasters, Sanitary Cumpidores, Hospital Spitting Cups, Drainage Tubes, Hydronaphthol, Hydronaphthol Pastilles, Surgical Ligatures, Antiseptic Soaps, Adaptable Porous Felt Splints, "King's Thermometer Fountain Syringe." Sulphur Candles, Antiseptic Tablets, Vaccination Shields. Seabury's Improved Corn and Bunion Plasters. 59-61 MAIDEN LANE New York, Oct. 10th, 1901. T. R. (4) securing delegates to enable him to become a self constituted leader,--then he is ; but if votes and party management count, he is not. Independent Republicans control and elect their candidates. Platt candidates are turned down,--Quigg et alios attest to this fact. Odell is imitating your own course,--look out for him in 1904 ; but I believe now that you are good for four years more, and don't you forget it. GJS [*[Geo J Seabury]*] [*16455*][*ackd 10/11/1901 "Va"*] J. S. & H. A. WISE, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, COMMERCIAL CABLE BUILDING, 20 BROAD STREET, NEW YORK. JOHN S, WISE. HENRY A. WISE. JOHN S. WISE, JR. New York Oct: 10th 1901 Mr. President- Not knowing whether you may communicate direct with the gentlemen whose names I sent in to you I think it best to request that you strike off the name of Mr H.P. Brooks from the list — I do so out of abundant precaution because I hear that Mr. Brooks has of late become dissipated and we cannot be too circumspect in our first selections- I am anxiously and hopefully awaiting our further pleasure in this matter. Your appointment of Gov. Jones & one or two of your expressions of your intention to clean out the Augean stables in the South, have revived the hope of decent Republicans there & I am flooded with mail begging me to urge upon you the same policy in Virginia Yrs: Sny Jno: S. Wise [*16456*][*[10-10-01]*] Genl. Corbin says that Genl. Merriam called and saw the President on this subject 10-10-1901 [*16457*] Next retirements - Genl. Otis, March 25, 1902, Genl. Brooke, July 21, 1902 [*Make a memorandum in Engl Berra ac month before his retirement file Reminder - Call to the President's Allenham before his retirement*] [*16458*][attached to Merriam 4-13-01]NEW JUDGE TAKES OATH HON THOMAS G. JONES INDUCTED INTO OFFICE The Impressive Ceremony Took Place in the Federal Building and Oath Administered by Chief Justice McClellan. Hon. Thos. G. Jones, ex-Governor of Alabama, was sworn in as Judge of the United States District Court for the Middle and Northern Districts of Alabama, at 4 o'clock yesterday afternoon. The oath of office was administered by Hon. Thos. N. McClellan, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Alabama. Immediately after receiving the oath of office, Judge Jones was warmly congratulated by a host of friends who were present. It was not generally known until the afternoon that Governor Jones would take the oath yesterday; nevertheless there was a large number of State, Federal, County and municipal officers present, together with many prominent citizens. Among those present when Judge Jones was sworn in were Hon. W. D. Jelks, Governor of Alabama; Judge Jonathan Haralson, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of Alabama; Judge John R. Tyson, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court; Hon. W. H. Thomas, Associate Judge of the City Court of Montgomery; Hon. J. B. Gaston, Judge of Probate of Montgomery County; Hon. Kirk Jackson, Private Secretary to Governor Jelks; Junius Riggs, Supreme Court Librarian; Judge C. W. Buckley, Postmaster of Montgomery; W. S. Reese, United States District Attorney; J. F. Judkins, Assistant United States District Attorney; Julius Sternfeld, Assistant United States District Attorney; J. W. Dimmick, Clerk of the United States District Court; L. J. Bryan, United States Marshal; Messrs. Jos. Dimmick and L. H. Dawson, Clerks in the office of the Clerk of the United States Court; Dr. Owen, N. L. Steele, H. H. McLemore, clerks in the office of the United States Marshal; Col. C. P. Jones, Edwin Jones and J. B. Jones, brothers of Judge T. G. Jones; Rev. N. L. Anderson, pastor of the Central Presbyterian Church; Rev. Dr. A. B. Curry of Birmingham; Rev. W. M. Anderson of Birmingham, Rev. E. G. Murphy, St. John's Church, Montgomery; Mr. Hal T. Walker, a partner of Governor Jones when he first commenced the practice; Judge A. E, Stratton, Hon. T. D. Samford, Messrs. W. A. Gunter, Pat McGauley, Alex Birch, W. W. Screws and F.P. Glass. There were also present the Governor's four sons, Gordon H. Jones and Masters Thos. G. Jones Jr., Samuel G. Jones, Walter B. Jones, and the Governor's little daughter, Miss Netta Jones, and two little grandchildren, Gens. and Thomas Cohoon. Mrs. Cohoon and Mrs. T. G. Jones were not present owing to recent bereavements, two of the Governor's grown children having died within the last sixty days. The administration of the oath was particularly impressive. Just before it was administered in the private office of the Federal Judge, Governor Jones said: "I asked the Governor of Alabama, the Chief Justice and Associate Justices of our Supreme Court, and the Judges of the other courts in the city, to honor me with their presence, because I desired, by my first official act to testify my regard for the Executive and Judiciary of our State, and to promote as far as in me lies comity and good will between the State and Federal Courts. Though these courts derive their powers from different sources, the Federal Courts are in a large sense courts of the State in which they are held, an dare entitled to the same regard and affection by the people as their own State courts. The wise discharge of the duties of the Federal courts is as essential to the peace and happiness of Alabama as the good administration of her own laws in the State courts. It will be my earnest endeavor to promote this conviction and feeling among the people of this State, and to have them regard the United States District Court in the Northern and Middle Districts of Alabama as much guardians of the welfare and happiness of the people in whose midst these courts are held as the local courts whose judges the people elect and who administer the State laws only." "Chief Justice McClellan, I ask you, as the highest judicial officer in Alabama, to administer the official oath." Judge McClellan administered the official oath as follows: 16459 "I, Thomas G. Jones, do solemnly swear that I will administer justice without respect to persons, and do equal right to the poor and to the rich, and that I will faithfully and impartially discharge and perform all the duties incumbent on me as Judge of the United States District Court for the Middle and Northern Districts of Alabama, according to the best of my abilities and understanding, agreeably to the Constitution and laws of the United States; so help me God." WILL NOT DISTURB THE REPUBLICANS JUDGE JONES SETS AT REST THE IDEA THAT HE WILL PUT IN DEMOCRATS. Montgomery, Ala., Oct. 10. -- The fears of the republicans who are holding the lucrative offices of district court clerks, referees in bankruptcy and United States commissioners have been allayed by the plain statement of the new judge, Governor Jones, that he would consider it indecent for the democrat appointed as he has been to substitute democrats for republicans. This was his answer to political and personal friends who approached him in the interest of democratic aspirants 16460 The new judge has also declined to indorse -- to the president any republican applicants for office on the ground that he has no reason to suppose Mr. Roosevelt desires his advice in those matters. [[shorthand]] [*Ack'd 10/12/1901 P.F.*] Knickerbocker Club, 319 Fifth Avenue. Oct 11 1901 My dear Colonel I am advised from Colorado. that if you intimated to Stevenson and Ike Stevens, that you would be pleased with the nomination of Stevens for Congress that he (Phil) would be sure to get it. Yours Horace K Devereux [*16461*][*ackd 10/17/1901 File*] AMERICAN INSTITUTE OF MINING ENGINEERS. 99 JOHN STREET, NEW YORK. New York, Oct. 11, 1901. Theodore Roosevelt, President, United States of America, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C., My Dear Mr. Roosevelt: It is hard to realize that so few years after meeting you in connection with your aggressive work as head of the Police Department that I should address you as in the highest office in the country. I fully expected to see you in your present office, but in 1904; and by the direct vote. The circumstances which have changed these expectations are of the saddest but it is comforting to loyal Americans to know that one whose character and experience have fitted him for this office has been able to take the place of the President whom we mourn instead of a man put in the Vice-Presidency for the sake of what he "had been." My purpose in writing to you is to say that I start to Mexico November 1st with two special train loads of members of the American Institute of Mining Engineers, and body numbering three thousand, and which has a world-wide standing. In Mexico we shall be the guests of President Diaz and his Cabinet; and the Governors of all the States are making elaborate plans for our reception and entertainment; and they express themselves as considering the matter of great national interest and importance. In the City of Mexico, where our opening Convention will be held, the President will personally receive us. It seems as though it would be specially fitting that we should be able to present a Greeting from you and if this agreeable to you and is not contrary to usage I should greatly enjoy being able to deliver such a [*16463*]AMERICAN INSTITUTE OF MINING ENGINEERS. 99 JOHN STREET, NEW YORK. President Roosevelt, 2 message. The party will be a representative American one and will include many with whose names you are familiar. I do not care to be considered as asking a favor but only as offering the suggestions. Very truly yours, Theo. F. Dwight [*[Dwight?]*] G. [*16464*][*30 Ackd 10/14/1901*] 38 East 17th Street New York 11 October 1901 My Dear Mr. President: Busy as you must be, perhaps you may find time to read two poems in "Johnnie Courteau, & Other Poems" by W.H. Drummond, author of "The Habitant, & Other Poems" (25,000 copies!). The sentiment of "My Leetle Cabane" will appeal to you, -- & the humor of "Mon Frère Camille," with its reference to "de brave Generale Roosvel'." Perhaps you have seen Punch's cartoon & "Rest wishes," (Sept. 25th). Don't bother to acknowledge book. Yours faithfully, Joseph B. Gilder. To President Roosevelt Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. [Shorthand] [*16465*]Choate apparently does not think the newspaper chatter over our treaty has injured its chances over there. Yours faithfully John Hay [*PF*] Newbury, N.H. Oct. 11. '01 Dear Theodore Do not answer this. I shall hope to see you next Wednesday, leaving here Monday. I inclose a telegram I have received from Senator Dietrich. They asked for Prague before it was vacant and it was not thought best to send their man there. Solingen came in & they asked for that, and it was given to them. [*16466*] now they want Prague for this Solingen man, because it pays a little better, and Sanger is himself a Bohemian. The racial animosity is so fierce in Prague between Germans and Czechs that I should hardly think it advisable to send anything but a Yankee there. but Dietrich and Millard are fresh and malignant in their maiden quest of office - and you will do what you think best. It is — so far as I can see, — a hopeless malady of our system. I told McKinley, not long ago, that I did not think he had made a foreign appointment which had not damaged him politically. "I have just received a letter from Revd. D. Nevin, of Rome, dated 6 weeks ago in Pekin. He says, "By the way, a Senator named Beveridge passed Eastward, a couple of weeks ahead of me and left a strong and somewhat malodorous scent on the trail. He seemed to have freely represented himself as future President, and able now to control our political and commercial relations with Russia. He left an impression of very bad breeding to." Caelum non animum mutat — that genial globe-trotter. [*16467*]2 and the duty is plain to provide for the sons of the Navy and Army first. No commitment of feeling, by the Vice President must not for an instant embarrass the President & I hope you will know that I feel that way & that you will act that way. The Boy all his life has been trained for the Navy, & we dont want the Army. So drop West Point— [[shorthand]] [*ackd 10/12/1901 File*] [*Johnston*] COMMONWEALTH CLUB RICHMOND, VA. [*Ackd 10/12/1901*] Oct 11, 1901 Mr President I thank you for yours of the 8th. I believe you feel that I [are more for your success than any object I have in life, outside my own family & that the successful launch of my grandson is the main object I have to live for. But dear as that is to me, I would not have it stand for an instant in the way of your duty [*16468*]3 But I'll get there all the same I've all the luck in the [world?]. The Navy needs officers—the Academy at Annapolis must be increased & the next Congress will do it by increasing the President’s power of appointment & giving the Senators such appointment as the Representatives have. They’ll do that, if you tell them to do so. I shall call on you in the next two weeks, when I can say several things I want to say. Present me to the family. Yours to call on Bradley T. Johnson [*Bradley T Johnson*] We go home Sunday. [*16469*][*ackd 10/14/1901 P.F.*] Thos. G. & Chas. P.Jones, Attorneys at Law. Thos. G. Jones. Chas. P. Jones. Montgomery Alabama. Oct 11th 1901 To his Excellency The President of the United States Dear Mr President. I acknowledge, with sincere appreciation, my appointment at your hands as United States District Judge for the Northern and Middle District, of Alabama. In accepting the office, I must say that the high and generous motives which have actuated the Executive give abundant promise that the task and its associations will be to me not only a duty, but a happiness. To be associated with the Federal administration of justice in the Republic by an appointment which signalizes the confidence of the President on every section of a reunited country is a distinction which I greatly esteem. Personally, my dear Mr President, the appointment has touched me more deeply than I can say. I think I do not misunderstand the considerate spirit of which the assignment has been extended me, and it is in the same spirit that I hope to discharge the obligations which it imposes. Trusting that I may ere long have the pleasure of my respects to your Excellency in person, I am, Sincerely & obediently yours Thos. G. Jones [[shorthand]] [*16470*]Thos. G. & Chas. P. Jones, Attorneys at Law. [*HM*] [shorthand] [*Ackd 10-14-1901 File PPF*] Thos. G. Jones. Chas. P. Jones. Montgomery, Alabama. Oct 11th 1901 My Dear Mr President: Your kind letter of 8th inst had not reached me when I wrote you this morning. I have lately gone through the distressing experience of losing two of my children in the last sixty days; and intend, after winding up some bankruptcy matters here, to visit a daughter in North Carolina, before the next term of the court in November. This will probably be the best time for a visit to you, if you will not then be too busy with public affairs. Please advise me as to this. I enclose two newspaper slips, which may interest you. I feel sure you have not been disturbed by reports which have fears only for their foundation - that I would disgrace you, by using a judicial honor you had conferred on me to oust your party friends. Mr. Dimmick the Clerk of the District court here is an old Union soldier and a substantial citizen whom I have long known and respected. With great promptness he tendered his resignation; not that he objected to me, but because he thought he might not to serve under a judge who had not appointed him, unless specially requested to remain. I promptly told him I requested him to remain. The other slip contains some remarks which it seemed to me expedient to make at the outset, to try to resume, as far as possible, the impression felt by many here that the Federal Courts are "foreign" in a sense, and purse to ride rough shodover people and State Courts. Dear old Judge Bruce, after twenty five years service in our midst, was carried to be buried to "his home" in Iowa - and the people have had commented much on the fact that after all he did not consider this state his home. I also took the oath before the Chief Justice of the State in the presence of the Governor & other State officials and judges, because I know it would be pleasing to them & promote the object I had in view. I trouble you with these details, because I know, full well, the embarrassment this appointment must have given you, and that naturally you would like to hear of matters direct, when the press or sensational correspondents may send out reports about which you would not care to inquire, and yet would like to have verified or disproved. In a day or two I will pick out from hundreds of telegrams & letters which have been sent me from every part of the United States, some from negroes and some from Republicans in different parts of the Country, which you may care to read. Your high motives & generous intentions to our people are fully appreciated in Alabama. Again thanking you, I am Faithfully yours Thos. G. Jones [THOMAS G JONES] [*16472*]Thos. G. Jones Chas. P. Jones Thos. G. & Chas. P. Jones, Attorneys at Law. Montgomery Alabama. [*[For 1 enc. see 10-10-01 clipping]*][*ackd 10-21-1901 File CF*] LELAND STANFORD JUNIOR UNIVERSITY OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT Stanford University, Cal., Oct. 11, 1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. My dear Sir: Will you pardon me just a word in regard to Hawaiian affairs? I have spent the summer in the Islands in investigations of the fishery interests for the U. S. Fish Commission, and I have some insight into the complex snarl of Island politics. I notice that Judge Humphreys seem to have won a complete victory in relation to the charges made against him. This is doubtless technically proper as he has probably acted within his legal authority. But he would find it difficult to prove his counter charges against others. He is an able man and a hard fighter, but I cannot quite look on him as an unselfish reformer. There is a good deal to be done before Hawaiian administration is brought in line with our best traditions. Meanwhile the majority of the actual voters are like little children in dealing with expenditures of money. I think that we have not taken care enough in the choice of judges in Hawaii, especially in the circuit court. This condition provokes litigation and lends acrimony to all disputes, for none of the judges are sure to be partisans on side or the other in almost any case. I am, Very truly yours, David S. Jordan. [*16473*][*Captain Loeffer Has it come ackd 10-19-1901 PPF B*] JOSEPH F. BONHAM WILLIAM H. H. LLEWELLYN BONHAM & LLEWELLYN ATTORNEYS AT LAW WILLIAM S. H. LLEWELLYN DISTRICT ATTORNEY FOR DONA ANA, GRANT, SIERRA, OTERO AND LUNA COUNTIES THIRD JUDICIAL DISTRICT NEW MEXICO TERMS OF COURT LA CRUCES FOR DONA ANA COUNTY FIRST MONDAYS IN APRIL AND OCTOBER SILVER CITY FOR GRANT COUNTY FIRST MONDAYS IN MARCH AND SEPTEMBER HILLSBORO FOR SIERRA COUNTY FOURTH MONDAYS IN MAY AND NOVEMBER ALAMAGORDO FOR OTERO COUNTY FIRST MONDAYS IN MAY AND NOVEMBER DEMING FOR LUNA COUNTY SECOND MONDAYS IN JUNE AND DECEMBER Las Cruces, New Mexico, October, 11th, 1901 My Dear Colonel, -. I am sending you by todays express a double barrel Remington Derringer, and I wish to ask your acceptance of same and also suggest that when you are walking you drop it in your side coat pocket, if you have a sack coat, or if you wear an overcoat drop it in the side pocket of same, I also send have a dozen cartridges. No one would suspect you having this, I have fired it many times and it never misses fire as many of the same kind do. I am very glad that you have dispensed with a body-guard as same is entirely usless in case of trouble. I do not think that any one will attack you, but I wish that you would do me the personal favor to carry this little "gun" when you are walking about the city, and should you have occasion to use it, draw and slightly depress the muzzle before fireing, as the natural tendency of it is to bound upward, when fired. I have just had a letter from Dave Goodrich, who is in Mexico, I suggested to Dave that he ask you to appoint him Minister to the Court of St. James, but he says that he is like am, not an applicant for a Federal position, he has troubles of his own. I have received recently many thoughtful and touching letters from soldiers of the regiment in reference to yourself and am glad to say that none of them contain a single request asking me to [*16474*]TO Col. Roosevelt CONTINUATION SHEET NO. 2 FROM W.H.H. LLEWELLYN, LAS CRUCES, N. M. write you for a position. Such loyalty and devotion must be very agreeable to you. Sincerally yours, W. H. H. Llewellyn Dictated,-. To Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. [*16475*]me when I say that I was most sincerely sorry for you when the terrible news reached me while travelling in Europe. It was a crucial test to be ushered into such an exalted office in the wake of an assassin's bullet. It demanded the highest fulfilment of American manhood. It is also as unnecessary for me to add my recognition of how nobly that test was met, as it could be to assure you that you did no whit better than I expected. You are now at the [*10-10-01*] [*Ackd 10/11/1901 P.P.F*] To Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States. Dear Ted; Although the good old times when I might on every occasion, whether public or private, thus address my valued friend, are hereafter placed in abeyance through the perpetration of an infamous atrocity, I shall ever think of him as that unique personality which has won so many hearts — You will believe [*16476*] helm of a grand republic , the ruler of the greatest of nations, and for one I have not the scintilla of a fear for the safety, honor, courage or aggrandizement of your charge. Having had my say, please remember that I am as always, Yours affectionately, George H Lyman Boston Oct. 10 - 1901 [*16477*]COPY. OFFICE OF COMMISSIONER OF IMMIGRATION. New York, N.Y., October 11, 1901. Prof. Nicholas Murray Butler, 119 E. 30th St., New York City. My dear Professor: I am in receipt of your telegram, and beg to enclose herewith the documents requested. As you will see, the letters are not mine, and were originally sent to Mr. Fitchie, who has given them to me, and who knows I am sending them to you. I wish to say only this in connection with the matter: We have had a pretty hard fight during the past four years to keep this place clean, and I think we have been reasonable successful. Mr Fitchie's action in refusing the demands made in these letters is characteristic of him and it is due to him to say that he has earnestly and honestly tried to uphold the dignity and honor of this office and has steadfastly stood for whatever is right in connection with it, and has given me the very best and loyal support. Of course, I do not know for what purpose you intend to use the letters, but I know whatever action you take will not hurt him in any way. With kindest regards, Sincerely yours, (Signed) Edw. F. McSweeney, (Inclusures) Am going to Boston tonight to bring back my little girl, or I would deliver this personally. (Signed) McS. [*16475*]Enc in Antler 10-12-01but I had to state my case - So I have the honour to be Very respecting yrs - [*Ackd 10/14/1901*] Weir Mitchell His Excellency The President Bar Harbor Oct 11 - [*[01]*] [*P.F.*] Bar Harbor, Maine. Dear Sir - Your Excellency's letter was the first news I had of the loss of what Mr. McKinley had given me. Before yielding to what I trust is not inevitable, I beg a moment's attention - Mr. McKinley asked me why he should break for me the rule of appointing sons of officers. I said, 'because, for half a century I have added substanially to the machine of the [*16479*]Since the appointment was made, some sacrifices have been made to insure success, & in the full trust of the word of the man now dead - may I ask a final decision - in the hope that I may have been mistaken, having had no official report from the navy - Pardon my long naive would & no American letters. That in England I would have been honorably & highly rewarded - & that here all I asked was this - little appointment - I, & all my three brothers had served through the civil war, & this was the only time I or any of us had ever asked any thing from my government - Mr McKinley at once recognised the claim as just & said as much in language I shall not easily forget -- [*16480*][*PF*] Retail Department G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 27 & 29 WEST 23D STREET NEW YORK 24 BEDFORD STREET, STRAND LONDON, W. C. (All business communications should be addressed to the concern) The Knickerbocker Press Dictated. Oct. 11th, 1901 To the President, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- Replying to the favour of the 9th inst. we regret to say that we are not able to procure in the city the "Heinskringla" as translated by William Morris. We have therefore transmitted an order to our London house asking them to forward a set from there, as far as published, that is, 3 vols. The work was not completed by Morris before his death. We append below a list of other Sagas translated by Morris: First. - Story of Howard the Halt. Story of the Banded Men Story of Henn Thorir One vol. about $3.00 Second. - Story of the Ere Dwellers Story of the Heath Slayings, one vol. about $3.00 Third.- Story of Sigurd the Volsung, and the Fall of the Nibelungs, $2.00 Fourth.- The Tale of Beowulf, $2.00 Fifth.- Story of Grettir the Strong, $2.00 [*16481*]Retail Department G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 27 & 29 WEST 23D STREET NEW YORK 24 BEDFORD STREET, STRAND LONDON, W. C. (All business communications should be addressed to the concern) The Knickerbocker Press Dictated. Sixth.- Northern Love Stories and Other Tales. Of this a new edition is in the preparation, and we cannot give exact price. Nos. 1 and 2 of this list would have to be imported. The others we think can be supplied from here, excepting the last. Very respectfully, G. P. Putnam's Sons S. [*16482*] 16482[*George W. Perkins. Robert Bacon*] [*ACKD 10/12/1901*] CABLE ADDRESS "RYRAPORT NEW YORK." DOUGLAS ROBINSON 160 BROADWAY TELEPHONE CONNECTION NEW YORK, October 11, 1901 Dear Theodore:-- I received your two letters the other day - the one about the Steel Co. is eminently satisfactory. I showed it to Perkins who was delighted with it. His boss is away at present but when he returns I shall take the occasion to drop in there in a casual way to show it to him. Perkins thinks it will be very pleasing to his trust(ing) mind. I quite agree with you about your grouping the situation in regard to Perkins and Bacon -- I have known that all along but with your thorough knowledge of the situation, and thorough knowledge of the men and your reading of their attitude you cannot be very much deceived and I have no doubt that you will be able to get something out of them which will be of value to you. At any rate it is a very good thing to keep in touch with the situation here. When I come back from Washington, I gave your message to Augy.Belmont and he said to tell you that it would give him the greatest pleasure to go to Washington to see you but that he was sailing to Europe the following week. He sailed last Saturday, and the last thing he said to me was to be sure and tell you that as soon after his return as possible, he would go to Washington to pay his respects to you. Of course I shall be only too delighted and charmed to go to Washington to see you anytime you would like me to go over -- I can leave here on the 3:20 train, spend the evening with you and come back on the 12 o'clock train at night getting here next morning, as you may feel perfectly easy about sending for me, and unless I have some very important evening engagement, I am at your service. Mr. Perkins asked me to say to you that he has been at work on a matter most in his mind ever since he saw you, and he will be prepared at the end of next week [*16483*]#2 CABLE ADDRESS: DOUGLAS ROBINSON TELEPHONE CONNECTION RYRAPORT, NEW YORK." 160 BROADWAY NEW YORK,_________________190______ To submit to you some of his ideas, and if you would let me know what day after Wednesday, will suit you, he will leave on the 3:20 train reaching Washington at 8:30 and come back on the 12 o'clock train at night., so if you will let me know which evening will suit you, he will be on hand. I am beset by a lot of people wanting me to send applications to you for different positions all of which I have absolutely refused-- I have taken the same ground with everybody, and that is that I have never written to you about positions and never will. I am going to make an exception however, -not to ask you to do anything about it, but I enclose you aletter from Mr. Trigg of Abingden, Virginia, who has been our counsel for many many years, as asfar as I know an A1 man at the bar. He is one of the F.F. Vs. a democrat of course, and I do not know whether it would be a wise or politic thing to do anything for a southerner- democrat especially in such an important position, but I must leave all that to you. No application has been made by Mr?Trigg yet, as Judge Paul is still in existence. All I have to say is that as far asI know he is as true as steel to all the matters we have given him to do and has been a more loyal friend to us northerners in very trying times down there than anyone else. I shall write to him and simply tell him that I cannot do anything for him in the matter, except to tell you in case such a thing comes up, who he is. Yours Sincerely Douglas Robinson[*shorthand*][*p.pt*] [*ackd*] [*10-16-1907*] THE NATIONAL EXCHANGE BANK. DALLAS, TEXAS Capital Stock, $300,000.00 ROYAL A. FERRIS, President. E. M. REARDON, Vice-President. A. V. LANE, Cashier. NATHAN ADAMS, Ass't Cashier. Dallas, Texas, Oct 11 1901. Hon Theodore Roosevelt Washington DC My dear Roosevelt I want to express to you my great pleasure in your success. and my sincere wish for the success of your administration. We of the South and West feel that you will be President of the whole country. We claim you, for our President. You made a "good cowboy" - and of course you are "all right" as President Please accept my sincere wish that you may remain ten years in the White House, and that yours may eclipse all former administrations. Very Sincerely John N Simpson [*16485*][*akd File] [*10-12-1907 P. 7.] 156 East 38th St., New York, N.Y. October 11th., 1901. My dear President Roosevelt: I enclose letter sent to me by Mr. Gill, who has had rather remarkable success in Cuba getting the "School City" idea forward under the direction of Gen. Wood. He found Mr. Frye extremely useful to him, and when Mr. Gill was in this country three weeks ago, he spoke with positive pain of Mr. Frye's great loss to the school system in Cuba - The model city charter which Mr. Gill prepared for use in the organization of the schools on the lines of the School City seems to me extremely well done. I assume that he has sent you a copy. It was published in Cuba, both in English and Spanish. He has gone back to Cuba, and if it comes in your way to recommend the introduction of such a department as from Washington, into our educational methods, Mr. Gill is the proper person to occupy it. This leads me to say that I am receiving from many sides requests to write you with respect to appointments. I have made a rule, which appears in my uniform answer to such persons, that I have decided not to ask you for anything for anybody. I think that the only proper position for myself in the matter is to hold myself ready to answer any questions which you may wish to ask with respect to any applicant, who claims to know me, or my endorsement. I am not willing to trouble you about matters which do not receive your own initiative, so far as I am concerned. Of course, I assume, now that you are in a position to do so, Col. Shepard's case will receive your prompt attention. I refer to this because we agreed about that some months ago. In a conversation with the Hon. Carroll D. Wright - who is President of our Hackley School, Trustees, an old friend of mine, - the question of the Commissioner of Pensions came up. Mr. Wright did me the honor to ask if I knew of any member of the Grand Army who had singular gifts for that place, if a change should occur. I mentioned Col. Shepard, who has unusual ability, and whose deafness would not interfere in that position so much as in some others. I said that if the matter was brought to Col. Wright's attention by you, I should be glad to have Col. Shepard's name in his mind. I had a talk with [*16486]President Roosevelt---2 Col. Church of the Army and Navy Journal last night at the Authors' Club. He told me he had steadily endorsed and supported Mr. Evans in his work in the Commissionership. I supposed a change would occur, and if so, I asked that Col. Shepard's name be in his mind. This is as far as I am willing to go about anybody. Of course I wish to be of service to you in any way I can, but I want you to point the way. May I say to you that I think before deciding anything in the matter of the Immigration Department here, you are to get fully the facts which are in the possession of Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler. I have seen a letter, which he also has seen, about which he probably has written you, from Mr. Powderly to Mr. Fitchie, the present Commissioner at this port, which would, in itself, show that Mr. Powderly ought to be removed. The fact that Mr. Fitchie did not take Mr. Powderly's advice in the premises, but put the letter into the hands of the deputy whom Mr. Powderly wished to use in a most offensive and dishonest partisan way, shows that Mr. Fitchie pursued in this matter an honest course. My own impression with regard to Mr. Maguire, the Deputy, is, that although he is a Democrat, being a Civil Service appointee, he should remain: And the suggestion of Senator Platt that the office be taken from under the Civil Service rules is dishonorable to Mr. Platt, and more so, because it is quire characteristic. If we can work this Fusion movement through here to a successful issue without Mr. Platt and his crowd showing their claws, I shall think that something very remarkable has been achieved. I believe now that we shall win with Mr. Low as against Mr. Shepard. I felt rather gratified this morning that Mr. Gardiner's persistent application for "vindication" was denied by the County Convention last night, and although Mr. Unger is nominated, Mr. Gardiner, at least, has been turned down. I shall do myself the honor to call upon you on my first coming to Washington, which is not in the immediate future; but I assume that I may always have access to you with any leisure which you may be able to command. I am, Yours always, Thomas R. Slicer. [enclosure] [*16487*]THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A.WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS OCT. 12, 1901 My dear Colonel:-- I enclose you herewith an editorial from today's "Gazette". I have just got home, coming by the way of Buffalo and Chicago where I attended the banquet. I have never seen anything like the way people seem to trust in you as was manifested at the Marquette Club Banquet. I did not see Lorimer. He did not attend the banquet and I did not deliver your message. I did however, see the United State's District Attorney and we talked some matters over which he and I will take up some time next year or within the next eighteen months, I found that when I got home, certain Kansas City papers which are are hostile to you, have been printing alleged interviews with Nulvane and THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS______________1901 T. R. (2) the friends of Tracy, which seem to put the blame of Tracy's defeat on me. Of course I cannot answer that charge in any sort of a dignified way. I have however written the enclosed editorial today, the first thing on my return, which I hope will do a good deal to heal up the sore places on Senator Burton. The Kansas papers are absolutely unanimous ---- and I make this statement unqualified and with due deliberation ---- in their endorsement of your action in the Tracy matter. They have treated Buton very kindly in the matter and have not handled him any more roughly than they could help. This has been particularly true of the papers which have been inclined to sniff at his before Tracy's defeat. The onlyTHE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 (3) T. R. paper which is inclined to run a curry comb over him, is the Topeka "Herald", which heretofore was warmly in favour of everything that Burton could do. I enclose also a very funny pieie from the Atchison "Globe" which I think Mrs. Roosevelt will enjoy immensely. Pardon me for intruding upon your time, and believe me ever Faithfully yours, W. A. White Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. [*16490*][*[For enc. see 10-11-01]*][*ackd 10/12/1901 PPF*] J. S. & H. A. WISE, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, COMMERCIAL CABLE BUILDING, 20 BROAD STREET, NEW YORK. JOHN S, WISE. HENRY A. WISE. JOHN S. WISE, JR. New York Oct. 11th 1901 Mr. President I have the honor to acknowledge your letter through Secy Loeb, dated Oct: 10th - I have notified the gentleman on the list of the substance of our interview & correspondence & they will hold themselves in readiness to respond whenever you bid one to notify them - Major Stuart will be there & with him, I hope, several others of the same class, for by the time designated we shall all have had an opportunity to know of men like him who are willing and anxious to support your administration when they can do so with self respect. Awaiting your further commands I am Yrs: Truly Jno: S. Wise [[shorthand]] [*16491*]J. S. & H. A. WISE, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, COMMERCIAL CABLE BUILDING, 20 BROAD STREET, NEW YORK. JOHN S, WISE. HENRY A. WISE. JOHN S. WISE, JR. Additional names to be invited 18- Walter S. Upshur Newport News — Mr. Upshur is of one of the oldest & respectable Virginia families — Is Supt. of Elevators at the Ches & Ohio docks. Was a Democrat up to the Bryan movement. Voted for McKinley & now a Republican 19. Jno: L Marye Jr — Newport News — Insurance Broker - Of the family of Maryes at Fredericksburg , well known. Son of Ex=Atty Genl. Jno L Marye. Of Democratic antecedents but thoroughly disgusted with the party — [*16492*]J. YOST, 606 W. FRED ST., STAUNTON, VA. Oct. 11/01. Hon. John S. Wise, New York. My dear Wise: - I am just in receipt of yours of the 9th with enclosures. --- Have read them all carefully and with much interest. You are right in assuming that I would cordially unite in any movement looking to the upbuilding of a party in Virginia worthy the name of Republican. There are thousands of good and true men in Virginia--men of character and standing--men of business, who are not looking for office but are in sympathy with Republican policy and would gladly co-operate in a genuine movement whose object is the formation of a party organization which will command the respect of self-respecting men, an organization which, by the employment of clean methods in its conduct, will draw into active participation an element which believes in Republican principles, but cannot, with self-respect, unite in so-called party councils. Recently, I have received a number of letters on the subject from different section of the State. To these I have replied, in substance, as I answered Gen. Walker's letter, a copy of which answer is herewith enclosed. My suggestion is: - Don't agitate the movement in the least until after the election. Meantime, let those who believe with us keep in active touch with the rank and file of the party, so as to be able, when the time comes, to carry with us the real voting strength. Under the present plan of organization, which is the only recognized plan today in the State, the changes in the County and Congressional Committees cannot be made until next fall. If nothing is done in the way of appointments until after the election, and some changes are then made which the interests of the service, to say nothing of the interests of the party, imperatively demand, the so-called organization, in this section, will tumble under its own weight. Its corner stone and single support is the petty tyranny which those who hold some of the most important offices, and pose as the unchallenged dispensers of official patronage, have been able to exercise. Remove this and the structure falls like a house of cards. I could, and will if you desire it, give actual facts and figures which so clearly demonstrate this condition that no sensible man can be led to doubt it. Under these circumstances, therefore, it seems to me the thing to be done now is to give no wider circulation to the information you communicate until the pending election is over, for the reasons stated in my letter to Gen. Walker. Meantime, I believe it to be our duty to help the ticket as [mu] much as we can. Hoge was not my choice as a candidate. Far from it. But the fact is that no one else would accept the nomination and he became the nominee by the unanimous action of a representative Convention. For weeks before that Convention set, I was in almost daily receipt of letters from elected delegates urging me to allow the use of my name for Governor and pledging their support. Other Republicans, I know, Judge Lewis particularly, were similarly importuned. I could not accept and so wrote them. Whilst the [*16493*]J. YOST, 606 W. FRED ST., STAUNTON, VA. -2- Convention was in actual session I was wired time and again to come to Roanoke. I declined, and urged those who communicated with me not to place me and the Convention in an embarrassing position by mentioning my name. It is an open secret that Lewis could have been nominated by acclamation had he not positively refused to accept. I mention this to show that the ring was absolutely powerless to control the Convention; that in spite of its so-called organization and the manipulation of all the County Conventions it could, the rank and file would have walked over it roughshod and shattered all of its plans, if such a man as Lewis had consented to lead. In the absence of such support, the Convention, which was a fine one, did the only thing possible -- nominated the only candidate before it. This nomination, therefore became the action of the Republicans of Virginia and not of the ring, much as it coincided with the wishes of the latter. As such, it is entitled to our earnest support. To fail to do so would be to repudiate those who constituted the Convention and would out us out of touch with the bone and sinew of the party. These are the men upon whose cooperation and support we must rely, in any real effort to uplift the party, and we must keep in sympathy and fellowship with them. From talks and correspondence with many of them, I know their sentiments, and know they will be in thorough accord with a movement whose object so fully coincides with their own views. For the most part they are business men of high standing, especially those in the white sections of the Valley and the Southwest; have nothing to ask in the way of office; but they do want to see Republicanism purged of the stigma which some of the present Federal officials cast upon the very name. I shall be glad, of course, to respond to any summons of the President, and it will be a pleasure to me to co-operate with you and other men of character in a movement which, if properly conducted, will date a new era in Southern Republicanism. With kind regards and very best wishes, Very truly yours, J. Yost. [*16494*][Enc. in wise 10-15-01]EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON. Presented to the President Octo 11, 1901 - by Mrs Adee - to pay their respects - South American visitors [*16495*] [*[ 10-11-01]*] [*[ADEE]*]For attachments see 10-11-01 EXHIBIT NO. 21 Imus, October 11, 1901 Sr. Felipe Calderon, Legal Adviser of the Municipality. Sir: The committee of the law suit against the Recoleto Friars sends me the following communication: "The Municipal President of Imus. Sir: - This committee has the honor to inform you that this morning Mr. Gregor, agent of the house which is the so-called purchaser of the San Juan estate, has gone over the land of this pueblo, from the bridge of the barrio of Palico to the boundary of Bacoor, with an apparatus or instrument similar to those used for surveying, stopping at the street corners, accompanied by two American soldiers armed with rifles. As this fact can affect or prejudicedice the lawsuit which is being followed by the pueblo, the committee begs you to take the necessary action for this gentleman to be prevented to go on with his operation, and to apply to the proper authorities so that he may not be given a military escort under whose protection he is acting to the prejudice of the rights of the pueblo." I, in my turn, communicate the facts to you, and beg you to see the constituted authorities, so that the Military Commander of this pueblo be restrained from giving his help to said Mr. Gregor in a matter which is before the courts, and in order to avoid disorders which might have serious consequences. (Signed) LINRIO TOPACIO, Municipal President. ---oooo--- OFFICE OF THE CIVIL GOVERNOR OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Manila, P. I., October 15, 1901. Respectfully referred to the Commanding General Division of the Philippines and Military Governor. This subject of Friars' lands in Cavite is a most delicate one. One some accounts it is the most troublesome question that we are likely to have here. I have been attempting, through an agent whom I sent down into Cavite, to obtain some idea of the valu of the lands with a possible view to their purchase by the Insular Government, but the agent whom I sent, I have been informed, was turned back from the land by two soldiers. I respectfully request that the officer in command be directed not to interfere with my surveyor. The frenzy that these people can get into in regard to the Friars' lands it is almost impossible to believe. I suggest that each part would better be left to his legal rights, without assistance except from the officers of the court. (Signed) WM. H. TAFT, Civil Governor. ---oooo--- 2nd Endorsement. HEADQUARTERS DIVISION OF THE PHILIPPINES. Manila, P. I., October 17, 1901. Respectfully referred to the Commanding Officer, Imus, Cavite, for report and explanation as to why soldiers are acting as escort to and guarding any surveyors. This is not a soldier's duty and should not be permitted unless ordered by higher authority A full explanation of this incident will be made. These papers to be returned through military channels. By order of Major General Chaffee: (Signed) J. S. KERR, Assistant Adjutant General. ---oooo--- 3rd Endorsement. Imus, Cavite Province, P. I., October 23, 1901. Respectfully referred to First Lieutenant A.V.P. Anderson, 6th 16496-2- Cavalry, who was in command of this station Oct. 11, 1901. Information is desired as to whether a guard was furnished Mr. McGregor from this station on or about Oct. 11, 1901; also whether, to his knowledge, an American soldiers have turned back a surveyor sent here by the Civil Governor or have had any orders to do so. (signed) G. T. SIMMONS, Captain 4th Infantry, Commanding. ---oooo--- 4th Endorsement. Imus, Cavite Province, P. I., October 25, 1901. Respectfully returned with the information that Mr. McGregor was furnished with no escort on or about October 11th, nor upon any other date during the time I commanded this post. At about the date above mentioned there were two enlisted men from San Francisco de Malabon (Headquarters of the 4th Inf.) making an authorized road sketch of the country in the vicinity of this post and Bacoor, with an armed escort, and it occurs to the undersigned that Mr. McGregor may have been seen by some native in conversation with this detachment. I have reason to believe that Mr. McGregor, on the occasion of his recent cisit to Imus, had in his possession no scientific instrument other than a camera. To my knowledge no surveyor has been turned back from this town by American soldiers. In the early part of this month a native surveyor presented me with a memorandum note from Major C. W. Mason, 4th Infantry, stating that he (the surveyor) was in the employ of the Civil Government and that he desired access to a certain large blue-print map of the Friars' lands in question. I gave this man permission to copy this map, and took him in person to the place where it hangs. He was, however, not satisfied and desired the use of the tracing from which the blue print was made. I explained to him that we did not have the tracing, where upon he left. I can hardly credit his statement, as there have been native surveyors employed by the pueblo frequently working in this vicinity, and they have never been molested by the troops. (Signed) A. V. P. ANDERSON, First Lieutenant, 6th Cavalry. ---oooo--- 5th Endorsement. Imus, Cavite Province, P. I., October 27, 1901. Respectfully returned (through military channels) to the Adjutant General, Division of the Philippines. An escort was furnished Mr. McGregor to San Nicolas on or about July 20, 1901, in compliance with instructions from the Adjutant General, 1st District, Department of Southern LuZon. Since that date no guard has been furnished him or any surveyor. If any American soldier has turned back any surveyor sent to this station by the Civil Governor, he has done so without authority. I do not believe such to have been the case. In justice to the Officers who have commanded or may command this station, it is requested that credence be not given to statements made by natives concerning the official acts of those officers until they have been investigated. (Signed) B. T. SIMMONS, Captain 4th U.S. Infantry, Commanding. ---oooo--- 6th Endorsement. HDQRS. THIRD SEPARATE BRIGADE, DEPARTMENT OF SOUTHERN LUZON. Ratangas, Batangas Prov., P.I., Nov. 3, 1901. Respectfully forwarded to the Adjutant General, Department of Southern Luzon. There does not seem to have been a guard furnished as reported (Oct. 11, 1901) The records of this office show a guard was furnished Mr. McGregor on July 18th. I was absent from 16497 -3- my headquarters at that time and cannot say why such detail was made. I am aware of the strong feeling about these lands, and have always been averse to the question coming up under present unsetled conditions. (Signed) S. S. SUMNER, Brigadier General, U.S.A., Commanding. ---oooo--- 7th Endorsement. HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF SOUTHERN LUZON. Manila, P. I., November 8, 1901. Respectfully returned to the Adjutant General, Division of the Philippines, attention invited to the 4th, 5th and 6th endorsements. (Signed) J. F. WADE, Brigadier General, U.S.A., Commanding. ---oooo--- 8th Endorsement. HEADQUARTERS DIVISION OF THE PHILIPPINES. Manila, P. I., November 14, 1901. Respectfully returned to the Honorable Luke H. Wright, Vice Civil Governor of the Philippine Islands, Manila, P.I., inviting attention to preceding endorsements. There does not appear to be any ground for the within complaint. (Signed) ADNA R. CHAFFEE, Major General, U.S. Army, Commanding. 16498 McManuel Alvarez Calderon, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Peru. 1750 Mass. Ave N.W. [*16499*] Alberto A. Elmore DELEGADO DEL PERU Á LA CONFERENCIA INTERNACIONAL DE MEXICO [*16500*] Ysaac Alzamora Delegado del Perú a la Conferencia Internacional Americana de Mexico. [*16501*]The Emporia Gazette BY WILLIAM A. WHITE. FRIDAY, OCTOBER 11. THE TRACY MATTER. Senator Burton of Kansas has acted with good sense and good taste in refusing to discuss the failure of B.H. Tracy to be appointed United States district attorney of Kansas. It is immaterial to the issue in hand to go into the details of the story. It is enough to know that the attorney general of the United States did not see in Tracy a fit man to appoint. Whether or not the attorney general erred is hardly a matter for Senator Burton to discuss. The Senator knows that he did what he considered his full duty to his friend Tracy, and he did it at the risk of irritating the attorney general with too much protestation. But very likely the attorney general admires the traits of persistent -- though misdirected -- courage in Burton, and certainly the idle gossip is absolutely untrue that Senator Burton has lost any sanding with President Roosevelt on account of the Tracy business. The President and Senator merely had a friendly difference of opinion about a candidate for office. That was all there was to it. Burton has the full strength of all his senatorial prerogativesat the White House. He is the only Republican in Kansas, who can have the slightest word to say about the patronage of the state. Burton's good taste and good sense in accepting the President's dictum in the Tracy matter as a gentleman should accept it, will make him stronger at the White house than ever. There is nothing surer than that the defeat of Tracy, and the appointment of Dean was not a Leland victory. Cyrus Leland had nothing to do with the defeat of Tracy, nor did any one else who is recognized as Leland's friend. The only person who organized the fight on Tracy and won the victory -- if it may be called that -- is R.M. Chilcott, editor of the Waumego "Times." When Chilcott started this fight the GAZETTE -- not knowing the facts -- protested against it as unfair. But apparently the attorney general thought otherwise. The President was guidep entirely by the opinion of the attorney general in the Tracey matter, and any attempt to use personal influence -- without facts and documentary evidence -- would have discredited whoever would try it. Roosevelt is not a man to try to put in leading strings. Any Kansan or any citizen of the United States may go to President Roosevelt with public or political business and will get just so much audience and consideration as his evident statements deserve. There is no kitchen cabinet in the White House. And whoever explains his political defeat by asserting that there is a back door policy there, makes it less likely that he will ever retrieve his lost fortune. The Republicans of Kansas can have but one official head at Washington, and that head is Senator Burton. It is the duty of all Kansas Republicans to put their cases in his hands and to trust to the good sense and good taste Burton has displayed in not talking of the Tracey matter, to carry them through to a successful conclusion in their political adventures. 16503 FRIDAY MORNING, CCT II, 1901. 16503 THE ROOSEVELT SYSTEM President Roosevelt certainly is "making good" in more ways than one. The latest report from Washington is that he intends to take hold of the federal office problem in the South and inaugurate the "Roosevelt System." To those of the Herald readers who are not familiar with the system it may be stated that the "Roosevelt System" is substantially as follows: First, the applicant must be competent, of good, moral, upright and honest character, and a good citizen. Second, he must have some especial fitness for the position, or have ability and energy to fit himself. These must be the personal qualification. Now the new president is a republican -- uncompromising and exacting -- and none but republicans need apply -- providing men within the party come up to his standard. However, when conditions are like they are in the South, where for reasons best known to the professional politicians, the republican party is controlled by a class of men embodying just the reverse of the qualifications enumerated above. The "Roosevelt System" says here i a federal office to be filled, bring forth your republican candidate, it they have men within the party who can pass muster under my standard, it will be a pleasure to appoint them. If the party has no such men to present, then it is duty to appoint a man who can pass muster, and his political affiliations will not be a determining factor. President Roosevelt is not bound by any obligations. He is absolutely free handed. Already he has the sympathy and confidence of the southern people to a marked degree and his friends represent him as being very much in earnest in his wish to institute a new policy, If he adheres to his ideals and follows his instincts, he will completely ignore all the old-time party leaders, the men who have been fixing up delegations and peddling out of offices for many years. He will try to win the allegiance of a new class of men, Republicans, it they can be found of proper quality, it not, then Democrats, gold Democrats preferred, but men of high class above all things. When the President enters upon this policy, the people of the North will watch with much eagerness and hope for its success. North Dakota feels a pardonable pride in President Roosevelt second only to his mother state, New York, and when he announces the attempt to carry into practical operation such high ideals, then North Dakotans hold their heads a little higher and point proudly to the man who once claimed North Dakota as his home.Dunkards. The bridegroom ,is brother of W.I. Miller, who was killed while the bridge was being rebuilt. Another story has been started that the editor of THE GLOBE is a candidate for the Atchison postoffice, and that an arrangement has been made whereby he will succeed J.M. Chisham. The story is a pure invention, and seems to have orginated with Charley Remsburg, who is working on the Chronicle Tribune at Leavenworth. The editor of THE GLOBE is not a candidate for the Atchison postoffice, never has been, and would not accept the office if offered him on a silver platter. Besides this, he couldn't get the office, if he wanted it, as he once referred to Theodore Roosevelt as "a picturesque ass." [*16504*] The growing demand for exclusive styles in fine hats is getting full satisfaction at Donald's. The largest fores in the history of the house is busy day and night turning out gems of artistic millinery. Thursday, twenty new sample hats just received, go on sale and early buyers will be delighted. New street hats are in great request and Donalds show new arrivals every day. Get your pick Thursday. Autumn Summer has vanished; autumn is here; Third of the seasons gracing each year. Gone are the robins; with them have flown All the sweet songsters we had long known Dull grow the meadows long brilliant green; Withered are flowers long loved and seen. Leaves are awaiting blight of the frost; Then they'll be going, joining the lost Cool winds are blowing out of the west, Making the firesides places of guest. Shorter the daytime, longer the night, Making more costly fuel and light. But, though the autumn takes from the joys, It brings us others which counterpoise. Though it has driven song birds away. Flies and mosquitoes no more yet gay. Though it has withered flowers we prize, It brings new beauties where the groves rise. Over the forests glory is spread, Leaves brightly tinted green, gold and red. Cold are the breezes blown from the west, But at the fireside there's welcome rest. There fruits of autumn add to the cheer, Making the season best of the year. —Pittsburg Chronicle-Telegraph. FOR RENT. FOR RENT—A very pretty new cottage, situated on nice five acre tract. within a mile of the city; suitable for truck farm, chicken ranch, or other profitable side lines. Apply 905 Main st. W. R. Burke. 01-11 For Mr Roosevelt[*ackd 10-18-1901 PPF*] LAW OFFICE JAMES M. ASHTON, FIDELITY BUILDING. TACOMA, WASH. Oct. 12 1901 My dear Mr. President :- You may really a brief acquaintance with me at the Philadelphia convention where I bore a letter from my old partner, now Judge Warren B. Hooker of New York State. I had been selected by many of the Western States as the "head push" and acted as such for my very dear friend Judge Bartlett Tripp of the Dakotas. We thought for a time we could not have you, Judge Tripp being our next favorite. I was urged by his following to address the Convention as a second to your nomination. The words came from my heart, it being a pleasure to do so. I am but a humble citizen content to enjoy a lucrative and one of the largest law practices in the North-west, whereby I feel you will know I write purely to express congratulations and best wishes of a host of your friends in this and the neighboring states as well as my own, and without desiring to grind any axe now or in the future. Having, however addressed the Convention upon your nomination I felt you would not consider me forward or out of place in writing you in this friendly manner. About as the sad news of President McKinley's despicable assassination were received, my friends and I were contemplating inviting you on a hunting trip in the Olympic Mountains here and also in the Kootany Country of British Columbia, where I annually go in connection with mining interests and never without satisfactory shooting. If you are fond of Elk they can be had in the Olympics, also Bear in the Cascades, and Mountain Goat is the Kootenaies. Panther or what we term here Cougar also the large [*16505*]LAW OFFICE JAMES M. ASHTON, FIDELITY BUILDING. TACOMA WASH. 190 gray wolf are to be had in our forests, but I assume it goes without saying, that a good hunt must remain a fond hope with you now, until the onerous and exacting duties of the Presidency are over. According to reports you are coming this way next Spring. If so, Mrs. Ashton and the writer would like to do anything in our power to advance the pleasure of your visit and that of your family. We are going abroad in December to be in Europe most of the Winter but hope to return in the early Spring. I trust and know you will be spared and blessed with the confidence of a united people, and that your administration will be attended with every success. Sincerely yours, J. M. Ashton We must first have some anti-anarchistic legislation, any good lawyer can, in my judgment, draw an adequate and constitutional Bill- but enforce, enforce there is the rub. Something must be done by Congress to ensure its enforcement with diligence and justice when made. J.M.A. [*16506*][*File. p. 7, Ba to Big*] The Arlington: T. E. ROESSLE, Proprietor. Washington, D. C. Oct. 12th, 1901 My dear Theodore In the pressure of your thousand duties, could you name a time when I can come to see you. Expect to go back tomorrow evening but as I have come over solely for the purpose of shaking your hand, I will wait over till Monday if it is not convenient for you to see me before [*16507*]then Ever Yours Robert BaconJ. F. BULLITT, OFFICE: BIG STONE GAP, VA. JOS. L. KELLY, OFFICE: BRISTOL, VA. BULLITT & KELLY. ATTORNEYS-AT-LAW. OFFICES AT BIG STONE GAP AND BRISTOL, VA. BIG STONE GAP, VA., Oct. 12th, 1901. Mr. John Fox Jr., New York. Dear John: Judge paul of the United States Court for the Western District of Virginia has been very ill for some months, and it is said that there is no chance whatever of his recovery, and it was also stated in one of the papers a few days since that he would resign. This has caused a great deal of discussion as to his successor. Henry McDowell's friends are very anxious for him to apply for the appointment, and "Barkis is willin". Knowing you personal relations with the President, we thought you would be able to assist Henry greatly by seeing him, ( the President) or writing to him on the subject. Of course, you know that Henry stands very high as a lawyer in this section, but, perhaps you do not know that with the lawyers who read the Law Journal he has acquired a State reputation by reason of several articles which he has written, and which have been published in the Journal. The fact is, in my judgment, there is not a man in the State, whether Democrat or Republican, who would fill the position better, and having been associated with him so intimately for fourteen years, I feel that I know whereof I speak. As Judge Paul has not yet resigned, it would be indelicate to make anything like a formal application to the President, but, in view of the statement in the papers that he intends to resign, I think it would not be improper to mention the matter to the President casually, whether in person or by letter, and I hope that you can find an opportunity to do this, and the sooner it is done the better. Can you tell me whether Thomas Nelson Page has a personal [*16505*]J. F. BULLITT, OFFICE: BIG STONE GAP, VA. JOS. L. KELLY, OFFICE: BRISTOL, VA. BULLITT & KELLY. ATTORNEYS-AT-LAW. OFFICES AT BIG STONE GAP AND BRISTOL, VA. J. F.#2. BIG STONE GAP, VA., acquaintance with the President. It occurred to me that he might be induced to take the part of Henry, for this reason, namely, that Page is a high toned gentleman, and will naturally be for a man like McDowell; and, moreover, if McDowell is not appointed, the appointment may go to some Republican politician in the district who would be a disgrace to the Bench and to the State - between us there are very few Republicans in the district who would not be. Kindly let me hear from you on this [point] matter Yours very truly J. F. Bullitt. [*P.S. Did you get my letter of a few days since addressed to No 11 38th St.? (On the subject of your book) Cummins says tell him "his book is just fine"*][Enclosed in Fox 10-24-01] [*P.F. Encl's rec'd Ackd 10/14/1901*] [[shorthand]] COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK PRESIDENT'S ROOM Oct. 12, 1901 My dear Mr. President: This is in part in reply to your letter of the 9th concerning the Immigration Bureau at New York, and in part in reply to your request made when we were together at Washington, relative to the best mode of approach to the New York Sun, with special reference to the forthcoming treaty with England on the Canal question. 1. As to the New York Sun- I have had to carry on this inquiry slowly and by all sorts of circuitous routes, for I did not want it to be known why inquiry was being made or that it was I who was making the inquiry, It seems to be the general opinion that Mr. Morgan not control the Sun, although undoubtedly he and the influences he represents could bring great pressure to bear on the Sun, if they were disposed to do so. On matters of this kind it seems to be the general opinion that Mr. Laffan has quite as much authority and influence as Mr. Dana. From what I have learned, I suspect that there is some jealousy between the two men, which, while it does not show itself openly, is none the less real. As a result of my inquiries, my suggestion would be that both Mr. Dana and Mr. Laffan ought to be reached, although perhaps not together, or in just the same way. It is the general opinion that Mr. Riggs's relations to the Sun while very close, are not such as would justify dealing with him alone in so important a matter. [*16510*]-2- 2. As to the Immigration Bureau -- I do not want to be in the position of defending men and policies of which I know little, but I am quite sure that Mr. McSweeny is the ablest man in the whole immigration service. This is not inconsistent with his being a dishonest man, but my knowledge of him and intercourse with him have not led me to know of dishonesty on his part , or to suspect it. I think that the records of the Treasury Department would show that after his salary had been reduced $1,000., in the hope of driving him out, he was investigated at some length on a large number of complaints; that the solicitor of the Treasury after going through 2,500 pages of evidence reported that not only was no case for removal shown, but that Mr. McSweeny's conduct was entitled to commendation; and as a result of this his salary was again raised to its original amount. If Mr. McSweeny is interested in the Hess contract, as McDougall Hawkes and Weekes think, then of course he ought to be subjected to discipline; but when I talked with Hawkes he had no proof of this but made it as a bare assertion. The Hess contract is as bad as it can be both for the immigrants, the steamship companies, and for Republican politics; but I should not be willing to assume McSweeny's complicity in it without proof. Mr. Fitchie is, I have no doubt, an old man of weak will and not suited to his work. He is, I think, an honest man, but it would be far better if you could put in his place a man of similar character and quality to the first appointment to this position, Col. John B. Weber of Buffalo, who was appointed by President Harrison, and who had previously served several years in Congress. The traditions [*16511*]-3- of the office are that Mr. Weber was just the right sort of incumbent. I have no one to suggest for Fitchie's place, and am sure that you will set the standard where it ought to be. Immediately on receiving your letter of the 9th I telegraphed McSweeny for the two letters, one from Senator Platt and one from Powderly, to which I referred in my last letter to you. I now enclose these for your personal eye, together with McSweeny's letter which came to me with them. These letters belong to Mr. Fitchie, and neither he nor McSweeny know what use I am making of them. After you have finished with them please let me have them back to return to Mr. McSweeny. Read Mr. McSweeny's letter first. It is, I think , the letter of an honest man, and one who is loyal to his chief, although he would, I think, on cross examination, say to you about Mr. Fitchie just about what I have said above. Now for the other letters. The letter from Powderly you observe is a request to a subordinate, and that subordinate a Democrat, to use his influence to get his Democratic friends to enter Republican caucuses in Connecticut. This is about as low a grade of political morality as we ordinarily come across. Without a word of explanation you perhaps would not understand the meaning of Powderly's request. Powderly felt that Secretary Gage was opposed to him, and that he must try to make for himself some other avenue of approach to President McKinley. Therefore, in 1898 he set about ingratiating himself with the President's Secretary, the late John Addison Porter, and this letter is part of his policy in that regard. It goes without saying that Mr. [*16512*]-4- Porter did not know what Powderly was doing, and would not have approved of it had he known. Mr. Porter was an honorable gentlemen and an honest politician. This letter seems to show that Mr. Powderly is neither. The letter from Senator Platt simply shows a desire to remove McSweeny from the classified service in order that his place might be had in the ordinary way of political changes. Mr. Fitchie resisted both the appeal of Senator Platt and the appeal of Powderly; for this action in both cases I have thought well of him. To sum up: My advice would be not to take action in the case of the New York Immigration Bureau on any purely ex-parte[i] presentation. Try to go into the matter some distance yourself, or with Secretary Gage, and then the facts as they present themselves to you must, of course, determine the line of action to be taken. I do not know McMackin of whom you speak, nor am I posted as to his qualifications for possible appointment in place of Fitchie. It may not be possible for you to find in the ranks of the regular labor men a man of sufficient intellectual calibre for this very important place. Have you thought of consulting Colonel Wright of the Labor Bureau? He has a wide acquaintance with these men and might be able to make a valuable suggestion. I am, as always, Sincerely yours, Nicholas Murray Butler To the President, Executive Mansion, Washington, D,C. [*16513*][ for 3 encs see McSweeney to Butler 10-11-01 Platt to Fitchie 2-17-98 Powderly to Fitchie 8-3-98Office of the Commercial Bulletin. 282 Washington Street. Boston, nor to Washington but that I have gladly forwarded the invitation, through channels, and urged its consideration. May I ask that an answer be sent to Mr. Atkins direct instead of through me. My dear fellow, as this is the first note I have written you since we parted in Canton may I as one private citizen express the high appreciation of your tactful and invaluable service at the trying [*16515*] [*head to 14 1901*] [*GBC B - sp*] Office of the Commercial Bulletin. 282 Washington Street. Boston, Oct 12 / 1901. Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou. Secy To The President. Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. Cortelyou: - I enclose letter from the president of the institution named after the philanthropist cotton manufacturer of Connecticut - Albert Slater, his son, my classmate was a friend of the President at Harvard. I have written that I cannot, of course, come to North Carolina [*16514*]Office of the Commercial Bulletin. 282 Washington Street. Boston, Crisis through which we have just passed. Faithfully yours, Curtis Guild, Jr. 16516United States Senate, Clev. O Oct. 12/1901 My dear Mr. President, I am in rec't of yours of the 8th inst. and reply that I will see you at the earliest time possible consistent with my duties here. Have had a full talk, with Mr. Payne - there are many important matters to be considered from a political stand point and I am sure we will agree upon a proper course to pursue Meantime, "go slow" - You will be besieged from all sides and I fear in some cases will get the wrong impressions. Hear them all patiently but reserve your decision - Unless in cases which may require immediate attention Then if my advice is of importance Cortelyou can reach me over the "long distance" Sincerely Yours M A Hanna [*16517*][*Ackd 10-16-1904 PPF*] [shorthand] [*file Harlan*] Washington, D. C., October 12th 1901. Mr. President: I think it my duty to send you the enclosed letter from the Hon. A. P. McCormick, one of the appointees of President Harrison as a Circuit Judge of the United States. The Judge has no entanglements outside of his judicial work, but in politics he is a Republican. Col. Hunt to whom Judge McCormick refers has been well known to me for more than forty years. He is a native of Kentucky and a Whig in his early training. He entered the Union Army in the summer of 1861, commencing his military career as Major of the 4th Kentucky Volunteer Infantry, and participated most gallantly in the first decided victory achieved by the Union Army -- I mean in the battle of Mills Springs, Gen. George H. Thomas commanding. Major Hunt afterwards rose to be Lieutenant Colonel, and finally Colonel. He was with his troops in the battle of Chickamauga, and in Sherman's campaign from Chickamauga to Atlanta. After serving the full terms of three years, Col. H. with his command re-enlisted for the fourth year. His regiment was thereafter mounted, and in that capacity took a conspicuous part in the great battle of Nashville. My regiment was in the same original brigade and division of General Thomas with that of Col. Hunt, and he was for a time under my command. I therefore had every opportunity to observe his conduct and to become aware of his standing with his superior officers and with his comrades. It gives me pleasure to recall the fact that within my knowledge he was regarded by General Thomas as an officer of the highest merit and character. I am glad also to say that Col. Hunt is a gentleman in the highest sense of the word, of [*16516*]first-class integrity, of excellent habits and business qualifications, and one whose manners as a public officer make it aggreeable to do business with him. Wherever known he popular, and meet highly esteemed. No truer or straighter man can be found. If continued in his present office, or promoted, he will guard the public interests and do credit to your Administration. No one can have higher claims to the confidence of the appointing power. Perhaps I ought also to say that Col. Hunt is a Republican in politics. He will respect the opinions of other people, but will never lower his flag from fear of any man combination of men. Yr. obt. servt., John M. Harlan [*16519*][For 1. enclosure see 10-8-01]OFFICE OF M. V. HEMPERLEY, Attorney and Counsellor at Law 2 Cobleskill, N. Y., 190 would be the next Gov. and you would not get your vice president. I was up at once, & said Gov Roosevelt is, & always has been my favourite, & you will hear from him in the future. They were strong Morton men, when I was the only original McKinley man in the county, and it looks like being repeated again, that - I am to be one, if not the only one Roosevelt man. They say you came into the Presidency by chance, and can never be elected. Odell will be the man in 1904. Now Mr Pres. Some of these men are holding a federal office appointed through [*16521*] OFFICE OF M. V. HEMPERLEY, Attorney and Counsellor at Law [*2*] Cobleskill, N. Y., Oct 12th 1901 Hon Theodore Roosevelt. My dear president - I wrote you some time ago & owing to the great burden you have lately assumed, I presume you have delayed to reply. I wish to inform you of something Mr. Pres. I deem it very important you should know. Some of our leading Republicans here, & holding office under our late beloved McKinley, are not now, nor have they been in favor of you receiving either the nomination last fall for Gov., or vice president, for they were strong Odell men, & one with whom I conversed said Odell was much stronger and popular than you were & he, Odell [*16520*]OFFICE OF M. V. HEMPERLEY, Attorney and Counsellor at Law Cobleskill, N. Y., ________190 but will not weary you longer. I can't say one half I think you ought to know. I beg pardon for your kind indulgence. Knowing the country is safe in your hands, and with the good wishes of the whole world, praying kind Prov will smile upon you, & grant you strength & wisdom. I wish to remain as ever your humble servant & hard worker. M. V. Hemperley. [*16523*] OFFICE OF M. V. HEMPERLEY, Attorney and Counsellor at Law 3 Cobleskill, N. Y., __________190 Mr. Platt & Senator Kernan, and expect a reappointment through them by you very soon. Then they will desert you, & work for Odell. I know what I am telling to be facts. I would like to come to Washington and have a little talk with you. Something I dare not write. I know someone is not very friendly to me for he knows I am a very strong man for you, and I am going to mail this letter on the train for it may be that you did not receive my other one. I could tell you something in regard to politics, that would surprise you, & which is for your future benefit to know. [*16522 *] [For attachment see Hemperly 10-15-01][*ackd 10-19-1901 PPF*] To Theodore Roosevelt Victor Colorado President of the U.S. Oct 12-01 My Dear Mr President - Last Spring I received a letter from you in answer to one of mine, relative to a position in the Lieut. Gen's office in Denver. In it you told me to tell you the exact position wanted and who to write to but when I showed the powers that letter they talked so nicely and seemed so anxious to do something for me that I thought it unnecessary to trouble you any further about the matter and only waited until I was settled in the place to thank you for your kindness. To make long story short I haven't landed that job yet. I was in Denver in July and I saw Mr Frank Howbert one of the Rep. leaders in this state. He told me that there were 14 positions vacant in that office but through the influence of Sen Teller, Dem., the Sec of the Interior had issued an orderthat if these positions were filled those who had been let out should be replaced and they were every one of them Dem. until they found they were going to lose their jobs and then we had no true dyed in the wool Republicans in the state of Colorado than they were. I Wonder how soon the Dem. Gov. of Colorado would give me a job. Not right away at least. If it is not asking too much I would appreciate your help in this matter very much. I am sure I could be of help to the Party and Mr Wolcott in his coming campaign. At least I would do my best. Thanking you for your kindness in the past I am Sincerely yours R. D. Holmes Ex Color. Sergt 1st Colo Vols [*16525*][For 5. enclosures see 10-31-01, 11-1-01, 10-30-01 -. ReHolmes] OFFICE OF ESTABLISHED 1824 ONE DOLLAR A YEAR The Greenville Mountaineer; SEMI-WEEKLY. __________ JAMES A. HOYT, PROPRIETOR [shorthand] Greenville, S.C. Oct 12, 1901 Private Secretary Cortelyou, Washington, D.C. My Dear Sir: I enclose herewithe a copy of The Mountaineer containing Bill arp's reference to the mother of President Roosevelt, and also a local reference to one of her bridesmaids now living at Roswell, Ga. Kindly bring these paragraphs to the President's attention, as he ill be interested in the fact that Mrs. Baker is still living at Roswell, and if he visits there at any time he is in the South, he would be glad to meet one of his mother's old friends. I have no other interest in the mat- ter than to do him a personal kindness, which I have no doubt he will appreciate. Very Respectfully, James A. Hoyt. 16526 Washington, D. C. October 12, 1901 Hon. John S. Wise, #20 Broad Street, New York City,N.Y. My Dear Wise: Yours of the 9th instant to hand contents noted. The letters you sent to the President and General Rosser, which you sent me a copy of, had the right kind of talk in them, I do hope the President will hold those fellows up on any appointment they may want to make just now. If he will give us a little time to prepare for it I am sure we can convince him that you are right in your statements. Besides if he were to give them an important appointment right now it would give us a black eye on the start, but on the other hand, if we get our work in first and get one of our friends appointed we would have them on the run. What did Judge Lewis and Hon. Jacob Yost have to say when you were in Richmond? Are they anxious to take hold with us? I have a great regard for their opinion in a thing of this kind. I hope the President will send for you to come and have another talk on these matters soon, in the meantime I will let you hear from me if I hear of anything important in this line. Truly yours, H. Leibber 16527 Ex- Congressman [Enc. in Wise 10-15-01]Lunsford L Lewis. Hunsdon Cary. Lewis & Cary, Attorneys at Law, Merchants' Bank Building, Richmond, Va. Oct 12, 1901. Dear Wise: I have just received your letter of the 11th inst. and enclosure. I am sorry not to have seen you again before you left Richmond. I do not know enough of the President to be able to form anything of an opinion as to the significance of what he has thus far said and written you on the subject in question. I would be delighted to live the balance of my life in Virginia with a respectable Republican Party in existence. I suppose my experience has been what may well be termed unique. Like all, or most all, of the boys of my age when the war began, I wanted to go into the Confederate Army, and supposed I would go immediately after returning home from boarding-school in June,1861. I was then, as you were, several years under the military age; and lord only knows my chagrin when a peremptory veto was put upon my plans by my father, who was a grand old Roman, if there ever was one. I thought I would be forever disgraced in the estimation of the girls, who were raising their handkerchiefs at volunteers leaving for the front, and raising the devil generally. Of course I knew nothing about the principle involved, but I was soon instructed on that point, and then, when the feeling against "Union men" became intensely bitter, and there was danger in being a friend of the [*16528*]Lunsford L Lewis. Hunsdon Cary. Lewis & Cary, Attorneys at Law, Merchants' Bank Building, Richmond, Va. Union, my sympathies went with the old man. I merely mention this to emphasize the expression of my desire to see the Republican party in Virginia a respectable one. But what I can do in that direction I do not at the present moment see very clearly. I have had nothing to do with politics for many years (further than running in this district for congress in 1896), and am trying to make a living here in Richmond practicing law; and I do not believe that I am cut out for a politician, if I were, now at this late day, to undertake to play that role. Of course if the President requests me to call upon him, I would consider that as tantamount to a command. But I would hate to go there, and be a party to a fiasco, and get the reputation of being an office seeker, for myself or others. Not knowing the President, as you do, I don't know how much "business" he means in the matter upon which he talked with you; but I hope that his policy with respect to Virginia matters will be a sensible one, and will produce good results. I need not say that I thank you for your kind mention of my name in your letter to him, [xxx] or that I will will make no mention of your letter to me, on the subject matter thereof, to any one. I think your suggestion touching Gen. Jeb Stuart's son was an excellent one, and am not surprised to see that it impressed the President favorably. Hastily and sincerely, L. L. Lewis [*16529*][Enc. in Wise 10-15-01][*File*] JOHN D. LONG, SECRETARY. 286182 CW NAVY DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, October 12, 1901. Sir:- Referring to your letter of October 11, 1901, you are informed that the Department has this day directed the Commander-in-Chief of the Asiatic Station to place a vessel at the disposal of Governor Taft and his associates. Very respectfully, John D. Long Secretary. The President. WJB [*16530*]high characters as men, and administrators of the highest office of so great a nation. Wishing you health, prosperity, and eminent success and that your administration may be marked by the largest profit to the Republic and the highest honors to yourself. I am, my dear Mr President, with the greatest esteem. Very respectfully, William McAdoo [[shorthand]] [*ackd 10-19-1901 File*] 210 W. 57th St. New York Oct. 12th, 1901 Honorable, Theodore Roosevelt. President. My dear Mr President, While no one could feel more grieved than I did, on the awful and cruel tragedy which deprived the country of so able a President, and so good a man, as William McKinley, [*16531*] from the all pervading confidence in your honesty, integrity and patriotism, and your devotion to all the civic virtues. It is deeply gratifying that throughout this tragic event, partisan feeling has been entirely sunk, so that a citizen, who may honestly differ with both you and your predecessor, on questions of governmental policy, can testify unreservedly to your I yet felt assured that the Republic had in you, a President equal to all the grave responsibilities, and up to the highest standards of any of your predecessors. The country is to be congratulated, that the terrible epoch has not given the slightest jar to the governmental machinery ; and you are to be congratulated, that this security, resulted [*16532*][*File*] [*pp. 7.*] International Hotel NIAGARA FALLS, N.Y. October 12 1901 Dear Mr President I have been away from New York and Brooklyn for more than a week Your letter of inquiry was forwarded to me. On my return I will be better able to answer what at this distance from my base I can only acknowledge With all good wishes Sincerely St. Clair McKelway The Hon Theo Roosevelt [*16533*]A1-5-6-'01 THE COMPLETE PRESS RE-ESTABLISHED 1878 BY J. N.MATTHEWS. FIRST ESTABLISHED IN 1846 BUFFALO EXPRESS OWNED BY THE J. N. MATTHEWS COMPANY. GEO. E. MATTHEWS, PRESIDENT. JAMES W. GREENE, EDITOR. WILLIAM M. RANDELL, PUBLISHER. EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT: GEO. E. MATTHEWS, PRESIDENT. JAMES W. GREENE, EDITOR. NOS 179-183 WASHINGTON ST. BUFFALO, N. Y. Oct. 12, 1901. DICTATED BY [*ackd 10-16-1901 PPF R*] To His Excellency, President Roosevelt Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President: - When I was so fortunate as to meet you last you were frank as well as very kind in your expressions. I want to congratulate you on what you have done already in carrying out the program that you then outlined. Your action in the Kansas district attorney matter and in the Alabama judgeship are onward steps in the right direction. It did me good when I heard of them. You were so kind as to invite me to call your attention to matters of public interest without waiting for an invitation. For my own sake I do not want to volunteer too much service of this kind. I have told everyone that I should not sign recommendations to you: under the circumstances I do not consider it right that I should: but a recommendation that has recently been brought to me on behalf of a candidate for the position of Public Printer reminds me that in this matteras it is a business with which I ought to be more conversant than most people, inasmuch as I have spent my life in it, I may be of service to you. If there is going to be any consideration of the matter or a change in this office, I should be glad to give you for your own information what I know about the matter and the candidates. I don't think it probable [*16534*]A1-5-6-'01 THE COMPLETE PRESS RE-ESTABLISHED 1878 BY J. N.MATTHEWS. FIRST ESTABLISHED IN 1846 BUFFALO EXPRESS OWNED BY THE J. N. MATTHEWS COMPANY. GEO. E. MATTHEWS, PRESIDENT. JAMES W. GREENE, EDITOR. WILLIAM M. RANDELL, PUBLISHER. EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT: GEO. E. MATTHEWS, PRESIDENT. JAMES W. GREENE, EDITOR. NOS 179-183 WASHINGTON ST. BUFFALO, N. Y. Oct. 12, 1901. DICTATED BY 2. that I should advocate claims of any particular man for that place; especially if there is a general rush for it, it is probable that a goodly portion of the worthy candidates will be men personally known to me. I may remark incidentally that the office is one in which public funds have been spent most lavishly. With great respect, I remain Yours very sincerely. Geo. E. Matthews [*16535*]Az-5-6-'01 THE COMPLETE PRESS Re-established 1878 by J. N. MATTHEWS First Established in 1846. BUFFALO EXPRESS OWNED BY THE J. N. MATTHEWS COMPANY. Geo. E. Matthews, President. James W. Greene, Editor. Wm M. Ramsdell, Publisher. Editorial Department: Geo. E. Matthews, President. James W. Greene, Editor. NOS. 179-183 WASHINGTON ST. Buffalo, N. Y. Oct 12, 1901 [*Ackd*] DICTATED BY Dear Mr. President; - Letters of which the enclosed is a copy have just been handed to me by Mr. De Barry, the Immigrant Inspector. Mr DeBarry is a man of 50, who is quite famous in his way. He has been doing the contract labor business here for ten years, and I believe been doing it with fairness, with zeal, and with a great deal of discretion. This transfer to a position for which he is physically unfitted looks like oppression. If he is not fit for the service he ought to be discharged, not transferred out. I believe he is all right, and I know that this kind of underhand oppression is just what you particularly [*16536*]hate and despise. Therefore, I venture to call the matter to your attention. Personally I barely know DeBarry and he is nothing to me, except on the face of the returns an honest man, who is being done up in an underhand way. Believe me. Very sincerely Yours Geo. E. Matthews(Copy) Savannah, Oct. 12, 1901 My dear Aunt Mary: In reference to the conversation which I had with you some days ago, in which you stated that grand-father had appointed Mr. Jas. D. Bulloch to the Navy when he was Congressman from this District in 1838 or 1839, are you quite positive that such was the case? I have found from the records of Congress that grandfather served as Congressman from this District through the 24th. and 25th. Congresses, 1835 - 1839. I have also found a record where Jas. D. Bulloch entered the U.S. Navy in 1839. Grandfather's successor took his seat t the convening of the 26th. Congress on Dec. 16, 1839, so, it looks, circumstantially, as if Mr. Bulloch probably entered the Navy through the influence of grand-father. I would like, however, to know what you remember about it. Affectionately yours, (Signed) T. Lloyd Owens. 16537[Enc. in Robinson to TR 10-16-01][*PPF Ackd 10/14/1901* United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. 49 Broadway, New York City, October 12, 1901. The President, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President: I sincerely hope that you will not decide upon an appointment to the Chiefship of the Bureau of Ordnance, U.S.A., until I have time to see you. My impression is that there is likely to be a great injustice done a very worthy officer and I want you to fully understand the situation before making up your mind. Please oblige me by suspending judgment until I can see you. I know that the Secretary of War has other views, but I think his views are very much mistaken, not only as to the character of the man who is entitled to it, but as to the character of the man whom he desires to appoint, and I would not care to have you decide this question until I see you. Yours respectfully, T C Platt [[shorthand]] Private HA [*16538*][*Ackd 10-17-1901 PPF B*] JACOB A. RIIS, 524 BEECH STREET, NORTH, RICHMOND HILL, NEW YORK. NEW YORK, Oct 12 1901 My dear Mr President. Shall you think that I despise your lunch, if I do not come to Washington ? I dont, but I want to be in the fight with Tammany, and I can not go away, for the meeting. I know you do not mind. Glory be! I will wish you life. But the offers that came I have refused. This is advice of Mr Brett [or?] MacMillans, and it was good advice. They were not big enough to begin with, and he says this is not the time for any but a catch penny life of yours. It might be made to pay well, perhaps, but I want to write your life, not a book merely to sell. All this I will talk over with you when I come. I have to go to [*16539*]New England week after next and shall be dreadfully on the run for a season. But I shall come when I can. Night before last I wandered homeless about the streets of Albany. There was no room in the hotels, and bad sleep & that tried my head sorely. But I finally found a berth in the Turkish baths (I was to speak [there] next morning in the town) I thought in the midnight hour that if only you were in the Executive Mansion I might have got you to take me in. Most faithfuly yours Jacob A Riis Thanks, ever so much for your interest in Murrat. He is fully worth it.THOMAS L. ROSSER. Charlottesville, Va. Oct. 12th, 1901. Hon. John S. Wise, 20 Broad St., New York. Dear John. I enjoyed your kind letter of the 7th, inst. very much, and heartily thank you for it. All that you say is gospel truth, and I am glad that you have posted the President of the politics of Virginia, and I know he was very much surprised to see what a deplorable condition we are in. There are two questions to consider when we come to make an examination of the political situation in Virginia. - first - If the organization which we have is bad, whose fault is it if not our own, for it is what we made it? - second - Admitting that it is very bad, have we, under our plan of organization, the power to correct it except by the methods which it provides, and at the time which it provides, -when we meet in State Convention to send delegates to the National Convention which nominates a President and vice- President of the United States? Or in other words, can we do anything before the summer of 1904? Answering the first question, I will say that I have but recently come into the Republican Party, and had no hand in forming the present State Committee yet I know that it is utterly corrupt, and so notoriously so, that it is impossible for us to make recruits or strengthen our party while it is under their management, and we believe that they don't want the party to be any larger than it is. So intent are they upon the emoluments (loaves and fishers) that they dont want any more members than there are offices to give them I went to the Roanoke Convention, at the head of the delegations from this City and the County, and I was instructed to cast these votes if we had nominated Lewis we could have elected him and all of us knew then, and know now that we cannot elect Mr. J. Hampton Hoge, yet the Convention was packed with office (Federal) holders instructed, yes, commanded to vote for the impossible nominee. As to the second question -- I will say that if there is any way to get the President to fill such appointments as may come up from now on, by our best men, even Gold Democrats, we shall be able to build a new structure which will give respectability to our Party and make "Old Virginia" again a factor in National elections, and not, as now, a political commodity to be sold to, and purchased by the highest bidder. Some of our best citizens in this section are ready to join us. I spoke here on last Court day to a large and orderly assemblage of our best citizens, and I was glad to see such men present, as George Perkins, S. V. Southall, Mason Gordon, H. Clay Michie and Major Bolton, and others, who a year ago would [*16540*]THOMAS L. ROSSER. Charlottesville, Va. Hon. John S. Wise, ///2 not attend a Republican meeting. Purge our Party by putting good men in office, and all of the aboved named men will be with us. I believe that the Constitutional Convention, now sitting in Richmond will so disgust all honest men with the botch-job they are doing, that a large majority of our best citizens will leave the Democratic party, and come to us, provided we have a decent organization to receive them, but the "company we keep" will with so many, so ostracize us that they cant affiliate with us. Judge John Paul is now very ill, and it is believed that he will never get better, and that a new a new Judge will have to be appointed, very soon, and already several 4th, and 5th, class lawyers are being put up by the "ring" for the place. I hope that the President will do in this case as he so wisely did in the case of Ex-Gov. Tom Jones, of Alabama, and appoint a man like Holmes Conrad of Winchester, or George Perkins, or Nine Southall of Albemarle, to this high office. I rejoice that you still feel an interest in us, and that you will help us to get out of the political malaria which now envelopes us, and see us up on higher and better ground. I would like very much to meet you some time, not far off, in Washington, and go with you to see the President and talk these important matters over with him. Most truly, your friend Thos. L. Rosser. [*16541*][ Enc in wise 10 - 15 - 01 ]KANSAS CITY BRANCH, 810-812---814 WALNUT ST. Studebaker Bros.Mfg. Co. CARRIAGES, WAGONS STREET SPRINKLERS, HARNESS, ETC. ESTABLISHED 1852. INCORPORATED 1868. STUDEBAKER VEHICLE WORKS. SOUTH BEND, IND. U.S.A. LARGEST IN THE WORLD. COVERING 96 ACRES. ADDRESS ALL COMMUNICATIONS TO THE COMPANY. J. S. WELCH, MANAGER FIRST STUDEBAKER SHOP, 1850. NEW YORK, CHICAGO, SAN FRANCISCO, KANSAS CITY, PORTLAND, ORE., SALT LAKE CITY, DENVER, COLO. GENERAL OFFICE, SOUTH BEND, IND. CLEM. STUDEBAKER, Prest. J. M. STUDEBAKER, Vice Prest & Treas. GEO. M. STUDEBAKER, Secy. [*ackd 10/16/1901*] Kansas City, Mo., October 12, 1901. [[shorthand]] Dear Mr. President : - I inclose an article written by Mr. E. Mont. Reily in the "Missouri State Republican" , of this week, which is so good, I want you to read it at your leisure. The "Kansas City Star" , and other Western papers have copied it extensively , with favorable comments. I often think of the pleasant trip we had to Colorado, and hope I may have the honor and pleasure of seeing you again sometime. Yours sincerely, J. S. Welch, Vice Pres. Roosevelt Club. Dic. J.S.W. [*16542*][ For 1. enc. see 10-7-01 "Pres. Roosevelt's Successor" ]J. S. & H. A. WISE, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, COMMERCIAL CABLE BUILDING, 20 BROAD STREET, NEW YORK. _________________________ JOHN S. WISE HENRY A. WISE __________ JOHN S. WISE, JR. October 12th, 1901 Mr. President, I have your esteemed favor of the 11th instant, through Mr. Loeb, Secretary, and in reply permit me to say that in doing nothing until after the pending election in Virginia, you are certainly following my advice. I will not annoy you, know how much your time is occupied, with the letters I am almost hourly receiving from the best men in our party, enthusiastically endorsing the proposed course of action. Respectfully, John S. WiseOct 12, 1901 My Dear Sir:- I have a letter from Hon. Henry St. George Tucker, the President of the La School of the Washington & Lee University, and who has been acting President of that Institution since the decease of Hon. William L. Wilson. He was a Member of Congress during my service, and for some terms before, and failed of a renomination because he would not run on a silver platform. He is, as you know, of fine family, the son of Randolph tucker, and having a long line of distinguished ancestors; and his wife was the daughter of Wm. Preston Johnston, President of Tulane University, New Orleans, and grand-daughter of Albert Sidney Johnston, the great Confederate General, killed at Shiloh. I served with him on the Foreign Affairs Committee in Congress, and became very fond of him personally. I consider him an able, conservative man, - one of the best representatives of the best people of the South. His letter states that Judge Paul, United States District Judge for the Western District of Virginia, is hopelessly ill and Mr. Tucker would be very glad to be appointed to the vacancy, if, and when, it comes. He writes me that his great-grandfather, St. George Tucker, the step-father of John Randolph, was the first Federal Judge in Virginia. I see by the papers that you have already appointed a Democrat in thealabama District as Federal Judge, and this may serve as 165442 a precedent, especially as Mr. Tucker writes that there are no really prominent Republican lawyers in Judge Paul's District. If there should be a vacancy in the position mentioned, I would be very glad if Mr. tucker's name should receive consideration. I have the honor to be, Sir. Very respectfully, [JOHN WISE] To The President, Executive Mansion. 16545[ Enclosed in Lodge , 10-17-01 ] October 12th, 1901. Hon. Jacob Yost, Staunton, Va. Dear Yost: - Thank you for yours of the 11th inst. It is exactly what I expected. I concur with you fully in the view that we should do nothing until after election, except, perhaps, to communicate to a few trusted friends, especially of the Gold Democrat type, what we ultimately intend to do. Yours truly, [John S Wise} 16546[ Enc. in Wise 10-15-01]A. C. ADAMS, } Assistant HENRY E. REES, } Secretaries. W. H. KING, Secretary. E. O. WEEKS, Vice President. WM. B. CLARK, President. Ætna Insurance Company of Hartford Suffolk, Va. Oct. 12th 1901 190 WOODWARD & ELAM, AGENTS SUFFOLK, VIRGINIA. Hon. John S. Wise, New York City. Dear Sir: I enclose you a copy of a letter which was written to the President before your communication and inclosures to Judge Rawles were shown me, but not mailed until after then and after consultation with him. I am thoroughly in sympathy with your movement and while I am entirely out of politics will help the move all I can for it is certainly the very best thing that could happen to the Republican party and the South and especially Virginia. I would suggest that in giving out the offices the best people be selected regardless of past party affiliations and that as far as possibl native Virginians be selected. That I may not be considered selfish in this suggestion would say that I a not seeking any office and do not want any. There are already a great many white Republicans here but I think that with the elimination of the negro as a factor and a new set of party officials we will have many accessions among the young men. Very sincerely yours, R. L. Woodwood A hustling prosperous business man & native of Virginia [*16547*][ Enc. in Wise 10-15-01]EXCELSIOR STATE OF NEW YORK LIEUTENANT GOVERNORS ROOM Brooklyn, N.Y., [ALBANY] October 12, 1901. [*ackd 10/14/1901 P.F.*] The President, Washington, D.C., My dear Mr. President:-- I am very anxious to see you in relation to the matter of appointments in Brooklyn, particularly that of Postmaster. However, I do not feel that I ought to leave town for a day more than is absolutely necessary, all my time and energy being required in the municipal campaign. Of course, I must attend Yale's Bi-Centennial, week after next, for at least a couple of days. I am going to ask if I may take the liberty of speaking to you at that time for a moment on the subject of Federal appointments, and thus save the necessity of my going to Washington. In anticipation of your according me this opportunity I trust no action will be taken by you before this. Yours faithfully, Timothy L. Woodruff. [[shorthand]] [*16548*]Norfolk Post Office. OFFICE OF THE POSTMASTER. NORFOLK, NORFOLK CO., VA., Oct 12 1901. My dear [?Taft] I have been sick since I saw you last, hence my delay in writing you, the persons here take to the idea mentioned by you first class, & think it fine idea, in fact our people are anxious that a majority shall rule & that we may have a genuine Rep. party who are willing to fight for the principles of the party under all conditions, and thereby build up a party worthy to be called such; those I have mentioned the matter to have strongly endorsed it; such men as Bill Morton and Mr. Woodworth — I have not heard from H.P. Brooks yet, as you know he has moved to Balt Md, and has a fine position there, and I doubt very much whether he can be induced to return to Virginia; what we want is a proper leader, can you not see your way clear to come here, I do not know of course but I have wanted Henry to settle a long time before the death of his uncle, & now it seems to me is the proper time, if the way is made clear for him, with high esteem I am your friend J. R. Waddy [*16549*][ Enc. in Wise 10-15-01][*PPF ackd 10-15-1901*] [*[10-12-01]*] Hemperley, N. V., Cobleskill, N.Y. States that there a number federal office holders who are seeking a reappointment, and who will then desert the President and work for Governor Odell. the writer would like to come to Washington to consult the President on the subject. [*Senate*] [[shorthand]] [*16550*] [*PF*] GROTON SCHOOL GROTON, MASS. Oct. 13, 1901 Dear Roosevelt :- I did not want to intrude at the beginning, when friends were writing to you, who had a better right to speak than I; but I should like now to tell you how thankful I am that the country had you to fall back on at a great crisis and how I pray that all may go well during your administration. The fine national traits that came out when the people were mourning the death of the late President, must have given you new confidence in the country. The future seems to me very bright. I am writing at this particular time to tell you that Teddy is doing well, so far as I can see, in every way. His spirit is excellent. A few days ago I refereed a football game between some of our boys and an [*16551*][*[attached to Hemperly 10-12-01]*] eleven from the village. Teddy played second, and played extremely well. He tackled fearlessly and fiercely, and never for a moment let up until the whistle blew. He was'nt reckless, either, in any blind way, but showed thought and intelligence in his play. I know you will be glad to hear this, as it is indicative of the boy's development. With best wishes and earnest prayers for your high success I am, Sincerely Yours, Sherrard Billings.*PPF ackd 10-15-1901*] [*[10-12-01]*] Hemperley, N. V., Cobleskill, N.Y. States that there a number federal office holders who are seeking a reappointment, and who will then desert the President and work for Governor Odell. the writer would like to come to Washington to consult the President on the subject. [*Senate*] [[shorthand]] [*16550*] [*PF*] GROTON SCHOOL GROTON, MASS. Oct. 13, 1901 Dear Roosevelt :- I did not want to intrude at the beginning, when friends were writing to you, who had a better right to speak than I; but I should like now to tell you how thankful I am that the country had you to fall back on at a great crisis and how I pray that all may go well during your administration. The fine national traits that came out when the people were mourning the death of the late President, must have given you new confidence in the country. The future seems to me very bright. I am writing at this particular time to tell you that Teddy is doing well, so far as I can see, in every way. His spirit is excellent. A few days ago I refereed a football game between some of our boys and an [*16551*][*[attached to Hemperly 10-12-01]*] eleven from the village. Teddy played second, and played extremely well. He tackled fearlessly and fiercely, and never for a moment let up until the whistle blew. He was'nt reckless, either, in any blind way, but showed thought and intelligence in his play. I know you will be glad to hear this, as it is indicative of the boy's development. With best wishes and earnest prayers for your high success I am, Sincerely Yours, Sherrard Billings.[Harold Seawall] [[shorthand]] [*10-13-01]*] [*ackd 10-17-1901 PPF Pr*] NONESUCH RIVERDALE - ON- HUDSON Dear Mr President. - I return herewith the draft you sent me by Dr Shaw. - I would take it to you myself only, the few ideas which you asked me to put on paper for you are not yet quite in shape to suit me. - I am working over them and will have [*16552*]them ready by Tuesday or Wednesday so that any day thereafter which may be agreeable to you, I can come over. - I have some thoughts in connection with your draft which I would esteem an honor to talk over with you when I come. — Sincerely yours Geo. W. Perkins Sunday October thirteenth [*16553*]D. NOBLE ROWAN, (late Rowan, Ingersoll & Weed.) ROBERT G. INGERSOLL. SMITH M. WEED. Cable Address : "ROWAN" 50 BROADWAY, NEW YORK, Oct 13th 1901 [*aknd*] [*10/15/1901*] [*pp. 7.*] [*Pr*] The President Dear Mr. Roosevelt, I am sailing again in a few days for Europe. As an old Democrat who voted for you for Governor and for you and President McKinley at the last and former election I cannot leave without telling you that I congratulate the Country in having you as the head of the Government at this time. I have always contended [*16554*] that the Vice President must be a good if not better man than the President. The confidence the people have in you during this awful suspense pending the [?]atting away of Mr. McKinley was wonderful - trusted, tried, equal to all the important - positions your Countrymen have called you to fulfil is a guaranty of the future. The Presidents "Command" to one mutual friend Dr. Albert Shaw, prevented my having him to come with us at Irvington. He is a great admirer of you. Sincerely Yours D. Noble Rowan [*16555*]ROOSEVELT WILL ACCEPT. Says if Nomination Is Offered in 1904 He Will Be Pleased. Washing Special to Chicago Tribune, Oct 13. President Roosevelt has definitely and positively, though unofficially, stated his position relative to the Republican nomination in 1994. He will make no fight for the honor, but if the people of the United States show their approval of his course during the three and a half years that he occupies the position of chief magistrate of the land by placing his name at the head of the next Republican national ticket he will be extremely grateful and will not decline. The President announced this as his attitude yesterday during an interview with several representative Republicans from South Carolina. Mr. Roosevelt went further, and stated that if he had to pander to any political clique, combination or movement, he did not want the nomination and would not give a rap for it, emphasizing his feelings in the matter by snapping his fingers as he spoke. The South Carolina leaders who called on the President were John C. Capers, United States district attorney and Republican national committeeman for South Carolina; J. F. Ensor, postmaster at Columbia, and Dr. V. P. Clayton, chief deputy marshal for the district of South Carolina. The conversation leading to this expression by Mr. Roosevelt bore upon the strong indorsement of Mr. Blalock for the position of collector of internal revenue. It was asserted that President McKinley had decided to appoint Mr. Blalock, and that it was the purpose of Mr. Roosevelt to carry out the intention of his predecessor. Subsequently the President heard a report concerning Mr. Blalock's conduct while sojourning in the national capital which greatly displeased him. When the South Carolina delegation called at the White House yesterday the President explained to them the nature of the allegations against Mr. Blalock, which, it is said, amounted to nothing more than that he and his friends had indulged in conviviality. It was about at this point that the President stated his position with reference to the campaign in 1904. "I am going to select the best men for public positions," he is quoted by one of the gentlemen present as saying. ('Men appointed to high public places must be high in morals and in many other respects. If the American people care to show their approval of my course as President during the three years and a half I have to serve by placing me at the head of the Republican ticket in 1904, I should feel deeply grateful. It would be an honor it would be difficult for any man to decline. "But if I have to pander to any cliques, combinations or movements for their approval I would not give a rap of my finger for it or a nomination for it under such circumstances. My indorsement must come from the people of the country." Those who heard President Roosevelt make this utterance say they were impressed by his evident earnestness and are doubtful if they can secure the collectorship for Mr. Blalock, although he had practically been named for one place. Persons high in political life here are being daily convinced by the President that he is not running the high office he holds with any sort of view of controlling the Republican machinery in 1904. [*16556*][*File*] UNITED STATES SENATE. COMMITTEE ON APPROPRIATIONS. Dubuque, Iowa, October 14, 1901. To the President, Executive Mansion. Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- I have your esteemed favor in response to mine, and will try and visit you immediately after election, and the probability is that I will leave home on election day as I will be obliged to return here again before Congress convenes. I wish to say in a general way that I am in full accord with what you are doing, and what I anticipate you will do as indicated in various ways through the press. I am, Sincerely yours, W. B. Allison [*16557*][*[For enc. see Roberts 10-14-01]*] [[shorthand]] [*ackd 10-16-1901 PPF B*] [*[10-14-01]*] The Waldorf-Astoria New York. Dear Mr. President: Noting your anxiety for early action in re Foulke I called a meeting by telegraph of those I spoke to you of and submitted the question. I enclose you their answer wired me by my secretary. [*16558*]Kindly return it to me at Indpls. Sincerely Albert J Beveridge To The President Washington D.C. New York Oct 14 1901 [*16559*]COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK [[shorthand]] [*ackd 10-16-1901 File PPF*] PRESIDENT'S ROOM Oct. 14, 1901 My dear Mr. President; Thank you cordially for your kind note of the 12th, asking me to come down for a night at the White House in the near future. I write you now exactly what my engagements are, and will ask you to have Mr. Courtelyou telegraph me on which of the days mentioned you wish me to come. On account of the Yale celebration next week, where I am to be the guest of Professor Henry W. Farnam, (I understand that you are to stay with his brother), I shall be away from Monday morning at 10 o'clock until Wednesday about 9 or 10 P.M. Before the Yale celebration I cannot get off because of peremptory engagements here, and an important meeting on Saturday. Therefore, it seems to me as if the best I could do would be to come down on Saturday morning, the 26th, and come back on Sunday, the 27th. Will that be too long to wait? You must also tell me how to arrive, for I am not accustomed to visiting royalty. Do I have the impudence to go straight from the railroad station to the front door of the Executive Mansion, just as if it were Oyster Bay; or do I go to a hotel and send over my card? With sincerest regards to Mrs. Roosevelt and yourself, I am, As always, Nicholas Murray Butler To the President, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. [*16560*]ESTABLISHED 1816 WILLIAM F. DRAPER, PREST. J.B.BANCROFT, VICE PREST. THE DRAPER COMPANY GOEORGE A. DRAPER, TREASURER. EBEN S. DRAPER, AGENT. GEO. OTIS DRAPER, SEC'Y. INCORPORATED 1896 E.D.BANCROFT, PURCHASING AGENT. FRANK J. DUTCHER, ASST. AGENT, HOPEDALE, MASS. October 14, 1901 My Dear Friend:- I inclose you a copy of a letter that I have sent the President, in regard to Harry Tucker. You know him well, and all about him, and if his appointment would meet your views, I know you would have great weight in securing it. Kindly let me know whether you would think favorably of it, or not. Sincerely yours, William F. Draper Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, Nahant, Mass. 16561[ enclosed in Lodge, 10-17-01 ][*Hanna? ?????*] United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C., Cleveland, Ohio, October 14, 1901. Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr. Cortelyou: The Senator directs that the enclosed letter from Mr. Capers, received with yours of the 8th, and also the letter from Judge Hunt forwarded by the President under date of September 27th, be returned for your files. I understand that he discussed both matters with you. Yours very truly, Elmer Dover Private Secretary. enc. [*Hanna Capers Oct 7/01 Hunt re House Aug 26/01*] [*16562*][*File*] EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT. UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF THE PAULIST FATHERS. The Catholic World Magazine, BOX 2. STATION N, NEW YORK. New York, Oct 14 1901 Hon Theodore Roosevelt President of United States My dear Mr President I have given your letter of recent date a good deal of consideration and have canvassed about in order to get the right kind of a priest for the Navy I know it requires a superior man and if I put my name to any application you can depend on[t] it that I know the man and can conscientiously say that he is fitted for the place I hope to be in Washington at the close of the month and I shall do myself the honor of calling to pay my respects With very great Esteem Sincerely, A P Doyle [*16563 *]Cable Address: "MERTRUST" JOHN GILL OF R President. W. W. SPENCE, Vice President. C. R. SPENCE, 2nd Vice President. A. H. S. POST, 3rd Vice President. JOHN MCHENRY, Treasurer. J. R. WALKER, Secretary. CHAS. E. MCLANE, Asst Secy & Treas. PAID UP CAPITAL $2,000,000. SURPLUS - $3,500,000 MERCANTILE TRUST & DEPOSIT COMPANY OF BALTIMORE October 14 1901 Douglas Robinson, Esq., New York My dear Robinson:- No doubt you are already greatly annoyed by your friends, soliciting your good influence with the President. I have a matter which I am deeply interested in, and one in which I believe you can assist me. I want to have my nephew, Mr. Thomas A. Symington appointed a cadet at the Naval Academy. He is a bright boy, sixteen years of age, and well qualified in point of education and social training to enter the Navy at once. I sent him last year to St. John's College, Annapolis, and he stood third in his class. President McKinley offered him an appointment at West Point, but my nephew preferred the Navy. As he is just the age that he can wait six months for the action of Congress, we all concluded that we would make one more effort in his behalf. Now young Symington is the son of the late Col Thomas A. Symington, who was a gallant and distinguished soldier on General Pickett's staff, and I believe the boy has as much grit as his father had. Senator McComas is very much interested in his behalf and I feel confident that with your influence with President Roosevelt, his name can be entered on the list as an applicant from Maryland, [*16564*]MERCANTILE TRUST AND DEPOSIT COMPANY OF BALTIMORE SHEET NO. 2, Douglas Robinson, Esq. to be appointed so soon as Congress should authorize the President to make additional appointments. You know the President has my hearty support, and I had the pleasure of voting for him at the last national election. Thanking you in advance, and with my kindest regards to you and Mrs. Robinson, I remain, Yours very truly, John Gill. [*16565*][ Enc. in Robinson to T R 10-16- 01]Constitutional Convention, Virginia. Richmond, Oct 14th 1901. Hon. John S. Wise Dear Sir Your letter of Oct. 11th with encloseures has been received, and have been shown to Lincoln. We are glad to see that you are getting matters in shape. Since you were here & have seen a good many persons from my part of the state, and without disclosing anything in reference to the present movement, I obtained expressions from them that they would be pleased to see the present state organization displaced. I wish you could return to Virginia and become the leader of the Republican party. We are sorely in need of a brave, upright, able leader such that we know that you would make, and who would command the respect of the best men from all parts of the state. I feel convinced that under such leadership the Republican party would sure have control of the state, and I would be delighted to see you in the highest position that the state could bestow on you. With best wishes for the success of your movement and assuring you that I am ready to aid in any way that I can I am most respectfully yours A. P. Gillespie P.S. Moore is not in the city this morning [*16566*][Enc. in Wise 10-15- 01]EXECUTIVE MANSION PORTO-RICO San Juan, October 14, 1901 Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. Cortelyou:- I gave a letter to a committee of the Chamber of Commerce of Porto Rico, who will visit the United States, and who desired to be presented to the President. I thought it well to advise you privately that while this committee does represent the most important business interests, that among them are several Spaniards and two Englishmen. But they represent the best Spanish element--an element which is entirely outside of politics, and which is doing its best to promote harmony throughout the Island. I thought you might deem it wise to acquaint the President with the fact that there are some Spaniards in the committee before he receives them. 16567 Among the committee are Dr. Barbosa of the Executive Council, and Sanchez Morales of the House of Delegates. You will remember Dr. Barbosa, and I can only repeat that he is in all respects entirely reliable, and the President can trust him unqualifiedly. The same thing is to be said of Sanchez Morales, who is Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means in the House of Delegates, and but for whose influence, together with that of Dr. Barbosa, we could never have accomplished very much in the way of legislation last year. With kind regards, Very truly yours, Wm H Hunh 16568[*ackd 10-19-1901 File*] HERSCHELL V. JONES. MINNEAPOLIS, MINN. Oct. 14, 1901. To the President, Washington, D. C. Replying to your letter of October ninth. I shall leave tomorrow for the East. It will be convenient for me to reach Washington about November first. Please write me at Jefferson, Schoharie County, New York, this week, if the date will be agreeable to you. Have considerable of importance to present, and will see you earlier if there is any reason why you may desire it. Sincerely yours, H. V. Jones [*16569*] [*[For 1 attachment see ca. 10-10-01?]*][*[ca 10-14-01]*] [*Section- War College*] Torpedo Flotilla Organization I am fully aware that an apology is due for venturing to call your attention for a few minutes to those most discretited of all things - the U. S. TorpedoBoats. The apology is made freely and fully with the hope that it may be accepted when I shall have shown the line of reflection that leads up to the committing of such an offense as the introduction of an unpopular subject, which is, perhaps, impossible of practical treatment. We have all become imbued by our reading and thinking here at the College, and possibly elsewhere, with the truths of certain basic principles of real strategy which directly point to the uselessness of torpedoboats, and which are so clear that they have assumed the forms of axioms: A few of these are :- "The epitome of seapower is the battleship." "The best coast attack vessel is the battleship." "Battleships are the best coast defence vessels." "TorpedoBoats have never won battles on the high seas." "Battles for naval supremacy will be fought upon the high seas" "Naval supremacy will depend upon the number and efficiency of battleships of the day in the future, and it always has from the earliest times of naval history." "The ancient galley, which is the analogue of the modern torpedoboat, was useless when pitted against the sailing galeon, which is the analogue of the modern battleship." Accepting these concise expressions of true strategic and tactical principles, based as they are upon the study of modern conditions and upon historic research, we are directly led to the conclusion that a navy should consist of squadrons of battleships, with the smallest possible number of necessary auxiliaries in the shape of fast cruisers and supply vessels. That torpedoboats are not only useless in themselves, but vicious in the principles of warfare they represent: and that that navy which has the fewest of them is the best. Evidently then, the rule that all navies should follow [*16570*]2. would bar out the use of torpedo boats; and this rule we of the United States seem to be following, —in so far as we can be said to follow any rule at all in our later attempts at fleet building. But - and there are certain vague indications that there may be a but or two - unfortunately the torpedo boats uselessness is not entirely understood abroad, and the consequence is that the very latest battleship constructions are hampered and cumbered with secondary batteries and search lights whose principal, if not only real reason of being is to provide a convenient means for[of] meeting torpedoboats attacks, which logically do not need to be met at all. More unfortunately, we ourselves, follow this foreign fashion, based as are so many fashions upon the survival of the useless and unfittest, and we find our own battleships hampered in the same way. Please picture to yourselves the enormous increase in efficiency that might be had in our ships of war, if the very considerable weights and spaces assigned to the emplacements, mounts, guns and ammunition-supply of the secondary batteries were utilised for fighting power against ships in the shape of increase of main batteries - were utilized as these weights and space would be if we had the courage of our convictions in regard to the uselessness of torpedoboats and lived up to the strategic and tactical truths formulated in the axioms quoted. We ought to be charitable towards this secondary battery weakness of foreigners, because we who know better, are not free from it, and because they have not had our informing experiences. None of them have met enemies so accommodating as to [xxx] send a single torpedo craft in broad day-light in the open to certain defeat against a well gunned auxiliary cruiser, or so more accommodating as to send a couple of such craft out in fine clear day-light to meet the gunfire of a fleet, to carefully abstain from using their power of attack and to run like cats along a wall till sunk by an auxiliary yacht. That all torpedo boats would always be handled that way, and would prove worse than useless [*16571*]3. is one of the more important lessons we have learned from our war with Spain. When reflecting upon our war experiences it seems clear that Admiral Sampson was entirely mistaken when he stated that he put a battleship upon the night picket line to illuminate the entrance to Santiago, in order to ease the strain upon commanding officers arising from anticipation of attack by the two little craft in the harbor. There could have been no such strain; for all our commanding officers were fully cognizant of the powerlessness of torpedo craft; and the habit they had of opening a furious night gunfire upon trade wind swells, caves in the cliffs, railway trains, our own cruisers, colliers, and torpedo boats, probably arose from playfulness of disposition. Most assuredly there was no idea that the objects fired at could have effected any discomfort to our fleet, had they been hostile torpedo boats instead of what they were. It is probably due to our knowledge obtained from these actual war experiences that we never have held and probably never will hold a real torpedoboat attack drill. Possibly we are influenced against such drills by the false results of a few searchlight exercises, with torpedo boats for finding objects, in which, under the prescribed rules, the boats have won against the ships oftener than not, when the rules were such that the boats could not possibly win. The British, being practicable people, follow our methods to a degree. To be sure, they have a large number of boats, which run they about more or less during annual maneuvers but rarely if ever, try them for what they are worth in torpedo attack. Other foreign nations, notably France, Germany, and Japan are too theoretical in regard to the value of these craft in the mobile coast defenses; they practice and experiment with them constantly; and analyze, and theorize upon results until they get so far away from the truth, as to confidently and persistently affirm that three fairly good torpedo boats, fairly well used and handled as such, can on a moonless night force the best [*16572*]4. battleship in the world off her blockading station or put her under; that consequently a blockade cannot be held over night in the presence of well handled torpedoboats, unless the ships are well protected by destroyers and unless there be a large preponderance of the fortunes of war with the blockaders even then; and then; and tha the enforcing forcing the enemy to provide himself with destroyers equal in number to that of the defender's boats is very good war. In reflecting upon the absurdity of such an opinion, one naturally concludes that it never could have been arrived at if the truths of history could have been clearly seen: and this view is proved to be correct when one learns that the torpedoboat advocates assert that the analogies drawn from history uphold their ridiculous contention. For example; they hold that the ancient galley is the analogue of the modern battleship because the galley, was, until after the appearance of the fast sailing British ship, the epitome of sea power and was accepted as such by all the naval authorities of the world. The new fangled fast sailing ship had not the power of the movement in all directions any more than the modern torpedoboat has free movement in heavy weather. In comparison with the modern battleship. She was too delicate and too much technical attention was required to keep her in an efficient condition. Like the torpedo boat she was found to be very unsatisfactory as a despatch vessel when sent dead to windward in heavy weather, and again, like the torpedo boat, she was found to have good speed when her delicate and complicated motive power was kept in order and when her speed and course were favored by weather conditions. She had great destructive power in her broadside battery, the analogue of the torpedoboat of to-day, but she could not use it until she got alongside, and even then it was very uncertain unless the guns were carefully loaded and laid just as the torpedo is uncertain unless it be properly used. Her projectiles were erratic and might readily fail of effect by missing the object altogether. She was lamentably deficient in the really decisive [*16573*]5. naval power of her day - in the boarding power of hordes of soldiers, the analogue of the gunfire of the modern battleship. These torpedoboat advocates go so far as to claim that Drake's attack upon the Spanish galley-battleships at Cadiz is the analogue of a torpedoboat attack of to-day; and that Drake did as well as could be expected, although the blow he struck was as nothing, when the ratios of the opposing forces are taken into account, compared to the blow struck by the modern torpedoboat man at Wei-hai-Wei. This reasoning based on false premises, illustrates the fact that no torpedo-boat advocate should be allowed the use of the analogues of history for him the analogues are all the other way about, so to speak. But - and this is the second and last but which questions real strategic and tactical truth - without recourse to the analogues of history, the torpedoboat advocates claim that within our own times the craft has shown that it providesmore fight, for dollars invested and for men engaged than any other naval construction used; because they claim, that under average war conditions coast night actions as well as high sea battles will be fought. They assert that whether one chooses theory or practice as a basis for reasoning, one cannot avoid the conclusion that the torpedoboat is, has been and will be very efficient as a decisive factor in war, as the game of war is played. I will quote a brief statement of work done by torpedo craft in our own day as an example of a torpedoboat man's point of view, untenable though it be: "Torpedoboat warfare was inaugurated over thirty-five years ago. At that time the attack consisted of a comparatively slow moving boat of from four to seven knots speed, which had to come in actual contact with the vessel to deliver her blow. The vessels as a rule had a broadside battery of eight or ten guns in addition to machine guns and small-arms fire. Then came the development of the offense by an increase of speed in the attacking [*16574*]6. boat to twelve or fifteen knots in addition to a towing torpedo to avoid coming in actual contact with the ship. This was shortly followed by the introduction of the automobile torpedo and greater increase of speed, until finally we have the high-speed boat and longer range torpedo, with the addition of a rapid fire battery. On the other hand, the development of the defense has made equal; strides in advance. In this grand development of the offense and defence it will be interesting to see how far the balance of power has been distributed since the first attack against the "Ironsides" on the outside blockade of Charleston. During the days of the spar torpedo there were fifteen attacks by torpedo-boats, three of which took place in broad daylight and twelve at night. In one of these day attacks two ships were sunk whil eht two attacking boats and crews received but little injury. In another daylight attack a single boat got alongside of an ironclad and escaped without injury. The third daylight attack of two boats against a monitor wasunsuccessful though neither boat was sunk. Of the twelve night attacks, one was abandoned when the ship opened fire. Of the eleven night attacks where boats rushed in, eight of them succeeding in getting a torpedo alongside, two exploded against a boom and one failed. Of the eight attacks in which the torpedo was placed alongside the ship, one failed to explode, three exploded and injured three ships,and four exploded sinking four ship There were thirty-three torpedoboats employed in these fifteen attacks and the number of men employed was about three hundred and fifty. Three boats or nine percent were lost. Twelve men or about three percent were killed. These lost were caused principally by dangers incident to the attack, but the gun-fire of the ship did not sink a single 165757. boat and killed only one man. On the other hand six ships were sunk, three were injured and over five hundred lives lost. In all these attacks we cannot fail to be impressed by the amount of gunfire the boats withstood, without being disabled or the crews demoralized, and this from ships, whose broadside fire amounted to nine or ten shots a minute in addition to small arms and machine guns. The accounts tell of the boats being greeted with a "general fir artillery and rifles" and a "hail of bullets," a "storm of project les" a "fulliscade of musketry pounded down upon them. We still now examine the results under more modern conditions presenting a marvelous change in the character of the weapons employed, on both offense and defense. There have been nine attacks with the automobile torpedo, three of which took place in broad daylight. In one of these day attacks, the boat was well within torpedo range under the rapid-fire battery of a ship in action and escaped injury. In the six night attacks in which the boats ventured within torpedo range, eight vessels were sunk, comprising three armored cruisers, three cruisers, a tug boat and a schooner. In only one night attack out of the six did the torpedo fail to sink a ship, and as might be expected this was the first attack ever made with am automobile. In the six night attacks twenty-seven boats were employed, though only sixteen discharged their torpedoes and were under fire. One boat was disabled by gun-fire and one was lost running aground. About five hundred men took pat in these attacks, and the loss of personnel was leas than two per cent in killed, and of boats about twelve per cent. The histories of the spar torpedo and the automobile torpedo, show them to be alike in their operations. Each won 165768. weapon has a record covering period about twenty years durig which time each was employed in four different ways in which seven different nations were engaged, There is the same percentage of success and failure, the same percentage of loss in material and personnel. With each weapon, about thirty boats have been employed in attack, in which about thirty boats have been employed in attack, in which about six per cent were lost in both cases, with about three per cent of the personnel. The spar torpedo sunk six ships and the automobile eight. The figures representing the percentage of losses [represented] given above are more than a mere coincidence. They are the results of the natural balance of power that exists under normal conditions of attack between the offense and defence irrespective of weapons but regulated by that general principle of danger and risk which governs the conduct of the personnel in battle. Theoretical calculations, as to the chances of a torpedoboat under rapid-fire bat ery of to-day are not at all convincing, but such a calculation based upon the probable number of hits required to disable a boat, the size of the target, the time under fire, and the known percentage of hits usually made in batte would indicate results approximating very closely to the experience of the past, and that the modern boat holds the same relation to the rapid-fire battery of to-day, that the slow-moving launch of a generation ago held to the gun-fire of the ship of that date, and that a modern attack if well chosen even in broad daylight is not of necessity a forlorn hope." Now although we of the Navy generally can, and generally do, agree as to the worthlessness of torpedoboats, while we remain neutral as to the efficiency of destroyers, we are bound to consider certain influences which might make toward inducing us to try to use them, no matter what we thought of their capacity for work. We have cultivated public opinion in the right direction till it takes our view, rather then that of the torpedoboat advocates, but at the same time we must remember that fit is more probable that the public [*16577*]9. will demand of us some accounting, in the shape of some utilization of our boats built and building for the six or seven millions expended in their construction. The public requires us to get efficiency out of material furnished, no matter how poor that material may be; the public bases its estimate of value of material upon money expended for it; and the public is our highest superior authority and has the power to exact obedience to its orders. Our experiences in the pseudo-war with Spain clearly indicate that in the real war with Black which we contemplate, public opinion will be our actual Commander-in-Chief and will put our battleships on torpedo-boat duty in local mobile coast defences unless it can be induced to allow the substitution of the boats for ships. If this could be done we might really expect to have real squadrons in the West Indies, and to accomplish in reality some of the things we imagine in working out the main and subsidiary problems of the year. We know that our public will be deaf to the truth of the axiom - "The best coast defence is the energetic attack of the enemy's coast." unless we can add "while your own coast is left with adequate mobile defenses." Otherwise we will be told that the chief duty of the navay is to stay at home and look out for the prevention of blockades and the protection of the coasting and other trades; that Black's coasts are adequately defended by a proper torpedoboat organization, as all the newspapers know; that our coasts would be if the material paid for were utilized; and that if there are no mobile coast defenses when the ships are away - then the ships will not go away. This freeing the fleet so as to render possible the formation of real squadrons, nits be very interesting to those of you who may expect flag command in the next war; for it must be much more pleasing to contemplate a squadron of ships within signal distance moving to the attempt of something than to feel [*16578*]10. that your squadron was only a lot of ships scattered along the coast and condemned to do torpedoboat work- which they could do only very inefficiently. But to arrange our torpedoboats so as to get any service out of them is indeed difficult. So far as I have been able to learn there are three general propositions, and three only as to torpedoboat work on our cost. First: By the service at large. Don't have any. Second: By torpedoboat advocates. Have a great deal under very fine strategic and tactical schemes if we had proper numbers manned by proper crews - nine of which we have or are likely ever to have. Third: By the authorities responsible for the preservation of the boats out of commission. Have nice places at which to haul them out of the waters build nice sheds at these places, and put the boats in the sheds. Incidentally it may be remarked that the last proposition points to a method which, as the experience of the world has shown, we may expect more deterioration of material in a given time than cold be attained in any other way, barring, perhaps, hauling the boats out of water and leaving then out of the sheds. The last torpedoboat Board recommends that the boats be kept in commission if possible; the same thing was recommended by officers of the torpedoboat Flotilla three years ago, whereupon the boats were hauled out - and have never gotten over that experience. Probably never will. In no one of the three propositions, nor in the three collectively is there very clearly induced a direction in which we might work for the purpose of organizing our mobile coast defences for the purpose of freeing the fleet from local coast defence duty, and for try possibility transforming to some degree, the actual command in the time of war from newspaper made public opinion, to the Commander-in-Chief of the 1657911. U.S. Naval Forces on the North Atlantic Station. I no one of these propositions can one discern the germ of an idea for using for any purpose the job-lot - the pitifully mall job-lot- of boats we have in hand. This matter of fleet freeing has oppressed me and depressed me for some years; and the necessity forproviding some hypothesis under which we might suppose that the Blue ships would be allowed to temporarily absent themselves from the local defence of Blue's coasts in 1905 - 06 has been forcibly and and naturally borne upon me and I fancy, in upon all of us, by our direct and indirect work upon the problem of the year. 1905-1906 is not far away. "The bird of time hath but little way to flutter, and the bird is on the wing." The time would seem to be fully ripe for the appearance of some naval Winkelmed, who grasping the spear points of hostile criticism of torpedoboats to his breast, would respond to that pathetic and historic call of our own service, and heroically endeavor to "bend something unto something." But no such hero appears. There is no sign of him anywhere. And so I venture to offer you a fourth proposition as to torpedoboat workon our coast in the shape of a memorandum upon Torpedoboat Organization and Service, prepared some months ago but never officially submitted to any one, because the official files were sufficiently cumbered with like suggestions during the existence of the torpedoboat flotilla in 1897-98; and because this suggested scheme is impracticable in that it requires the use of a few boats and the employment of a few men in torpedoboat work. It is offered to you as suggestive merely; my excise for asking your attention to it, is that so far as I can learn, no one else offers any method at all for providing for fleet-freeing; while we all know that, if (U.S.) BLUE'S torpedoboat organization was in the superb condition that (German) BLACK'S is, so that BLUE'S fleet could 1658012. move, as readily and as promptly as BLACK's, to the theatre of war upon the outbreak of hostilities - there would be no hostilities;- and no chance for that loss of prestige, and perhaps of other things by BLUE, which we all uneasily contemplate, but against which we find no practical method of insurance. W. W. Kimball [*16581*][enclosed in Kimball 10-17-01][ ca 10-14-01] MEMORANDUM. TORPEDO BOAT ORGANIZATION AND SERVICE:ATLANTIC COAST OF THE UNITED STATES. Desiderata. 1. To organize the service in such a way as to render possible the effective mobilization of the entire flotilla for war or practice in the shortest practicable time. 2. To have at all times available a certain small number of trained torpedo-boat officers and men so organized as to furnish nuclei of crews for the whole flotilla and thus guard against the necessity for manning boats with crews in which there would be no one with any torpedo boat training. 3. To organize the trained men in such a way as to make the mobilization of the flotilla as inexpensive as possible. 4. To have the training in torpedo-boat services constantly going on and a consequent regular flow of torpedo boat officers into general service. 5. To include in torpedo-boat training investigation of our coast and practical studies of it as regards torpedo-boat operations. General condition of present flotilla in connection with its duty in the mobile defenses of the Atlantic coast: There are thirty boats built and building upon this coast, -1- 16582and among the thirty boats seventeen different kinds are found, with differences ranging from those of a ratio of 6 to 1 in displacement, to those of small differences in dimensions and considerable differences in details of motive power, speed, endurance and manoeuvering qualities. Four is the greatest number of boats that can be considered sufficiently alike to apply to them the pranciple that men trained in one boat are competent to handle all other boats of that particular group, and therefore the method of training for groups which would be most satisfactory if our boats had been built in groups, can have only a partial application in the existing flotilla. The boats mobilized for war must be available for use in the mobile defenses of the coast anywhere from Eastport to Galveston, concentrated in a particular locality or stationed in groups for the defense of several ports. It is now the practice of the Department to lay up boats not in commission at several naval stations, a few here and a few there, and for convenience as well as for possible stratigic reasons this practice may continue; or the policy of laying boats up at some one general lay-up station may be adopted. Since the only possible way to give nucleus crews the necessary familiarity with their boats is to familiarize them with their boats, any scheme for training crews must contemplate the moving about from station to station where the boats may be laid up, for the sake of practice with them and possibly for the sake of giving; practice to the men who may make up the mobilization crews---real naval reserves -2- 16583or naval militia or men from the fleet ----; or the visiting the general lay-up station for the purpose of taking out the boats. In any case the actual running from time to time of all the boats that are to be mobilized for war must be provided for. The running of all the boats is necessary, not only for the efficient training of the nucleus crews but for insurance of the preservation in an efficient state of the boats themselves. Sufficient experience has been had with our torpedo boats to accentuate the fact, wellknown abroad, that the hasty manning of laid up boats with crews wholly green to torpedo boat service and entirely unfamiliar with their particular boats makes strongly for great expense and pitiful inefficiency. Suggested method of gaining the desiderata and meeting the conditions mentioned: Keep seven representative boats in commission at all times, working to the southward in winter and northward in summer, Interchange boats in commission and boats laid up from time to time. Organize in the crew of each commissioned boat four nucleus crews, and detail each nucleus for a particular boat. Wherever a boat is found by the cruising division, anywhere from Kittery to Pensacola, put her nucleus crew aboard, fill the crew with details of other nucleus crews to represent the green men of a general mobilization, and run the boat till her nucleus crew knows how she should be handled to get the most efficiency out of her, and until each man in the nucleus crew knows how to instruct green men in the -3- 16584necessary details of his own duties. Any nucleus crew of any particular boat would of course be available for duty as such in any of the own sisters of that particular boat, but for reasons given before --- the great number of large and small differences in types in the small flotilla of thirty boats --- the nucleus crews must be assigned each to a boat, not a number of nuclei to a group, although its is apparent and a matter of experience that any lot of men who have been trained in any way in torpedo boat service are vastly superior for any boat in that service, to men drawn from green service on their record of work in ships. When not in connection with the laid up boats, the commissioned division would be available for real torpedo boat work drill in a group, torpedo practice, of which there should be much, torpedo boat investigation of the boast and when practicable for maneuvers against the fleet. The boats should cover the whole coast in cruising twice a year, i. e. should work south from the Maine coast so as to be to the southward of Hatteras by November 1, and north from Texas coast so as to be northward of Hatteras by May 1. Group drill could not be exact for the reason that, in order to provide for a proper mobilization of the whole flotilla, which is the chief object to work for even if there were never such a mobilization till the outbreak of war, the boats of the commissioned division would necessarily be of several types. Still the group drill would be most valuable in itself, and moreover it would furnish a means for cultivating that spirit of rivalry -4- 16585in going good work which makes so strongly for efficiency. For [experience] necessary [has proved] economy, training and efficiency , experience has proved; (a) That the crews themselves and not dock yard people, should make the small repairs constantly needed in boats in commission, should do the tuning up and adjustment of the machinery of all kinds, and should arrange the small fittings so necessary for serviceability. (b) That the keeping of pay accounts of a number of boats in commission at a shore station is complicated, onerous and very unsatisfactory. (c) That the attaching of boats to "mother ships" which are men-of-war, is impracticable for the reasons that the boats "mothered" are nuisances to the ships; that the ships often prove indifferent stepmothers rather than cherishing mothers, and that from the nature of the service they should do in her mobile defenses the boats should be independent of the [ships] men of war as they would have to be in time of war. (d) That the hiring of machine tools inports where there are no naval stations, and the general use of machine tools of a naval station by the torpedo boats' crews are both objectionable. All these results of experience, as well as many requirements not here enumerated but exacted by peculiarities of our torpedo boat service upon our long stretch of coast, point directly to the supplying of such a torpedo-boat floating base as was recommended by the Board on Auxiliaries in the Autumn of 1898. Torpedo Boat Base Vessel. -5- [*16586*] This should not be an expensive "Vulcan," nor a collier pure and simple, nor a supply ship as such; but should possess certain features of all three craft, and could be readily fitted up by utilizing one of the unused colliers now on hand and deteriorating -- the Lebanon for example. The ship would need a wooden covered spardeck ad a wooden covered main deck. She should carry about 1000 tons of issue coal --- two fills up of seven commissioned boats of average coal capacity --- paymasters stores of all kinds needed by the boats, large supplies of oil an waste and necessary engineers stores, including the larger take down tools belonging to the boats and the heavier spare parts. A good amount of tankage and a good distilling plant would be necessary. She should have a comfortable sick bay and dispensary on the main or spar deck; two or three regulation size brig cells on the main deck, a machine shop the size of the average one aboard a large cruiser but fitted with tools applicable to torpedo boat work; a one or two crucible brass founding plant capable of handling castings for all torpedo boat brasses except the heavier ones; and a small but applicable coppersmith plant. All these small plants could be readily accommodated on the main deck of a ship like the Lebanon and leave ample crew space for the ships crew and room for occasional "rest details" from the boats' crews. The construction stores should include ample allowances of bottom, outside and inside paints, especially the preservatives, and small amount of hull materials, -6- 16587 plates, rivets, awning stanchion stuff, etc. In equipment stores should be found ample amounts of good soft towing and mooring line stuff in the coil -- 4-1/2" six stranded, Boston navy yard made manila for example, canvass for repairing awnings and rigging rain catchers, steel rope for ridge ropes and life lines, mess gear for fitting out recruits shipped aboard the base vessel, cooking utensils to supply leases and breakages, etc. The supply of inflamables should be allowed, preferably, on a six months basis: at least for three months. The allowance of kerosene for cleaning grease out of boilers and machinery should be large enough to be used freely as a preservative. Turpentine allowance to correspond with paint allowance. Alcohol to be liberally supplied for shellacing the small crew spaces and officers quarters of the torpedo boats. The broaching tank system of stowing inflamable and explosive liquids on deck would be more convenient for frequent small quanity issues than the weather proof package system and has certain safety advantages in a ship with so small a crew as the base vessel would have, in that one man could broach all the tanks in a minute or two: with the package system the fire fighting of the crew would have to be slacked up while the necessary detail was getting the packages over board. Inflamables afloat freely might be very disagreeable, but so would packages of inflamables. In a tide way or at sea both systems would work well when the stuff was once overboard. At slack water both would be highly objectionable. For ships boats the base vessel should have one good steam -7- 16588cutter, capable of towing a 150 ton torpedo boat handily, a couple of small ships launches or strongly built cutters fitted with removable thwarts, for lightering stores, a couple of six cared whale boats and a dingy. The ships cargo boom s and derricks and her deck winches should be fitted for the work intended; but a very slight modification of the systems found aboard a collier would probably answer all purposes. The foregoing outline of the salient points of a base vessel is sufficient to indicate her general character. The great advantage of procuring stores in quanities sufficient for the seven torpedo boats, and issuing them under one direction as needed is so much more economical than the single boat supply method that it appeals strongly merely as an administrative measure, and apart from other apparent aids to efficiency that would follow from the use of a floating torpedo boat base. Complements and Ratings. From what has preceded it is evident: a torpedo boats crew should be made up in such a way as to be competent to handle the average boat of the flotilla efficiently; that it should have in it a number of nucleus crews for mobilization purposes, and that it should be so organized as to provide organized subdivisions which in greater or smaller numbers taken from one or more boats in commission may make up a crew for any boat in the flotilla large or small. An inspection of the complement list shows that the assigned complements are as follows:- -8- 165891 boat 56 men 1 " 53 " 2 boats 28 " 14 " 26 " 1 boat 23 " 3 " 21 " 2 " 20 " 4 " 13 " 2 " No complement assigned. ------------ 30 boats. The 22 boats with assigned complements running from 20 to 28 men can all be efficiently handled by 25 men each and can all berth those men when in commission and therefore the changeable crew should consist of the number made up of four nucleus crews of five men each and five other men. The two large boats and the six smallest ones should not be assigned to the cruising division at any time because the large boats are too expensive and the small ones too small for coast work. In manning the large boats for practice running, each would of course have her own nucleus crew and would fill up with nine other nucleus crews and a chief machinist and chief gunners mate from the cruising boats. The small boats would be taken out each [its] by her own nucleus crew, one other nucleus and a couple of chief petty officers. The nucleus crew should consist of five men because there are five duties aboard a torpedo boat each of which requires an experienced man as instructor and illustrator when filling up complements with green men. The ratings sufficiently explain the duties of the nucleus crew men as instructors, although as must always be the case in torpedo boats, the men below must do all around work below, and the men on deck the same. Gunners mates for example must do the steering as well -9- [*16590*]as lockout for torpedoes, etc. A nucleus crew when fit for work as such should consist of 1 G.M. 1st class, 1 machinist 2nd class, 1 W.T., 1 oiler and 1 fireman 1st class, i.e. two engine room men, two fire room men and one deck hand, and the ratings should not go above these though of course men, when first taken on for nucleus crews, could hold lower rates but should be capable of holding the rates mentioned after instruction or they would not be fit for nucleus men. The rates should not be higher because the pay of those rates is sufficiently high for the duties done in the running of commissioned or other boats. These rates are selected because the rates of pay are fairly uniform as they should be when the duties run into each other. For example, the oilers would have to do machinists work and vice versa, the water tenders would have to fire and the fireman pass coal, fire, and tend water. And moreover there should be a certain amount of interchange of duties between the fireroom and engineroom men to make the nucleus crew what is should be. The five extra men for a commissioned boat's crew should be 1 chief gunners mate, 1 chief machinist, 1 ships cook 2nd class, 1 steerage steward and 1 landsman mess cook. These five men with four nucleus crews should make up the crew of a commissioned boat. Seven such crews would furnish nucleus crews for twenty-eight boats and a chief gunners mate or a chief machinist to fourteen boats. The complement of officers for each boat should consist of 1 lieutenant in command and 1 subordinate officer, an ensign, naval cadet or gunner. Each officer to be detailed for one year with a relief -10- [*16591*]of either the commander or the subordinate every six months, so that after the system was in running order every commissioned boat would always have on officer with at least six months experience, and in two years there would be experienced officers available for commanding officers of all boats. Complement of the Base Vessel. 1 Chief master at arms 1 Chief boatswains mate 1 Chief gunners mate 1 Chief carpenters mate (wood and steel worker) 3 Coxswains (quartermaster watch at sea) 3 Seaman (helmsmen at sea) 1 Chief machinist 1 Machinist 1st class 3 Machinists 2nd class 3 Firemen 1st class 3 Firemen 2nd class 1 Boilermaker 1 Electrician 1st class 1 Coppersmith 1 Blacksmith 1 Brass molder 1 Painter 1 Shipwright (wood and steel worker) 2 Chief Yeomen (1 pay and flotilla, 1 equipment and flotilla) -11- [*16592*]1 Yeoman 1st class (nav., commanding officer and flotilla writer) 1 Hospital steward 1 Hospital apprentice 1 Ships cook 1st class 1 Ships cook 4th class 1 W.R. steward 1 W.R. cook 1 Steerages Steward 1 Steerage cook 5 Mess attendants And enough landsmen and coal passers for passing coal, for mess cooks and for handling cargo as required by the particular vessel selected for the floating base. Officers for Base Vessel. 1 Commander, commanding flotilla. Duty aboard base vessel for administration; aboard flagboat of cruising or trial division at sea and for all division drills. 1 Lieutenant commander, commanding base vessel 1 Lieutenant. Executive and flotilla construction, equipment and recruiting officer. 1 Lieutenant. Chief engineer of base vessel and flotilla engineer. Should be a real engineer officer and preferably one who has had torpedo boat experience. 1 Lieutenant, junior grade. Navigator and flotilla ordnance officer. 3 Gunners. Sea watch. Each assigned to superintend repair work of certain kinds. 1 Assistant surgeon. Flotilla surgeon. -12- 165931 Assistant paymaster. Flotilla paymaster and storekeeper. 1 Pay clerk. 1 Warrant machinist. Sea watch. In charge of machine shop and machine tool work in port. Number and kind of men needed for torpedo boat service and method of obtaining them: The seven full crews each made up as shown of nucleus crews and extra men would require 175 men. The crew of the bas vessel would require approximately 65 men --- 240 men all told to carry out the scheme outlined. The men for the torpedo boat crews would have to be young, active, energetic and with a good but not unusual amount of physical endurance. The machinists and firemen of the base vessel, if no others of her crew, should possess the same physical characteristics, so as to make transfers to the boats upon occasion. From the nature of the service and the consequent impossibility of keeping up the kind of police restrictions usual on board ship, all the men would have to be reliable as regards tendency to smuggle liquor aboard, and as regards drunkeness ashore. In other words all the men would have to be as reliable in these respects as perhaps 80% of the men in general service now are. All the nucleus crew men, the chief machinist and the chief gunners mate of a torpedo boat's crew as well as a large proportion of the base vessel's crew should have sufficient knowledge of the use of machine and hand tools to make the repairs contemplated in -13- 16594 the scheme. Therefore somewhat different though not higher qualifications would be required of them than of men of corresponding rates shipped for or rated up in general service. The men of the nucleus crews would have to be made up of men intelligent enough to progress to the higher ratings, but they could not expect to reach these higher ratings because their duties in the boats would not warrant the expense, and because transferring them to ships where they might reach the higher rates would defeat the prime object of the organization, the having at all times efficient nuclei for mobilization purposes. Again, there should be a direct and efficient way of discharging men found to be not adapted to torpedo boat service. Some good men, for example, who are efficient aboard ship suffer so from sea sickness in torpedo boats that they are useless for that service. It is evident that inducements to enter the torpedo boat service must be found to offset the deprivation of chance for higher rate and pay, and to make up for the harder work required and lack of comforts. To a great number of men in the country qualified for torpedo boat duty, and surely to enough for the small number required, a particular service in which there was the espirit due to more or less selection and to their idea of deckmate service in war, in which duty was confined to our own coast, and in which there was comparatively more individual responsibility, would present attractions that would fully make up for the disadvantages as compared with general service conditions, provided these attractions and the consequent stability of torpedo boat service were assured. -14- 16595For these reasons the men for the boats and base should be special service men and so shipped or transferred, and in order to assure them that their status is secure when they are qualified, and to give an easy and direct method of sorting out the non-adaptable, their status should be more or less that of revenue cutter or coast survey men. It is to be observed that qualified men whose enlistment for three or four years in torpedo boat service had expired and who chose to ship for general service might be kept run of for mobilization details. Rut these men like qualified men who had given up the torpedo boat service for shore occupations while making for the possible number of qualified torpedo boat men in the country for war service, could not be depended upon as attainable for quick mobilization of the whole flotilla. After the system were in running order the recruiting for the torpedo boat service should be done on board the base vessel. A few of the nucleus crew ideas might have more or less application to destroyers: but as the destroyer is a vessel of the fleet, and the torpedo boat is a vessel of the mobile coast defense pure and simple, what applies to the one can have little application to the other. W. W. Kimball April 17, 1901. [*16596*][enclosed in Kimball 10-17-01] JOSEPH F. BONHAM WILLIAM H. H. LLEWELLYN BONHAM & LLEWELLYN ATTORNEYS AT LAW WILLIAM S. H. LLEWELLYN DISTRICT ATTORNEY FOR DONA ANA, GRANT, SIERRA, OTERO AND LUNA COUNTIES THIRD JUDICIAL DISTRICT NEW MEXICO TERMS OF COURT LA CRUCES FOR DONA ANA COUNTY FIRST MONDAYS IN APRIL AND OCTOBER SILVER CITY FOR GRANT COUNTY FIRST MONDAYS IN MARCH AND SEPTEMBER HILLSBORO FOR SIERRA COUNTY FOURTH MONDAYS IN MAY AND NOVEMBER ALAMAGORDO FOR OTERO COUNTY FIRST MONDAYS IN MAY AND NOVEMBER DEMING FOR LUNA COUNTY SECOND MONDAYS IN JUNE AND DECEMBER [[shorthand]] [*ackd 10-21-1901 PPF Pr*] Las Cruces, New Mexico, October, 14th, 1901. Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. [*White House,*] My Dear Colonel:--- I have had considerable knowledge of politics in Texas for a good many years past and presume that you are pretty well posted yourself. Under the recent arrangements in that state all of the Federal patronage has been turned over to Ex-congressman Hawley, who has an office next to the office of Perry Heath in Washington, D.C. There are about three thousand Federal appointments big and little in Texas and Mr. Hawley controls them as absolutely as if he had them in his vest pocket and in return for this he delivers the thirty-six votes in the National Convention. I do not want to see this combination used against you in the future, it was the intention to use it against you three years hence, and I have read letters written by Mr. Heath last December and Janurary in which he stated that under the arrangements Mr. Hawley would continue to manage things in Texas. I am not prepared to say that Mr. Hawley's management has in all cases placed unfit persons in office but I do know that the tendency is to degrade the Public Service and stifle the aspirartions of the best elements in the state. I know that the collector at the Port of El Paso, Texas has been held in his position when he is openly known to be unfit to hold same and the charges on file in the Treasurery Department sustain what I say. I have seen him drunk of the streets of El Paso and several [*16597*]TO Col. Roosevelt CONTINUATION SHEET NO. 1 FROM W.H.H. LLEWELLYN, LAS CRUCES, N. M. months ago he beat his wife and yet, under this system he is safe in his office because he belongs to the machine that delivers the 36 votes in the National Convention, however had thing continued as they were I think that we would have given Mr. Hawley a pretty good fight because, I believe that the people of the state of Texas would not submit to see a delegation go to a convention against you, and I believe that you can carry the state of Texas three years from now. [*I mean the electorial vote*]. I do not know that Mr. Hawley knows personally the condition of affairs at El Paso, but I do know that it is openly stated that the collector at El Paso can not be disturbed because he wishes him to remain. I trust that you will pardon this intrusion upon our valuable time but as all of the territory of New Mexico is in the El Paso collection district and only the single county of El Paso in the state of Texas is in said district and as I am so near El Paso, being only 43 miles it makes my blood boil to have a great big drunken wife-beating coward retained in so important an office. The trouble with our beloved president, Major McKinley was that it was impossible to get anything of this kind to his ears. Faithfully yours, W.H.H. Llewellyn Dictated,- [*16598*][*[FOR ENCL SEE LLEWELLYN 10-14-01]*]THE MUTUAL LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY OF NEW YORK PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PRESIDENT New York, October 1th, 1901. Mr. President: Permit me to thank you for the courtesy shown by you to my friend Mr. A. J. Fraser of London, whom you were good enough to receive last Saturday, notwithstanding your many engagements. Perhaps you may not think I am taking too great a liberty if I add that Mr. Fraser expressed himself as being strongly impressed by your evidently vigorous and interesting personality. I do not know whether Presidents of the United States ever have occasion to keep a private memorandum of people who may possibly be of use in foreign capitals, when official correspondence through regular diplomatic channels is inexpedient. But if this should be the case, I may say that Mr. Fraser occupies a very active sphere in the world 16599of London finance, and that I can answer for his intelligence and discretion. With very high respect, I beg to remain, Mr. President, Very truly yours, [*M*] Richard A. McCurdy The Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. [*16600*]BROOKLYN DAILY EAGLE WM. HESTER, PRESIDENT W.V. HESTER, SECRETARY H.S. KINGSLEY, TREASURER EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT Brooklyn, N.Y. Oct 14, 1[8]901 [confidential ? file pp?] My dear Mr President I wish - in accordance with your volunteered permission - that you regard this letter as confidential Mr Wilson has made a good postmaster There can be no truthful or intelligent denial of that. He has sought to build up a little machine of his own - and has not succeeded. He appointed his assistant and his cashier to break down Sharkey, to impair [Allenbury?] and to embarrass Woodruff. He failed to accomplish the result, but the effort required to prevent it weakened the Republican party here at the time. I express no opinion of the persons he hit at. You know personal and relative values. I do not know what provocation These men gave to Wilson. It might be well to find out President McKinley said to me two nights before he started for California in the White House that he hardly thought he could - or would i forget which - [*16601*]2 BROOKLYN DAILY EAGLE WM. HESTER, PRESIDENT. W. V. HESTER, SECRETARY. H. S. KINGSLEY, TREASURER. EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT Brooklyn, N.Y 189 reappoint Mr Wilson for he seemed to have quarreled with every man who befriended him originally. He thought his temper unhappy and his temperament quarrelsome This I never have told to any one before It divides - or offsets - space with the unquestionable fact that the business administration of the post office and the treatment of the public by the office have equalled the experience of the best incumbents of it here. The man's honesty, ability and irascibility, with a capacity for forfeiting friendships, or obligations of gratitude make a mixture that you must ponder for yourself The organization of the Republican party here proposed George H Roberts for postmaster because: (1) They did not expect to secure his appointment; (2) but they knew they must name a man of his kind, if they were to overcome what [*16602*]BROOKLYN DAILY EAGLE WM. HESTER, PRESIDENT. W. V. HESTER, SECRETARY M. S. KINGSLEY, TREASURER. 3 EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT Brooklyn, N.Y................189........ (they thought) was Mr McKinley's disposition to retain Mr Wilson; [3] they have also been urged by Mr Roberts to let him have an office, postmaster-size for years - and they had put him off, without good reason; [4] the post office would suit him, if he got it, had their effort would quiet him, if he didn't get it. He is a real estate man, successful, respected well to do, honest and has a stubborn individuality. He has long been the efficient leader of the [10th?] Assembly District. He has always acted with the organization, but oftenest has made it act with him than himself been made to act with it. He is regarded as "unreasonable" at times. That is much to his credit. His abilities are quite adequate to the place, but he has not the "parts" of Mr Wilson who is a capable lawyer. Mr Roberts would command the confidence of the public though Wilson's removal would be criticised by Democrats for party [*16603*]BROOKLYN DAILY EAGLE WM. HESTER, President. W. V. HESTER, Secretary. H. S. KINGSLEY, Treasurer. EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT 4 Brooklyn, N.Y. 189 reasons and public effect - and by Mug wasps who regard his highness of temper and fickleness of attachments as interconvertible with independence and virtue. The misrepresentation of the ad would be bitter - and the malign effect of it probably brief The retention of Wilson would not gravely hurt the machine, unless Wilson regarded the retention as a "vindication", instead of as a mercy. He prepared a younger brother of Mark Hansic for College and "has never got over it" Now there is the whole lay out. The onus of action is on you alone. The machine will overdo the base pasts of Wilson and will exaggerate their design for Roberts, but there is no reason why your eyes should be blinded on either side. I have no advice [*16604*]BROOKLYN DAILY EAGLE WM. HESTER, PRESIDENT. W. V. HESTER, SECRETARY. H. S. KINGSLEY, TREASURER. 3 EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT Brooklyn, N.Y 189 to give, except that I would prefer, were I President, to let the machine welter in a difficulty of its own makeup to buying my own way into a created difficulty or quarrel. If Wilson is retained, the riot act against quarreling and against self-conceit should be read to him in italics or thunder claps. I hoped to get on the tell you this but I must stay here till after election. I desire for obvious reasons to have you only, Mr President, aware of what I have written. With all best wishes Sincerely yours St. Clair McKelway The Hon. Theodore Roosevelt [*16605*]Ackd 10-21-1901 ppf OFFICE OF FREDERICK MULLER. Treasurer and Ex-Officio Collector, Santa Fe County, Santa Fe, N.M. October L4th. L90L. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C. My Dear Colonel:- I hope you will pardon me for writing to you again as I know that every minute of your time is so valuable, but I cannot let this matter go by without doing my duty, as every citizen should, for the interest of his country. I have no doubt that you know a great deal of the state of affairs out here but I know there are a good many things that have not yet reached your ear and which I think should be brought to your attention before any appointments are made in New Mexico. We all know, especially myself, that you will not uphold any corruptness if you know of it. I do not make these statements for any other reason than that I want a clean, honest and fair administration for New Mexico and although my name has been mentioned for Governor I want to say that I am not a candidate and never have been. In order to bring this matter properly before you and present nothing but facts, which cannot be disputed, I am ready to go to Washington at once. 166606OFFICE OF FREDERICK MULLER. Treasure And Ex- Officio Collector, Santa Fe County, Santa Fe, N. M. I have no particular candidate but rely on your own good judgement. All I want to see is a man who will be Governor and not be run by a corrupt gang and I am willing to leave that all in your hands as I know the position you take in such cases. I know that at present you have hardly time to give such matters your attention but allow me to say that we are greatly interested in this and the prosperity of New Mexico and harmony of the party depend upon this appointment. I would have left for Washington before this but before doing so would like your sanction. Awaiting a favorable reply, I am, Your obedient servant, Frederick Muller [*16607*][*10-14-01] Dear Lloyd - In reply to your note I desire to say that my father who was in Congress for four years obtained the appointment of James D Bulloch into the Navy. I of course do not remember the date, but it was between Dec 1833 & 1839. My intimacy with the family of of Capt Bulloch caused me to remember this circumstance [*16608] [Enc in Robertson to TR 10-16-01]which otherwise would have passed from my memory. Affty yrs Mary W. Owens Oct. 14; 1901(Copy) Dear Lloyd - In reply to your note I desire to say that my father who was in Congress for four years obtained the appointment of James D. Bulloch into the Navy. I of course do not remember the date but it was between Dec. 1835 & 1839. My intimacy with the family of of Capt. Bulloch caused me to remember this circumstance which otherwise would have passed from my memory. Affty. yrs. (Signed) Mary W. Owens. Oct. 14, 1901. [*16609*][Enc. in Robinson & TR 10-16-02]Savannah, Ga., Oct. 14, 1901. Douglas Robinson Esq., #160 Broadway, New York City. My dear sir: A letter to me today from my honored friend Mr. John E. Ward informs me of your kindness in consenting to present to the President the information which you have received from him as to who I am, and also that relative to the close intimacy which existed between my own family and that of Mr. Roosevelt's mother - and, I believe, the mother of your wife. It is by reason of that kindness that I am prompted to thus address you, and at once express my profound thanks for your interest. Mr. Ward, I believe, has told you that I contemplate filing my application for the position of Collector of Customs at this Port. This step I do not care to take, however, unless I can feel that my application will meet with consideration at the hands of the President. In politics I am a Gold Democrat, and have always been a consistent one. It has been suggested to me by my friends that the President, owing to the limited available and suitable material of his own party here from which to make his selection, might consider the appointment of a Democrat, and one [*16610*]who stands well in the community, and has the backing of it. If I could have any reasonable expectation of such being the case, I would determine at once to file my formal application. The term of the present incumbent does not expire until March 9, 1902. I would not desire a change made prior to that time, nor shall I ask that a change be made then in my favor. Should the President contemplate making a change here, then I would like to have his kind consideration of my application. As to my capability for filling the office, I can state that I shall have the endorsement and backing of the business community. This I state from no formal action that has been taken in that respect, but from the private conversations which I have had with many of the business men. I have been connected with the Custom House here for the past seven and one half years, and am thoroughly conversant with the conduct of the business of the office. In reference to personal considerations, - that is, the relations of friendship between my father's family, and that of th the President's mother, my oldest aunt, now eighty-two years of age, who has throughout her lifetime been an intimate friend of Mrs. Hilborne West, nee Miss Susan Elliott, informed me that her father had secured the appointment to the Navy of Mr. Jas. D. Bulloch. I made this statement to several of my friends who are looking out for my interests, but in order to be positive, I made a search of such records as were at my disposal here. After doing [*16611*]so, I addressed a note to my aunt, a copy of which I enclose with this, and today I have her reply, which I also enclose (as well as a copy of this latter, as her hand-writing is so illegible). I would be much obliged if you will return me her reply after perusal I send these merely to corroborate statements which Mr. Ward has doubtless transmitted to you on my authority. He has, doubtless, told you, too, from his personal knowledge of the facts of the intimacy which existed between my father and Capt. Jas. D. Bulloch. Again thanking you for what you have already consented to do for me, and for such additional favors as you may be able and willing to confer upon me in this matter, believe me, my dear sir, Very respectfully yours, T. Lloyd Owens. [*16612*][Enc. in Robinson to T.R. 10-16-01]EXCELSIOR STATE OF NEW YORK EXECUTIVE CHAMBER ALBANY [*Ackd 10-16-1901 PPF Pr*] [*Strictly personal & Confidential*] Newburgh, N. Y., Oct. 14, 1901. My dear Mr. President:- Your very kind favor of October 8th I find awaiting me on my return from Buffalo today. I do not believe it will be possible for Mrs. Odell to come to Washington within the next sixty days. As you are aware, we will be getting ready for our Albany home and we have some engagements for the latter part of this month and in the early part of November. However, I think it will be possible for Mrs. Roosevelt and Mrs. Odell to arrange that to their mutual satisfaction later on. With reference to myself, of course I shall be glad to come to you any time you desire. So much has transpired since I saw you last, and some things that have led me to believe that I had done something that was not just in line with your wishes. For this reason I shall be glad to have an opportunity to frankly express myself. It will not be possible for me to come this week, owing to some engagements, but I could probably run down to Washington next Monday or Tuesday just for an hour or two of talk with you. I should prefer that my coming should be unknown because of the vicious characters who are attempting to make trouble between us, declaring and heralding through the newspapers positions that [*16613*]EXCELSIOR STATE OF NEW YORK EXECUTIVE CHAMBER ALBANY 2 - neither you nor I would care to assume. I am very glad to know you are getting along so nicely. Upon receipt of your reply as to any day in the fore part of next week that would be convenient for you, I shall make my arrangements to go to Washington. I may say that on the 24th and 25th I visit General Roe at Highland Falls, so of course those two days are foreclosed. With kind regards to Mrs. Roosevelt and yourself, I am, Yours very truly, B. B. Odell [*[ODELL]*] [*16614*]EXCELSIOR STATE OF NEW YORK EXECUTIVE CHAMBER ALBANY [*Ackd10-19-1901 CS*] Newburgh, N. Y. October 14, 1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- I enclose herewith a report from the New York Police Department concerning complaint made to you by Willard Parker of No. 7 West 43rd. St. New York. Very truly yours, B. B. Odell [*[ODELL]*] [*16615*][For 2 enc. see Parker 9-11-01 & Latry 10-4-01]R.H. RAWLES, Attorney at Law and Notary Public SUFFOLK, VA. Southern Bell Telephone No. 2988. PRACTICES IN ALL STATE AND FEDERAL COURTS. October 14th 1901. Hon. John S. Wise; New-York; Dear Sir, Your communication duly received. You have struck the key note. It is just what the respectable element of our party has long desired. I think our State is ripe for a revolution and in my opinion such a movement will succeed, if it is attempted along proper lines and by wise methods. Our people are in a state of universal dissatisfaction. The disreputable methods of the Republican machine have brought about wide spread grief in Republican ranks; and it is equally true that the dishonest and disgusting tactics of the Democratic machine have alienated a large and respectable part of their followers. Our best business men have about abandoned politics with the inevitable result that public affairs have drifted into the hands of the worst and most disrespectable elements of both machines. Look at the democratic party in Norfolk!! With an aggressive and wise leader in whom the entire people have confidence I think a party could be formed that would in a short time put this State solidly in the Republican ranks. But you would have to proceed with the utmost caution especially in the selection of your local leaders. You well know that the republican "ringsters" have by their abominable practices brought such odium on the very name that it will require the most prudent efforts to restore confidence and regain prestige. The people will have to be absolutely convinced that a new order of things is at hand; that those who would lead have the material welfare of the State at heart, and are not simply "seeking the flesh-pots of Egypt." I am out of active politics; I have been driven out by the methods above alluded to and I fear I can do but little, but I am willing to help all [*16616*]R.H. RAWLES, Attorney at Law and Notary Public, SUFFOLK, VA. Southern Bell Telephone No. 2988 PRACTICES IN ALL STATE AND FEDERAL COURTS. 2 I can. Call on me at your pleasure. It makes me rejoice to know that some one thinks enough of our once grand old Commonwealth to endeavor to extricate her from the mire and filth into which she has been plunged by the unscrupulous political freebooters who are now gnawing at her vitals. May the Ruler of Nations guide you to success in your noble undertaking. Yours truly R.H. Rawles. [*Ex. County Judge - Leader of the bar in his Community - A man of means & the best party worker in his section*] [*16617*][Enc. in Wise 10-15-01]POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY ALBERT B. CHANDLER, President. J. O STEVENS, Sec'y. WM.H. BAKER, V.P. & G.M. IN CONNECTION WITH THE COMMERCIAL CABLE COMPANY. JOHN W. MACKAY, President. ALBERT BECK, Sec'y. GEO. G. WARD, V.P. & G.M. Design Patent Dec. 30-19-- POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY COMMERCIAL CABLES MACKAY-BENNETT REGISTERED TRADE MARK. 16, W. TELEGRAM [*605 pm.*] THE COMMERCIAL CABLE COMPANY ATLANTIC OCEAN MACKAY-BENNETT SYSTEM REGISTERED TRADE MARK. The Postal Telegraph-Cable Company transmits and delivers this message subject to the terms and conditions printed on the back of this blank. Received at WALDORF-ASTORIA HOTEL (WHERE ANY REPLY SHOULD BE SENT.) 20 B AD 20 paid 1111A Indianapolis Ind Oct 14 [*[01]*] Sen Albert J Beveridge waldorf Our leaders consulted And unanimously approve proposed appointment and wish to thank Chief for consulting them They appreciate his consideration. W B Roberts [*16618*] TELEGRAM. [*File Business*] Executive Mansion, Washington. 1PO.Y.RA.,10-Collect....11:30 am New-York, October 14, 1901. Mr. William Loeb, Jr., Executive Mansion, Washington D.C. Horses leave Jersey-City nine fifteen. Send man meet horses. Douglas Robinson. [*16619*]POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY ALBERT B. CHANDLER, President. J. O STEVENS, Sec'y. WM.H. BAKER, V.P. & G.M. IN CONNECTION WITH THE COMMERCIAL CABLE COMPANY. JOHN W. MACKAY, President. ALBERT BECK, Sec'y. GEO. G. WARD, V.P. & G.M. Design Patent Dec. 30-19-- POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY COMMERCIAL CABLES MACKAY-BENNETT REGISTERED TRADE MARK. 16, W. TELEGRAM [*605 pm.*] THE COMMERCIAL CABLE COMPANY ATLANTIC OCEAN MACKAY-BENNETT SYSTEM REGISTERED TRADE MARK. The Postal Telegraph-Cable Company transmits and delivers this message subject to the terms and conditions printed on the back of this blank. Received at WALDORF-ASTORIA HOTEL (WHERE ANY REPLY SHOULD BE SENT.) 20 B AD 20 paid 1111A Indianapolis Ind Oct 14 [*[01]*] Sen Albert J Beveridge waldorf Our leaders consulted And unanimously approve proposed appointment and wish to thank Chief for consulting them They appreciate his consideration. W B Roberts [*16618*] TELEGRAM. [*File Business*] Executive Mansion, Washington. 1PO.Y.RA.,10-Collect....11:30 am New-York, October 14, 1901. Mr. William Loeb, Jr., Executive Mansion, Washington D.C. Horses leave Jersey-City nine fifteen. Send man meet horses. Douglas Robinson. [*16619*][Enc. in Beveridge [10-14-01] FORM 16. POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY. This Company transmits and delivers the within message subject to the following TERMS AND CONDITIONS. To guard against mistakes or delays, the sender of a message should order it REPEATED; that is, telegraphed back to the originating office for comparison. For this, one half the regular rate is charged in addition. It is agreed between the sender of the message written on the face hereof and the Postal Telegraph-Cable Company, that said Company shall not be liable for mistakes or delays in the transmission or delivery, or for non-delivery, of any UNREPEATED message, beyond the amount received for sending the same; nor for mistakes or delays in the transmission or delivery, or for non-delivery, or any REPEATED message beyond fifty times the sum received for sending the same, unless specially insured, nor in any case for delays arising from unavoidable interruption in the working of its lines, or for errors in cipher or obscure messages. And this Com[any is hereby made the agent of the sender, without liability, to forward any message over the lines of any other Company when necessary to reach its destination. Correctness in the transmission of messages to any point on the lines of the Company can be INSURED by contract in writing, stating agreed amount of risk, and payment of premium thereon, at the following rates, in addition to the usual charge for repeated messages, viz: one per cent. for any distance not exceeding 1,000 miles, and two per cent. for any greater distance. No responsibility regarding messages attaches to this Company until the same are presented and accepted at one of its transmitting offices; and if a message is sent to such office by one of this Company's messengers, he acts for that purpose as the agent of the sender. Messages will be delivered free within the established free delivery limits of the terminal office. For delivery at a greater distance a special charge will be made to cover the cost of such delivery. This Company will not be liable for damages or statutory penalties in any case where the claim is not presented in writing within sixty days after the message is filed with the company for transmission. This is an UNREPEATED Message and is delivered by request of the sender under the conditions named above. Errors can be guarded against only by repeating a message back to the sending station for comparison. No employee of this Company is authorized to vary the foregoing. WILLIAM H. BAKER, JOHN O. STEVENS, ALBERT B. CHANDLER, V. P. and Gen'l Manager. Secretary. President.[*PF*] CABLE ADDRESS "RYRAPORT NEW YORK." DOUGLAS ROBINSON 160 BROADWAY TELEPHONE CONNECTION NEW YORK, October, 14, 1901 The President, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. Dear Theodore:-- I am in receipt of your letter re-enclosing Mr. Triggs. When I write to him I shall say that I [mentioned] recalled his name to you and you wrote to me that he needed no introduction. If I can possibly arrange it I want to get to Washington to see you tomorrow - I will telegraph in the morning, if I can do so. It is very good of you to want to have me at the Conference. The John Crosby Browns are coming to dinner tomorrow night worse luck and I don't whether Corinne will let me off- if she will I will come on tomorrow and come back by the 12 o clock train tomorrow night-- I hope [you get the horses] Ediths horses arrived all right. Yours Sincerely D R [*[obinson]*] [*16620*][[shorthand]] William C. Sheldon & Co. Bankers, No. 4 Wall Street Geo. R. Sheldon, } Wm. L. P. Prentice, } Members of N.Y. Stock Exchange. W. C. Sheldon. } New York Oct 14 1901 [*Ackd 10-17-1901 PPF*] To the President My dear Theodore: I have been in Europe all summer and was on the ocean when President McKinley died. After the shock of that terrible news my thoughts turned to you and the enormous responsibilities so suddenly placed upon you. You have my sincerest wishes for a great success. we all believe in you here and will stand by you. If in any way I can be of assistance you will of course command me. I may know more about Navy [m] men and the general opinion of them than most. Any such knowledge or personal influence in certain quarters is at your service always. Always Sincerely yours, George R. Sheldon [*16621*]Harvard Graduates' Magazine, Founded [?1892.] WILLIAM R. THAYER, '81, EDITOR, 8 BERKELEY STREET. ALBERT BUSHNELL HART, '80 UNIVERSITY EDITOR, 15 APPIAN WAY. Cambridge, Mass., October 14, 1901. [*Please return to C.E. jr. He's telephoned me since, insisting C.E.Jr*] Dear Curtis: In the next number of the Graduates' Magazine we must have an article on "President Roosevelt at Harvard" - giving briefly an account of where he roomed, of his various interests, societies, etc,; in a word, a familiar sketch of the comrade we and our contemporaries knew. All these matters you can find in the old catalogues, Indexes, Advocates and Crimsons of our time, which you must have kept, and you doubtless have a Scrap-Book. [*no*] At any rate, you [*16622*][*[enclosed in Curtis 10-17-01]*] have a memory. My idea is that this article (which need not be longer than 1000 or 1200 words, unless you choose to make it longer) should give the younger generation a pleasant statement of facts, & should be of permanent biographical usefulness. Of course you are the man to do this, and on all counts I trust you will — nay, urge you. Teddy himself wrote an interesting article for No. 1, Vol. I of the Grads.' Mag., and we can't do less than commemorate him now. Please let me have a line saying "Yes", and that you can send copy before the end of the month. I enclose a paragraph to be incorporated. i.e. that you are 4th Harvard President Ever Sincerely yours, Wm. R. Thayer To Col. Curtis Guild, Jr.[*[Enc in Platt 10-15-01]*] CHARLES H. HAM, PRESIDENT, GEORGE C. TICHENOR, HENDERSON M. SOMERVILLE, JAMES A. JEWELL, THADDEUS S. SHARRETTS, WILBUR F. LUNT, WILLIAM B. HOWELL, ISRAEL F. FISCHER, MARION DE VRIES. JAMES R. LAKE, CLERK. BOARD OF UNITED STATES GENERAL APPRAISERS, 641 WASHINGTON STREET, NEW YORK. October 14, 1901 PRIVATE Hon. T. C. Platt, U. S. Senator . My dear Senator:- Our mutual friend, General Appraiser Fischer, has just informed me that you left the quite lengthy letter I recently addressed you with the President for his perusal. You will recall that, for obvious reasons, I requested that the letter be treated as confidential to the extent of not allowing it to go beyond your own and the President eyes. If you have not already done so, please call the President's attention to this fact immediately. You and he will readily understand my reasons for asking this. Sincerely yours, Geo C Tichenor P.S. Please give me, as soon as you can, your impressions as to the President's inclination relative to the different matters about which I wrote you. G.C.T. [*16623*]U S NAVAL ACADEMY EX SCIENTIA TRIDENS ANNAPOLIS, MARYLAND. October 14, 1901. My dear Kimball, I return you herewith your manuscript. Both Mrs. Wainwright and myself enjoyed it very much. I think Mr. Roosevelt would enjoy it also, as he knows something of our present failures. I sent the other manuscript to Van Duzer, with your directions as to the portions to be published. Sincerely yours, Richard Wainwright Commander W.W.Kimball, U.S. Navy, Navy Yard, Washington, D.C. [*16624*][enclosed in Kimball 10-17-01][*Knt*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS Oct 14 1901 My Dear Colonel Roosevelt: I returned here with the Tom Anderson letter; it is good local color! You'll get car loads of these. Leland has been in Kansas politics for 35 years. He has made enquiries. But the question is this: is he efficiently honest? Is he a gentleman? THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 If explicit charges that he is neither are made - and they may be Heaven knows - and he cant prove that the charges are false in a way that would satisfy an average american jury, he should not be appointed. I stand or fall [816626*]THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 on that proposition so far as Leland goes. Truly W A White To Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States [*16627] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 P.S. Mrs White suggests after reading this over that I add this: that Leland is a clean man, a good citizen, and in the main a good influence. Also he is strong. Strong men make weak enemies. They can talk and write letters — much! Leland is cleaner stronger and fairer in every way than the out fit that is after him. This is Mrs White amendment: I accept it. W.A.W. [*[White]*][*ackd 10-18-1901 PPf pv?*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS Oct. 14, 1901 My dear Colonel Roosevelt:- I have been thinking very seriously about the life of you that Mr. Gilder wanted me to write. Mrs. White and I have talked it over to some length. We layed off yesterday and chewed the matter over nobley. It seems to me that this is not the time to put out such a work in the magazines as a serial or in the form of a book. I am going to presume upon entire your confidence in my friendship, and talk this thing in a purely personal manner as though it was not you, whom I admire so much that as is under consideration, but a man of no personal importance to me. It seems to me that your life is only beginning. That you are merely entering upon your life work [*16629*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS______________________________1901 T. R. (2) and that what particular form your civic righteousness shall take to manifest itself, is now only a matter of surmise. To write a life of you now, or even in the next year would only be putting your brief - and compared with your future career [and] - your unimportant career in the fore ground, as a basis for forming [absolute] a surmise about what you are going to do. The life if it were written today, would only recite the [sprightly] spritely adventures of a young literary man with a large family, who became governor of New York; and against his will and judgement Vice President of the United States. The book or life or biography or whatever we call it, would have sale and would attract attention not on its merits, [*16630*]THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 T. R. (3) but by reason of an accident of fate to the subject of the sketch. I truly believe that you are going to do great things in this world, and that your life is to be one of the great lives of the great Americans. Some day I want to write that life as it should be written. "It will be my theme in glory" as the old song says. It will be enough for me if I am known as the man who understood Theodore Roosevelt and his ideals and his aspirations well enough to set them down so plainly and so simply, that they will [inform] influence other men of other times than ours for the right. But until your great work comes or is at the least in sight, I do not feel that I ought to begin writing of you of any sort of a serious way. [*16631*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 T. R. (4) It is possible that in 1904, you may be the presidential candidate of the Republican party. In that event, a book, reciting the facts of your career up to the present very briefly and reviewing the acts which shall trans[fer]pire between now and the spring of 1904 at some length, may have some value as a campaign document; and the earlier part of the work might be done in a shape to have a permanent value in a later biography. It would be something pleasant to get up such a book for such a purpose because I believe it would help you in some real way. It is not the sort of a thing that Mr. Gilder would dare to publish in his magazine. And someway I feel about the "Century", a certain self-consciousness which I fear would not let me write as freely for it [*16632*]THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 T. R. (5) as i would for publication in a book. And a fellow does not want to feel hampered and [lineated] lariated in doing a thing of the sort I refer to. All this of course is subject to your [supposition] suggestion and if you really think that a life the sort that Mr. Gilder wants is all right, it would give me great pleasure to write it and to print it. Another matter- I saw Leland yesterday, and went over with him at some length the situation as I understand it in his case. I told him that very likely Burton had asked time in which to prepare charges again him (Leland) and that under the circumstances, I agreed with you thoroughly in giving him all the time he wanted. It is a great pleasure to be able to tell you, that Mr. Leland is fully in accordance. [*16633*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 T.R. (6) with the view I expressed to you of [it] the situation. He said to me, "White, I am glad to stand or fall on my record as an official and as a Republican and as a gentleman." You will oblige him and his friends in this state, if you give his enemies ( and he has plenty of them) all the time they want and all the opportunity they ask to bring any sort of specific charges against him that they care to make. I have learned this morning that an organization known as the "Boss Busters", headed by Tom Anderson and A.W. Smith [have] has started in a letter writing campaign and will flood you with letters. OF course you know that might be done against any Republican, and the fact that they can get in five or six hundred letters, surely indicates that the[i]re are five of six hundred [*16634*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS.________________1901 T.R. (7) fellows who either hate Leland, or have friends that they think might get his job if he were ousted. Leland tells me that Governor Stanley and chairman of the State Committee, Albaugh have offered you all the members of the Supreme Court and some of the state officials on an endorsement of Leland, if you care to have it. I can add to this if you want it, a majority of the Congressional delegation. I am not going to bother you talking about Leland anymore. When the charges are in, all I want is an opportunity to answer them fair and square rebutal proof, based on such evidence as in an American court of justice would secure an acquittal. Very truly yours, W.A. White Theodore Roosevelt, President of the U.S. Washington D.C. [*16635*][*Caspar Whitney*] THE OUTING PUBLISHING COMPANY CASPAR WHITNEY President ROBERT BACON Vice - President FLETCHER HARPER Secretary and Treasurer OUTING AN ILLUSTRATED MAGAZINE OF SPORT TRAVEL ADVENTURE AND COUNTRY LIFE CASPAR WHITNEY Editor WILLIAM BANCROFT Publisher 359 Fifth Avenue. NEW YORK, October 14, 1901. Dictated . My dear Colonel: I find your note of the 10th on coming to the office this morning. Neddless to say it knocked me in a heap, because I have counted on these papers of your for OUTING. I undertook to edit these volumes for the Macmillans l argely because of their agreeing that I should have such MSS. as I wanted to publish in OUTING. I have not a file of my letters to you at hand, but I was under the impression that I had given you some idea of my arrangement; especially as I asked you for the MS. this October whereas the volume is not to be published until 1902. But then, that is all beside the question. You know that I should not think of doing anything that was not your pleasure; even though I had a castiron contract I should not think of running counter to your wishes. But as a matter of fact, won't you revise your decision ? Surely there is mo more objection to these papers appearing in OUTING than your cougar papers appearing in Scribner's, and you know you may depend on our handling it with the utmost dignity. I enclose you the first sheet of your Deer & Antelope showing the editorial note I had put on the bottom. I was going to use it in our Christmas number and to follow it with the other in our January and February numbers. It had been sent down to the printers and I just got it back. [*16636*]page 2. Is there any real objection to our using these papers in this way? You see I make it perfectly clear in this note that they were written before you were President and that they are for a volume which is to be published. I will do anything else that you say and I will undertake on OUTING's part to make the honorarium to you direct of $100.00 on the publication of each paper that we print' Really these papers are contributions to the literature and history of North American fauna and why need you have any hesitancy in allowing them to be published in a magazine? Won't you let me hear from you soon as I am holding back my December number. Telegraph me at my expense. Faithfully yours, Caspar Whitney Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. [*16637*]October 14th, 1901. Gen. Thomas L. Rosser, Charlottesville, Va. My dear General:-- Thanks for your letter of the 12th. I feel sure the President is in dead earnest about doing what we want. I will answer your two questions as you put them. First. It is not altogether our fault that the organization is so bad, for we did not make it as it is. It has been warped into its present condition by the unscrupulous manipulation of a list of men beginning at Mark Hanna, worked up by his agent Scott of West Virginia, and carried to its present outrageous consequences by Bowden, Brady, Yankee Allen, Waddell and the rest of the allies of the Ohio gang. They deliberately turned out Lamb as Chairman; acting through their executive committee they have slaughtered every County Chairman who didn't do their will, and substituted their own henchmen regardless of whether they were wanted or not by the people of their vicinity. All this has been done in defiance of the plan of organisation and not under it. Second. Of course we have no power to correct the present conditions under the present plan. Those men have a perpetual lease. Organized as they are, we might call a thousand conventions and they would be in the majority at every one of them. Would not they direct 16638Gen. T.L.R.--2. their chairman to hold the meetings to elect delegates? Would not their chairman make all necessary false returns to give them a majority? Do they not make up the rolls in their own office, and put upon them such delegates as they see fit, regardless of the facts? Do they not call the conventions to order and with the roll thus packed have they not packed the committees of credentials, and with the committees of credentials thus packed, have they not seated their own friends? Man, you talk about playing a game with a gambler who has the loaded dice. There is no relief from such organized outrage except revolution. Blasting is the only way to loosen rooted wrong. We don't want the old plan or the old party. We want a new party and a new plan and a new everything.All our work with the old plan is pulling to pieces and pulling down, and the easiest way to do that is to knock it down at the start. The fact that you have recently come into the Republican party has nothing to do with your having no hand in forming the present State Committee. The oldest members of the party had nothing to do with that. It has bee formed by the McKinley combination in utter defiance of the will of anybody but themselves. I propose for us to go ahead and form, with the approval of the President, a new party regardless of the old, and that he shall give us the Federal recognition and patronage. When he does that, the old party is dead without more ado. When the patronage is taken away from it, it will be like a red balloon three days after the closing of a county fair. 16639Gen. T.L.R.--3. I am truly distressed to hear of the ill health of Judge Paul. He was a good fellow. If he should die I hope the President will appoint some really respectable representative gentleman as his successor. If we could be assured that a man like Mr. Valentine Southall or Mr. George Perkins would support the Roosevelt administration, I would gladly see such a man appointed. Strictly between you and me, I think there is a little too much "mane and tail" about Mr. Conrad. I have had several letters from the President since I wrote you. He and I agree that we ought not to hold our conference until after the pending election, and he wants the conference a very small one. In the meantime he has given directions to all the Departments to make no appointments in Virginia without consulting him. The President means business and we can rely on it. I have warm letters from Yost, Judge Lewis, Gillespie of Tazewell, and others. When the time for the conference with the President is fixed, we should get together in Washington a day or so beforehand and agree upon a policy of action. Yours truly, [John S Wise] 16640[Enc. in Wise 10-15-01]ADDRESS ALL OFFICIAL COMMUNICATIONS TO THE SUPERINTENDENT. STATE OF NEW YORK BANKING DEPARTMENT. Albany , Oct. 14-01 EXCELSIOR Frederick D. Kilburn, Superintendent. My dear Billy Will you please hand the enclosed to the President for me. I have been sick indeed since I saw you, but think I am on the mend now. Truly yours, Wm. J Youngs [*16641*]ADDRESS ALL OFFICIAL COMMUNICATIONS TO THE SUPERINTENDENT. STATE OF NEW YORK [*Ackd 10-16-1901 PPF*] Banking Department. Albany, October 14-01 Frederick D. Kilburn, Superintendent. Hon Theodore Roosevelt My dear Mr. President I cannot tell you how deeply I appreciate your letter of the twelfth inst. just received, nor how much I thank you for your kindness. The position you suggest is exactly such as I should prefer, had I the liberty of choice, I shall call here General Burnett as soon as I am able to do so, and will of course communicate with you at once. I should greatly prefer running down to Washington and having a five minutes talk, to writing. Would there be any objection to my doing so? Very respectfully yours Wm J Young [*16642*]Catherine Tingley [*16644*] EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON. Mr. Lotta: Can you ascertain if we have had any correspondence with Catherine Tingley during the last few years? I dont know on what subject. B.F.B. 10-14-1901 No - not from records on hand [*16643*][attaches to Peirce 9-25-01][*[ca. 10-14-01]*] Census Director Merriam not to be trusted in state matters. He has only small machine following & is a bankrupt. New judgment of several thousand just coming against him. Presume he is a good man in his present place, however. Noyes has us following him, nothing to fear for any reason if he should be removed. Believe him to be a thoroughly bad man. Never should have been appointed. [*166458] L. G. Powers, in Census bureau is a splendid man & a natural statesman, good man if you want figures worked up Suggestions. Where did you room? [*[ca. 10-14-901]*] What clubs and societies? E.g. Advocate, Porcellian, Pudding Who was at your club table? Did you ever get any athletic cups? Was it Charley Hanks who once beat your for middle weight sparring? Did any one else ever defeat you? [What] Was your degree magna cum or summa cum. Were you on class committee [xxxx]? What courses did you take and under what professors? [*16646*] [*A. 10-14-901*] MAJOR W. H. H. LLEWELLYN of Las Cruces, says that he is not a candidate for federal office. The major's head is level.—New Mexican. The district attorneyship for Dona Ana, Otero, Luna, Grant, and Sierra counties pays more money to its holder in a year than does any federal office in the territory. Of course the Major's head is level. [*16647*][*[Enclosed in [Curtis?] 10-10-01]*] NEW MEXIC ..AL BANKState Dept Department of State, Washington, October 15, 1901. My dear Sir: I am in receipt of your letter of the 12th, inquiring as to the propriety of acting upon the suggestion of Mr. Theodore Dwight that the President send a letter of greeting to the President of Mexico to be presented by the members of the American Institute of Mining Engineers upon the opening of the convention in the city of Mexico in November. I know of no case in which a letter of greeting of this character has been given by a President of the United States, From Mr. Dwight's letter it appears that the organization or convention is of a private nature, having, so far as this government is concerned, no official recognition. There being a regularly accredited ambassador at the capital of Mexico, it is the usual course in the interchange of official messages between the executives of the two countries to use that channel as the medium of communication. In the somewhat similar incident, a few years ago of the Manufacturers' Excursion to Mexico, the only official recognition the organization had on leaving the United States was a letter from the Minister of Mexico in this capital - Mr. Romero I return Mr. Dwight's letter, thinking the President may desire to have it acknowledged from the White House. Very truly yours Alvey A. Adee William Loeb, Jr., Esquire, etc., etc., etc., Executive Mansion [*see also Dwight. Theodore 10/11/01*] [*16649*][10-15-01] CONSULAR SERVICE, U. S. A. Honorable. Henry Cabot. Lodge. Washington. Dear Sir, A residence in Central America of some seventeen years, during ten of which I have held the position of consular Agent, enables me to feel confident of my ability to apreciate the situation, and to be a good judge of the true feelings of the people of Central and South America towards the United States. The inhabitants of these countries fear the United States, they have a dread of our intentions towards them, a dread cultivated by the determined efforts of Spain, Germany, ad perhaps other nations of Europe to impress on them, that we intend some day in the near future, to annex their territory and to deprive them of their sovereignty and independance. Once they are convinced that all that we wish from them is their frienship and commerce, they will become our warmest friends and admirerers. I have had the speech made by you at the opening of the Buffalo Exposition printed in the local papers in this 16650CONSULAR SERVICE, U. S. A. country, and the attention it has attracted, and the comments made on it, assure me that a propagation of the ideas contained in said speech is all that is needed to change the feelings of these people to us, and destroy the influence acquired by years of hard work by our enemies and rivals. If President Roosvelt would put in his message to Congress a declaration of the intentions of the United States towards the countries of this continent, and make it as strong and clear as you have, it would have a wonderful effect and be just what is needed. I enclose copy of Newspaper and also an article written by Major E.A.Burkewhich will probably be of interest to you, in addition to having your speech published here, the Major is also sending same to Mexico andother South and Central American countries. Yours truly W.E. Alger Puerto Cortes October 15 1901[Enclosed in Lodge, 10-28-01]in the matter - in removing street. As you may remember I have considerable interests in Arizona and that I married a lady whose family have lived there for a number of years - As I go there from Philadelphia quite often I am fairly familiar with the people and the needs of the territory. I am on my way there now but expect to be in Philadelphia again on or about the 28th. Do not think that I am asking for anything for myself or Los Angeles, Calif October 15th 1901 [*Ackd 10-25-1901 File PPF*] Mr. President It seems odd to address you for the first time in your official capacity, but it gives me every sincere pleasure to do so, not only because the great office and great trust have fallen into your hands and keeping, but because I know that the country's welfare from every point of view will your chief ambition and the object nearest your heart; also because I [*16652*]and that in this I am only voicing the opinion of the great majority of honest, clean men of your own age, irrespective of party, who have had an opportunity to thank you and approve of your course. I see that you have removed or are about to remove Chief Justice Street of Arizona - I have not heard whom you have appointed as his successor, or indeed whether you have appointed anyone to the place. I do know, however, that you have done well - if you have acted [in] know that its districts are from a unit in the hands of a broadly patriotic & invulnerably honest, straightforward man, who even though he may often act from impulses is apt to act rightly thanks to the splendid heritage handed down to him by his ancestors. I do not mean this too personal, & congratulations are not what I mean to offer, for they are not seemly at such a time, but I do wish you to know that I am heartily glad that the oval office has become yours [*16653*]for any friend in this or any other connection, for as you [know?] I am out of politics and nothing could be further from my intention - This letter is only to wish you God speed, and to say that if I can serve you in any way to count upon me Very sincerely yours D. M. Barringer P.S. I am afraid we shall ahve to postpone that Canadian hunting trip for a few years [*16654*]Please do not take the trouble to acknowledge this D. M. B. [*16655*]CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS. PUBLISHERS, 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE, [*shorthand Ackd 10-19-1901 ppf p?*] New York, October 15, 1901. Dear Colonel Roosevelt:- In regard to several recent letters about translations of your books which have been referred to us I beg to say: We have made inquiries in regard to Charles Carrington who wants to translate the "Rough Riders" and the "Cromwell" into French. From all that we can discover he is associated with some very shady books and we do not think it wise to grant him the privilege of translating and publishing your books - although his financial standing may be all right. We have written to him saying that we regret we cannot make such an arrangement, without of course giving any reason. A slip enclosed from the Herald will show you one of the reasons. In all the other cases we have specified that there are many applications for the right to translate your books and we cannot consent unless a definite responsible publisher is secured who will pay down $25. to bind the contract and royalty of 10% on all copies sold. (This royalty of course belongs to you.) There are so many asking to translate the same book that unless a publisher is definitely arranged for, it may be tied up in the hands of some one who cannot secure a publisher. We shall be glad to attend to these matters as fast as they are referred to us. Faithfully yours Robert Bridges The President. [*16656*][*[FOR ENC. SEE THOMAS 10-15-01]*] Department of Justice. United States Attorney's Office, New York. [*head? 10-19-1901 ppF pv?*] Oct. 15th 1901. The President Washington D.D. Sir Yesterday morning upon reaching my office I took steps to communicate at once with Judge Thomas, and informed him of your desire to confer with him about Brooklyn affairs. He asked time to consider the matter and this morning handed me the enclosed letter. Judge Thomas is now presiding at the [*16657*]criminal term of our court, and you will doubtless remember him as Senator Thomas who was in the Legislature with you. I have made some inquiry as to Post Master Wilson and am satisfied that the best thought in Brooklyn is to the effect that while he has been a fairly good Post-Master, he has indulged in some degree in pernicious political activity; has built up and fomented factions and party antagonisms, that his efforts and enthusiastic work have been rather in this direction than in giving the highest and best administration of the public office which he holds. Very Respectfully, Henry L Burnett [*16658*]Personal Department of Justice. United States Attorney's Office, New York. Oct. 15th 1901 My dear Cortelyou The enclosed is a confidential letter for the President. With kind regards, believe me. Very Sincerely yours Henry L. Burnett Hon Geo. B. Cortelyou Washington D.C. [*16659*]LAW OFFICES OF COCHRAN & BUTLER, ATTORNEYS AND COUNSELORS. STENOGRAPHER, ROTARY AND TYPEWRITER IN OFFICE. F. P. COCHRAN. J. T. BUTLER. COTTONWOOD FALLS, KANSAS, Oct 15.1901. Hon Cyrus Leland., Topeka, Kansas. Dear Captain:- I herewith hand you the promised copy of letter written by Coney to me while at your place, which came to my notice upon my return here, and you are at liberty to make any discreet use of it you think proper. Finally trusting that these malcontents may suffer the defeat they richly merit and that this administration shall make fitting recognition of your past invaluable services to country and the cause of Republicanism, and continue in office one who has more than once, snatched success from the jaws of disaster upon the plains of Kansas, I take great pleasure in subscribing myself, Your friend & Comrade, F. P. Cochran [*16660*][For ENC. SEE CONEY TO COCHRAN 10-8-01][*Copy] October 15th., 1901. Senor Felipe Buencamino, Manila, P. I. Sir:- The journals, periodicals, and magazines, leading publications of America and English literature, in the art, science and sociology, by eminent writers that have been sent you, will give you an idea of prevailing public opinion of the world, and how else world relations have become. The journal I forward you by this mail (form its first issue) to which I would call you special attention, is the periodical "Japan and America." It is published by Mr. Hajime Hoshi, with Mr. Stanhope Sams as editor, to whose articles "A movement to change writing and printing" in Japan, in the N.Y. Times Art Supplement, I called to your attention in letter June 22nd., that is being put to practical application in his journal. In my letters June 17th and 22nd., concerning Russia, China and Japan, it is remarkable and gratifying, my views were confirmed by Prof. Suess, of Vienna. Here, in "Japan and America" is further confirmation. The question that naturally arises from a psychological and practical point of view, if this is what American methods have done for Japan, which they gratefully acknowledge, what may it not do for the Philippines? I respectfully submit, is it not time your people take the initiative instituting active measures in your own behalf, to put an end to the operations of Lukban, Malvar and others, who [*16661*]are but retarding and delaying the period of development, is which the Natives around you are bonding every energy? And in which you would have greater participation if press was fully restored to your Islands? There is a limit to moral suasion, irreconcilables should not be permitted to stand in the way of your advancement. Your party should be the medium of industrial, as well as political development, as in other countries. To which and, I beg of you, lay before your Chamber of Commerce the journals "Japan and America," and show them how and why the Japanese are the "Yankees" of the east and are outstripping you in pursuit of commerce. Here is a medium that can be utilized for the cultivation of closer relation with Japan and the extension of your commercial relations. The English merchants in your Islands will do all in their power to prevent such developments, in their desire to monopolize the trade of your islands, the prolongation of hostilities diverting all your opportunities into their hands. In 1903, we will have an Exhibition in St. Louis, Mo., celebrating the Anniversary of the purchase of Louisiana, in which I believe it is the government's intention to have your people participate. A magazine sent you by the last steamer will give you an idea of the Pan-American Exhibition held in Buffalo. Your Party should cooperate as a National Party, which your merchants in making a worthy exhibit at the St. Louis Exhibition, with a view if feasible so holding an Exhibition at Manila, in 1904. This is looking ahead five years. In the meantime political status of your islands will without doubt be settled. The National or Presidential election will be ever, the successful candidate being inaugurated March 4th., 1905. Giving an additional year for the possibility of holding an Exhibition in your Islands to which, surrounding Nations, Russia, China, Japan, Korea, Australia, Borneo and other Islands, may be invited to participate, in addition to the United States that would take a leading share, and I firmly believe should such a possibility become known other Nations would desire to participate. The future prospects of your Islands in industrial and scientific development are unlimited and positively brilliant, so that in five years it may be expedient and desirable to show the advance you have made, in which will result in laying the foundation for broader scope and development. In your relations with the Chinese, it seems to me, with their thrifty ways and capital, in conjunction with them, you could with advantage to yourselves, establish a banking system that would bring you into closer relations with that nation, which would be more politic than seeking to exclude them altogether from your Islands, though their status will in large measure depend on action taken by Congress at coming session. With the elevation of Vice-President Theodore Roosevelt to the Presidency, political policy concerning your Islands is likely to undergo a change. Though the President announced he would follow the "McKinley policy," and yet he possesses a moral courage for political convictions and initiative the late President lacked. His views concerning your Islands, in all probability will not become known until his Message is transmitted to the Congress about to assemble.#4 It is my intention to place before the President, the information and tenor of correspondence had with you, in full confidence it will not only get a hearing but result in the establishment of American ideals and government in accordance with your desires. I believe in President Roosevelt and you may rest assured, you will not be distressed with the drifting uncertainty and vacillation that prevailed under the McKinley Administration. I request, that you keep sub rosa my humble efforts concerning reference to the President so as not to interfere with your relations with the present authorities in Manila, to the embarrassment of the new Administration until its policy is defined. There is such a large number of new men in the new Congress, that relieved of the "McKinley" influence, under the new President's ideals and inspiration, it is likely to refer to these lofty sentiments and purpose, which have been the foundation of the Country's greatness. We can now take hope and bidding you God speed in your labors, I beg to remain, Sincerely yours, Sg'd W C Dix Merchantville, N.J. [*16664*][FOR ENCL SEE 10-15-01]Richard H. Edmonds, President Frank Gould, Sec'y & Treas. Manufacturers' Record Publishing Co. Richard H. Edmonds, Editor and General Manager. Baltimore, October 15, 1901. [*shorthand*] [*Ackd 10-19-1901 CF*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- The articles in the "Washington Star" of yesterday pointing to the possibility of a Southern man being made a member of your Cabinet, and in this connection mentioning Senator McLaurin, prompts me to presume upon your consideration to say a few words about the Southern situation. As a Southern man, I inherited my Democracy, as most people have done; but twenty years ago when I commenced the publication of the "Manufacturers' Record" in the interest of the South, I could see no hope for that section except through industrial development, and that I believed could only come under a protective tariff. Therefore, throwing aside my free trade proclivities, the "Manufacturers' Record" persistently sought to encourage in the South an independent protective tariff sentiment without regard to party platforms. Naturally, this course met with much criticism, but the "Manufacturers' Record" never faltered. Though bitterly opposed in this particular and in its advocacy of other measures looking to the broadening of the political views of the South, standing absolutely on an independent basis without fear or favor of either party, it has sought to turn the thought of the South away from narrow sectional partisanship to [*16665*]Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. -2- the broadest business development of its vast resources. Today it counts the whole South as its friend, and holds a unique position in the newspaper world. All of this by way of preface to say that this policy has kept us in the closest touch with the whole South. The growing spirit of independence was seen long before the public realized that there was a silent, but powerful, current setting toward independence in politics, toward a breaking-down of old barriers, and to a union with the best elements of other sections in all policies looking to the advancement of the United States to its rightful place in the world's affairs. Senator McLaurin years ago caught this spirit, and has been a leader in showing the South that the true man must have strength and character sufficient to rise above the narrow "machine" politics which have cursed not only the South, but the whole country. He has made a great fights, and the whole country is the better off for his independent stand. When you were Police Commissioner in New York, the Editor of the "Baltimore News" while at lunch said to me--"If Roosevelt life, he will be President of the United States, because the American people honor a man who has backbone and integrity." Senator McLaurin, it seems to me from his career, has proved that he has not been an inapt scholar in the same school of independence. Very truly yours, Richard H. Edmond Editor and General Manager.President, William Fortune, Indianapolis. Vice-Presidents, 1st District--J. V. Rush, Evansville. 2nd District--N. U. Hill, Bloomington 3rd District--C. L. Jewett, New Albany. 4th District--L. V. Cravens, Madison. 5th District--Charles Ehrman, Terre Haute. 6th District--William D. Foulke, Richmond. 7th District--E. B Martindale, Indianapolis. 8th District--Wm. H. Eichorn, Bluffton 9th District--E. A. Coulter, Frankfort. 10th District--J. O. Perrin, Lafayette. 11th District--J. A. Stutesman, Peru. 12th District--Samuel Foster, Ft. Wayne. 13th District--Schuyler Colfax, South Bend. Secretary, C. J. Murphy, Evansville. Treasurer, Mortimer Levering, Lafayette. Executive Committee, William Fortune, A. L. Mason, M. A. Chipman, C. J. Murphy. T. E. Griffith INDIANA State Board of Commerce Council. Anderson—Commercial Club, J.P Sears. Brightwood—Commercial Club, J. J. Traub. Bluffton—Commercial Club, Hugh Dougherty. Clinton—Commercial Club, J. W. Robb Columbus—Public Improvements Ass'n, J. L. Irwin. Connersville—Manufacturers Club, H. Munck. Edinburg—Commercial Club, Wm. Threlkeid. Elwood—Elwood Club, Jacob Loomis. Evansville—Business Men's Ass'n, J. R. Goodwin. Evansville—Manufacturers' Ass'n, S. G. Rickwood. Ft. Wayne—Commercial Club, Alexander Johnson. Huntingburg—Business Men's Ass'n, Val Bamberger. Indianapolis—Commercial Club, C. C. Foster. Indianapolis—Board of Trade, H. E. Kinney. Lafayette—Commercial Club, Mortimer Levering Logansport—Com. and Mfg. Ass'n, B F Keesling. Madison—Merchants & Mrs. Club, C. A. Wymond. Muncie—Commercial Club, C. M. Kimbrough. New Albany Commercial Club, E G. Henry. Noblesville—Commercial Club, W. H. Craig. North Vernon—Commercial Club, V. C. Meloy. Plymouth—Business Men's Association, Jos. Swindell Princeton—Commercial Club, G H. Padgett. Richmond—Commercial Club, S. S. Strattan, Jr. Rushville—Commercial Club, J. L. Stone. Terre Haute—Commercial Club, A. M. Higgins. Shelbyville—Commercial Club, John D. Pugh. South Bend—Merchants' Association, I. A Sibley. Vincennes—Board of Trade, Edward Watson. Indianapolis, Ind., October 15, 1901. [[shorthand]] [*ackd 10/18/1901 P.F.*] My dear Mr. President:-- Strict adherence to the courageous and most commendable declaration with which you are credited in the accompanying newspaper clipping will command for you the enthusiastic support of the country's patriots---greater support, I believe, than has ever before in the history of the county been given to any public official. The knowledge that we have a President who will thus rise to the high needs of his position makes support of him by every good citizen a patriotic duty, and I have unbounded faith that the people will be as loyal to you as, I am sure, you will be to their best interests. With best wishes, Sincerely, William Fortune Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. [*16667*] [*201*][For one enclosure see 10-13-01]He says his acquaintance among men of this state who would naturally seek appointment to Federal Office is limited. But I tell him the very fact that his sources of information are outside of politicts is in itself fortunate as he is thus more apt to reach the truth. About my coming to the White House. I am thinking [*Ackd by wire PPF]*] Hot Springs, Arkansas Oct - 15 - 01 Dear Colonel. Your good letter of the 9th was forwarded from Pittsburg. As you requested I turned over your letter to my Father: he is writing you today. He feels thoroughly your high compliment and says he will do anything in his power to assist you in your efforts for clean govent. [*16668*]strongly of going to New Haven for the Bicentennial ceremonies and that time would be convenient to me if entirely so to Mrs Roosevelt and yourself. I shall not have leave before Friday afternoon which will hardly give you time to let me know. I fear with warm regards to all Faithfully your Friend Jno. C. Greenway. His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States Washington D.C. [*16669*]Personal DR. GILBERT C. GREENWAY. Hot Springs Ark Oct 1st 1901 [*shorthand*] [(Ackd 10-21-1901 PPF pv?*] Mr President. Sir My son, John, has shown me your letter. Nothing will give me greater pleasure than, to assist you in any way I am able, in your efforts to give to the county, the finest and ablest men in making formal appointments. The inauguration of such a policy was an inspiration - and our best citizens of every political creed are delighted with it. They all feel that it was dictated by a spirit of [*16670*]fairness & manliness - such as has never obtained in any previous administration. I shall be pleased to aid you & beg to remain Your obedient Servant G. C. Greenway To Theodore Roosevelt President U. S. Washington D. C. [*16671*]Legation of the United States of America Vienna, Austria. October 15, 1901. Dear Senator Lodge: When I spoke to you last summer with reference to the Prague Consulship I said that I could not count upon the endorsement of Senator Foraker for that post. However I have just received a letter from one of my friends saying that Senator Foraker had endorsed my application for that post adding that there were but two or three applicants and that he thought that my application would receive favorable consideration. Remembering your kind expressions I avail myself of the permission which they give me to ask such aid as you can consistently extend at this time. I will not only appreciate your assistance but assure you that I will endeavor so to discharge my duties in the post at Prague or any other with which I may be honored [*16672*]2. that those to whom I will owe it will have no occasion to regret their action in my behalf. With Mr. McCormick's permission I beg to enclose herein copy of a letter which he wrote to Senator Foraker and also a copy of a despatch which Mr. McCormick went to the State Department with reference to the manner in which I discharged my duties here, as Commented upon by the Emperor Francis Joseph on the occasion of a recent audience at which Mr. McCormick asked that I might be present, in view of the fact that I had accompanied Mr. Harris on each similar occasion and had been present at a dinner given in Budapest last April by His Majesty in honor of Mr. McCormick and Mr. Harris. I am advised that my brief has been made up by the Secretary3) of State and has already been or will be laid before President Roosevelt. This brief may, of course, be seen at the State Department, and includes, amongst others, as my endorsers, the names of Mr. McCormick, my present chief, Senator Foraker, Hon. Henry C. Payne of Wisconsin, Hon. Frank A. Vanderlip, V. Pres. of the Nat. City Bank of New York, Frederick W. Halls of N.Y., member International Board of Arbitration at the Hague, Congressmen Bartholdt & Jay of Missouri, Judge Grosscup of Chicago, etc. I am also advised that Senator Hale of Maine, whose son has succeeded me here will endorse me. I am told that my former Chiefs, Messrs Tower & Harris have also strongly endorsed me. I shall be most thankful & grateful for anything you may do for me & with kindest compliments, beg to remain Yours very sincere Charles V. Lierdliska. [*[LIERDLISKA]*] The Honorable Henry Cabot Lodge, United States Senator from Mass. Washington, D.C. 2 enclosures as above. [*16673*][Enclosed in Lodge 10-28-01][*Ackd 10-19-1901 ppF PN*] New York, Oct. 15th, 1901. My dear Mr. President. On coming to town from Ringwood I find your unexpected letter of the 10th inst. I am very much surprised that, amid the overwhelming work of your great office, it has occurred to you to think of me, and I am more touched than I can describe by your evident desire to remove from my mind any impression which may have existed on either side that there had been any strain upon the old friendship which from boyhood was so pleasant an experience to your father and to me. We were indeed friends, and as you speak of good citizenship, I think I may say without vanity that we lived up, as far as we could, to the same ideals of patriotic duty. In you personally I always felt the warmest interest, and it was a real grief to me when, by the stress of political exigencies, we drifted, so to speak, somewhat apart. Nevertheless I have followed your career with affectionate sympathy, but I did not feel at liberty to tell you how much I shared in your ambitions and in your efforts to do your full duty in every position to which you have been called. Your life has been a romance and your present position is one of which many have dreamed, but which has come to you, as it would seem, by the order of Providence. I can only assure you of my profound interest in all that you may do, and I am sure that your own desire to do your full duty is not greater than mire the you shall succeed. I know that you must be absorbed in the consideration [*16674*]of public questions, and among them in the reciprocity policy, which President McKinley endorsed, although in the House of Representatives he was very much opposed to it. It occurs to me to send you with this note a copy of a speech on the subject, which I made in the House in 1886 before Mr. Blaine had made his famous declaration in favor of reciprocity. I took so much trouble with this performance that I think it may interest you, and if it should so so, I will be glad to address to you a further communication on the subject. I only refrain from doing so now because I think it very likely that you have no time to give to the question at present, but I am sure that during your term of office you will have to deal with it in a decisive manner. My family all join me in the expression of their sincere good will. My daughters and sons have always felt a most tender regard for your family, and they have often expressed regret that circumstances had caused us to drift somewhat apart. You may be sure however that if any one of them can do anything to strengthen your hands or make life more pleasant, they will consider it a privilege. Perhaps some day you and Mrs. Roosevelt will steal away from the glare of public life, and give us a day or two at Ringwood, so that Hrs. Hewitt and I may renew, before we go hence, the warm friendship which always prevailed between the families of Peter Cooper and Cornelius Roosevelt. Asking you to excuse the length of this note, and assuring you that I shall not as long as I life forget the feeling which prompted you at this time to express your friendship for me and mine, I remain. Sincerely and gratefully Your friend, Abram S. Hewitt Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. Executive Mansion Washington D. C.BOSTON ELEVATED RAILROAD CO 1891. [*Ackd 10-19-1901 File PPF*] Treasurer's Office. 101. Milk St. Boston, Mass. 15 Oct. 1901 My dear Teddy, The old title comes easier than Mr President. I have waited sometime before writing you and even now I do not think I can congratulate you. You are in the office and nothing remains but to make the best of it and do your duty. Those of us who have known you all these years will never question your motive, or doubt the thought that decided your action. My only wish is that the time of your office was twice as long as it is to be, that you might have time enough to carry out your ideas & long enough to see them timely established, without being held back by the fear that at the end of four years someone else may come along & turn your results all topsy-turvy. I could give you some good advice - but I won't. Many others can give you better advice - and probably do, but for myself I send you my best wishes and I shall hope that you may accomplish all that you may wish to in your present position. Sincerely William Hooker. [*16676*]at the dear old Porc. All the old fellows of '80 are getting together in anticipation of the event. With renewed thanks I remain Yours sincerely Charles Morgan [*File PPF*] Gramercy Park New York. Oct 15th/01 My dear Teddy You must forgive me for not answering & thanking you for your very kind letter concerning Col. Bob Leonard - My excuse may sound lame but it is a fact that I have been badly pressed getting this house refitted & in order so that my mother [*16677*]in law could move in. She is eighty two & in bad health & every delay seemed to worry her & add to her discomfort. I finally managed it today - But my hard work must be as nothing to yours and I must therefore thank you a thousand times for taking the trouble of answering at all to say nothing of the very kind & courteous letter. I hope that you & yours are enjoying the best of health & that one of these days, say in Febuary if not sooner, we may have the pleasure of meeting [*16678*]This is to Certify that Theodore Roosevelt IS A MEMBER IN GOOD STANDING OF THE MIssouri Republican Club of Kansas City, [*Honorary*] [*1901*] FOR TERM ENDING DEC. 31, 1901. Wm Clough Fin. Sec'y REGULAR MEETING FIRST TUESDAY EVENING OF EACH MONTH. [Enc. in Robinson to T.R 10-16-01] [?] Oct 15th 1901 - My dear Mr. Robinson - I have learned that a letter from Mr. Jn. E. Ward, to my son, of yr kindness, in consenting to bring to the attention of the President, certain matters in regard to the former intimacy here, between my husband & his family, & the family of the President’s mother - & also the fact that my son will be an applicant for the Collectorship of Customs. I beg, that you will accept my warm thanks for this. You may not recall me, but I still retain very happy & pleasant recollections of the acquaintance I made with you & your sister - & also the renewal of my friendship with your mother, when with my daughter we all stayed in the same house together in Morristown during the fall of 187[7]8 I think it was. Again thanking you for your interest in my son’s behalf, [*16680*] behalf I am, with warm regards yrs very truly Mrs. G. S. Owens [*Owens?*] [*[Enclosed in Parshall, 10-15-01]*] This is to Certify that Theodore Roosevelt IS A MEMBER IN GOOD STANDING OF THE MIssouri Republican Club of Kansas City, [*1901*] FOR TERM ENDING DEC. 31, 1901. [*Honorary*] Wm Clough Fin. Sec'y REGULAR MEETING FIRST TUESDAY EVENING OF EACH MONTH' [*16681*] [*[Enc in Robinson to T.R 10-16-01]*] [?] Oct 15th 1901 My dear Mr. Robinson I have learned that a letter from Mr. Jn. E. Ward, to my son, of yr kindness, in consenting to bring to the attention of the President, certain matters in regard to the former intimacy here, between my husband & his family, & the family of the President’s mother - & also the fact that my son will be an applicant for the Collectorship of Customs. I beg, that you will accept [*16679*]behalf I am, with warm regards yrs very truly Mrs. G. S. Owens [*Owens?*] my warm thanks for this. You may not recall me, but I still retain very happy & pleasant recollections of the acquaintance I made with you & your sister - & also the renewal of my friendship with your mother, when with my daughter we all stayed in the same house together in Morristown during the fall of 187[7]8 I think it was. Again thanking you for your interest in my son’s behalf, [*16680*] [*[Enclosed in Parshall, 10-15-01]*][*Republican Party Clubs*] [*cal. cd attached*] HARRY D TRAIN, President. HERMAN M. GERHART, First Vice-President. MELANCTHON R. WRIGHT Second Vice-President. LAUREN W. McCOLLUM, Third Vice-President JOSEPH P. FONTRON, Recording Secretary. JOHN H. PARSHALL, Corresponding Secretary. WILLIAM CLOUGH, Financial Secretary. WALTER S. DICKEY, Treasurer. Missouri Republican Club of Kansas City. INCORPORATED JUNE 18, 1897 Kansas City, Mo., Oct. 15th, 1901. [[shorthand]] [*ackd 10/17/1901*] To His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, Pres.U.S., Washington, D.C. Dear Sir:- It is with great pleasure I enclose you membership card of the Missouri Republican Club of which you have recently been elected a member thereof. Trusting we may be honored by your presence at some future date, and assist us to redeem old Missouri, I am, Yours Respectfully, John H. Parshall Cor Secy 102 E 9" St [*DID HONOR TO ROOSEVELT [*16683*] Missouri Republican Club Makes the President an Honorary Member, —Transacts Routine Business. President Theodore Roosevelt has now the added distinction of being the only honorary member of the Missouri Republican Club of Kansas City. The action necessary to make Mr. Roosevelt the honorary member was taken last night at the regular monthly meeting of the club. President McKinley was the only honorary member of the club and on his death Mr. Roosevelt succeeded him in this, as he did in the presidency. Twenty-one members were taken in and other business of my routine nature was transacted. A committee was appointed to arrange for the programme for October 23 when a smoker will be given and speakers from out of town will deliver addresses. Judge J. M. Surface made a short speech last night on the condition of the affairs in the "county" and he promised to make a more extended address to the club in December.*] [*16682*]Harry D Train, President. Herman M.Gerhart, First Vice-President. Melancthon R. Wright Second Vice-President. Lauren W. McCollum, Third Vice-President Joseph P. Fontron, Recording Secretary. John H. Parshall, Corresponding Secretary. William Clough, Financial Secretary. Walter S. Dickey. Treasurer. [*Republican Party Clubs*] Missouri Republican Club of Kansas City. Incorporated June 18, 1997 [*cal. cd attached*] Kansas City, Mo., Oct. 15th, 1901. To His Excellency, [*ackd 10/17/1901*] Theodore Roosevelt, Pres.U.S., Washington, D.C. Dear Sir:- It is with great pleasure I enclose you membership card of the Missouri Republican Club of which you have recently been elected a member thereof. Trusting we may be honored by your presence at some future date, and assist us to redeem old Missouri, I am, Yours Respectfully, John H. Parshall Cor Secy 102 E 9th St DID HONOR TO ROOSEVELT [*16683*] Missouri Republican Club Makes the President an Honorary Member, -Transacts Routine Business. President Theodore Roosevelt has now the added distinction of being the only honorary member of the Missouri Republican Club of Kansas City. The action necessary to make Mr. Roosevelt the honorary member was taken last night at the regular monthly meeting of the club. President McKinley was the only honorary member of the club and on his death Mr. Roosevelt succeeded him in this, as he did in the presidency. Twenty-one members were taken in and other business of my routine nature was transacted. A committee was appointed to arrange for the programme for October 23 when a smoker will be given and speakers from out of town will deliver addresses. Judge J. M. Surface made a short speech last night on the condition of the affairs in the "county" and he promised to make a more extended address to the club in December. [*16682*][For 1 enclosure see 1901][[shorthand]] [*ackd 10-18-1901 PPF R*] United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. At New York, October 15, 1901. The President, Washington,D.C. My dear Mr. President: --:Private:-- The attached letter from Colonel Tichenor will explain itself. I intended to say to you, when I left his previous letter with you that he desired it to be regarded by you as confidential. I may have failed to make this clear, and I simply send this to you as a precautionary measure. Yours sincerely, T. C. Platt H.H. [*16684*][For 1 can see whenever 10-14-01]THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. WASHINGTON. [*THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS*] THE LIBRARIAN'S OFFICE. October 15, 1901. My dear Mr. Secretary:- In compliance with your kind invitation, I enclose herewith (1) a communication addressed to the President, setting forth some considerations suggestive of the propriety of a mention of the Library of Congress in the Message: (2) a memorandum of what appear to me to be the most useful points to be covered in the mention. I do not, of course, venture to propose this as a precise draft. It is doubtless too long. As I have explained, a few lines this year might be of more value than a column next. Also, the first mention approximately comes in a year when the Library is really beginning its wider service as a national library,- the first year of the new country. I am quite sure that every assertion is within the fact without hyperbole. I am now also familiar with the disposition of Congress regarding the Library and the views and expectations of the public and of the library of profession. I can safely say that the memorandum contains no statement nor imitation which would conflict with either. I enclose also a copy of my address at Waukesha before the American Library Association, touching some aspects of the possible service. With reference to the printed cards, the Evening Star of today or tomorrow is likely to contain a rather detailed description. [*With high appreciation,] Faithfully yours, Herbert Putman Librarian of Congress. Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. [*16685*] [*51*]For enc see Putnam 10-15-01[[shorthand]] [*ackd 10-17-1901 CF*] [[shorthand]] THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, LIBRARIAN'S OFFICE ALL CORRESPONDENCE SHOULD BE ADDRESSED THE LIBRARIAN OF CONGRESS, WASHINGTON, D. C. WASHINGTON. D. C. October 15, 1901 [*THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS*] Mr. President: There is an activity of the Federal Government which has not yet received mention in a President's Message. It is, nevertheless, an executive activity; and it affects, and it is likely increasingly to affect, interests throughout the country which are already large and in the aggregate represent an entire system of education. The activity to which I refer is that through which the Federal Government has amassed a collection of material which now, excluding duplicate, exceeds 700,000 printed books and pamphlets and 400,000 other items:- the largest single such collection on the Western Hemisphere; has erected for this building which, with the ground, has cost $7,000,000; has provided for its increase, further equipment and maintenance appropriation amounting, this year, to over $500,000, and is providing for its care, development and usefulness an organization which already exceeds 400 persons. The Library of Congress began as merely legislative library. While at the Capitol it could be little more than this. The entire force consisted of but 48 percent, including the 24 engaged in the copyright work. The new building the new provision of space, equipment, and expert service denote a purpose to elevate the Library into one national in scope and service. The Library is already familiarly entitled the "National Library of the United States". If it is not such there is none other which is. [*16686*]A national library for the United States should mean in some respects much more than a national livery in any other country has hitherto means. The public library in its modern form began in the United States fifty years ago. It is receiving a development here not parallel elsewhere, in the activity of its service for the general public and also for the scholar. There are over 5,000 public libraries in the United States today. Nearly $50,000,000 have been invested in buildings for them; they contain over 40,000,000 volumes. In addition to their reference use they send out each year nearly 40,000,000 volumes into the homes of the United States. Great sums have been given to them; $16,000,000 in the past year alone. In the aggregate they represent a great educational interest distinct from the schools; and the movement which has resulted in their creation, development, and enrichment is the most characteristic movement in education during the past half century. Now as a whole, these libraries in the United States are organizing their work with reference to uniformity in methods, to cooperate in processes, to interchange of service, and in general, to the promotion of efficiency in services. They look to the National Library for standards, for example, for leadership in all these enterprises. It is now in a position to "standardize" library methods, to promote cooperation, to aid in the elimination of wasteful duplication, to promote interchange of bibliographic service. And not merely by the accumulation and liberal administration of a great collection at Washington, but by the distribution of the results of the bibliographic work which it is putting upon that collection it will be able to perform a service of the greatest utility to the library interests of the United States and to American scholarship. The past two and a half years have been in part a preparation for such a service. Equipment, apparatus, and experts are being acquired. The material brought over from the old building is being digested and differentiated; separate divisions have been organized for the printed books, maps, manuscripts, music, prints, documents. The copyright work has been set off. In place of 14 catalogues there are now 70 persons, competent experts, engaged in the acquisition of the books and the preparation of them for use. There is now within the building a bindery with 45 hands; a printing office with 21: books, branches of the Government Printing Office efficiently equipped by the Public Printer and devoted solely to the work of the Library. Considering the above: What this Library now already represents in the way of an investment; what is seems to purpose on the part of the Federal Government towards this great system of education, what is opportunities are as the culminating effort in a library system covering the entire country: considering also the enthusiastic public approval of the building provided for it, the enthusiastic expectation which the library interests of the country cherish for the service which it may do:- has not the time come for some reference to it in a statement which includes a summary by the Chief Executive of the notable executive activities of the Government? The Library is one of those activities; it will be in a relation of service to nearly all of the others. It will be the centre of the system of federal libraries at Washington, supplementing each, helping to coordinate all, centralizing processes, aiding towards specialization and cooperation: promoting, in abort, an organization among them which will affect and advantage the work of legislation, the work of administration, and the scientific research, centre at the Capital. The suggestion is submitted. I venture this other: that should such a reference appear not inappropriate, even the briefest one made at this time might have a far greater practical value than an extended one later. The Library is now to initiate some of those projects of services for which the past four years have prepared. In these is will make return to the country for the recent great expenditures upon it. A mention now would call notice to the service 16687[*[Enc. in Putnam 10-15-01]*] and promote it; would reassure as to the propriety of the expenditure already made, and would ensure against diminution of it to the injury of the larger service proposed. I beg to be, Mr. President, Very respectfully, Your obedient servant, Herbert Putnam Librarian of Congress, [*THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS*] To The President.[*PF*] {Ackd 9/17/1901*] 156 East 38th St. N.Y. Oct. 15, 1901 My Dear Friend. This is not the time for correspondence or much speech, but I cannot refrain from saying that through all these tragic days I have constantly remembered you in prayer to God for your strengthening and guidance. Part of the Nation's great composure and steadfastness is due to the Peoples Confidence in the hand that takes up the task. Murray Butler and [*16688*]I have spent the past two evenings together and you have been of our hearts deepest solicitude and affection - God be with you! Yours Always Thomas R. Slicer The Church of All Saints New York - [*16689*][*Robinson P.P.F.* Douglas Robinson & family*] CABLE ADDRESS "RYRAPORT NEW YORK." DOUGLAS ROBINSON 160 BROADWAY TELEPHONE CONNECTION NEW YORK, October 15, 1901- The President, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. Roosevelt-- On or about the 10th instant, which W. Robinson's dividend was received on the South American & Central Telegraph Co. stock, I noticed that yours did not come with it as heretofore. On making inquiry at the offices of the Company, they informed me that they had your written order to send your dividend to Oyster Bay. Thinking you had inadvertently sent them this order, I write to ask you if it is your wish that this dividend be sent you direct. My object in asking you is that as the books of accounts are kept here, and these dividends have always been collected by Mr. Robinson, the account cannot receive its proper credit if the dividends are to be sent to you direct. If you wish to have them sent to us as heretofore, I enclose the necessary order for your signature. Yours respectfully, Frank C. Smith [*Oct. 9 deposited Riggs Nat. Bank C. & S.A. Tel Co. div. $117 — Loeb*] [*16690*] 16690[*p.F.] [*ackd 10-21-1901*] San Francisco, Oct. 15, 1901. To the President of the United States, Washington, D. C. Sir,- This morning some circulars were shown me in which it is the intention of the Transvaal League in this country to address to you. In short, that you should stop sending over horses to the British from New Orleans. As one of those who hold meetings in this country, and has received all the kindness and facilities and who is a great admirer of yourself, I would like to let you know immediately that this circular has not my sympathy, because I do not think that is it in the power of any one considering that the case has already been tried in one of the Courts of the United States, unless one would be prepared to go in for any hostile action. I am simply addressing this o you to let you know my own ideas in the matter. You may make any use of this as you like. I intend leading for Colo.Springs and then East and will call at Washington and explain personally to you, if such can be done, However, will await a reply from you. care of P.B. Steward, Colo. Springs. I will also bring over the $200.00 personally you so kindly offered to send home to Mrs. Snyman in Africa, I remain, Your humble servant, W. D. Snyman *[16691]*UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT JUDGE'S CHAMBERS BROOKLYN, N. Y. Oct 15th 1901 My Dear Sir. Your communication of yesterday has been considered. I wish that I were equal to the honorable service suggested. But for several years I have been charged with great and burdensome judicial duties that precluded a careful pursuit of local affairs. I have not much grasp of the situation in whole or in detail, as is required to make either a safe or useful counselor. If I myself held the power I could employ it wisely only after prolonged investigation & obviously I am not prepared to in from one upon whom the responsibility rests. My humble [*16692*]of the subject is superficial and fragmentary and would disappoint and probably mislead. My capacities are at the President's use at all times, but I trust that I may not seem imperious in declining a trust for which I am unfitted. Sincerely Yours Edward B. Thomas Honorable Henry E Burnett, [*[ENC. IN BURNETT 10-15-01]*][*Ackd 10-18-1901*] [*File confidential*] J. S. & H. A. WISE, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, COMMERCIAL CABLE BUILDING, 20 BROAD STREET, NEW YORK. JOHN S. WISE HENRY A. WISE JOHN S WISE, JR New York October 15th 1901 Mr President I have the honor to acknowledge your communications of the 12 & 14th inst. The number of men to be invited, and the manner, are both for your untrammeled determination, and I hold myself subject to your instructions So far the matter has been most prudently guarded. If you will permit me to do so I would suggest that you only see the following together. 1&2, Mess George A. Wise & J. E. B. Stuart, representing tidewater 3. Judge L. L. Lewis, representing the James river valley. 4. Genl. Thos. L. Rosser, " " piedmont section 5. Hon Jacob Yost " " Shenandoah Valley 6. Hon A P. Gillespie " South-west Virginia 7. Hon James Lyons " South-side Virginia 8. Hon A. Libbey " at large These would make no great show and could drop into the White House, singly or in pairs, - It would unquestionably be of great advantage to you in forming your judgment and coming to your conclusions, to have the interchange of opinions, in your presence, between these representatives of the six grand divisions of the State, and of the element of gold democrats, and I feel confident such a meeting can occur without attracting attention, especially if you can bid us [*16694*]2 J. S. & H. A. WISE, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, COMMERCIAL CABLE BUILDING, 20 BROAD STREET, NEW YORK. JOHN S. WISE HENRY A. WISE JOHN S WISE, JR come to you in the afternoon or at some odd time when you will not be annoyed as in office hours - These are, however, only suggestions and I shall defer, in the whole matter, to your better judgment I shudder at sending you the accompanying papers but consider them necessary - 1st. To give you some idea of the character of men you will meet. 2nd. To posses you of their feelings upon the subject in hand. 3rd. To familiarize you with the conditions of party management which have led up to the state of feeling which the correspondence discloses. I would say, pardon me for inflicting them upon you, if I were not so impressed with your earnestness, and did not feel that you appreciate the importance of familiarizing yourself, even at inconvenience, with the subjects to be discussed, before meeting these people. We may at least console ourselves by reflecting that it will spare you the necessity of listening to much that is herein told now, when the meeting occurs. Respectfully Jno. S. Wise [*16695*]For encs see ca 10-15-01 10-12-01 10-12-01 10-14-01 10-11-01 9-23-01 10-12-01 10-14-01 10-12-01 10-14-01 10-12-01 10-12-01 ca 10-15-01[ca 10-15-01] Gillespie Lincoln Yost Rossen VIRGINIA Lyons Libbey Wise Waddy [Sh???] RanksEnc in Wise 10-15-01[co 10.15.01] STATEMENT FOR THE PRESIDENT. ------- How the president Republican Organization in Virginia came about and who are the men controlling it. MR PRESIDENT, The newspapers announce that pressure is about to be brought to bear upon you to recognize the so-called Republican Organization in Virginia, and to continue the methods applied there for the past four years. Before you commit yourself to it, you should be informed just how that organization came into existence, what is it, how it has been used, and how it is organized so as to perpetuate itself. I cannot claim to give you a statement which is impartial. My indignation as a Virginian and the fact that my brother lost his life in battling to sustain himself against the outrages of this organization, deprive any statement of mine of a claim to impartiality. In May, 1896, a Republican State Convention was held at Staunton and Col. William Lab of Norfolk, Virginia, a gentleman by birth and an ex-Confederate officer of considerable distinction, was chosen Chairman of the part, as successor to gen. William Mahone, who has then recently died. Friends of Mr. McKinley, anxious to secure the Virginia delegation to the National Convention, attended the State Convention. One Edmund Waddill, a member of the State Committee, and ex-United States Attorney for the easter District of Virginia, had served one term in Congress with Major McKinley, and to him, doubtless, Major McKinley sent his relative Mr. Osborne to accompany Mr. Waddill to the Convention and work with him there in the interests of Mr. McKinley. In the latter days of Mahone's chairmanship a number of party differences had spring up. These conflicts were 16697-2- more virulent in the Norfolk District than elsewhere. A man named Bowen had fomented them, in opposition to Mahone, and prior to the Convention, Bowden has an opposition Republican organization of the Congressional District with rival County and City Chairmen in Norfolk and elsewhere. It was a farcical organization and altogether unrepresentative. Bowden's Congressional District Chairman was a disreputable fellow named Burroughs and his Chairman in Norfolk City was the keeper of a negro barroom, named Thomas Lowery. The Bowdenites attended the State Convention with delegates, and the Convention acted on their claims and refused to recognize them. It was supposed that the factional differences in the Bowden District were reconciled by the actions of the Convention and by the death of Mahone. Bowden's history is briefly this. At the outbreak of the Civil War, his father Henry Bowden lived at Williamsburg, Virginia, and George E. Bowden was a boy. Their social position was not such as to make it an important question, but they were supposed to be Southerners in their sympathies, until Williamsburg was occupied by Federal troops in 1862, and Johnston's army retreated up the Peninsula. then Bowden, Sr. was among the first to come forward, claim to have been a Union man from the first, take the oath of allegiance, and immediately receive appointment from the military authorities as Superintendent of the State Lunatic Asylum located at Williamsburg. You know what the effect of this must have been upon his neighbors. In his community, where sentiment was all one way, he was regarded as an apostate, and this feeling visited upon himself and his family undoubtedly embittered time. George Bowden when a boy had no associated in his home save the little negroes of his own age. He grew up hating his own people. He hates them now. When the Confederates [*16698*]-3- advanced upon Williamsburg in 1863, Bowden, Sr. secured a Schooner, loaded her with all the provisions of the lunatic asylum, and with his family sailed away to Norfolk. When the Confederates entered the place they found four hundred inmates of the asylum howling with hunger, and this led to acrimonious correspondence with Gen. Dix. While it was going on Bowden, Sr. sold the asylum provisions in Norfolk, pocketed the money and send Bowden, Jr. to England to school, where he remained until after the war ended. When the conquest of Virginia was complete the tribe of Bowdens, young and old, reappeared upon the scene. Old Bowden was given a Federal office in Norfolk until the black and ten convention of reconstruction days was assembled, under military authoritah, to frame a new constitution for the State, Then old Bowden came as a delegate associated with a negro preacher named Bayne and those two were prominent actors in the Underwood Convention. T. Russell Bowden, nephew of Bowden, Sr. first cousin of George E. , was made Attorney General, when Wells was Military Governor. It was a farce and travesty and insult to our people. Russell Bowden became implicated in a celebrated forgery and disappeared. I think he afterwards committed suicide. Bowden, Sr. also died. George E. Bowden, his son, received Federal office from time to time and located in Norfolk, became President of a little bank, gained some prominence in local politics, and finally, about 1884, secured the Republican nomination for Congress and was elected. This was accomplished through the great preponderance of negroes in the Republican Party in the Norfolk district. Shortly thereafter his bank failed and it was discovered that he had used the funds of the bank for private purposes. In the bills receivable due the bank were found a large number of notes given by irresponsible political negro leaders throughout the counties of his district. He had accepted them with no sort of collateral and with no other [*16699*]-4- endorser then himself. Prosecutions were started against Bowden but in some way they were stifled, and for the time being, at least, it extinguished Bowden politically. The Republican Party was improving in its personnel and Bowden's reputation for truthfulness and honesty was bead, beside the fact that he was very bitter in his feeling toward the white people of the State and constantly appealing to the worst passions of the negroes. He lost his grip upon Republican organization, but from that time forward succeeded in maintaining the position of a "kicker", and organized Bowden clubs and kept up a fictitious rival organization in Norfolk and Portsmouth and elsewhere in order to make trouble and demand recognition. At each recurring election he sought nominations and demanded recognition from the Democrats for his Republican Chairman Thomas Lowery, keeper of a negro barroom. The election law required the Democrats to appoint one of the election judges at each percent from the Republicans, and they gladly enough chose the Bowden Republicans as associated judges, for they were the lowest of the low and colluded at the election with the Democrats to cheat the regularly nominated Republican. At the State Convention in 1896 it seemed as if these rival organizations in the Bowden district had been pacified and extinguished. If the results then attained at the State Convention had been carried out in good faith, Bowden would surely have been completely eliminated; but this is what followed. Messrs. Osborne and Grosvenor appearing to have been entrusted with the task of securing a Virginia delegation for McKinley, had enlisted in their behalf Mr. Waddell. Waddell is a native Virginian and when I first took him up was a youngster of great energy and boundless ambition. He was Clerk of the County Court of Henrico. Through my influence he was afterwards elected County Judge, and when I resigned as U. S. Attorney I secured his appointment as my successor. 16700-5- In the contests which I had with Mahone for the Chairmanship of the Virginia delegations in 1886, Waddill sided with Mahone, and thereafter became prominent as one of Mahone's lieutenants. He was a member of the State Committee. He afterwards successfully contested the seat in Congress, from the Richmond District, and became friendly with McKinley, and when Mahone died aspired to be the State Chairmanship, but was defeated by Lamb. It was through Waddill, no doubt, that Edgar Allen was associated to secure the McKinley delegation, as they were then together winding up the estate of Mahone. Edgar Allen is a native of London and a fellow of the most obscure origin but exceedingly clever. He was in the Union army and drifted into Virginia at the close of the war, and was notorious as one of the cleverest, keenest and most unscrupulous of the tribe of carpet baggers. In 1869 I first saw him. He was in the Radical Convention in Petersburg to nominate State officers. Mahone was interested in securing the nomination and election of Gilbert C. Walker, run as a true Republican. He hired Allen for $100 to go in and break up the Radical Convention, and he did the work handsomely, in conjunction with a celebrated rascal named Butts. Although he is an Englishman, he obtained the soubriquet of "Yankee Allen," by his quick, resourceful aptness at tricks and short cuts. By this name he was known for years throughout Virginia. One of the things for which he obtained unenviable notoriety was his habit of buying broken-down horses, filling them with arsenic until they were fat and sleep, and selling them to ignorant drakes at great profit. He was also tried in Prince Edward County and convicted of playing the game of "Chuck-a-luck" upon the public highway with negroes, but he escaped by a reversal in the Court of Appeals. He was elected to the Legislature from the negro district, and there became notorious in the railroad fights in the '70's as one of the most corrupt bribe-takers in the Legislature. 16701-6- In every way he was as low an offscouring of humanity as any that was thrown upon the tempest-torn shore of poor old Virginia. His name was the synonym of any sort of quick, disreputable, underhanded rascality. At that time the black belt, in which Allen resided, was represented in Congress by a Swede named Jorgensen. He had quite a pretty little kept woman. Allen became infatuated with her and Jorgensen, being tired of her, was glad when Allen married her. But she never overcame her infatuation for Jorgensen, and a man who heard the interview told me that he himself was present on a certain occasion when Jorgensen came into Allen's room and told him that if he (Allen) did not keep his wife out of his (Jorgensen's) room he would have her arrested for soliciting. This is a disgusting sort of narrative, but it is necessary to your apprehension of the depths to which the poor old State has been dragged down by the "party of moral ideas." Bright and resourceful as Allen was he made and saved money out of his corruption. He acquired, too, the reputation of being one of the most adroit criminal advocates in his section and obtained a very large negro practice. A little later he attended a grand army convention, and there secured election to some high office, which converted him from "Yankee" Allen into "General" Allen, and since that time he has succeeded in supplanting his old title by his new. He obtained employment in a contest over a large estate, representing a negro woman and her children, to whom a white man had left his money. He won the case and made a very large fee. In the last days of Mahone, when he had quarreled with nearly all his formed friends, Allen attached himself to him, and through Mahone's influences at Washington he was employed in an important Federal case, relating to a disputed strip of land in Texas. He argued the case handsomely and won it and made a reputation out of it and moved to Washington-7- where "General" and "Mistress" Allen established themselves, entertained, and their doings were chronicled in the society columns. McKinley and his friends, when they wanted workers in Virginia, could not have secured a more adroit ally than "General" Allen. Waddill and Allen were both on the State Committee, if I remember correctly. The overwhelming sentiment of Virginia was for McKinley, but Waddill and Allen disliked Lamb and satisfied Osborne and Grosvenor that Lamb was a Reed man. There was some foundation for this. Lamb's predilections were undoubtedly that way and he did control his district. It was for this reason, doubtless, that Waddill and Allen called in Bowien to fight Lamb in his Congressional District. This program was first made apparent when the district conventions were called in June to nominate delegates to St. Louis. Bowden and his followers, in violation of everything done at the State Convention, called a District Convention, through their repudiated Chairman Burroughs, and he, in turn, directed the repudiated County chairmen to call the meetings. The regular district committee recognized by Lamb, the State Chairman, called its convention through the recognized City and County Chairman. At this point my attention was called to the conflict. I was a McKinley man. I immediately went to Washington and saw Gen. Grosvenor, and ignorant of his collusion with Bowden, told his what folly was being perpetrated, assured him that everybody in the Norfolk District was for McKinley and begged for authority to go there bring the two conventions together and secure an undisputed McKinley delegation. He assented, warning me, however, not to hurt Bowden, whom he referred to as "our friend." I told him that Bowden's action was most perfidious, but that he should even go as a delegate if he desired it. The two conventions were held on the same day at Newport News. I reached there the day before, saw Lamb and his leaders. They had been rather inclined to Reed but cared little about it, 16703-8- and on my urgent appeals agreed to support McKinley loyally, and commissioned me to see Bowden and arrange that the two bodies should meet together, waive all formalities, select him as one delegate and Mr. Alvah H. Martin as the other and alternates representing the two conventions. Up to that time I was not unfriendly with Bowden; he admitted that he was satisfied that all were for McKinley, and it would be best, to avoid friction, to do as I proposed; but said he would have to consult his associates and would let me know by ten o'clock. I waited; he deliberately went off, assembled his convention in an upper room with a narrow approach guarded by a policeman, held his convention, made no reference to my proposition, elected himself and another delegates and alternates, adjourned and left town without seeing me. The other convention met, elected delegates and adjourned. The conventions in the other districts of the State were [?] conducted strictly according to the program of McKinley's managers and McKinley secured a solid delegation. The regular delegates contested Bowden's seat at St. Louis and Grosvenor was the advocate of the Bowdenites, and paid no attention whatever to the perfidy of the proceedings. The case of the regular delegates was so plain that the committee on credentials could not exclude them. Mr. Hanna had complete control of the committee and no doubt connselled it to overcome embarrassment by seating both seats of delegates. This accomplished all that the Virginia conspirators desired, for they had packed the Virginia delegation with an overwhelming majority of men ready to do whatever they wished, and Bowden, being thus put on the delegation, was eligible as a member of the National Committee, a position which he could never have obtained if there had been any honesty in considering the district conventions. No Virginian with any sort of State pride could have looked upon that delegation without blushing for shame. It was 16704-9- a gang of scalawags led up like country hounds tied with grape-vines at a County Court. The McKinley managers actually paid the railroad fares of the greater part of the delegation and sneered and chuckled about their expensive assets. Not realizing how complete the coalition was or how thoroughly its plan had been laid, I went to Gen. Grosvenor in the early stages of the contest and protested against his countenancing the double perfidy of Bowden by giving him half a seat. "Oh, well", was his reply, "you have no right to complain, Bowden was our friend before your friends were, McKinley will get all the votes and your friends get their seats, and that is all you can ask." Turning to me patronizing he said, "I am afraid, Wise, you are letting some old war prejudices influence you again Bowden." "What do you mean" I asked. "Did not your father arrest some female in the Bowden family during the way" said he. "Not that I ever heard of" I replied, utterly astounded; and it was not until after my return home that I found out what he referred to. It seems that in 1863, when my father occupied a position at Whittaker's Mill on the Peninsula, a female named Piggott was arrested at midnight, stealing through his lines, with complete maps of his position and the approaches to it, sewed into her skirts. My father sent her under guard to Richmond, with a note to the Provost Marshal, requesting him to keep her there until his expedition returned, as he could not fight an enemy in front and petticoat behind. I also ascertained that this woman was a connection by marriage, after the war, of Bowden's, and that the malicious rascal had sought to make capital of this circumstance and to prejudice Grosvenor against me, by attributing my opposition to him to some old war prejudice. It was no new trick with Bowden, for he and Edgar Allen had gone through the district, appealing to the negroes to come to their convention and reminding them that Col. Lamb had fought on the confederate side, and asking the ignorant blacks whether they would not "vote as 1670510 they had shot." It was a craven idiotic plea and alienated a dozen whites where it gained a single black. The Virginia delegation at St. Louis, dominated by Waddill and Allen, selected Bowden as a member of the National Committee from Virginia, and Waddill, Allen and Bowden took in a new recruit there to carry out their plans, in the person of James D. Brady, since deceased. Brady had been a lukewarm Reed man, but it was his political boast that nobody could turn around quicker than he could. He was also on the State Committee and they needed him for their subsequent work. He was one of the most cunning and luckiest men of the old regime. He was a little Irish Catholic of [xxx] obscure origin in Portsmouth. At the outbreak of the war he was attending a Catholic school in New York. He remained there, enlisted in the Union army, and returned to Portsmouth as soon as the war ended, and never was without an office of some kind from that time until his death. In days of negro supremacy he was Clerk of the Court at Portsmouth and then elected to the State Senate. Under Grant and Hayes he was appointed Collector, and afterwards elected from the Petersburg District to Congress. He had a good many influential Northern friends who always worked for him, and was a jolly little fellow, kind hearted in his way, but known by everybody as being willing to sacri_fice any friend in the world to advance his own interest and utterly faithless where they were involved. Col. Brady never influenced or represented a dozen respectable Virginia people in his life. When the National Committee met in New York, after the Convention of '96, Bowden appeared with them. Now firmly installed, he developed the plan of himself and his associates to oust Col. Lamb from the chairmanship. Brady, Waddill, Bowden and Allen had taken Park Agnew into their confidence. Agnew resides in Alexandria, and was on the State Committee. I cannot describe him because there is nothing about him to describe. He was hardly a Virginian, as most or all of his [*16706*]-11- time is spent and his business, I believe, is in Washington. There are no Republicans to speak of where he lives. He had rendered no sort of party service, except, I believe, to run and be defeated as a candidate for Congress in an absolutely democratic district, and he was said to have some money, which, by the way, he never spent for the cause. No sooner did the National Committee begin to hold its meetings than these people appeared before it complaining of Col. Lamb. They represented him as a weak, vain, incompetent and perhaps treacherous leader. Using their power against him in the State Committee at Richmond, they rendered his position there uncomfortable, and finally they appeared before the National Committee and induced that committee to take the management of the Virginia Campaign out of his hands and put it in theirs. Lamb, while a gentleman, was totally unfit to cope with them in the practical politics which they played. When he was summoned by Mr. Hanna before the National Committee, he made such an exhibition of himself as gave good pretext for its action. The committee, under Mr. Hanna's counsel, placed the Virginia Campaign in the hands of a committee composed of N. B. Scott, of the National Committee, Bowden Waddill, Brady and a fifth figurehead, name forgotten. From that time forth Lamb was ignored, and treated with contempt. On one occasion he was actually physically assaulted at one of the meetings of the State Committee in Richmond. The money which went to Virginia was delivered to Scott primarily and by him distributed according to his own ideas to Brady, Waddill or Allen, and God knows where it went. Some of it was actually taken by Bowden and used in the Norfolk District to defeat the Republican candidate for Congress. Although the National Committee, of which he was a member, was issuing circulars appealing to the voters to support the candidate. This was subsequently developed. A large part of the money was given by Scott to a so-called Gold Democratic organization, and that money was chiefly consumed in paying speakers. [*16707*]-12- Some of these speakers received from the Gold Democratic Committee as high as $500, and not 5,000 votes were gained in the State from at least $60,000 this expended by Scott. It was a unique and characteristic contest. Republicanism, instead of being presented to the people by a representative Virginian, was offered to them by N. B. Scott, who appeared at RIchmond and gave it out that Virginia [plans] matters were primarily in his charge. Now a West Virginian is the last man on earth to propitiate Virginia, especially a West Virginia Republican. The severing of West Virginia from the Old State is the sorest spot left of all the old sores, and N. B. Scott, in his person and in his methods was about as repulsive a [man] human being as could possibly been put prominently forward as a political wet-nurse for Virginia. Standing there, insulting Col. Lamb, flanked by Edgar Allen, Bowden and Jim Brady, he was like a red flag shaken in the face of a bull, and gave the Democrats all the Campaign capital they needed. This was the representative junta through which Mark Hanna & Company expected to revolutionize Virginia and convert her from Democracy to Republicanism. Of course they didn't' nor will there ever be such a result with such leaders in charge. Bowden's course was the most outrageous and indefensible of any. By the time the Congressional Conventions were called in August, Waddill. Bowden, Brady, Agnew & Co. had obtained control of the State Committee by ousting Lamb and had arrogated to the State Committee the right to remove County Chairman and appoint others in their place. They had done this, in , many instances, without notifying the old incumbents, and when the Congressional Conventions were called, the County meetings to send delegates were summoned to be held by Chairmen, who, in many instances, had [been] theretofore been unknown. When the Congressional Convention of the Second District was called by S. B. Carney, a District Chairman recognized [*16708*]- 13- by the State Convention in May, Bowden induced his man Burroughs, whose pretensions had been rejected at Stanton, to make a rival call, and Burroughs used Country Chairmen to call County meetings, who had been appointed by the State Committee since the State Conventions adjourned. The National Committee was promptly notified of this conflict. It pretended to request Bowden to desist, and told him that the House was too close to imperil its control by such dissestions. He pretended that he would comply with the request, but permitted Burroughs to hold his convention and named one J. D. Dyer, a thoroughly disreputable character, in opposition to Hon. Richard A. Wise, the regular nominee. The only excuse given for it by Bowden was that he could not prevent it, and Hanna & Co. accepted that excuse. The National Republican Congressional Committee, after hearing the facts, ordered Dyer to withdraw, and the Republican National Committee issued a circular recognizing Wise; but before this had been done, the Democrats, in collusion with Bowden, selected Bowdenites as Republican judges all over the district, and they openly colluded with the Democrats to falsify the returns. McKinley lost at least 5,000 votes by this. Wise contested the fraudulent returns and was seated. The evidence not only proved thorough collusion between the Bowdenite Republican judges, and the Democrats, but Bowden himself was proved to have aided and voted for the Democratic candidate, while a member of the National Committee, and at a time when the District was flooded with circulars from his own committee begging Republicans to support this Congressional candidate. This performance Bowden repeated in 1898, although Wise was supported by the National Committee and was again seated. Thomas Lowery, Bowden's alleged chairman in Norfolk and his present candidate for Postmaster there, testified that he voted for and aided the democratic candidate. One of the lowest and basest cases of fraud upon ignorant negroes, by which they were made to vote the Democratic ticket, was proved upon a little Jew named [*16709*]-14-- Aronheim, who is now Bowden's candidate for Collector in Norfolk. Bowden himself volunteered to testify for the Democratic contestee. All these things were reported to the National Committee but ignored on the ground that Bowden was a friend of McKinley's. By the time President McKinley took his seat, Waddill, Bowden, Brady, Allen and Agnew had succeeded, by the methods above stated, and with the aid of Mr. Hanna and Mr. Scott, in driving out Col. Lamb from the State Chairmanship, and in electing Park Agnew in his place. They had also changed the County Chairmen to suit themselves and had complete control of the machinery of the State. Mr. McKinley had made many professions of sympathy and friendship for the South and of a desire to have a good Republican party there. A number of Southern Republicans, myself included, called upon him, told him we had always been his friends and supporters and were still Republicans, but that we had been robbed and outraged by the treachery of Bowden and his associates, and tried to make him understand the methods by which Waddill, Bowden, Brady, Allen and Agnew had obtained possession of the machinery. We asked him to redeem his pledges and to accord to his loyal friends the recognition to which they were entitled. There, too, were Mark Hanna, Grosvenor, Osborne and Scott saying, pointing to Bowden & Co., "These are our real friends; this is the organization; they put up the pipes that brought you your delegates; they did the campaign work; these others are kickers; the patronage must go back through the same channels that brought the delegates." It was a regular Ohio commercial presentation of the transaction. Hanna & Co. had farmed out the Virginia patronage in advance. They demanded that Mr. McKinley should redeem their outstanding obligations incurred as his agents, and they warned him that the penalty of his refusal would be that his "friends" considered him an "ingrate." Mr. McKinley dreaded [*16710*]-15- being called an ingrate. He was peculiarly sensitive upon that point. His answer was substantially as follows: " Gentleman, I know that you are my friends and as such I wish to recognize you; but you must realize that one in my position cannot ignore the policy organization and must defer to it in every locality within reasonable bounds; otherwise there will be inextricable confusion. Moreover, gentlemen, you must realize that I have other friends to consider and you surely cannot expect me to stab those other loyal friends, who bore the brunt of this fight in my behalf." To my brother who had been robbed of his certificate by Bowden he said in substance, "If you had your seat I would recognize you, and if you now secure it I will show you the consideration due to a Congressman, but I cannot do so until [in] your right to your seat is settled." Before my brother (now in his grave as a direct consequence of his [xxx] long struggle for the Republican party) secured his seat, Mr. McKinley had taken his friend Waddill and his friend Bowden and his friend Allen into his counsels under the regular routine mapped out by Hanna and Scott, and had filled every office in his gift with the worst appointees made in the South by any President since the war. The highest evidence of the faith of the people in the good intentions of Mr. McKinley is found in the belief of the Southern people, still lingering, that he would have made good appointments in the South if he had been free to act upon his own impulses. Who received the places? Waddill, within a few months, was made U.S. District Judge to succeed Hughes, retired. This was excusable... Agnew, the Chairman who had robbed Lamb of his place, was made Collector of Internal Revenue at Alexandria. Brady, always lucky, drew the Collector's place at Richmond as his share of the plunder. Allen was made U.S. Attorney, an appointment that is an everlasting disgrace to the appointing power. [*16711*]-16- Bowden was temporarily provided with the office of collector of the port of Norfolk and incidentally as the dispenser and arbiter of appointment to every post office in V irginia. Not a man in any portion of the State could receive an appointment to a post-office until it had been referred to and approved by Bowden. Of this I shall speak again in a moment. Shortly afterwards Brady died, whereupon Asa Rogers, Secretary of this pirate State Committee, was appointed as his successor. Morgan Treat, Clerk to Bowden in the Post-office patronage, was made Marshal of the Eastern District. S. Brown Allen, another member of the State Committee, a man with an unsavory record, but who was foremost in the capture of the organization, was made Marshal of the western district. No important office went outside of the "ring" controlling the State Committee. Bowden, in charge of post-office patronage, [has] established himself in Washington with a Clerk, Morgan Treat, mentioned above. It is the general belief of the people of Virginia that he sold these offices upon a regular scale of commission, that is to say, such of them as were not taken by Ohio people and disposed of about as a Roman General would give his spoils away. I will cite a few instances. Nansemond County, Suffolk. The Republican Chairman in that County in 1896 was H. P. Brooks. He did his work well and scored a handsome majority for McKinley. He aspired to be Postmaster at Suffolk and was endorsed by every decent Republican in the community and advocated by the Congressmen from his District. When McKinley appointed Mr. Gary as Postmaster General it looked promising for Brooks, who was a Marylander and whose father had befriended Gary. Gary spoke encouragingly to Brooks, but subsequently advised him to see Mr. Bowden. Brooks responded to Bowden's invitation and was told that he [*16712*]-17- could get the place on conditions which he spurned. I am not sure that besides requiring him pledge his support of Bowden he was not also called upon for the sum of money. Later, however, Secy. Gary informed him that he could not help him, and a man named Harper from Ohio, who had lived in Nansemond County but a short time, was of bad habits, had done nothing for the cause, received the appointment, it being said that Gen. Grosvenor had demanded it for him as an old army friend. Collector at Newport News. A man named Hopkins, who had worked hard, applied for [xxxxxx] this appointment. It was given to a man named Reed from Cincinnati, who was not even a resident of the State, and the only reason they assigned for his appointment was that M. E. Ingalls, of the Chesapeake & Ohio R.R., demanded it in his behalf. I have seen the man and he is a typical bruiser, unidentified in any way with the people of the State. Clarke Co., Berryville P.O. Here a young gentleman named Freeland Lewis, who had theretofore been a Democrat and was of the very highest social connections, being a lineal descendant of Betty Lewis, a sister of George Washington, voted for McKinley in 1896 and induced ten or a dozen other white men to join him. The boy became enthusiastic for the Republican party and on account of his family connections it was very desirable to fix his relations to the party. He had the very highest endorsements for the Berryville P.O. and a number of leading gentlemen sought to secure it for him. The President seemed favorably disposed and the matter proceeded so far that I actually met Postmaster General Gary, who congratulated me upon the young man's appointment. Mr. Gary was about retiring from the office and Postmaster General Smith succeeded him. In a few days the appointment of a man named McCormick was announced. McCormick lived 12 miles from Berryville; he was a drunken beast who had gone to St. Louis with Bowden and while there fell down dead drunk in the streets of [*16713*]-18- St. Louis and so befouled himself that it was necessary to hire servants to wash him and clean him. He had no standing whatever in his community; his only claim to the place was that Bowden, paid or unpaid demanded his appointment, and the administration ordered that "friend" Bowden should be recognized over all others. Cape Charles, Virginia. The appointments here are illustrative of the character of appointments all over the State desired by this gang. There were decent and resident Republicans deserving places and needing them, but a man named McKenney from Penn., xx connected with the small railroad terminating there, was placed upon the State Committee by these people, and although he has not lived there five years now and has lost his place in the railroad for drunkenness and has no sort of identity with the community, he was given the appointment as Postmaster to the exclusion of the natives. The collector's place was likewise given to a railroad employe named Smithers, not a Virginian, not a prominent resident, and who to-day would move away from Cape Charles and be in another State but for having the collectorship, because he has lost his position in the railroad. I could give hundreds of other instances like these. In view of them I ask, what hope is there for a party in any community where such things are possible? It stinks in the nostrils of all decency, and while it may be good as an indestructible and self- perpetuating machine to send delegates for its creators, it can never grow into a respectable organization that will secure votes. The "ring" in control of the Republican party of Virginia know the nature of their tenure, and after they had entrenched themselves in their power, they actually refused to call a convention to name State officers in 1897. The indignant people then rose and held their own convention nominated officers and polled about 60,000 votes for them in [*16714*]-19- the face of the opposition of the machine. But President McKinley refused to recognize these "bolters"; insisted that it was his duty to deal only with the organization, and the revolutionary party collapsed. Talk of reorganizing a party like that within itself is preposterous. Do these people not hold the State Committee? Does not the State Committee appoint County Chairmen to suit themselves? Have not these County Chairmen on a hundred occasions certified that County proceedings, just as the State Committee wishes them certified, and will they not do it again? The State Committee itself makes up the roll of their convention; they put upon that roll as delegates whom they see fit; the State Committee at any convention assembled under its call calls the convention to order and designated the temporary chairman and controls the appointment of committee of credentials. The committee of credentials thus appointed seats the friends of the State Committee and excludes the opponents. We know what Senator Platt's State Committee in New York is; but it is an anointed, saintly choir compared with this thing in Virginia. It is idle to consider any proposition to reorganize a combination of freebooters like that. They are playing with loaded dice and will play the loaded dice upon anybody who is fool enough to enter their game. The only way to be rid of this concern is to blow it up, annihilate it, ignore it, and form a new Republican party outside of it. With the recognition of the administration and the patronage of the administration bestowed upon such a new movement, the old hollow shell now there will collapse and disappear. The recognition and patronage given to these impostors, these unrepresentative, odious creatures, is a crime against the masses of the respectable people of Virginia. It is the only thing that enables it to maintain any semblance of an organization. With that recognition and patronage [*16715*] -20- withdrawn from them, they will disappear like the deadly miasmas upon marshes; they should be withdrawn; they were only given to them as the price of services [under] long since rendered and long since ten times paid for. The resolutions passed at their last convention, pledging the Republican party of Virginia to Mark Hanna, in 1894, ought to be the last gasp of a foul creature to its creator. They may bespeak a certain sort of gratitude; they certainly show that these people remember who buttered their bread. Except as a machine for sending delegates favorable to Hanna, they are ten thousand times worse than worthless, and the possibility of the necessity and all the methods it implies is now in the irrevocable past. They ought to be annihilated as a political organization. Their very foundation ought to be leveled; lime should be sowed upon the spot where their foulness has accumulated, and an opportunity ought to be given, large enough can come while they exist, for the healthful growth in the State of Virginia of a decent, reputable, representative Republican party. [*16716*][Enc. in Wise 10-15-01]Steinstossen [*16719*] ARTIST. ATELIER H. GUGGENHEIM & CO. EDITEURS, ZÜRICH NO. 7680. DÉP. Ringen [*16718*] ARTIST. ATELIER H. GUGGENHEIM & CO. EDITEURS, ZÜRICH NO. 7680. DÉP. Ringen [*16717*] ARTIST. ATELIER H. GUGGENHEIM & CO. EDITEURS, ZÜRICH NO. 7680. DÉP.CARTE POSTALE Union postale universelle-- Weltpostverein--Union postale universale. Reserviert fur die Korrespondenz Partie réservée à la Correspondance --------------------------------------- Adresse des Empfängers Adresse du Destinataire. 55065 _________________________________________________________ CARTE POSTALE Union postale universelle-- Weltpostverein--Union postale universale. Reserviert fur die Korrespondenz Partie réservée à la Correspondance. [*[Enc. in Cowles 10-26-01]*] --------------------------------------- Adresse des Empfängers Adresse du Destinataire. 55064 _____________________________________________________ CARTE POSTALE 40 Union postale universelle-- Weltpostverein--Union postale universale. Reserviert fur die Korrespondenz Partie réservée à la Correspondance. --------------------------------------- Adresse des Empfängers Adresse du Destinataire. 55063THE UNION LEAGUE CLUB. CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE. __________________ NEW YORK, October 16th, 1901. But a short time remains before election. A final appeal is made by the Campaign Committee to all members of THE UNION LEAGUE CLUB who have not yet contributed towards the expenses of the Municipal Campaign, to send immediately such sums as they may wish to give, to insure an honest administration of the affairs of the City of New York for the next two years. A subscription list can be found in the office of the Club. Checks should be drawn to the order of William G. White, Treasurer. GEORGE S. TERRY, CORNELIUS N. BLISS, Secretary. Chairman. [*16721*] ARABIAN BOOK CONTROVERSY ___________ Englishman Convicted for Prospectus, French Declare It a Valuable Work. [Special Cable to the Herald.] Paris, Saturday. - An Englishman named Carrington was recently convicted for sending out prospectuses of an obscene book, "La Jeunesso Rendue," and turned out of France. He sent a prospectus to M. Gabriel Monod, who naturally informed M. Berenger that the book was a filthy work translated from the Arabic by Khamil Pacha, who wrote it for Sultan Selim. Two well known literary men defended the book as an interesting literary work and not immoral. The original manuscript is in the Bibliotheque Nationale. [*16720*][Enc. in Terry, 1-9-02]THE UNION LEAGUE CLUB. CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE. NEW YORK, October 16th, 1901. But a short time remains before election. A final appeal is made by the Campaign Committee to all members of THE UNION LEAGUE CLUB who have not yet contributed towards the expenses of the Municipal Campaign, to send immediately such sums as they may wish to give, to insure an honest administration of the affairs of the City of New York for the next two years. A subscription list can be found in the office of the Club. Checks should be drawn to the order of William G. White, Treasurer. GEORGE S. TERRY, Secretary. CORNELIUS N. BLISS, Chairman. [*16721*] ARABIAN BOOK CONTROVERSY Englishman Convicted for Prospectus, French Declare It a Valuable Work, [SPECIAL CABLE TO THE HERALD.] Paris, Saturday.— An Englishman named Carrington was recently convicted for sending out prospectuses of an obscene book, "La Jeunesse Rendue," and turned out of France. He sent a prospectus to M. Gabriel Monod, who naturally informed M. Berenger that the book was a filthy work translated from the Arabic by Khamil Pacha, who wrote it for Sultan Selim. Two well known literary men defended the book as an interesting literary work and not immoral. The original manuscript is in the Bibliotheque Nationale. [*16720*]find it fairly appreciative of one whom we regard as a man specially raised up for a mighty work in the world. The book will be sent as soon as it is completed. Wishing you every success, and that long life which is a blessing to good men, we remain, Very truly, Charles Eugene Banks LeRoy Armstrong [*[Fort [?] see ca. 10-16-01]*] BOOKS BIOGRAPHIES HISTORIES NOVELS PLAYS CHARLES EUGENE BANKS LEROY ARMSTRONG WRITERS Room 704, 303 DEARBORN STREET CHICAGO SEND POSTAL, AND LET US SHOW YOU WHAT WE HAVE DONE Very Rapid Work - IF YOU WANT IT Substantial Work - IF YOU HAVE TIME [*Ackd 10-18-1901 P.P.F. Pd*] Chicago, Oct 16, 1901 To the President of the United States, Washington, D.C. Mr. President: We take pleasure in sending you herewith copies of the titlepage, circular and table of contents of the book "Theodore Roosevelt, a Typical American." We also inclose the able introduction by General Joseph Wheeler. The work of writing this book has been a privilege and a pleasure to both of us, and we join in the hope that you will [*167228]COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK [*Shorthand*] [*Ackd 10-18-19 PPF B*] PRESIDENT'S ROOM Oct. 16, 1901 My dear Mr. President: I have your letter of the 14th returning the two letters, which I am sending back to the person to whom they belong, but can always get them for you again if you need them. There is no reason why you should not have made copies of them for your own personal use. Young Weber had a very high reputation here, and there can be no question about his scholarship and capacity on the intellectual side. If he is also a good administrator, he might be an excellent man to succeed Fitchie. Of course the duties of that office are so multiform that a sound administrator is essential in the place. Then, too, Weber is a man who, after three months of service, would be able to advise you definitely and in a trustworthy fashion as to whether or not the rumors which reach you regarding McSweeney's integrity have any foundation. I am holding myself in readiness to go to Washington on Saturday, Oct.26th, and to spend the night at the White House, if I hear from Mr. Courtelyou that such will be agreeable to you and Mrs. Roosevelt. Yours sincerely, Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler To the President, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. [*16724*]Trusting you are very well, with great respect-- Sincerely yours McCoskry Butt. [[shorthand]] [*ackd 10-19-1901 File PPF*] Oct. 16/'01 Union Club, Fifth Avenue & 21st Street. My dear Colonel, Last year, at this time, I sent you the British (Torian) view of our soldiers. Read our view of their officers. Troops are dependent on the superiority of their leaders — their knowledge [*16725*]consider at all an application of the undersigned to go to the "ecole d'application" to be started in Washington I should also like to say a strong & good word for Capt Crozier but fear that I might be ordered to mind my own business as regards the Chief of Ordnance — 2 is more important than that common place feeling called courage — The British officer is about on a par with our National Guard company leader or cdar: i.e. a non commissioned officer in shoulder straps. This chap shows why — Do you think the President would [*16726*][*[10-16-01]*] [*ackd 10-19-1901 PPF*] Dear Theodore: Richard Saltonstall has shown me your letter 9th & I saw Bob Bacon in New York yesterday. I shall be most happy to come & [*16727*] dine with you & suggest Saturday November 2nd. If that date is not agreeable to you, fix a date & we will come. I have wanted to write [*16728*]you during these past weeks & take this occasion to assure you that you have no more loyal friends and supporters than the old '80 crowd. Very affectionately H B Chapin Boston & Albany RR office Boston Oct 16th[*R PPF B*] [*[10-16-01]*] Sold to President Roosevelt. 800 Havana Cigars, made expressly for President Mckinley,15.00 120.00 25 Havana Cigars, Devinos, 4.00 2 Boxes, 24 cigars, Corina, 4.00 25 Cigars, Edition de Luxe, 4.00 25 Cigars, Corina, 5.00 50 Cigars Presidentes, 12.00 23 Cigars, La Espanola, 5.00 75 Cigars, Henry Clay, 10.00 10 Cigars, Henry Clay, 0.00 25 Cigars, Henry Clay, 5.00 25 Cigars, Sampsons, 5.00 --------- 174.00 25 quarts Scotch whiskey, 1.25 31.25 12 bottles Rye, 1.25 15.00 10 bottles Rye, Raleigh, 1.25 12.50 9 bottles California Brandy, .75 6.75 10 bottles claret, 1.50 15.00 4 bottles Burgundy, 1.80 7.20 90 bottles vinegar, 5.63 2 one gallon Demi john Rye, 4.00 8.00 12 Tekoyer, 12.00 113.33 15 Cherries, 60 9.00 3 Strawberries, 60 1.80 7 Brandy Peaches, 1.00 7.00 3 pickled, " 50 1.50 4 White cherries, 60 2.40 2 Martinens, 50 1.00 6 jars Chilli sauce, 25 1.50 2 jars fresh peaches, 60 1.20 12 pint jars preserved cherries, 40 5.20 ________ 30.60 ______________ 317.93 Washington, D.C. Recd. Payt. Oct. 16.1901. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Administrator. Have check made out To. Geo B. Cortelyou Administrator of the Estate of William McKinley [*16729*]to us will not be a selfish performance on my part in not shareing you with others & as I said any one you chose to ask would be welcome & I have the extra rooms for three; only I am not asking people feeling it is better to have no one unless it is some one you yourself choose. Of all my friends no one has been as understandingly sympathetic as Olivia Cutting as she says the "mothers of the [*P.F. Cowles*] [*P.P.F.*] October 16 - 1901 OLDGATE FARMINGTON CONNECTICUT Dearest Theodore - I must just tell you how deeply we appreciate the trouble you are taking to come to us the whole little town is in a flutter of excitement & more like Cranford than ever, all the old fashioned gentlemen question each other without ceasing as to matters of etiquette [*16730*]Mr Cortelyou telegraphs he will let me know definitely as to plans tomorrow, but, of course I have gone over what you & he told me informally as to your arriving in the morning & then the Senators & the Governor come for lunch not the night at Home Miss Porter's school will come for a few moments & at 3.30 the rest at five if it will be over & I only hope dearest of brother's the quiet evening which will be a boon while the Sheriff who in his odd moments wishes over my furniture & is a cousin of Senator Hawley's has offered to supervise the inquisitive intruders & Mr. Constance who is the factotum of the school & has served his time in prison! offers his services while a funny little German farmer begs to be allowed to send you birds as a present. [*16731*]OLDGATE FARMINGTON CONNECTICUT country owe you a deep debt for being an example for them to urge their sons to follow" If only Edith should change her mind & come it would indeed be good — How I wish it had been yesterday the sweet little old New England town was so enchanting just a glimmer of gold & red from the maples and, the meadow all [*16732*]under water from the heavy rain. Alice is distinctly better. Devotedly Bye [COWLES] Alice & I have planned for a beautiful tramp the with you the morning you are here, if only the weather by chance is good[*File PPF pr*] New York Oct 16th 1901 My dear Mr Roosevelt. I laid before the Council of the Nat. Civil Service Reform League last evening a pretty full statement of the things we may expect from your administration, as well as those which we ought not to ask. An expression of satisfaction unanimous & spontaneous followed, in regard to [*16734*]of good feeling" and the personal expressions of everybody in regard to yourself were so warm & heartfelt that I had not the heart to mar them by the even more emphatic declarations in this point which you told me I might make. Indeed it was Mr Schurz himself who led in the expressions of friendliness & satisfaction and moved "a resolution" to that effect. Sincerely your friend Wm Dudley Foulke the latter as well as the former. In accordance with your view the League intends to emit one of those brilliant flashes of silence which are sometimes the more precious because they are rare - I told them very plainly that our status was such that our present "co operation" with your administration would not be of any great value to the principal party concerned; but the "era [*16735*][*File*] FREDERICK WM. HOLLS. LOUIS A. WAGNER. EDWARD M. BURGHARD. LAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER & BURGHARD, 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK Personal. October 16, 1901. Dear Mr. President, In accordance with your wish, as communicated me by Mr. Cortelyou, I will have the honor of calling at the White House on Friday evening at 9 o'clock. I feel sure that you will be glad to know that the Russian Privy Councilor, Fedor De Martens, with whose great reputation as an international lawyer and chief justice in various courts of arbitration you are acquainted, will also be in Washington on Saturday. He is under my charge this week, and I have promised him that I will do myself the honor of presenting him to you on Saturday morning. He dines with Chief Justice Fuller on Saturday evening. While M. De Martens comes principally to receive his degree at Yale, and in no official capacity, he is, nevertheless, one of the permanent councilors of the Russian Department of foreign affairs, and as such he is entirely familiar with the dispute about sugar between his country and Russia. He told me privately that it would give him great pleasure to explain the Russian position briefly and unofficially, either to you or Mr. Gage, if it could be done in a very informal manner. I give this information for what it is worth, and any wishes which you may have upon the subject can be easily communicated to M. De Martens if you will let me know on Friday evening. The Lutheran Bishop of Wisby, in Sweden, Dr. Von Scheele, will also in all probability call to pay his respects to you during the next day or two. As a Lutheran, I hope you will be pleased to receive him. He [*16736*]LAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER & BURGHARD. 120 BROADWAY. NEW YORK. FREDERICK WM. HOLLS. LOUIS A. WAGNER. EDWARD M. BURGHARD. 2 comes with special greetings of the King of Sweden, and he is a man of great distinction in his own country. He has been in America before and acts as a sort of connecting link between the two branches of the church on different sides of the ocean. I have the honor to remain, dear Mr. President, very faithfully, Your obedient servant, Frederick W. Holls. [*16737*][[shorthand]] M.A. CHIPMAN, S. M. KELTNER, E. E. HENDEE LAW OFFICES OF CHIPMAN, KELTNER, AND HENDEE ROOMS 1-2-3-4&5 ROBINSON BLDG ANDERSON, IND [*ackd 10/18/1901*] Anderson, Ind 10/16/01. Editorial from Indianapolis Journal Oct. 16/01. You are a throughbred Mr. President, and no mistakes. I am for you heart and soul, and I don't want an office either. Sincerely, and respectfully, Sanford M. Keltner. [*16738*]PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AND A SECOND TERM. The remark attributed to President Roosevelt relative to his political future is reported with so much particularity of circumstance that it is probably a correct statement, and, though not made for publication, there was no impropriety in giving it to the public. In defining to a delegation of Southern Republicans the policy he intended to pursue in making appointments he is reported as saying: If the American people care to show their approval of my course as President during the three years and a half I have to serve by placing me at the head of the Republican ticket in 1904, I should feel deeply grateful. It would be an honor it would difficult for any man to decline. But if I have to pander to any cliques, combinations or movements for their approval I would not give a rap of my finger for it, or a nomination for it under such circumstances. My indorsement must come from the people of the country. The statement will add to the President's reputation for frankness and candor, and in the circumstances it was a proper one to make. The people have become so accustomed to regarding a first-term President as an aspirant for a second term that they are apt to construe all his official acts, and especially his appointments, as looking to that end. This is bad for our politics, bad for the country, and bad for the President. It gets the people in the way of attributing self-seeking motives to the President, it introduces an element of suspicion in our politics, and it distracts from the President's usefulness by discounting in advance his most patriotic and high-purposed acts. To anticipate and prevent the application of this mischievous standard in his own case President Roosevelt gives notice that his official conduct will be shaped without reference to his renomination. He says in effect that he will not try to build up a personal machine or personal following, that he will not pander to any clique or combination for their approval, but that he will do his duty as he sees it and leave his future political fortunes in the hands of the people. He will not lift a finger to secure a renomination further than discharging every present duty to the best of his ability. Only one other President has gone as far as this in defining his relation to a second term. President Hayes, in his letter of acceptance, declared his "inflexible purpose," if elected. not to be a candidate for election to a second term, and after his inauguration he showed that he meant what he said by taking much higher ground in regard to appointments to the public service and pursuing a more independent course than any of his predecessors had done. The high ground which he took and his independent attitude towards the party leaders and political managers of the day made him personally unpopular with them, but the triumphant election of Garfield in 1880 showed that the Republican party had gained largely in the confidence of the public during the Hayes administration. It would not have done so if he had had the second-term bee in his bonnet and had tried to use the office to secure his renomination. President Roosevelt has not defined his position in relation to a second term in the same manner or terms that President Hayes did, but his pledge not to seek a renomination is quite as explicit. The office may seek him if the people choose to have it that way, but he will not seek the office. His declaration will add to the high confidence which the people already have in him. Adherence to it may lose him the support of some who assume to dictate presidential policies, but it will strengthen the Republican party and his own hold on the people. 16739 [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 10-21-1901 File wrote again 11-18-1901*] HOPE COLLEGE HOLLAND, MICHIGAN. Office of the President. October 16, 1907. President Theodore Roosevelt, LL.D. Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President: - Your letter with reference to vacancy in chaplaincy in the Army is highly appreciated. I thank you most heartily for this confidence and the honor conferred upon me. I am very glad to know that you intend to appoint a Dutch Reformed minister; and I shall be most happy to do all I can to suggest to you a suitable man for such an honorable and influential position. It being a matter of such vast importance, I suppose I can have until December to look up the best available man. With best wishes and highest esteem, I am, your obedient servant, G. J. Kollen. [*16740*](PERSONAL) [*Ack'd 10-19-1901*] [*Shorthand*] 120 Broadway New York Oct. 16th. 1901. Hor. Theodore Roosevelt, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. My dear Theodore:- This letter is personal, not official, hence the old style of address. If you have not seen the enclosed article "How America feels towards England", it will surely interest you. The writer must have been reading your Bachelor of Arts article on the Monroe Doctrine. It is a great pity that intelligent Englishmen do not clearly see and more graciously concede the paramount fact that American rights because they are right, and America's power to assert and defend the right, most dominate the American Continent. Without the intervention of war or even the serious opposition of the British Government, and simply by the adoption of wise commercial regulations on our part, the self interest of the people of Canada will compel them to seek closer political relations with the United States, and it is quite within the possibilities, that before the close of your second term, our borders may extend from the Gulf northward to the Pole. With American Isthmain Canal connecting the Oceans to the [*16741*]T.R.No.2. south of us, the map of our contimental domain would then take the form of an American shield, with the thirteen stripes still there but with many new stars in the field of blue. We are enough of a world power now, to almost compel peace among the Nations. With the world at peace our prosperity will continue and be so great that it will be difficult for us to deny our neighbors a share in that prosperity. No man ever came to the head of a great State with such obligations or such opportunities as now open before you. I thank God that you are young, strong, able, courageous and above all, an American of the Americans. It is in my heart to write this, although I know you are too busy for personal correspondence, so you must not take the trouble to acknowledge or answer this letter. Faithfully yours, John J. McCook [*16742*][*[For 1 enc. see 9-14-01, The Living Age]*][*Ansd*] CABLE ADDRESS. "RYRAPORT, NEW YORK." DOUGLAS ROBINSON 160 BROADWAY TELEPHONE CONNECTION. NEW YORK October 16, 1901 Dear Theodore: I received a letter from Mr. Cortelyou enclosing one from Moseman-- which I will attend to wish pleasure -- You dont probably need anything now but I will write them a pleasant letter so they may feel all right about it. Now about Friday night: I cannot tell you how much I appreciate your wish to have me to dinner -- I would have answered today by telegram fully and placed the matter before you but I thought I would have time to write and if you get Mr. Loeb to telegraph me tomorrow I cananswer. We have a large party of young people at our house from Friday till Monday-- and Corinne of course, is kicking about my leaving and being absent Friday evening when they are to assemble-- We have 12 or 14 at dinner But that has nothing to do with it in a way, and she realizesit it- if you think you would like me to be present on Friday night either for my own sake, as I naturally like to be kept in touch with men that are of weight in the country, or if I can be of any possible advantage to you by being present- Of course, I do not know from the telegram whether it was merely that you wanted to give me the pleasure of meeting one or two gentlemen which I appreciate more than I can say, or whether you really felt that you would like me to be there or your felt that I ought to be there. I hope I have made myself clear and a telegram from Mr. Loeb will decide the question for me, and I will do exactly what you feel I ought to for myself. I dont say yours, because I know I cannot be of any assistance to you in such matters as I am not in politics-- About some other matters: I am of course overrun with letters and requests [*16743*]CABLE ADDRESS. "RYRAPORT, NEW YORK." DOUGLAS ROBINSON 160 BROADWAY TELEPHONE CONNECTION. NEW YORK 190 from many people to you, of all kinds and description- and I have taken the ground that I cannot do it never have and never can and have absolutely refused to do anything at all. There are somethings I have had to do and one is Mr. Elliot Ward- a very old friend of your grandmother's, and in fact he was named after old Mr. Elliott-- He spoke to me the other day and asked me to mention to you who Mr. T. Lloyd Owens was, in case his name came up before you-- O told him I would do so and enclose a letter from Mr. Owens, which you may read or not as you wish, and then consign it to the waste paper basket- and I have done all I promised to do. Mr. John Gill of Baltimore, an old friend of mine and head of the Mercantile & Trust Co. of Baltimore, has also written to me and I enclose his letter. I am writing to Mr. Gill to tell him that I have no influence with the President, and if I had that I would never ask him to make an appointment- [and that I know for a fact that he would not] [x] I will write him apleasant letter and you can throw his letter into the waste paper basket even without reading it. I have had quite a talk with Bacon and Perkins yesterday- Perkins has some matter he wishes to lay before you- It was a little milder than I thought would suit you- I told him so-- and I think he sees the importance of changing it- You need not tell him that I mentioned it to you-- He wanted me to find out what evening you could see him- I think you have impressed Bacon and he is very much on your side of the fence- I judge that from his conversation yesterday. Yours sincerely D R [*[obinson]*] [*16744*][For 5 encs see Owens 10-14-01 " " 10-14-01 " " 10-15-01 " " 10-12-01 " Gill 10-14-01[*yes*] [*Oct 16.*] [*ackd 10-19-1901 CF*] War Department Office of the Assistant Secretary Washington, D.C Dear Mr. President, May I suggest that it might of interest to you to have a talk with Colonel Woodward [*16745*] Editor of the Cincinnati Enquirer. He will be in the City in about ten days, & for reasons I shall give you later, I think you would do well to see him. Sincerely yours Wm Cary Sanger [*[Sanger]*] [*16746*][*Shorthand*] [*Ackd] 10/18/1901*] Ft. Sheridan, Oct. 16, 1901. Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Washington, D.C. Hon. Dear Sir:- At the request of the Republican National Committee (Western Head Quarters) and with the consent of my superiors, I opened and conducted during the last three months of the National Campaigns, 1896, a bureau for political education among Catholics to remove religious apprehensions, prejudices and misconstructions, also to refute slanders, all of which were employed by politicians to keep in and attract to the Democratic party Catholic voters. Documents were prepared and about one million of them distributed. Bishops, Leading Priests and Laymen where visited so successfully that more Catholics voted the National Republican ticket than ever before and that not a few Congressmen attributed their election to the changed votes of Catholics citizens, especially in Ohio, Indiana, Wisconsin, Iowa, Nebraska and South Dakota. Senator Hanna and Messrs, W.C. Payne, Perry Heath, Graeme Stewart and R. C. Kerns have testified to the above of which you, Dear Sir, are not ignorant. In such a degree was the success of the bureau appreciated, that I was authorized by the Committee to continue my work. Most Reverend Archbishop Ireland wrote to me a month after the election as follows: "I beg leave to say how glad I was to hear that you intended to continue uninterruptedly the "campaigns of political education among Catholics," and I now write to you to encourage you in your work. In my view it is most important, both for the [*16747*]-2- country at large and for the Catholic Church in number, that Catholics be made to feel they should not be in political bondage to the Democratic Party. Too many of them serve this party through a sentiment of mere tradition and without active reflection. It were only necessary to put before them a few plain arguments and a few plain facts to being them over to the Republican Party. The work in this direction should not be merely done on the eve of election, it should be continuous year in and year out. With your experience in practical policies and your knowledge of Catholic people, you can do a great deal in developing and directing this good work. Of course I [had] write this letter for yourself and your own intimate friends, not for publication. Very sincerely, (Signed) John Ireland. Judging from Catholic papers, conditions and doings in our newly acquired possessions will form the basis of future attacks. From reliable information I knew that adverse reports are unfounded, but I consider it advisable that I be enabled to bear testimony of what I have myself seen. Hence, I submitted a plan to visit said Countries to our Beloved President McKinley, who as you know most kindly and fully approved it. Hon. Kerhs informed me by letter that he together with Senators Elkins and N. B. Scott had lately spoken to you about this matter and also placed it before His Excellency the President, who "agree instantly and said, when the time came, that he was ready to do whatever you (I) wanted in that respect". Mr. Kerns continues "the details of this, when you are ready, will be carried out by our mutual friend, Hon. Secretary Cortelyou". [*16748*] -3- As a consequence of that interview, I received to-day the following orders: "By direction of the Acting Secretary of War, Chaplain Edward J. Vattman, 99th Infantry, will repair to this City and report in person to the Acting Secretary of War for consultation. The travel enjoined is necessary for the public service." In consequence of which I shall be in Washington at the end of this or at the beginning of next week. I hesitate to place all the above before the Military authorities and shall therefore take the liberty to call upon you upon my arrival for advice. What I ask is little, but it will, I am assured by those who ought to know, produce much good. Permit me to state in conclusion that I have never received nor will ever accept any peculiarly remuneration. I remain Honorable Dear Sir, Most respectfully yours, E. J. Vattmann. [*16749*][*File*] FROM BOOKER T. WASHINGTON TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED. TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. 1918 - 11th St., N. W., Washington, D. C. October 16, 1901. President Theodore Roosevelt Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President - I shall be very glad to accept your invitation for dinner this evening at seven-thirty. Yours very truly, Booker T. Washington. [*16750*][[shorthand]] [*ackd 10-19-1901 File* THE OUTING PUBLISHING COMPANY CASPAR WHITNEY President ROBERT BACON Vice - President FLETCHER HARPER Secretary and Treasurer OUTING AN ILLUSTRATED MAGAZINE OF SPORT TRAVEL ADVENTURE AND COUNTRY LIFE CASPAR WHITNEY Editor WILLIAM BANCROFT Publisher 359 Fifth Avenue. NEW YORK, October 16, 1901. Dictated. My dear Colonel: Well it is a dickens of a disappointment, but I guess I will have to stand it, and let me hasten to say that the idea of your "seeming churlish" never entered my head. I fully appreciate, my dear Colonel, your feelings in the matter. I expect really I am at fault for not having explained more fully to you at the outset, but if I did not it was a pure oversight in the rush of the whole business; and of course never for a second did the idea enter my head of doing anything that you did not want me to do. Want them for the book? - well, indeed I do. I have always wanted them for the book; the magazine was a side issue, so send back that first page of your MS. Faithfully yours, Caspar Whitney Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. [*16751*]TELEGRAM. Executive Mansion, Washington. 7 WU BD JM 15 D.H. 3:55 p.m. New York, Oct. 16, 1901. The President: I mailed an important letter to you to-day which should be read only by yourself. Jno. S. Wise. 16752[*Shorthand*] ack'd 10-19-1907 PPF [?] Yerkes, John Watson deceased see also Lerse John S Washington, D.C., October 16, 1901 The President: Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge your request, through Secretary Cortelyou, that I look over certain letters from the Hon. John S. Wise and then return them with any comments deemed proper. In his letter of October 11th, Mr. Wise says: "I have notified the gentlemen on the list of the substances of our interview and correspondence." As I am not acquainted with the substance of the interview, and familiar with the correspondence only so far as I acquire it through reading Mr. Wise's letters, I am somewhat in doubt as to the line of comments appropriate and Germain to the question. Mr. Wise has broad familiarity with Virginia politics, and with the character, standing and potency of the men of that State, but he necessarily is somewhat subject to the influence of personal partiality and prejudice. 16753(2) In 1896 he appeared before the National Committee as counsel for Colonel Lamb, of Norfolk, touching a matter in controversy between Colonel Lamb and Mr. Bowden, to whom Mr. Wise refers in his letter of October 8th. The speech of Mr. Wise was not only the brilliant, forceful argument of an attorney, but also indicated clearly personal dislike of and hostility to Mr. Bowden. I voted to sustain Colonel Lamb, as I thought was right, but the majority of the Committee voted otherwise. I refer to this because Mr. Wise, in his letter of October 8th, says that Mr. Bowden, the member of the National Committee, has had absolute sway, in conjunction with Mr. Agnew, Chairmen of the State Committee, in post-office appointments; yet, in his type-written letter of October 7th, he says, Page 4, in speaking of Colonel Waddy, of Norfolk, that the Colonel was appointed postmaster of the City of Norfolk, by President McKinley, on the urgent appeal of the later Hen. Richard A. Wise, brother of Mr. John S. Wise. So it seems that Mr. Bowden and Mr. Agnew did not have absolute control as to the postmastership at Norfolk, one of the most important and lucrative in the gift of the President. [*16754*] (3) I agree most heartily in Mr. Wise's opinion, given in the letter of October 7th, that Federal patronage in Virginia should be withheld for the present, although, perhaps, I do not fully agree with his reason for it. He states, in two places, that the present State Republican nominees will be overwhelmingly defeated, and that this will be an absolute defeat of the "machine," and I fear, from his language, that some Republicans in the State really desire to witness an overwhelming defeat of this ticket, as same will be immediately need as an argument against what is termed "the reign of the machine." I did not understand that any machine was omnipotent in the selection of the present State ticket. Mr. Wise himself, in speaking of Judge Lewis, says that the "ring" considered him in the governorship nomination, but he declined same." My understanding was that Judge Lewis could have been nominated without question if he had allowed his name to be used, so if there is a "ring" in control, the "ring" in this case was offering the gubernatorial nomination to one not a member of the "ring," and to a man recognized everywhere as a leading citizen, without handicaps of any kind. 16755 (4) I am glad to know that I am in accord with Mr. Wise in naming some gentlemen in Virginia worthy of your confidence. In both lists as submitted appear the names of Judge Lewis, General Rosser and Mr. Yost. The difference in the lists is that I have named gentlemen connected with the organization and not connected with the organization. I do not believe that because one has been connected, or is now connected with the existing Republican organization in Virginia, that forthat reason he is certainly corrupt and in politics merely for what may be made out of it through Federal patronage. From a political standpoint, and in view of the existing campaign, I do not think it would be wise to announce at this time that the organization will be entirely ignored and that only others will be called into consultation. If it is finally determined that and entire change must be made in Virginia affairs, I think this determination should be held private until after the November election. Personally, I do not think it possible for the Republican ticket to succeed, but I think great good has been done in Virginia through the nomination of the ticket, 16756 (5) thus giving opportunity for many prominent men formerly Democrats to openly ally themselves with the Republican Party and declare allegiance to its principles as set out in National platforms and to its State policies as declared in the State platform. I return herewith, as requested, all correspondence submitted to me with note of October 14th. Very respectfully, John W. Yerkes [*16757*][[shorthand]] MEMORANDUM concerning the Consul at Turin, by telephone from the State Department. So far as the record in the Department goes there is nothing in evidence to show that Mr. Cuneo is objectionable to the Italian Government. Whatever objection it may have had against him, he being a native of Italy, has been in a measure condoned by the issue of an exequatur as Consul at Turin. The Department has not been officially informed of this action but understands that it has been taken. The record shows that he is a man of 65 years, and although he is a native of Italy he speaks the Italian language imperfectly. Proficiency in the use of this language is almost essential for a man in his position, as about the only people he as to deal with are Italians. Executive Mansion, October 16, 1901 [*16758*]IT HAS COME TO THIS! "I wish you would dine with Mrs Roosevelt and myself this evening." President Roosevelt entertains at Dinner in the White House BOOKER T. WASHINGTON, Colored, Wednesday evening, October 16th, 1901. 16759Jones Jones, EliasTHEODORE ROOSEVELT TWENTY-SIXTH PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES A TYPICAL AMERICAN BY CHARLES EUGENE BANKS AND LEROY ARMSTRONG INTRODUCTORY CHAPTERS BY GEN. JOSEPH WHEELER AND OPIE READ E.R.DUMONT. PUBLISHER CHICAGO [*16760*]COPYRIGHT 1901 BY E. R. DUMONTTABLE OF CONTENTS. iii CHAPTER XI. - ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. Rebuilds the American Navy. Introduces Target Practice with Powder and Ball. Active in Preparation for Spanish War. Advises Ordering Commodore Dewey to the China Station. Resigns for Active Duty in the Field. CHAPTER XII. - FORMATION OF THE "ROUGH RIDERS." Friendship for General Leonard Wood. A Month Well Saved. Cowboys, Hunters and Clubmen Rally to His Standard. The Best Fighting Material that Ever Marched to the Field. "Cherokee Bill," "Rattlesnake Pete," and Indian Scouts in the Ranks. CHAPTER XIII. - SERVICE IN CUBA. Discards the Saber for the Pistol. Millionaires and Mountaineers in the Trenches Together. Sad Division of the Regiment at Tampa. Fighting Through Pathless Forests. The Splendid Charge up San Juan Hill. CHAPTER XIV. - RETURN OF THE REGIMENT, AND DEWEY DAY. Landing of Rough Riders at Montauk Point, After Perilous Sea Voyage. Regimental Mascots. Angels of Mercy at the Hospitals. Mustered Out. Grand Naval Review at New York. CHAPTER XV. - ROOSEVELT IN CHICAGO. Enthusiastically Received by the People. Famous Address at the Auditorium. "The Strenuous Life." Notable Speech in Full. CHAPTER XVI. - GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK. Empire State Jubilantly Rewards Him with Its Highest Office. Inaugurates in Every Branch of the Public Service. Eugene A. Philbin Appointed District Attorney. The Latter's Relentless War on Official Corruption. [*16761*]iv TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER XVII—HONORS THRUST UPON HIM. Nominated for Vice-President Against His Emphatic Protest. Sinks Private Interests at the Call of Public Duty. Striking Figure in the Campaign. Hunts Mountain Lions for Recreation. Presiding Over the Senate. CHAPTER XVIII—ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT MCKINLEY. Czolgosz Strikes Down the Head of the Nation. Country Plunged in Woe. Hope and Despair Alternate. End of a Noble Life. "Nearer, My God, to Thee." A Nation Pauses While Its President is Laid to Rest. CHAPTER XIX—SUCCEEDS TO THE PRESIDENCY. Roosevelt Recalled from the Adirondacks to Assume the Presidential Office. Sworn in at Buffalo. Declares He Will Carry Out McKinley's Policy. Retains the Cabinet. Proud of a Reunited Country. Declares Sectional Lines Erased. CHAPTER XX—PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AS A MAN. His Belief in the Nobility of Americanism. Washington and Lincoln His Models. The Friend of Labor. The Champion of Law and Order. Pure Mind in a Healthy Body. Better to Fight Than Endure a Wrong. The Republic's Youngest President. CHAPTER XXI—FORECAST OF ROOSEVELT, AND OF THE REPUBLIC Believing in the Monroe Doctrine, and An American Canal ad the Isthmus; in Reciprocity and Expansion, President Roosevelt, Strong, Upright, Honest and Aggressive, Implicitly Trusted by a United People, Ushers in America's Golden Era.TABLE OF CONTENTS. POEM, by GRACE DUFFIE BOYLAN. "A TYPICAL AMERICAN"; Introduction by OPIE READ. "PERSONAL IMPRESSIONS OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT"; by GENERAL JOE WHEELER CHAPTER I. Being an Outline Sketch of an American Citizen ; the Forces Which Produced Him, the Events Which Developed Him, and the Victories He has Achieved. CHAPTER II.—"BIRTH, LINEAGE AND BOYHOOD." Descended from Good Old Holland Stock, his Ancestors Among the Earliest American Pioneers. Delicate in Health His Masterful Spirit Won for Him a Stalwart Frame. Early Develops the Qualities of a Leader. CHAPTER III.—COLLEGE LIFE. Enters Harvard at the Age of Eighteen. Develops a Taste for [Hunting] literature and Natural History. Is Active in All College Sports, Especially Wrestling and Boxing. Graduates in 1880 with High Honors. CHAPTER IV.—A New York ASSEMBLYMAN At once Attracted Attention to Himself as an Uncompromising Foe to Machine Rule, and a Friend of Good Government. Striking Promise of His Remarkable Public Career. [*16762*]ii TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER V.—IN NATIONAL CONVENTION, 1884. Recognized as a Factor in National Politics. A Leader of Men. Loyal to the Best Traditions of His Party, He Maintained a Splendid Independence. CHAPTER VI.—RANCHING IN THE BAD LANDS. Comrade with the Cowboys. Wins the Confidence and Esteem of Hunters, Ranchmen and Pioneers. "Busting" Bronchos. Adventures with Wild Beasts. Thrilling Fight with a Grizzly. CHAPTER VII.—THEODORE ROOSEVELT AS AN AUTHOR. Beginning as Editor of His College Paper, He Develops Striking Literary Talent. "Winning of the West," "Naval War of 1812," "The Strenuous Life, and Other Essays," "Oliver Cromwell." A Voluminous Writer. CHAPTER VIII.—HOME LIFE, AND RELIGIOUS TENDENCIES. Romance of His Boyhood. Married Life. In the Family. "All Children Should Have Just as Good a Time as They Possibly Can." Holding to the Faith of His Fathers. CHAPTER IX.—United States CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSIONER. Referred to by Politicians as "A Man who Likes Books, and Takes a Bath before Breakfast." Excites the Opposition of Spoilsmen in Both Parties. Six Years of Fight for the Merit System. CHAPTER X.—POLICE COMMISSIONER OF NEW YORK CITY. "I will enforce the Law." In spite of a Mutinous Police Force, He closes the Saloons on Sunday. "He Talks as Straight as He Shoots." Reveals Frightfully Immoral Condition of the City, and Punishes Offenders.6 Theodore Roosevelt said they, were sleeping. Soon they will wake up. Rome taught us that such a thing could not be. Ancient Egypt declared its failure. Modern France laughs with us. The French revolution was a failure. Therefore this thing cannot stand. They called it a thing. They had lost sight of immortality. The assassin lifted his weapon as if to prove that monarchy was the only enduring form of government. Presidents sank down to die, but the Government still lived. Office may be ephemeral, but the people are eternal. The crown did not know this. They said that the scepter was God's word. We have taught the world that this is wrong. The people are immortal. The death of McKinley proved the ever-enduring life of his nation. Before the day of enlightenment such a death would have meant chaos. The education of a man means the eternal element of society. Presidents die; the country lives. But confidence is the essence of prosperity. Without confidence we are unsteady of gaze, fixing cross-eyes upon uncertainty. With confidence we are strong, and Roosevelt gives us strength. They said that he was lacking in dignity and he became the most dignified of men. [*16763*]A TYPICAL AMERICAN. 7 They said that he might not be executive, and one work put the nation at rest. They acknowledged that he was brave, but they said that bravery was not wisdom. The bravest were the wisest men of Rome. Bravery, sobered with responsibility, is the most conservative ruler. They did not know this at first but they know it now. Roosevelt is a patriot, and of such is the safe statesman composed. Men who stood closest to him were astonished. He surprised his more intimate friends. They had not taken into account his devoted study of governments. Now they wonder at our short-sightedness. While riding in a carriage toward the McKinley house, Roosevelt pointed to a large building and remarked: "There is the future President for all time." It was a public school. Some of the men who were with him did not understand this, but some of them did; and one man, a Congressman, reached over and took his hand. To Roosevelt old men came and centered their hope. They felt that American institutions were safe. In him they knew was centered the entire country. At Canton were men of every party. For the first time in the history of the States there was no political creed. America was unitedRoosevelt. Who goes there? An American! Brain and spirit and brawn and heart. 'Twas for him that the nations spared Each to the years its noblest part; Till from the Dutch, the Gaul and Celt Blossomed the soul of Roosevelt Student, trooper and gentleman Level-lidded with times and kings, His the voice for a comrade's cheer, His the ear when the saber rings. hero shades of the old days melt In the quick pulse of Roosevelt. Hand that's molded to hilt of sword; Heart that ever has laughed at fear; Type and pattern of civic pride; Wit and grace of the cavalier: All that his fathers prayed and felt Gleams in the glance of Roosevelt. Who goes there? An American! Man to the core—as men should be. Let him pass through the lines alone, Type the sons of Liberty. Here, where his fathers' fathers dwelt, honor and faith for Roosevelt! Grace Duffie BoylanTheodore Roosevelt The Twenty-Sixth President of the United States A TYPICAL AMERICAN THE most prominent personality, the most popular man in the Western Hemisphere today, is unquestionably Theodore Roosevelt, who is now our chief executive. Born to wealth, inheriting the prestige of family, hedged about by imperious social environments, he nevertheless gave early promise of a thoroughly plain and characteristically American development. That promise has been fulfilled and today it is everywhere felt that on no worthier shoulders than his could the dead President's mantle have fallen. The People Everywhere want to know about him Everybody is eagerly asking about him; every line written about him for the newspapers is read by millions within twenty-four hours after publication. But the information is too meagre, and the gaps in the story are too numerous. There is an unsatisfied demand for an authentic narrative that will portray the President as he is and has always been— natural, plain, unaffected, fearless, strong—a typical American, in fact, uniting in his striking personality an unexampled array of manly attributes. It is no easy task to produce such a narrative. With literary skill of a high order must be combined a rare faculty for discerning the secret processes of character-building, the mazy ways of mind-development. But the right men have at least been found, the right kind of book has been produced. PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT On his Favorite Horse (Reproduced from Leslie's Weekly, copyright by Judge Company, 1901.) (This is only a half-tone reproduction of a duograph illustration, and gives only a faint idea of the unsurpassed artistic perfection of the new process used exclusively in the work.) [*16765*]THEODORE ROOSEVELT — A TYPICAL AMERICAN A Thrilling Biography By the Celebrated Authors and friends of the President, Charles Eugene Banks and Leroy Armstrong Introductory Chapters by General Joseph Wheeler and Opie Read true in every detail, minutely accurate in its marvelous handling of facts, its masterly grouping of incidents. Few experiences are as varied as Theodore Roosevelt's have been, and no lives have been found to compass in the short span of forty-three years so much of stern resolve, of fearless initiative, and of unswerving execution. In the time of Alexander the Great of Caesar he would have administered a kingdom; under Napoleon he would have led the last charge of the Old Guard at Waterloo; at a turning-point of the recent war he did lead the attack of San Juan hill, pronounced impregnable by military experts. The story of all that led up to this and all that came out of it is more striking than any evolved by the imagination of a Hugo or Illustrated by the genius of a Dore. His prominence, his exaltation to the proudest honors in the gift of appreciative countrymen, his winnings of all hearts - reconciling all discords, healing all prejudice - are among the most gratifying reflections in which an American can indulge. The Youngest President at once takes rank with, the worthiest that have shaped the nation's destinies, and rises to the dignity of the weighty office with all the earnestness that marked his discharge of minor duties in other positions. It must not be imagined for one moment that this work, which described the wonderful evolution of model citizenship, is of the mushroom kind that springs up overnight. Far from it! Of such ephemeral publications it may be said: "A breath can make them as a breath has made"; but a work which bears the stamp of genius, which reflects the accuracy of history, breathing in every page the fervor of patriotism, and blazoning the lofty purposes of a later American chivalry, must needs take firm hold on American hearts. In such a work there is no place for politics, no room for sectional bias. An ex-Confederate general (Joe Wheeler)—a hero of two wars - contributes in a splendidly pictorial style his reminiscences of Roosevelt in the field—leading the sons of those who wore the blue and of those who wore the gray, and Reconciling all animosities, reuniting North and South under one flag The life of such a man is an education to reflective minds. He has lived in an era of great events. His biography carries with it a graphic account of the development of the United States from its position as an almost isolated nation, content to remain within its own borders, to the proud rank of a world-power of the first magnitude, with a voice of no uncertain tone in the councils of the great nations. When the leader of the "Rough Riders" prepared himself in youth for the possible contests of the future, he could have had no presage of the struggles in which he was to bear so prominent a part; but the secret forces that shape history have thoroughlyTHEODORE ROOSEVELT - A TYPICAL AMERICAN tested his strength. He has been in the thick of all the political controversies and party difficulties of the past twenty years, and the growing youth of the land will find in this life of "A Typical American," not only much to inspire to upright living and noble deeds, but also a trustworthy contribution to the record of their country's growth and development during a period of wonderful transitions. Read the Table of Contents A glance at the Table of Contents herewith offered will give a pretty fair idea of the general treatment, but nothing less than the artistically prepared prospectus can convey a correct notion of the work's mechanical features. It is printed on a superb quality of laid paper made to order. The illustrations exhibit the unsurpassed delicacy of finish which characterizes the new process work, and their presence in such number and variety in the text invests it with the rare charm of actuality, placing the reader, as it were, before a gigantic picture of a man's purposeful life. The title-page, specifically designed by a celebrated artist, is printed on Japanese vellum paper and is accompanied by a genuine photogravure also on Japan paper and in the very highest style of art. The binding is full equal to that of books which selloff three times the price of this. No effort has been spared to secure all legitimate advantages—mechanical and artistic—which enhance the inherent attractiveness of scholarly authorship portraying the beau-ideal of American citizenship. The result has been an epoch-making book - a surprise even to a public surfeited with good things in literature. [*16766*] TO SEE THE WORK IS TO WANT ITTable of Contents Poem, "Roosevelt," by Grace Duffie Boylan. "A Typical American." Introduction by Opie Read. "Personal Impressions of Theodore Roosevelt." By General Joseph Wheeler. Chapter I.--Being an Outline Sketch of an American Citizen. The Forces which Produced Him, the Events which Developed Him, and the Victories He has Achieved. Chapter II.--Birth, Lineage and Boyhood. Descended from Good Old Holland Stock, His Ancestors among the Earliest American Pioneers. Early Develops the Qualities of a Leader Chapter III.--College Life. Enters Harvard at the Age of Eighteen. Develops a Taste for Hunting and Natural History. Is Active in All College Sports, Especially Wrestling and Boxing. Chapter IV.--A New York Assemblyman. At Once Attracted Attention to Himself as a Foe to Machine Rule and a Friend of Good Government. Striking Promise of his Remarkable Public Career. Chapter V.--In National Convention, 1884. Recognized as a Factor in National Politics. A Leader of Men. Loyal to the Best Traditions of His Party, He Maintained a Splendid Independence Chapter VI.--Ranching in the Bad Lands. Comrade with the Cowboys. Wins the Confidence and Esteem of Ranchmen and Pioneers. Adventures with Wilde Beasts. Thrilling Fight with a Grizzly. Chapter VII.--Theodore Roosevelt as an Author. Beginning as Editor of His College Paper, He Develops Striking Literary Talent. "Winning of the West," "Naval War of 1812," "The Strenuous Life, and Other Essays," "Oliver Cromwell." Chapter VIII.--Home Life, and Religious Tendencies. Romance of His Boyhood. Married Life. In the Family. Holding to the Faith of His Fathers. Chapter IX.--United States Civil Service Commissioner. Referred to by Politicians as "A Man who Likes Books, and Takes a Bath Before Breakfast." Excites the Opposition of Spoilsmen in Both Parties. Six Years of Fight for the Merit System. Chapter X.--Police Commissioner of New York City. "I Will Enforce the Law." He Closes the Saloons on Sunday. "He Talks as Straight as He Shoots." Reveals Frightfully Immoral Condition of the City, and Punishes Offenders. Chapter XI.--Assistant Secretary of the Navy. Rebuilds the American Navy. Introduces Target Practice with Powder and Ball. Advises Ordering Commodore Dewey to the China Station. Resigns for Active Duty in the Field. Chapter XII.--Formation of the "Rough Riders." Friendship for General Leonard Wood. A Month Well Saved. Cowboys, Hunters and Clubmen Rally to His Standard. The Best Fighting Material that Ever Marched to the Field. "Cherokee Bill," "Rattlesnake Pete" and Indian Scouts in the Ranks. Chapter XIII.--Service in Cuba. Discards the Saber for the Pistol. Millionaires and Mountaineers in the Trenches Together. The Splendid Charge up San Juan Hill. Chapter XIV.--Return of the Regiment, and Dewey Day. Landing of Rough Riders at Montauk Point, After Perilous Sea Voyage. Regimental Mascots. Mustered Out. Grand Naval Review at New York. Chapter XV.--Roosevelt in Chicago. Enthusiastically Received by the People. Famous Address at the Auditorium, "The Strenuous Life." Notable Speech in Full. Chapter XVI.--Governor of New York. Empire State Jubilantly Rewards Him with its Highest Office. Inaugurates Reform in Every Branch of the Public Service. His Relentless War on Official Corruption. Chapter XVII.--Honors Thrust Upon Him. Nominated for Vice-President Against His Emphatic Protest. Sinks Private Interests at the Call of Public Duty. Hunts Mountain Lions for Recreation. Presiding Over the Senate. Chapter XVIII.--Assassination of President McKinley. Czolgosz Strikes Down the Head of the Nation. Country Plunged in Woe. Hope and Despair Alternate. End of a Noble Life. A Nation Pauses while its President is Laid to Rest. Chapter XIX.--Succeeds to the Presidency. Recalled from the Adirondacks to Assume the Presidential Office. Declares He will Carry Out McKinley's Policy. Retains the Cabinet. Proud of a Reunited Country. Declares Sectional Lines Erased. Chapter XX.--President Roosevelt as a Man. His Belief in the Nobility of Americanism. Washington and Lincoln His Models. The Friend of Labor. The Champion of Law and Order. Better to Fight than Endure a Wrong. The Republic's Youngest President. Chapter XXI.--Forecast of Roosevelt and of the Republic. Believing in the Monroe Doctrine and an American Canal at the Isthmus; in Reciprocity and Expansion, President Roosevelt, Implicitly Trusted by a United People, Ushers in America's Golden Era. ------------------------------------------------------ A WORK OF STERLING AND ENDURING WORTH WITHOUT THE GAUDY GILT EXTERIOR STYLES AND PRICES SOLD ONLY BY SUBSCRIPTION This volume will contain more than four hundred pages, printed from new type. The frontispiece is a photogravure on Japan vellum, and the large number of other illustrations throughout the work are by the celebrated duograph process, pronounced by many to be equal to genuine photo-gravures. The beautifully illuminated title-page on Japan paper is from an original design by a celebrated artist. CLOTH, embossed on back in genuine gold (not gilt).................................................................. $1.50 HALF RUSSIA, Gold-veined, marbled sides, genuine gold top, embossed in gold on back, ..... 2.25 WRITE TO-DAY FOR OUR SPECIAL LIBERAL TERMS E. R. DUMONT, PUBLISHER, 303-305 DEARBORN STREET. CH[?] 1901 The Commercial Advertiser Established 1797 187 BROADWAY AND 5 & 7 DEY STREET. EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT. NEW YORK. 17th Oct. [*[1901?]*] [*Ackd 10-21-1901*] [*File*] [*shorthand*] My dear Roosevelt - I have dismissed that newspaper project for the present at last. Of course New York is the best place for certain purposes. My only desire is to be where I can be of most service to you. You will be amused by the enclosed account of the poor old "antis" in their post-mortem convulsions. What a lucky chap you are - the Garrisons are still against you! I am told there is a daily and irrepressible conflict going on about you in the Eve. Post office. What you said to Lamont did my heart good. I am not vindictive, but I am a "good hater" and I hope and believe you are. If you ever forgive that outfit I shall never forgive you. That is the only ground I can see upon which we could possibly part company. [*16767*] I hope you will not disapprove of my saying what I have said today in the enclosed. Yours always J. B. Bishopand the attacks which followed it, will make you millions of friends. I have wished to write to you for some time, but I didn't want to bother you. What I wanted to write you was that if it should happen you should want to say something which as President you could not say, I would be proud to say it for you. The public prints are more than kind to me, and I can "write good". This letter is no evidence that I can write "good", but I am too mad to write correctly. I enclose a picture which I thought Mrs Roosevelt might like for her scrap book. I hope she does not intend to [*Ack'd FIle PPF B*] abandon it. With my best wishes I am Richard Harding Davis MARION, MASSACHUSETTS. October 17th 1901 Dear Colonel. I would not insult you nor myself, by saying you were right to ask to your table a gentleman who has done as much for his people, and through them, for the good of this country, their country, and yours and mine, as has Booker Washington. The Southerner does not know that the civil war is over. He thinks the slave question is still an issue. He does not know, [*16768*] "self imposed slave" if you treated them as human beings. I knew you would catch it before long. And now that the mud throwing has come I am glad the first men to fling it, were not from the East, or West but from the South, from the land of lynching's and burning's at the stake, of "bunkum chivalry" and of the laziest and narrowest, and least civilized of American people. What you did, for which you deserve no credit, for it was only an act of every day civility, may "close the door to any accessions of Southern white men to Republican ranks," but the abuse that while not one Southern regiment got to Cuba for the fighting, you led more "niggers" against the enemy than there were Southern white men in the entire Fifth Army Corps. nor does he know that when I informed Gen Wheeler that the colored troops were on top of the hill, that that flower of Southern bravery, was sitting crouched under the roots of a tree in the bank of the San Juan stream. He does not know that in time that war made you the protector of seven million more "niggers", and if he should find it out, he would consider it another "damnable outrage" and [*16769*] 2 VILLA-CREST MANCHESTER, MASSACHUSETTS friends. He merits your confidence, and is a fine man. The Williams & Clark he presented are both good men, and belong to the respectable wing of the Republican party. You may recall a letter of introduction from me which was presented to you by Malcolm J. McFarlane during the last Philadelphia Convention. A letter in which I suggested that if the Republican National Cmtee ever hoped to see a good Republican Party [*16771*] [*ackd 10-19-01901 File*] Oct 17-1901 VILLA-CREST MANCHESTER, MASSACHUSETTS Mr. President, I highly appreciate your kind response to my letter enclosing the editorial. It is comforting to know that you have Louisiana matters in view. They have long needed such attention as you are capable of giving them, - and needed it badly. Yes! I know John McIlhenny know him well and intimately. We have long been close [*16770*] VILLA-CREST MANCHESTER, MASSACHUSETTS participation in politics may have taught me something of the situation. I often see my neighbor George Lyman, and we hoped that you were coming out to him at Burly Farms last June for I would then have had the opportunity of telling you something of matters in Louisiana which I believed might interest you, and which I knew would surprise you. My stay here will be to the end of November. [*16773*] VILLA-CREST MANCHESTER, MASSACHUSETTS in Louisiana, that it should recognise these Louisiana Republicans headed by Williams, McCall, Clark, Duson, Wight, McFarlane & others of whom Williams was chairman & McFarlane, Secretary. Any information you at any time desire concerning men & matters in Louisiana I shall be glad to give you, as I consider it my duty to you, & my obligation to the President. And it may be that my 19 years of active [*16772*]VILLA-CREST MANCHESTER, MASSACHUSETTS and I shall not go South without paying my respects to you in Washington. Yrs to command Walter D. Denegre President Roosevelt Washington D.C [*16774*]NEW YORK, 256 Fifth Avenue. CHICAGO, 175 Dearborn St. PITTSBURGH, Ferguson Block. BALTIMORE, Moore Building. BOSTON, 120 Tremont St. ST.LOUIS, 708 Pine St. MINNEAPOLIS, Lumber Exchange. Harrington & Goodman, 619 CHESTNUT ST. & 616 JAYNE ST. PHILADELPHIA, October 17th.,1901. [*ackd 10-21-1901 File*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. Sir:- I take the liberty of submitting to you for your inspection and information, the enclosed correspondence. Letters June 22nd., Oct.15th., 1901, to Senor Don Felipe Buencamino of the Directory Federal Party, and one received from him dated Manila, June 20th. I place it unreservedly in your hands, with the fullest confidence that trust will not be displaced. My attitude towards last Administration, is because I believe, as former President Benj. Harrison stated in letter I received from him dated Jany.10th., 1901. "We are involved in infinite trouble when we attempt to adjust our relations to our new insular possessions upon any other basis than that they are a part of the domain of the United States and their civilized people citizens of the United States." Permit me respectfully to state, have more confidence in your Administration, concerning policy for Insular possessions, than I had in that of the late President, though I voted for him both elections. If I can in my humble way contribute in anywise to the success of your Administration in the Philippines, it will afford me much [*16775*]NEW YORK, 256 Fifth Avenue. CHICAGO, 175 Dearborn St. PITTSBURGH, Ferguson Block. BALTIMORE, Moore Building. BOSTON, 120 Tremont St. ST.LOUIS, 708 Pine St. MINNEAPOLIS, Lumber Exchange. Harrington & Goodman, 619 CHESTNUT ST. & 616 JAYNE ST. PHILADELPHIA, No. 2. pleasure to do so. With that object in view, I respectfully ask your definite views and intentions, in strict confidence, concerning the granting of a Territorial government to civilized Filipinos, with Federal citizenship of the United States. The lack of definite information as to intentions by former Administration, I may say is one of the greatest causes of complaint the Federal Party have, in their labors with their countrymen in stamping out "guerrilla" warfare. Will state, have been in correspondence with the Senor since Dec. 26th., 1900, since which time have been literally pouring into them all our leading journals, (Republican and Democratic), daily, weekly, illustrated and secular, also Monthly magazines, American and English. If you will kindly favor me with your confidence, have other important information. If you desire any reference, Col. Sam'l Goodman with whom i have been connected for twenty-five years will doubtless give you any information you may desire. I beg to remain, Faithfully yours, Wm. C. Dix Confidential. (Dictated.) [*16776*][For enclosure see 10-17-01 & 8-27-01]The Vermonter. ESTABLISHED AUGUEST, 1895. AN ILLUSTRATED MAGAZINE CHARLES S. FORBES $1.00 A YEAR IN ADVANCE. DEVOTED TO STATE INTERESTS. EDITOR AND PUBLISHER. St. Albans, Vt., October 17, 1901. Hon.Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C. My dear Sir: The November Vermonter will be a Roosevelt number. It will be largely devoted to your resent visit to Vermont and will contain numerous half tone illustrations,including two portraits of yourself and one of Mrs. Roosevelt,a view of your residence at Oyster Bay,two of the residence and grounds of Gov. Fisk at Isle La Motte,and also other scenes connected with your trip to the state. Mr.Phillip B.Stewart has advised me that he would send several photographs of your hunting trip in the west for this issue. I desire to include in this souvenir number one of your speeches X in full, and I respectfully request you to indicate which speech you prefer to have appear in this number of the Vermonter-- the one at Rutland, one of the two delivered at Burlington,or the after-dinner remarks delivered at Isle La Motte. I send you under this cover the published reports of your speeches made in Vermont,and would be very much pleased if you would revise the one that you consent to have published. In this connection, I desire to ask a favor which,if granted,will be very pleasing to the people of Vermont,and add very materially to the value and attractiveness of the 16777 Roosevelt number of the Vermonter. The Vermonter. ESTABLISHED AUGUST, 1895 AN ILLUSTRATED MAGAZINE CHARLES S. FORBES, $1.00 A YEAR IN ADVANCE. DEVOTED TO STATE INTERESTS. EDITOR AND PUBLISHER. St. Albans, Vt., The request is this;that you prepare a sentiment on the subject of your visit to V ermont,giving your impression of Vermont aand Vermonters,with special reference to your visit to the state. If you consent to kindly favor me with the article suggested,it will be in season if you mail it by Tuesday morning,October 32nd, or Wednesday, October 23rd. I take pleasure in sending you a McKinley Memorial number of the Vermonter,and shall be glad to mail you a number of the President Roosevelt number to be issued in November. Thanking you for your courtesy in advance, I have the honor to be Yours very respectfully Charles S. Forbes 3 enclosures 16778 For 1 enclosure see ca 10-1901WHITE MOUNTAINS Mount Pleasant House #10 East 28th St. New York. MOUNT PLEASANT HOTEL COMPANY, 3 PARK PLACE NEW YORK, PROPRS. POST, TELEGRAPH, TICKET AND LONG DISTANCE TELEPHONE OFFICES, IN HOTEL OFFICE. THE COTTAGE PURE MOUNTAIN AIR, PURE MOUNTAIN SPRING WATER AND THE GRANDEST MOUNTAIN SCENERY EAST OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS. [*Shorthand*] [*??? 10-21-1901 PPF Pr*] Oct. 17, 1901. Dear President Roosevelt: The Virginia papers report the intended resignation, because of ill-health, of Judge Paul of the United States Court for the Western District of Virginia and I understand that Henry Clay McDowell, of Big Stone Gap, Va., son of Major H. C. McDowell (deceased) of Lexington, Ky. will be an applicant for the appointment. If my testimony, as a Democrat, will avail him in the least and be of any value to you, I merely want to say that I know no man of his years - Democrat or Republican - who could fill the place better. I have started to write to you many [*16779*]White Mountains Mount Pleasant House MOUNT PLEASANT HOTEL COMPANY, 3 PARK PLACE NEW YORK, PROPRS. POST, TELEGRAPH, TICKET AND LONG DISTANCE TELEPHONE OFFICES, IN HOTEL OFFICE. THE COTTAGE PURE MOUNTAIN AIR, PURE MOUNTAIN SPRING WATER AND THE GRANDEST MOUNTAIN SCENERY EAST OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS. times how grateful I am, in spite of my sorrow, that the honor has come to you that I believed must come [again] some day. To think of a man exhausting the political honors of this country, or for that matter, of the world before he is forty-five: it is paralyzing. No man ever sat in your chair with your equipment for that very seat and it is a particularly pleasant triumph for your friends to find now that their personal confidence has grown national. My father's delight would, I believe, touch you and I know the last healing touch to the sectional sure will come from your hands. You may remember that two years ago, I told you that your hold in the rural American was not unlike Mr. Cleveland's. That same countryman will put you where you are now a second time - if you want the peace and God grant that you may. Present me please with warm remembrances to Mrs. Roosevelt and to your children and believe me, Faithfully yours, John Fox, Jr. [*16780*]that the absentees under such circumstances are worse than Tammany heelers who register & work & vote & at least do their duty according to their lights. Following are the registration figures as I remem About 590,000 1897. [Lors.?] Tracy. Van Wyck " 560,000 1898. Gubernatorial " 550,000 1899. Municipal " 450,000 1900. Presidential Over 600,000 The figures tell their own story, A sharp protest or appeal from you would bring out these absentees. Do not answer this Yours very truly Thos A Fulton [*16782*] [*[Oct. 17,1901]*] [*File*] Thursday noon Dear Mr President Seth Low believes that the chief obstacle in his way will be the failure of so called respectables to register tomorrow and Saturday, the two last days, & the absentees will be chiefly Republicans. My statement will be in tomorrow mornings papers, if appealed to by the newspaper men why cannot you say that with such men as Shepard & Low in the field, there is no possible excuse for any man not registering & voting, [*16781*]like to say on this subject, but your correspondence must now be so large that this will get beyond your private Secretary. And, moreover, a hint to you will be better than a volume to some men. I cannot close without expressing my gratification that you have so promptly proved that Pres. Rooseveldt is not Theodore Rooseveldt's "Mr. Hyde." Your turning down of Mr. Tracy, and your talk to the Alabama Delegation has thrilled the hearts of many former Republicans, that, like myself are no longer members of that party It is strange that so few politicians realize that the "politic course" for a public man is to always do what he believes is right. Yours truly Albert Griffin [*ackd 10-21-1901 PPF Pr*] 321 Kan. Ave. Topeka Kan 19/17/01 Hon. Theodore Rooseveldt. My Dear Sir. Now that we have a President that is not a mere drifter, I am impelled to write upon a subject which, it seems to me, ought to interest every true American - Cuba. Its importance to this country can hardly be overestimated. It must be brought under our flag - and that as soon as possible; but it is also necessary to acknowledge its independence, and its present population is not only strongly anti-American, but is likely to remain so until a radical change in conditions has been brought about. [*16783*] It seems to one that the only sure way to Americanize the island is to pour American blood into its veins. The New York Outlook for Dec. 29' last (I think it was) contained a short letter of mine on how to do this, to which I beg to call your attention. Having been raised in Georgia and lived four years in Mobil, Ala, I know something about the climate obstacle; and having been one of the early settlers of tis state I think I understand the colonization (emigration) problem; and I feel absolutely sure that if the movement be properly managed Cuba can be thoroly Americanized within a comparatively short time. you need not be told of Cuba's immense commercial possibilities, and the advantage to us of monopolizing them, nor of the very grave foreign complications that that can be guarded against with positive certainty only by bringing it under our flag. I am aware that you can do nothing on this subject officialy, but you can easily do all that is needed by a few strong words to some of the better class of correspondents - letting them know that you would be glad to have the subject fully and persistently written up. What is needed is not "exploiters" but "home-makers". [16784] There is much more that I shouldOffice of the Commercial Bulletin. 282 WASHINGTON STREET. Boston, Can you suggest someone better qualified than I to write the article or will you let us be the stalking horse from behind whose name you shall have published what you please and keep out what you please. Confidentially, Owen Wister's reminiscences of you as a Dickey torturer have not been exactly felicitous. Laus Deo for your splendid Southern policy. More power [*16786*] Private. Office of the Commercial Bulletin. 282 WASHINGTON STREET. Boston, Oct 17, 1901 [*Ackd File PPF*] Dear Theodore: - Professor Thayer insists on my writing "Roosevelt at Harvard" for the Graduates Magazine - as I was neither in the Pork nor D.K. I can't do it unless you care (confidentially) to dictate such matter to Billy Loeb as you would care to have used. I'll send proof to you. Of course there is no "check" for this. Its a labor of love. [If] [*16785*]Office of the Commercial Bulletin. 282 WASHINGTON STREET. Boston, to your elbow. Have you seen Punch's splendid cartoon, correct even to fit and halter of the horse and handsomely complimentary. God bless you, dear old boy, Affectionately, Curtis. [*[GUILD]*] [*16787*][For enclosure see 10-14-01 + ca 10-14-1901][*5 pages*] [*Ackd File*] New York, October 17th, 1901. Dear Sir:- After our conversation Saturday I left Sunday night for North Carolina, and spent Monday with John W. Fries, of Winston-Salem, that State. I told him the purpose of my visit was to secure the interest of the best men of both parties in the selection of suitable appointees to Federal place, that I understood the western half of the state was in the hands of better men in both parties; that the eastern or shore half of the state was badly demoralized in both parties. I stated that if seemed to me the hope of recovery from an undesirable element of Federal patronage, in the South, at least so far as it related to our party, was in an effort to obtain the unselfish advice of men -- if it were possible to find them -- who would patriotically put the best interests of the public service before their own selfish promotion. I told him that I believed the approval of four or five men, representing, first, the Republican element, and, second, the gold standard Democrat element in the state, if they could be found of the character mentioned above, could be a basis upon which to build up a high class public service and at the same time establish better confidence in the good intention of the Republican party, and incidently to eliminate radical partisanship control in sections where it was difficult to find men of high character in our party for place. I emphasized [*16788*]-2- the idea that the payment of political debt should not be an influential element in the selection for appointment unless accompanied by the most desirable qualification for place. We canvassed the subject very thoroughly, and will continue to do so until we are able to suggest a few names in that state to whom we believe you can turn for advice and approval, if you desire it, before you consent to appointment, I was very careful to follow what I believed to be your spirit, and not commit you beyond an expression on my part of belief that you would appreciate such help. Please note the enclosed sketch of Mr. Fries. I shall continue discreetly to work in the line of your request, and will from time to time report to you. Please be assured of my desire to serve you always. Faithfully yours, H. H. Hanna To The President, Washington, D.C. [*16789*][*1 pm. Friday*] [*ackd 10-17-1901*] UNITED STATES CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION WASHINGTON, D. C. October 17, 1901. Mr. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. My Dear Sir: If satisfactory to the President, I would be glad to call on the morning of the 19th. Very truly yours, John B. Harlow [*16790*] White saying how pleased Lord Lansdowne and the rest were with Cabot and what an agreeable impression he left behind him in England. Yours faithfully John Hay [*File Pr*] Department of State. Washington, October 17, 1901. Dear Mr. President:- I have just received a short letter from Mr. Choate containing these words: "You can imagine my delight yesterday at receiving your cable advising me that all the amendments are cordially approved. Yesterday, too, I learned that we are not to expect any opposition from the Lord Chancellor, who was the only member of the Cabinet from whom I thought opposition was most likely (and this is specially private just now). I did not feel like going away until he had been heard from. Lord Lansdowne expresses himself in the most sanguine way, and I have little doubt now that he will be sustained by the Cabinet. It seems to me most auspicious that this happy solution of the canal question should come at the very opening of President Roosevelt's Administration, and I hope that the friendly spirit and desire to agree which Lord Lansdowne has exhibited, shared in by his colleagues, will be duly appreciated by the Senate, as I am sure they will be by the people. "It now looks as if I should get off the 12th, leaving Mr. White in charge. The whole staff of the Embassy has been exceedingly efficient in these busy days. Mr. Lodge sailed this morning not merely satisfied, but highly enthisiastic about the treaty". I also have a long letter from Harry [*16791*]Constitutional requirements, to raising a military service to the highest possible plane as a National duty or a sacred priviledge, and finally to placing military service to The State upon a level above parti-political influences. [*ackd PPF.*] Private. Oct. 17. 01 34, EATON PLACE, S.W. Dear Mr. Roosevelt, Your Honor may remember me, as General Comdr. The Canadian Militia 1898 - 1900, during the time that you were Governor of New York State. I have the pleasant satisfaction of much kindly correspondence [*16793*]during that time, and shall always recollect the indirect encouragement I received in my very difficult task from the knowledge that I was working upon the same lines, & with the same objects in view which were activating your Honor in your larger & perhaps some more difficult and important task! My efforts were devoted to giving Canada a Military organization suited to our Anglo-Saxon modern [*16794*]of any Anglo-Saxon State to possess. Given a sound organization previously perfected, given a staff of officers & cadre of N. C. officers previously well trained, the inherent gallantry and natural aptitude for war possessed by the Anglo Saxon peoples will give the 2. and personal intrigue 34. EATON PLACE, S.W. Parti-politics, and personal intrigue together compose the soil which nourishes that Upas Tree under the dark shade of which military honor, and professional efficiency withers, & dies!. Much was [*16795*]accomplished in this direction in Canada: at any rate a higher ideal was created, which had its result in the excellent & gallant service rendered by the Canadian Militia Troops in South Africa. The success of the Canadian Militia is a triumphant illustration of what you have always, I believe, held, and of what I have been preaching both in Australia, in Canada & in Great Britain, so that a National Force such as Militia is the true forum for an Army [*16796*]at your success there Yours very faithfully & respectfully Edward A Sutton late Major Lieutnt Comdr Canadian Militia - & Comdr Mounted Troops in South Africa. His Honor Colonel Roosevelt President of the United States. 3 rest, and therefore a considerable standing Army, except for military instruction & for the maintenance of law & order within the Nations domain is unnecessary, & an unwarranted expense! - [*16797*]Will you allow me to offer you my humble but very sincere congratulations upon the magnificent opportunity which Providence has give in so unforeseen a manner. May you have health, and vigor of mind and body, to enable you to carry out the splendid programme which you have set yourself. Believe me that there will be no one among all your many admirers who will more cordially rejoice [*16798*][*Kimball WW*] [[shorthand]] [*ackd 10/21/1901 CF*] 1226 17th Street, Washington, D. C., 17th October, 1901. His Excellency, The President, The White House. My dear Col. Roosevelt: Following Dick Wainwright's suggestion, I venture to send you a war college lecture showing how we do not, but how readily we might, utilize our present mobile coast defense material, and thus be in condition to free our fleet from local coast defense work. If our fleet be freed from this duty and ready to meet the Germans, there will be no German war: if we are not prepared to use our cruising fleet in the offensive pure and simple, and if German industrial stocks continue to go down, it may be very difficult to avoid a German war in 1905-06. A glance at the last two pages of the lecture and at the first page of the memo will show the premises as I understand them. I have been unable to find any one who can show me how they are wrong. Please pardon me, if in trying to be brief I am abrupt. My excuse for asking a few minutes of your time is Dick W's suggestion; but beside that I know that at one time you were interested in the unsatisfactory condition of our mobile coast defenses, and -1- [*16799*]since then this question has green until it seems to be a very serious factor in the matter of prevention of war. Under advice of war college and general board men the memo has been submitted to the Department. Faithfully always, Wm. W. Kimball [*16800*][for 3 enclosures see Wainwright 10-14-01 1 co 1 Desiderata 10-14-01 Torpedo Flotilla Organization 10-14-01OFFICE OF CALDWELL COUNTY FRANK B. KLEPPER. Prosecuting Attorney. Kingston, Mo., Oct. 17th 1901 President Theodore Roosevelt. Washington DC. [*Shorthand*] [*Ackd 10-21-1901 PPF*] Dear Sir, According to your request made at the home of Mr. Stewart in Colorado Springs Colorado, about August 10t last post I will write you, with reference, to a matter there discussed. You wished to know, something of the status of the "Roosevelt Club." of Kansas City Missouri, desiring to know, more especially, whether or not it was being pushed by representative men of our party. I made a trip to Kansas City, and made a careful investigation of this matter and had nearly prepared my report of the same to forward to your address, when the news of the terrible tragedy at Buffalo, came over the wire. I have [*16801*]OFFICE OF CALDWELL COUNTY FRANK B. KLEPPER, Prosecuting Attorney Kingston, Mo., reached the conclusion, that matters of this nature at the present time would be improper and have decided not to forward the report. In conclusion will say that you are sustained by the prayers of the members of our party, in Missouri, in all your policies, and I hear many expressions of consideration from our democratic friends. I would have written you earlier but have felt very great delicacy in doing so in view of the unexpected and unforseen events that have transpired. Allow me to assure you of my hearty support in your administration of the affairs of state and in the future if the opportunity presents, I will gladly render you any assistance within my power. Yours Very truly Frank B. Klepper[*ackd 10-19-1901 PPF Pr*] Personal. United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D. C., Nahant, Mass., Oct.17, 190I. To The President:- I have the honor to enclose herewith a letter which I have just received from General Draper, our former Ambassador to Rome, in regard to the appointment of Mr.Harry Tucker as Judge in Virginia. I enclose a copy of my reply, which I trust will meet with your approval. I should think that in States so far North as Virginia the appointment of another Democrat,even so admirable as one as Harry Tucker, might be doubtful at the present moment, unless it is clear that there is no suitable Republican to be had in the district In that part of the country there must be plenty of good Republicans. I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, Sincerely yours, H. C. Lodge [*16803*][For 3. enclosures see, 10-14-01, 10-12-01, & 10-17-01]Personal. United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D. C., Nahant, Mass., Oct.17, 190I. My dear General:- I have received your note of the 14th with the copy of the letter to the President recommending Harry Tucker,whom I know and like very well. I think it is the President's intention in the South to appoint Republicans wherever he can get a suitable man, but whether he would wish to take another Democrat for Judge at once I do not know. If he were to do so there certainly could be no better man than Mr.Tucker. It is very pleasant to be at home again, and with kind regards, both to Mrs.Draper and yourself, believe me, Sincerely yours, [*[H.C. LODGE]*] Hon.William F.Draper. [*16804*][Enclosed in Lodge, 10-17-01]with you & is satisfied & confident. They will be with you on the Southern question. You are very right there but as we agreed in talk all questions of patronage must be kept in abeyance & must wait until the English treaty (& if it is coming the Danish treaty also) is out of the way. Such an attitude will help the treaty I know. I hope Morgan proved amenable. You seeing all these Senators & especially asking them to lunch is most wise & effective. Daniel is the key of that special position. The more I think of it the better I like the paragraphs of the message on reciprocity. I hope you will keep it just as it is. It is a difficult question & you have handled it perfectly to my thinking. Love to Edith. Ever yrs H. C. Lodge [*PF*] Private Oct 17th 1901. East Point, Nahant. Dear Theodore, We talked of so many things that I have been employed ever since in thinking it all over & getting everything coordinated in my own mind. Where you are concerned I am as you well know anxious & critical & never so much so as at this moment. After careful reflection on all [*16805*]on it & on my suggestion. I saw Wolcott in New York. He is laid up with a touch of gout & the Dr. says cannot travel for a week or ten days. He will then come to Washington to see you. He asked me to explain his delay. Be assured you have no more loyal friend than he. You will also see another good friend in Don Cameron on Oct. 24 or thereabouts. Mrs C. is anxious that you should persuade him to return to the Senate. I should be glad if he would. The "average" man especially the man of business is that has happened in these momentous weeks, I cannot see that you have made a single mistake. You have done admirably, splendidly & I am building greatly on your message which struck me as sound & fine throughout. By the way one verbal suggestion - I feel doubtful about the phrase "Judas-like". Is it too rhetorical for a President's message? I am not certain either way - but I doubt about it & I wish you would take Edith's opinion [*16806*][*ackd 10-19-1901 in PPF Pr*] Personal. United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D. C., Nahant, Mass., Oct. 17, 190I. To The President:- Mr.Ramon Reyes Lala, who was educated in Switzerland and at Oxford, and who speaksEnglish and Spanish and French, besides possessing a knowledge of Tagal, having completed his History of the Philippine Islands and some other literary work in which he was engaged in this country, is desirous of obtaining some position in Manilla, where he thinks he could be of service to the United States. He is strongly recommended by gentlemen in the islands and also in this country, and he seems to me exceptionally fitted to do good work for the United States in the Philippines. It gives me a great deal of pleasure to ask for him your kind consideration. I feel sure that unless there are circumstances in regard to him of which I have no knowledge he could render us very valuable service. I take this opportunity to enclose an article from the "Mexican Herald" which I received this morning from the editor, Mr.Frederick R.Guernsey, who, years ago, used to be the correspondent of the Boston Herald, and who was with us in Chicago in I884. He has never lost his interest either in you or me, and his paper is one of the ablest published in Mexico. I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, Sincerely yours, H.C. Lodge [*16807*][[shorthand]] [*ackd 10-19-1901*] United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. 49 Broadway, New York City, October 17, 1901. The President Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President: I contemplate running over to Washington on Saturday, arriving there at half past four p.m., to remain throughout Sunday and Monday. I should like to see you about certain matters, and if you can fix a time during the above mentioned, when it will be convenient for you to see me, I shall be obliged. Yours faithfully, T. C Platt [*P S a note sent to me at the Rotunda Hotel will reach me TCP*][*[For. enc. see Wheaton, 9-10-01]*] [*File*] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, October 17. 1901. The President: I have the honor to submit the within copy of a letter just received by the Adjutant General, which bears upon the question of the retirement of General Wheaton and the promotion of General Merriam. Respectfully Wm. Cary Sanger Actg. Secretary of War. [*[SANGER]*] (One Inclosure). [*16809*][*File*] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, October 17, 1901. The President: Replying to your inquiry for a report as to the probable decrease in the military forces referred to by General Chaffee in a cable gram from Manila dated October 15th, I have the honor to say that this decrease is due to the expiration of the term of enlistment of men now in the Philippines. The Adjutant General has already prepared a report from which it appears that between now and the first of next June about 22,000 men will return on the expiration of their term of enlistment. The question as to whether these vacancies in the force should be filled by sending men individually or by regiments is now being considered by the War Department, and a plan for meeting the situation will be fully prepared for the consideration of the Secretary upon his return. Respectfully, Wm. Cary Sanger Acting Secretary of War. [*[SANGER]*] [*16810*]to your country what is best in you - and to earn the thanks of the dead and of the living! [It] is a great country and a great people - and I believe you will do this without fear (of machine selfishness) or favor ( toward affectionate friends) — God bless you - Don't give us a thing if you think best (from your own personal conviction of right) not to - and give us anything you like (if we can fit in as a link in the chain of a clean, strong administration) — The difference to us all a hundred years hence ( you and us together) will lie there and only there - For you the question will be: "Did he do his level [*[Maria S. Storer]*] E here! We are off to Madrid in a week! Villa La Virgie Biarritz Oct, 17th 1901 [*P P. F Pr*] Legation of the United States Madrid Dear Theodore: Thank you so much for your extremely kind letter - It enabled me to obtain pardon from Bellamy for having written to you - which misdemeanor I had to confess on receipt of it - It is good to know something about the future, and not to have altogether the feeling of B'rer Fox who "didn't know what minute was given to be his nex' " — I know you will do what is right and best for the country [*16811*]which is your manifest duty, and that you will always be more a reformer than a politician; but I may say frankly that I distrust Mark [Hanna], and that I think he, as well as [Fraser], is hostile to Bellamy - and that I feared a certain kind of political persuasion, which might make you think it a sort of duty to consult prejudices rather than go against them through personal inclination, I no longer have any misgivings at all as to this, because I know that you are clearheaded enough to distinguish between the real necessity and the false - You never will shirk your own responsibilities - nor throw the reins which must be held by you and your living power back into the hands of the dead - a weaker man than you would shift all the burden upon his predecessor - and say: "I came here through an evil chance - and I am only vicariously President!" - The dead would not thank you for that, Theodore - To be a ruler yourself, to live your own life- and act out your own convictions, to keep to what you believe in and to correct what you hold to be mistaken - in the past Administration - that is the way to give. 16812[*[10-17-01]*] best for a clean, honest, intelligent government - of a great and (in the majority), honest people - or did he temporize and trim his sails for personal advancement?" I know what the answer will be to that - All that I wish for ourselves is to be where Bellamy & I can do the best that is in us both - and the "blue ribbon" which is tied around the high places is for us as for you (as you well know) the drawback and not the aim and end - The Embassies of London and Paris are places in which to do eminent service to the country - and a man who is fit to go. [816813*]You speak of General Porter. He is a man of good, common sense - but in manner and language he is not just what we call a gentleman - (you know just in what sense I mean this) The Townsends are of the "stylish" and fast species - Mrs. T. (who counts Mark Hanna as a worshipper) is rather too much of a professional beauty - which over here looks and is considered worse than it probably is - I would not advise her to be put anywhere except in Madrid, where her beauty and ways would go down like "hot cakes" in the gallant and fashionable world which is the noble super stratum of a people in some ways decent & pardon this long letter about things, some of which you ought to know, and I therefore inflict them upon you - Always yours affectionately Maria Longworth Storer - Legation of the United States Madrid [*[10-17-01]*] 3 there may thank his stars for the chance - and not simply wish for a soft place in which to make facetious after-dinner speeches - Let me make one suggestion to you from my diplomatic experience - and I know you will not misconstrue my motive - For the Cabinet - a man may be socially "hay-seed", any sort of rough diamond - if he have the fine American nature: honesty and a clear, keen intelligence - but for a high diplomatic post a man must be a gentleman (in our sense of the word) - or we never can rank as the equals of the Ambassadors of other countries who are men, usually, well-born, well-bred, and educated to the profession, Our Ambassadors must [*16814*]meet in every country Ministers of Foreign Affairs who are gentlemen first and statesmen afterward - he must have social relations with other Ambassadors which are a most important item in diplomacy, and if he be not a gentleman and his wife a lady - such as you or I would care to meet - I don't care how much American honesty and intelligence he may have - he will injure his country and her reputation abroad - [The Drapers in Rome were a scandal and a deplorable failure because of the strange Kentucky ways of Madame] — not to mention hosts of others, some still extant, and some belonging to the past of when nice old gentleman Ambassadors of other countries have spoken to me with frank regret out of regard for us and our future in the world. "You have ladies and gentlemen" they say to me "in the United States - Why are [do] so few of them sent over here as Ministers and Ambassadors?" - Take a man of Choate's astuteness and standing with us, as one example, His utter lack of manners have made him notorious, from his first arrival- when he called the late Queen "Queen Victoria" to her face and sat down beside her before she invited him — Some prominent English people who were present told me of this and said: "Why do such things happen?" [*16815*]predecessor ever came to the White House having, as you have, the best wishes of literally the whole nation. That fact alone gives you a greater power for good than any other president has ever had; may you use it to the full and bless our country so that it shall forever bless your memory. The great need, the lasting achievements henceforth are in peace not war, in overcoming the moral and intellectual, - not the physical - enemies of civilization. With your courage and your strength, and the knowledge that the nation is behind you, what may you not do! God prosper you! As an old-time friend and as a lover of my country, I cannot say less, and nothing that I could say would mean more. Ever truly yours, Wm. R. Thayer [[shorthand]] [*ackd & wrote Higginson 10-19-01 P.PF*] Harvard Graduates' Magazine. WILLIAM R. THAYER, '81, EDITOR, 8 BERKELEY STREET. ALBERT BUSHNELL HART, '80 UNIVERSITY EDITOR, 15 APPIAN WAY. Cambridge, Mass., Oct. 17, 1901. To President Roosevelt, White House, Washington: Dear President: Just because everybody has been talking about the culminating episode at the dedication of the Harvard Union Tuesday night, possibly nobody may think to report it to you. Yet, as it concerns you chiefly, you ought to hear of it, and so I write. Major Henry Higginson, in giving the building to the students and graduates, made one of his matchless [*16816*]addresses, - simple, right to the point, and from man's heart to man's heart. After saying how he hoped that the Union would foster friendship in college and loyalty to Harvard, he went in to urge the young fellows never to forget that the final test of education and of character lies in devotion to country. Then he spoke of President McKinley's assassination - "a cowardly treacherous crime," to which we reply by a renewal of our confession of faith, and by a stern resolve to square our daily thoughts and acts with our national faith and polity." Presently, Mr. Higginson paused, and we thought that he had done; but in a moment, stepping forward a little, he raised his right hand high, as in benediction, and added, "God bless and guide aright our fellow-graduate, Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States." I have never seen anything more solemnly impressive; and for a little while there was a hush over the great audience. For myself, I had rather have such a benediction from Henry Higginson than from a whole chapter of bishops, and you should at least know about it. I cannot send this without adding my own best wishes. I have often in the past differed from your views on public matters, but I have had the firmest faith in your motives, and now that you are President, I rejoice to think that none of your [*16817*]From Booker T. Washington Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute Tuskegee, Alabama. Grand Union Hotel, New York. Oct. 17, 1901 [*? ppt*] President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- Mr. W. R. Mollison, Vicksburg, Miss., is a colored lawyer of intelligence and I think of high standing, he certainly has the confidence and good will of both white and colored people. He knows Mississippi conditions pretty thoroughly and I think you could get a good deal of information if you could see your way clear to have him come to Washington to confer with you. He is by profession a lawyer and I think has a good practice. Yours truly, Booker T. Washington The enclosed letter from Mr. Riis I think any man in the world ought to be proud of. [B.T.W.] [*16818*]I am quite ready however now to leave this charming spot & when I do get home & you have finished with your cares of office you will come over & shoot my grouse or have a gallop on a horse that shall not be "a cross between a hair-trunk & an unicorn" though I hope that he will still be "as handy as a knife & fork"! With kindest remembrances to Mrs. Roosevelt. Believe me Yrs v. sincerely G Dalrymple White Captn. 3rd Br. Grenadier Guards [*16821*] texts of Scripture does not necessarily constitute Godliness! That best trait is the humanity with which on the whole, they have treated the wounded; & they are certainly the most wonderful natural soldiers & brave when the occasion seems favorable to them. I believe there is one of your ex-Roughrider lambs, Kirby Fitzpatrick by name, dodging around this district! I have been for 6 months Commandant here & exercise a firm but benevolent sway over the neighboring farmers & I have several who are hot rebels at heart, a most unexampled thing in this loyal colony! Things are going on steadily that the attrition process may take some months yet unless they will take the advice of you or some other wise person to stop. [*[10-17-01]*] Hanover Road 17 . X. 01 Cape Colony [*Ack'd 11/25/1901 PPF*] My dear Roosevelt. I must write you a short line to congratulate you on your accession to the chair of State, sad as were the circumstances which brought you to it, & I hope you will have a pleasant & very successful tenure of it. As our papers say, you bring to it many qualifications which no previous President ever had, for one has never heard of one who was at home on a buck jumping bronco, or on intimate terms with grizzlies & Bighorns, & I am sure the [innovation] will [*16819*]be all for the good & that you may be able to do more still for the protection of the poor animals. I can never forget that you launched me on what have been the happiest hours of my life in the beloved Rockies. Alas! poor Eddy Verschoyle with whom I was when we met in New York in 1895 & with whom I tarpon fished in '98 was killed last year near Thabanchu, the only man hit in the whole engagement. I have been out here now for 18 months & been severely shot at by De Witt & other friends (on one occasion my horse being killed by a shell under me) & still this interminable war drags on. I started it as a "Pro-Boer" but have long got over that illusion! When, as in the attack by Smut's Commando the other day on the 17th Lancers, we found that all their ammunition was our own, the heads filed off, copper caps inserted & fulminate of mercury, or some such stuff, underneath, one feels that the prolongation of this war to suit the greed of a few wirepullers & the natural obstinancy of the Dutch, is nothing more than Murder. Their unparallelled gift of lying, too, & the very slender morals of the ladies, bring home to me that being able to quote [*16820*] [[Shorthand]][*ackd 10-25-1901 PPF R*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS Oct. 17, 1901 My dear Colonel Roosevelt:- I promised you to give you the name of Browning's poem, from which I got the title to "The Triumph's Evidence". I have been too busy with correspondence and one thing and another to write you before. I trust you will pardon the delay. The title was taken from about the twentieth stanza "Abt Vogler". I send you herewith a few clippings which may give you an opportunity to smile some time when you are on the train. Until I wrote the Tracy editorial, which I sent you last week, the entire state of Kansas got the notion that I was going to be the Mark Hanna in the White House. The humor of the situation kept it [*16822*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 T.R. (2) from annoying me, and I find that now the idea is entirely dispelled. You ask me to give you some information about the St. Louis fair for you message. I have some facts that I might send you, if you have not already got them. Very truly yours, W. A. White Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States Washington, D. C. [*16823*][For enc. see 10-17-01]without a country, equally disgusted with Republicans & Democrats & rather loyal to the U. S. A. it struck me. Ever yours Dan. [*[Owen Wister]*] [[shorthand]] [*wired him 10-19-1907*] Owen D Wister STATION. TELEGRAPH & EXPRESS DEER PARK HOTEL Care Mrs John K. Mitchell FOUR WINDS HOUSE DEER PARK MARYLAND Oct. 17. Dear Theodore: Monday I'll be in Washington on my way home here to Philadelphia. If you are not too busy, I'd like very much to stop over & call & pay you my respects. Let me know if I may come & if so, what hour. My train gets in about 4 50 P.M. I've just been in South Carolina where the political situation is rather singular. If you could, you should form a Union party there from the citizens who are shifting round [*16824*]Wm.C.Dix, Philadelphia, Pa., Oct.17, 1901. Encloses copies of correspondence between himself and Senor Felipe Buencamino, of the Directory Federal Party in the Philippines. States that he has more confidence in the Administration of the President, concerning the policy for Insular possessions, than he had for the late President. Asks the President to give him in confidence, his definite views and intentions, concerning the grating of a Territorial Government to civilized Fillipinos, with Federal Citizenship in the U.S. Lack of information on this point as to intentions of former administration was one of the greatest causes of complaint the Federal Party have in their labors with their countrymen in stamping out Guerilla Warfare. [*16826*] [*Laurence Journal*] In Roosevelt's cabinet. The anonimity on this point is caused by the fact that no other man in Kansas could possible aspire to that place, and because it would take Low out of their way for the other jobs General Hudson roasts William Allen White for "giving away" the bill of fare when he dined with the president. William Allen didn't give it away. His wife always asks him what he had to eat while away from home, and in order to be sure to get it right he didn't wait in this case until he came home, but wrote and told her. She got the letter while managing things at the office, and told the boys what he had for dinner. It was too good an item to lose on a dull day, and so got into the paper. He has enough sins of his own to answer for without having to carry those of the reporter also. [*16827*] [*Ottawa Herald*] We are probably all too much excited just now to admit this but the time will doubtless come when we may realize that Will White and President Roosevelt can be strong personal friends without this relationship incurring any obligation on White's part to run Kansas politics. When President Roosevelt was obligated to assume the responsibilities of the presidency, it was natural that Will White, who was sent to Washington by the Saturday Evening Post, should call on the president and enjoy his hospitality; we are exhibiting mighty poor taste here in Kansas by the amount of political speculation we are indulging over this courtesy paid by the president to a personal friend. The only fault we have in Kansas is our own tendency to run everything into politics. [*16828*] Telegram Executive Mansion, Washington [*7 WU MC JM 19 Paid 247pm.*] Thomaston, GA., Oct. 18, 1901. President Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. You have made mistake. He who dines with negro, we think no better. To compel his wife is worse. R.J. Belzer [*16829*][attached to [?], 10-17-01] And Meridian Cloth at.... .....59c yd And Venitians at......... .........59c yd And Ladies' Cloth at.............39c yd And Black Pebble Cheviots at..81 yd And Black Cheviots and Serges at.............................. 50c, 75c yd And Black Poplins at...75c, 85c, 98c yd We know can't be beat. You will know it if you look. Taffatalaine Silks, all colors, 39c yd 36-in. Black Taffeta Silks...99c yd All Silk Taffetas, all colors..75c yd BEAUTIFUL PESENTS GIVEN AWAY STORE [?] a great many will refuse to THE National LAWRENCE Bank United States Depository. The security of depositors is in the integrit f the bank's direcotrs and officers Directors. H. L. Moore, F. A. Bailey, F. W. Bartelde [?]. H. Glathart, A. Henley, W. R. William [?]. S. Hall, R. W. Sparr, J. D. Bowerso W. R. Stubbs Officers. [?]. D. Bowersock, W. L. Howe, President. Cashier, R. W. Sparr H. E. Benson, Vice President. and Vice Presi H. W. HAYNE OPTICIANWm. C. Dix, Philadelphia, Pa., Oct. 17, 1901. Encloses copies of correspondence between himself and Senor Felipe Buencamino, of the Directory Federal Party in the Philippines. States that he has more confidence in the Administration of the President, concerning the policy for insular possessions, than he had for the late President. Asks the President to give him in confidence, his definite views and intentions, concerning the grating of a Territorial Government to civilized Filipinos, with Federal Citizenship in the U.S. Lack of information on this point as to intentions of former administration was one the greatest causes of complaint the Federal Party have in their labors with their countrymen in stamping out Guerrilla Warfare. 16826 Lawrence Journal to Roosevelt's cabinet. The unanimity on this point is caused by the fact that no other man in Kansas could possibly aspire to that place, and because it would take Low out of their way for the other jobs. -------------------------------------- General Hudson roasts William Allen White for "giving away" the bill of fare when he dined with the president. William Allen didn't give it away. His wife always asks him what he had to eat while away from home, and in order to be sure to get it right he didn't wait in this case until he came home, but wrote and told her. She got the letter while managing things at the office, and told the boys what he had for dinner. It was too good an item to lose on a dull day, and so got into the paper. He has enough sins of his own to answer for without having to carry those of the reporter also. 16827 Ottawa Herald We are probably all too much excited just now to admit this but the time will doubtless come when we may realize that Will White and President Roosevelt can be strong personal friends without this relationship incurring any obligation on White's part to run Kansas politics. When President Roosevelt was obliged to assume the responsibilities of the presidency, it was natural that Will White, who was sent to Washington by the Saturday Evening Post, should call on the resident and enjoy his hospitality; we are exhibiting mighty poor taste here in Kansas by the amount of political speculation we are indulging over this courtesy paid by the president to a personal friend. The only fault we have in Kansas is our tendency to run everything into politics. 16828 TELEGRAM File Executive Mansion, Washington. 7 WU MC JM 19 Paid 247 pm. Thomaston, Ga., Oct. 18 1901. President Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. You have made mistake. He who dines with negro, we think no better. To compel his wife is worse. R. J. Belzer. 16829[[shorthand]] policy for insular possessions, than he had for the late President. Asks the President to give him in confidence, his definite views and intentions, concerning the grating of a Territorial Government to civilized Filipinos, with Federal Citizenship in the U.S. Lack of information on this point as to intentions of former administration was one the greatest causes of complaint the Federal Party have in their labors with their countrymen in stamping out Guerrilla Warfare. [*16826*] [*Lawrence Journal*] to Roosevelt's cabinet. The unanimity on this point is caused by the fact that no other man in Kansas could possibly aspire to that place, and because it would take Low out of their way for the other jobs. General Hudson roasts William Allen White for "giving away" the bill of fare when he dined with the president. William Allen didn't give it away. His wife always asks him what he had to eat while away from home, and in order to be sure to get it right he didn't wait in this case until he came home, but wrote and told her. She got the letter while managing things at the office, and told the boys what he had for dinner. It was too good an item to lose on a dull day, and so got into the paper. He has enough sins of his own to answer for without having to carry those of the reporter also. [*16827*] [*Ottawa Herald*] We are probably all too much excited just now to admit this but the time will doubtless come when we may realize that Will White and President Roosevelt can be strong personal friends without this relationship incurring any obligation on White's part to run Kansas politics. When President Roosevelt was obliged to assume the responsibilities of the presidency, it was natural that Will White, who was sent to Washington by the Saturday Evening Post, should call on the resident and enjoy his hospitality; we are exhibiting mighty poor taste here in Kansas by the amount of political speculation we are indulging over this courtesy paid by the president to a personal friend. The only fault we have in Kansas is our tendency to run everything into politics. [*16828*] [*File*] TELEGRAM Executive Mansion, Washington. 7 WU MC JM 19 Paid 247 pm. Thomaston, Ga., Oct. 18 1901. President Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. You have made mistake. He who dines with negro, we think no better. To compel his wife is worse. R. J. Belzer. [*16829*][[shorthand]] [*ackd 10/21/1901 PPF*] 170 William Street, NEW YORK, October 18,1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Roosevelt;-- It is a very great pleasure to me to inform you that I have completed the mission entrusted by you to me, in taking the necessary steps to have your name continued as a member in full communion of the Collegiate Reformed Dutch Church of New York. I first ascertained that the certificate of dismission to the Fifth Avenue Presbyterian Church , granted to you by our Church on May 2nd, 1879, had never been presented to that Church, and that your name had never appeared on their Roll of Members, consequently, I did not need to deliver to that Church the formal letter which you placed in my hands on October 11th, and it only remained necessary for me to make known your desire to the Consistory of Ministers and Elders of the Collegiate Church. This I did at a meeting held yesterday afternoon, and they at once took the necessary action whereby your name is continued upon our roll of members in [*16830*]-2- full communion. In accordance with your desire, as expressed to me in person, you will be identified with the congregation worshipping in the Church edifice, at Fifth Avenue and Forty-eight Street, in which you made your confession of faith, and of which the Rev. Donald Sage Mackey, D.D. is the Minister in charge. At the request of the Consistory of Ministers and Elders, our Senior Minister, the Rev. Edward B. Coe, D. D., will officially communicate to you the action taken. Esteeming highly the honor you have conferred upon me, in committing to me the service now performed, and expressing my appreciation of your loyalty and affection for our Denomination, and your preference for membership in the Collegiate Church, I am, Yours sincerely, Wm. L. Brower [*16831*]Tacoma Building Chicago October 18th 1901. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President. The White House, Washington D.C. [*P.P.F. Ackd 10/21/1901*] Dear Mr President: The inclosed clippings from this morning's Chicago newspapers have revived memories, of a remarkable [inter] conversation which I listened to many years ago, and which may be of sufficient interest to you to warrant this letter. On Sunday, April 30th 1893, when the President and his cabinet were in Chicago to attend the opening ceremonies of the Columbian Exposition, to occur on the following day, I met President Cleveland, at the invitation of his Secretary of State. During the course of conversation the President was asked, what changes had occurred for the better in the country at large since his last administration? He replied in substance, that the improvement in the condition of the colored race in the South was the most notable and happiest. He then detailed instances which had come under his observation, all pointing to such conclusion. Amongst other things he told of a printed pamphlet sent to him containing the proceedings of a teachers' meeting in Alabama. (over) [*16832*]"In the pamphlet," he said. "was a speech, made at the meeting, upon the necessity of education of the colored people of the South as a prime condition of their right to vote." "Now," he said, "we've all read what the great men of the country have said and written on the question of educational qualification for the right of suffrage; but of all the powerful arguments on that subject beautifully expressed that speech most impressed me. So much, indeed, that I sent to find out about its author; and learning that the man and his sister were engaged in keeping a colored school at Tuskegee Alabama, and were themselves colored people, I send a cheque for as much as I could afford to help them in their work. In reply I received one of the most beautiful letters of my official life.which I prize very much." The author of that speech, Mr. President, was your late guest Mr Booker T Washington. Having left Oberlin College in April 1861 to enter the Union army, and the Republican party in 1872, because of what I then considered its unfair treatment of the colored people of the South, the remarks of President Cleveland produced a strong impression on my mind, and I think the above is a substantial reproduction of what he said. I shall send to him a copy of this, so that he may correct it if I am in error. Very respectfully [J?] S Cooper [*16833*][[shorthand]] [*ackd 10-21-1901 File*] 132 West 86th st New York Oct 18 1901 My dear Mr Roosevelt I am very much interested in the election of Seth Low for the Mayor of New York and I fear if we cannot elect him this time we may as well give up trying hereafter. As a property owner in the West Side I have suffered greatly on account of the continued increase in the taxes. owing to the constant increase of salaries which are already very high. I intend on monday next to begin a personal canvas among the property owners on the extreme east and west sides and explain to them the cause of these increases &c. I have never had the pleasure of meeting Mr Low as most of my old republican friends have passed away or happen to be absent [*16834*]from the city. If you think well of it I would like a simple card of introduction from you to Mr. Low - so that I may have a chat with him at some time. Very truly yours, J. Rhinelander Dillon [*16835*]643 West Fourth Street, Cincinnati, October 18,1901. My dear Mr.President: I am not sure that the diplomats find and supply you with all the information of particular interest from abroad. I find in the London Times, of Tuesday, October the 8th, a leading editorial that will interest you, and also a communication on reciprocity; and I take the liberty of enclosing them to you. I have a letter from my son, Marshal Halstead, Consul at Birmingham, saying there is a new tone observable in the London Times since the visit of one of its important editors to the United States. I am sorry to see that our Southern friends seem to be sensitive about your dining with Mr. Booker Washington, who happens to be a black gentleman. It is not cosmopolitan nor national, I should hope, to make a discrimination about the complexion among gentlemen. I once had the pleasure of sitting next to Honorable Fred Douglas at dinner, and never dined with a more interesting gentleman. He said, among other things, on this occasion, speaking of having attended a reception at the White House in Lincoln's 16836time, that Abraham Lincoln was one of the few white men who treated a black man without telling him substantially that he was a "nigger". I have a suspicion that it might be a strong stroke of public policy to amend the Constitution of the United States by abolishing the Fifteenth Amendment,and, of course, enforcing the Fourteenth; but, as somebody said, "that is another matter". With great respect, I am, Very truly yours, Murat Halstead P.S. The name of the Times editor who visited the United States, was Mowbray Bell. It seems he arrived in this country just before the tragedy at Buffalo, and had a special article in the New York Press October 3rd. 16837DEPARTMENT OF STATE WASHINGTON C.C. October 18, 1901. Dear Sir: I have the honor to inform you that in pursuance of your request made over the telephone last evening, the Japanese Minister has been informed that the President would be pleased to receive the Marquis Ito and his traveling companion, Mr. K. Tzudzuki, formerly Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs of Japan, informally at ten o'clock on Monday morning the 21st instant. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, John Hay Honorable George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. 16838COPY Confidential "Holls" Oct. 18,1901. Brown: London special says details leaking out of momentous visits made by F.W. Holls to leading members of British Cabinet some weeks ago. Holls has been mouthpiece of Washington administration in matter explaining foreign policy United States especially in reference to Nicaragua Canal. Saw Lansdowne several times. His communique to leaders ministry was to emphasize position United States would take up in reference Nicaraguan Canal. Briefly this was to serve notice England under no circumstances would Washington Government allow any interference part England that project; that Clayton-Bulwer Treaty well as any Hay-Pauncefote treaty which embodies, implies such right Englands behalf not only fail adoption by Senate but also be vigorously opposed by Roosevelt administration. Holls represented having said United States would resent any attempt interference canal even limit war. Investigate this. Go straight to headquarters. HERALD. [*16839*][?] 10-21-1901 RECEIVED, Oct 21 1901 J.G.W. House of Representatives U.S. Washington, D.C. October 18, 1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. Sir: The enclosed paper explains fully the claim of John R. Hudson, a young man from my district, who was engaged on the Isthmian Canal. The Attorney employed made an attempt to get Admiral Walker, Chief of the Commission, to entertain the complaint, but he rudely refused. I then accompanied the Attorney to Admiral Walker's office to ask him to agree to look into the case, but he abruptly and discourteously refused. The Commission being a creature of the President I am thus compelled to bring this small matter to your attention. All the members of the Commission save Admiral Walker and one other, have resigned, and both refuse to open up the case for investigation. An appeal to you is the only remedy left to us save the courts and congress. I prefer very much to have it adjusted in a quiet way as there is much as to the expenditure of the appropriation which, if rumor be true, would not reflect credit upon the Commission or the United States. Very respectfully, L.F. Livingston M.C. 16840[Enc. in Walker, 10-25-01] [on reverse of previous document]JOHN D. LONG, SECRETARY. 287033 CW [*file*] NAVY DEPARTMENT. WASHINGTON. October 18,1901. Sir:- I have the honor to quote for your information, a cablegram received on October 17th from Rear Admiral Rodgers, on the Asiatic Station, in which he states that the U. S. S. GENERAL ALAVA has been placed at the disposal of Governor Taft: "Cavite, Oct. 17, 1901. Secnav. Washn. Alava placed disposal Governor Taft and associates for their exclusive use. Rodgers". Very respectfully, Jno. Long Secretary. The President. SB [*16841*][[shorthand]] [*ackd 10-30-1901 PPF*] [*File com Encls here*] ALL COMMUNICATIONS TO BE ADDRESSED TO THE COMPANY. TELEGRAPHIC ADDRESS "RIVSAM LONDON." Sampson Low Marston & Company, LIMITED English Foreign American & Colonial Booksellers & Publishers. TELEPHONE NO. 83, HOLBORN. St. Dunston's House adjoining the Public Record Office Fetter Lane Fleet Street, London, Oct 18 1901 E.C. THE PUBLISHERS' CIRCULAR 3/4 PER ANM: THE FISHING GAZETTE 10/6 PER ANM THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 2/6 MONTHLY. SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE 1/- MONTHLY To His Excellency Col. Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States, Washington Sir We take the liberty of writing to your Excellency to ask if you would be willing to write a few lines by way of Introduction to the Work on the Naval War between Great Britain and the United States in 1812-1815 which you wrote for our History of the Royal Navy &c. In order to secure the copyright we are obliged to have the work set up by Messers Little Brown Company of Boston who published the "History" - although we have it set up also in this country. We purchased the sole copyright in all forms and in all countries, we do not however propose to issue the work separately, if, under the allowed circumstances of the case, you object to our doing so - At the same time we are naturally anxious to recoup ourselves the considerable outlay on setting up the text in America. In Vol. VI of the Royal Navy which will contain your account of the 1812-1815 War Mr. Laird Clowes has explained how and when it was written [*16842*]ALL COMMUNICATIONS TO BE ADDRESSED TO THE COMPANY Sampson Low Marston & Company, LIMITED English Foreign American & Colonial Booksellers & Publishers. TELEGRAPHIC ADDRESS "RIVSAM LONDON." TELEPHONE NO. 83, HOLBORN. St. Dunston's House adjoining the Public Record Office Fetter Lane Fleet Street, London, 19 E.C. THE PUBLISHERS' CIRCULAR 3/4 PER ANM: THE FISHING GAZETTE 10/6 PER ANM THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 2/6 MONTHLY. SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE 1/- MONTHLY 2 so there can be no misunderstanding on that point - and we should propose to give this explanation in a note to the separate volume publication. We sincerely trust that Your Excellency will not object to our doing the book as we hope it would have a good sale and advertise the 'History' If there is anything in the work that you would like to alter it could be done for the separate volume publication - it is too late to alter in the History itself. We are writing to Messers Little Brown to say that while we sincerely hope that Your Excellency may see no objection to the separate vol. publication we shall not so publish against your wishes, and that we have asked you kindly to communicate your wishes to them. We would also beg you to be good enough to cable to us 'Yes' or 'No'- Roosevelt, to 'RIVSAM' London. With every respect We are, Sir Yours faithfully Sampson, Low, Marston & Company Ltd. for R B Marston, Director [*16843*]ALL COMMUNICATIONS TO BE ADDRESSED TO THE COMPANY Sampson Low Marston & Company, LIMITED English Foreign American & Colonial Booksellers & Publishers. TELEGRAPHIC ADDRESS "RIVSAM LONDON." TELEPHONE NO. 83, HOLBORN. St. Dunston's House adjoining the Public Record Office Fetter Lane Fleet Street, London, Oct 19 E.C. THE PUBLISHERS' CIRCULAR 3/4 PER ANM: THE FISHING GAZETTE 10/6 PER ANM THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 2/6 MONTHLY. SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE 1/- MONTHLY P.S. 3 Messers Little Brown Co of Boston estimate the work will make about 350 8vs. pages; to save time we mail to your excellency a set of proofs from the History and we enclose herewith the Introduction with the paragraphs marked which Mr. Clowes suggests should be used in an Introductory Note to the separate volume - provided you do not object. [*16844*][FOR ENCL SEE 10-18-01 FOR ATTACHEMENT SEE 10-18-01]SLM Co. TELEGRAPHIC ADDRESS-RIVSAM, LONDON TELEPHONE NO. 83, HOLBORN. ST DUNSTAN'S HOUSE, FETTER LANE, LONDON. E. C. P. S. Oct. 17, 1907. If President Roosevelt agrees to do separate publication will he kindly forward this publishers' note to Messrs. Little Brown & Company Publishers Boston U.S.A with any Author's Note that he may think well to add. [*16845*][*Suggested Introductory note to go with the separate volume publication of the account of the naval war between England & Americas in 1812-1815.*] [*Publishers Note This account of the naval war between Great Britain and the United States 1812-1815 also forms part of and was written for Volume VI of "The History of the Royal Navy From the Earliest Times to the present" Edited by M.W. Laird Clowes, and is thus referred to by him in his introduction to that volume:_ [Colonel Roosevelt when he kindly]*] [*account*] [*"*]Colonel Roosevelt, when he kindly promised to write for me the interesting and suggestive [chapter] which is to-day before the reader, was not even Vice-President. He was only President of the Board of Police Commissioners of New York. Even when he completed the chapter, and corrected the proof-sheets of it, he was only Assistant-Secretary of the United States' Navy. I feel it my duty to mention these facts in order that I may make clear to his countrymen, should they be curious in the matter, that although the name of the President of the United States is affixed to the chapter, the opinions expressed in it are those, rather, of a naval administrator who, be it remembered, when little more than a boy, wrote what was then the best American account of the war which he now describes again, more briefly, it is true, yet by the light of fuller knowledge. Since the days of his service in the Navy Department, Theodore Roosevelt, already sportsman, big-game hunter, zoologist, and politician, has gained equal distinction as a soldier and as a statesman. The sorrowful circumstances which in the last few days have led him so suddenly to the Presidency must, I fear, confine his wonderful energies to one channel only for some time to come. I am very fortunate in having secured, at a comparatively quiet period of his most active career, the assistance of so brilliant, able, and busy a man. In his book, 'The Naval War of 1812,' published when he was but four-and-twenty, Theodore Roosevelt dealt with the struggle from the exclusively American point of view. He has now attacked the subject from the more purely critical side; and I do not hesitate to say that he has produced a piece of work which, while fair-minded and generous to a degree, is as remarkable for its analytical insight as for its impartial plain speaking. He indicates very clearly why the United States beat Great Britain so frequently in the earlier actions of the war, and why, in spite of American successes, the Great Republic, with a navy as it was then constituted and managed, could never hope for decisive victory. The lessons which he deduces from the history of the war should be as valuable to Britons as to his own people: and, believing as I do in the high mission of the races concerned, I trust that both may equally profit by my friend's clear-sighted conclusions. [*'*] [*16846*]Encl in Marston 10-18-01 For 1 attachment see ca 10-1901THE OUTING PUBLISHING COMPANY CASPAR WHITNEY President ROBERT BACON Vice - President FLETCHER HARPER Secretary and Treasurer OUTING AN ILLUSTRATED MAGAZINE OF SPORT TRAVEL ADVENTURE AND COUNTRY LIFE CASPAR WHITNEY Editor WILLIAM BANCROFT Publisher 359 Fifth Avenue. NEW YORK, October 18, 1901. Dictated. [[shorthand]] [*ackd 10-24-1901 PPF* My dear Colonel : Here is a letter from Allen that I thought might interest you. I do not know how well you know Allen (he is a Boone & Crockett Club man), but he is a fellow who is well worth keeping an eye on. Such a man would reflect the greatest possible credit on whoever became interested in him. He has not only made a splendid record for himself i n the Army (I believe he is a Captain in the Regular Army though he is Major of a Volunteer Regiment), but he is one of the best chap I ever met either in or out of the Army. Don't bother to answer this or to return the letter. Faithfully yours, Caspar Whitney Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. [*16847*][For enclosure see 9-10-01][*ackd 10-21-1901 File PPF*] WILCOX & MINER, COUNSELLORS AT LAW. ANSLEY WILCOX. WORTHINGTON C. MINER. ROOM 816 ELLICOTT SQUARE, BUFFALO, N.Y. Oct. 18th, 1901. To the President, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President:- It may be pleasant to know that your old friends have not changed their views or their manner of speaking about you, even though you have attained the highest station. And so I am sending you enclosed with this quite a long article from the Buffalo Express of Sunday, September 22nd, signed by F.A.Crandall. I saw it at the time it was published, but did not read it then. Recently my attention has been called to it, and on reading it I think it well worth sending to you. Crandall, as you probably remember, used to be the editor of the Buffalo Express, and has done good work for you and with you in the past. He is now in Washington, connected with the office of the Superintendent of Documents appointed by the Public Printer, as Librarian. I believe he was formerly himself the Superintendent of Documents, and that he originally organized that office, but lost the position and had to take the present one, where I understand that he is doing extremely good work. I have ventured to suggest to Crandall that he call on you before long in Washington at some suitable time, and make himself known to you again, and he will probably do so, though he is very modest and seems to think that you may have forgotten him. He is one of the type of newspaper men that you like and rely upon, and though now out of regular newspaper work, he has an extremely good pen and still uses it occasionally to advantage, as you will see by this letter. Yours very sincerely, Ansley Wilcox [*Encl*] [*16848*][*ackd 10-21-1901*] WILCOX & MINER, COUNSELLORS AT LAW. ANSLEY WILCOX. WORTHINGTON C. MINER. ROOM 816 ELLICOTT SQUARE, BUFFALO, N.Y. Oct. 18th, 1901. To the President, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President:- My brother Marrion wrote me briefly from Washington that he had seen you and had an extremely pleasant interview. I think this was before you got my letter about him and before he know that I had written to you. to my surprise he said that he talked to you at this first interview about a foreign consulship, and not about his proposed North American article, meaning, as he said, to see you again about the article. In writing him I urged that if he had seen you before you got my letter and had not exhausted the subject, he should try to see you again, but I don't know whether he did this. He has written me again briefly since returning to New York, but does not go into details. However, he says that he has some articles to write as a result of his visit to Washington, and I infer that there will be more than one. I knew nothing about the idea of this foreign consulship until I got his first letter, practically after he had reached Washington, in which he just mentioned incidentally that Mr. Howells in introducing him to you had said something about the consulship at Prague; and in asking you, as I did, to do what you could for him, and in making the same request of Mr. Secretary Root and Attorney General Knox, I did not intend to refer to this matter, but to the articles in the North American and other reviews which he was proposing to write. I do not know what the status of the other matter is, or whether he is seriously pressing an application for a foreign consulship, and write this merely to put myself perfectly straight with you and to make certain that you do not misunderstand my position. At the same time I venture to say that if he has filled a serious application for appointment in the consular service, or any other branch of the service for which he is adapted, I should be glad to give this any support which I properly can give, feeling certain, as I do, that he would represent and serve the country creditably and efficiently. I am hoping to be in New Haven next week for two or three days, and if you are there on Wednesday to get your degree, as is announced, I shall hope to see you there. With sincere regards, Yours very truly, Ansley Wilcox. [*16849*][*[ca.18-1901]*] Sampson Low, Marston & Co. London, England. Write to ask if the President would be willing to write a few lines by way of introduction to the work of the Naval War Between Great Britain and the United States, 1812-1815, which he wrote for the History of the Royal Navy. If he [is willing zxxzxzx] agrees to the separate publication which they desire to publish, will he kindly forward the publishers' note to Messrs. Little, Brown & Co., Publishers, Boston. [*16850*] [*File PF CF*] EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON. October 18, 1901. By telephone: Mr. Michael of the State Department says that Marquis Ito desires to make a purely informal call on the President; but if this is not approved he will take steps at once to arrange through the State Department for a formal visit. [*16851*][Attached to 10-18-01, Marston][ca 18-1901] Sampson Low, Marsten & Co., London, England. Write to ask if the President would be willing to write a few lines by way of introduction to the work of the Naval War Between Great Britain and the United States, 1812-1815, which he wrote for the History of the Royal Navy. If he [?] agrees to the separate publication which they desire to publish, will he kindly forward the publisher's note to Messrs. Little, Brown & Co. Publishers, Boston. 16851 File 9F [?] EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON. October 18, 1901. By telephone: Mr. Michael of the State Department says that Marquis Ito desires to make a purely informal call on the President; but if this is not approved he will take steps at once to arrange through the State Department for a formal visit. 16851File [?] John Hay Oct 18, 19, 1901 Marquis Ito. Secy. Hay is also arranging, if possible, for the Marquis to dine with the President Thursday, Oct. 30th Later Secy. Hay finds it will be impossible for the Marquis to dine with the President. He leaves for N.H. tomorrow and sails for Europe Saturday. 16852[shorthand notation] [?] 10-21-1901 File pp7 188[?] FIFTH AVENUE, ROOM 1029[?]. NEW YORK. October 19th, 1901. To His Excellency, The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Dear Sir:- The Consistory of the Collegiate Reformed Dutch Church of this city have desired me to express to you their gratification at learning,through Mr.William L. Brower, that the certificate of dismission granted you in 1879 was not presented and that its is your wish to continue, as hitherto a member in full communion of our church. This evidence of your loyal and affectionate regard for our denomination and of your special interest in the Collegiate Church as that which was founded by the first Dutch settlers in this country, affords us peculiar pleasure. The Church is now doing a work for all classes of people, which will, we are sure, command your hearty approval, and we are most happy to have your name upon our roll of members. Praying that you may have the divine guidance and blessing in the duties of your high office, I am, On behalf of the Consistory, Very respectfully yours, Edward B Coe Senior Minister. 16853 The Oneida Historical Society, At Utica, N.Y. President, ALFRED C. COXE. Vice Presidents, EDWARD COMSTOCK, GEORGE M. WEAVER, JOSEPH V. HABERER. Corresponding Secretary, CHARLES W. DARLING. Recording Secretary, DONALD McINTYRE. Librarian and Curator, DANA W. BIGELOW. Treasurer, SYLVESTER DERING. OUR HOME. Utica, N.Y. October 19th, 1901. Subject Ellis H. Roberts Dear Sir: In my opinion Ellis H.Roberts is not a fit person to hold the office of Treasurer of the United States, and his occupancy of the office cannot reflect, cannot reflect, credit upon the administration. Since he has held office, under the government,I had to commence legal proceedings against him to secure the amount of a loan which I made to him.He made a sacred promise to pay me in person that when his extended notes became due, he would pay them, but he did not keep his promise, and I put said notes in the hands of my lawyer, and made him come to time, and toe the mark.It is doubtful whether he would have done it,but just at that time he wanted to pass from Sub-Treasurer of the United States to the Presidency of a bank in New York City,and it was policy for him not to have this claim hanging over him. There are many men in his Utica home who do not take much stock in him. Very sincerely yours, Charles W. Darling. [*see Frick, F. G. 1/2/02*] Hon.Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States. [*16854*][shorthand notation] [?] 10-29-1901 File North Capitol Street. Washington, D.C. October 19, 1901. Mr. President:- I regret very much that illness prevented me from accepting or acknowledging the honor of an invitation, through my friend, Mr. Richard Watson Gilder 16855To His Excellency Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States 16856 Gilder, to dine with you. I take the earliest opportunity of expressing my consciousness of your courtesy. I am Yours, Respectfully Maurice Francis Egan 16856DEPARTMENT of PUBLIC INSTRUCTION FOR THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. OFFICE OF GENERAL SUPERINTENDENT. Manila, P.I. October 19, 1901. To Division Superintendents and Deputy Division Superintendents: Dear Sir: Will you kindly answer the following questions as fully as possible? Should it be impossible for you personally to do so would you detail some one in each of the different provinces who takes an interest in industrial work to act for you? These questions are being asked at the present time so that when industrial classes are formed, as they will be in the near future, the work can be laid out with a better idea of the needs of the different provinces. Questions --- 1. What are the leading industries in your province? 2. What are the minor ones? 3. Do the Filipinos control these industries? 4. Who does, if they do not? 5. Do they use up-to-date methods and tools, or are both crude? 6. What, in your opinion, could we do to improve the conditions of things in your province? Could we teach them better methods or get them better tools and applances or add new industries? 7. What new industries would you suggest. DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION FOR THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. OFFICE OF GENERAL SUPERINTENDENT. 8. Do the natives do the better class or only the roughest class ofwork? 9. Who does the best work of the province, if the Filipino does not? 10. What wages do they earn? 11. Do they made good artisans? 12. Do they do any original work, or is it mostly copy? 13. In your opinion can the Filipino ever become the master industrially? 14. Are they faithful, industrious and to be depended upon? 15. Do they work well with people of other nationalities? Please give an account of these industries as much in detail as possible. If possible send photographs of the people engaged in their respective occupation. if samples of native tools can be obtained, please send list with cost of same, also state approximate size and weight if they are bulky. Send samples of wood which are only found in your province. Try to get seasoned wood and enough to show both the heart wood and the sap wood. Mark plainly so that they can be easily identified. Very respectfully, RONALD P. GLEASON Supervisor Industrial Education. [*16858*][shorthand notation] [?] 10/21/1901 pp. 7. 643 West Fourth Street, Cincinnati, October 19, 1901. My dear Mr.President: You have been on two occasions kind to me, in giving consent, first that I might include in a book of bear stories the history of the death of "Old Ephraim", the boss bear of Montana met at your hands; and the other occasion was when you gave permission that I should use,for a purpose that has not been fulfilled by the way, the account you gave of your experience in capturing a boat thief on the Little Missouri I have another design such as I had in addressing you before, and one that seems to me less immodest. I am making a study of your books at large,with the intention and desire of treating, not at great length but intelligently, the literary side of your achievements. Before I ask you what I may do, I want to say to you that I am not the author of the note that follows in my McKinley book a likeness of yourself, that does not seem to be to have been well 16859 selected ,and purports to give in seven lines and a half some account of your life,closing with this remarkable remark: "He is the author of several works of a historical nature". That is true, but it does not seem to me to be entirely satisfactory. I would propose to make this article that I am meditating over one that would rather please your publishers than offend them, for I do not venture to ask the liberty to use more than a few lines at a time, possibly, in a case or two, an entire paragraph,--nothing to destroy the thread of interest. I have got hold of all your books. They have become my personal possession, and I mean to speak of of them all in a compressed way, the idea being to show the range of subjects, as well as something of the variety of experience. It would gratify me very much if you could give me permission to go through with your works in this way, and if you could trust a little to my instinct of discretion, as I am myself a laborer in literature, in doing this work in a way that the English close the title of their corporations, "Limited". I am proud of my cousin, Dr. Albert Shaw, Editor of the Review of Reviews, for his article on Theodore Roosevelt, in his October number. I think it extraordinarily thoughtful and able, and judicious--though I am suspected of not being an expert in the judicial line, and I read between the lines a keen sense of appreciation and friendliness on his part. Pardon me for attempting to draw upon your time so much as to glance over this. I meant to compress this letter more than I have, but I will make sure of it that the able article I have in mind shall not [go] grow beyond reasonable proportions. With great respect I am, Very truly yours, Murat Halstead 16860[[shorthand]] Oct 19. 1901 Dear Mr. President If you wish it I can write a note to Mr. Takahira acquainting him with your desire to invite the Marquis Ito to an informal dinner on Thursday the first day you will be free. Takahira told me the Marquis would only be here until Tuesday and expected to sail for Europe on Saturday. But he would probably stay over to dine with you on Thursday if it is in his power. At all events I can [*16861*]write in such a way that he need not take it as a command--but can decline if acceptance is especially inconvenient. Yours faithfully John Hay I write to you directly instead of answering Mr. Cortyelyou's note, as he may not be at the White House in the evening. 16862Department of State. Washington, October 19, 1901. Dear Mr.President:- The Japanese Minister called today to ask if he was to accompany the Marquis Ito, who is to pay his respects to you on Monday at 10 o'clock. I took the liberty of saying, without giving you the trouble to answer a note, that you would be glad to see them both together. Yours faithfully John Hay 16863[[shorthand]] [*K*] 1726 I St., Washington, D.C. October 19th, 1901. My dear Mr. Courtelyou: In revising my manuscript of Chicago Address, I have made a few changes, as fellows: I. Interline on p. 27 after the words "United States" in 2nd line from top, the following - both amounting to only $144,000. II. Same page under "Ecuador", end of first paragraph, after "producer", add this sentence-- 0f sugar and tobacco she sent us none in the fiscal year 1901. III. 0n p. 32, in bottom line, insert after the word "markets" the following: to the amount of over one million dollars. IV. Take out old page (43) and substitute new page 43 herewith enclosed. V. Take out old page (46) and insert the two new pages 46 and 46-1/2, herewith enclosed. VI. Take out old page (49) and insert the two new page 49, herewith enclosed. I would be glad to have [these] changes made in your copy. Very truly yours, John A. Kasson [*I have received the original copy by your messenger.*] [*16864*][FOR ENCL SEE 10-19-01][[10-19-01]] (43) I have endeavored, Gentlemen, to answer all your inquiries, whether constitutional, international, or practical. I believe it is done clearly, and with candor, and so fully as the limits of a single Address will permit. These treaty arrangements are not to be confused with any proposals for tariff revision. They simply execute the provisions of the Dingley Tariff as it now stands. It is quite easy for a critic to say 'this United States concession should have been omitted, or that French concession should have been obtained.' So it might have been if the United States were the only party to frame the convention. But there are two parties to a Treaty, each having its own interests, with equal right to consideration. As President Roosevelt said in his Speech at Minneapolis "We must also remember, in dealing with other nations, that benefits must be given where benefits are sought." We cannot get what we want without conceding something the other party wants. Each says to the other, Do ut des -- I give that you may give. Mutuality of concession is the very essence of reciprocity. Between nations as between merchants the question is to be determined on the entire contract, not on any other particular item of it. Have we sufficient equivalents for our concessions as a whole ? Upon the foregoing exhibit of the treaty provisions, this question is confidently submitted to the American farmers and manufacturers:- Will the Convention interrupt our total national production, or will it increase and expand it ? The 16865(46) protection for the surplus of our home industries. Are not $943,000,000 of our annual agricultural exports and $412,000,000 of manufactured exports as well as worthy of protection as our $96,000,000 of knit cotton goods ? Furthermore, it is a policy of fair-play and equity, against the policy of selfishness and exclusiveness; a policy of wise foresight, against a policy of blind obstinacy. DANGERS THREATENING OUR EXPORT TRADE. I do not present to you statistics of our commercial expansion in European countries. There has been too much national bragging already, increasing European alarm. We have ample official evidence that this alarm is leading many countries into preparatory measures of retaliation. Our thoughtless advocates of exclusiveness say, 'What of that ? We can also retaliate.' So, fortunately, we can in respect to both commerce and shipping. But cui bono ? They have the advantage of us. We sell to them many millions more than they sell to us. Why waste our markets and our profits in a commercial war ? -- when by a friendly concession of possibly a hundredth part of that loss we can retain the markets and save the profits; and also continue the active employment of our labor and capital, as well as preserve commercial peace. This discussion is not theoretical merely. It is eminently practical. Official letters show that even in Great Britain which with her Possessions gives us a market for over 50 per cent of all our exports, the 16866(46-1/2) the agitation for tariff protection has already commenced. In German governmental hostile action has been officially announced. A German economist, after asserting that our tariff is now seven times higher than the present German tariff, and will remain four times higher than the new tariff, proposes that legislative provision shall make the new tariff applicable to European countries only, and that they adopt for American exports the identical rates of the United States tariff. He adds that of course the United States will not complain if [as follows the xxxx] Germany reciprocates their treatment. Both agrarians and manufacturers abroad are appealing to their governments for new measures against "the American invasion". They are specifically aimed at our agricultural interests. Our defense hitherto has been in existing commercial treaties among European powers which will expire in 1903. President McKinley's Administration [b] by its foresight sought to obviate, or at least diminish, the menacing conditions by Reciprocity Treaties for five years which might tide over the crisis. The [*16867*](49) are in harmony with the spirit of the times; measures of retaliation are not." Thus, after four years of deliberation, spoke President McKinley, who, being dead, still possesses and deserves the trust of the American people. We have come to the parting of the ways. We must go to the left on the Spanish road of Exclusiveness and industrial stagnation in our home market, and for our insular Possessions; or go to the right on the smooth highway of Reciprocity and industrial expansion. [*[JOHN A KASSON]*] [*16868*][[tNCL IN KASSON 10-19-01]]not hesitate to refuse if you do not approve my request. So much for the personal matter. Needless to say everyone here, literally everyone, is with you heart & soul on the Booker Washington matter. Needless for me to say how utterly right I think you are. But I confess the Southern outbreak is to me melancholy & disappointing. I am always hoping that they will learn & broaden & then comes a thing like this showing the narrow stolidity & imperviousness which are so disheartening. But they surely will learn & we must go on hoping. Love to Edith Ever yrs H. C. Lodge Private Oct. 19th 1901 - [*Ackd PPF Pr*] East Point, Nahant. Dear Theodore, When I wrote you last there was one matter I forgot. You may remember I asked you whom you meant to appoint in Del. Hay's place & you said there was no vacancy, that Pruden was there as usual. After asking my secretary I recalled the facts. The President appointed [*16869*]If you mean to keep him where he is & not give him the ass't. Paymastership all right. That is the end of it. But if by any chance you should decide to carry out the late President's intentions in regard to Pruden then I want to make a request of you in regard to the vacancy. I never expected & never meant to ask a personal favor of you during your administration & yet I am going to break my resolution & do it should this vacancy occur on the condition of course that you will Pruden, as a deserved reward for his long & faithful service, more I think than twenty-five years, as ass't. Paymaster in the army & appointed Del. Hay to the vacancy. Then Del. Hay died & Pruden either resigned or did not accept his commission so that he might carry on the work until the President found a another man to his liking. This was very like Pruden but I fancy a sacrifice & disappointment [*16870*]Isaac M. Meekins. Law Office. [?? 11-2-1901] Elizabeth City, N. C. Oct. 19th. -1901 Mr. President:- I was a representative, from the state at large, to the Republican National Convention of June 1900. When I was elected, I made up my mind, on the spot, to attend the convention and place you in nomination for the Presidency. But it was not within the length of mt cable tow to be present, owing to the severe illness of my child. While I was, and am still, moved at the untimely taking off of our Chief Magistrate, William McKinley, yet I rejoice that at the head of the Government, stands such a man and just such a man as yourself. 16871 I have read, with much pleasure and profit, your contributions to the American Statesmen Series, which series fills an important and indispensable shelf in my library. Isaac M. Meekins. Law Office. Elizabeth City, N. C. I now take this opportunity to say to you, that at the next Republican National Convention, this state ought and doubtless will, cast its solid vote for your nomination for President. But be that as it may, I shall attend the convention as a delegate and regardless of politicians and trixters, mixers and schemers, The First Congressional District of North Carolina, will cast Two (2) votes, first and last, each and every ballot for the nomination of Theodore Roosevelt, next President of these United States, "so help me God and keep me steadfast." Respectfully, [I. M. Meekins] 16872 H.H. [10-19-1901 pg 2] United States Department of Agriculture Bureau of Forestry Washington D C Office of the Forester October 19, 1901. Dear Mr. President: Under the conditions of your letter I am not only willing but glad to take up the work offered me by Secretary Hitchcock. From the beginning I have taken precisely the attitude you describe and have said so to Secretary Hitchcock repeatedly. What I have been after has been to get results. Yesterday morning I told Secretary Hitchcock, with the utmost definiteness, that the reason I was then unwilling to accept his proposal was because, under the circumstances, I did not believe I should be able to get results. With your letter, my position will be every way stronger than it could possibly have been without it, and I shall go ahead with the hope and intention of getting things done. Your assurance that the condition of affairs is not expected to be permanent is most gratifying, for I had not understood from Secretary Hitchcock that he had any immediate intention of changing the present assignment of work. 16875 2 October 19, 1901. I am keenly sorry you should have got the idea that I was sticking on a trivial point. As I have repeatedly assured Secretary Hitchcock, it is of no possible consequence to me, of itself, whether I sign my name or my initials. My whole desire has been to have a free hand. Until to-day I have not believed that I could control my work if the final decision, involved in the signature, rested with Mr. Hermann. Your letter settles that point permanently. I shall write Secretary Hitchcock to-day that I am ready to accept. Faithfully yours, Gifford Pinchot. Forester. The President. [*16874*][*Ackd 10-25-1901 File PF.*] BELMONT SCHOOL Belmont, Cal., Oct. 19, 1901. Dear President Roosevelt:- I wish that I had asked you at the last Harvard Commencement to write a talk of twenty minutes for our Belmont boys, for you have now before you work that will tax to the utmost even your ability and strength, and so I ought not now to come to you. I am going to publish a book of Belmont School talks which may, I hope, have such conspicuous strength as to win a reading at such schools as Groton, St. Paul's, Lawrenceville and others, and perhaps reach a more general public. No one as far as I know has attempted to do just what I should like to see done, and indeed I doubt if any single person could do it. William Everett made some excellent talks while Head Master of Adams Academy at Quincy, and Bishop Temple has published three volumes of his Rugby talks, and they too are excellent, but I should like something that appeals directly to a boy's chivalrous instincts - something that is clear out and strongly masculine aimed at through the pulpit. Not that I undervalue the pulpit approach, but because I think that a boy may many times be more readily reached through a direct appeal than through an appeal to his religious obligation, for he doesn't always see that religious obligation is only person - obligation under another name. Nothing could have more gratified me than your telling me last summer that you would like to see Bill because you believed in his direct, vigorous, democratic way of going at things, for those are the characteristics in boys that I value above all others. And because you stand in the public estimation for that sort of thing I would rather have a talk from you than from any other man in the country. And if Wellington was right - and I think that he was - in telling [*16875*]the Rugby or the Eton boys that Waterloo was first fought on the playgrounds of England's great schools, I think it equally true that our great secondary schools may be - and if they may be they should be - the source of the strongest, the cleanest, the most democratic and the most aggressive leadership in our state and nation. And the purpose of these Belmont School talks os to make a movement in that direction. You know almost nothing of me or of Belmont School, and so I am going to enclose a circular letter that I have just sent to parents, telling them about the record our boys made at the late examination for admission to Harvard, and also my catalogue, as something of a reason for my hoping that you may think it worth while to be one of our talkers. Dean Briggs has already given me his talk, President Jordan of Stanford University is writing his and others are writing theirs; President Eliot, Bishop Lwarence and others of like strength have partially promised to contribute to the volume. I hope to have contributions enough to publish next fall, but I will gladly wait longer if by waiting I may have a talk from you. If I could do so without the risk of seeming to be assuming I would say, as the country is so heartily saying, how glad I am that, if the mantle of McKinley had to fall upon anyone, it should have fallen upon you. The morning paper has just come with prominent headlines to the effect that your entertaining Booker T. Washington at the White House is creating a sensation. This, in connection with the approving surprise caused by your southern appointments, is a startling commentary upon the public conception of the want of conscience, or courage, or both, in our great leaders. On the other hand it must be most gratifying to you to know with what enthusiasm these and other acts of your administration have been received by the whole country, or at any rate by the better part of it. Very sincerely yours, W. T. Reid [*16876*][*Robinson Family*] CABLE ADDRESS "RYRAPORT NEW YORK." DOUGLAS ROBINSON 160 BROADWAY TELEPHONE CONNECTION NEW YORK, October 19, 1901 [*akd #10 for 117 sent Oct 21, 1901 WJL*] Mr. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Assistant Secretary to the President, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir:-- Replying to your favor of October 18th, would say that it will be necessary for us to receive the President's check for $117.00 in the matter of the Central & South American Telegraph Co.'s dividend. Yours truly, Frank C. Smith [*16877*]The Pilot Editorial Rooms. DON'T SHOOT, COLONEL! According to an old, but rather apocryphal story, once upon a time there was a famous marksman in the Southwest named Martin Scott, whose reputation became so widespread that even the wild animals heard of it. One day, when he was out hunting, he treed a fat old coon and raised his deadly rifle to draw a bead upon it, when the intelligent animal suddenly exclaimed: "Don't shoot, Colonel—I'll come down." In some such way it would seem that the reputation of Colonel Roosevelt as a beautiful marksman and determined fighter has crossed the Atlantic, for he had not been a fortnight in the White House before the news came from England that Lord Salisbury had waived every claim of England to share in the control of the Nicaragua Canal, and now it is announced that the President has dictated a new treaty wholly acceptable to Great Britain and yet embodying everything, and more, demanded by the United States. England, it is said, has consented that this country shall fortify the canal when it is built and have the right to close it against the ships of a hostile country in time of war. Not a whisper is heard about the concessions which we were to make in return on the question of the Alaska boundary lines, and Secretary Hay is confronted with the painful prospect, when he leaves office, of leaving the United States territory adjoining Canada no smaller than it was when he first went into the Real Estate Gift Enterprise on an international scale. Ambassador Choate also, according to a cablegram in the pro-English New York Herald, regards the new Nicaragua treaty as "the last straw," and is coming home to see the President at once. If he has any notion of rebuking the President for being too American in his dealings with the dear Mother Country, he will probably have no occasion for a return passage ticket. Colonel Roosevelt shoots as straight as Colonel Scott, and if Mr. Choate does not know it, his English friends do. [*16878*] Boston, [*Oct 19 1[8]901*] Their education will probably be further enlarged before the South African War is much older, and it is now in its third year. Lord Kitchener is getting the freer hand for which he has asked so long, and the whole Cape Colony practically is now under martial law. What that means the Boston Record tersely explains. It is the right to hang or shoot any person, man woman or child, by a board of army officers sitting in a tent, and with power to immediately execute their sentence without delay or appeal. It applies to women and children just as much as to armed enemies. It has never been invoked by a civilized nation against a whole people, that we have ever heard of. We do not believe that England will dare to proceed to such measures. If so, then comes Theodore Roosevelt's opportunity to be not only the President of the United States, but the hero of the whole world. It is safe to say that since the earliest days of the Republic no President ever entered the White House with such an unlimited measure of confidence on the part of his fellow-citizens as is enjoyed by Mr. Roosevelt. By the appointment of the Southern Democrat and ex-Confederate, Jones of Alabama, to a federal judgeship, he has shown his sincere determination to be President of the whole country, and not merely of any section or party. As is always the case when a brave man does an honest action, the President has offended nobody whose esteem is of any material value. So in his conduct of the nation's foreign affairs he can always be trusted to do the patriotic and courageous thing, and that is nearly always sure to be the wise as well as the popular thing. The foreign coon, English or Turkish, will prepare to come down whenever he sees the Colonel's glittering eyeglasses at the hindsights of his rifle. [*16878*]