SPANISH TREATY CLAIMS COMMISSION WASHINGTON,D.C. To the Secretary of the President This paper is for the President only not for any Department. To the President Sir: This paper is for your use if you wish it. Please remove this memorandum from the paper. Very respectfully W. E. Chandler October 20 1901 [*16879*] with kindest regards to your wife from Mrs. Lane and myself, I am Faithfully your friend, Gardiner Martin Lane. October 20, 1901. [*16880*] [shorthand] [* [?] Octo-24-1901*] 341 BEACON STREET. My dear Theodore, I hope that it is not too late to write you that you have my best wishes for a successful administration of the great office to which you have succeeded. It has been very pleasant to me to hear on allhonourable administration under your guidance, that it has had since I can remember, and I shall do what little I can in this secluded corner of the United States to support you and to help on the principles which are dear to your heart. With all good wishes, and sides high praises of the way in which you conducted affairs of state under the most trying circumstances -- high praises from Democrats as well as Republicans. As for myself, I am confident that the country will have the best and most enlightened and most MY POST-OFFICE ADDRESS IS MY TELEGRAPH ADDRESS IS MY EXPRESS ADDRESS IS [*File CF*] DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR UNITED STATES GEOLOGICAL SURVEY Grand Canyon Ariz. Oct 20th 01. , 190 Hon Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Dear Sir: On arrival at mail communications to day I found your note of A.M. 700 in relation to the genuineness of certain archaeologic specimens collected by the late F. H. Cushing. Please inform the President that all I know of the matter I heard about three years ago. I have to the effect that the localities where Cushing collected were "salted". That Cushing was badly deceived - that a member of the Bureau of Entomology exposed the fraud & raised so much feeling that he was obliged to leave the Bureau. Not having official relations with the Bureau I have not pursued the matter further but that if it is deemed desirable reliable information can be obtained on my return to Washington about Nov. 15th-20th. Regretting that I cannot give more information I remain with respect Truly Yrs Chas. D Walcott. Written in a cold tent so pardon writing. [*16881*][For attachment see 10-7-01][*"Times" N.Y. Oct 20 1901 President May Hunt Big Game in Minnesota. Bow String River Hunter says he Practically Has Mr. Roosevelt's Promise. Special to the New York Times. Duluth, Minn., Nov. 25- Frank Vance, one of the best-known hunters of Northern Minnesota, came down from the Bow String River to-day and says that President Roosevelt has practically promised to come out next year for a moose hunt in that region. Vance, who is known as the king of the Bow String country, says he had read that the President was a great hunter, and realizing the attraction of the Bow String for men who love the pursuit of big game, he wrote him an extended letter inviting him to come out next year and promising some great sport shooting moose and caribou. Vance says his answer from the President leads him to believe he will come unless something important intervenes to prevent. Vance says that he saw a herd of twenty-eight moose near his place last summer. The country is a regular wonderland for hunting and fishing. 16882*] DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION FOR THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS Manila, October 21, 1901. To Division Superintendents of Schools: It seems at the present time quite probable that I can secure enough money to pay the traveling expenses, and perhaps also the living expenses in the States, for forty or fifty Filipino boys who desire to go to the United States, especially those who may be planning to teach. I wish you to nominate one boy from each province in your division. He should have a considerable knowledge of English; should be bright, clean, ambitious and healthy. There is no hurry about this matter, and I wish you to take plenty of time and make a good selection. Above all no hint is to be given to the nominee or any other person in reference to this possibility. Keep the matter entirely in your own head; otherwise, we shall all be pestered to death in the matter. Please send me the following personal data about the young men you nominate: age, education, knowledge of English, and whether the boy himself or his relatives or friends can furnish any financial aid toward paying his way. Very truly yours, Fred [W?] Atkinson[*"Times" N.Y. Oct 20 1901 President May Hunt Big Game in Minnesota. Bow String River Hunter says he Practically Has Mr. Roosevelt's Promise. Special to the New York Times. Duluth, Minn., Nov. 25- Frank Vance, one of the best-known hunters of Northern Minnesota, came down from the Bow String River to-day and says that President Roosevelt has practically promised to come out next year for a moose hunt in that region. Vance, who is known as the king of the Bow String country, says he had read that the President was a great hunter, and realizing the attraction of the Bow String for men who love the pursuit of big game, he wrote him an extended letter inviting him to come out next year and promising some great sport shooting moose and caribou. Vance says his answer from the President leads him to believe he will come unless something important intervenes to prevent. Vance says that he saw a herd of twenty-eight moose near his place last summer. The country is a regular wonderland for hunting and fishing. 16882*] DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION FOR THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS Manila, October 21, 1901. To Division Superintendents of Schools: It seems at the present time quite probable that I can secure enough money to pay the traveling expenses, and perhaps also the living expenses in the States, for forty or fifty Filipino boys who desire to go to the United States, especially those who may be planning to teach. I wish you to nominate one boy from each province in your division. He should have a considerable knowledge of English; should be bright, clean, ambitious and healthy. There is no hurry about this matter, and I wish you to take plenty of time and make a good selection. Above all no hint is to be given to the nominee or any other person in reference to this possibility. Keep the matter entirely in your own head; otherwise, we shall be pestered to death in the matter. Please send me the following personal data about the young men you nominate: age, education, knowledge of English, and whether the boy himself or his relatives or friends can furnish any financial aid toward paying his way. Very truly yours, [Fred W. Atkinson]GARLAND STOVES AND RANGES The World's Best GEORGE H. BARBOUR Vice-President and General Manager. The Michigan Stove Company Detroit, Mich. DETROIT. CHICAGO. BUFFALO. [*Ackd 10-26-1901 PPF Pr*] October the 21st, 1901. Hon. Theodore H. Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. Honored sir:- The newspapers, during the past two or three days, have been full of expressions from southern persons especially, criticising you severely for having independence enough to do what you thought was right. The general public agrees that you were right. I am enclosing you a clipping from the Detroit Free Press, a paper which was formerly Democratic in its sentiment, and Democratic today, the same as the writer, but both worked for the election of ex-President McKinley. This editorial contains much good common sense, and I believe you will appreciate it. I wish it could be heralded throughout the southern country. If a man is a true, loyal upright citizen, color should not debar him from receiving proper recognition. [*16884*]T.H.R.-2. You have my very best wishes for success and will receive my support so long as you maintain the position you have taken, that of standing up for and defending the right, and you will not want for friends and supporters. With very best regards, I remain, Very respectfully yours, George H Barbour[*Ackd 10-24-1901 CF*] [[shorthand]] Louisville Ky. Oct. 21. 1901. Private My dear Mr. President: Your kind message has been communicated by Mr. Brush & I hasten to return thanks. With pleasure I am at your service and will come to Washington at any time. If entirely agreeable to you would prefer to wait until after the election as I have various engagements before that time, but if it is your desire that I should come sooner I will gladly do so. I am deeply interested in seeing your administration a success. Yrs &c. W. O. Bradley [*16886*] President RooseveltIf so Douglas will go in spend it with you — If not will you be in New York for even an hour or so, for I would come in any time for a few minutes sight of you. I enclose this letter of Emery Mayfield's (he married Douglas cousin) for I think it a great tribute from a strong Southern Democrat [*[ANNA R. COWLES]*] Oct 21st 1901 [*Send photo to Mrs Bayard Cutting*] [*Ackd 10-20-1901 ppF Pr*] TELEPHONE 147 ORANGE. "Overlook" Orange,N.Y. My own darling Theodore I feel as if it were useless to write you now, with such a burden of letters upon you, so I send this line thinking that at Farmington (between greeting the ladies who are putting on [*16887*] I wish I might have seen you at Farmington Your always dear "Pussie" [*[Cowles]*]your birthday I want to send you my loving congratulations that your 43d birthday Should find you President of our great country. Many, many happy returns. I see by the papers that you go to O. B. on Election Day to vote. Could you spend the night at 422? military dress, & shoveling the dirt on the oak tree! You may have one minute to read it. Truly want you to know that I am thinking of you every day with infinite pride, & that I am absorbedly interested in every one of your great responsibilities. Next Sunday will beTELEGRAM com [] 28th [shorthand notes] Executive Mansion, Washington. 5 WU MA JM 17] Paid 12:43 pm Richmond, Ind., Oct. 21, 1901. accepts will not qualify until about Nov. ist The President, White House:- Will be glad to accept position.When shall I come? Can leave in a week if necessary. W. D. Foulke File 16889PF. [10-21-01] Mr President Dear Sir received yours of 18th to day. I would like very much to come on the first of the month but it is impossible for me to do so. I cannot come before the last of [*16890*]P. S. I think the saddles will be ready to ship by friday. november. It is for my interest that I should not go before then. trusting that the position will [hold] remain open for me then. I remain your faithful and obedient servent Franklin H. Hall Monday Oct. 21st 1901 [*16891*][shorthand] United States Senate, Washington, D. C. Oct. 21, 1901. Mr. President:- [File CN] I have just succeeded in reaching Senator Hanna's secretary, Mr. Dover. I explained over the long distance phone as best I could the situation and told him to get the Senator to wire the White House direct. I sent my secretary to South Carolina to explain matters to Mr. Capers. Mr. Koester's presence in Washington is known and we cannot keep it out of the papers much longer. To have its full effect, the appointment 16892 should come like a shot out of a clear sky. The more I think of it, the better I like it. Yours very sincerely, Jno. Lowndes McLaurin P. S. Please have some one to call me over phone, Senate annex when appointment is made, so that I may wire Mr. Capers. [*16893*]2 THE PETRIE PRESS. STATIONERS. PRINTERS AND PUBLISHERS. Paterson Avenue and Second Street, (Telephone 3 F. Rutherford) East Rutherford, N.J.. 190 position in America to=day and add that half of your goodness remains yet untold, as I dare say there are thousands of those poor boys - who are men now - who feel extremely grateful for the manner in which you and your relatives gave them personal attention and aid. The writer was one of the boys who lived in the home at the time and one who Mr. Roosevelt encouraged very much. He is the same person who won Mr. Roosevelt's annual $2.00 prize every year while he lived at the home and the one who succeeded in getting up the original Newsboys' Home [*16895*] THE PETRIE PRESS. STATIONERS. PRINTERS AND PUBLISHERS. Paterson Avenue and Second Street, (Telephone 3 F. Rutherford) East Rutherford, N.J.. October 21, 1901 [*ackd 10-24-1901 PPF File*] Your Excellency, The Right Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States Please to excuse my audacity, but I write to inquire if you are the same person who appeared frequently with one Theodore Roosevelt (whom I believe was your father) at the Newsboys' Home in Eighteenth Street, New York, on Sunday evenings during the fall and winter months of each year between 1873 and 1877. Mr. Roosevelt was very frequently accompanied by a son and I believe a son-in-law who generally played the organ If you are one of these same persons I wish to congratulate you upon holding the most exalted3 THE PETRIE PRESS. STATIONERS. PRINTERS AND PUBLISHERS. Paterson Avenue and Second Street, (Telephone 3 F. Rutherford) East Rutherford, N.J.. , 190 talent entertainment that pleased your people so much. Was there while Mr. Gourley was superintendent and remember well the ceremonies tendered him by Mr. Roosevelt when he resigned and was succeeded by Mr. McCullough. Remained also for some time under Mr. McCullough's charge. Mr. Gourley went west. I believe to Iowa. Believe me to be, Distinguished Sir, a sincere admirer James Petrie Prop'r The Petrie Press. [*16896*][*File P.P.F.*] AMERICAN SURETY COMPANY OF NEW YORK, 100 BROADWAY. New York, October 21, 1901. DAVID B. SICKELS, VICE-PRESIDENT AND TREASURER. [*ackd 10/24/1901*] My Dear Mr. President: If you can find it to be consistent with your good judgment on the occasion of your visit to New Haven to say something in advocacy of the election of Seth Low, I am sure it will be greatly appreciated by all of us, and at the same time materially assist us in the campaign. In consequence of the excellent personal record of Mr. Shepard, we are having more than ordinary difficulties to encounter. Of course we all know your sentiments but the expression of them in a personal way at this time might not subject you to unfavorable criticism. With kindest regards, and best wishes for your health, prosperity and the success of your administration, believe me, as ever Very respectfully and sincerely David B. Sickels [*16897*]AMERICAN SURETY COMPANY OF NEW YORK, 100 BROADWAY. New York, October 21, 1901. DAVID B. SICKELS, VICE-PRESIDENT AND TREASURER. My Dear Mr. President: If you can find it to be consistent with your good judgment on the occasion of your visit to New Haven to say something in advocacy of the election of Seth Low, I am sure it will be greatly appreciated by all of us, and at the same time materially assist us in the campaign. In consequence of the excellent personal record of Mr. Shepard we are having more than ordinary difficulties to encounter. Of course we all know your sentiment but an expression of them in a personal way at this time might not subject you to unfavorable criticism. With kindest regards, and best wished for you health, prosperity and the success of your administration, believe me, as ever, Very respectfully and sincerely, David B Sickels [*16898*][For attachment see [ca] 10-21-01]HENRY H. SMITH, EX-JOURNAL CLERK HOUSE OF REPS. AND LATE ASSISTANT AND ACTING REGISTER OF THE TREASURY, THE ALBEMARLE. AUTHOR AND STATISTICIAN, PARLIAMENT EXPERT, SEARCH OF LEGISLATIVE, EXECUTIVE AND JUDICIAL RECORDS AND DECISIONS, AND TARIFF AND RAILROAD LEGISLATION A SPECIALTY. [*File CF*] Washington, D. C., Oct. 21, 1901. To the President: Recent publication in New York and Washington papers in respect to the reappointment of Mr. George R. Bidwell to be Collector of Custom at the Port of New York determined me to submit certain statements - verbal and written - to you which I thought you should know before taking final action in Mr. Bidwell's case, and but for my illness for nearly five weeks, a portion of it in Garfield Hospital, I would have paid my respects to you, and, as a loyal friend of yours and a good citizen, should have made certain statements to you in respect to Mr. Bidwell, which in my judgment you are entitle to know of and enquire into, before reappointing Mr. Bidwell to the important office of Collector of the port of New York. The first matter relates to the sale of the Wall Street property now occupied for Custom House purposes. I was the attorney or representative of the New York Produce Exchange for four years during the two term each of Messrs. McCord and Brainerd, as President, and looked after the interests of the Produce Exchange and other kindred New York City organizations before Congress in regard to this matter, and [*16899*]after four years of hard contest, I succeeded in defeating the infamously corrupt proposition known as the "Quigg bill",-which was supplemented in the Senate by the "Murphy bill," and became the present law. As a matter of interest I will state that I drew verbatim et literatim the of March 1, 1899, entitle "An Act to supplement and amend an act entitle 'An Act for the erection of a new Custom House in the city of New York and for other purposes'", approved March 3, 1891, save the limitation of $3,000,000 which I put at $3,500,000. I state upon information and belief that Mr. Bidwell was interested in the "pool" or "syndicate" back of the Quigg bill, and also that he was interested either directly or indirectly as a member of the "pool" or "syndicate" which purchased the Wall Street Custom House property for a considerably less sum (probably $300,000) than it would have brought if the fullest opportunity for free and open competition had been offered. The said property was sold on July 3d, 1899, for $3,265,000, all of which money save the sum of $50,000 was deposited in the National City Bank of New York, said bank subsequently, from July 3, 1899, charging the government for rent or "use and occupation" of said property. The matter was brought up in the last Congress in respect 2 [*16909*]to the deposit of the proceeds of the sale of the Wall Street property - save $50,000 - in the National City Bank and the charge upon the government for its "use and occupation", &c., but the subject of the low price received and the methods of such sale to a "pool" or "syndicates" of which MR. Bidwell and Mr. Quigg were charged with being members and beneficiaries of the profits accruing from said sale, were not enquired into nor even brought out. I have reason to know that it is the purpose of a Representative from [the] New York city who thought he was a candidate for Vice President at St. Louis last year to bring the matter before the House - probably before the holiday recess. Several persons have asked me in regard to the matter but I have declined to talk about that branch of the subject. While in Garfield Hospital last week it it seemed clear to me - in connection with the other matter - that it was my duty to submit certain statements to you and I consulted an eminent lawyer who called to see me as to whether in so doing I would be violating the code of legal ethics, (professional) and was advised that I would not. The other matter related to grass violations of the civil service law: to suspensions and violations of order and regulations of the President and of the Secretary of the Treasury relating to the civil service; to assumption of power not delegated to 3 [*16901*]the Collector by law, order or regulation and finally to gross injustice done inspectors and other employes of the Customs service at the port of New York, by Collector Bidwell. These facts and details I learned as Counsel or representative of the Mutual Benefit Association of the Customs Inspectors at the Port of New York in the matter of securing for the Customs inspectors - some 350 in all - additional compensation of one dollar per day as had been recommended by several Surveyors and Collectors, as well as by several Secretaries of the Treasury - including Secretary Gage - who made a very strong recommendation to Congress in their behalf on the ground that they were working on an average thirteen hours a day; including night work for examining passengers' baggage which they were first allowed extra pay for by a Treasury order which was subsequently revoked at the request and on behalf of the Steamship companies. The whole story is a most shameful one and I shall be glad to submit hereafter, if you desire, facts in corroboration of the statements above made. I am, as in the past Yours very sincerely, Henry H. Smith [*16902*][*File ackd 10-21-1901*] HENRY H. SMITH, EX-JOURNAL CLERK HOUSE OF REPS. AND LATE ASSISTANT AND ACTING REGISTER OF THE TREASURY, THE ALBEMARLE. AUTHOR AND STATISTICIAN, PARLIAMENT EXPERT, SEARCH OF LEGISLATIVE, EXECUTIVE AND JUDICIAL RECORDS AND DECISIONS, AND TARIFF AND RAILROAD LEGISLATION A SPECIALTY. Washington, D. C., Oct. 21, 1901. Dear Mr. President: In our hurried interview this morning - due to my nervousness from recent illness - I omitted to say two things: 1st. That I have no quarrel whatever and never have had one with Mr. Bidwell, and 2d. To request - or suggest rather - that until I see you again about this matter - if such be your wish - that my communication be not submitted to Secretary Gage for reasons of a public and prudential character, which I will then state. Secretary Gage is an honorable and high-minded man but he has been misled in several important matters by Collector Bidwell. Very sincerely yours, Henry H. Smith [[shorthand]] [*16903*]Personal. Consulate of the United States of America. Bordeaux, France Oct. 21 1901. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President. Dear Sir: On Friday the 18th instant the Paris Herald brought the astounding information that Mr. Booker T. Washington had dined with you at the White House. On Saturday the 19th instant, the same journal gave the first installment of denunciation of your act. It would be hard for me to give any idea of the emotions I have experienced in contemplating this momentous incident. To say that I have been thoroughly dazed, is not too much. For more than thirty years my chief thought and study has been the relation of the white and colored races to each other, to the United States, to other nations, to Christianity and to civilization. It it beyond all doubt the most momentous question that has ever presented itself to the statesman and the christian, to civilized men and nations, for solution. Twenty one year ago I thought I knew the remedy and wrote in "A Fool's Errand": "The remedy for Darkness is light; for Wrong Righteousness; . . . . . . . . . . Make the spelling-book the Sceptre of National Power". It was a genuine fool's notion. I sincerely believed at that time that education and christianity were infallible solvents of all the evils which have resulted from the white man's claim of individual superiority and collective right to rule, regulate and subordinate the colored man and colored peoples to his will and pleasure. 16904 over Today, I am ashamed to have been that sort of a fool. I realize now, that if all the people of the United States black and white alike, were saints of the most approved quality and all of them endowed with the highest educational qualifications, the question of color would not be a whit less difficult than it now is. Why? Because education does not eradicate prejudice, but intensifies it. Because christianity does not condemn or prevent injustice done to the weak by the strong, but encourages and excuses it. Civilization has small regard for justice, but the highest reverence for success and power. The question has had two phases in our national history, to-wit: 1st - The first, a great moral and political conflict for the perpetuation of slavery; that is, the right of the individual white man to own, possess, dominate and control the individual colored man. In this struggle, liberty won, and slavery-- the ownership of one man by another and involuntary servitude--was destroyed. AS A LEGAL ESTATE, it can never again exist in a christain country. It may be simulated but can have no legal force or form. 2nd - The second phase of this struggle was based, not on the right of the white individual to own and control the colored individual, but upon the right of the collective white population of a State to dominate, control, debase and degrade the colored population of the same-- to deprive them of personal and political right and equal opportunity. In this struggle the victory has been overwhelmingly with the advocates of oppression, inequality of right and opportunity. For the first time in history a people endowed with political rights have been disfranchised by millions. This has been done wholly on account of race and color. This victory has been accomplished by violence--by organized force, nullifying the laws and pledges of the United States-- by assassination, by fraud, by mob-murder and burning at the stake. To this revolution of savagery, there has been for years no 3 considerable moral antagonism. Hardly a newspaper, a college president, or a considerable church speaks in condemnation of the end sought to be obtained. Only now and then one feebly protests against the barbarous character of the methods employed. [*That of: murder of colored men has become almost as frequent at the north as at the south.*] There seems to be no present prospect of amelioration of these conditions. No party is willing to attempt the protection of the colored man, because he has no vote with which to repay its guardianship of his interests. No church stands by him as a man, lest some other denomination should take offense or they should themselves incur opprobrium. No social sentiment demands justice and equal opportunity for him, because he is both poor and black. If Christ should make a second coming in the form of a NEGRO, I candidly believe it would disintegrate and destroy the christian churches of the United States. Then, indeed, might it be written, "He came to His own and His own received Him not." If I had ever any doubt as to this, it was put to rest by an experience of my own at the White House. I was invited to dine with a President for the purpose of "talking over" the question of an appointment to the Court of Claims which had been more than half promised me and which I greatly desired, because of the special opportunity it offered for independent literary work. It chanced that a colored man was also an applicant for the place--for which he was fairly competent. In the after-dinner colloquy upon the subject, I remarked to the President, that although I greatly desired the place, if he was inclined to nominate the colored aspirant, I would cheerfully withdraw as I felt that a competent colored man had claims to recognition by the party and the government which no one else could possess. There was and impressive silence. Then the President said, "Do you think I would appoint a NEGRO to the bench?" "Why not if competent?" "Because, I would never require my brethren of the bar to recognize a man as judge whom I would not practice before myself." over [*16905*]"And you would not practice before a judge having colored blood in his veins?" "No more than I would invite him to my table." That settled the matter; the colored man was not appointed nor I either--probably because of my folly in broaching this subject. Yet this man was a Republican, a patriot and stood very near the head of a great christian sect. If such a man could not deal equally with a fellow-citizen and fellow-christian, how many are there who would; and how can one expect education or knowledge to incline the white man to deal justly with a colored race? These were my convictions until two days ago I learned that the President of the United States had broken bread at his own table with a person of this race, thus doomed to oppression and infamy by the dominant forces of our American Christian civilization. I thank you--I congratulate you--I pity you! It is the bravest thing ever done by an American. It has no parallel for downright pluck in all history, save Latimer's greeting to his fellow-sufferer: "Be of good cheer, Brother Ridley, for with God's help we shall this day light such a fire in this realm of England that none shall ever put it out!" This is the best piece of wit, as well as the most profound forecast, that ever fell from human lips. It may not be comforting to say so, but I think you have done an act as brave as Latimer's and of the same sort. You will be roasted like him, too, and like him ultimately justified with a personal earthly immortality. Whether you so intended or not, or whether you now desire or not, you have written your name large across the future in which a new civilization and a new christianity lie hidden which shall establish for all time on earth the divine decree that, "White is not always right", and that whoever, man or nation, would make color the test of right or righteousness, can no longer be counted a servant of5 Jesus Christ, but must stand an enemy like of God and Man. You have lighted the fire and may be consumed therein; but when future Ages turn back the pages which bear the record of the great struggle for equality of right and equal opportunity for all, they will find your name recorded on them as the first and bravest of the champions of a righteousness in our day even more inconceivable than Cranmer's prophetic jest. I thank God that I have lived in marvelous times. That I saw the love of liberty spring up after the staggering blow of the "Dred Scott Case" had killed hope in almost every heart; that I witnesses the overthrow of slavery by a means none dreamed of, until God showed the way and prepared the instrument; that I heard with my own ears that "glad refrain" of "falling bolt and chain" which echoed round the world. And especially I am glad, that I have lived to know that an American President is brave enough to ask a colored gentleman to his table. Whatever may hap, it is a brave man's act, a true christian's act which the world can never forget. In my opinion, it is one of the momentous acts of history. the effect of which no man can measure and only the future reveal. You may have noticed that God has a queer fashion of doing things in His own way. In what you have done may be found the key to your dying predecessor's utterance: "This is God's way." God grant you may have opened the door to a newer and diviner progress. With the most sincere Admiration, and profound regard, I am, Your Obedient Servant, Albion W. Tourgée [*16906*][For attachment see 10-21-01][*File*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS Oct. 21, 1901 My dear Colonel Roosevelt:- Enclosed you will find two letters. One from a man named Cochran who enclosed a letter from a man name Coney. Coney is a pension [agent] attorney in Topeka. He has been after Leland for defending Evans. Evans can give you Coney's record. Coney is getting up a chain of soldiers' letter against Leland. I give you these facts for what they are worth. Ask ether Hitchcock or Evans about Coney. I have not got the endorsement of the Congressmen and the Supreme Court and the state officers yet, because I a, waiting to hear whether it will necessary. The Kansas City papers are making a great [*16907*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 T. R. (2) stir about the fight on Leland. And they intimate that charges are to be filed concerning his alleged violation of the Civil Service rules. Writing about that, Leland says, "give them all the time they want to get all the charged in they can make". So let this thing jog along and don't let it be said, that these people did not have ample time to file their charges. Leland says, he would rather have a clean bill of health from you on the Civil Service matter and the certificate of good character that will come, if he is appointed by you, than to have the appointment come a month or so earlier. What a fine fellow Butler is? I just had a letter from him about Platt, that gave me great joy. Very truly yours, W A White Theodore Roosevelt, President of the U. S., Washington, D. C. [*16908*] [*Give to Mr. Forster*] [*[ca 10-21-01]*] [*Rec'd during trip*] [[shorthand]] [*16910*] [*[ca 10-21-01]*] [*ackd for file 12-26-1901*] EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON. TOURGEE ALBION W BORDEAUX FRANCE. Suggestions regarding the question of reforming the Consular Service; states that the present impulse for the reform is based upon a total misapprehension of the consular function itself; and that it proceeds very largely upon the hypothesis that in comparison with the consular service of other countries, our own is markedly deficient. Gives results of his study into Consular Service. Has no wish that his letter go to the State Department; but would much prefer that it be destroyed. [*16909*][*Give to Mr. Forster*] [*[ca 10-21-01]*] [*Rec'd during trip*] [[shorthand]] [*16910*] [*[ca 10-21-01]*] [*ackd for file 12-26-1901*] EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON. TOURGEE ALBION W BORDEAUX FRANCE. Suggestions regarding the question of reforming the Consular Service; states that the present impulse for the reform is based upon a total misapprehension of the consular function itself; and that it proceeds very largely upon the hypothesis that in comparison with the consular service of other countries, our own is markedly deficient. Gives results of his study into Consular Service. Has no wish that his letter go to the State Department; but would much prefer that it be destroyed. [*16909*][attached to Tourgee 10-21-01] [attached to Sickels 10-21-01] [*File*] Lynchburg Va. Oct. 22d. 1901. A. B. Courtelyou Esq: My dear Sir: Acknowledging your favor of the 19th Inst. to day received. I beg that you will present my respects to the President, and kindly say to him that I will do myself the honor to call upon him as soon as I can visit Washington. I am just out of a sick bed, & by no means well, or able to travel, else I would at once respond in person by going to Washington to see the President. Very Truly Yours Jno. W. Daniel. [*16912*] PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S "YOU- BE-DAMNEDNESS." One of Mr. Roosevelt's Washington friends is authority for the statement that the president's reply to his excited southern critics will be in the form of an invitation to the next prominent negro who calls at the White House to dine with him. The answer would be characteristically Rooseveltian and the president is quite capable of making it. He is not the kind of a man to be terrified by anybody's notion of the social obligations of a president. He is quite as unlikely to be influenced by the theories of the southern negrophobes as by the opinions of New York's so-called Four Hundred. Whatever faults the president may have nobody ever accused him of being a snob. Neither is there any pink-tea masculinity in his make-up. Roosevelt loves men; he loves men that accomplish something; that represent something; that have character. When he meets them he is not likely to inquire into their race, color or previous condition of servitude. Their achievements are enough for him. No man ever found any favor in Theodore Roosevelt's eyes except through his achievements, and no man will ever lose any favor in the president's eyes on account of the color of his skin. When the president invited Booker T. Washington to dinner it is improbable that he had the slightest suspicion of the hornet's nest that he was about to pull down upon his head. But if he had it would not have made the slightest difference in his conduct. The president invited Mr. Washington to dinner not because Washington is a negro but because he is Booker T. Washington. He wished to talk with him and he was not concerned about the man's skin. [*16911*] He will be as little concerned about the criticisms to which he has been subjected by certain emotional southern newspapers. If they wish to froth at the mouth because a negro whose achievements would be creditable in any race has dined at the White House, the president would be the last one to deny them the satisfaction. He would also be the last one to change his ways because he had been criticized. The president is not asking anybody in the south to eat with "niggers," and he is hardly likely to send to the south for advice when he feels disposed to ask a guest to dinner. He will honor a negro who deserves honor in the same spirit of independence that he refuses to appoint negro political agitators and carpetbag Republicans to office in the south. Those persons who are now attempting to influence him by their criticisms do not understand the quality of what has very expressively been termed the Roosevelt "you-be-damnedness." [*Detroit Free Press*] [*File*] Lynchburg Va. Oct. 22d. 1901. A. B. Courtelyou Esq: My dear Sir: Acknowledging your favor of the 19th Inst. to day received. I beg that you will present my respects to the President, and kindly say to him that I will do myself the honor to call upon him as soon as I can visit Washington. I am just out of a sick bed, & by no means well, or able to travel, else I would at once respond in person by going to Washington to see the President. Very Truly Yours Jno. W. Daniel. [*16912*][shorthand notation] [?] 10-24-1901 File EDITORIAL ROOMS Gunton's Magazine Union Square New York October 22nd, 1901. Dear Mr. President, I have been very busy since I returned, but hope to get at your matter tomorrow, or, at any rate, to get to you this week. Of course, you will not be influenced in the least by the hubbub and exhibition of ill-breeding that is going on in the South. I am glad you invited Booker Washington to the White House. It was a wholesome thing to do. Lincoln and Grant both had Fred Douglas there, and the Queen has entertained Mr. Washington. The whole nation outside the South will sustain you. Fearing that in the hurry you might have mislaid or over-looked the memorandum containing the names and addresses of the two men I suggested you send for on the Custom House and Appraiser matter, I repeat them. One is Mr. G. F. Cross, 314 E. 23rd St., City. He is special agent in charge at New York. He can tell you from first hand things that you cannot get from any outsider, and things that you ought to know. He has been in the service through three administrations. The other is Mr. John E. Wilkie, the Chief of the Secret Service, Washington, D.C. Mr. Wilkie knows some facts of the situation in the Custom House that would make any decent man's hair stand up. Tammany has nothing worse. Just send for these two men at your convenience and you will get the facts from a source that you can thoroughly rely upon. I hope you won't arrive at a decision, that is announce it, until after our city election. And, if you could put the whole matter off until the new year, it would be much better. You will then have matters more in hand. By the way, a representative of Cuba has been in to see me two or three times regarding some reciprocity concessions for Cuba. I think he called on you with Mr. Pavey the day I was there. It is a delicate question and I would be slow about committing myself upon it. Of course, we should assume as liberal an industrial attitude toward Cuba as possible without injuring American interests. Industrial prosperity for Cuba will do much to harmoniously adjust their new political conditions. If I can get time I will investigate the matter a little and communicate with you later. I mention this only because he is hoping to see you again and urge the matter. Very cordially yours, George Gunton 16913[*Eugene Hale*] [*Ackd 10-26-1901 ppF Pr*] Ellsworth Maine SENATE CHAMBER 22d October My dear Mr. President - I have been a little under the weather with indigestion & a small fever but - last Thursday I thought myself fit for Washington & started out - But - when I saw Dr Collin Warren in Boston he stopped me & sent [*16914*]We must go slow in that way & it will not do to disembowel the Market tariff act which has given us, in our added power to compell, about all the trade of the world that is worth having — I am wholly with you on the Booker Washington incident. But neither you nor I will ever see the South cured of its provincialism. With every good wish, I am with great respect Yours Most sincerely Eugene Hale me home where I am sure I shall be all right in a week or two - You have had & will have plenty of Senatorial wisdom at hand & will not miss me — I hope the newspapers are wrong in their report that you have again launched old Mr. Kasson as a stagnant negotiator for reciprocity treaties — [*16915*]United States Senate, Omaha, October 22, 1901 Introducing Hon. G. W. E. Dorsey. To the President: Sir: Hon. G. W. E. Dorsey, the bearer of this letter was for several year a member of congress from this state, is now a resident of Salt Lake, Utah, where he is engaged in the mining business, and goes to Washington on a matter of personal business which he will explain to you. I hope you may be able to give the matter consideration and that he may present the case in such a light as to meet with your approval. Yours truly, J. H. Millard U.S.S. [*Joseph H. Millard*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. [*16916*]President of the United States - I have always felt that it was sure to come some day - You are a man of Destiny & just the sort of man that all truly patriotic Americans come to see at their head - We are all proud of you & feel that you will make a splendid President - Harry I should so very much like to have a good photo of you. 6, Whitehall Gardens, S.W. Oct 22. 1901 My dear Mr. Roosevelt We have been thinking a very great deal about you lately & following your every moment with deep interest - What a terrible tragedy was that by which you were [into] 16917The Presidency & how immensely sad for you to arrive at your present splendid position in such a way - we felt the deepest sympathy for you in this & knew how hard it was for you - For if the awful crime had to be. I Thank God that you were there to take up the reins of government & guide our great country at a time when she so much needs a strong, able high minded & independent Head - I have simply no words in which to express my joy that you should be [*16918*]have become here since people have found out that we are friends of yours! The rumors & know all about you is tremendous. Smalley is here going about from place to place and much set up by having had a letter from you. He is almost too highly honoured! Please give my love to Mrs. Roosevelt - to whom please give also these tiny photos of the 4 whites - Wishing you all success in your great work for the country. I am very sincerely your friend Margaret White 2 H. was delighted to see the Lodges. 6, WHITEHALL GARDENS S.W. & I are much amused by the newspaper stories created at home by your asking Booker Washington to dine — We think you did just the right thing such men ought to to be honoured regardless of colour & when we were in New York last we had him to tea at our house. I hope you will [*16919*]take great care of your health and not get over done - I have so often thought of our winter in Washington when we went so often & when you & yr. children & Muriel & Jack went to roam over rocks & streams on Sunday afternoons - what a lot you have done since then & what a lot more you will do still D.V. I have often been prompted to write to you but have been so very ill these last years that the manual effort of wielding a pen has been too much for me - Now I am really wonderfully better except for a broken foot which will soon be mended - you cant think how much more popular Harry & I [*16920*]MINISTER WHO MARRIED ROOSEVELT'S PARENTS Columbia, S. C., October 22. -(Special.)- If president Roosevelt should visit the house of his mother's girlhood at Roswell, Ga., as it is said he will, a distinguished South Carolina preacher will cross over the Savannah river to see him -- a man in whom the president will doubtless take great interest. Besides being, perhaps, the oldest Presbyterian minister in South Carolina, both as to year and time of service, and being the president's cousin, Rev. J. B. Dunwody was the man who, forty-eight years ago, pronounced a benediction upon the president's parents, whom he had just made man and wife. Although they were married in Georgia, the record of the event is to be found in a South Carolina church register. Here it is, as copied from the register in the Presbyterian church at McPhersonville, the handwriting being that of Mr. Dunwody: "Married. At Roswell, Ga., December 18, 1853, Mr. Theodore Rosevelt, of New York city, to Miss Martha Bulloch, of Roswell." The entry was made when the preacher returned to his parish, having made a journey into Georgia to perform this service. Mr. Dunwody is 86 years old and lives in Walterboro, the county seat of Colleton, this state. He is a man very generally beloved by those without as well as within his church. Despite his age, he is in full possession of his faculties and reads a good deal. When it was rumored that the venerable preacher had this unique connection with the president of the United States, Mr. Dunwody was called upon for the confirmation of the report. He promptly gave it and related a few incidents of the wedding. "I was pastor of the church at McPhersonville," he said, "when invited to perform the marriage ceremony to unite my cousin, Miss Martha Bulloch, and Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, of New York. I went over to the home of my uncle, James Stewart Bulloch, at Roswell, in Cobb county, Georgia. He was the father of the bride. There the ceremony was performed December 18, 1853. "It was in the good old days before the war when everything was plentiful and everybody happy. The palatial mansion of Colonel James B. Bulloch was beautifully decorated. The simple form of the Presbyterian church was used in the ceremony; there was nothing showy or elaborate. After the service there was the usual supper for the guests. The bride and groom remained there for a few days and then left for New York, and I returned to my charge in South Carolina." Mr. Dunwody has never persuaded himself that the south was not right and he does not think that the country has profited by the defeat. When the war came he went in as a chaplain, but soon decided that the most effective work could be done in another field, so he took up a musket and fought till the surrender. His cousin, the president's mother, was an ardent southerner and believed in the justice of this section's cause, and she maintained her opinion. Mr. Dunwody says of the president's father: "Mr. Roosevelt was a strong believer in the right of the northern side, though be it said to his credit, while he expressed himself when occasion demanded, he respected the views of his wife and required others to do the same." Two of President Roosevelt's uncles were prominent in the confederate navy. Irvine Bulloch was on the Alabama when she was sunk by the Kearsarge, while James Dunwody Bulloch was the naval representative of the confederate states in Europe. He wrote a book on the "Secret Service of the Confederate States in Europe." [*16921*] Among those was whom Mr. Dunwody remembers as being at the Roosevelt wedding were his daughter, Mrs. J. A. Waddell, Colonel Barrington King and Miss Evaline King. The latter was one of the bridesmaids. She afterwards married Dr. Baker, of Roswell, and is now living in that little town with her husband.E. A. ANGIER, U.S. ATTORNEY. C. D. CAMP, CHIEF CLERK. Department of Justice. OFFICE OF United States Attorney, Northern District of Georgia, Atlanta, Ga., Oct. 23, 1901, 190 W. L.MASSEY, G. L.BELL, ASSISTANTS. [*ackd 10-25 1901 P.F.*] Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- Enclosed herewith please find a newspaper clipping that will interest you. In The Churchman, published at 47 LaFayette Square, New York City, is a most excellent contribution, entitled "The Christian Manliness of Roosevelt, by Jacob A. [T]Riis," and every American must thrill with pleasure at your righteous indignation, when you exclaimed to Mr. Riis, "What! Going home to my babies?" Of course I think The Churchman a great paper and I am glad so many of our members in Southern dioceses and parishes take The Churchman and have read this noble tribute by Mr. Jacob A. Riis, certainly a very accomplished scholar. My father was a New-England Puritan, coming South when Ex-Senators W. H. Seward and Lyman Trumbull came to Georgia, and my father married a Southern lady, and my wife's father came from the Ishams of Vermont, one of whom married Hon. R. T. Lincoln's daughter, Miss Mary. Respectfully, E. A. Angier. [*16922*]For 1 enclosure see ca 10-22-01[*Ackd 10-26-1901 File*] Marion, Kentucky, October 23rd, 1901. To the President, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. President:- I find the demands upon my time in the campaign are such that I will not be able to see you until after the election. I desire immediately after the election to fully discuss matters here with you before anything is done, as you indicated to me when I was there. I am your friend and hope you will give me a hearing as to the situation in this State. Yours very truly, Wm. J. Debar[[shorthand]] [*ackd 10-28-1901 [ppF Pr] CF*] United States Senate, Washington, D. C. Lewiston Oct 28 The President There is a rumor in the air that Mr. Cridler 3d Asst Secretary of State is to be removed. I seriously hope that there is no foundation for this report Mr. Cridler has been [*16924*]been out of the country since 94 - when he was appointed to office by Mr. Cleveland as a democrat of the mean kind, is to succeed him. What can possibly be his fitness for an office purely business in its character, not diplomatic at all. As Chairman of the Committee on Commerce, having jurisdiction of consular matters, I wish to enter a protest against any such changes Respectfully Wm. P Frye connected with the State Dept for a great many years and his record is not open to any great complaints. Two years he has had charge of the Consular Service and his conduct of affairs has been entirely satisfactory Rumor has it that a Mr Pierce - Secretary of an Embassy - who has [*16925*][?] 10-26-01] File Central of Georgia Railway Company. J.F. Hanson, Chairman of the Board. MACON, GA., October 23, 1901 The President, Washington, D.C. Sir; In dealing with the South it should always be borne in mind that we bottom our political action on sentimental rather than practical considerations. Here for seventy five years the negro, as slave or freeman, has been the bone of contention. All other questions have been overshadowed by our interest in slavery or fear (or pretended fear) of negro domination. As a one-idea people are easily enslaved we are now, through the influence of the race question for which the negro is little, if at all, responsible, living under the most galling, unreasonable and unprincipled political despotism that the world ever saw. Bob. Toombs predicted early after the close of the war, when fraudulent elections were first instituted under Democratic rule, that we would soon have as a result a Democratic party without Democratic principles, and Democratic politicians without any principles at all. This prediction has long since been realized, and as a natural result the best of our people abhor the methods (it has no principles) of the Democratic party in State and Federal affairs and want to get away from it. There is no party to go to but the Republican party, whose principles accord with the new aspirations of this 16926(2) section and appeal alike to its renewed patriotism as well as new hope in a better destiny. They are deterred from this course by a common prejudice against the Republican party because of its history in connection with slavery, the civil war, emancipation, reconstruction and finally its political reliance mainly, and of necessity, upon southern negroes, resulting in their appointment in a few instances to Federal positions. Negro domination is the scare crow that is continually held up to our people and opposition to it, which no one who is worthy of the blood that should run in the veins of a white man fears, is the only excuse that the Democratic party now offers for existence. Still it is potent and so long as negroes are appointed it will be, For this reason the men who have come out openly as Republicans, because they believe in the principles of the party, and who want to see a real live Republican party take the place of the present impotent so-called Republican organization, appeal to you for the appointment of white men to Federal offices here. This appeal is based on considerations that go beyond the negro's rights as a citizen. These conditions enslave alike the white man and the negro, and until they are changed the rights of neither will be restored. The negro is a citizen in theory only. The Federal Government, with all of its great powers, has not been able to make him a citizen in practice; nor will it be so long as an arrogant, aggressive and intolerant leadership can successfully appeal 16927(3) to the sentiments and prejudices of a people composed largely of political cowards. But a few office-holding negroes are interested in the question of appointments. The great majority of negroes are suffering at this point for the benefit of a very few. In the aggregate, the negroes of Georgia would be better off if every office in the State was filled by white men. Upon this brief statement of the situation, I beg to submit, without argument,the following suggestions for your consideration. It is important to the people of the South, and to the country at large, that the Republican party should be continued in power. The political solidity of the southern states gives to the Democratic party a sure and dangerous advantage in Congress and the electoral college, and for this reason any policy that will weaken the Republican party in the northern states will enhance the chance of Democratic success. There are a number of states in the North where the negroes hold the balance of power, and as a matter of both statesmanship and good politics it would be unwise and dangerous to pursue a policy in the southern states that s would jeopardize Republican success in northern states unless the policy pursued here would gain for the party south what it would probably lose north. While your failure to appoint negroes to Federal offices in the South will meet with universal approval so far as the whites are concerned, and while this policy would strengthen the hands of those who are seeking to build 16928(4) up a reputable Republican party, it is doubtful if it would enable the party to carry a single southern state in the next presidential election. The prejudices of the southern people against the Republican party, to which I have alluded, are strong and it will take years, in my judgment, to overcome them to such an extent as to bring a majority over to the Republican party. At this point many southern men and I differ. I believe, however, that in the end my judgment will be justified by events. It is not necessary, nor would I advise you to make my open committals against the appointment of negroes to offices. Whatever you may decide to do in this respect can be determined when the merits of each case are presented, upon the principle of appointing the best men who are available to the office in question. To the end that good appointment may be made, men who are Republicans, or who are independent politically, should organize throughout the southern states with a view of giving you information that you can rely upon with reference to the character and qualifications of applicants for office, or of those who are not applicants but who could be induced to accept positions if called upon to do so. This is in accordance, as I understand it, with the plan that you have already adopted, which is a wise one and which followed out in connection with the suggestions above, is bound to result in great respect for your administration throughout the southern states. There is another perplexing question that should be handled cautiously. It will not do to entirely ignore [*16929*](5) the old organization in the southern states. I have had a long talk with Mr. Johnson, the Chairman of the Republican Committee in this state, and think that I have arrived at an understanding with him that will enable us to act in harmony. It will be necessary, for any useful purpose later on, to get control of the state organization. I regret the necessity for taking so much of your time, for I know that you are a very busy man. I write because of your courteous permission to do so on the occasion of our recent interview touching the questions covered by this letter. Very respectfully your obedient servant, JF Hanson [*16930*][For 1 attachment see Henson, 10-23-01][*filed 10-24-10-1*] [10-23-01] Murphy's Hotel Richmond, Va. Dr. S. DeLancy Hicks. My dear Sir: - Permit me to say that I sympathize with you doing this harangue in the Southern papers. I have always admired your honest and frank course, and always shall. I am proud to say I am a true southeran - born in Va - and have voted the Democratic ticket since my 21st year. But since the action of the Southern "Yellow Journals, [*16931*]have seen fit to criticize you as they have, I will here after vote the Republican. I do not believe that these papers reflect the sentiments of the better class of Southerner. Would it be too much trouble to inform me where I can secure the address you delivered at Newport R.I. in '97 before a class there? With best wishes for your health, and future success, I have the honor to be, Your obedient servant S. DeLancy Hicks Oct 23rd / 01 [*16932*][*Copy*] (COPY.) William H. King. John W. Burton. Samuel A. King. KING, BURTON & KING, LAWYERS, Rooms 62-65 Commercial Block. Salt Lake City, Utah, Oct. 23, 1901. To the President:- I am advised that Mr. Albert D. Elliot, who is now a resident of Washington, D.C., is an applicant for the position of Secretary of Porto Rico. I have know Mr. Elliot a great many years. I had the pleasure of forming his acquaintance while at college and knew him there intimately. Since leaving college I have met him often and knew of his life and conduct. He is a man of integrity and high standing, and possesses ability and high intellectual attainments. He is industrious and honest, and possesses all those qualifications which would make him eminently successful in the administration of the affairs of the office for which he is a candidate. I respectfully commend him to your favorable consideration and earnestly request his appointment. I have the honor to remain, Yours very truly, WILLIAM H. KING Ex-Representative from Utah.[*[Enc. in Elliot 7-3-02]*] Copies of Endorsements of Albert D. Elliot originally given for the Secretaryship of Porto Rico, & now merely submitted to the President in case of a suitable vacancy, without designating any particular office. x See Letter attached xYour obedient servant J. Proctor Knott To the President The White House - Washington D.C. [*16935*] [*ackd 10/26/1901 P.P.F.*] [[shorthand]] [* [1901] *] Danville Ky Oct 23. 1901 My dear sir:- The courteous note of your secretary, Mr Cortelyou under date the 19th inst conveying to me your very kind request "to call and see you the latter part of the present week, after your return from New Haven"; has just reached me, in reply to which I hasten to say that owing to ill health of my wife, who has been confined to her bed for the past two weeks and is now today able to sit up a few minutes at a time, it will be impossible for me to do so within the time immediate. Profoundly regretting the unfortunate circumstances which deprive me of the pleasure of meeting you as requested, but with sincerest assurance of my best wishes for your personal welfare, and the prosperity and success of your administration. I am very truly [*16934*]NEAT AND CHEAP JOB WORK. GEO. R. KOESTER, MANAGER. THE DAILY RECORD. COLUMBIA, S.C., Oct. 23 1901 Dear Senator: - I have had an ovation since my return to South Carolina. If the State and one or two other papers do kick, my hand has been warmly shaken by over a thousand people in Columbia and elsewhere, who have spoken words of heartiest congratulation. I never knew before how many friends I had. I have received stacks of letters and tele- grams of congratulation from all sections of the state. White and black, Democrats and Republicans, Tillmanites and anti-Tillmanites have expressed their pleasure at the appointment and I can honestly say the president and you have made many friends in South Carolina by the appointment. Among those who have verbally congratulated me are Judge Brawley, Railroad Commissioner Garris, Adjutant and Inspector General Floyd, the dispensary officials, and almost every banker and business man in Columbia. Best of all, I received sincere letters of congratulation, couched in warmest terms, from Blalock and Dr. Clayton. I cannot tell you how much I appreciate them. Among the others who wrote or telegraphed congratulations are President Thos. E. Miller, president of the State Colored College, and C. D. Kortjohn, one of the trustees of that insti- tution; J. W. Bowden; L. A. Beaty, editor of the Savannah, Ga. Morning News; W. A. Boykin, of Ulman, Boykin & Co. of Baltimore; Louis Appelt, editor of the Morning Times; Ellison Capers, Jr., principal of the Georgetown schools; 169362 NEAT AND CHEAP JOB WORK. GEO. R. KOESTER, MANAGER. THE DAILY RECORD. COLUMBIA, S.C., 190 T. D. Harris, an up-country merchant who knew me as a college boy in Greenville and volunteers to go on my bond for $20,000; Rev. H. J. S. Thomas, editor of the Baptist Courier; J. F. Richardson, manager of the Greenville News; Rev. A. E. Quick, colored, pastor of Wesley M. E. Church in Columbia; Rev. E. H. [Coit], a colored Methodist minister; about a score of Greenville business men; Lieut. Gov. Mauldin; Lewis [Dorroh] and J. A. McCullough, members of the legislature from Greenville county; Col. Henry T. Thompson; Jas. C. Bayles, of the N. Y. Times; Judge R. C. Watts; W. G. Chafee, of Aiken; and a number of business men of Charleston. I could enumerate others, but you know South Carolina well enough to know what the above means. And that is just a start. After a full, free heart to heart talk with Capers in Charleston last night, explaining fully to him my plans and purposes, he was more than satisfied and believed the results would be splendid. We three, with youth, energy and some brains, working in full harmony, are going to accomplish results - and results are what count in these practical days. Capers sees this as well as you or I. The treasury department has notified me of my appointment and forwarded blank bonds. I understand, however, that you and [Thackston] will have that all arranged for me, so the bond will be ready when I return to Washington, which I expect to do Sunday. Capers will be there Monday and we three can lay our plans. 169373 NEAT AND CHEAP JOB WORK. GEO. R. KOESTER, MANAGER. THE DAILY RECORD. COLUMBIA, S.C., 190 I want, if possible, to get every thing arranged to take charge of the office on Nov. 1, as taking charge on the first of the month will obviate two checkings up in one month. I again thank you for what you have done for me. Words are not adequate to express my feelings, which I hope to better show by my deeds. I thank God that my fellow citizens have made it so plain to me that neither the president nor yourself will receive other than benefit from your kindness to one who needed it too much to ask for it. And one of the pleasantest memories I will have to cheer me through life is the joy of your noble wife over my appointment. She knows how faithful I have been to you, even following you at times when I thought you were wrong, because I had faith in you and believed you knew better than I did what was best for the country we both love. God bless you is the prayer of one who cannot be more than he has been. Your friend, Geo R Koester. [*16938*]THE CHICAGO RECORD-HERALD EDITOR'S ROOM [*See Lathrop*] [*ackd 10-26-1901 pp 7 involv Leg. State*] October 23, 1901 President Theodore Roosevelt Washington, D.C. Dear Mr.President:- Mr.Barbour Lathrop, brother of Mrs.Thomas Nelson Page - I believe you know him - started yesterday for the South Seas. Before leaving, Mr.Lathrop asked me to write you and see if it would be consistent with the position of President to give him a general letter somewhat on the lines of the enclosed memorandum. The general purpose of Mr.Lathrop's expedition is probably known to you, or will be explained by Secretary Wilson, who knows what Mr.Lathrop has already accomplished for the Department of Agriculture. [*16939*]Mr.Lathrop has all the usual credentials for himself and Mr.Fairchild, of Agricultural Dept, both from Secretary Wilson and the State Department, but as he found by his lack on previous visits to Oriental countries - there is a magic in the personal signature of chief rulers - it is accorded respect where regular State credentials fail. Mr.Lathrop travels and makes his investigations fully at his own expense - even paying Mr.Fairchild's salary while he is away from Washington. Their joint expeditions have already been of enormous and lasting benefit to American agriculturists, and will have reason to be grateful to the combination of world rover and investigator that has inspired Mr.Lathrop to initiate and push this work. If, after talking with Secretary Wilson, you can see your way to give the letter that Mr.Lathrop desires, please send it to me and I will forward it to him. I am watching with intense interest the outcome of the Booker Washington incident. It has stirred up the people both North and South, but I believe our Southern friends will get over their feeling and support you in the policy you have so magnificently launched of giving offices to the reputable, instead of pandering to the corrupt national convention delegate. Trusting you are well and hoping to see you soon, I remain Yours sincerely H. H. Kohlsaat [*16940*]T. C. PLATT, CHAIRMAN. STEPHEN D. ELKINS. JAMES K. JONES. A. N. HOWE, CLERK. UNITED STATES SENATE, Committee on Printing, Washington. New York, Oct. 23, 1901. Mr. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. Cortelyou: Will you oblige me by personally handing the enclosed letter to the President, at your earliest opportunity. Yours truly, T. C. Platt H [*16941*][*ackd 10-28-1901 File CJ*] United States Senate. WASHINGTON, D.C. 49 Broadway New York City, October 23, 1901. My dear Mr. President: The reason I telegraphed you yesterday, asking that I might see you on your return to Washington, was with reference to a matter which came up before I left Washington, in which I am personally very much interested, and if you are disposed to do what I am inclined to believe you are, I want to utter my feeble protest and ask you to delay, at least until I come over to Washington on December 6th, before any action is taken. It is with reference to the proposed removal of Thomas W. Cridler, for the purpose of making a place for Mr. Pearce, who is in the diplomatic service and is a relative of the wife of Mr. Lodge. I cannot quite understand why it is that you have consented to displace Mr. Cridler. He is, in my judgment, the most efficient man in the service of the Government in the Department of State. He is the only man from whom I have been able to obtain confidential information, and he is a very capable and efficient public servant. Cridler has been in the Department a very long time and is probably the man who has been longest connected with the Department. He is an encyclopedia of information on diplomatic questions. If it is [*16942*]United States Senate WASHINGTON, D.C. The President,--2. necessary to take somebody out of the Department, I would suggest Mr. Adee, who is the next man in point of service and who would not feel so hurt, as I know Mr. Cridler and his wife feel at his removal. Cridler, before his elevation to the Assistant Secretaryship, was the Chief of the Diplomatic Bureau, a position he had won by his long service and pre-eminent abilities. It was a serious question, for some time, as to whether it were wise to take him from a position in which he had the protection of civil service regulation and place him in the Assistant Secretaryship, but it was finally done because the Department needed him in the latter place. I think, to turn him out now, would be a distinct injustice to a most worthy public official. I happen to know that the Secretary of State is simply yielding to pressure to provide a place for Mr. Pearce. Yours faithfully, T. C. Platt The President, Washington, D. C. [*16943*]HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES WASHINGTON. Iola October 23, 1901. My dear White:-- Your letter came, - and I have been in sore travail of spirit ever since to know what to do about it. Here is the trouble: I don't owe Leland a pleasant look that I know of. In the only hard fight I ever had (the presidency of the old League) he was the man I had to lick. We speak when we pass by, but it is apparently only because I make all the advances. He has never betrayed the slightest interest in me or seemed to have the least concern whether I was his friend or not. So much for the side of the matter. Now, on the other hand, there is an Old Joe Hudson, the chief of the Busters. He has been my friend through thick and thin for twenty years. He gave me a job when I was broke and nobody else had anything to offer. When he ran the Capital he was doing me good continually, and he runs the Herald now the same way. He was my father's old army chum and dear friend and I am under personal and inherited obligation to him for a thousand kindnesses. And there you are. Or rather, there I am. So far as Leland is concerned, I believe thoroughly in his personal, official and political integrity. I believe also that under present conditions his appointment would be the best thing for the party. If he alone were to be considered I should be really glad to say these things to the President, for I do not bear malice, and I do not blame a man because he happens to not like me. There are some people I don't like. And most particularly and specially I should like to give him my endorsement on your account. But Hudson has probably gone into the movement to defeat Leland with all his "fighting soul", and he could construe my endorsement of Leland as in no other way than a forgetting on my part of all the benefits I have had at his hands and a desertion to the enemy. And I couldn't stand that. So you see why I am in trouble. "We be two strong men" and I don't have to repeat protestations of regret that I cannot do what you want me to do. But it is a good deal as if I should ask you to put a link in the endless letter chain against Leland. You couldn't do it, not because you do not love me but because you are Leland's friend. So I can't do the other thing because I am Hudson's friend. Of course I may be wrong in the assumption that [*16944*]HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, WASHINGTON. Hudson is mixed up in the endless chain, (which privately I think is a most detestable piece of business). I will write to him and try to find out just his attitude on the matter. And if I can oblige you without making him think I am courting favor with Leland at the expense of a lifelong friendship with him, I shall be only too happy to do it. Let me know whether I am not doing about as you would do if things were reversed. Faithfully yours Chas. F. Scott [*16945*][*Enc. in White 10-25-01*][*Ackd 10-26-1901 File*] United States Senate, Washington D. C., Wheeling, W. Va., Oct. 23, 1901 To His Excellency The President of the United States, Washington, D. C. Sir:-- I am creditably informed that it is your intention to remove Mr. Thomas Cridler, Third Assistant Secretary of State, who is from my state, and appoint a personal friend of Senator Lodge in his place. I am certainly very much surprised that any such move is contemplated, as Mr. Cridler is certainly a worthy and efficient officer, and as Senator Lodge is a champion of Civil Service Reform, I am surprised that he would even ask such a thing to be done. I do hope that there is some mistake about this, and that Mr. Cridler will be retained in his present position. To have him removed without cause would certainly be a great injury, an injustice to him and one that his friends in West Virginia would certainly resent. Hoping there is a mistake in this matter, and that Mr. Cridler will be retained, I am, Most Respectfully yours, NB Scott [*16946*][*[10-23-01]*] P. B. STEWART, President. E. P. SHOVE, Vice President. J. ARTHUR CONNELL, Vice Pres't and Treas. R. C. THAYER, Acting Secretary. THE COLORADO TITLE AND TRUST COMPANY. COLORADO SPRINGS, COLORADO. [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 10-30-1901 File*] Dear Colonel Roosevelt, I am safely back with the pleasantest Remembrance of the kindness extended to me by Mrs. Roosevelt & Yourself. I find communications from various sources expressing the hope that a change in method of dispensing federal patronage may be made to the end of raising the standard of public service. Our friend Steiner is allowing it to be understood that I went east in his interest - which is a peculiarity consonant with my reading of the man. His only concern is for himself and whatever game he is at the time playing. Of one thing you can rest assured. There are competent and honest Republicans to be had here for any post which federal office in this state calls for: And if you do not get the quality of men you desire out of those offerred through party chiefs, I feel Sure I can find them in case you need to fall back on this source for recommendations. I concluded not to seem to speak for you, on my return - this for your sake and because it is best on all accounts, I gave a most general interview to the papers and shall let Stevenson know quietly that you would like to see him. [*16947*] P. B. STEWART, President. E. P. SHOVE, Vice President. J. ARTHUR CONNELL, Vice Pres't and Treas. R. C. THAYER, Acting Secretary. THE COLORADO TITLE AND TRUST COMPANY. 2 COLORADO SPRINGS, COLORADO. Pinchot & I were speaking of a Yale man, Wm. A. Kent, Chicago, as a fine shot and as a candidate for Congress from Mann's district. Kent asked me to pave the way for a letter he wished to write to you, in regard to appointment in Chicago. Kent has no axes to grind. He is rich, has been at the head of the Good Citizen's league of Chicago for some years and has done splendid service in the effort to improve conditions in Chicago. He was an independent and fearless Alderman in day's when that board was corrupt in the extreme. His word is absolutely reliable! And whatever he has to say will come from the sort of man whose advice you have indicated you propose to hear. Ben Daniels, your Rough Rider friend, is reported to have been shot through the hips in some altercation down in Arizona. I am going to write Mrs. Roosevelt and therefore only send now my warmest regards to you and all yours. Most Sincerely Yours, Philip B. Stewart October 23d, 1901 [*16948*]Wilbur F. Wakeman Appraiser of Merchandise District of New York [*File copy*] New York, Oct. 23, 1901. [*Ackd 10-25-1901*] Mr. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. Cortelyou: It as been stated and told to the President that it was the intention of President McKinley to remove me from the position of Appraiser of Merchandise, District of New York, at an early date. I was very much surprised at this assertion which has found its way into the public prints and finally I wrote a letter to Senator Hanna under date of October 17th asking him if he knew anything of such proposed action. I beg to hand you herewith Senator Hanna's reply which I very highly appreciate and beg to ask that you will bring the same to the attention of the President. Yours very truly, W. F. WakemanRear Admiral JOHN G. WALKER, United States Navy, PRESIDENT. Honorable SAMUEL PASCO. ALFRED NOBLE, C. E. Mr. GEORGE S. MORISON. Colonel PETER C. HAINS, Corps of Engineers, United States Army. WILLIAM H. BURR, C. E. Lieut. Colonel OSWALD H. ERNST, Corps of Engineers, United States Army. LEWIS M. HAUPT, C. E. Professor EMORY R. JOHNSON. Lieut. Comd'r SIDNEY A. STAUNTON, United States NAVY, SECRETARY. DEPARTMENT OF STATE. ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION. Room 79 Corcoran Building. Washington, D. C., October 23, 1901. To The President. Sir: The letter of Mr. L. F. Livingston and accompanying papers relative to a claim of Mr. J. R. Hudson against the Isthmian Canal Commission, forwarded to me by your direction for a statement of the merits of the case, have been received. In reply I have to state that Mr. John R. Hudson was employed for duty in Nicaragua under the Isthmian Canal Commission and sailed from New York on August 5, 1899, with an understanding that he was to be paid at the rate of $75.00 per month and his expenses, and that this salary was subject to increase or decrease after the Commission had had an opportunity of judging of his value for its work; that his passage from New York to Greytown would be paid by the Commission and if his services were satisfactory that his passage would be paid back to the United States when the Commission no longer required them. He remained in the service of the Commission until August 3, 1900, subject to the usual rules of the Commission including the transfer of individuals from one field party to another as the necessities of the work required. [*16950*]-2- During the latter part of July, 1900, the party with which he was then at work was broken up and a portion of the men were sent to the United States, the remainder being transferred to other field parties whose work had not been completed. Mr. Hudson was one of the men to be retained in Nicaragua, the Chief of his party having notified the Chief Engineer of the survey that he would not require Mr. Hudson's services in Washington for computing and plotting the field work. Mr. Hudson declined to remain in Nicaragua and tendered his resignation. The Chief Engineer had no power to hold him and therefore accepted his resignation, to take effect on the 3rd of August, at which time Mr. Hudson ceased to be an employe of the Isthmian Canal Commission, and from that date no salary or expenses could be legally paid him. The statement that "the President of the Commission withheld money from him because the Chief Engineer so recommended," is not correct. The statement that "Mr. Hudson's case has been confused with that of another" is not correct. The statement that "on the completion of the work of the surveying parties Mr. Hudson was appointed to a new position which involved work which he had not contracted and was in nowise bound to perform," is not correct. There is nothing on file in this office to show that Mr. [*16951*]-3- Hudson's health was in a condition that rendered his return to the United States necessary; nor was there anything in his appearance to show that he was not in vigorous health when upon his return he called at this office. The statement that "the President of the Commission has declined to receive from his attorney a petition setting out the grounds of Mr. Hudson's complaint," "and further declined to hear him through the Representative of his district in Congress," is not correct. On the contrary, when Mr. Livingston, a Member of Congress from Georgia, called at this office with regard to Mr. Hudson's claim, the President of the Commission, being very much occupied with an important piece of official work, suggested that a day be named for taking it up and talking the matter over with Mr. Livingston, and named a day for that purpose. With regard to the letter of Mr. Livingston which accompanied Mr. Hudson's statement, I have to say that his statement that "the attorney employed by Mr. Hudson made an attempt to get Admiral Walker, Chief of the Commission, to entertain the complaint, but was rudely refused," is not correct. The young attorney was courteously received and talked with Admiral Walker for a considerable time, but after the whole ground had been gone over more than once, he was pleasantly told that no sufficient reasons had been presented for reopening the decision [*16952*]-4- already made and that no further time could be given him. The statement of Mr. Livingston that when he at a later date "accompanied the attorney to Admiral Walker's office to ask him to again look into the case, he (Admiral Walker) abruptly and discourteously refused," is not correct. Mr. Livingston, whom I did not know and had never seen, to my knowledge, came into the office; he was courteously received and a suggestion made that a time should be named for taking up the matter and talking it over, to which Mr. Livingston replied by an outbreak of profanity and threats to make trouble for the Commission if his demands were not complied with. I promptly ordered him out of the office, and he went. I have not seen him since nor had any communication with him or with the attorney. To his statement that he "prefers very much to have it (this matter) adjusted in a quiet way, as there is much as to the expenditure of the appropriation which, if rumor is true, would not reflect credit upon the Commission or the United States," I have to say that no such rumor has reached me and that the expenditures of the Commission are open to investigation at any time; that the settlements made by it are not made quietly to avoid investigation, but are matters of public record which go to the Department of State and thence to the accounting officers of the Treasury for careful examination and scrutiny. [*16953*]-5- The case of Mr. Hudson was fully considered upon its merits when presented by him on the 22nd of August, 1900. After a careful examination of his statement and the entire record, I decided that he had received all that could properly be paid him under his contract and the rules of the Commission, and he was so informed by letter on the 15th of October, 1900, a copy of which is hereto attached. No additional facts or reasons have been presented to me since then by him or those who have represented him, nor is anything contained in this last presentation of the case which you have sent me, to change my views, and I am still of the opinion that the case was properly disposed of. I have the honor to be, With great respect, Your obedient servant, J. G. Walker President of Commission. Two Enclosures, being: Letter of L. F. Livingston. Statement of John R. Hudson. [*16954*]Rear Admiral JOHN G. WALKER, United States Navy, PRESIDENT. Honorable SAMUEL PASCO. ALFRED NOBLE, C. E. Mr. GEORGE S. MORISON. Colonel PETER C. HAINS, Corps of Engineers, United States Army. WILLIAM H. BURR, C. E. Lieut. Colonel OSWALD H. ERNST, Corps of Engineers, United States Army. LEWIS M. HAUPT, C. E. Professor EMORY R. JOHNSON. Lieut. Comd'r SIDNEY A. STAUNTON, United States NAVY, SECRETARY. DEPARTMENT OF STATE. ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION. Room 79 Corcoran Building. Washington, D. C., October 15, 1900. COPY. Mr. John R. Hudson, Jr., Eatonton, Ga. My dear Sir:- Your note of the 12th inst. asking for an answer to your communication of the 22nd of August, reached me this morning. This Commission has been forced to make a rule that its employes on the Isthmus who return home by resignation or otherwise for their own purposes will not be given transportation by the Government. Some men have gone to the Isthmus, remained a very short time, and then returned. It would be manifestly unjust to the Government to pay such bills, and if they were paid the generosity of the Government would be much abused. You tendered your resignation on the 30th of July and it was accepted by the Chief Engineer to take effect August 3rd. On that date, therefore, your connection with the Commission ceased and no further salary or expenses can be paid on your account. Very respectfully, (Signed) J. G. WALKER, President of Commission. [*16955*][*[Enc. in Walker, 10-25-01]*][*P.F.*] Oct. 23d 1901. 320 CHESTNUT STREET PHILADELPHIA [[shorthand]] Dear Theodore: I'd have given a golden apple to be with you at Yale. Something went wrong. I was in Deer Park, Maryland, and on my way thence to Philadelphia proposed stopping off to see you. But the telegrams were sent here; and when they at length were forwarded to Deer Park, time had made my joining you impossible. Well - now you're an LL.D. and I am mighty glad your dining Booker Washington forced the South to show its dirty hand, and am mighty sorry to have missed you and am the father of twins - boy & girl - and remain Yours prolifically Daniel Abraham Isaac Jacob Wister. [*[Owen]*] [*16956*]J.W. Bryan Covington W.H. [McCoy] Mackoy Covington Ky.Maj. J. F. Hanson, Macon, Ga., Oct. 23, 1901. Important to people of South that Republican party be continued in power. It would be dangerous to pursue a policy in Southern States that would jeopardize Republican success in the North, unless policy pursued would gain more for the party than it would lose north. Doubts if the President's refusal to appoint negroes in the South result in the party being able to carry a single Southern State in next Presidential election. It will not do to entirely ignore the old organization in the South. [shorthand] [*[ca. 10-23-01]*] WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. Memorandum for Secretary Loeb: Senator Scott telephoned this morning that he was out yesterday and did not get your telegram in time to accept the President's invitation. He states that he is very sorry, as he should like to talk with the President. He has to leave for home at 12 o'clock to-day on urgent business, so he cannot come out now. He desires his sincere regrets expressed to the President. Later on he hopes to be able to get out to see him. [*16957*]Maj. J. F. Hanson, Macon, Ga., Oct. 23, 1901 Important to people of South that Republican party be continued in power. It would be dangerous to pursue a policy in Southern States that would jeopardize Republican success in the North, unless policy pursued would gain more for the party than it would lose north. Doubts if the President's refusal to appoint negroes in the South result in the party being able to carry a single Southern State in next Presidential election. It will not do to entirely ignore the old organization in the South. [shorthand] [*16958*] [*[ca. 10-23-01]*] WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. Memorandum for Secretary Loeb: Senator Scott telephoned this morning that he was out yesterday and did not get your telegram in time to accept the President's invitation. He states that he is very sorry, as he should like to talk with the President. He has to leave for home at 12 o'clock to-day on urgent business, so he cannot come out now. He desires his sincere regrets expressed to the President. Later on he hopes to be able to get out to see him. [*16957*][*[Attached to Hanson, 10-23-01]*][*CF*] Statement of the Military History of NATHAN B. SCOTT , corporal, sergeant, and commissary sergeant, 88th Ohio Infantry. [*[ca. 10-23-01]*] -- The official records show that Nathan B. Scott, a corporal of Company E, 88th Regiment, Ohio Infantry, was enrolled July 20, 1863, and was mustered into service July 24, 1863, to date from the date of his enrolment, at Camp Chase, Ohio. He was promoted to be a sergeant April 9, 1864, and to be commissary sergeant of the regiment April 28, 1865. He was mustered out of service and honorably discharged at Camp Chase, Ohio, July 3, 1865. The monthly returns of the 88th Ohio Infantry, from its organization to its muster out of service, show, with one exception, that the regiment was stationed at Camp Chase (near Columbus), Ohio. The return dated November 30, 1863, shows the regiment stationed at Cincinnati, Ohio. Nothing has been found of record to show that the regiment was engaged in any battle or other encounter with the enemy during Nathan B. Scott's service with it. During that time the principal duty of the regiment appears to have been that of guarding prisoners of war in Ohio.STATEMENT FROM KOESTER. He Explains That His Appointment Was Unexpected and Unasked. UNTRAMMELLED. He Confidently Offsets the Hundreds of Congratulatory Words he Has Received Against the Untruthful Venom of His Personal Enemies. Special to the Daily News. Columbia, S. C., Oct. 23.—Mr. George R. Koester recently appointed Revenue Collector makes the following statement in The Record of which newspaper Mr. Koester is the editor. "I have been appointed Collector of Internal Revenue for South Carolina. The appointment seems to have been a surprise to South Carolina. This is not strange as it was equally a surprise to me, for I was not a candidate for the position, and never in any way applied for it. I have some strong friends in Washington. When the wrangle occurred among Republican leaders as to which one of them should fill the collectorship, those friends without consulting me suggested that I be appointed. They were kind enough to say some good words about me and my progressive newspaper work. The president later consulted Senator McLaurin about me, and as all South Carolina knows the relations which have existed between us ever since his advent in the political arena it is east understand that while he did not ask my appointment what he said of me was favorable. The President expressed a desire to see me. I went to Washington and called at the White House last Saturday evening with Senator McLaurin. The President, after some pleasant conversation, tendered me the appointment. I replied that I had endorsed another and preferred his appointment. The President said that appointment would not be made and I then accepted the place. That is all there is to it. I have been in the newspaper business in South Carolina for fourteen years and it would be strange indeed if during that time I had not made enemies. I am proud of some of the enemies I have made. They will condemn my appointment and already one paper has attacked it in a most unscrupulous and untruthful way. I will not engage in a hearty congratulations of hundreds of the best people of Columbia, which has been my home for ten years, the cordial hand grasps of those who know me and their warm good wishes, together with hundreds of telegrams and letters of congratulation from prominent people of other States and throughout South Carolina asure me that my character is safe from venomous attacks by those who are my enemies because of my newspaper work. Such attacks cannot harm me nor make South Carolina believe that in my appointment the President has departed from his promise that he would appoint good, clean men to the federal offices in the South as well as in the North. Believing that the editor of a newspaper should be absolutely untrammelled in his utterances and that his independence of thought should be like the virtue of Caesar's wife though knowing I would remain independent as editor of The Record if I continued in harness I have decided to withdraw from Editorial charge of this paper. For the present, Mr. Paul M. Brice, city editor of the Record will act as Editor. He is too well known in South Carolina where he has been in newspaper work for fifteen or sixteen years to beed introduction. "(Signed:) Geo. R. Koester, Columbia, S. C., Oct. 23, 1901." [*16960*]be with the days and week will Kindest velt and to you. I hope by the body but ical ja misunder [*16963*] [*16961*] well's professional capacity and am sure you will be satisfied. I enclose a letter from the leading lawyer in Southwest Virginia — J. F. Bullitt. I also send you my new book which is dedicated to Bullitt, McDowell and a brother of mine. If you will look at p. 221 you will see there - as elsewhere in the book - my opinion of the two men. I hope you may like the book. Thank you very much for inviting me to dine with you. I am coming to Wash= [*16962*]Taken in front of the United Church New Haven Green October 23rd/1901 at 10.45 AM.(2) Charles Scribner's Sons Publishers Importers and Booksellers 153-157 Fifth Avenue Between 21st and 22nd Streets New-York, on Monday or Tuesday to be with the Rogers for a few days and any date of that week will please me. Kindest regards to Mrs. Roosevelt and good luck always to you. Faithfully yours, John Fox, Jr. I hope you aren't bothered by the Washington matter. Nobody but a howling political jackass will dream of misunderstanding you. [*16963*] [*10 East 28th St*] Charles Scribner's Sons Publishers Importers and Booksellers 153-157 Fifth Avenue Between 21st and 22nd Streets [[shorthand]] [*Ackd*] New-York, Oct. 24, 1901 Dear President: I have sent for the testimonials of Henry Clay McDowell's professional capacity and I am sure you will be satisfied. I enclose a letter from the leading lawyer in Southwest Virginia - J. F. Bullitt. I also send you my new book which is dedicated to Bullitt, McDowell and a brother of mine. If you will look at p. 221 you will see there - as elsewhere in the book - my opinion of the two men. I hope you may like the book. Thank you very much for inviting me to dine with you. I am coming to Washington [*16962*] [*[For 1 attachment see ca 10-24-01 & 10-12-01]*]Treasury Department Office of The Secretary Division of Appointments Washington, October 24, 1901. [*ackd 11-2-1901*] [*A.J.C.*] [shorthand] The President: In accordance with your request, by your Secretary, under date of October 19th, 1901, that I furnish you the record of the Collector of Customs at El Paso, Texas, as you have been informed that the Collector is a very unfit man, and that charges have been made against him, I have to advise you that at various times during the administration of Mr. Dillon he has been charged with violation of the Civil Service law and rules, and with various other offenses, including public intoxication and brutal conduct towards his wife in the public part of a hotel. You are further informed that the charges of violation of the Civil Service Law and rules have been investigated by the Civil Service Commission and by officers of this Department, and that the evidence in support of the charges seeming to be strong, was referred to the Attorney-General, and by him to the District Attorney, who was instructed to take such action as might be deemed necessary. The matter was brought before the Grand Jury, but they failed to make a presentment. The investigation made by an agent of this Department of the charge of public drunkenness of the Collector, and his brutal treatment of his wife, was incomplete and inconclusive, the agent being called off while it was in progress to another [*16964*]#2 important and pressing duty. It is quite probable that some of the charges have been prompted by malice or personal spite and have little basis in fact, while others of a more or less serious character are supported by strong and apparently unprejudiced testimony, which leads little if any doubt of the substantial truth. But whether the specific charges are in the main true or false, it is undoubtedly true that the general conditions in the district are bad and the service much demoralized, with little or no prospect of improvement under the present Collector. If a suitable man can be found for the place, the service would certainly be improved by a change, either now or when the present Collector' term expires in March next. Respectfully, L. J. Gage Secretary. [*R % CL*] S [*16965*][FOR ATTACHMENT SEE 10-24-01 11-2-01][United States Senate] Hartford, Conn., [Washington D.C.] October 24, 1901 [190L] [*07? ackd 10-28-1901 C B*] To The President, Sir: I have known Mr. Thomas Cridler, Third Assistant Secretary of State, for some years and consider him a faithful and capable officer and have never heard anything to the contrary. He has had about twenty-five years, more or less, of service most diligently and faithfully rendered. It is believed that he has worked over six years - in the aggregate - over the regular office hours. He certainly has been a gentleman and man of capacity or he would not have staid there twenty-five years. I do not know what representations they urge to the movement for his discharge, if there be such. I beg the President to give his most careful consideration, as it would seem to be a cruel reward for such an extraordinary term of service as twenty-five years. It is rumored that a democrat, an original appointee of President Cleveland has been suggested as Mr. Cridler's successor. I do not know the gentleman, [*suggested as his successor*], but it honestly seems to me that the removal of Mr. Cridler would not be in the line of true civil service. Very respectfully, J R Hawley [*16966*][*File ppF Pr*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. October 24, 1901. Dear Mr. President:-- I have a mingling of sweet and sour in my correspondence this morning. The Isthmian canal treaty is all right. The only change the British Government suggest is to strike out their own amendment to our Article IV, which has been done. My crumpled rose leaf is that Swenson says the Danes will not negociate unless we raise the price. Please think a little about it and tell me to-morrow what I shall do. Yours faithfully John Hay [*16967*]Law Offices of Holls, Wagner & Burghard 120 Broadway , New York Frederick Wm Holls Louis A. Wagner Edward M. Burghard [*Private: Not for Public Files*] [*? 10-25-1901 File*] October 24, 1901 Dear Mr. President: Our mutual friend, Gustav H. Schwab writes me that there is a determined effort under way to oust Henry W. Diederich, the present Consul at Bremen. I beg most respectfully to submit for your consideration the following facts: I have known Mr. Diederich for many years. About thirty years ago he was my teacher. He was formerly a Lutheran clergyman and educator, highly esteemed by President Harrison, who appointed him Consul at Leipsic, Germany. He made an excellent record there, but was removed by Mr. Cleveland. Four years later President McKinley appointed Mr. Diederich Consul at Magdeburg. He made a fine record there, and was thence promoted to Bremen, where he has now been stationed for three years. I understand at the State Department that his record is excellent -- in fact he is one of the most competent Consuls in the service. Moreover, he is a native American, and his appointment is, therefore, not open to any objection based on the incident of sending naturalized citizens to the country of their birth. Under all these circumstances, I most respectfully suggest that the good of the service will best be subserved by the continuance of Mr. Diederich at his post in Bremen during good behavior, throughout your administration. I see by the newspapers that among the New York positions which may, perhaps, be filled by new men, is also the one of Commissioner of [*16968*]Law Offices of Holls, Wagner & Burghard. 120 Broadway New York. Frederick Wm Holls. Louis A. Wagner. Edward M. Burghard. 2 Emigration at Ellis Island. I do not know the present incumbent, even by sight, and am not sufficiently informed regarding his service to have any opinion whatever upon the question of his retention or removal. In case you should, however, decide to make a change, I beg most respectfully to urge that the new appointee should be a man of such character and capacity as to be fit to be a Federal Judge, say of the District Court. I have no candidate for the place; but as attorney for the German Society and as a director of the Society, I have had sufficient contact with the work at Ellis Island to know that the position of Chief Commissioner there is really judicial in character; and I have a strong impression that hitherto that office has never been filled by a man sizing up to all it various requirements. It is a place much coveted by naturalized citizens, and for years it has been occupied by a citizen of Austrian birth. I venture to hope that you are fully aware of the fact that I agree with every word you have ever said on the subject of native or naturalized citizens; and, therefore, I will not be misunderstood when I say that I should consider it desirable that this particular position, other things being equal, should be filled by a native born American of eminence. It is not enough that the Commissioner should be in fact impartial: it is very important that the poor emigrants from all the various countries of Europe who come under his jurisdiction, should not even imagine that by reason of birth or association he has any motive for being anything but impartial; and inasmuch as [*16969*]Law Offices of Holls, Wagner & Burghard. 120 Broadway. New York. Frederick Wm Holls. Louis A. Wagner. Edward M. Burghard. 3 incidents, especially under the Contract Labor Law, are arising, requiring legal knowledge and judicial ability, I repeat that the ideal man for the place would be a man fitted to be United States District Judge. In conclusion, I beg to congratulate you most respectfully and sincerely upon the splendid ovation which you received at Yale; and I have the honor to remain, dear Mr. President, very faithfully, Your Obedient Servant , Frederick W. Holls [*16970*]Dear Mrs Roosevelt will you please give the enclosed to your husband & tell him please to Mrs. Theodorus Bailey Myers. Mrs. Julian-James. 1602 Twentieth Street, N.W. Connecticut Avenue. [*16973*] a connection of Richard Somers of the old Navy. This young Richard is a fine boy & all his heart is in our Navy & he has come to me to help him as they have no influence, but have heard me speak of my love for your sweet Mother and friendship for your Father & in their name I ask your consideration of the boys request [*[For attachment see 10-24-01]*] [*ackd 10-28-1901 PPF*] and remain Very Sincerely Cassie Mason Myers Julian-James Thursday October 24 1602 TWENTIETH STREET, N.W. CONNECTICUT AVENUE. Dear Mr President I want to take you this letter in person so as you may receive first my greeting as a very old friend and then I want to ask you as my President should [*16971*]Congress this winter pass a bill increasing the number of appointments to the Naval Academy that you will consider the application now on file of Richard Somers Gallaway a son of my brother Theodoreus B. M. Mason' old & dear friend C. S. Gallaway of our navy who after serving 28 years was retired for a disability incurred in the service, & living as he does in the District of Columbia & therefore having no suffrage can only get an appointment for his son through you. The boy is the grandson of an army officer now deceased Richard Somers Smith of Philadelphia and is as his name indicates [*16972*] send a cent to us in exchange for a fine silk - our loving wishes to you both I am Yours Sincerely CassiePrivate [*File ppy Pr.*] Nahant Oct 24th 1901 Dear Theodore - I trust that you will pardon my first saying by letter that I was going to ask you to do something & then taking it all back by telegraph. The fact was that after I got home from Washington a possibility occurred to me in regard to Pruden's place if you put him in the army & on the spur of the moment I wrote. Then I thought it over & came clearly to this decision that for various reasons what I had thought of had much better not come to pass & so I waited until you had left New Haven & then telegraphed you. I will explain my thoughts & my change of mind when we meet & meantime I hope you will not give it all another thought of any kind. By the way, you seem to have had a fine time & a great reception at Yale which is as it should be and very satisfactory. I am very glad you went on all accounts & especially [*16974*]because you will not have another opportunity to leave Washington for some time & it was well to break at once any association of ideas with the Presidents going away to a celebration of any sort. Bert Peirce was here this afternoon just back from Russia. As soon as he gets his older boy established at school he is going on to Washington & I hope you will see him & give him an opportunity to tell you something about opportunities for American trade in Russia for what he has to say is worth hearing & considering. I am most anxious that he should have Cridler's place as you suggested for he is a first class man & will be [a] most valuable in the Department & a real addition to your force. I believe I forgot to tell you that he was with Hitchcock when the latter was at Petersburg & I wish you would ask Hitchcock his opinion of Peirce. I received your letter of Oct 19th for which many thanks. I am glad that you have a good Republican for the Virginia judgeship and also I like Harry[*[10-24-01]*] 2 Tucker. I hope & trust you would have. You understand of course that I could not refuse the request of a man like Draper to bring the matter to your attention & I fear that I shall have many such cases but I do it officially. When, & not often I hope, I have anything where I have a strong personal interest as in the case of Peirce I shall present it differently. I will write to Labor & get his papers. I am delighted to hear what Morgan said. If we can now secure Daniel the treaty will go through rapidly & easily I feel sure. Wolcott said to me in New York that he wanted only good men & that it would be a real favor to him if you would point out anything wrong with anybody past or present. I know that he wants to suggest only good men. In that connection let me say that I do not know how well informed Stuart is about other matters but I am quite sure that he is mistaken about Teller & that you want to be very careful with that eminent [*16975*]Senator. I saw Hale in Boston where he has been taken ill which prevented his going to Washington & I was greatly pleased by his tone. He spoke of all you had done with high approval & said it was the duty of us all to rally round you strongly. I am glad that he is feeling that way for whatever reason & I will tell you more of what he said when we meet. Poor Ted. I am very sorry for his accident but luckily it is not a serious break & at his age will soon knit. I can imagine that Edith finds some compensation in his being off the field for the rest of the season. Constance had him to lunch when she was at Groton & I judge that they struck up quite a friendship. I wouldn't appoint anyone in Colorado until you have talked with Wolcott himself. He is going back there I am glad to say to take up the fight for the party. Best love from Nannie - Ever yrs H. C. LodgeTELEGRAM. [shorthand] White House, Washington. 6 WU.ON.KQ. 33 Paid, Gr - 12:21 P.M. Nahant, Mass., October 24, 1901. The President: As to personal favor mentioned in last letter, consider all unsaid, even if opportunity offered. Have decided best not to ask it. Will write. H. C. Lodge. [*16976*]& your new responsibilities so large they would drown my feeble inquiries & so many fools rushed in I thought it the better part to be the angel that feared to tread. So now that I want something the angel role may not seem so appropriate October 24th [[shorthand]] ELFLAND, OYSTER BAY, LONG ISLAND. [*ackd 10-27-1901 Wrote Leg, State PPF*] My dear Theodore When you came into office many said to me "have you written," what I had to say seemed too great for words [*16977*]I am off to Europe for a flight of six weeks expect to go to Venice alone but may go else where could you give me a letter or letters which can be used there as any where else, I want to see the best & the most. I am sailing the 31st of this month on the Deutschland but expect to be back in time to see Alice come out. Reeve-Merritt may be down soon to give his respects in Washington. With all respect & affection Yours, Leila Roosevelt Reeve-Merritt [*16978*]CABLE ADDRESS: "RYRAPORT, NEW YORK." DOUGLAS ROBINSON 160 BROADWAY TELEPHONE CONNECTION. [*Ackd ppy pr*] NEW YORK, October 24, 1901 The President, White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Theodore : -- I am sending by registered letter certificates of the United States Leather Company, preferred Stock which I bought sometime ago for you, and also some for Edith. I have a feeling that it is better for you to get out of these industrials and I am going to get the certificates first transferred [in blank] to some one out of your name, so that your name does not appear when sold and then sell them, as I think I can get you out even and then you will have had the money on your investment. I think it better for you to go into bonds rather than any of these industrial trusts. Please sign the stock on the back and have some one witness it and I suggest putting the certificates in the name of Kilbreth & Farr, as I shall get them to sell the stock for me and then have it transferred to the purchaser. I think it just as well for Edith to pull her six shares by putting certificates in name of Kilbreth & Farr This will guard the certificates in case of loss, against being negotiated. Please register the envelope in returning the stock to me, or send it by express, as you prefer. Yours very truly, Douglas Robinson ENCLOSURES: Certificate G. 6910 in the name of Edith K. Roosevelt-6 Shares United States Leather Co. Pref. Stock- " G. 6911 in the name of Theodore Roosevelt, 25 " " G. 8925 in the name of Theodore Roosevelt, [?] " " G. 7191 in the name of Theodore Roosevelt, [?] " [*16979*][*54*] EXHIBIT NO. 20. OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY, PROVINCE OF CAVITE. Cavite, P. I., October 24, 1901. Hon. Civil Governor, Manila, P. I. Sir: In the minutes of the quarterly meeting of the Municipal Presidents, prescribed by Art. 4 of Act No. 138, held in Cavite on the 21st of the current month, appears the following, which, having veen [sic] admitted for approval by the Provincial Board in their regular session of this day, I have the honor to transmit to the United States Philippine Commission, through your honored self: "VII.- RESOLVED, On motion of the Municipal President of San Roque, to recommend to the Civil Commission, through the Provincial Bard of Cavite, the unanimous expression of opinion of the municipal presidents of the pueblos of this province that the question of the friars should be promptly and effectively settled, as it is in a matter of primary importance. For the friars, or those who purport to represent them, are making manifestations of such a character that (although fortunately up to the present date they have been peaceable) they may result any day in tumult and a breach of the peace, a condition that would be very subversive to the well-being and happiness of the inhabitants of this province, which should be the supreme care of the Government in the Philippines, according to the wishes of the unfortunate ex-President of the United States. Mr. McKinley, expressed in the instructions given to the Civil Commission in regard to the form of government in these Islands. I have the honor to transmit the above resolution that due notice may be taken thereof. Respectfully, (Signed) DANIEL TIRONA Provincial Secretary, Cavite. mC [*16980*]S. M. VANCLEAVE JOE FRAZER J. E. WINTER THE BOONE ART CO. RAISED LETTER NOVELTY ADVERTISING ONLY FIRM IN THE UNITED STATES ENGAGED EXCLUSIVELY IN THIS WORK LEBANON, IND., Oct 24, 1901 Mr. O.M. Campbell Pittsburgh, Pa Dear Friend, yours of 10" at hand, and short as it was, it was tidings appreciated. I have been rushed answering letters and getting out my printing, and typing in general to get my work started, and in all this and other draw backs I have neglected writing you But I hope you you will over look. My wife has been very poorly again. Had 2 doctors Monday, and they were back again Wednesday and operated on her for stricture, Dr Bonwell, says he is afraid she has cancer, besides the stricture and fistula, and says the only evidence against it is the long standing of the care. I know most you asked me some "pointed" questions, but I was not in condition to answer them, [But] and [*16981*]S. M. VANCLEAVE JOE FRAZER J. E. WINTER THE BOONE ART CO. RAISED LETTER NOVELTY ADVERTISING ONLY FIRM IN THE UNITED STATES ENGAGED EXCLUSIVELY IN THIS WORK LEBANON, IND., 190 on in but little better condition to satisfy you now. However, you may depend on Roosevelt being a genuine Republican, but a sympathizer with the common people, and will be especially heard from in that respect. His policy will practically be the same as M-, but a great deal of it, will be carried out through respect of his predecessor. He will have trouble with some cabinet officers, and I prefer saying the Sec of State. However there are some other matters that can't get hold of, but I think it pertains to he and his cabinet. But no, the is not all, but I just can't grasp it, but later on or within 2 weals or 3 mos. of development I can get it, and may be sooner. These things, I guess are the least would be expected. May give you something more later. There is one of your boys contemplating a trip, which you may hear of some (OVER) Write me a long letter, I need it, Yours Sam [*16982*]I enclose Book of Instruction & catalog of signs. - Be careful with the former [ENC. IN. CAMPBELL 10-31-01] [VAN CLEAVE][shorthand] [*Acked 10-26-1901 File*] New York City. October 24, 1901. President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President :- I was unfortunate in my attempt to see you while you were in New Haven, but [under] in any case I presume we could not have talked with any satisfaction there. I write to say that I have left a list of colored men with the Attorney General as I promised, any two or three of whom I think would fill with credit the position of Civil Magistrate in the District of Columbia. I am going to Tuskegee tonight where I shall remain for a week, and as I return through Washington I shall plan to see you. Yours truly, Booker T Washington [*16983*][*[Ca. 10-24-01]*] The President asked him to take lunch or dinner with him when in Wash. He says he will be here Monday and Tuesday at the Pages! [*16984*] Nov. 2. 1901. Assistant Secretary Giles states by telephone that the Collector can be removed at any time; not necessary to assign causes. His term will expire [net] next spring. [shorthand] [*16985*][attached to top, 10-24-01] [ATTACHED TO GAGE 10-24-01][*[10-24-01]*] [shorthand] [*16986*][ATTACHED TO GAGE 10-24-01]COMMERCIAL ADVERT "PAYABLE TO RICHARD CROCKER." Tammany Hall has sent out is circular appealing for funds to defray the expense of electing its ticket, and at the close this ingenuous announcement is made: Checks may be made payable to Richard Croker, chairman of the finance committee. This is Richard Croker, the Squire of Wantage, England, who pays taxes to the English government, $5,000 a year or so, on his handsome esate in the kingdom. The squire is here on his usual errand of collecting his revenues. "Checks may be made payable to Richard Croker." This is the same Richard Croker who was on the witness stand in the Mazet inquiry two years ago. He was then, as now, chairman of the finance committee of Tammany Hall. Checks for several years had been "made payable" to him up to that time. Among the questions and answers occurred the following: Q.--You are chairman of the finance committee? A.--Yes. Q.--You know what moneys came in, don't you? A.--Not always, no. Q.--Do you render any account of the moneys received and disbursed by you as chairman of the finance committee? A.-- No, sir. The finance committee very seldom has a meeting. Q.--There are large sums being turned in by the collector, are there not? A.-- No, sir. Q.--When are the returns made? A.-- Just before Election Day. Q.--Does the collector keep the money himself? A.--Turns it in every night and every morning. Q.--Is there any account kept of that money? A.--Not that I know of. Q.--The contributions given by the judges? A.--They can give what they please. Q.--It is carried on, though, in the same way, isn't it? A.--Yes. Q.--You suppose that all the contributions of all the candidates went to the Tammany treasury, don't you? A.--Yes; I should imagine so. Q.--Are there any accounts showing what they gave? A.--No. Could there be a more absolutely perfect system than that for a man who, after several hours of examination, at three separate sessions of the investigation committee, summed up his position in the following terse manner: Q.--Then you are working for your own pocket? A.--All the time! There you are, gentlemen of the true Democratic faith who receive Tammany's appeal! "Checks may be made payable to Richard Croker." No accounts are kept of his receipts or disbursements. There are outward signs, however, that he is comfortably supplied with funds. He has a home in Fifth avenue which is said to be worth fully $80,000. He maintains that without difficulty. He also owns an estate at Wantage, England, where he lives in comfort during six or eight months of the year, and upon which, he pays taxes. A few years ago he was able to [*16987*] invest a quarter of a million dollars in a stock farm in Tennessee. He has during the last ten years invested heavily in racing horses, some the handsome prices he has paid being: Longstreet, $30,000; Yorkville Belle, $24,000; Dobbins, $20,000; Red Banner, $15,000; Prince George, $12,500; Fairy, $10,000; Demuth, $10,000. There are signs of a very comfortable income in those outlays, but Mr. Crocker was not crippled by them. He was able to pay such fancy salaries for jockeys as $12,000 a year, and to maintain a force of between thirty and forty stablemen. He entered his horses for the Derby and other great races, and is said to have spent for several years past between $100,000 and $150,000 on the English turf. "Checks may be made payable to Richard Croker." Drains like this upon the noblest income must tell perceptibly, and the revenues must be both replenished and increased. Squire Croker is here on his usual mission now, and all those Democrats who believe that his continuation in power means, what he says it does in his circular, the salvation of the principles of Democracy, should send their checks "payable to Richard Croker." If they have any doubts about his use of their money, let them turn their eyes away from his two domestic establishments, one in New York and one in Wantage, turn them away also from his racing stud, and bend their gaze upon this convincing passage in his circular: You are known by the undersigned as a citizen who believes in the principles of Democracy, shown in the past by your appreciative contributions. This year we again feel at liberty to solicit from you such a contribution as you may be pleased to make in the aid of our common cause. Let us give you our assurances that every dollar which comes to our hands will be prudently and economically expended. Rest on that, William C. Whitney and all you other high-minded Democrats who love your city so fondly and who are convinced, after deep meditation and prolonged wrestling with your high ideals of civic duty, that, as Mr. Whitney puts it, Mr. Croker's candidate for mayor should be elected because "it is of enormous consequence to those who look forward to the rehabilitation of the Democratic party" that Croker be continued in power. "Rehabilitation of the Democratic party!" So Croker is the Democratic party! "Checks may be made payable to Richard Crocker." What are you doing, Richard Croker? Why, "working for my own pocket all the time!" And are the corporations generally following Mr. Whitney's example, are they sending in the checks "payable to Richard Croker" for the "rehabilitation of the Democratic party"? No accounts kept; no list of contributors; no trace of what you have done save that signature on the back of your returned check. "Richard Croker," and you can destroy that. What about the city? Who cares for that? What about the awful moral degradation, worse than death, which Crokerism and Deveryism brings upon the poor and helpless of the city? Who cares for that in presence of the "enormous consequences of the rehabilitation of the Democratic party"? Let us raise ourselves to the Whitney level. Let us rehabilitate the Democratic party by saving Crokerism from destruction/ "Checks may be made payable to Richard Croker." [*16988*]OCT 24, 1901 THE TIMES. THURSDA MR. MORLEY ON GLADSTONE. Mr. John Morley, M.P., visited Manchester yesterday and unveiled a bronze statue of Mr. Gladstone in Albertsquare, fronting the Town-hall. The funds for the statue were left by the late Mr. William Roberts, of Manchester, and the work was entrusted to Signor Raggi, who has based his design on is sketch which he took of Mr. Gladstone in the House of Commons during the delivery of the famous speech introducing the Home Rule Bill. Mr. Gladstone, whose features have been reproduced faithfully, is represented with his right hand uplifted, while it his left hand he holds his notes. Before the unveiling ceremony the Lord Mayor of Manchester (Mr. T. Briggs) entertained at luncheon Mr. Morley, the Rev. Stephen Gladstone, the Rev. Harry Drew and Mrs. Drew, Sir W. H. Houldsworth, M. P., Mr. C. E. Schwann, M.P., Signor Raggi, Mr. C. P. Scott, M. P., Mr. W. Mather, M. P., Mr. W. H. Holland, M. P., Mr. F. Cawley, M. P., and a large number of the members of the city council. Replying to the toast of his health. Mr. MORELY said he thanked them for the very great kindness with which they had received his name. he supposed that kindness would be partially due to the circumstance that he was himself a very humble son of the county to which he presumed most of them belonged. Greek was going from him, Latin was going from him, but he still preserved the full power of speaking in its fullest vernacular the dialect of the county. The last time he was in Manchester he was received by several thousands of people in St. James's-hall, most of whom to begin with viewed him with no favour. But at the end they seemed to bear with what he had to say, with fortitude, with patience, and even with a kind of admiration. (Hear, hear.) To-day they were on more even ground, and they might depend upon it that nothing he would say would take them off that even ground. He was sure he was meeting all sorts of political opponents, including his friend Sir William Houldsworth (cheers), and when their differences were discussed and exhausted they would still feel that they had a faculty of admiration, and more than admiration, for a great st(?)man, a patriot, a scholar, and an orator. He was glad at being asked to meet them on that ground, and he could only wish that some more useful spokesman could have been chosen to say what eventually he was to say. The company then moved to Albert-square, where thousands of people had assembled. SIR WILLIAM HOULDSWORTH said that he had very great pleasure in taking a simple part in the interesting proceedings of that day. He had to invite Mr. Morley to unveil the statue, which was the gift of a Manchester man, a gift which the citizens of Manchester, of whatever political complexion and whatever creed, would value for many years to come. (Cheers.) They knew no politics that day. They accepted the gift representing a man whom all in these islands must have admired. The influence for good which Mr. Gladstone exercised for 50 years in many high offices was almost unique in the history of the nation. They were proud that Mr. Gladstone was a Lancashire man and believed they could not have asked a more fitting man to perform the ceremony than Mr. Morley. Mr. MORLEY, who was greeted with loud cheering, said: - My Lord Mayor, Ladies, and Gentlemen, - It now falls upon me to perform the very honorable duty, as you will all think it, of unveiling this statue. As Sir William Houldsworth has well said, you owe it to one of your own citizens, who desired to record in this form his own ardent admiration and gratitude for a great character. (Hear, bear.) The donor of it has gone. Peace be to his ashes. (Hear, hear.) This statie, gentle- men, will remain. It will remain to remind you, if reminder be needed, of one of the truest patriots that this country has ever boasted (cheers), a man who was not only a statesman, but was a transcedent orator and a great scholar, and, more than statesman or patriot or scholar, was a great teacher of the noblest lessons that nations can ever learn of those who rule over them. (Hear. hear.) I am not, under these circumstances, going through at length all the magnificent qualities of the great and famous man whom we are commemorating. It is enough to day that no more splendid gifts have ever been devoted to the noble exercise of public duty. Nobody in our time, no man in our day and generation, has shown a more resounding example of the great thing which a great man may make of a life. (Cheers.) I will now proceed to perform the ceremony which I have been invited to do. (Renewed cheers.) Mr.Morley then, amid great cheering, pulled away the drapery which had hidden the stature from view. The police band afterwards played "A fine old English gentleman." Mr. J. GREEN, who, with Mr.Edward Rowland, was entrusted by the donor with the task of carrying out his wishes, asked the acceptance by the Lord Mayor of the statue. The Lord Mayor accepted the statue on behalf of the citizens, and the out-of-door proceedings then ended. Mr. MORLEY said, -My Lord Mayor, Ladies, and Gentlemen, I will begin by repeating what I have already said elsewhere, that to-day, at all events, I shall not speak to you, if you allow me to speak to you, in language or the temper or the spirit of political party. (Hear, hear.) You will not hear from me this afternoon, I hope anything of the language of party or of heat or of violence. And it would be a most inappropriate occasion even supposing that were my disposition, because Mr. Gladstone, after all, not until he was 50 years old, until he had been a quarter of a century in public life, did he finally sever himself from that party with which Manchester to-day is associated. (Laughter.) He sat, I believe, with 70 Cabinet colleagues-I think a larger number of Cabinet colleagues than any Minister of his time, excepting Lord Lansdowne and Lord Palmerston. He stood with the Duke of Wellington on the one hand-a great solider -and he stood on the other hand with the great man whose noble statne you have in your square here-John Bright-the greatest apostle of peace. (Hear, hear.) Therefore let us on this occasion, at all events, enjoy something of the peace and equity of history. (Hear, hear.) MR. GLADSTONE AS A CITIZEN OF THE WORLD. To say that in that long space of public life Mr. Gladstone never made a mistake that he never took a mistaken step, would be to claim for him that he was something more than human, and I for one do not think any present here of those who were most attached to him by faithful and affectionate remembrance would claim any such immaculate position for him. But I would only say this-that any detraction, if anybody is in the mind to detract, and detraction from the greatness of Mr. Gladstone is a slur upon our countrymen, because, surely for a whole generation or more he sailed on a full flood-tide of popularity in this country which I feel pretty sure has never been equalled for so long a period by any great leader of wither party. (Cheers.) Not only was he on the flood-tide of popularity, he was clothed with substantial power and authority for all those years, and therefore if anybody is inclined to offer criticism upon his career do let him remember that immense central fact. Mr. Gladstone was one of the men who rise from time to time in the world, a rare class of men, sometimes great ruler, sometimes an heroic solider, sometimes a revolutionary poet, sometimes a mighty Churchman- whether you call him a Bossuet or a Luther-who sweep like some new planet into the skies and fascinate and absorb the attention of their age. That was what Mr. Gladstone was. There are some heroes who sacrifice themselves to other people. There are others, great on the page of history, who sacrifice other people to themselves. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Gladstone was blessedly for us, of the former class, but mark this-his popularity was not limited to his own country. (Hear, hear.) When his course was run and the closing days had arrived we may apply to him the noble words of Wordsworth to Scott:- "The might of the whole world's good wishes in noble richness of blessings and prayer went forth on his behalf." Italy did not forget the friend who had fought for her as a Power in the days of the Disunion and her servitude. Greece knew her friend, her benefactor. These forlorn communities in the Balkan Peninsula had struggled for ages till they came into some dawning light of freedom, and they owed their debt to the most unselfish, the most vigorous, the noblest of their defenders, and, in short, I was struck at the time with the phrase used by an American writer who said, "In the day that Mr. Gladstone died the world had lost its greatest citizen." (Hear, hear.) THE ART OF THE SCULPTOR. Gentlemen, I suppose you do not know, most of you, that Mr. Gladstone once had the honourable ambition of being a member of Parliament for Manchester. In the year 1837 he was brought forward as a most promising young statesman of the Tory party. he was them 28 years old. The Liberals of the day denounced him as a bigot and I do not know what. (Laughter.) You who in Manchester have to-day, after immense acclamation, set up a statue of him, then sent him to the bottom of the poll with a majority of many hundreds against him. I only mention that as showing what chances and changes there are in our mortal life. I think you are very fortunate, if I may say so, in the statue. (Hear, hear.) I have not had time since the unveiling of taking more than a superficial glance at it; but I think the artist may be congratulated, and that you may be congratulated upon possessing the result of his art, and congratulated upon his having caught an extremely characteristic pose any gesture of the great and famous man. (Hear, hear.) The same distinguished sculptor, with the splendid impartiality of art, is, I believe the sculptor of the figure of Mr. Gladstone's life-long opponent, Lord Beaconsfield. (Cheers.) I am bound to say when I pass daily before that statue of Lord Beaconsfield in front of Westminster Abbey that, though I do not sympathize with all that the statue represents, I do feel that it is a very impressive representation of every important and great figure. (?) think that this which you will now have in Manchester also impressive and is certainly a great commercial city of this kind not unimportant. (Hear, hear.) Of course, you know very well that neither bronze nor marble can reproduce in the statue of Mr. Gladstone th(?) enchantment of periods exquisite in their balance (?) their modulation. It can barely reproduce the energy of attitude and gesture, the swift blaze of the eye, th(?) flashing glance, the stern wrath of the prophet, the irony, the mockery, the ease of the finished orator. That cannot all be reproduced. Still less can any statues reproduc(?) what those of us who had the honour and privilege of knowing him and of working with him and aware of 16989 the consideration, the affection, the recognition, which he always extended to those who, as he thought, served great causes. MR. GLADSTONE'S ORATORICAL RANGE I am not going to waste your time to-day in comparing Mr. Gladstone with his comrades. They talk of Mr. Gladstone compared with Burke. Burke made two great speeches upon the war in America. He made those two great speeches, one of them against the coercion of unwilling colonies, and those two speeches together make a perfect manual of civil wisdom. I was looking at them the other day, and I think each one of those speeches would have taken more than between four and five hours to deliver. I have been in the House of Commons a good many years-I think I have been in exactly the same number of years as your admirable representative who sits here, Sir William Houldsworth-but I do not believe that, if speeches like those two immortal speeches were made, 50 men-not even Sir William and I-would perhaps sit them out. Gentlemen, I would say this. I doubt whether in our whole Parliamentary history there has even been an orator who exhibited the same high level of supreme oratorical excellence in so many kinds. I do not care whether you seek the secret of oratory in argumentative power, whether you seek it in clean, close-cut, sure-footed exposition of a very difficult and entangled business, or whether you look for a fervid and intense appeal to the highest emotions that can war, the human heart, or the deepest principles that can enlighten political reason, or whether you seek the utterance of a man borne onward by some mighty, rushing wind and strenuous effort to serve some high purpose of persuasion or act-I will undertake to say that upon whichever of those four kinds of oratory you may choose to dwell, I may boldly undertake to say that in each of those several kinds and varieties I will find a master example in the speeches of the great and famous man whom we have met here to-day to commemorate. (Cheers.) He, as an orator, had nothing in common with the glittering purple platitudes of Anacharsis Klootz, or of an orator of the American race. In an early notebook he quoted for his own guidance a sentence of Cicero, that n man can attain the glory of eloquence without the very highest-of what? Of zeal, of toil of constancy, of knowledge. I remember once talking to Mr. Gladstone about how to make speechless. (Laughter.) He had a poor learner, but he told me of serious preparations that he made, and then he said :-" As for the words-well, the words come." That does not happen to all of us. But this is the point. His speeches, in spite of all the decorations-the rhetorical decorations-are saturated, as every sensible political speech ought to be saturated, in matter and practice. Apart from the extraordinary intellectual powers, apart from the glow of his moral genius, apart from these incomparable physical gifts, which seemed to encase the soul of fire in a frame of pliant steel, he was a great orator in the only sense in which it is worth while for any man ever to talk to anybody or any great audience, because he was always engaged on some practical object, some great piece of persuasion, or some great act. He was a great orator because having these gifts, having hopes and thoughts about his country and about good causes, he was a most prodigious and indefatigable worker, and secondly, and even more important, because of the tenacity and force of his will. Talk of Mr. Gladstone as a worker! While I speak with all respect, he would have been a match for any one of you Manchester gentleman, in your own warehouses, and factories, and mills, and banks, just as he was a match for the ablest officials at the Treasury in the strict, laborious, accurate methods of business. No drudging city clerk in Manchester had more of the virtues of the counting-house. Nobody who has not worked at close quarters with Mr. Gladstone at framing great Bills, knows or can realize his searching exploration of details, the intensity and concentration of his scrutiny of facts, figures, and arguments, his mastery of clauses, sub clauses, and provisoes, his imperial command over the minutiae even of a schedule, and yet, while he was all this, he was a shining instance of the maxim that "great thoughts come from the heart." I should keep you here all the afternoon if I were to attempt to go through all the landmarks of that career, or to retrace to you the leading idea of that potent genius. We certainly may say of him what he said of Sir Robert Peel, whose statue he unveiled at Peel-park in the fifties. He said that Sir Robert Peel thoroughly understood the working of our noble Constitution, and appreciated and sounded to the very depths the oldest popular assembly in the world. Nobody would deny that the same panegyric which Mr. Gladstone paid to Sir Robert Peel is amply due to Mr. Gladstone himself. (Hear, hear.) He did not take the House of Commons languidly. (Laughter and cheers.) He regarded the honour and power of the House of Commons as one of the great bulwarks of English liberty and good government in England. (Cheers.) He honoured the House of Commons and he taught the House of Commons to honour itself. (Cheers.) A great idol of Mr. Gladstone, Bishop Butler, taught wisely of the danger of over-great refinement, of going beyond the plain obvious facts and appearances of things, and there is no doubt that sometimes you may find an over-refining in Mr. Gladstone in words, an excess of qualifying propositions, and so on. I really do not think there is anybody to whom that particular quality is less sympathetic than it is to the very humble individual who is now addressing you; but I will say, on the other hand, if you remember how carelessness in words, how slovenly confusion in the name of the same thing or matter, the habit of taking as matter of positive proof what is only possible or barely probable, when I think of all the mischief and folly wrought in the world by those loose habits of mind which are almost as much the master vice of the head as selfishness is the master vice of the heart, I declare I am inclined, in spite of occasional mutiny, to think we may well forgive Mr. Gladstone for what passed for sophistry and subtlety, but which was in truth a scruple of conscience. 16990 HIS ATTITUDE TOWARDS PUBLIC OPINION. I came upon a sentence the other say from an old friend of mine, Professor Huxley, and he said-he was no great friend of Mr. Gladstone-" Here is a man with the greatest intellect in Europe, and yet he debases it by simply following majorities and the crowd." I know it is sometimes said that this great statesman was a mere mirror of the passing impulses, the numerous intellectual confusions of the public mind-that he had nothing but a sort of clever pilot's eye for winds and currents, and the rising of the tide to the height which would float him and his cargo over the bar. (Laughter.) I submit to you that that was the exact opposite of the truth. (Hear, hear.) What he thought was that the statesman's gifts consisted in insight into the facts of a particular era, disclosing the existence of material for forming public opinion and directing public opinion to a given end, and I will undertake to say that every one of his great achievements-aye, and even his last great attempt at an achievement-that in every one of those great causes he formed, or endeavoured to form and create, the great public opinion upon which he knew he depended. I will take a case which ought to interest you citizens of Manchester. He began the greater stage of his career by the Budget of 1853, which revealed to the country that is possessed a man with a great comprehension of the substantial interests and the growing concerns of trade and commerce. It was a mere accident that he was Chancellor of the Exchequer. People shook their heads at the idea of trusting the money of the country to a man who was a theologian and a Puseyite. (Laughter.) They comforted themselves by remembering that after all his predecessor, Mr. Disraeli, had been a brilliant novelist, and Mr. Disraeli, with excellent irony, on the day after he took the Exchequer said he observed Consols had not gone down by a single sixteenth. I may add that when the novelist had been tried and the theologian had been tried they feel back upon the editor of a review and the author of a book on the astrology of the accidents. (Laughter.) Well gentlemen, what did Mr. Gladstone do on this occasion? Did he run about feeling the pulse of popular opinion? No: he grappled with the facts with infinite genius and labour-and recollect with Mr. Gladstone half his genius was labour -he built up a cast plan, and he carried that plan to the Cabinet. The Cabinet were against him. Almost to a man they warned him that the House of Commons would be against him. The officials of the Treasury told him the Bank would be against him, that a great press of interests would be against him, but, like the intrepid and sinewy athlete that he always was, he stood to his guns. He converted the Cabinet. He persuaded the House of Commons, vanquished the Bank and the hostile. interests, and, in the words of one of his successors, whom Sir. W. Houldsworth and I well knew and liked (Sir Stafford Northcote), he did all those things, and he changed and turned for many years to come the current of public opinion with that force which was too powerful for any mind to resist. Do not let it be said, then, that Mr. Gladstone was a man who always followed the flowing tide. (Hear, hear.) I may take another case. I only mention it as being interesting to me for various reasons. It is the case of the Irish land legislation, and this was, in my judgment, the most gigantic, the most complex, the most deep- reaching of his legislative - achievements. The trans- formation of land tenure is always the most difficult of processes in all countries, and this revolution in the relations between the man who tilled the soil and the man who drew the rent was effected, not with the flowing tide ; it was effected against the ignorance of this country, against the prejudice of this country, and against the standing prejudice of both branches of the Legislature, who were steeped in the deepest doctrine of contract. You remember the events in the seventies. I will not for a moment trespass on controversial ground, but you will remember that there was a great discussion, and for good reason, as to what was the policy of this country in respect to the Christian races on the Balkan Peninsula. Some of you may remember a very fine figure of Mr. Gladstone's on that point. He said these Christian races standing between Turkey and Europe were like a shelving beach which re- strained the waves. A beach, it is true, is beaten by the waves ; it is laid desolate ; it produces nothing. It became nothing but a mass of shingle and rock and almost useless seaweed, but it is a peace behind which cultivated earth can spread and escape the incoming tide: long period of time during which he wielded practica supreme power in this country--if he had done nothi else but that, he would have deserved a statue of bron or marble or fine gold in every city of the Empir (Loud cheers.) MR. GLADSTONE AS PATRIOT AND ECONOMIST. It is said that he cared for nothing but pounds,shilling and pence. Well, I have seen no signs whatever in t time during which I have been on this planet down to t day, that there is much chance of any statesman persuadin his country that pounds, shillings, and pence matter. only say this, that when people say he is no patriot th is only said to pass the time away. Even in a case whi he had so much at heart as the Alabama arbitration, the moment of a certain exaggeration of the America demand Mr. Gladstone did not shrink. He said, " The are demands which no nation with a spark of spirit le will submit to, even at the point of death." There con not be a more gross misconception than to suppose M Gladstone was in any way weak or indifferent to th great interests of his own country. Here is a passag which I always like to read myself. It speaks of th great Empire, which has had committed to it a trust an a function. Mr. Gladstone said :-" I feel when I spe of that trust and function words fail me. I cannot te you what I think of the nobleness of the inheritance tha has descended upon us, of the sacredness of the duty o maintaining it. It is part of my being, of my flesh an blood, of my heart and soul--for those things I hav laboured from my youth, through my manhood, until m hairs are grey." (Cheers.). But do you remember th grand passage in which he challenges and defies th doctrine that the analogies of ancient Rome were safe ? fitting guides for this country. He was for--and I thin all will agree he was for--an iron fidelity to publi engagement, a stern regard for public law whic is the legitimate defence for small communitie against the great and powerful. That was hi view of the way in which we should maintain th interests of the kingdom. There was one other elemen in maintaining our great heritage, and I think you woul not forgive me if in this metropolis, which I have know ever since I was born--for I was born here (cheers)--i in this metropolis of a region which is marvellous for it industry and for its wealth--this centre of one of th most wonderful aggregates of population that the world has ever seen--you would not forgive me if I were to say not a word of Mr. Gladstone's dealing with nationa finance, one of the main causes of all this prosperity and of all this wealth. His policy was quite simple, and because it was so simple, people said it was not original It was that we would maintain our prosperity and ou wealth by relieving and stimulating industry, by keeping the financial credit of the country high, by lessening the load of old debts, by husbanding resources, by keeping a vigilant eye on outgoings. Once he handed over the Exchequer to Mr. Childers, and he said to Mr. Childers, " You will make a better Finance Minister than I am because "--this was in 1882--" a Finance Minister's eyes should always be ranging freely and vigilantly over the whole area of great establishments, over public services for the purpose of improvement and good husbandry." That was one of his main ideas of maintaining our inheri- tance. The word " improvement " reminds me of this. I had the happiness to know Mr. John Stuart Mill (hear, hear)--of whom Mr. Gladstone said that he was the saint of rationalism, and of whom I think he also said that he had the most open mind of his generation. (Hear, hear.). Now Mr. Mill used to say to us, who sometimes in those days were not such good Gladstonians as we afterwards became, " If ever there was a statesman in whom the spirit of improvement is ingrained and of whose career as a Minister the characteristic feature has been to seek out the things which required or admitted of improvement instead of waiting to be pressed or driven to do them, Mr. Gladstone deserves that honour." (CHeers.). Of course we know that every Minister pro- poses, and sincerely proposes, to place the advancement of the public in the forefront of all his schemes and opera- tions ; but some of you, perhaps, have never been in Whitehall. (Laughter.). The shades of the prison-house of Whitehall soon close round the infancy of the re- former. (Laughter.). Interest, sympathy, even the milk of human kindness interposes when the stern reformer comes to carry out his projects. Mr. Gladstone was not open even to the influence of the milk of human kindness. In those matters he swept away from the first day of his administration the whole body of partialities, prejudices, and affections. The public was with him, and that was the beginning and the end, whether it concerned a great revolution, a great commercial policy, or some small scheme in one of hte departments of the Civil Service. Think of what it is, you gentlemen of business, you members of the City Council of Manchester, think what it is to have a man for so many years, as Mr. Gladstone was, in possession of a supreme control of public authority with a sort of driving power of his own, which, so far as I know, has seldom or never been equalled by any of our great Ministers who have been at the head of the administration of this country--a man so imbued with the interests of the public, with the necessity for im- provement, with the necessity for thrift and for vigilance. When all his exploits are measured and sifted and weighed, I am not at all sure that in the first rank of them, perhaps in the first place in the first rank, would be placed that tradition that he started in our Civil Service a vigilant attention to the public interest as the master consideration, and we owe to him in no small degree the purity and the efficiency of that great Civil Service upon which so much of the welfare of the nation depends. (Hear, hear.) [*16991*] PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS. I am really merciless, my Lord Mayor (cries of " Go on "), but only a moment or two more. No man I have ever known was so slow to pronounce verdicts upon his fellow creatures, and no man I have ever known had the broad rational spirit of charity so much alive. Few men can have been so true to their conception of duty, a power, as he described it, almost co-extensive with the action of our intelligence that goes with us where we will and only leaves us with the life and light. No man so hated and despised moral cowardice and the faint heart. No life was ever less left to the shaping of haphazard. In small affairs or great, in public affairs or private, he acted from pre- meditated reasons and trusted nothing to chance, nothing to the casual stars, and, within the widest range of the spirit of the word, he abhorred a gambler. (Hear, hear.) There is no example in our history of such a vigorous progress in mental life. His beginnings, as he has left on record, were exceedingly narrow. They were, as he said, " concentrated "--I hope I shall not be misunderstood-- " in the Church understood in the narrowest fashion, and at the end "--I think at this time a very narrow end--" perhaps the most marked characteristic of my mental life was its breadth of feeling in respect of the number and greatness of the national masses with whom I came into contact." Time would fail me to speak of him as a scholar, and mine is not the tongue to speak of him as a theologian or a divine. I would only remark that so far as scholarship goes he was no ore studious reader of books to relieve mental anxiety or slack the thirst of library curiosity. Ready with him was habitual communion with the master spirits of mankind, a vivid and nourishing part of each day's life. No doubt something was left out in the wide circle of his interests. Natural science in all its speculations and extensions, increase of scientific truth, extension of scientific methods-all that, no doubt, constitute the central activities, the intellectual activities, of England and Europe during the last 40 years of his life-to all that he was not entirely opened. I remember going with him one Sunday afternoon to pay a visit to Mr. Darwin. It was in the seventies, and as I came away I felt that no impression had reached him ; that that intellectual, modest, single-minded, low-browed lover of truth, that searcher of the secrets of nature, had made no impression on Mr. Gladstone's mind, though he had seen one who from his Kentish hill-top was shaking the world. But the omission of scientific interest was made up for. The thought with which he rose in the morning and went to rest at night was of the universe as a sublime moral theatre on which the Omnipotent Dramaturgist used kingdoms and rulers, laws and policies, to exhibit a sovereign purpose for good, to light up what I may call the prose of politics with a ray from the Diviner Mind. This exalted his ephemeral discourses into a sort of visible relation to the counsels of all time. I came on a letter the other day where somebody wrote to him and said-and the words were true - " You have so live and wrought that you have kept the soul alive in England." (Cheers.) When he died Lord Salisbury said of him that he was a great Christian. Yes, and I would add that he was not a Christian for nothing. (Hear, hear.) I think he must often have used to himself the language of Wordsworth :- " Earth is sick and heaven is weary of the hollow words that States and kingdoms utter when they talk of truth and justice." He, at all events, in face of all the demands of practical politics, did his best to bring those considerations of truth and justice into the minds and hearts of his countrymen. (Cheers.) He was a great teacher. Besides being a statesman, besides being a patriot, besides being a magnificent orator, besides being a scholar, he was a great moral teacher. His language would not be mine, but I do say that Mr. Gladstone, when he saw the nations going on a wrong path, saw high in the heavens the flash of the uplifted sword and the gleam of the arm of the avenging angel. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I thank you for listening to me, and I hope you will feel that it is a good thing for us to praise the great men and the fathers that begat us. (Loud cheers.) On the motion of Mr. C. E. SCHWANN, M.P., seconded by Mr. C. P. SCOTT, M.P., and supported by SIR WILFRID LAWSON, the thanks of the meeting were give to Mr. Morley. In reply Mr. MORLEY said,-I hope that I have not said one word which any political opponent of mine may regard as being out of place, as I had a desire that we should meet upon common ground of admiration for a great statesman and a great citizen. (Cheers.) A cordial vote of thanks was passed to the executors and family of the late Mr. William Roberts, the donor of the statue. Mr. J. GREEN briefly responded.[*Ackd 10-28-1907 Returned encs.*] [[shorthand]] [*CS*] TREASURY DEPARTMENT Washington. Oct 25. 1901 Hon Geo. B. Cortelyou It may be that the President will find interest in reading the attached. Please give him the opportunity and afterwards return papers to this department Truly Yours L. J. Gage [*no enclosure*] [*16993*] San Cristobal, Venezuela Oct 25, 1901 My dear Cosby, By the time this reaches you, I trust, you may have elected Seth Low and the rest of the ticket I wish I could have been in New York to do my share, but, although I nearly rode a mule to death through four days and nights I failed to catch the only steamer from Maracaibo that could have carried me home in time. At present I am with General Uribe-Uribe, fighting in the [*16992*][*Ackd 10-28-1907 Returned encs.*] [[shorthand]] [*CS*] TREASURY DEPARTMENT Washington. Oct 25. 1901 Hon Geo. B. Cortelyou It may be that the President will find interest in reading the attached. Please give him the opportunity and afterwards return papers to this department Truly Yours L. J. Gage [*no enclosure*] [*16993*] San Cristobal, Venezuela Oct 25, 1901 My dear Cosby, By the time this reaches you, I trust, you may have elected Seth Low and the rest of the ticket I wish I could have been in New York to do my share, but, although I nearly rode a mule to death through four days and nights I failed to catch the only steamer from Maracaibo that could have carried me home in time. At present I am with General Uribe-Uribe, fighting in the [*16992*][*[ENC. IN COSBY TO T.R. 11-12-01]*] Cordillera range of mountains. I am acting in the capacity of a special military observer for our Legation at Caracas, but also hold the rank of a Colonel under Uribe-Uribe bestowed upon me in recognition of something I happened to do, during one of the night skirmishes. This campaign is great sport and I only wish [it] I could do my part in it under our own flag. If you have occasion remember me kindly to our Chief, Col. Roosevelt, and tell him that come what may I remain an American and his faithful trooper. Sincerely yours, Edwin Emerson[*File CS*] Columbia, S. C. Oct. 25,1901. George R. Koester, John G. Capers and W.W. Price, the two former now holding federal appointment and the latter a Capitol Reporter of the Washington Star, mounted their horses one night about six or eight years ago and rode out from Columbia in Pursuit of a negro charged with crime. When the negro was caught George R. Koester begged to be allowed to fire the first bullet and he afterwards boasted of having been the first to shoot into the body of the negro. South Carolina does not punish her white citizens who indulge in such crimes otherwise George R. Koester would now be in the State Penetentiary instead of occupying an honorable government position. For further particulars write to N. G. Gonzales Editor of the State, Columbia S.C. [*16994*][for enc. see ca 10-25-01][[shorthand]] [*ackd 10-26-1901 File PPF Pr.*] William H. Venable, Eugene Withers, Nathaniel T. Green. Venable, Withers & Green, Counsellors at Law, Citizen Bank Building, Norfolk, Virginia, October 25, 1901. Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- Your letter indicating that the President would be pleased to own the Saunders manuscript was forwarded to me here from my Danville office thus causing some delay in sending the same to him. I herewith enclose you for him the manuscript referred to and would thank you to say to him that it is not only an expression of the appreciation felt by Mrs. Rives for his thoughtful consideration of herself, but also a token of the high esteem in which the writer holds his independence of character amid the trying circumstances of his official life, his perfect sincerity and the innate love of liberty for all people that characterize his public utterances. Very Respectfully, Nath'l. T. Green Dict. to R-E-M- [*16995*][For 1. enclosure see Sept. 1842][*[10-25-01]*] [*recd 10/28/1901*] New York Commercial. Dear Mr. President - I have just finished reading "The Strenuous Life" & am following my impulse to write & thank you for the pleasure & profit I have derived from reading this book. These articles give one such an insight into your character & the vigorous & rigid personality, that I wish, for your sake & for theirs, that every citizen of our country might read them. I believe that you are just the style of a man we need at this time for our President. [*16996*]2/ What we need now is preeminently a man of action. One who will inspire our people to a full Sense of their responsibilities as citizens; one who will, by his example & rulings stir our public officers to perform their full duties, & one who will do something toward putting our federal machinery [?] perfect working order. You are just the man for this great undertaking, & I am so thankful that you have been called to the office without the restrictions & promises so often exacted per our presidential candidates - 3/ I only hope that your life & health may be spared for the great work you have before you, & the performance of which means so much to our beloved country. Most sincerely D O Haynes. President Roosevelt Washington New York Oct 25 [190?]COPY Cambridge, Mass., October 25, 1901. Mr. A. P. Gardner, Hamilton, Mass. My dear Gardner:- I want you to help in the transfer of Dr. J. O. Cobb from his station in Portland, Oregon, to the Marine Hospital in Detroit, Mich. He is at present a past assistant surgeon in th Marine Hospital service, and is due for promotion to surgeon, His wife is Mrs. Hollis' sister, and Detroit is her home. The Pacific coast does not agree with her, and it is a great hardship that the family should be forced to remain in Portland. Her mother is at present ill and in need of Dr. Cobb's services, inasmuch as he has treated her for some years. At present there is some misunderstanding with the surgeon General, Dr. Wyman, which sets him in opposition to anything which Dr. Cobb wants. I think, therefore, some pressure will have to be exerted through the administration to obtain the transfer. I am very much interested in this case, and shall be much gratified and relieved if you can accomplish the transfer. I would have written directly to President Roosevelt, but do not feel that I carry sufficient weight to interest him personally. I shall be glad to let you know anything further that seems necessary. Very truly yours, Ira N. Hollis [*16998*][Enclosed in Lodge, 10-28-01][*ackd 10-28-1901*] [*Lo*] John R. Nicholson, Chancellor. Charles B. Lore, Chief Justice. William C. Spruance, } Ignatius C. Grubb, } Associate James Pennewill, } Judges William H. Boyce. } Supreme Court of the State of Delaware. [*Repd to J.H. Wilson*] Wilmington, Delaware. October 25, 1901. President Theodore Roosevelt. Sir:- The irregularity, perhaps presumption of this letter you will pardon I trust when you have read it. Its purpose is, most earnestly to recommend Captain Caleb Churchman of this City, for Collector of Port of Wilmington. Mr. Churchman was a Captain in the First Delaware Cavalry and as such served for three years in the Civil War with credit. He was in the fight as one of the commanding officers at Westminster, Maryland; where Stewart's cavalry was checked and prevented from joining Lee, just preceding the Battle of Gettysburg. The New York tribune claiming that this fight was the turning point of the war. HIs only son, Lieut. Clarke Churchman, of the 12th U. S. Infantry, was shot before the Spanish rifle pits at El Caney, July 1st., 1898 and died the next day. He was the only Delawarean killed in the Spanish war. He got up from a bed of sickness to go into the fight and was directing the fire of his platoon when shot. He was the hope and promised support of his father in his declining years. [*16999*]John R. Nicholson, Chancellor. Charles B. Lore, Chief Justice. William C. Spruance, } Ignatius C. Grubb, } Associate James Pennewill, } Judges William H. Boyce. } #2. Supreme Court of the State of Delaware. Mr. Churchman and his forebears, have been consistent and leading Republicans in Delaware since the existence of the party. He never was an officer holder or seeker, and distinctly refused to enter into a scramble for this office by begging recommendations Without question he is well equipped for the office; I might say. 1. He is a man of unblemished character, intelligence, capability and thoroughly reliable. 2. He has the respect and confidence of his party. While he is a regular Republican, he has never been offensive and would be acceptable to all our citizens, His appointment would unquestionably strengthen the party. 3. While he is sixty years of age he is entirely healthy and vigorous. He has been unfortunate in business but has kept a clean name. 4. It would seem that his own services in the army and the gift of the life of his son would entitle him to some credit. I was not without hope that the late President McKinley; would have appointed Mr. Churchman when the time came to make his selection. I knew the late President well and served with him two [*17000*]John R. Nicholson, Chancellor. Charles B. Lore, Chief Justice. William C. Spruance, } Ignatius C. Grubb, } Associate James Pennewill, } Judges William H. Boyce. } 3. Supreme Court of the State of Delaware. terms in Congress from 1883 to 1887. Yesterday I spoke to Congressman Ball about the appointment. He frankly told me that he had recommended anther man and could take no steps in Mr. Churchman's favor. It is only just that you should know that I have been a life long and active Democrat up to the time of my appointment on the Bench in 1893. Since then my interest has been much greater in securing good government than in politics. Mr. Churchman is a nephew by marriage, but I beg to assure you that this endorsement would not be given unless I know him to be well qualified. HIs record his merits and his need are my only justification. With this statement of the case I beg to submit myself Yours respectfully, Chas B. Lore [*17001*][*ackd-28-1901 PPF*] ORGANIZED 1628 THE COLLEGIATE CHURCH FIFTH AVENUE AND FORTY-EIGHTH STREET WEST NEW YORK 25: X: 01 My dear Mr President This is just a line of cordial greeting from your Minister and I beg you, do not trouble to answer it. We want you to feel that in this old home-church our prayers are being offered week by week for you in your great responsibilities, as well as for Mrs Roosevelt and your children. I had the pleasure of sitting beside you at the Holland Society dinner in '96_you spoke for the "City," and I for the "Dutch Domine." You said you took no stock in "hyphenated" Americans — "Scotch-Amercians" &c — and I for one said a hearty Amen! Yet I was born in Scotland. With hearty good will, Yours very sincerely Donald Sage Mackay [*17002*][[shorthand]] [*ackd 10-30-1901 P.F.*] ADELBERT MOOT. HENRY W. SPRAGUE. GEORGE F. BROWNWELL. WILLIAM L. MARCY. LAW OFFICES OF MOOT, SPRAGUE, BROWNELL & MARCY. 45 ERIE COUNTY SAVINGS BANK BUILDING. Buffalo, N.Y. October 25th, 1901. The President, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: - I congratulate you most heartily on the fact that you have had the courage to ask Booker T. Washington to dine with you at the White House. This is a great country, and there is no earthly reason why the President should not ask any gentleman, of any race, from any section, to dine with him. Indeed, there are strong arguments to support the contention that is his duty to ask he leading representatives of all sections and races to dine with him, if by so doing he believes he can promote the real interests of his country. If the black race now has one representative who is entitled to the distinction of dining with the President, perhaps the very precedent you have created will produce many black men who will be entitled to the like distinction twenty-five years from this time. Democrats and Republicans alike in this part of the country look at this matter in this way, and if enough outcry is made about it, it will be most fortunate for you and your administration. You can tell Mrs. Roosevelt I saw Mr. Fincke, of Utica, in Rochester at Court the other day, and he spoke of the very pleasant hour we spent at her table in Albany at luncheon with you, herself, and other guests. Mr. Fincke was very much pleased that you wrote him a personal note inviting him to the White House, notwithstanding the fact that he had not sent you congratulations because he thought you would be [*17003*]-2- overwhelmed with them. I wish to congratulate the country that it has in the White House two such people as yourself and Mrs. Roosevelt at the present time. With your Minneapolis speech, your declaration of policy in this city, and your conduct generally under the most trying circumstances, I am in entire accord. Nothing recently done by a President has been wiser in its purpose than your appointment of Governor Jones to be a United States Judge. Trusting you will have the independence to pursue the same sensible course where necessary, and that your administration will prove the benefit to the country that I fully believe it will, I remain, Sincerely your friend, Adelbert Moot [*[Moot]*] [*17004*][*[10-25-01]*] [*ACKD 10-28-1901 FILE P. F.*] J. V. QUARLES, ChaIRman. T. W. BRAHANY, Clerk. COMMITTEE ON TRANSPORTATION ROUTES TO THE SEABOARD, UNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON, D. C., Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. Roosevelt:-- I crave the privilege of addressing you as a sportsman rather than by your exalted title. I have just returned from a six weeks' trip through the Indian Reservations of Northern Wisconsin and Northern Minnesota, where I have been studying the Indian problem. I was so far away from railroad transportation when the death of our beloved Chief Magistrate took place that I could not reach Washington in time to attend the funeral. Incidentally I have enjoyed the best shooting it was ever my good lot to find. [*17005*] The region is now remote and difficult of access, but it is the duck's paradise. While enjoying the magnificent hunting I often wished that you could have been with me, and formed a resolution to arrange a hunt for you next October when I can guarantee the best duck shooting in America. I consulted some prominent residents and they agreed to bring in a steam launch, and by means of a new railroad which will reach the Rainy River next season, we can go to this famous hunting ground without delay or hardship. Captain Mercer, the Indian Agent, has agreed to have all necessary tents set up for us, guides provided and everything ready. I wish thus early to make application for ten days of your time from October 10th toOctober 20th next year, and I promise you the best fowl shooting to be had anywhere. The mallards are very abundant and you can kill from 40 100 any good day. The pass-shooting on red-heads and blue-bills is im- mense. The country is full of deer and moose as well as partridge. Allow me to congratulate you upon the abundant confience that the American people extend to you without hesitation. I have yet to hear the first doubt or suspicion expressed among the people of either party that you will give the country a wise and conservative administration of affairs. The God may vouchsafe to you the wisdom to realize these high expectations of the people is my earnest wish. With the kindest wishes for you personally and the proudest hopes for your political success, I remain, Sir, Very truly yours, J.V. Quarles Milwaukee, Wisconsin, October 25th, 1901. 17006him. And so with every one else. Had you been the most faithful Tammany man you could not have been spoken of with higher esteem. Of course you need not bother to reply to this. It is only for your amusement. Affectionately Uncle Rob [*[Roosevelt]*] I did not mean that Edith should show you my note to her but now that she did I am going to talk to you when the time comes. [*[10-25-01]*] [*ackd 10-30-1901 P.P.F. Pr*] 57 FIFTH AVENUE Oct 23 — My Dear Theodore This is private & your Secretaries who will probably see it before you must so understand. But I thought you would be interested in hearing the professional opinion of Richard Crooker on a subject over which they havebeen heckling you. Judge O Brien a Democrat had been renominated by both parties & I proposed that the same thing should be done for you. Croker laughingly said he was willing & then jumping up from his seat he exclaimed "that invitation to Booker Washington to dinner was the smartest political dodge I know of — not that I mean to say it was a political dodge — but it will gain Roosevelt a hundred votes where it may lose one & I am not sure it will lose one." So there that is from the past grand master of politics & may be some satisfaction to you. I know you don't care much however. You would have been surprised at the kindly way in which the awful Tammanyites spoke of you. Robert Hall who was on the Board of Aldermen with me - recalled your coming into the Chamber to see me & spoke of the pleasant impression you made on [*17008*]Cornell University Office of the President Oct, 25, 1901 Ithaca, N.Y. Dear Mr. President: I have just returned from New Haven, where I was so unfortunate to not be able to see you, having an engagement to dine with the New York Medical Association and speak to them in New our City on the evening of Wednesday, the 23rd ist. I should have enjoyed the opportunity of speaking with you especially as I had some conversation with Archbishop Ireland on the subject of the property of the religious orders in the Philippines. He tells me that the Pope is anxious to have one question settled. And in the hope that my views on this subject may be of some help you, feeling at any rate that the expression of them can do no harm, I take the liberty of submitting a brief presentation of the facts as I gathered them on the Philippines and have matured them by subsequent reflection. To secure condensation I will put what I have to say in numbered paragraphs: (1) The chief object and sole inspiration of every insurrection in the Philippine Islands has been the expulsion of the religious orders and the appropriation of their lands by the public. (2) Such was the aim of the insurrection which was in course in the Archipelago when Admiral Dewey sailed into Manila Bay in the spring of 1898. (3) The Malcolos constitution , which , in January, 1899, organized Aquinaldo's so-called Republic, confiscated the property of the Friars. (4)The Treaty of Paris ratified by the United States in 17009 the following month guaranteed protection to all property, corporate as well as private, in the Philippines. (5) By signing this Treaty the United States baulked(sic) the patriots of the Philippine Islands of the object which had led them to take up arms against Spain. (6) The pacification of the Philippines is impossible without a settlement of the Friar question conformable at least to the spirit of the patriots and martyrs who instigated and conducted the insurrections against Spain. (7) As under American law the Friars have no standing as an ecclesiastical body and, being Spanish, they are likely to leave the Archipelago when their earthly treasures are no longer there the only question confronting the United States is the disposition of their property. (8) Confiscation is, under the Treaty of Paris, impossible and it would in any event be unjust; the exercise of the right of eminent domain would amount to confiscation. (9) Nothing remains but purchase, and in the present condition of affairs the Friars would probably sell at a a reasonable or even low price. (10) The rice might be fixed by direct negotiations with the Pope, or, if these fail, by a court constituted for the purpose like Gladstone's court for fixing rents in Ireland. (11) The purchase of the land might be considered an enlargement of the public domain in the Philippines. And like others parts of that domain, they should be sold to individual 3 Filipinos in small holdings. (12) From these sales the cost of the lands would ultimately be repaid so that no debt would remain. (Even if there were a debt, the public domain in the Philippines, which will greatly appreciate when we build highways and railroads, could easily bear the mortgage). (13) To make the purchase there must be an advance of money from some quarter. (14) To supply the money either congress must make an appropriation of Federal funds or the Present - unless the Supreme Court curtails his powers - must authorized an appropriation of funds in the Philippines treasury or secure a loan on the credit of the Philippine treasury fro the purpose mentioned. (15) If Congress is called upon to act, it will probably be paralyzed by an anti-Catholic agitation, which would be fraught with danger to political parties and productive of much ill-feeling in the community. It remains that action be taken by the President in the exercise of the war powers, the matter being regarded ( as indeed it is) as a war measure indispensable for the pacification of the Filipinos. (16) With this question settled the Philippine church and the Philippine patriots, both of whom are now dissatisfied with us, would probably be secured as friends. I recommend this scheme in the public press soon after my return from the Philippines, and in subsequent addresses before chambers of commerce and other dignified bodies I have given expression to the same sentiments. I have noticed that the policy 17011 has been uniformly applauded in such audiences, though I believe in every case the majority of my listeners were Protestants. Respectfully submitting the views, I leave the matter to your larger wisdom, and with kindest regards, beg to remain, Mr. President, Very sincerely yours. J.G. Schuman HIs Excellency Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States [*[10-25-01]*] Form No. 168. THE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPANY. INCORPORATED 21,000 OFFICES IN AMERICA. CABLE SERVICE TO ALL THE WORLD The company TRANSMITS and DELIVERS messages only on conditions, limiting its liability, which have been assented to by the sender of the following message. Errors can be guarded against only by repeating a message back to the sending station for comparison and the Company will not hold itself liable for errors or delays in transmission or delivery of Unrepeated Messages, beyond the amount of tolls paid thereon, nor in any case where the claim is nor presented in writing within sixty days after the message is filed with the Company for transmission. This is an UNREPEATED MESSAGE and is delivered by request of the sender, under the conditions named above. THOS T. ECKERT, President and General Manager.           12 KS FE C !2 D H 10/26 RECEIVED at 526 Commercial St., Emporia, Kansas. IOLA KANSAS 25 W. A WHITE, THANK FOR YOUR LETTER USE MINE AS YOU SUGGEST AT YOUR DISCRETION CHAS F SCOTT 9 10 A [*17013*][Enc. in White 10-25-01]THE AMERICAN MONTHLY REVIEW OF REVIEWS 13 ASTOR PLACE, NEW YORK ALBERT SHAW, EDITOR October 25, 1901 Dear President Roosevelt: I am sending you an advance copy of the Review of Reviews for November. Some of my editorial notes may interest you a very little. I should be glad if you would run your eye over pages 522 and 523, where I comment on the ship subsidy question, and also 524, on the Isthmian business. All my thinking and study for years past have led me to the conclusion that we have got to annex the Isthmus of Panama. Faithfully yours, Albert Shaw Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. 17014In reply refer to No. SEWK 3660 PJW OFFICE OF NAVAL INTELLIGENCE, Memorandum of Information. FOR THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY (through Bureau of Navigation) [?] October 25, 1901. The Office has received from the Department of State the following report from the United States Consular Agent at Frankfort, Germany, enclosing a translation of an article on the German interests in South America:- As of possible interest to the Department, I have the honor to enclose two newspaper articles, with translations relating, respectively, to "The Future of South America". The article first mentioned seems to be of interest for three reasons: 1. It refers to the systematic effort now being made for the concentration of German emigrants in distinctly German settlements in Southern Brazil. 2. It intimates that the ultimate seizure of portions of South America by European countries is inevitable, because the latin race has not utilized its opportunities by keeping up with the world's progress, and because Europe- and especially Germany- has a rapidly increasing surplus population which can be provided for only through emigration. 3. It misrepresents the Monroe Doctrine by intimating that it is something more than a guaranty of the neutrality of American soil against European encroachments, and it asserts that we have ourselves disregarded the Monroe Doctrine in Cuba, and Puerto Rico, and even Hawaii and the Philippines. Europe either cannot or will not see in the Monroe Doctrine the same principle which renders possible the continued independence of Belgium, Luzemburg, Holland, Denmark, Scandinavia, Turkey, and the Balkan States. (Translation of article published in the Bremen "Weser Zeitung" and copied in the Berlin South America Outlook, Sept. 1, 01.) THE FUTURE OF SOUTH AMERICA There recently appeared in the London "Empire" an editorial which throws light from an English standpoint upon the future of South America, as is shown in the following excerpt. "English statesmen and the entire British nation would do well to give increased attention to the future of South America, even though in can perhaps be asserted that in that continent England has very unimportant interests to watch and protect. The parties most interested are Germany and the United States of America. Germany has great colonies of its people to care for in [*17015*] -2- South America, for the total number of Germans living and for the most part prospering there far exceeds half a million souls. In the province of Rio Grande do Sul 30% of the population is German or of German descent, andin Santa Catharina the ratio is about the same. There are there six great colonies each with from 14,600 to 25,000 inhabitants who are almost exclusively Germans. No one can therefore be surprised that the Emperor William's government, especially in view of the constantly increasing surplus population of the German Empire, is giving very careful and active interest to the immense and thinly settled countries of South America, with their rich and unlimited possibilities for trade, business, and manufacturing industry. The population of the entire continent of South America is less than that of Germany, for the former has only 50 million inhabitants. The great valley of the Amazon alone could easily and comfortably support ten times this number, and South America as a whole has room enough to accomodate the entire surplus population of Europe for many generations to come. From its great forests South America is able to supply the whole world with wood of every sort, and its wealth ingrain and cattle is already considerable. Its climate is so favorable that there is no limit to the productive capacity of the continent. All that South American states need is an imported supply of energy and enterprise such as can be found in no other race to the same extent as among the Teutons and the kindred peoples of the Anglo-Saxon stock. For centuries the degenerating Spaniards and Portuguese have controlled South America, but they have in no way succeeded in giving the differentstates a healthy and profitable basis of existence with sensibke governments. Consequently these great and magnificent countries remain today nothing more than battle grounds for more or less unscrupulous intriguers who rob the republics for the benefit of their own pockets whenever they are temporarily successful in their attempts to gain control of the government by means of revolution. It is therefore only natural that today other younger and stronger nations are turning their eyes with great hopes towards South America. These nations would without unnecessarydelay secure the firm footing which they will inevitably gainin one state or another- were it not for one great obstacle which calls itself "the Monroe Doctrine". It has been almost exactly 100 years since James Monroe,at the suggestion of England, advanced this doctrine which has made into a law for South America, Europe, and the United States two two words "Hands Off". Since that time, however, thr world has made gigantic progress, and the United States, which has become one of the world's great powers, has pushed aside the Monroe Doctrine by annexing, peaceably or forcibly, Cuba, Puerto Rico, Hawaii, and the Philippines as colonies. Naturally the next thing to be ascertained is whether the United States will actually carry its evasion of the Monroe principle so far as to yield to its earnest wish to get ahead of all other competitors in South America and, with or without the use of force, to at least secure for itself a protecting control of the southern sister republics. It remains moreoveran open question whether the increased interest and sharpened watchfulness of Europe in regard to South America, which is at present giving the Yankees so much headache, is a consequence of [*17016*]-3- North American aspirations, or whether the United States is really in the right when it asserts that it is being forced by Europe and designs and plans to be on the qui-vive in South America and to watch and guard its own interests there energetically and regardless of consequences. In any event it would be for Europe unbearable and unacceptable if, in case of a conflict or dispute with one of the South American republics, the United States were to intervene; and such intervention would in Europe appear entirely unjustifiable and impertinent if for no other reason because, especially since the war with Spain, the Yankees are most bitterly hated by the South Americans; a fact which is highly welcome to certain European Governments. These facts throw the right light upon the hateful suspicions and provocations which have recently emanated from New York and Washington, for it is naturally in the interests of the Yankee to divert from themselves the hatred and suspicious done by the South American and turn them against another great nation. Much has recently been said in the press of the whole world which inclinates that Germany is increasing its navy so rapidly and energetically principally for the purpose of being prepared at the right moment to push a vigorous, successful, and selfish policy in South America, This is naturally "music of the future", and the German government will-not withstanding the great settlements of its people in South America- reflect a long time before it attempts to secure by force real colonies in Brazil or elsewhere. As an indication that the subject of Central and South American colonization by Germany is one receiving considerable attention in that country, the following translation from the Frankfurter Zeitung has been received from the United States Consular Agent at Bambergi:- The idea that Germany can ever possess States or Imperial Colonies in South America had better not be entertained any longer. In the first place, the North Americans would not permit that, and against them we should not lose unnecessarily the alliance of the there prevailing Roman race, which latter would persecute us with the same distrust and the same hatred as the Yankees as long as they would have to suspect in us the same desire for annexation. Besides this, it is as well to openly pronounce that such plans of the German Empire in which, at home, no sober politician would believe would be approved by out own colonists now living there. For, proud as they are of their German nationality, they are disposed too domestically as to be willing to stand the guardianship of European monarchism or bureaucratism. And if such a conquest should succeed, the maintenance of the same for any length of time would be out of all question. England too has lost its North American colony, and, after heavy losses, had to acknowledge its independence. Therefore, we should from the start attempt to create such new colonial formations which politically 17017-4- remain independent of Germany, and should only adhere to it in an economic way. We should, however, do our best to remain on good terms with the existing and prevailing Roman populace. A second principle should be to modify our plans, and to concentrate all energy upon certain fixed ultimate results. In this connection, Doctor Kapf proposes Colombia and the countries east of Parana, between this river and the coast. The best means to fortify German influence in those vicinities is the settlement of Germans; the capitalistic colonization stands on weak knees, and England has discovered, which by its investments of capital and its trade at one time governed all Brazil, but which now has to fall back gradually before German opposition. A further wise measure is a well-aimed cultivation of the German element already settled down in South America. For the economic development of the country, German capital must be attracted not only for single projects. With the settlement of a colony and the creation of mining industries, there must go hand in hand the building of railroads, the extension of harbor facilities, the cultivation of cattle, the formation of textile industries, and only if these interests are so well taken care of that they cooperate, each one will be assured success. In these undertakings, German business man can, as in some parts this is the case already, go hand in hand with North American business men, who, in an economic way, have the same interests in these republics. The colonization must start from the seashore and run along the river into the interior. C. D. Sigsbee Captain, U.S.Navy, Chief Intelligence Officer [*17018*][*NAVY DEPARTMENT RECEIVED OCT 26 1901 BUREAU OF NAVIGATION*][*[For enc. see 10-25-01]*] UNITED STATES COURTS. JUDGE'S CHAMBERS. [*file ppF [???]*] NEW HAVEN, October 25, 1901. My dear President Roosevelt, Herewith I enclose the promised copy of my remarks about Littlefield & the decision of the Supreme Court. I take the liberty of sending you also our Two Centuries' Growth of American Law, which contains some of my sketches. Because your works first inspired me to explore the great West whose Rocky Mountains I've now learned to love & know better even than our New England hills [*17019*][*[For enc. see 10-25-01]*] [*File ppF Pr*] UNITED STATES COURTS. JUDGE'S CHAMBERS. NEW HAVEN, October 25, 1901. My dear President Roosevelt, Herewith I enclose the promised copy of remarks about Littlefield & the decision of the Supreme Court. I take the liberty of sending you also our Two Centuries' Growth of American Law, which contains some of my sketches. Because your works first inspired me to explore the great West whose Rocky Mountains Ive now learned to love & know better even than our New England hills [*17019*]because it was my privilege to present your name for [LL?} in our committee when you were a private citizen, because of all your life means to me who am seeking to stimulate my students by pointing out the living example of the ideal citizen, your presence here & your touching eloquent words were peculiar, precious & helpful to me personally, & I thank God that to Yale was given the proud privilege of this honoring, & being honored by you Faithfully Yours W K Townsend President Roosevelt Washington. 17020[*Acbd 10-25-1901*} [*File*] [*?*] [*[ca 10-25-01*] OFFICE: First San Francisco W.L. VAIL, EDITOR STREET, No. 14. THE MEXICAN JOURNAL OF COMMERCE. A MONTHLY PUBLICATION DEVOTED TO THE FINANCIAL, AGRICULTURAL, MINING AND GENERAL INDUSTRIAL INTERESTS OF MEXICO. SUBSCRIPTION $1 (GOLD) PER ANNUM ADVERTISING RATES MADE KNOWN ON APPLICATION. CITY OF MEXICO. D.F. Col. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. Mr. President:-- The enclosed clipping was published first in the Universal, a leading Mexican newspaper of this capital and has been frequently republished by other papers. It is not my desire to get into any controversy but it would be advantageous to the Americans living in Mexico if it could be denied authoratively. With the very best wishes f r the success of your administration and the assurance that Your Excellency has no more enthusiastic admirerers than the Americans resident in Mexico, I remain Sincerely Yours, W.L. Vail [*M. V*] [*17021*] [For 1. enc. see El Universal ca 10-25-01][*File CF*] Rear Admiral JOHN G. WALKER, United States Navy, PRESIDENT. Honorable SAMUEL PASCO. ALFRED NOBLE, C. E. Mr. GEORGE S. MORISON. Colonel PETER C. HAINS, Corps of Engineers, United States Army. WILLIAM H. BURR, C. E. Lieut. Colonel OSWALD H. ERNST, Corps of Engineers, United States Army. LEWIS M. HAUPT, C. E. Professor EMORY R. JOHNSON. Lieut. Comd'r SIDNEY A. STAUNTON, United States NAVY, SECRETARY. DEPARTMENT OF STATE. ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION. Washington, D. C., October 25th 1901. PERSONAL. George B. Cortelyou, Esquire, Secretary to the President, White House. My dear Mr. Cortelyou:- I send herewith a letter to the President, dated the 23rd instant, in reply to the letter from Representative Livingston, With its enclosure, (a statement by John R. Hudson through his attorney,) forwarded by you on the 21st. If the President has seen Mr. Livingston's letter, I should like to have his attention called to my reply, that he may clearly understand the situation. Very sincerely yours, John G. Walker President of Commission. [*17022*][*[For 3 encl see Hudson 7-26-1899, Walker, 10-23-01,*] [*and Livingston 10-18-01]*][*File pay Pr*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS Oct. 25, 1901 My dear Colonel Roosevelt:- I sent you a lot of endorsements of Leland the other night and can get any amount more, if you want them. I can get you letters from the majority of the members of the Associated Press in Kansas, and editorial endorsements if you care for them before the appointment is made. The outfit known as the Boss Busters is creating no particular flurry here, and everybody presumes that their fight will avail nothing. When yu do decide to appoint Leland, if you do so decide, I would like very much to break the news to the old man first. Now if I am asking anything that I ought not to ask, let me know. It is just a little sentiment I have in the matter. But I don't want it [*17023*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 T. R. (2) to appear in the slighest way, that I have any closer source of information with you than anyone else has. Could not Mr. Loeb ask my friend F. S. Leup of the "New York Post" to wire me as soon as the appointment is ready, if it is ever ready. Unless I hear from you with further requests for more endorsements of Leland or testimonials to refute specific charges, I shall consider the incident closed and await your judgement and opinion. I do not wish to bother you in this matter any more than is necessary. Very truly yours, W. A. White Theodore Roosevelt, Esq., President of the U. S. Washington, D. C. [*17024*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS OCT. 25, 1901 My dear Colonel Roosevelt:- When I wired you last night that Congressman Scott would write, I had a telegram from him which said, "cannot wire, letter on the noon train". I assumed that the letter was to you, it seems that the letter was to me. And I wrote to him for his permission to send the letter to you, which I enclose herewith. I know that you are very busy, but it would please me very much if you could find time to read this letter. It reveals the fine character of Scott and his courage and courtesy so! And it throws such a clear light in Leland's place in Kansas, that I feel you would be profited by reading it. Scott and I have always been very close [*17025*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 T. R. (2) friends. I am writing this to make good my telegram that Scott would write. I do not want you to think, that I would say a thing would be done, and then be silent when it was not done. This Scott letter of course, is a personal matter between Scott and you and me. It is not sent as an endorsement of Leland. You will see by this telegram that he consented to my sending it to you; and so as I am not using it in any way to urge Leland's appointment, I trust that you will not make it a part of the record in the case, and I do not feel in justice to Scott that you should [not] let it influence you in any way. Yours very truly, W A White Theodore Roosevelt, Esq., President of the United States, Washington, D. C. [*17026*] [*[For 2 encs see 10-25-01 10-23-01]*][*Ackd 10-31-1901*] THOMAS WORTHINGTON, U. S. Attorney. Department of Justice OFFICE OF United States Attorney, Southern District of Illinois, [Springfield, Ill.,] Jacksonville, Illinois, October 25, 1901. F. L. HATCH, HENRY A. CONVERSE, Asst. U. S. Attorneys. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- In the few moments' conversation which I had with you when recently in Washington, as it was obvious that you were very much engaged, I did not take time to express my personal regrets on account of the fact that I was not able to be in Springfield when you were there recently, and to show you whatever courtesy might have been in my power. The reason for my absence was the fact that I had a son who was seriously ill from heat prostration, and I was at the time with him in the north by his physician's orders. Of course I am well aware of the fact that I was not missed on that occasion; but, nevertheless, wished to explain the cause of my absence. Wishing your administration the most unbounded success, I am, Yours respectfully, Thos. Worthington. [*17027*][For 1. enc. see Jacksonville Journal 10-6-01]"Spoons" Butler said to a South Carolina delegation during reconstruction that the reason the southern whites had troubles with the black man was that they spelled negro with two "g's," The custom had almost fallen into disuse since more cordial relations have been established between the two races, but President Roosevelt's little break has caused a number of southern newspapers to go back to the old custom of writing it "nigger." This is one result of the "feeler" for social equality. [*17028*] B... Perhaps it was President Roosevelt's sporting blood that caused him to choose George R. Koester for collector of internal revenue. Koester has not, like the president, a record for petting cougars and Spaniards, but he is a fellow- sportsman - he has been known to claim and discharge the first shot at a "nigger" when that object of the chase was strung up by lynchers near this city a few years ago. This may be deemed by some people a fair set-off for the dinner given to Booker Washington at the White House. [*17028A*] THE STATE'S SURVEY. Make no mistake: The State is in nowise grieved at Koester's appointment. On the contrary it laughs to see how early the Roosevelt-McLaurin combine has cut its own throat. *** "There is no disputing as to tastes." A president who thinks it decent to take a negro to his house and table to dine with his wife may well be excused for holding that the federal service in South Carolina will be elevated in character by the appointment of George R. Koester to a high office. *** It is asserted that President Roosevelt saw Koester before he selected him as an instrument to raise the standard of federal officeholding in South Carolina. This is simply incredible -- or else the president, who is a victim of myopia, mislaid his spectacles. [*17028C*] William L. Vail. City of Mexico. Editor Mexico Journal of Commerce. Financial Editor Mexican Herald [*17029*] El Universal, in a leading article by L. Debian Montesinos entitled "Le Roi est Mort" Vive le Roi!" says in part: "The death of McKinley may give to North American politics an aspect worthy of study, inasmuch as it affects the interests of Mexico. For this reason I write these reminiscences of him who, for the coming three years, will be president of the United States. I have known Mr. Roosevelt personally for ten years, since the time when I was an humble editor of "Modern Mexico" in New York, and he was police commissioner, in a similar position to that occupied by Colonel Carlos Villegas as inspector of police. In that epoch, Mr. Roosevelt had begun a crusade against the houses of ill-fame, and the opening of saloons on Sunday; and as New York is democratic in its general vote, the hatred of thousands was aroused against him. He was deprived of his office as police commissioner in the following elections, but later was named assistant secretary of the navy under McKinley. It was then that I knew him. A group of us newspaper men were in the Astor House, when Mr. Roosevelt arrived like any other simple citizen, to take a lunch. Naturally we immediately surrounded him, and assailed him, American style, with questions. He modestly replied, that he was not worthy the honor that had been conferred on him, in being appointed assistant secretary of the navy; but if, as it was rumored, the United States were obliged to declare war against Spain, he would relinquish his honorable post, and request his government to raise a body of rough riders, like the rurales of Mexico. He returned to his high post at Washington, and I did not see him again, until war had been declared between the United States and Spain, and the Spanish minister Bernabe del Polo had received his passports. On my requesting an interview for my paper, he asked: "And Mexico will be a partisan of Spain in this war." Mexico will be neutral, sir I replied. General Diaz has ordained that nothing but complete neutrality shall exist during the conflict." "Good, I asked the question, knowing the great pecuniary interests of the Spaniards in Mexico. But I admire and believe in the ability of President Diaz sufficiently to have confidence that your country will remain neutral." "It will remain so, sir," I replied. With a fixed and piercing look, Mr. Roosevelt said: "For Mexico there are but two roads; to absorb the small republics of Central America as far as Panama, because they are always at war; or to belong to the United States." As though moved by a spring I arose from my seat, and I remember with pride that I answered him in these words: "Mr. Roosevelt, I am only a poor journalist, but I tell you that, while there is a single Mexican living, Mexico will never belong to the United States." "I like you patriotism" he replied laconically. Mr. Roosevelt is an attractive figure. He is young, of a nervous temperament, impulsive, but at the same time possessed of a clear intelligence. He is the son of a millionaire family, one of the first that came from Holland to settle what is today the great city of New York. In my opinion he is a worthy successor of McKinley. The American democracy, though sunk in the most profound grief, still exclaims, "Le Roi est Mort! Vive le Roi!" I did not again see the man who is now the constitutional president of the United States, until three years later. He had returned victorious from his brilliant campaign at Santiago de Cuba, where at the head of his rurales he had been foremost in giving the death blow to ancient Spain in her "Pearl of the Antilles." He returned victorious, and as such was proclaimed by the people of New York, who at the following election choose him as governor of the empire state. Later it was his ambition to be a candidate for the presidency, but McKinley, who retained the affection and gratitude of the people for the happy result of the Spanish-American war, was triumphant, and he contented himself with the vice-presidency. The horrible crime of an anarchist has made Mr. Theodore Roosevelt today and for the next three years, the constitutional president of the United States. Mr. Roosevelt will be a good friend of Mexico, because he knows her strength, and realizes the patriotism of the Mexicans; and while an expansionist at heart, he knows with there is no possible expansion this side of the Rio Grande. [*17030*] (We know personally that President Roosevelt is not only a sincere friend to Mexico, but a warm admirer of President Diaz. Ed.) Ladies were admitted to the banquet hall. They were received with an enthusiastic greeting. The toastmaster introduced the first speaker, Judge U. M. Rose of Little Rock, Ark., the president-elect of the association. He is one of the charter members and gave a short and instructive account of the first meeting held in 1878. He felicitated the association upon the good which it has accomplished, not only for the bar, but for the country at large during the past twenty-four years. He expressed his pleasure at the number of young men who have recently become members of the association. Edmund Wetmore of New York, the retiring president of the association, was the next speaker. He expressed his pleasure at having been able during his term of office to preside over the meeting of the association. He also detailed his recent experiences as a property owner in Colorado. Judge Caldwell Yeoman of Denver responded to the toast. "Our Hosts." He regretted that Saturday the members of the association were to leave Denver. He said that the motto of the Colorado lawyers was symbolized by the mountain peaks and was "lift up and hold up." Congressman C. A. Littlefield responded to the toast, "The Lawyer in Public Life." He congratulated the country that the results of the Spanish war was to unite the North and the South and was confident that the wisdom of congress and the president would be sufficient to solve the new problems which the results of the war had imposed upon the United States. Judge M. A. Spoonts of Texas, former president of the Texas State Bar association, said that each state votes for what [it] needs the most. He expressed his admiration for the address made by Congressman Littlefield before the association, but wondered how a Republican congressman could have made it. Judge W. K. Townsend of Connecticut replying to "The Federal Judiciary," gave some raps at Congressman Littlefield. Mr. Townsend said: "Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the American Bar Association -- Away down East where I come from there was once an ambitious farmer who captured and domesticated a large bull moose and took him around the country for exhibition in a tent, charging 10 cents for single admissions and 25 cents for a family ticket. One morning he was surprised to find standing outside the tent a middle-aged man with twelve children, of appropriate variation as to size and age. The man tendered the showman 25 cents and demanded a family ticket. The showman said, "Do you mean to say that these children are all part of your family and that you are the father of the whole twelve?" "I do," said the man. "Take back your 25 cents then and walk into the tent free," said the showman. "It is more important to the bull moose that he should see your family than it is that your family should see the bull moose." "And so, Mr. Chairman, after this meeting with these royal good fellows in this God's country of Colorado, I realize that it was of vastly more importance to us to come out here and see the lawyers of Colorado than it was for them to see us. "And while, personally, I do not feel like the men who have dined '"not wisely but too well" at the Denver club or the University club, and who say they feel the altitude in their heads or in their tender feet, I feel the inspiration of this God's country in the quickening throbbings of my heart. Having traveled over 3,000 miles to come to this meeting I want to tell you that Colorado is to me the dearest place on God's footstool. If you applaud this sentiment, gentlemen, you will embarrass me very much. I shall feel as the Delphic oracle when its ambiguous remarks were misunderstood. Why It Is the Dearest Place. "Let me confide to you why Colorado is the dearest place on earth to me. I first struck this country eleven years ago when a boom was on. Upon my arrival a kind friend permitted me to invest in the Bonanza Union Tunnel gold mine, up near Georgetown. Shortly afterward another kind friend persuaded me to drop a whole year of my federal salary in a [*17031*] "Spoons" Butler said to a South Carolina delegation during reconstruction that the reason the southern whites had troubles with the black man was that they spelled negro with two "g's." The custom had almost fallen into disuse since more cordial relations have been established between the two races, but President Roosevelt's little break has caused a number of southern newspapers to go back to the old custom of writing it "nigger." This is one result of the "feeler" for social equality. [*170286*] B... Perhaps it was President Roosevelt's sporting blood that caused him to choose George R. Koester for collector of internal revenue. Koester has not, like the president, a record for potting cougars and Spaniards, but he is a fellow- sportsman – he has been known to claim and discharge the first shot at a "nigger" when that object of the chase was strung up by lynchers near this city a few years ago. This may be deemed by some people a fair set-off for the dinner given to Booker Washington at the White House. [*17028A*] THE STATE'S SURVEY. Make no mistake: The State is in nowise grieved at Koester's appointment. On the contrary it laughs to see how early the Roosevelt-McLaurin combine has cut its own throat. *** "There is no disputing as to tastes." A president who thinks it decent to take a negro to his house and table to dine with his wife may well be excused for holding that the federal service in South Carolina will be elevated in character by the appointment of George R. Koester to a high office. *** It is asserted that President Roosevelt saw Koester before he selected him as an instrument to raise the standard of federal officeholding in South Carolina. This is simply incredible – or else the president, who is a victim of myopia, mislaid his spectacles. [*17028C*] William L. Vail City of Mexico Editor Mexican Journal of Commerce Financial Editor Mexican Herald [*17029*] El Universal, in a leading article by I. Dublan Montesinos, entitled "Le Roi est Mort! Vive le Roi!" says in part: The death of McKinley may give to North American politics an aspect worthy of study, inasmuch as it affects the interests of Mexico. For this reason I write these reminiscences of him who, for the coming three years, will be president of the United States. I have known Mr. Roosevelt person- ally for ten years, since the time when I was an humble editor of "Modern Mexico" in New York, and he was police commissioner, in a similar position to that occupied by Colonel Carlos Villegas as inspector of police. In that epoch, Mr. Roosevelt had begun a crusade against the houses of ill-fame, and the opening of saloons on Sunday; and as New York is democratic in its general vote, the hatred of thousands was aroused against him. He was deprived of his office as police commissioner in the following elections, but later was named assistant secretary of the navy under McKinley. It was then that I knew him. A group of us newspaper men were in the Astor House, when Mr. Roosevelt arrived like any other simple citizen, to take a lunch. Naturally we immediately surrounded him, and assailed him, American style, with questions. He modestly replied, that he was not worthy the honor that had been conferred on him, in being appointed assistant secretary of the navy; but if, as it was rumored, the United States were obliged to declare war against Spain, he would relinquish his honorable post, and request his government to raise a body of rough riders, like the rurales of Mexico. He returned to his post at Washington, and I did not see him again, until war had been declared between the United States and Spain, and the Spanish minister Bernabe del Polo had received his passports. On my requesting an interview for my paper, he asked; "And Mexico will be a partisan of Spain in this war?" Mexico will be neutral, sir I replied. General Diaz has ordained that nothing but complete neutrality shall exist during the conflict. "Good. I asked the question, knowing the great pecuniary interests of the Spaniards in Mexico. But I admire and believe in the ability of President Diaz sufficiently to have confidence that your country will remain neutral." "It will remain so, sir," I replied. With a fixed and piercing look, Mr. Roosevelt said: "For Mexico, there are but two roads; to absorb the small republics of Central America as far as Panama, because they are always at war; or to belong to the United States." As though moved by a spring I arose from my seat, and I remember with pride that I answered him in these words: "Mr. Roosevelt, I am only a poor journalist, but I tell you that while there is a single Mexican living, Mexico will never belong to the United States." "I like your patriotism" he replied laconically. Mr. Roosevelt is an attractive figure. He is young, of a nervous temperament, impulsive, but at the same time possessed of a clear intelligence. He is the son of a millionaire family, one of the first that came from Holland to settle what is today the great city of New York........ In my opinion he is a worthy successor of McKinley. The American democracy, though sunk in the most profound grief, still exclaims, "Le Roi est Mort! Vive le Roi!" I did not again see the main who is now the constitutional president of the United States, until three years later. He had returned victorious from his brilliant campaign at Santiago de Cuba, where at the head of his rurales he had been foremost in giving the death blow to ancient Spain in her "Pearl of the Antilles." He returned victorious, and as such was proclaimed by the people of New York who at the following election choose him as governor of the empire state. Later it was his ambition to be a candidate for the presidency, but McKinley, who retained the affection and gratitude of the people for the happy result of the Spanish-American war, was triumphant, and he contented himself with the vice-presidency. The horrible crime of an anarchist has made Mr. Theodore Roosevelt today and for the next three years, the constitutional president of the United States. Mr. Roosevelt will be a good friend of Mexico, because he knows her strength, and realizes the patriotism of the Mexicans; and while an expansionist at heart, he knows well there is no possible expansion this side of the Rio Grande. [*17030*] (We know personally that President Roosevelt is not only a sincere friend to Mexico, but a warm admirer of President Diaz. Ed.) ladies were admitted to the banquet hall. They were received with an enthusiastic greeting. The toastmaster introduced the first speaker, Judge U. M. Rose of Little Rock, Ark., the president-elect of the association. He is one of the charter members and gave a short and instructive account of the first meeting held in 1878. He felicitated the association upon the good which it has accomplished, not only for the bar, but for the country at large during the past twenty-four years. He expressed his pleasure at the number of young men who have recently become members of the association. Edmund Wetmore of New York, the retiring president of the association, was the next speaker. He expressed his pleasure at having been able during his term of office to preside over the meeting of the association. He also detailed his recent experiences as a property owner in Colorado. Judge Caldwell Yeaman of Denver responded to the toast "Our Hosts." He regretted that Saturday the members of the association were to leave Denver. He said that the motto of the Colorado lawyers was symbolized by the mountain peaks and was "lift up and hold up." Congressman C.A. Littlefield responded to the toast, "The Lawyer in Public Life." He congratulated the country that the results of the Spanish war was to unite the North and the South and was confident that the wisdom of congress and the president would be sufficient to solve the new problems which the results of the war had imposed on the United States. Judge M. A. Spoontz of Texas, former president of the Texas State Bar association, said that each state votes for what [it] needs the most. He expressed his admiration for the address made by Congressman Littlefield before the association, but [w]ondered how a Republican congressman [co]uld have made it. Judge W. K. Townsend of Connecticut, replying to "The Federal Judiciary," gave [s]ome raps at Congressman Littlefield. Mr. Townsend said: "Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the American Bar Association – Away down East where I come from there was once an ambitious farmer who captured and domesticated a large bull moose and took him around the country for exhibition in a tent, charging 10 cents for single admissions and 25 cents for a family ticket. One morning he was surprised to find standing outside the tent a middle-aged man with twelve children, of appropriate variation as to size and age. The man tendered the showman 25 cents and demanded a family ticket. The showman said, 'Do you mean to say that these children are all part of your family and that you are the father of the whole twelve?' 'I do,' said the man. 'Take back your 25 cents then and walk into the tent free,' said the showman. 'It is more important to the bull moose that he should see your family that it is that your family should see the bull moose.' "And so, Mr. Chairman, after this meeting with these royal good fellows in this God's country of Colorado, I realize that it was of vastly more importance to us to come out here and see the lawyers of Colorado that it was for them to see us. "And while, personally, I do not feel like the men who have dined 'not wisely but too well' at the Denver club or the University club, and who say they feel the altitude in their heads of in their tender feet, I feel the inspiration of this God's country in the quickening throbbings of my heart. Having traveled over 3,000 miles to come to this meeting I want to tell you that Colorado is to me the dearest place on God's footstool. If you applaud this sentiment, gentlemen, you will embarrass me very much. I shall feel as the Delphic oracle when its ambiguous remarks were misunderstood. Why It Is the Dearest Place. "Let me confide to you why Colorado is the dearest place in earth to me. I first struck this country eleven years ago when a boom was on. Upon my arrival kind friend permitted me to invest in the Bonanza Union Tunnel gold mine, up near Georgetown. Shortly afterward another kind friend persuaded me to drop a whole year of my federal salary in a [*17031*]wonderful silver mine down near Rico and Mancos, and when I got back to Denver my friends here confidentially informed me that Pueblo was the greatest place on earth to buy building lots in, and I bought some forty-eight home lots five or ten miles outside of the city in one of the numerous Pueblo additions. Mind you, gentlemen, none of these purchases were speculative. I never speculate; they all turned out to be permanent investments and I have never got a dollar out of anyone of them, except the exhibits A, B and C in the shape of gold and silver nuggets and title deeds which were presented to me when I paid my first subscription. So, gentlemen, I say feelingly that with all these permanent investments in gold and silver and lead in Colorado it is in truth the dearest place on earth to me. "I came out here because after having made a feeble effort to assist the supreme court in the solution of the insular cases I found that I, too, had acquired some new possessions --- chiefly malaria and insomnia, and as I felt some doubt whether my constitution could ex propria vigoria control and govern these new possessions I decided to try the effect of the Colorado air and climate. "Having met these Colorado hustlers I am unable to understand on what principle my physician advised Colorado for insomnia unless it be on the homeopathic principle of similia similibus curantur; for these Colorado fellows remind me of the story of two frogs, one from the East, let us say Boston or Philadelphia, and the other from Colorado. They met one hot August morning in a creamery near some pans of milk which looked so cool and inviting that each jumped into a pan. When they sunk below the rising cream the Eastern frog began to cry, 'Help! Help! Help!" while the Colorado frog began to struggle violently and cry out, 'Hustle! Hustle! Hustle!' No one heard their cries, however, and in the morning when the cream was to be skimmed from the milk the Boston frog was found lying dead in the pan, but the Colorado frog was found in his pan sitting on a little pat of butter feebly working his legs and in a low whisper calling, 'Hustle! Hustle! Hustle!' "And that, it seems to me, Mr. Chairman, is one of the thing which we have learned, a life-long lesson for us lawyers, from the Colorado Bar association, the virtue of hustling. "But, Mr. Chairman, I must say, in all sincerity, that I love this great and glorious state of Colorado, its men, its mountains and its streams. When I was first appointed to the bench I came out here to get the inspiration of its air at Twin Lakes and Estes park. I shot my first elk and my first blacktailed deer up at California park, and took my first five- pound Rocky mountain trout at Wagon Wheel Gap. And whenever I have felt faint and weary and worn out with overwork, I have found, like Auteus of old, that if I could lie down upon the mother earth of Colorado I got new strength and vigor from this mother earth for the battles of life. Criticises Littlefield. "Mr. Chairman, I was greatly interested yesterday in the satirical though forcible address of the eminent gentleman from Maine. I honor his courage, ability and independence but, sir, I listened in vain throughout his entire address for any statement of the law or facts to support his assertion that the decision of the supreme court was contrary to precedent and authority. From the time of the Louisiana purchase in 1803, down to the treaty of Spain in 1898, the treaty making power of the government has exercised the right to deal as it saw fit with the status of the inhabitants of ceded territory, and as Mr. Justice Brown says in his opinion, the statutes passed in pursuance of the Louisiana purchase show the view of congress that a discrimination in favor of foreign vessels trading with the ports of a newly acquired territory is no violation of the clause of the constitution that declares that no preference shall be given to the ports of one state over those of another. The same practical construction was put upon the constitution in the case of the purchase of Florida and in the annexation of Hawaii. "Now, gentlemen, 100 years ago the supreme court of the United States said that contemporaneous construction, especially when long acquiesced in, was very strong, if not controlling, with reference to the provisions of the constitution. In insurance company vs. Cauler, Chief Justice Marshall expressly left open the question whether any act of congress was necessary to incorporate the inhabitants of newly acquired territory. For 100 years we have acted upon the theory that such act of congress was necessary, that the imposition of different rates of duty was not in violation of the constitution, and in our civil war we stamped out the heresy that the constitution followed the flag. "And, so, gentlemen, I rejoice in this great decision of the supreme court that the framers of the constitution must have intended that this country should become a great nation, possessing all the essential attributes of sovereignty which would enable her to govern her possessions according to the best interests of the American people and subject only to those prohibitive provisions of the constitution which guarantee protection against interference [such?] with natural rights.The Largest Circulation of Any Paper Published in The Ninth Congressional District. Best Advertising Medium in Western North Carolina. Correspondence Solicited. The Asheville Register, Fridays, $1.00 Per Year. Roberts & Arnold, Editors and Proprietors. R B. ROBERTS. HUNTER ARNOLD. KIRKE E. FICKES, Business Manager [*shorthand NC Ackd 10-28-1901 File [??]*] Asheville, N. C., October 26, 1901. His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. Sir: The inclosed clipping from the Morning Post refers to the third term incident of last June when the New York Journal sent telegrams requesting views of Congressmen on the subject. The Journal published the response of Mr. Moody omitting the last sentence which is on the original telegram, as I saw it on the files of the Waynesville, N. C., telegraph office. I make this explanation because of the insinuating head line over the interview in the Post and because I know you appreciate the friendship of those who were for you before you became President. [*17032*] The Largest Circulation of Any Paper Published in The Ninth Congressional District. Best Advertising Medium in Western North Carolina. Correspondence Solicited. The Asheville Register, Fridays, $1.00 Per Year. Roberts & Arnold, Editors and Proprietors. R B. ROBERTS. HUNTER ARNOLD. KIRKE E. FICKES, Business Manager Asheville, N. C., I am a citizen of North Carolina by adoption and I assure you that there does not live under our flag a more loyal and patriotic people that the natives of that state and especially is this so of those who compose the Republican party, and that they have the best material from which to make splendid government officials, and you will never find them asking recognition except that to which they feel that they are justly entitled. I am sir with great respect, Yours truly, Hunter Arnold. 3103 P Street, N. W., Washington, D. C. [*17033*][FOR ENCL SEE 10-26-01]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 3WU HS JM 121 Paid 2 ex 1:55 p.m. Baltimore, Md., Oct. 26, 1901. Hon .Theodore Roosevelt, President:- As an unselfish toiler in the ranks of our great party, let me earnestly beg that we may not be slapped in the face by seeing Crowninshield appointed to the command of the American fleet at the Coronation of King Edward. He was the instigator of the bordereau against Schley, who asked for a court of inquiry and has been given a court-martial. Bravery and fate made him victor at Santiago and truth and justice will give him victory in his present contest. Let our naval representative at the English coronation be a hero of the noblest type of American manhood, and not an inefficient officer, whose only achievement has been to bring scandal upon the noble service. Felix Agnus, Publisher Baltimore AMERICAN [*17034*][*Ackd 10-28-1901 File*] The Commercial Advertiser. ESTABLISHED 1797. 187 BROADWAY AND 5 & 7 DEY STREET, EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT. NEW YORK, 26th Oct. [*[1901?]*] My dear Roosevelt - I am very eager to see you again and shall get on as soon as possible after election. Do you know that there was a regularly organized band or league of Republican politicians to boom Odell for the Presidency, and that they dined together in several times at Albany? I shall have written a day or two a list of them and will get it to you. This organ was the Post! The enclosed letter from Taft came a day or two ago. I am sure the last part of it will interest you. What he says about you and Congress as compared with McKinley and Congress is curiously like what you said to me on the same subject. I am quite confident of Low's election, but it is hard to say. Bidwell is trying to knife him and so [*17035*]The Commercial Advertiser. ESTABLISHED 1797. 187 BROADWAY AND 5 & 7 DEY STREET, EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT. NEW YORK, is Quigg, but I doubt if they are forceful enough to do much harm. I enclose two articles I have written on the fight which, if you have a moment, I should like to have you look over. If you are too busy to bother with them, throw them aside and no harm will be done. Yours always J. B. Bishop [*17036*][For 1. enclosure see 10-24-01]545 LIBERTY STREET, Pittsburgh, Pa. Oct 26 1901. Hon. Theodore Rosevelt [Roosevelt], Pres, U.S. Washington D.C. Dear Sir:- I have in my posession, a letter which I would very much like you to read. not that there is any special significance attached to it .but on your assurance that none but your self will receive it, I will forward it for your pleasure. This same party predicted the re-election of President McKinley, and his death, prior to the expirattion of his term. This was in April 1900. The high opinion of this same person in reference to your self, would be some gratification ,and his prediction will do you no harm. The letter .was received in ordinary correspondence, and he is not aware, of my offer to your self, and prefer that he remain ignorant of the fact, at the present time. At your request I will do as suggested above, and beg to remain, Very truly yours, [*[CA. CAMPBELL?]*] [*17037*][*[10-26-01]*] [*ackd 10-27-1901 ppf*] Dear Theodore: I hope you will not be appalled at the size of the party. We shall be 11. Bacon, Brooks, Chapin, Gaston, Hooper, Jackson, Brock Peters , Saltonstall, Shaw, [*17038] Weld & Winsor. We shall leave Boston Friday night Nov 1st and will take you by storm. At what hour will you dine? Very sincerely, H. B. Chapin B&ARR Boston Oct 26th [*17039*]the names of the three men who had sent you game but Father having been sworn in Special Sheriffs & lost the chance of shaking hands & they were all hard working men who gave up their time to get the birds - Devotedly Bye [*[A.R. Cowles*]] [*[For 3 encs. see 10-26-01]*] [*Cowles. A. R.*] [*nt. cal*] [*ackd ppf Pr*] October 26 - 1901 TELEPHONE 147 ORANGE. "Overlook" Orange, N.J. Dearest Mr President many many happy returns of your birthday. I have sent you no remembrance because I preferred waiting until I knew of something it would not bore you to receive. I never can thank you enough Theodore best of brothers & friends for the joy you gave Will & me by [*17040*]in the whole of Farmington & its neighborhood beams when they speak or think of you & you made firm friends of so many kinds of people including Jim Collins the violent Irish Democrat who planted the memorial tree! On Thursday I go to Washington & will see you soon - I hope I was right to send Mr. Cortelyou coming to us at "Oldgate" a joy that will be lasting for now I have you connected with what for the rest of our lives is to be our home & with that memory of your presence it all has a new meaning. I am keeping two, or, three little notes to show you, because it is good to see the heartfelt pleasure you give to others bring me [*17041*]A. P. GARDNER. Hamilton, Mass., October 26. 1901. Hon. H. C. Lodge. Nahant, Mass. Dear Mr. Lodge:-- I enclose you a copy of a letter which I received from Prof. Hollis, Chairman of the Athletic Committee at Harvard. The letter was written to me at my request after a conversation which I had with Prof. Hollis about the matter. He would not write direct to the President and perhaps in this view of the case he is correct. I am sure that if it is possible to do anything in this matter that the President would be glad to assist Prof. Hollis for whom I jnow he has a great regard, and I know it will be very much appreciated if you are willing to take up the matter personally with the President. Sincerely yours, A. P. Gardner [*17042*][Enclosed in Lodge, 10-28-01]Regardless of his service to the party his word is as good as a surety bond, and as I stated before he can be relied upon,- In the rush and crowd at New Haven I was unable to express to you personally the good wishes personal & political which you know I feel - up in Delaware County [*ackd 10-30-1901 P.P.F*] Oct 26. 1901. University Club Fifth Avenue & 54th Street Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. White House. Washington D.C. My dear Sir: In a few days Mr. E. R. Gunby of Tampa, Florida, expects to see you in reference to matters in that state. From a personal acquaintance of nearly ten years with Mr. [*17045*]Gunby I can assure you that you can fully rely upon any statement be makes. We are especially indebted to him in New York state — He has spoken in every important campaign here, commencing in 1892, and in your campaign for Governor in 1898 he gave us several weeks of his time and in 1900 was with Mr. Depew on his special train besides speaking at other places. His speeches were most excellent, and he absolutely refused to accept any compensation for them, a rare exception I assure you. [*17044*]University Club Fifth Avenue & 54th Street We are, and have been always with you, and now we are glad to feel that our President at least knows we are "on the map." I received a letter from a classmate - E. W. Robertson of South Carolina - President of the Loan & Exchange Bank of Columbia - and he says he & many other have permanently left the Democratic party, and 17045enthusiastically support your policy - Again bespeaking a hearing for Mr. Gunby, I remain with warmest personal regard Yours very sincerely Lafayette B Gleason [*17046*][[shorthand]] [*ackd Encl. to Pres 10/28/1901*] Personal 33 Centre St. Keene, N.H. Oct. 26. 1901. Mrs. President Roosevelt. Lady of the White House, Washington, D.C. Madam: Pardon my taking of the liberty of addressing these lines to you and kindly allow me explain the object of them, but first I desire to say that for years I have been at each presidential election composing campaign songs freely and spontaneously for the success of the party, and in the late campaign did all I could to defeat and bury the enemy, And as a sample of my effusions sent your distinguished husband a campaign song, of which the enclosed herein is a copy, And for which I had the honor of receiving the enclosed herein, polite note of acknowledgment. Kind Lady, my object in addressing you is, to respectfully beg you will place the subjoined petition in the hands of the President, who will I hope help me out of the gloom that now surrounds me, for which I shall feel most grateful. Apologizing for trespassing on your time, and hoping no evil will befall the President, and looking forward to the campaign of 1904, when I hope to have an opportunity to write campaign songs for the election of brave and undaunted President Roosevelt. I subscribe myself with best wishes. Very respectfully, Your humble petitioner, Thomas F. Leahy. P. S. Hon. J. H. Gallinger, U. S. S. and Hon. Congressman, C. A. Sulloway, can vouch for my campaign effusions and loyalty to the party. [*17048*] [*File*] PRESIDENT'S ROOM INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ECONOMICS UNION SQUARE, NEW YORK October 26th, 1901. My dear Mr. President, I write a line now just to say that I will mail you the matter on Monday so that you will get it sure Tuesday morning. I am covering the subjects of corporations, reciprocity, labor unions, eight-hour day, alien contract labor, immigration and Chinese exclusion. I am preparing it with the full consciousness that it is not for a lecture or a magazine article, but for a state paper. I am now revising it very critically in the hope that you will have the minimum difficulty in using it. Very cordially yours, George Gunton [*17047*][*Personal.*] [*ackd Encl. to [Pe??] 10/28/1901*] 33 Centre St. Keene, N.H. Oct. 26. 1901. Mrs. President Roosevelt. Lady of the White House. Washington, D.C. Madam: Pardon my taking of the liberty of addressing these lines to you and kindly allow me explain the object of them, but first I desire to say that for years I have been at each presidential election composing campaign songs freely and spontaneously for the success of the party, and in the late campaign did all I could to defeat and bury the enemy, And as a sample of my effusions sent your distinguished husband a campaign song, of which the enclosed herein is a copy, And for which I had the honor of receiving the enclosed herein, polite note of acknowledgment. Kind Lady, my object in addressing you is, to respectfully beg you will place the subjoined petition in the hands of the President, who will I hope help me out of the gloom that now surrounds me, for which I shall feel most grateful. Apologizing for trespassing on your time, and hoping no evil will befall the President, and looking forward to the campaign of 1904, when I hope to have an opportunity to write campaign songs for the election of brave and undaunted President Roosevelt. I subscribe myself with best wishes. Very respectfully, Your humble petitioner, Thomas F. Leahy. P.S. Hon. J. H. Gallinger, U.S.S. and Hon. Congressman, C. A. Sulloway, can vouch for my campaign effusions and loyalty to the party. [*17048*] PRESIDENT'S ROOM INSTITUTE IF SOCIAL ECONOMICS UNION SQUARE, NEW YORK [*file*] October 26th, 19 My dear Mr. President, I write a line now just to sa that I will mail you the matter on Mond so that you will get it sure Tuesday mo ing. I am covering the subjects of cor- porations, reciprocity, labor unions, eight-hour day, alien contract labor, i gration and Chinese exclusion. I am pre- paring it with the full consciousness t it is not for a lecture or a magazine a ticle, but for a state paper. I am now revising it very critically in the hope that you will have the minimum difficul in using it. Very cordially yours, George Gunton [*17047*]For 1 enc see ca 10-26-01, Leady McKINLEY and ROOSEVELT. Air, "The Battle Cry of Freedom" [*ca - 10-26-01*] We're rising in our majesty from centre to the shore, Shouting McKinley and Roosevelt; And we'll bury the Bryan forces deeper than before, Shouting McKinley and Roosevelt; Chorus: McKinley and Roosevelt; hurrah, boys, hurrah; Up with their banners, hip, hip, hurrah; For we'll have them in the White House, without a trick or flaw, Shouting McKinley and Roosevelt. We are eager for the battle and we're waiting for the day; Shouting McKinley and Roosevelt; And we'll show we're expanding, when they see us clear the way Shouting McKinley and Roosevelt. Chorus: McKinley and Roosevelt, etc. Yes we'll meet them at the polls, boys, we'll meet them at the polls; Shouting McKinley and Roosevelt; And before the sun goes down, we will put them in their holes, Shouting McKinley and Roosevelt. Chorus: McKinley and Roosevelt, etc. As guarantee for labor boys, we're rising in our might; Shouting McKinley and Roosevelt; And the vict'ry shall be ours, for we know we're in the right; Shouting McKinley and Roosevelt. Chorus: McKinley and Roosevelt; hurrah, boys, hurrah; Up with their banners, hip, hip, hurrah; For we'll have them in the White House, without a trick or flaw, Shouting McKinley and Roosevelt. Yours in the cause, THOMAS F. LEAHEY 17049McKinley and Roosevelt. Air, "The Battle Cry of Freedom" We're rising in our majesty from centre to the shore, Shouting McKinley and Roosevelt; And we'll bury the Bryan forees deeper than before, Shouting McKinley and Roosevelt. Chorus: McKinley and Roosevelt; hurrah, boys, hurrah; Up with their banners, hip, hip, hurrah; For we'll have them in the White House, without a trick or flaw, Shouting McKinley and Roosevelt. We are eager for the battle and we're waiting for the day; Shouting McKinley and Roosevelt; And we'll show we're expanding, when they see us clear the way, Shouting McKinley and Roosevelt. Chorus: McKinley and Roosevelt, etc. Yes we'll meet them at the polls, boys, we'll meet them at the polls; Shouting McKinley and Roosevelt; And before the sun goes down, we will put them in their holes. Shouting McKinley and Roosevelt. Chorus: McKinley and Roosevelt, etc. As guarantee for labor boys, we're rising in our might; Shouting McKinley and Roosevelt; And the vict'ry shall be ours, for we know we're in the right; Shouting McKibley and Roosevelt. Chorus: McKinley and Roosevelt; hurrah, boys, hurrah; Up with their banners, hip, hip, hurrah; For we'll have them in the White House, without a trick or flaw. Shouting McKinley and Roosevelt. Yours in the cause. Thomas F. Leahey [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 10-30-1901 File PPF*] Personal. United States Senate, Washington, D. C. Nahant, Mass., Oct. 26, 1901. To The President: I have been asked by a very warm supporter of yours here to send you the enclosed newspaper. The gentleman who sent it to me is not a believer in Astrology, but he thought it might amuse you to see this, and I confess, it seems to me not without amusing features. You may like to glance at it as a matter of curiosity. I have the honor to be with the highest respect, Sincerely yours, H.C. Lodge [*17050*][For 1. enclosure see Sept. 1901]Personal. United States Senate, Washington, D. C. Nahant, Mass., Oct. 26, 1901. [*Ackd*] To The President: I have the honor to enclose two letters which were handed to me by Col. Albert Clarke, Chairman of the Industrial Commission, which strike me of so much interest that I think you will be glad to read then ever. Mr. Chisolm is a leading man in the South, as you [k]no[w] doubt know, and I think what he says is well worth considering in dealing with that important question. I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, Sincerely yours, H. C. Lodge [*17051*][For 2. enclosures see 10-3-01 & 9-22-01][*[For 2 enc. see 10-23-01, Koester & Koester 10-23-01]*] [*ackd 10-26-1901 File*] [*[ca 1-26-01]*] United States Senate, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. Cortelyou: The appointment of Mr. Koester is creating so much comment, that I think possibly the President might be interested in glancing over a personal letter just received. If you think so, let him see it, if not return it. You know how he feels & whether it would be worth his time or not. Of course I feel good, especially as it was done so graciously. Yours Very Truly, Jno. L. McLaurin [*17052*]Telegram. White House, Washington. WU 1 NY ZM GI 20 Paid. Oyster Bay, N.Y., Oct 26, 1901. President Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington. Will be happy to extend hospitalities of luncheon to yourself and friends on election day. Hoping for that honor. Yours. E. Reeve Merritt. 8:35p.Treasury Department, Office of Commissioner-General of Immigration. Washington, October 26, 1901. My dear Mr. Cortelyou: With this I inclose a letter written to the President by Mr. George H. Matthews of Buffalo. The day I was at the White House the President directed me to answer such letters and I have done so, explaining the reason why Mr. De. Barry was transferred. During my absence from the office the order of transfer was suspended and it will remain so until after election but in order to effect any kind of good results, Mr. De Barry must, for a time at least, be taken away from Buffalo. I would pay no further attention to letters written in his interest, for he has succeeded in stirring up all this agitation, himself. Even Mr. Matthews admits that he does not know the man and I am satisfied that if he did he never would have written that letter. With best wishes, I am, Very truly Yours, H. Powderly George B. Cortelyou, Esq., Secretary to the President, Executive Mansion.TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. [*Submit Ackd. 11/1/901. File ppF. P?*] 4 PO.O.KQ. 315 Paid, 12 extra - 4 p/2 New York, October 26, 1901. His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt: Sir: The extraordinary revelations in the EVENING POST of Tuesday raise this question: "Shall we continue in power the organization which has been shown to use its control of the city government to encourage the business of ruining young girls for gain?" There is practical unanimity among those interested in the anti-Tammany campaign in the belief that this is the issue which will beat Tammany, if it is pressed home. A committee of women, with Mrs. William H. Schieffelin as chairman, has been organized, for the purpose of bringing this issue squarely before all voters and the whole community through the business operation of machinery already provided. This effort has the approval of the campaign managers. We lay stress upon the fact that in all the horrible revelations of the Lexow investigation there was no hint of this particular matter. This incredible evil has grown up since then. The question for this community and for the whole country is: What will the next incredible evil be if Tammany succeeds. The revelations have placed New York City before the world as fostering through its sworn officers of the law a thing so incredible that a Tammany judge declared, in condemning a cadet, that no jury would believe such depth of human depravity to be possible until definite proof were adduced. The disgrace of New York is the disgrace of the nation. The redemption of New York would be the vindication of the nation in the face of the world. The issue certainly justifies the appeal now make to you to do what you can as President of the United States and as a former police commissioner of this city to help the campaign now in progress to make the issue clear and the result certain. Can you not send a telegraphic reply for publication? Very respectfully, James W. Pryor Manager of Womens Campaign Com.; 19 W. 34th St. [*17055*][*Augy has ended his letter queerly writing in a hurry & I have put in pencil the words I think he left out to make the sense clear DR he evidently does not want you on his account to do anything for Oliver Belmont or his wife Edith ought to know also what he thinks*] [*Ackd ppF Pr*] NO 23 WEST 26TH STREET. New York October 26, 1901. Dear Theodore: I inclose a letter which I received yesterday from Augy Belmont from abroad. The first part of it is surely a letter to me thanking me for some cigars. The latter part applies to you and it seems to me that you ought to have the letter at once. I think it was very considerate of him and very thoughtful of him so far as you are concerned to write it. It either ought to be torn up by you or returned to me to be destroyed as it seems hardly a letter to be wandering around in anybody's hands, yet I thought and felt you ought to have the original at once. Bamie and Corinne, to whom I showed it last night and other people to whom I have shown it feel the same way. I wish I could have been at Yale to see you in the glory of your doctor's gown and to witness the very warm reception which I hear from all sides you received from everyone. You are certainly every day increasing your strength as far as I can find out, with everyone in your administration. It seems to bring more confidence day by day to the money powers [that by] in New York. One of these days I hope to be able to run over to Washington to see you, but there is nothing now that I know of particularly that I need to go over about, but I am always at your disposal anytime if you want to talk over anything with me. With my kind regards to the family, Sincerely yours, Douglas Robinson [*Augy wrote as he was afraid you might think of doing something for Oliver on his account as you will see.*] [*17056*]Ansd 10-30-1901 Tyndall and Barton Counsellors at Law New York and New Jersey William D Tyndall Walter K Barton Temple Court New York City Telephone 1018 Cortlandt 26 Octor 1901. The President, Executive Mansion, Dear Sir: - I do not know who or what was the inspiration of enclosed clipping; but there is at least a grain of fact in some of the statements. This article is on e of the many straws which in- dicate the direction of the wind; and has a bearing on the matters referred to in my letter os 10-14 and 10-26. Good citizenship and good Republican- ism require, I believe, the enthusiastic support of the fusion ticket. Our hack politicians are giving it rather dubious aid. Respectfully, William D. Tyndall 17057 [For enc see 10-26-01]S.G.NEWTON. R.H.WARD. Newton & Ward, Attorneys at Law. San Antonio, Texas October 26th, 1901. Hon. R. L. Smith, Oakland, Texas. Dear Sir:-- I am in receipt of your favor of the 8th inst., requesting a letter of recommendation from me to the President of the United States, endorsing your candidacy for some appointive office. Absence from the City and pressure of professional duties have prevented me from giving you an earlier reply. I enclose you herein a letter to the President which I write with pleasure. I sincerely hope that you will be successful in your application. If all the colored men in Texas were like you, the race problem would soon be settled. Yours very truly, R. H. Ward RHW-B. [*17058*]S.G.NEWTON. R.H.WARD. Newton & Ward, Attorneys at Law. San Antonio, Texas. October 26th, 1901. The President, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. Sir:-- Having learned that R. L. Smith, of Oakland, Texas, will be an applicant to you for some appointive office, I take great pleasure in addressing you in his behalf in regard to his qualifications and his standing as a citizen. I served with him in the Legislatures of Texas during the years of '95 and '97, and it affords me pleasure to state that notwithstanding Mr. Smith was a colored man and the legislature composed almost entirely of white members, that he commanded the esteem and respect of ever member of the House. He is thoroughly educated, reliable and honest, and by reason of his individual merit and capacity, commanded the friendship of each member of the House. We certainly regarded him as the leading colored man of the State. I feel satisfied that notwithstanding our differences in politics, - he being a Republican and the House of Representatives Democratic, with but five or six exceptions, that there is not a single Democratic member of the House of Representatives, or a Democrat connected with the State administration, who would hesitate for a moment to speak in the highest terms of Mr. SMith and unreservedly endorse his honesty and capacity. I am with great respect, Your obedient servant, R.H.Ward weeks ago. I hardly need make any such suggestion because I know that you are of such a nature that having once decided what is right nothing will turn you aside from pursuing that course. I hope to write you more fully within a few days on the same subject. I shall be passing through Washington again before very long and shall see you. Yours truly, Booker T. Washington. [*Ackd File*] BOOKER T. WASHINGTON TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED. TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. October 26, 1901. President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- I have refrained from writing you regarding the now famous dinner which both of us ate so innocently until I could get into the South and study the situation at first hand. Since coming here and getting into real contact with the white people I am convinced of three things: In the first place, I believe that a great deal is being made over the incident because of the elections which are now pending in several of the Southern States; and in the second place I do not believe that the matter is felt as seriously as the newspapers try to make it appear; and in the third place I am more than ever convinced that the wise course is to pursue exactly the policy which you mapped out in the beginning; not many moons will pass before you will find the south in the same attitude toward you that it was a few [*17060*][For/enclosure see 10-1901] UNIVERSITY CLUB SAN FRANCISCO Ackd 10-26-1901 ? Dear Roosevelt, - I imagine that you have no time to waste on such matters; but if you can spare a moment or two to the enclosed, it may interest you. I wish I could tell you with what hope & confidence I look forward to your administration, & how proud the class is of you. Yours sincerely 17062 F. H. Wheelan '80Headquarters Second Regiment Kentucky State Guard Col. Roger D. Williams, Commanding Lexington, Ky. Oct 26-th.[01] Col Theodore Roosevelt. Washington-D.C. My Dear Colonel. (Excuse me -but this you will always be to me) I have just read your Cougar article- As I have had two just such hunts in the same section you must know how I enjoyed every word of it. I have in "Babette" -( a pure bred Foxhound bitch ) what I believe to be the best all round "cat" dog in the country-- I shall breed her to my bloodhound Champion Jack Shepard . If it meets with your approval I would like to send her (prepaid) with your compliments to your guide Goff. I am sure the produce ,in his hands, will prove the foundation of a great lion and cat pack.Montague Stavens writes me he has in the produce of Jack Shepard some extra good bear dogs. Let me assure you, all the better class of both Republicans and Democrats in Ky thoroughly understand and appreciate your action in the Washington incident. If at any time I can serve you in"Old Ky" do not hesitate to command me, Very Sincerely. 17063 Roger D. WIlliamsSOCIAL EQUALITY. 349 claimed to be residents of Richmond appeared at the hotel where the General Officers were stopping and threatened to do violence to some of the delegates. On Sunday, October 10, the information was conveyed to the General Master Workman that the armory building, where the convention held its sessions, was to be mobbed on the following evening. The information was made on good authority. The officers of the regiment, whose headquarters were in the armory building, held consultations with some of the General Officers and assured them that there would be no trouble. Sunday evening the General Master Workman sent a note to the Chief of Police informing him of the state of affairs, and requesting him to call at the hotel. After a consultation with the Chief of Police, it was resolved to pay no attention to the threats which were made each day as the representatives went to and from the armory. The Southern press was much exercised over the condition of the affairs, and many unjust editorials were written on statements which were sent out from Richmond by sensational writers. On Monday the General Master Workman felt called upon to reply to some of the aspersions cast upon the General Assembly. He prepared a statement for publication and gave it to the Richmond Dispatch. It appeared in the issue of October 12, but no other paper copied it. Many extracts were taken from it, and garbled to suit the views of the editors of the papers who published them; but the whole of the article was never published outside of Richmond. It is given in full below: RICHMOND, Va., October 11, 1886. Much has been said and written concerning the events which have transpired in the city of Richmond during the past ten days. As I am responsible for a great deal of the agitation, it is but proper that I should be permitted to speak to as large an audience-as that which listened to those who have criticised, misconstrued and distorted the words and the idea intended to be conveyed by my utterances of October 4, when Francis Ferrell introduced me to the meeting assembled in the armory. I stated to the meeting that it was at my request that Mr. Ferrell, a representative of the colored race, introduced me; it was left to me to make the selection, and I did it after mature deliberation and careful thought. I have not seen or heard an argument since then that would cause me to do different to-day. Critics have seen fit to decide what I meant by selecting this man to introduce me, and they have asserted that my action must be regarded in the light of an attack, in the most unjustifiable manner, a man who, under the flag and Constitution of his country, selected another man, and a citizen of the Republic, to perform a public duty in a public place. In acknowledging his introduction I referred to the prejudice which existed against the colored man. If previous to that day I had any doubts that a prejudice existed, they have been removed by the hasty and inconsiderate action of those who were so quick to see an insult where none was intended. WHY FERRELL WAS SELECTED My sole object in selecting a colored man to introduce me was to encourage and help to uplift his race from a bondage worse than that which held him in chains twenty-five years ago—viz.: mental slavery. I desired to impressed upon [*17066*] SOCIAL EQUALITY. We see religion's conflicts and war's terrible munitions— See advances and repulses, see contentions and transitions, And Humanity's great struggles toward loftier conditions— For man is marching on. During the session of the General Assembly in Richmond, Va., an episode occurred which caused a great deal of excitement in that city, and came near resulting in bloodshed. Previous to the convention, William H. Mullen of Richmond requested Hon. Fitzhugh Lee, Governor of Virginia, to tender an address of welcome to the representatives of the Order on the assembling of the convention. The Governor kindly consented to do so, and made preparations accordingly. When D. A. 49 of New York elected representatives to the convention, one of the number chosen was a colored man, Frank J. Ferrell. In making arrangements for hotel accommodations for the New York delegation, the agent of D. A. 49 did not state that there would be any colored men among them, and when the representatives arrived in Richmond, and appeared at the hotel selected, they were told that Mr. Ferrell would not be admitted because of his color. Without hesitation the representatives of the D. A. 49 withdrew in a body, and secured quarters where there would be no objections to any one of their number. J. E. Quinn, then Master Workman of that District, stated the facts in the case to the General Master Workman, and requested that officer to assign to Mr. Ferrell the duty of introducing Governor Lee to the General Assembly. The General Master Workman did not favor the proposition and urged that it be abandoned. In the discussion which took place at the hotel where the General Officers were staying, the General Master Workman said to Mr. Quinn : I do not believe that it would be an act of courtesy on our part to violate any recognized rue of this community, and it would not be please for either the Governor or the convention to attempt to set at defiance a long-established usage. I know a man who feels that he is the equal of Governor Lee, and I think he is just as good a man in every respect; if Brother Ferrell will consent to introduce this man to the convention when the time comes, I think it was be as acceptable to him, in face I believe he will esteem it a greater honor than to introduce even the Governor of Virginia When asked to name the person of whom he spoke, the answer which Mr. Quinn received was: "The General Master Workman of the Knights of Labor." 347 [*17065*] OUGHT TO GET THE PLUMS. Original North Carolina Roosevelt Man Visits the President. Congressman James M. Moody, of North Carolina, was seen at the National last night just before leaving for home. "I saw the President to-day," he said. "with Senator Pritchard, in regard to some appointments in our home State of North Carolina, and have no reason to change my opinion that I had long before formed of him, which was more fully expressed on the 7th of last June, when I said in a telegram to a New York paper, 'I think McKinley is an ideal President, the best the nation has ever had, but two terms is the unwritten law of the land and will govern in his case as it did in Gen. Grant's. I am for Roosevelt next time.' Since he has become President in a way that he did not expect, I am as I was, still 'for him next time.' I believe him one of the best equipped men of our nation." [*17064*]to the large caliber guns and mortars installed. The rapid-fire principle as applied to all guns of six-inch caliber and less, it is said, has now reached such a perfection of mechanical development as to leave no question of its efficiency and utility in service, and at least twenty of such guns, the report says should be provided for each important Heavy Armor Missouri. Special to The Washington Post Newport News, Va., Oct. 25.—About ten carloads of heavy armor for the turrets of the battle-ship Missouri have arrived and other extensive consignments are expected daily. ARMY AND NAVY NOTES. The Navy Department received a cablegram from Rear Admiral Remey yesterday announcing his arrival at Vladvostok aboard his flagship, the Brooklyn. The Acting Secretary of War has directed that the the colors of former regiments of artillery, now reorganized into companies, be forwarded to the adjutant general of the army for preservation. Lieut. Col. Ezra Woodruff of the Medical 348 SOCIAL EQUALITY. With the understanding that the Governor was to be introduced by the General Master Workman, and that officer in turn introduced by Mr. Ferrell, the convention was called to order. The program was carried out to the letter, and, when the very excellent and well-received address of welcome was delivered by Governor Lee, Mr. Ferrell mounted the platform and said: It is with much pleasure and gratification I introduce to you Mr. T. V. Powderly of the State of Pennsylvania, who will reply to the address of welcome of Governor Lee of this State, which is one of the oldest States in the arena of political influence of our country. He is one of the thoughtful men of the nation, who recognizes the importance of this gathering of the toiling masses in this our growing Republic. As Virginia has led in the aspirations of our country in the past, I look with much confidence to the future, in the hope that she will lead in the future to realization of the objects of our noble Order. It is with extreme pleasure that we, the representatives from every section of our country, receive the welcome of congratulation for our efforts to improve the condition of humanity. One of the objects of our Order is the abolition of those distinctions which are maintained by creed or color. I believe I present to you a man above the superstitions which are involved in these distinctions. My experience with the noble Order of the Knights of Labor and my training in the District have taught me that we have worked so far successfully toward the extinction of these regrettable distinctions. As we recognize and reposed confidence in all men for their worth in society, so can we repose confidence in one of the noblest sons of labor—T. V. Powderly—whom I now take the pleasure of presenting to you The response to the address of welcome having been delivered by the General Master Workman, the convention was opened under the forms and usages of the Knights of Labor, and all visitors excluded. On the boat which brought the New York delegation to Richmond was a dramatic company, which opened up for the week's stay at one of the Richmond theatres on the evening for the first day's session of the General Assembly. The leading man of the company extended an invitation to the representatives of D. A. 49 to attend the play, and it was accepted. The entire delegation, including Mr. Ferrell, went in a body to the theatre. When it became known that a colored man was admitted to one of the choicest seats in the theatre all interest in the play was lost, and many left the building vowing vengeance on the intruder who had so recklessly defied one of the rules of Richmond life. The next evening the attendance at the theatre was very slim, many theatre-goers having determined to boycott it while that particular company occupied the boards. Outside of the building an angry mob assembled, armed with revolvers and other weapons, for the purpose of preventing one negro from entering the theatre. Neither Mr. Ferrell nor any of the New York representatives went to the theatre for the reason that they were nearly all assigned to duty on some committee of the General Assembly, or to attend some of the Local Assemblies in session in the city that evening. The excitement ran high for many days, and on several occasions men who 350 SOCIAL EQUALITY. the minds of white and black the the same result followed action in the field of labor, whether that action was on the part of the Caucasian or the negro. Two years ago, in an address delivered in this city, I said to the people of Richmond: "You stand face to face with a stern, living reality ; a responsibility which cannot be avoided or shirked. The negro question is as prominent to-day as it ever was. The first proposition that stares us in the face is this: The negro is free; he is here, and he is here to stay. He is a citizen, and must learn to manage his own affairs. His labor and that of the white man will be thrown upon the market side by side, and no human eye can detect a difference between the article manufactured by the black mechanic and that manufactured by the white mechanic. Both claim an equal share of the protection afforded to American labor, and both mechanics must sink their differences or fall a prey to the slave labor now being imported to this country." I was not criticised for saying that, and yet it was as susceptible of criticism as my words on October 4. I did not refer to social equality, for that cannot be regulated by law. The sanctity of the fireside circle cannot be invaded by those who are not welcome. Every man had the right to say who shall enter beneath his rood; who shall occupy the same bed, private conveyance, or such other place as he is master of. I reserve for myself the right to say who I will or will not associate with. That right belongs to every other man. I have no wish to interfere with that right. PERSONAL LIBERTY AND SOCIAL EQUALITY. My critics have forgotten that personal liberty and social equality stand side by side. They would deny me the right to make my own selection as to which of the assembled representatives should perform a certain duty. Had I selected the colored man to introduce Governor Lee, it would have been quite another thing. It is, perhaps, unfortunate that out coming was at a time when political excitement ran high, and all things served as excuses for those who wished to use them. When I heard that there was a likelihood of trouble because Mr. Ferrell attended a place of amusement, I asked him not to subject himself to insult by going where he was not welcome. He told me that he had no intention of again going to that or any other place where his presence would give rise to comment. Until that time I did not know that colored men were denied admittance to theatres in this city. A WORD TO THE CRITIC. While I have no wish to interfere with the social relations which exist between the races of the South, I have a strong desire to see the black man educated. Southern labor, regardless of color, must learn to read and write. Southern cheap labor is more a menace to the American toiler than the Chinese, and this labor must be educated. Will my critics show me how the laws of social equality will be harmed by education the black man so that he may know how to conduct himself as a gentleman? Will they explain how a knowledge of the laws of his country will cause a man to violate the laws of social equality? Will they, in a cool, dispassionate manner, explain to me whether an education will no elevate the moral standard of the colored man? and will they tell me that such a thing is not as necessary with the blacks as with the whites? STARVATION WAGES. Will it be explained to me whether the black man should continue to work for starvation wages? With so many able-bodies colored men in the South who do not know enough to ask for living wages, it is not hard to guess that while this race continues to increase in numbers and ignorance prosperity will not even knock at the door, much less enter the home of the Southern laborer; and that country which has an abundance of ill-fed, ill-bred laborers is not, nor cannot be, a prosperous one. Will my critics stop long enough to tell me why the United States Senate allowed a colored man to introduce, before the Vice-President ofSOCIAL EQUALITY. 353 endeavor to solve, and the intellectual status of the black and white laborer must be improved if either one is to prosper. Of the two races in the South at the present time, the negro is making the most energetic struggle for an education. If the whites would not fall behind in the race they must learn that moral worth, not wealth, is the true standard of individual and national greatness. 23 [*17068*] SOCIAL EQUALITY. 351 the United States, measures for the benefit of his State? Were the laws of social equality outraged when the House of Representatives permitted colored men to take seats in it? Why did other Southern representatives not leave and return to their homes when that was done? THE COLORED DELEGATES WILL NOT INTRUDE. There need be no further cause for alarm. The colored representatives to this convention will not intrude where they are not wanted, and the time-honored laws of social equality will be allowed to slumber on undisturbed. We have not done a thing since coming to this city that is not countenanced by the laws and Constitution of our country, and, in deference to the wishes of those who regard the laws of social equality as superior to the laws of God and man, we will not, while here, avail ourselves of all of those rights and privileges which belong to us. The equality of American citizenship is all that we insist on, and that equality must not, will not, be trampled upon. AS TO HOSPITALITY. Now a word as to hospitality. We are here under no invitation from any one. We came of our own free-will and accord, and are paying out own way; therefore, gratuitous insults, such as those offered by a few mischievous meddlers, are not in order, and do not admit of defense, even though given in behalf of the laws of social equality. I do not hold the people of Richmond responsible for the ill-advised, churlish action of a few who saw a menace in our every move. The treatment received at the hands of the citizens generally has been most cordial. If, during our stay, any representative shall conduct himself in an unbecoming manner, he alone will be held responsible for his action. TO THE KNIGHTS. To the convention I say: Let no member surrender and iota of intellectual freedom because of any clamor. Hold fast to that which is true and right. The triumph of noise over reason is but transient. Our principles will be better known, if not to-day it may be tomorrow; they can bide their time, and will some day have the world for an audience. In the field of labor and American citizenship we recognize no line of race, creed, politics or color. The demagogue may distort, for a purpose, the words of others, and for a time the noise of the vocal boss may silence reason, but that which is right and true will become known when the former has passed to rest and the sound of the latter's voice has forever died away. Then it will be known that the intelligent, educated man is better qualified to discern the difference between right and privilege, and the unwritten law of social equality will be more rigidly observed than it is to-day. T. V. POWDERLY. After the publication of that letter the excitement died away, and the representatives met with no further annoyance. The General Master Workman received many insulting letters from residents of Richmond, who, evidently, scorned to read the truth, and drew for their information on the store of prejudice which they had treasured up against allowing the negro to avail himself of the rights of citizenship. One lady, wrought to a high pitch of anger, sent a postal card bearing the following amusing proposition: T. V. POWDERLY: Dear Sir:- As you are so much in sympathy with the negro, will you please call over and fill our coachman's place until he gets will? Inquire on Church Hill. MISS — [*17067*]352 SOCIAL EQUALITY. Many similar missives were conveyed to him during his stay in Richmond. There were people in that city who were not in sympathy with the element which acted so discourteously toward the visiting strangers but they made no outward sign of their disapproval of the course pursued by those whose foolish prejudices construed an act with which it was none of their business to meddle into an insult to their noble blood. Violation of the rules of social equality formed no part of the thought or intentions of the General Master Workman when he selected Mr. Ferrell to introduce him to the General Assembly. Neither was it his desire to cater to the sentiment of D. S. 49, or Mr. Quinn, the Master Workman of that District. His only wish was to do something to encourage the black workman, and cause him to feel that, as a factor in the field of production, he stood the equal of all other men. It was not reserved for the coming of the General Assembly of the Knights of Labor to do violence to the laws of social equality in Richmond or the Southern States. That has been done years before the Knights of Labor ever gained a foothold in the South, but in a far different way. Social equality is recognized in the South by many of those who prate the loudest against it. The slave-owners of long ago leveled the distinctions between the races, and some of their children and children's children honor the practice to the present day. One has only to stand on a street corner, or at the door of one of the churches where colored people attend, to be convinced that Caucasian blood flows through the veins of thousands who, for certain reasons, dare not boast of pride of ancestry. Had the laws of social equality been rigidly practiced in secret as they are boasted of in public by the aristocracy of the South, more of respect would be due to those who affect to scorn the man. who would maintain the rights of a race whose crime is its color, and whose fault is that long years of slavery has transmitted the curse of ignorance to its children of the present day. The best evidence of the insincerity and hypocrisy of the Southern aristocrat is written upon the half-white faces of the hundreds of thousands of young men and women in whose veins flow, in mingled current, the blood of the former slave and that of the best families of the South. It is not the negro alone who stands ostracized in the South by the remnant of the Bourbon element, which still exists to protest against the progress of the Southern States. The white man who works is held in no higher esteem that the black man, and his ignorance is taken advantage of when he is patted on the back and told that he "is better than the negro." No labor advocate seeks to interfere with the social relations of the races in the South, for it is the industrial, not the race, question we CONCLUSION. But let the free-winged angel Truth their guarded passes scale, To teach that right is more than might, and justice more than mail. —Whittier. Day follows the darkest night; and when the time comes, the lates fruits also ripen.—Schiller. We pray "Thy kingdom come." But not by prayer Alone will it be built of breath in air. In life thro' labor must be brought to birth The kingdom, as it is in heaven, on earth.—Gerald Massey. [The full extent of the good that has been done by the Order of the Knights of Labor will never be known. It is not within the bounds of human possibility to detail the many acts that have gone to benefit the millions. One fact attests the value of the Order: Its enemies have attacked it, belied its aims and purposes, and have opposed its advances as they never did those of any organization since the world began. Had the Knights of Labor been weak and unworthy of notice, the would not have been done. Had out mission not caused consternation among the enemies of human liberty they would not have united to oppose the Order. The various acts of State Legislatures in the interest of the masses, the public opinion that has been created on the subject of labor, the education of philosophers, doctors, clergymen, scientists, and others on the industrial question, have not been in vain.] [But the mission of the Order is not yet complete. Having worked up a sentiment in favor of the measures advocated in its Preamble, it still remains to put them into practical operation, and that duty rests with us to perform. The call has been sounded, the warning has been given; those who knew nothing of the danger which threatened us now realize its full importance. The great worth is still ahead of us. We must look to the future for what we have been contending for in the past.] [As it was in the beginning, so it is to-day with labor. It is still in the grasp of headless wealth, that instrument which, if properly used and directed by advanced ideas, can be made the servant of industry. The volume of wealth is in the hands of task-masters, who use it to build up fortunes for those who already have enough for their own comfort and too much for their country's good. Labor's ranks to-day contain more of keenly-felt poverty than ever before, when we consider the advancements which have been made in all that go to make] 354The Western Laborer A FREE PRESS [Omaha Neb] Devoted to the Principle of Equal Rights [Oct. 26, 1901] PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY FRANK A. KENNEDY. Barker Block, Fifteenth and Farnam, Omaha, Neb Entered in the P.O. as Second Class Matter. ONE DOLLAR PER YEAR ALLIED PRINTING TRADES UNION LABEL COUNCIL OMAHA, NEB. PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT. President Roosevelt has been the subject of much criticism because he entertained Booker T. Washington at table in the White House, and many are of the opinion that by so doing he has alienated the southern vote. In this action the president has shown that daring in character which prompts him to do that which seems to him right regardless of consequences. We believe that the president's table was as much honored by Mr. Washington's presence as he was honored by the invitation thereto. President Roosevelt is a great man, Booker T. Washington is also a great man, inasmuch as he is the representative of ten millions of people that he has raised from the misery and ignorance of slavery into a state of intelligence and partial education through his individual effort and direction, and today he is honored by the undivided trust and reverence of that many citizens. For many years the republican party has pretended to champion the civil rights of the negro and used him as a political instrument to obtain political power, but President Roosevelt is the first man in his party to practically demonstrate the negro's civil rights and equality before the law. The president has been honest with the negro; he has dared to do right, and nothing in his whole "strenuous" life becomes him better than his invitation to Booker T. Washington. What is the alienation of the southern vote to Theodore Roosevelt or what southern state has given its electoral vote to Roosevelt? Let us suppose Mr. Washington to be a Hindoo who had done as much for the elevation of his race as Mr. Washington has done for the negro; would anyone criticise the president for inviting the celebrated Hindoo to dine at the White House? Certainly not! Would the dark skin of the Hindoo exclude him from the best society in Washington, and if not why should it exclude the modest and distinguished representative of ten million people? The southern vote must bottle up its indignation and learn that nowhere on this wide earth but in the southern states of America is this ignorant prejudice to be found. In the seaports of the world--Liverpool, London, Belfast, Glasgow, Havre, or Marseilles --the negro sailor occupies his room in hotels, "sailors' homes" and boarding houses; nobody questions his right to eat in the best restaurants, and as long as he pays his own way nobody even notices him more than any other guest, and only in America in the southern states, the land of his birth, is he ostracised among a people claiming to be intelligent and educated. We must cease speaking of the negro as "his race" and "his people." He is of OUR people, and a man like Booker T. Washington should be just as welcome at the president's table as Bishop Potter or Archbishop Ireland. All honor to the president for his honesty of purpose, and instead of losing votes, he has made many. [7069] The Pilot Editorial Rooms. A "MOST DAMNABLE OUTRAGE." ______________ THE Memphis (Tennessee)Scimitar of October 17, temperately observed: The most damnable outrage which has ever been perpetrated by any citizen of the United States was committed yesterday by the Presi- dent, when he invited a nigger to dine with him at the White House. It would not be worth more than a passing notice if Theodore Roosevelt had sat down to dinner in his own home with a Pullman palace car porter. But Roosevelt the individual and Roosevelt the President are not to be viewed in the same light. The Commercial-Appeal of the same city is a more sensible paper, but even it declared that "President Roosevelt has committed a blunder that is worse than a crime, and no atonement or future act of his can remove the self-imprinted stigma." The "nigger" in the case is Mr. Booker T. Washington, a man honored wherever he is known, and he is widely known all over the country, for the splendid work which he has done for the elevation of his race, not through poli- tics but by means of education and self- help. He is not ashamed of his race nor of his lowly origin, --so lowly that he has said with a pathetic frankness which should touch the heart of any man with a spark of divine light in his soul, "I have never even known the name of my father." Shame on the member of a race which so grievously wronged the race of Booker Washington, when he can fail to honor the President who disdains the miserable pride of caste and color! Happily, however, if there be one man in America who can especially afford to ignore such artificial distinctions, it is precisely the present occupant of the White House, well-born, college-edu- cated, a gentleman in more than the mere adventitious surroundings of his whole life. He proves it by asking the distinguished black man to be his guest and treating him as an equal, which he is. Mr. Roosevelt, as he has recently said, is half Southern himself. He has ig- nored sectionalism by appointing ex- Governor Stone, of Alabama, who was an old Confederate, to a Federal judge- ship, and has avowed his determination to treat alike Democrats and Repub- licans, blacks and whites, in that sec- tion; and he will do just as he says he will. It is a way of his. Those who do not like his way in mak- ?70 ing choice of his company have a simple remedy. They can decline his invita- tions ot the White House and thus escape the danger of associating with an honorable citizen and cultivated gentle- man like Mr. Washington. The law will protect them from the indignity of being forced to eat or sleep under the President's roof; but we imagine that there are not a great many Southerners afflicted with the inherited prejudices of the Memphis editor. The best men in the South appreciate the admirable work being done by Booker Washington, not only for his own race but for the whole people of their section. Few are so dull as not to per- ceive that every Negro who betters his condition is thereby bettering the com- munity in which he lives, lowering the percentage of crime and ignorance and poverty, and setting an example to a class which has suffered equally with the blacks by the degradation of honest labor, namely, the "poor whites" who have no social standing in the spurious aristocracy of color. The ordinary citizen of the South, the common white man, is more likely to admire than to censure the independent President who respects a citizen, not for his money or his color or his social posi- tion, but for the qualities which make a man and which give to every man the opportunity of making his own success in the world, in spite of sham distinc- tions invented to benefit the "gilded dul- lard" at the expense of brains and char- acter. [*N.Y. HERALD 26 Oct 01*] TRAITORS TO LOW IN REPUBLICAN RANKS Leaders Ask, with Misgivings, if the Threatened Treachery Has Been Entirely Averted. ALARM HAS BEEN GIVEN Listlessness and Falling Off in Registration Frightened Up-State Politicians, Who Foresaw Peril to Party. LOYALTY TO BE THE TEST Suspected Men Have Been Warned by Governor Odell and Senator Platt That They Must Support Fusion Candidate. In all the Greater New York battle ground yesterday the most absorbing question was:- "Has republican treachery been averted and will all the party managers support Seth Low?" No one who knows anything about politics in this city has had any doubt, since the nomination of Mr. Low, that there was a large element in the republican organization that desired the defeat of the fusion candidate for Mayor and the election of Mr. Shepard. This has really been one of the most serious phases of the canvass with which the responsible republican leaders have had to deal. The entire machine, having been accustomed to deal with Tammany, and having been led into the greatest deal in American political history in 1897, when it supported General Tracy as against Mr. Low, causing the election of Van Wyck, found it the most natural thing in the world to turn with eagerness to Tammany overtures as soon as Mr. Low was put on the fusion ticket. BRADY TO KNIFE MR. LOW. Scores of republicans who worked for Tracy openly, but in secret for Van Wyck four years ago, were ready to aid Shepard and knife Low. This became apparent just before the registration began. While Tammany was flooding the city with personal appeals for its voters to register, and sending agents after individuals, the republican machine was doing nothing. Some circulars and postal cards were sent out, but the Low vote practically registered itself. There were some notable instances that have since been laid at the door of leading republicans. One was furnished by the Nineteenth Assembly district. This is the home of George R. Bidwell, the collector of the port, and also of Lemuel E. Quigg. Mr. Bidwell, as the holder of the most important Federal office in the city, would ordinarily be expected to furnish an example and roll up a great registration. He lives in a district which is rapidly growing in population, and very general disappointment was expressed when it was seen that the registration in Mr. Bidwell's district fell off more than 1,000. The actual figures were:-1900, voters registered, 13,690; 1901, voters registered, 12,624. SUSPICION WAS DEEPENED. [*17071*] This naturally aroused suspicion, which deepened when the sinister suggestion was made that the Nineteenth district is the home of at least half a dozen active republicans, who were busily employed in 1897. In keeping Mr. Low out, of the Mayoralty, even at the cost of electing Van Wyck. Other district showed some falling of, but in all but the Nineteenth it could be explained on the ground of loss of population or the prevention of illegal registration. A general listlessness on the part of republicans who do not like Low was next Among the Federal Officers the was very noticeable. Nearly all of these men were connected with the county committee when Mr. Quigg, the man of all others instrumental in keeping Tracy on the ticket, was chairman. Until men who had been kept out of the organization for years were permitted to volunteer their services, not a thing was done to spread the arguments of the republican party in favor of the fusion ticket. Indeed, the whole appearance indicated that the republican machine was under the same influence that elected Van Wyck and that its attitude toward Mr. Low had not changed. ALARM WAS SOUNDED. [*17071*] It was at this juncture that the alarm was sounded within the party. Republicans up the State came to New York and saw how the election was being thrown to Tammany by the default of the republican machine. They saw that the election of Shepard was inevitable unless the party workers were made to do some real work for Low. They were alarmed at the effect of the defeat of Low being laid to the republican party. Some very well known leaders in the interior said that if Low should be defeated the republicans could no more avoid taking the responsibility than they did in 1897. They asserted that such an outcome would make Mr. Shepard a candidate for Governor next year, with a good prospect of being elected. In consequence of the panic of the rural republicans Governor Odell came here and saw Senator Platt. Both canvassed the situation and became acquainted with the actual details. Neither Governor Odell nor Senator Platt will admit that there was any actual treachery on the part of their party associates visible, but they sent for the suspected ones, and told them very frankly that they were expected to do all in their power to elect Seth Low. This warning has undoubtedly had a good effect on some of the erring brethren, but others are still under suspicion. Prominent republicans in the interior, such as Speaker S. Fred Nixon, Senator Ellsworth and Attorney General Davies, who came here to find out the meaning of the republican paralysis, returned home yesterday, expressing great satisfaction at the action of Governor Odell and Senator Platt, in making it known that the test of republicanism would in this campaign be loyalty to Low. [*17071*][*[10-27-01]*] 1602 TWENTIETH STREET, NW. CONNECTICUT AVENUE. Dear Mr President The paper stated last evening that today would be your birthday and my little Mother said "Oh I wish that we could send something with our good wishes for many many happy returns of the day [*17072*]of the President." and now we ask you to accept the accompanying little pin it was much prized first by my Father your Father's friend & then by my Brother your friend. Both have your name and so we give it to you. The enclosed note I sent via my cousin yesterday to take you but had not the courage my mother & I wish to be most kindly remembered to Mrs Roosevelt & I remain Very Sincerely Cassie Julian-James London October 27th [*17073*]CARTERET ACADEMY A SCHOOL FOR BOYS DAVID A. KENNEDY, PH.D.} CHARLES A. MEAD, A.B. } HEAD MASTERS ESSEX AND CENTRAL AVENUES ORANGE, N. J., Oct. 27, 1901. [* ? *] [*Ack'd 11/2/1901 P.P.7*] My Dear Mr. Roosevelt, It was with the utmost regret that I was compelled to leave New Haven early Wednesday morning and not want to welcome you as a fellow alumnus. You may remember that in conversation with you at your sisters last summer on Orange Mountain, I told you that you interested me in your many phases of Holmes' "young man John". But here are more phases than [than] the author ever dreamed of and you are living them. Your statement to Mrs. Kennedy that you would never be President has been refuted sooner than we anticipated through unfortunately through a sad way. We consider that it was providential that you were in line to take that step in advance. I expect Tuesday night until the "wee sma' hours" talking with Aubrey Wilcox. Frank Witherber and other classmates about Pres. McKinley's career and your possibilities and probabilities. And after that talk we parted full of an allegiance to you and a confidence that you would strive towards the best ideals of manhood in American life I wanted to congratulate you in propria persona with my wife at the reception but could not, and so send you this note to show my appreciation of you and your character. Yours cordially, David A. Kennedy. Yale '74 [*17074*][[shorthand]] [*ackd 10/30/1901 P.F.*] Naval Academy Annapolis MD Oct 27th 1901 My dear Col, I saw Capt. Wainwright the other day and he tells me that you never recieved my letter thanking you for sending me that telegram about the tennis Championship. I did write you to Oyster Bay, very soon after, and I can tell you I appreciated [*17075*] your taking that much interest in one of your old men. Recieving that win coming at the time it did makes me feel good yet Ted Barla & I expected to have the honor of paying our respects, last week, to both Mrs. Roosevelt and yourself, but his wife has been ill, after presenting him with a fine boy and he was unable to come down. I am as always your faithful admirer. William A. Laund [*17076*]October 27th 1901. Hon. George B. Cortelyou, White House, Washington. Dear Sir:- Having been directed by the Corporation of Yale University to edit the official memorial record of our Bicentennial Celebration, I am trying to put the proper material in shape as quickly as possible. Enclosed is a stenographic report, as it comes to me, of the proceedings of last Wednesday morning, so far as they relate to the conferring of the degree upon the President. I shall esteem it as a great favor, if you will submit this to the President, and let me know what errors, if any, he finds in the report of his remarks. I am sure that you will appreciate my desire to secure accuracy in the record, and will accept this as sufficient apology for my troubling you and the President. Yours very truly, Charlton M. Lewis[*ackd 10-31-1901 Navy*] [*M*] NEW YORK CABLE ADDRESS, "BOLDT, NEW YORK". PHILADELPHIA CABLE ADDRESS "ABOLDY, PHILADELPHIA". The Waldorf-Astoria, Fifth Avenue, 33rd and 34th Streets and Astor Court. THE WALDORF THE WALDORF-ASTORIA, NEW YORK. HOTEL BELLVUE, PHILADELPHIA. THE STRATFORD, PHILADELPHIA. BULLITT BUILDING RESTAURANT, PHILADELPHIA. GEO C. BOLDT, PROP. THE ASTORIA The Waldorf-Astoria, New York October 27th, 1901. President Roosevelt, Washington, D. C., My Dear Sir, With profound respect for the proprieties that should govern correspondence between the Executive and American Citizens, I, as a plain practical business man, venture to suggest that nothing could be more distasteful to a large number, if not a large majority of the latter, than to hear that you had decided to send Admiral Crowninshield to represent our Navy at the Coronation of King Edward VII. Not that we are so profoundly concerned in the coronation itself as we are in the personel of our representative. Probably no man has shriveled up recently in public estimation both here and abroad as has Admiral Crowninshield. You, yourself Sir, are the most pronounced exemptplification of the nations' choice between heroes who do things on the spot and their defamers. Using my own case in illustration, it was to this spirit [*17078*]-2- that you owed my vote when you became Governor, ignoring as I did the fact that I am a maternal Great-Grandson of Matthew Lyon of Vermont, who cast the deciding vote that made the father of democracy President. With your rare combination of sense and sentiment I cannot realise that you would willingly wound so large a body of your fellow citizens as compose the admirers of Admiral Sohley, unless there was to come some great Public gain from it. In this case the selection of Admiral Crowninshield would be heralded broadcast as [as] pronounced Presidential approval of his course against Admiral Schley, thus perpetuating and increasing heartaches. We already in Sack Cloth and Ashes over the humiliating spectacle of one of the greatest naval victories of any age being scandalously eclipsed through unseemly selfish wrangles for personal aggrandisement, to say nothing of the outrage upon American valor that is involved. May I not, as one to the manner born, as one who believes in the savinggrace of the civilazation with which he is surrounded, as one whose National pride desires to see us represented at the Coronation by a universally respected official, and as one who wishes his Country and its Executive Head a full measure of glory and honor under all circumstances, indulge the hope that you can find time to ponder over this matter before definitely deciding it? My faith in your rugged common sense and tender regard for justice leaves no room for doubt in my mind that you would decide it right. [*17079*]With greatest respect and good wishes for the success of your administration, I am, Most sincerely, Your Friend, E. Machen[FOR ENCL SEE 10-27-01]Lancaster Mass. Oct 27/01 [*Ackd PPF*] My dear Theodore One thing or another has prevented my sending you before now a line to wish you well in the great office Providence has lately called you to. I remember however today is your birthday as well as mine, and the light of my own 55 candles burning here in Lancaster reminds your grandchildren light the candles on your birthday cake, have your fellow countrymen rise up and call you blessed. With kindest regards to Mrs. Roosevelt in which Mrs. Robb joins believe me Yours very sincerely J. Hampden Robb [*James Hampden Robb*] [*Hall*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt [*Robb*]me there are 43 more shining at the same time on a cake at the White House, & tells me this is just the day for [me?] to send you greeting. May you have many happy happy returns of the day old [man?] and with all manner of happiness to you & yours and may good fortune & success attend on all the acts you are to perform and carry out in the position you now occupy. The prayers & good wishes of your countrymen go out for the continued success and advancement during your Presidency of the honor & greatness of the United States. In my opinion the destiny of our beloved country is but just beginning to reveal itself and great & momentous its its progress likely to be during the next four years. May it be your reward to see prosperity & happiness increase & continue and at the end when you have given up the strenuous for the contemplative life andE. C. Machen. President. Brunswick & Birmingham R. R. Co. 277 Broadway. New York. 17085 I am glad I shall see you when you come on to the others as I am cram full of advice which I can hardly resist putting on paper and am only restrained by the feeling that it would be very uninteresting reading. I suppose you are going to O. B. Tuesday morning to vote & hope to go ? with you. With affectionate greeting to Edith & the children believe me Your attached cousin Emlen [Roosevelt] 804 Fifth Ave Oct 27-1901 Dear Theodore - Many happy returns of the day. Your birthday now calls to my mind the fact that I am older than the President of the United State & many of the sovereigns of Europe. This is startling but I cannot help it. In wishing you health & happiness I hardly know if I should congratulate you on holding the position of highest official responsibility in this oration. I believe you have the mass of the people in sympathy with you and believe they will 17083 remain so. What More Can They Do to Arouse the Groggy Old Party From Her Apathy?DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION FOR THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. To Manila, P. I., Oct. 28, 1901. Province of Dear Sir, I am desirous of getting as complete statistics as possible regarding the pueblo, and its barrios, in which you are now located. The population in the year 1896 according to the Spanish census was ____. Please fill out the following blanke and make such corrections and additions as will assist in getting accurate data. Consult the Commanding Officer of your district and also the Preisidente regarding the information called for. Sign the letter and return in the inclosed envelope. Very respectfully, FRED W. ATKINSON General Superintendent. 1. Present population (pueblo and barrios( 2. Number of pupils enrolled --- Boys Girls Total 3. Estimated school population-- Boys Girls Total 4. Number of buildings used as school houses. 5. If there are any school buildings occupied by military authorities, this fact to be noted. [*[FRED W ATKINSON]*] [*17087*]TELEGRAM. [*File ppf B ackd*] White House, Washington. 4WU .DY .RA. 10-Paid Night 7:25 am. St -George S. I. N. Y. Oct 28 Oct 29, 1901 President Theodore Roosevelt, White House, A friend in trouble, I cannot come. My deepest regrets. John Fox Jr. [*17089*] [*File B*] EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON. Oct. 28, 1901 Hon. C. B. Cortelyou. Sect, to the President, Dear Sir, In renewing my request, of a year ago, asking to have my salary equaled with other employees (ushers) would say by the time a man keeps a family, pay rent, &c. he is compelled to figure very closely on $75.00 per month. I am supposed to keep up a respectable appearance, which I would like to do. I am endeavoring to do my duty honorably and conscientiously. I will submit this for your kind consideration, hoping you can look on it favorably. I am with much respect, Samuel Bricker [*17088*]PRESIDENT'S ROOM INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ECONOMICS UNION SQUARE, NEW YORK [*ackd*] October 28th, 1901. My dear Mr. President, I herewith enclose the matter you asked for and hope that it is sufficiently condensed and to the point to be of service to you. Very cordially yours, George Gunton [*17090*]Personal. United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. [*[Rc??d] 10-31-1901 PPF ?*] Nahant, Mass., Oct. 28, 1901. To The President: I enclose a letter which I have received from Captain A. P. Gardner, together with a copy of a letter from Professor Hollis, of Cambridge. I venture to bring this to your personal attention because Professor Hollis is so well known to you, and I felt sure that you would be glad to have his request complied with if it were consistent with the interests of the public service. I also enclose a letter from Mr. Herdliska, Secretary of our Embassy at Vienna, in regard to his application for the consulate at Prague, about which I spoke to you. I would respectfully bring this letter also to your personal attention, because, when we had our conversation, I was unable to tell you whether Senator Foraker has again endorsed Mr. Herdliska for this position. You will see by what Mr. Herdliska says that Senator Foraker has recommended him, and that he is strongly endorsed by many other gentlemen known to you. I do not believe, of my own personal knowledge, that a better appointment than Mr. Herdliska could be made to the Prague consulate. I also enclose a letter from Mr. W. E. Alger, who is [one of] our [*17091*]United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. Consular Agents at Puerto Cortes, in Honduras. Mr. Alger is a cousin of mine who married in Honduras and has been for many years a successful business man and planter in that country. I did not know until I received his letter that he was one of our Consular Agents. What he says seems to me of interest, and perhaps a word of a general character along the line we took at Buffalo might find a place in your message. It seems to me at all events that it is a point worth considering. I enclose the pamphlet of Major Burke's of which he speaks, and I think it would repay you to glance at the first and second pages. I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, Sincerely yours, H. C. Lodge[*[For enclosures see 10-15-01, 10-26-01, 10-25-01 & 10-15-01]*][*ackd 11/7/1901] [shorthand] [*Submit File*] [*PPF*] Duluth, Minn. Oct. 28, 1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt President Washington D.C. I take the liberty to send the results of the investigation in matters concerning the stories about a duel (Adolf Hartmann). Very respectfully Feodor Luerzer Masonic Temple. [*17093*][*[For 2 enclosures see 9-30-01 + ca. 9-1901]*]B CC DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON [*ppf M? ppf.*] October 28, 1901. Honorable George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, White House. Dear Sir: I am directed by the Secretary to say that, in accordance with your request of this morning, a letter of introduction to the diplomatic and consular officers abroad has been sent to Mrs. Leila Reeve-Merritt, at Elfland, Oyster Bay, Long Island. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant Wm H. Michael, Chief Clerk [*17094*]Octb 2 28 1901. Dear Edith I met the President this morning and he told me to call on you and fix a time when I can have a short talk with him. Will you kindly arrange this and let me know I am with Genl 17095 [*[10-28-01] 147*] EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON [* ? *] [* PPF*] [*Major Alexander Moore?*] [*17096*]Coppinger at 3508 Prospect Avenue Georgetown. I want if possible to return to New York tomorrow afternoon. affy yr A. G. Moore(J.A.C.). Copy. Segunda Conferencia Pan-Americana Correspondencia particular Mexico, October 28th, 1901. Dear Sir: I read in today's news papers, that my speech, answering to that of the Governor of the City of Mexico, at the banquet given by the Municipality of this city to the members of the Pan-American Conference, has created great sensation in Washington. I think that the cable has transmitted it badly. I send it to you and as you know well Spanish, you will find by it that my opinion about the United States is the highest possible. I beg you to explain this misunderstanding to Mr. President Roosevelt, for whom I have great respect and admiration. I shall work in accordance with the United States' Delegation on the Inter-Continental Railroad and the interests of the trade and industries of the Continent in the Amazonas Valley, which I explored. Believe me, dear Sir, Yours truly Rafael Reyes Delegate of Colombia. [*17097*]H. T. WALLACE, President. L. A. BOWER, Vice-President. W. E. BOUGHTON, Treasurer. W. H. WALLACE, Secretary. The Diamond State Steel Company. ESTABLISHED 1853. INCORPORATED 1901. MANUFACTURERS OF Splice Bars, Track Bolts, Railroad Spikes, Boat, Wharf and Countersunk Spikes, Machine Bolts, Nuts and Washers, Boiler, Boat and Bridge Rivers, Bridge Rods, Merchant Bar Iron, Rivet Rods, Horse Shoe Iron, Horses and Mule Shoes. - Of Iron and Steel. NEW YORK OFFICE. No. 25 BROADWAY PHILADELPHIA OFFICE, REAL ESTATE TRUST BUILDING, Broad and Chestnut Sts. CAR AND OTHER FORGINGS, WASHING, TRACK AND OTHER CASTINGS. DIRECT WIRES WESTERN UNION AND POSTAL CABLE. LONG DISTANCE TELEPHONE No. 1015. WILMINGTON, DELAWARE, U. S. A. October 28th, 1901. [*Ack'd 10/30/1901*] [Shorthand] [*ppf*] To the President: My dear Mr. Roosevelt:- I write to thank you for your very kindly recognition, and also for your cordial reception of my friends from St. Louis. Miss Angel, especially, was delighted with the gracious manner with which you recognized her name in greeting her. I truly think you have captured that section of Missouri. First meeting you with Mr. A.W. Machin, we chatted over the Feudal tendency of party development, at the next meeting Mr. Machin related a case where the Post Master of Athens, Ga. had, upon appointment, preemptorily dismissed all the colored carriers, and when asked for charges, replied "charges, sah! Why, they are nigahs, sah!" But am aware of your manifold duties and will write no more, but could not resist giving expression to my appreciation of your considerate kindness. Very respectfully yours, Benjamin Reece [*17098*] All sales made contingent upon strikes, accidents, delays of carriers and other delays unavoidable or beyond our control. Quotations subject to change without notice.[*[For 1 enc see Reece ca 10-28-01]*][shorthand] [*New Haven*] [*Ackd 10-31-1901 ppf*] Hartford Conn Oct. 28. 1901 My dear Pres. Roosevelt: My daughter Sally, of Miss Porter's School Farmington, has faithfully and with very great pride, delivered to me your cheerful message relative to Ted and his buck. Hurra for Ted! But I rather thought, from signs, that he would carry that point before the season [*17099*]was over. The same is a mighty fine boy, your excellency ; God bless him! -and Kermit too. I wanted to speak of the lads to you last week at New Haven, but didnt get the chance. Yours with the highest respect and with quite inexpressible sympathy; Joseph H. Twichell [*17100*][*Confidential File Ackd ? PPF*] Headquarters Military Governor Island of Cuba Havana October 28, 1901 The President of the United States. Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President:- Several days ago I forwarded, through the Secretary of War, the petition of the merchants and planters of the Island requesting a reduction of the United States import duties on sugar and tobacco. I sent a rather long letter of transmittal in which I presented the economic situation of the Island as frankly and plainly as possible. This is not a question of export tariff consideration; it is a simple question of whether we propose to leave the people of the Island to establish a stable government, knowing that the existence of the industries on which they depend is seriously threatened. We have, under the Military Government, maintained what I believe to be an economical and fairly efficient administration of affairs at an expenditure far less than that which will be necessary under the elective form of government about to be established. Even with the Military Government, where the power of the Military Governor is absolute, and expenditures can be arbitrarily controlled, great economy and care have been necessary in order to maintain a moderate reserve in the treasury. [*17101*]Headquarters Military Governor Island of Cuba Havana The President. No. 2 October 28, 1901 The protected sugar of Europe has driven Cuban sugar out of that market and the United States is the only market of importance left. The present prices of sugar, combined with the high United States tariff, have reduced the planters here to a condition which, in many instances, closely borders upon bankruptcy, and, unless some relief can be obtained, we must look forward to a financial crisis in the Island which will put back its development for many years. The resources on which Cuba must depend for the income necessary to establish a stable government, requiring , as such government does, good schools, good courts, a system of public works, means of communication, hospitals, charities, etc. etc. are those which will be derived from the sale of her two staple products and, if we continue to legislate against these, we cannot, with any degree of sincerity, expect the new government to be able to maintain such conditions as constitute a stable government. We have had the Island of Cuba absolutely in our control for three years. We have announced to all the world its ruined condition and our charitable organizations of all classes have contributed largely to alleviate conditions of distress etc., but our government has not taken any action tending to stimulate the two great industries whose increase will speedily put Cuba upon her feet. [*17102*]HEADQUARTERS MILITARY GOVERNOR ISLAND OF CUBA HAVANA The President. No. 3 October 28, 1901 This is natural sugar and tobacco country and as we must, in any case, control its destinies, and will probably soon own it, I believe it sound policy to do what we can to develop it and make it prosperous. There is, of course, little or no real independence left Cuba under the Platt Amendment. The more sensible Cubans realize this and feel that the only consistent thing to do now is to seek annexation. This, however, will take some time, and during the period which Cuba maintains her own government, it is most desirable that she should be able to maintain such a one as will tend to her advancement and betterment. She can not make [no] certain treaties without our consent or borrow money [no] beyond a certain limit and must maintain certain sanitary conditions etc., from all of which it is quite apparent that she is absolutely in our hands, and I believe that no European government for a moment considers that she is otherwise than a practical dependency of the United States, and as such is certainly entitled to our consideration. As stated in my letter of transmittal, the return of unsanitary conditions in Cuba would cost our people more every year than the entire duty received from Cuban sugar. Again; even with the Cuban sugar, our own and that of Puerto Rico and Hawai, we import from 600.000 to 800.000 tons every year from other sources and the reduction of the duty on Cuban sugar would in [*17103*]HEADQUARTERS MILITARY GOVERNOR ISLAND OF CUBA HAVANA The President. No. 4 October 28, 1901 no way affect the home production. In the old days when we were bottled up within the limits of the United States proper it was well to cultivate within our borders as many of the necessities of life as possible, but, since we have become owners of great sugar producing countries, and have compelled the greatest sugar producing country in the world, with whom a trade of one hundred and fifty or one hundred and sixty millions can be built up in three or four years, to accept conditions which virtually make her a dependency of the United States, it seems, to say the least, inadvisable to sacrifice the immense possibilities of her development for the purpose of protecting a comparatively insignificant industry at home; a protection which compels every man, woman, and child in the United States to pay nearly two cents per pound more for one of the most important articles of food, used by rich and poor alike. With the control which we have ever Cuba, a control which will soon undoubtedly become possession, combined with the other sugar producing lands which we now own, we shall soon practically control the sugar trade of the world, or act least a very large portion of it. Cuba has never been more than partially developed and she has only one eight or one tenth of the population which she can easily support. Her trade now, even under [*17104*]HEADQUARTERS MILITARY GOVERNOR ISLAND OF CUBA HAVANA The President. No. 5 October 28, 1901 these conditions of depression, is eighty million dollars per year. With better markets and lower tariff duties it would be over one hundred millions new. Cuba is an island which within the next fifty years will have a population of probably eight or ten millions of people and a trade running into the hundreds of millions. Her climate is healthy and she furnishes immense opportunities for the investment of American capital and, inasmuch as her geographical position compels us to control and protect her, why not stimulate by moderate assistance those industries which will make her so prosperous and contented that she will be always friendly and a source of strength to us? This certainly is better than having at our doors a demoralized, poverty stricken island, such as Santo Domingo or Hayti, existing under conditions which endanger the lives of millions of our citizens. I believe Cuba to be a most desirable acquisition for the United States. She is easily worth any two of the Southern States, probably any three, with the exclusion of Texas, and of all the territories involved in the Spanish war the Island of Cuba is infinitely the most valuable. Were she remote from our shores her condition would perhaps be of little importance to us, but she is so near to us that, whether we like it or not, we have got to look after her and I believe we should see to it by all possible means that every opportunity [*17105*]HEADQUARTERS MILITARY GOVERNOR ISLAND OF CUBA HAVANA The President No. 6 October 28, 1901 is given for her development. We cannot compete with her in sugar producing for with probably not ever five percent of her available sugar land under cultivation she has in two years increased her output more than the total United States output amounts to after nearly one hundred years of sugar industry. We can, of course, strangle the Island commercially, but just why we should compel our own people to pay a high price for one of the necessities of life in order to protect a purely artificial industry, while we have at our doors the best sugar land on earth, whose products can be put into our markets at such a rate as to gradually reduce the present cost of sugar to the consumer and give us a trade which will be in the hundreds of millions is not quite apparent; especially, when it is probable that as soon as our home sugar producers realize our policy is to give Cuba a chance they will undoubtedly transfer their industries to Cuba and the Island will, under the impetus of new capital and energy, not only be developed, but gradually become americanized, and we shall have in time one of the richest and most desirable possessions in the world. The output of Cuban tobacco is comparatively limited and nothing whatever is to be feared from it. The total output of Cuban cigars is only about three percent of the output of the United States and the industry here can be encouraged to its [*17106*]HEADQUARTERS MILITARY GOVERNOR ISLAND OF CUBA HAVANA The President No. 7 October 28, 1901 limit without its ever reaching proportions to seriously interfere with the United States production. If present conditions continue, Cuban sugar and tobacco must go down and there is nothing to take their places. Ours tariff against Cuban farm products and fruits is just as severe as against her sugar and tobacco. In fact, under the present tariff we cannot look for Cuban advancement. It may be remarked that notwithstanding the tariff there has been a great increase in the sugar production during the [la] last two years. This is very easily explained. Two years ago the people here did not appreciate the probability of the present vast European sugar crop, which, bounty fed, has brought down the general price of sugar, and expecting old prices, they planted an immense crop of cane which led to a great output in the crop of sugar last year and will lead to a still greater one this year, This year's crop of sugar will be over 800,000 tons, most of which, under present prices, must be sold at little or no profit, and as the planters have invested in this crop, not only the proceeds of former sales, but also what money they could borrow, it can be readily seen that unless there is some encouragement for the future there will be little or no cane planted next year. [*17107*]HEADQUARTERS MILITARY GOVERNOR ISLAND OF CUBA HAVANA The President No. 8 October 28, 1901 All this looks like a special plea for Cuba, and it would be, were it not for the fact that we have practically assumed a complete control of her political, commercial and financial affairs in all that pertains to foreign countries, and having done so, are, in my opinion, in honor bound to give her a chance to live and prosper by her industries. I have been here, as you know, three years and a half, and I think I understand and appreciate both the capacity and the weakness of this people. My arguments are not for to-day, but for the future, and I believe you will agree with me when I state that an island which will have within the next fifty or sixty years a population of at least eight or ten million people is worth moulding into such shape as will make it a source of strength to us rather than a source of perpetual annoyance and weakness; for there is no escaping the fact that, even if we do not own the Island, we are responsible for its good conduct, the maintenance of a stable government and the just and equitable treatment of foreigners residing thereunder. I am just back from a long series of inspections through the four Western provinces. The country is orderly and tranquil to a degree, I believe, never before known. As I told you last Fall, there is a certain element here who are bound to discredit the Island and its people, if possible, in all that [*17108*]HEADQUARTERS MILITARY GOVERNOR ISLAND OF CUBA HAVANA The President. No. 9 October 28, 1901 pertains to the maintenance of good order and the security of life and property in the rural districts. In order to convince myself as to the truth or falsity of these reports concerning robberies etc. I have visited almost every town of consequence of the four Western provinces, taking with me representatives of the press, and Cubans representing the different departments of the Insular government, and have requested them to question the people fully and freely in every way and attempt to ascertain the exact truth. They all state that the reports are untrue, and that aside from petty larceny and disorders, incident to any community, the condition of the country is exceedingly orderly and quiet. The Spanish papers will undoubtedly continue to circulate alarming reports, thinking thereby to prevent or delay the inauguration of the, to them, dreaded Cuban government. On the Isle of Pines I found quite an American colony and they seem to be making considerable progress. They are working under the idea that it is to be American territory. I have told them, personally, that this matter would have to be settled by the representatives of the two governments and that the decision must rest upon the interpretation of the Treaty of Paris. The political situation is about as follows: The really [*17109*]HEADQUARTERS MILITARY GOVERNOR ISLAND OF CUBA HAVANA The President No. 10 October 28, 1901 patriotic Cubans have attempted to unite all parties for Estrada Palma as President. It appeared for a time that they would be successful; but, Bartolomé Massó, who has been twice President of the Revolutionary Republic, has gathered about him the radical and discontented element, who fear that under the administration of Estrada Palma, which will be, it is believed, conservative and economical, their schemes will not readily materialize, and all thoughtful men have attempted to obtain Masso's consent to run as Vice-President. He has, however, now come out openly for President, appealing to the Autonomists, Spaniards, and negroes. If this political fight waxes strong it will cause serious difficulty and break up the Cuban people into political camps and cause feelings of strong political hostility between them. All this is unfortunate, for I think all of us wish to see the government which is to be established as harmonious and as stable as possible. Massó is an old man already in his second childhood and particularly susceptible to flattery and the influence of positive people about him. I should fear very much for the new government under his control. It is unnecessary to state that the military government is absolutely out of politics and does not even discuss the situation. I am simply sending you these details as matter for your own information. [*17110*]HEADQUARTERS MILITARY GOVERNOR ISLAND OF CUBA HAVANA The President. No. 11 October 28, 1901 The railroad situation here is unbearable. We have allowed the railroads to go on for nearly three years at old rates on the ground that they had lost heavily during the war etc., but during the last year they have all paid handsome dividends and have, in some instances, made extensive improvements. The rates are so excessive as to add greatly to the difficulties of the economic situation. For instance; it costs in some cases seventy five to eight cents to get a bag of sugar hauled from the plantation to the sea coast; from the sea coast it can be taken to New York for about eighteen cents. In other words, for a haul of sixty miles the railroad company gets from three to four times the rate from the sea cost to New York. A car of fresh vegetables from the town of Jaguey Grande, distant from Havana about eighty miles, by rail, pays $85.00, the shipper loading and the buyer unloading, the railway simply furnishing the car; there are moreover other incidental charges. One line has requested authorization to increase its capital stock twenty five percent on the ground of improvements made to the road. Now, we have recently reduced the duties on railroad material and supplies to five percent ad valorem; for the preceding two years they were only ten percent. All this was done for the purpose of facilitating the railroads in making repairs. We also abolished the state tax of ten per cent on [*17111*]HEADQUARTERS MILITARY GOVERNOR ISLAND OF CUBA HAVANA The President No. 12 October 28, 1901 passenger and three percent on freight rates. The railroad companies have however done absolutely nothing. The people, as you know, are now making an offer for a reduction of tariffs, and the insular government cannot well stand by and permit the existing railway conditions to continue unmodified. It is sufficient to say that the rates are from forty to one hundred and fifty percent higher than they should be. I am going to establish here a Commission somewhat similar to the Interstate Commerce Commission and insist upon State intervention in regulating the rates when it is evident that such rates are prejudicial to public interest. I have attempted by all peaceful and amicable means to bring the railroad companies into line, but they are, as a rule, owned by foreigners, mostly English and French, and they have absolutely no interest in the Island except what they can get out of it. I will not do anything unjust or unreasonable, but will only take such action as tends to protect the inherent rights of the people. I leave Tuesday, November 5th, for Santiago de Cuba and shall be absent from Havana from ten days to two weeks. This trip will complete my inspection of the Island and when I go up in December I shall know from personal observation the exact state of the country from one end to the other. Please do not permit this long letter to bore you or consider [*17112*]HEADQUARTERS MILITARY GOVERNOR ISLAND OF CUBA HAVANA The President No. 13 October 28, 1901 impertinent its rather frank tone. I am writing you the situation as it is, knowing this is what you want. With kindest regards to Mrs. Roosevelt and yourself, Very sincerely yours, Leonard Wood [*17113*]Department of Justice Office of United States Attorney, Southern District of Illinois. THOMAS WORTHINGTON, U. S. Attorney. F. L. HATCH HENRY A. CONVERSE, Asst. U. S. Attorneys [Springfield, Ill.,] Jacksonville, Illinois, October 28, 1901. [*2*] [*Ackd 10-30-1901*] Geo. B. Cortelyou, Esq., Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- On the suggestion of Hon. Charles G. Dawes, I inclose herewith copy of a prepared interview given out by Mr. Fred H. Rowe, Chairman of the Republican State Central Committee of this State, a relative of Governor Yates (who was appointed on his request), in which he seems to presume a good deal upon "President Roosevelt's known friendliness to Governor Yates and the State administration" as to the future distribution of Federal patronage in this State. I will say that I am a warm friend of Mr. Dawes and expect to do what I can for him in his campaign for the Senate, so far as permitted by my superior officers to take part in politics. I inclose a personal letter to the President, which you can deliver to him if he has any time to consider such matters. He has no firmer personal friends in this State than his two district attorneys --- Mr. Bethea of the Northern District and myself of the Southern. Yours very truly, Thos. Worthington [*17114*][*[For 1. attachment see Worthington 10-28-01]*][*[10-28-01]*] Thos. Worthington, Jacksonville, Ill., Encloses copy of prepared interview [withx] given out by the Chairman of the State Central C[x] Committee of Illinois, in which he seems to presume a good deal upon the President's known friendliness to Governor Yates and the State Administration as to future distribution of federal patronage. States that the President has no firmer personal friends in the State than his two District Attorneys. Encloses a letter addressed to the President explaining why he was not in Springfield on the occasion of the President's visit, and wishes his administration unbounded success. [Shorthand] [*17115*][*[attached to Worthington 10-28-01]*][*[ca. 10-28-01]*] Translation. GENERAL RAFAEL REYES,- The Vice-President of Colombia and the representative of that country at the Second International American Conference was designated by the President of the assembly, Doctor Genaro Raigosa, to reply to the preceding toasts and made the following address extemporaneously which, like the other toasts, was much applauded:- Mr. Governor of the Federal District, Mr. President of the Municipality of the Capital: Gentlemen: His Excellency, the President of the Second Pan American Conference, has done me the honor to designate me to reply, in the name of my esteemed colleagues, to the eloquent discourses to which we have just listened. I am less qualified for this duty, but to be relieved from it would not be a fitting response to the delicate courtesy of our President, Mr. Raigosa, to whom this honor belongs. The royal, and at the same time affectionate and frank welcome which Mexico has extended to the peoples of the Continent discovered by Columbus and here represented by us, shows eloquently [*17116*]-2- that the isolation in which we have to this time lived has not swept away the sentiments of affection of a common mother that gave to us her language, her religion, her fame and her blood: Spain, who, today exhausted with her honors, will be moved that her descendants are not ungrateful and that the first time we congregate on this hospitable soil -- together with the representatives of the great Republic of the North and the Republic of Brazil and Haiti -- we should send to her, as well as to Portugal, the discoverer of India and of the southern coasts of Africa, a warm greeting! In this greeting I feel sure the delegates of the great republic of the North, which accords a generous reception to all that is great and noble, will gladly join, since its motto is: Progress, Civilization and Justice, directed and imposed by the people, through the medium that causes the ties uniting the nations to be stronger than steel! The Pan American Conference will be concerned with the great interests of this young continent, and we hope its work will be fruitful, not only for them but also for Europe. In past epochs the life of nations was counted by centuries, today it is counted by decades and lustrums, and it is not unwarranted to expect that within a few years the railroad will carry us from this advanced and populous city to the no less [*17117*]-3- large and illustrious city of Santiago de Chile, the most southern of the southern hemisphere, as it has carried us from New York here, giving us a glimpse of the cities which have sprung up as by enchantment in the plains where before wandered the Red Skins and the Aztecs and as they will continue to spring up in the mountains and valleys inhabited by the Chibchas, the Incas, the Guanamis and the Araucanos. Thus we shall see in its truest and most beautiful aspect: "Manifest Destiny", -- which in my opinion is Progress, Truth, and Justice. Mexico has already the tie of steel that unites it to the giant of the North, and has entered boldly and openly into the road of progress guided by the renowned statesman of whom one justly feels proud: On the southern continent there are nationalities equally advanced which have already left behind the long and sad era of disorder, and the other peoples that have not yet availed of this inestimable good will be compelled to follow the noble example of their happier sisters. These are the great interests which this Conference is called to consider. Gentlemen, join with me in drinking this toast to the hospitable Mexican people who have received us as brothers, -- to the head of this Nation, -- to the renowned city of Mexico and to its municipality and Governor who have prepared for us this grand banquet. [*17118*] Benjamin Reece. Engineer Railway Dept. Diamond State Steel Co. Wilmington, Del. M. Am. Soc. C. 8. [*17119*]large and illustrious city of Santiago de Chile, the most southern of the southern hemisphere, as it has carried us from New York here, giving us a glimpse of the cities which have sprung up as by enchantment in the plains where before wandered the Red Skins and the Aztecs and as they will continue to spring up in the mountains and valleys inhabited by the Chibchas, the Incas, the Guanamis and the Araucanos. Thus we shall see in its truest and most beautiful aspect: "Manifest Destiny", -- which in my opinion is Progress, Truth, and Justice. Mexico had already the tie of steel that unites it to the giant of the North, and has entered boldly and openly into the road of progress guided by the renowned statesman of whom one justly feels proud: On the southern continent there are nationalities equally advanced which have already left behind the long and sad era of disorder, and the other peoples that have not yet availed of this inestimable good will be compelled to follow the noble example of their happier sisters. These are the great interests which this Conference is called to consider. Gentlemen, join with me in drinking this toast to the hospitable Mexican people who have received us as brothers, -- to the head of this Nation, -- to the renowned city of Mexico and to its municipality and Governor who have prepared for us this grand banquet. [*17118*] Benjamin Reece. Engineer Railway Dept. Diamond State Steel Co. Wilmington Del. M. Am. Soc. C. 8. [*17119*]OFFICE OF SECOND ASSISTANT SECRETARY H. Department of State, Washington. Personal. October 29, 1901. My dear Mr. Cortelyou: The Secretary asks me to send you the enclosed personal note which he has received from Mr. Quadt in order that whatever is appropriate may be done to put Mr. Quadt on the same footing as Mr. Lowther and to enable the Secretary to answer his inquiry. I may add that Count Quadt is married and his wife is here in Washington; while Mr. Lowther is unmarried. Very cordially Alvey A. Adee Enclosure: Personal note from Mr. Quadt, Oct. 29, 1901. Hon. George B: Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. [*17120*][*[For 1 enc see Quadt 10-29-01]*]St. Michael's Cathedral. Springfield, Mass. Oct. 29, 1901 Yr. Grace- I believe I can present to you two candidates for Chaplaincy - both thoroughly are our men - so like - Jno. W. Casey, a native of this state, 29 years old, a graduate of H. Cross College, Worcester and ordained at Rome [*17121*]last June from American College. - Height 5.10 - weight 185. Total Abstainer. Physical condition excellent and of gentlemanly address. [The other candidate sends me the enclosed telegram from Washington, where it would be easy to arrange for him to call on you. With respect & esteem fraternally yrs. xx] Thos. D. Beaven Bp. of Spg'd. Mt. Rev. Jno. J. Ireland D.D. Arbp. of St. Paul. [*17122*][[shorthand]] [*ackd 10-31-1901*] HAVERFORD MONTGOMERY CO. PA. October 29th 1901 Mr President After going very carefully over the draft you were good enough to send me, I cannot suggest the change of a word. I do not see how it can be improved. I regret the delay in replying to your [*17123*]former communication - but I was out on the annual inspection of our Western lines, and only got home on Saturday. I mailed my reply yesterday. Very respectfully yours A. J. Cassatt [*17124*]HARLAKENDEN HOUSE, CORNISH POST OFFICE, TELEPHONE, AND EXPRESS: WINDSOR, VT. [*Ackd 11-2-1901 PPF*] October 29th 1901 My Dear Mr Roosevelt Mrs. Churchill and I hope to be in Washington on Saturday, November 16th, to remain until Monday, November 18th, and will call and pay our respects to Mrs Roosevelt and to you at that time. We shall hope to find you. It is possible for us to come earlier in that week if you were going to be away. We shall be staying with my cousin, Mrs Ethan Hitchcock. Guy Murchie is very keen to go, of course, and so we all expect to be in Washington together. I wish that I could have heard you speak at Yale. Senator Proctor is in the Park now. I got a very fine elk the other day, and Mrs Churchill and I are living in hopes that next year you may come to us and shoot. Sincerely yours Winston Churchill Hon Excellency Theodore Roosevelt. [*17125*][*File*] Personal. WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. October 29, 1901. My dear Sir: Replying to your letter of the 26th instant, I would state that if you will forward the letter to which you refer in an envelope marked "confidential", I will see that it goes direct to the President. Very truly yours, Geo. M. Cortelyou Secretary to the President. Mr. O. M. Campbell, 545 Liberty Street, Pittsburg, Pa. [*17126*]Columbia, S.C, Oct, 29, 1901. To the President Hon. Theodore Roosevelt Washington, D.C. Sir:- Following up my letter of the 24th, inst. I find upon my arrival here the community remarkably agitated over the appointment of Mr. Rev. R. Koester as Collector of Int. Rev. for S.C. because of his general reputation and because again of the notorious fact that he took a very pronounced and boastful part in a lynching mob led by him and Mr. Jno. G. Capers, the present Dist Atty, for S.C., and because the mob that was led by the gentlemen above overtook the Negro first before the other bands arrived, Mr. Koester claimed the right to fire the first shot at the unfortunate victim. This is the allegation of a number of reputable citizens of Columbia S.C., notably Mr. A. Fundenberg, and Mr E. J. Watson. These gentlemen were present there themselves and, Mr. President can you wonder why the people are expressing themselves in revolt against these appointments, and honestly believe that the Executive has been imposed upon? In a few days I shall forward copies of "The State" and also "The Register" [*17127*]upon which latter paper he was in fact editor & contained accounts of the lynching referred to and no doubt will verify the statements I make. When the investigation was had to ascertain the facts relative to the lynching neither of these gentlemen came forward to testify as good citizens in the interest of good government, or at least to show that they took no part in it. Please send some one to investigate this matter that the truth may be officially reported to you. I have the honor to remain, Respectfully yours, E.H. Deas ChairmanTranslation. M/H Embassy of the French Republic in the United States, Washington, Oct. 29, 1901. Mr. Secretary of State: Having returned from the country and being desirous of paying my respects to Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, I should be greatly obliged to you to cause the President to be informed of my wish and, in the event that he is pleased to accord it a favorable reception, to designate the day and hour when he will be ready to receive the Chargé d'Affaires of France. Madame de Margerie and myself would be, moreover, very happy should it be agreeable to Mrs. Roosevelt to have us call upon her and I should be very greatly obliged to you to inform me when it would be convenient to her for us to call at the White House. Be pleased to accept, Mr. Secretary of State, the assurance of my highest consideration. P. de Margerie. Honorable John Hay, Secretary of State of the United States, Washington, D.C. [*see Hay, John 10/30/01*] [*17128*][*Wrote Mr. Ray 11-2-1901*] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE. CHAMBERS OF REFEREE IN BANKRUPTCY. BUFFALO, N. Y. October 29th, 1901. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Esq., Ass't Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. Loeb:- I am to-day mailing a letter to the President, with regard to the present very widespread movement looking to an amendment of the National Bankruptcy Law, which, inasmuch as Secretary Cortelyou and I are not acquainted he may stop en route. Will you not please see that it is brought to the Colonel's attention. The subject is one of vast importance, and I bring it before him at the request of the Executive Committee of the National Association of Referees in Bankruptcy, which is co-operating with Chairman Ray of the House Judiciary Committee in getting at the wishes of the country as to proper amendments. Your letter was received. All I can say is that the only possible mistake you can have had made in the matter of your engagement is that the young lady is not a Buffalo girl. Yours very truly, William H. Hotchkiss [*17129*]EXECUTIVE MANSION PORTO-RICO San Juan, October 29, 1901. Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Cortelyou:- Dr. Rowe, a member of the Code Commission, and a very intelligent, nice fellow, told me that Edmund J. James of Chicago thinks favorably of the Treasure-ship. I do not know Mr. James myself, but Dr. Rowe assures me that he has great administrative ability, and is in every respect thoroughly well qualified. I am disposed to believe he would be a very good man, as Dr. Rowe certainly knows the kind of Treasurer we need. I do not want to be importunate, but it is of much importance that that official be selected soon, in view of the near approach of a legislative session, and of the certainty that many questions connected with taxation will be presented, and will require the most intelligent consideration. I consider the position as a very important one at this time, particularly, and I regard it as desirable that it be filled as soon as possible. I hope to be in Washington about the 18th or 19th of November, and shall then have the pleasure of seeing you. Meanwhile, with kind regards, I remain Very sincerely yours, William H. Hunt [*Will you kindly give the President the enclosed.*] [*17130*][*File ppF Pr*] EXECUTIVE MANSION PORTO-RICO PERSONAL San Juan, October 29, 1901. To the President, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- Mr. Hartzell will arrive on Thursday, and I am making my plans to leave here on the 12th of November, so as to have two weeks in Washington, during which time I can have the pleasure of seeing you, and going over the situation here with you in a way which I trust will be helpful, and better advise you than I can by letters. Thinking, however, that you might desire to have before you a few brief points, I have concluded to write you this short letter. 1st. I believe the experiment of civil government in Porto Rico will work out successfully under the present general form of government. The Foraker Law, which is the Organic Act, is liberal enough for the next few years. It is the opinion of those of us who have been here since the beginning of civil government that greater liberty just now would be fraught with danger. There will be always some chafing, of course, under the present form of government, but we can meet that restlessness more successfully than we could encounter the greater danger of an unrestricted territorial government. 2nd. In his message to Congress a year ago, President McKinley advised that attention be given to the question of public lands in Porto Rico. It has been held that the public land laws of the United States do not apply to this Island, until Congressional action may be had. I believe that it would be very wise for Congress to create the office of Surveyor-General. Such an official [*17131*]2 could ascertain exactly what is the public domain of the United States. At present, it is very uncertain. This uncertainty arises by the claims of the United States to "Crown lands" and the claims of the Island to "State lands." Lawyers do not agree as to what these distinctions mean, but the Island has always claimed that those lands which Spain regarded as "State lands" belonged to the Colony of Porto Rico, while those which were classified as "Crown lands" alone passed to the United States by the Treaty of Paris. There are many acres of valuable lands in the Island, titles to which should be quieted by Congressional action, and I hope very much that you may find it wise to draw the attention of Congress to the propriety of legislation concerning public lands. If the attention of Congress is drawn to the question this session, the particular legislation needed can be considered after full presentation before the Committee in charge. 3rd. You know that the United States has not given a dollar to Porto Rico since Civil Government was established, excepting always customs receipts, which constitute the main source of revenue for the maintenance of the Government. Now, it costs a little over two million dollars to run the Government. The appropriation made by the Insular Legislature for education last year, was $500,000, or twenty-five per cent of the total revenue. There will be about 50,000 children in school next month, but there are 250,000 more who ought to be in school. With road construction and maintenance, and current expenses, $500,000 is all that the Island can afford, under the taxation of 1/2 of one percent for insular purposes. We want to beg 171323 Congress to give $250,000 for the extension of education in Porto Rico. It is not too much to ask of our Federal Government, when we consider that it is entirely wise to rush the Educational proposition as fast as it can be pushed. 4th. The need pf agricultural experimental stations is a vital one. The appropriation for this purpose, made by Congress last year was $12,000 The Agent of the Department who was sent down here, and who is now here, has moved very slowly, and he places great reliance upon appropriations to be made by the Insular Legislature, but those if us who are connected with the administration think that the General Government can afford to give us good appropriations for agriculture. My own idea is that if we can get the younger people to school, and the elder ones to study at the agricultural stations by observation, an infinite amount of good will be accomplished. The soil is immensely rich here, and will yield almost everything, but you would be amazed at the ignorance that prevails in respect to agriculture. I hope, therefore, that the agricultural department will ask for a good appropriation for Porto Rico, and that your sympathy will be enlisted in this direction also. 5th. The harbor of San Juan is pronounced to be naturally advantageous, but the largest ships cannot come in until it is dredged to some extent. Lieutenant Stanton, of the Navy, looked somewhat into this matter when he was down here a few months ago, and it was his opinion that 35 feet of water can be had throughout the whole harbor without unusual difficulties, beyond those incident to dredging and harbor improvement. We hope that Congress will make the proper appropriations for the establishment of a naval station, and that a liberal amount will be given for the improvement of harbors, to the end that commercial development may receive its deserved consideration. 171334 6th. The only point to which I invite your attention in connection with tariffs just now is the duty upon coffee. The Organic Law, known as the Foraker Bill, in Section 2, provided that on all coffee in the bean or ground, imported into Porto Rico, there should be levied and collected a duty of five cents per pound, any law or part of law to the contrary notwithstanding. This provision obtained until the 25th day of July ,when free trade between the United States and Porto Rico was declared. The removal of tariff duties undoubtedly swept away this duty on coffee, although I have never believed it was the intent of Congress to leave coffee without protection. I believe that it is but just that this duty should be restored, as a matter of protection to these coffee growers. The restoration of such a duty cannot, in any way, affect trade relations between the United States and Porto Rico, as no coffee is raised in the United States, but it would keep out of Porto Rico, Brazilian coffee, which is raised at much less cost than is the Porto Rican coffee. As I have said, I hope to follow this letter in about two weeks--I merely thought you would like to have these few points before you at the earliest possible moment. I will not worry you with elaboration at this time. With kindest regards, believe me Most sincerely yours, William H. Hunt 17134West Virginia University MORGANTOWN, W. VA. BOARD OF REGENTS: GEORGE O. STURGISS, President, Morgantown FAMES F. BROWN, Charleston JOHN A. CAMPBELL, New Cumberland P.O. EASTMAN, Point Pleasant JAMES L. HAMILL, Welch A. H. KUNST, Weston JOHN J. DAVIS, Clarksburg RICHARD RANDOLPH McMANON, Harper's Ferry W. E. POWELL, Parkersburg [*Ackd File PPF*] Harper's Ferry, W. Va. Oct 29. 1901 My dear Mr. President: It seems but a very short span since I dropped into the Civil Service Commission to see you and Gov. Thompson. You were then illustrating by your work the force of what the Prince of Aragon said to Portia: - "O, that estates, degrees and offices Were not derived corruptly, and that clear honor Were purchased by the merit of the wearer!" Of the momentous events which have made history since then I must say magna pars fuisti. No era has followed you more closely than mine, and no heart with more sincere appreciation of superb courage, magnificent patriotism and exalted Americanism. The recent episode alone which so much has been written and spoken recalls the sublime words of Boyle O'Reilly, that rare great, exquisite souled man, whom you knew so well, on the "Unity of Man's Blood": - Indian and Negro, Saxon and Celt, Teuton and Latin and Gaul - Mere surface shadows and sunshine; while the sounding unifies all! One love, one hope, one duty cheers! no matter the time or ken, There never was separate heart beat in all the races of men! I was delighted with the appointment of Mr. Foulke as Civil Service Commissioner. That office calls for eternal vigilance and the courage one to resist the artifices of professional politicians. [*17135*]Whenever you can lay aside for a spell the complex and onerous duties of the President, let me suggest the trip which Jefferson said was worth a journey across the Atlantic, and my house, Jefferson Place, is entirely at your disposal. A year ago, this month, when Mr. Cleveland was here and saw its enchanting view, he said that he agreed with his predecessor. I am very sure that you would agree with your two predecessors. Secretary Root would never again want to go to Southampton. With sincere regard I am, Mr. President, Very faithfully your friend Richard R. McMahon The President. White House. Washington.[[shorthand]] [*Ackd 11-12-1901*] [*Private and Confidential from Sir Hiram Maxim*] 18, Queen's Gate Place, London, S.W. October 29th, 1901. His Excellency President T. Roosevelt, Washington, U.S.A. Sir, When Lord Wolseley was the Field Marshall Commander-in-Chief of the British Army, I had a standing invitation from His Lordship to keep him posted in regard to all I found out while travelling on the Continent of Europe. You will understand that my name is connected with one of the largest concerns in the British Empire, and that the Maxim gun has gone into use practically all over the world. My connection with this gun, and with the firm, has brought me into direct contact with a great many officials belonging to various nations, so I know fairly well how matters stand in Europe at the present moment. About a dozen year ago, I employed a German Officer to represent our concern in German-speaking countries. He is still in our employ, and as his father (recently deceased) held a very high official position in Germany during his lifetime, this Officer has been able to impart to me information which I think ought to be of some value to my native country. When war broke out with Spain, the high German officials -1- [*17136*]were most emphatic in their declaration that Emperor William would never allow the Americans to annex the Phillipines. A tremendous effort was made among the German Jingos to influence the Government with a view of attacking Admiral Dewey at Manilla, and it is believed that the Emperor was wavering in the balance. Some of the German officials, however, feared that if they interfered with Dewey at Manilla, the British Navy would also interfere. At that time, the English were generally rejoiced at the success of the American arms, and all Americans in London were advised to write their Government, to assure [them] it that England was with them hand and glove, and to pray the United States' Government to stick to the Phillipine Islands through thick and thin. However, nothing happened. There is a strong feeling at the present moment among high German officials, including the Emperor, that the German Navy should be greatly increased, the principal objective point being South America. The Austrians are also strongly of the opinion that something should be done to reduce the influence of the United States in South America, and I may say that the French in a less degree hold the same views. You will therefore see that we have at least three great nations against us in South America, and that Germany is exerting all her energies with a view of building up a Navy which shall be sufficiently strong to oppose the American Navy in American waters, and to establish German influence on the South American Continent in -2- 17137defiance of the Munro doctrine. I know this to be a fact. To be forewarned is to be forearmed. Let us see now what the high officials in England think of Germany's naval propaganda as far as South America is concerned. Those whom I have talked to are of the opinion that if Germany should succeed in landing say 100,000 men in South America, they never could return except by the consent of the United States of America. They believe that the United States are practically masters of the situation in the Western hemisphere, and that Germany will never be able to attack the United States with any show of success. And of course this is true providing the Americans can face the problem that they are unable to dodge, and put themselves into a position to hold the American Continent against all comers. My only excuse for writing this letter is that I believe by so doing I am giving the American Executive a hint which althou' It may not be new, may serve to confirm the opinions which I have no doubt are entertained by your Cabinet at the present moment. I am, Sir, Yours respectfully, Hiram S. Maxim Knt. Confidential 17138[*File ppf Pr*] EXCELSIOR STATE OF NEW YORK EXECUTIVE CHAMBER ALBANY October 29th, 1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President;-- I have your letter of the 25th. I'm glad to know you had such a satisfactory talk with Low. The situation looks pretty good to me now and I hoping for the best results. I have written our mutual friend, Higgins, as you requested. There is evidently a great deal of worry ever what we were conferring about, but I think everything is coming out all right. Sincerely yours, B. B. Odell [*17139*]Washington matter. Had I had the ordering of it, I might have suggested postponing it until after the election in November. With kindest regards, Yours very truly, Wesley M. Oler Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. Washington, D. C. [*Ackd 10-30-01*] General Manager's Office The Morning Herald. Baltimore, October the Twenty-ninth, 1901. Dear Mr. President:-- It occurred to me that you might want to get a line on the situation in Maryland, now that election day is approaching. The SUN, as I told you, has kept itself very nicely balanced on the fence and no one knows on which side it will flop, if it flop at all. The AMERICAN, has been its custom for thirty years at critical times, is doing nothing,--rather helping Gorman--so the fight is being made here by my paper in the morning, and the NEWS, an independent Democratic paper, in the evening. From present indications, the state will undoubtedly go Republican unless the election is absolutely stolen. Gorman is desperate and will leave no stone unturned to carry the state by any means his fertile brain can suggest. If the election be fair, we shall assuredly win. I think we shall win anyhow, and be in a position to elect a United States Senator to succeed Wellington. I am heartily in sympathy with you position in the Booker 17140Do DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY PUBLISHERS 34 UNION SQUARE, NEW YORK 29 October 1901 Dear Mr. President, We do not know how it happened that payment has not been made to you for your Introduction to Mr. Wallihan's book, and we heartily beg your pardon. The matter escaped our attention till the proof came today. We propose, if it meet your approval, to send you a check at the rate of $50 a thousand words. We will thank you to let us hear if this do meet your approval, & to return the proof at your convenience. We think that you will be pleased with the way in which we shall reproduce the photographs; or we are taking great pains with them 17142 [shorthand notation] File PP7 ackd 11-1-1901 To call the utmost attention to the book, we shall reproduce several of the photographs in the next number of our magazine The World's Work; and we shall like to quote (in the magazine) parts of your Introduction. The parts quoted shall have some such explanatory note as the following, with no official title in connection with your name: "The following is a part of the Introduction to "Camera Shots at Big Game," by Mr. A.G. Wallihan, which was written by Mr. Roosevelt last Spring." May we trouble you to have a telegraph answer sent giving (we hope) your permission for these quotations to be used in the magazine? Yours very sincerely Doubleday, Page & Co. W.H. Page To The President 17143The Safe Deposit Vaults in the Equitable Buildings are the most secure in the world. [*1-2 P.P.F. Ackd 10/31/19 THE EQUITABLE LIFE ASSURANCE SOCIETY, No. 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. GEO. H. PETRIE, General Agent, [Office Hour: 12 to 1 P. M.] Oct. 29th 1901 To His Excellency President Theodore Roosevelt My dear Sir Permit me to offer you my heartiest congratulations at this birthday anniversary time, I feel honoured in being so noticed as your Sabbath school teacher, and often in memory do I recall your good father at Riverdale on the Hudson.-- May you long be spared and respected by your fellow citizens-- I am a member of Dr. Jas. M. Ludlow's church here & he often mentions your name. Yours respectfully Geo. H. Petrie 85 Beech St. East Orange NJ [*17144*] [*17145*] The Oranges have a special interest in President Roosevelt. It is well known that his sister, Mrs. Douglas Robinson lives in West Orange, and that the President last visited her home in July last. But there are two residents of East Orange who have an especial interest in Colonel (soon to be General) Roosevelt. One is the Rev. Dr. J. M. Ludlow,, who, as pastor of the Collegiate Reformed Church, of New York, received him into that communion, and the other is George H. Petrie, of Beech Street, who was his Sunday School teacher. Both men have great faith in President Roosevelt. [*East Orange Journal Oct 12 1901*]Ackd 10/31/19 No. 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. GEO. H. PETRIE, General Agent, Office Hour: 12 to 1 P.M. Oct. 29th 1901 To His Excellency President Theodore Roosevelt My dear Sir Permit me to offer you my heartiest congratulations at this birthday anniversary time, I feel honoured in being so noticed as your Sabbath school teacher, and often in memory do I recall your good father at Riverdale on the Hudson.-- May you long be spared and respected by your fellow citizens-- I am a member of Dr. Jas. M. Ludlow's church here & he often mentions your name. Yours respectfully Geo. H. Petrie 85 Beech St. East Orange NJ 17144 The Oranges have a special interest in President Roosevelt. It is well known that his sister, Mrs. Douglas Robinson lives in West Orange, and that the President last visited her home in July last. But there are two residents of East Orange who have an especial interest in Colonel (soon to be General) Roosevelt. One is the Rev. Dr. J.M. Ludlow,, who, as pastor of the Collegiate Reformed Church, of New York, received him into that communion, and the other is George H. Petrie, of Beech Street, who was his Sunday School teacher. Both men have great faith in President Roosevelt. East Orange Journal Oct 12 1901Private United States Senate, Marshall, N.C. Oct. 29, 1901. Dear Mr. President:- Replying to your esteemed favor of recent date, relative to the writer of the enclosed letter, I beg to say that Mr. Meekins is a young gentleman of high character and standing- a member of the legal profession, etc. During the last campaign he permitted himself to be nominated by an irregular convention which was held in the First Congressional District of this State, and ran in opposition to the regular nominee of the Republican party in that district. As chairman of the State Executive Committee, I used all means in my power to induce him to retire, feeling as I did that his retirement would, in all probability, result in the election of a Republican from that district, but my efforts were of no avail. Since that time I have had Hon. G.W. Cobb appointed as Collector of Customs at Edenton,which in my opinion has done much to allay the opposition to the regular organization in that section, Mr. Cobb being prominent among those who voted for Mr. Meekins. Mr. Meekins is a genial, warm-hearted young man, but somewhat indiscreet as a politician. I will talk more fully with you in regard to him the first time I have an opportunity. In this connection I desire to say that the Bryan democrats in the State will do all they can to prevent the appointment 17146 United States Senate, appointment of Mr. Osborne, placing it solely on the ground that he has shown some independence in the past. It would be very unfortunate for me to have Mr. Osborne fail to get the appointment he seeks. With best wishes, I have the honor to be, Sincerely yours, JC Pritchard 17147[*Called and saw Secy. Cortelyou.*] Confidential Riggs House. O. G. Staples, Proprietor, OPPOSITE U.S. TREASURY ONE BLOCK FROM THE WHITE HOUSE. THE BALTO LITHO CO. Washington, D. C. October 29 1901 To His Excellency, Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, President United States, Mr President; I am just over from New York- city. I have been requested by the representatives of the "Bryan Democratic League" and the "Anti-Trust Democratic Campaign Committee", organizations of citizens representing over twenty thousand voters of Greater New York, to call upon you personally and make certain verbal communications. These bodies of citizens are honestly and most earnestly working day and night to defeat Richard Crocker, Devery and Tammany Hall and all they and it stand for in the present municipal campaign in Greater New York. Trusting that you can conveniently devote a few moments to receive me, I remain Respectfully Wm. E. Ryan [*17148*]THE ARCADE JOHN F. SMYTH SMYTH'S EXCHANGE. 431 UNION STREET. ABERDEEN Oct 29 1901 GOODS ENTRANCE _12 JUSTICE MILL LANE. JOHN F. SMYTH AUCTIONEER, VALUATOR & GENERAL FURNISHER. Telephone No. 1802. Telegraphic Address: Smyth's Exchange, Aberdeen. M President Roosvelt U.S.A. The largest stock of second-hand Furniture, Curios, Antiques, Pictures, etc., in Scotland. Furniture on hire-purchase. Furniture bought, exchanged, removed or stored. [[shorthand]] [*akd 11=8=1901*] [*PPF*] Sir Noting the enclosed interesting paragraph in a local paper - I take the liberty of sending you a sketch of an old carved panel in my possession which has a curious connection with your ancestry - being the back of the Tillyquhillie family pew, taken from an old Church mow demolished. The Carving is in fir, and owes its excellent state of preservation to the fact that it has been thickly coated with paint The Arms represented are those of Douglas and Forbes with quarterings The Old Castle of Tillyquhillie is still in Existence some 15 miles from this city I have the honor to be Your Obt Srvt John F. Smyth [*17150*] Mr Charles H. Browning writes to the "New York Herald" that he finds President Roosevelt to be a descendant of Robert Bruce. He apparently proves this contention by his descent through John Douglas of Tillywhilly. His grandson came over to America in 1765. Mr Browning says:- "The blood of the fighting families of Scotland, Sinclair, Seton, Douglas, Forbes, Erskine, Ramsay, Keith, and others, seems to have completely offset and upset the sluggish blood derived from Roosevelt's Dutch ancestors." [*17149*]SMYTH'S EXCHANGE. 431 UNION STREET. ABERDEEN Oct 29 1901 GOODS ENTRANCE _12 JUSTICE MILL LANE. JOHN F. SMYTH AUCTIONEER, VALUATOR & GENERAL FURNISHER. Telephone No. 1802. Telegraphic Address: Smyth's Exchange, Aberdeen. M President Roosvelt U.S.A. The largest stock of second-hand Furniture, Curios, Antiques, Pictures, etc., in Scotland. Furniture on hire-purchase. Furniture bought, exchanged, removed or stored. [[shorthand]] [*akd 11=8=1901*] [*PPF*] Sir Noting the enclosed interesting paragraph in a local paper - I take the liberty of sending you a sketch of an old carved panel in my possession which has a curious connection with your ancestry - being the back of the Tillyquhillie family pew, taken from an old Church mow demolished. The Carving is in fir, and owes its excellent state of preservation to the fact that it has been thickly coated with paint The Arms represented are those of Douglas and Forbes with quarterings The Old Castle of Tillyquhillie is still in Existence some 15 miles from this city I have the honor to be Your Obt Srvt John F. Smyth [*17150*] Mr Charles H. Browning writes to the "New York Herald" that he finds President Roosevelt to be a descendant of Robert Bruce. He apparently proves this contention by his descent through John Douglas of Tillywhilly. His grandson came over to America in 1765. Mr Browning says:- "The blood of the fighting families of Scotland, Sinclair, Seton, Douglas, Forbes, Erskine, Ramsay, Keith, and others, seems to have completely offset and upset the sluggish blood derived from Roosevelt's Dutch ancestors." [*17149*]Extract from letter dated Oct. 29, 1901, to Joseph Wharton, Philadelphia, from Charlemagne Tower, U.S. Ambassador to Russia. General Porter discusses with me in a friendly way the chances of what might happen if he should give up his position at Paris. I think he intends to do so next Summer; though of course it is too far ahead for any definite plan. What you tell me about Germany explains a situation which I fully comprehend. But to appoint a German-American to Berlin is the one thing that ought not to be done. Such a man would arouse in that position an intensely bitter personal feeling amongst the people to whom he were sent, both social and political, on account of his former relations to the country, or those of his parents: and though he would be received officially with the courtesy due to his rank, he could not hope to have any influence in Germany, or to represent the United States efficiently there. It would be far better to gratify the German- American population by giving one of them some other important mission. [Tower] 17151[*[Enc. in Wharton 11-11-01]*]October 29th 01. IMPERIAL GERMAN EMBASSY, WASHINGTON, D.C. Dear Mr. Secretary I learn that Mr. Lowther, H.R.H. chargé d'affaires, has left a few days ago his cards at the White House for the President and Mrs. Roosevelt and has received afterwards a note from the latter in which it was said that Mrs. Roosevelt would be glad to receive him. I have had the honour of being received by the President [*17152*] [*154*]some time ago before Mrs. Roosevelt's arrival and have not the honour to know the latter. As I am very anxious to do what ought to be done in this respect I venture to ask you for your advice, Dear Mr. Secretary, if anything should be done by me if I should leave cards or whatelse would be the right thing to do. your's faithfully A. QuadtTHE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 T. R. (2) complicity with Kerns. I think Warner is inclined to be straight, although very ambitious. He does not care for Kerns personally. He wants to be reappointed United State's District Attorney. I have not seen him or heard from him since August. Probably the Kansas City fellows will not fight Warner for his reappointment. They recognize that it would be too unfair a proposition to tackle. Besides they have trouble of their own! Their Post Office, which I know absolutely nothing about, having always avoided the faction fights in Kansas City. What the Roosevelt Club men seem to fear in Missouri politics, as near as I can figure out, is the appointment of Warner as a referee for Missouri patronage. On the face of it [*17154*] [*ackd 11-2-1901*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS Oct. 29, 1901 My dear Colonel Roosevelt:- When you were out West, you may remember, that you put me in communication with the Kansas City fellows, E. Mont Reilly and others. They were pretty good fellows. And one or two of them I found after looking the matter over, to be tip top A number one men. The best of the lot is Joe Harris. Joe Harris was an election commissioner in Kansas City who stood up bravely and intelligently for clean election. And in addition to being efficient in politics, he is also honest, but he has a seven devil lust against Kerns. Kerns is of course a bad lot, yet I suppose he must be reckoned with. Major Warner is a friend of Harris's, but Harris suspects him of [*17153*]He wants to be reappointed United State's District Attorney. I have not seen him or heard from him since August. Probably the Kansas City fellows will not fight Warner for his reappointment. They recognize that it would be too unfair a proposition to tackle. Besides they have trouble of their own: Their Post Office, which I know absolutely nothing about, having always avoided the faction fights in Kansas City. What the Roosevelt Club men seem to fear in Missouri politics, as near as I can figure out, is the appointment of Warner as a referee for Missouri patronage. On the face of it [*17154*] [*Ackd 11-2-1901*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS Oct. 29,1901 My dear Colonel Roosevelt: - When you were out West, you may remember, that you put me in communication with the Kansas City fellows, E. Mont Reilly and others. They were pretty good fellows. And one or two of them I found after looking the matter over, to be tip top A number one men. The best of the lot is Joe Harris. Joe Harris was an election commissioner in Kansas City who stood up bravely and intelligently for clean election. And in addition to being efficient in politics, he is also honest, but he has a seven devil lust against Kerns. Kerns is of course a bad lot, yet I suppose he must be reckoned with. Major Warner is a friend of Harris's, but Harris suspects him of [*17153*]THE EMPORIA GAZETTE Daily and Weekly W.A. White, Editor Emporia, Kansas 1901 T.R. (3) I believe they are right. And yet Warner is infinitely better than Kerns who has been bossing the job. Missouri has been treated by Hanna as a southern state. This has made Republican victory there almost impossible. Yet I believe, if some sort of a system of local control of federal patronage could be established to put the selection of local federal officers in the hands of business Republicans rather than the Kern's machine Republicans only, it would be wiser. It would of course be a big job and make a lot more work for you and your administrative assistants, but in the end, I think it would be honest and would pay. By paying I mean, it would gather dividends in the respect of the people. I am offering you this advise because you [*17155*] T.R. (4) spoke to me about the Missouri situation and because I saw by the paper you are to be visited by Warner and Harris, each of whom may take it upon himself to tell you in confidence, that the other is a bad fellow. This is merely [temporal] temperamental. They are both honest, and both I believe want to do the right thing. Harris is [as] so surprised to find himself risen from his environment, absolutely and exactly honest, that he is loath to believe that a man like Warner could perform the miracle also. Warner is an old man and is suspicious of any young man's pretense to honesty who is inclined to disagree with him. Pardon me for this long letter and believe me, Faithfully yours, WA White Theodore Roosevelt, Esq. President of the U. S. Washington, D. C. [*17156*]The World Tuesday, October 29, 1901. HOW F. NORTON GODDARD IS A SUCCESSFUL POLITICIAN. Man of Wealth Goes Into Homes of the Lowly and Makes Them Feel They Have His Friendship. "Hello, Croker; send ten thousand, For I'll need it here. Captain Goddard, he will carry Everything, I fear. For he's getting all the voters, And to you I say: There will be a new Commissioner On the old Highway." - Jim Keating's Appeal, by one of Capt. Goddard's followers. Capt. F. Norton Goddard, whom President Roosevelt regards as one of New York's most useful citizens, is conducting a novel campaign for a district leader. He is making a house-to-house canvass, not through his deputies, but in person. Five hours of every evening this young Republican leader of the Twentieth Assembly District - a man of wealth and high social position - spends in going from one east-side tenement-house to another, talking to the voters in their own homes and showing them why it is to their interest to vote for the Fusion candidates. Nor does he stop here. The multitude of people living east of Lexington avenue and between Twenty- third and Twenty-eighth streets, having become acquainted with Capt. Goddard, wish to make him one of themselves - to take him in and have him share in their joys and sorrows. They invite him to their parties and entertainments. He frequently finishes his canvassing tour only to hurry back to some tenement where there is a christening or a wedding, a party or a dance. Capt. Goddard is already godfather to more bouncing east-side babies then he can count, and his acquaintance, since the campaign began with "wakes" and funerals would qualify him to open an undertaker's establishment. 'How did I happen to take up the house-to-house canvassing?" said the man who became famous for his war on policy shops to an Evening World reporter this morning. "It was this way: When the campaign opened I wanted to get right into it. I'm not a speaker, and therefore I decided that the best way for me to reach the people was to go to their homes and talk to them. "I had also heard of a house-to-house canvass ever since I entered politics, but I had never found a man who had actually made one. Consequently I wished to discover if the thing which every one talked about doing, but which no one seemed to have done, was worth the doing. I may say, unhesitatingly that it is. Has Visited 1,000 Voters. "I started out with the section of my district lying between First and Second avenues and Twenty-third and Thirty- eighth streets. I have already visited nearly 1,000 voters, and shall work right along to election day. I begin my tour at 5.30 o'clock every afternoon and hustle until 10." The Twentieth District is a Tammany District in which what is known as the "rough element" is not lacking. The reporter asked Capt. Goddard if he made his canvass alone and if he had ever been threatened with violence. "I always go around alone," he replied, "and I have never yet met with any sign of opposition. I find the people of the east side only too glad to talk politics, to listen to arguments and to weight points carefully. And they know a thing or two about politics - far more than do the inhabitants of fashionable residential districts. But they are not intolerant. [*17158*] "My canvass has taught me that they are steadily growing more independent. They still like parties, but they desire for State and county officers men who are independent within the lines of their organizations. For city officers they demand local men in the strictest sense of the word - men who know the needs of the district and who will always have their constituents' interests at heart. "Of course, coming in direct contact with the people leads to things a little foreign to the purposes of my canvassing. One mother will want me to attend a christening: another has a daughter who is to be married and will I not promise to go to the wedding? In another house I meet a bridegroom-elect and I am asked to act as best man; across the hall, perhaps, there has been a death, and when I am leaving nothing will do but I must promise to participate in the wake; another young man asks me to be a pallbearer at his father's funeral, and a third family has a sick relative whom they wish I would call upon. Seldom Refuses to Act. "Naturally I cannot accept all these invitations, but I never refuse unless I have to, and then it hurts me. I like to yield to every such request because I am interested in the people and enjoy being with them." It is a well-known fact that the emigration of liquor dealers in the Twentieth to Capt. Goddard's ranks is causing dismay in Tammany. "How do I win them over?" queried the Captain. "I simply go to their homes and show them that by joining my club they can rid themselves of the blackmailing and oppression of Tammany Hall. I also convince them that they will still enjoy as many privileges as do their Tammany Hall brethren. That may seem a rash statement to make, but it is true, and the liquor dealers know it is true. "I'm not seeking special privileges for my followers, nor am I looking for violations of the Raines law. That's some one else's business. But I do demand that all shall be treated alike. If I should find the police pounding a saloon- keeper because he joined my club. I'd shut up three of the biggest Tammany saloons in the district within a week. If that was not sufficient, I'd close three more next week. The liquor dealers know I could do it, and that is why they do not hesitate to join my club. It is no exaggeration to say that at least one, and frequently more than one, liquor dealer has joined my club every night since I began my canvass and paid the initiation fee. And when it comes to election day, you know, the liquor dealers have a pretty strong following. Largely Laboring Men. "But to get back to the house-to- house canvass," continued Capt. Goddard. "My constituents are largely laboring men, of Irish-American, German- American or Italian birth. They live, sometimes, twenty families in a house, yet when you enter their homes you are just as warmly welcomed, just as respectfully treated as you would be in other parts of the city. "These people, upon whom some are accustomed to look down, to regard as ignorant. I have found to be faithful fathers and husbands, kind, thoughtful and intelligent. They can discuss almost any topic of the day. "One tenement I went into was occupied by a widower, an aged cobbler. His bench was in his room and he was cooking his own dinner. I glanced at a bookcase and noticed that its shelves were filled chiefly with standard books. Among them were several religious and philosophical works. 'Yes,' said the cobbler, when I spoke of the books, 'I am a reader and I am particularly interested now in the hereafter.' I suggested to him a new book dealing with that problem. 'Is this the book you mean?' he asked, picking up a volume from the table. I looked at it and saw that it was. It was only just out, yet this cobbler had it and had read it." Tammany Hall is using as a weapon against Capt. Goddard his reputed standing as a millionaire. As a matter of fact, though a wealthy man, Capt. Goddard is not a millionaire. "An' pity it is he ain't." said an old Irishwoman of the district, "fer he'd be after usin' ivry pinny av it fer to help us poor people." Named After President. TROY, N.Y., Oct. 29.- The infant son of Henry Pickering, of Albany, was christened in this city last night Theodore Roosevelt Pickering. The father has just been appointed steward of the White House by President Roosevelt. F. NORTON GODDARD [picture caption] PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S ESTIMATE OF F. NORTON GODDARD, POLITICIAN. "F. Norton Goddard is a very shrewd politician. If there were twenty such men as Goddard, New York would be saved from Tammany." President Roosevelt in the Fortnightly Review. ROOSEVELT WRITES ON REFORM IN NEW YORK. Article in Fortnightly Review Attracting Much Attention in London. (Copyright, 1901, by the Press Publishing Company, New York World.) (Special Cable Despatch to The World.) LONDON, Oct. 28. - President Roosevelt's article in the Fortnightly Review on "Reform Through Social Work: Some Forces That Tell for Decency in New York City," attracts much attention here for the spirit of lofty, strenuous effort it breathes. "The highest type of philanthropy," he writes, "is that which springs from a feeling of brotherhood, which, therefore, rests on a self-respecting, healthy basis of mutual obligation and common effort." Capt. Norton F. Goddard, he declares, is the only man in New York "who ever entered upon a career as district leader by the door of philanthropy," and, having referred to his establishment of the Civic Club, he adds: "Very speedily Goddard found himself brought into hostile, embarrassing contact with that huge, highly organized system of corruption tempered with malevolent charity, Tammany Hall. Every foe of decency, from the policy player to the protected proprietor of a law-breaking saloon, has had some connection with Tammany. Every move in any direction has resulted from contact of some sort with the man or the institution under Tammany's control. Goddard's success as a leader Mr. Roosevelt ascribes to "the adopting of the social methods of Tammany, only using them along clean lines. He is a very shrewd politician. If there were twenty such men as Goddard New York would be saved from Tammany." He next eulogizes the University Settlement work of James B. Reynolds and others, the church work of Pastor Rainsford, the Legal Aid Society of Arthur Von Briesen and finally Jacob A. Riis, as "the most useful citizen of New York." [*17157*]City Hotel, MAX DAMPF, PROPRIETOR. Port Gibson, Miss. Oct 3d 1901 Honl Albert Clarke Boston Mass: Dear Mr Clarke - Your letter of 28th was forwarded to and recd by me here to day where I am attending to some business - In reply I say I am flattered at your commendation of my letter - If you think it good enough, show it to Senator Lodge, the President or any one else you think proper. I feel so at home, when I think I have a gentleman to speak to on public matters, that I am not afraid. I am no politician but I have a large family connection in all the Southern States, and acquaintances and friends in every one of them, that I feel I know something of the sentiment which controls the South. I said something in my letter that perhaps ought to be more fully expressed. Said I would appoint Republicans to office - by this I mean I would rather insist on an appointee giving up his hide bound, blind, Democratic partisan [*17159*]2 views. The South is full of men who think it a religion - pleasing to God to be a Democrat and to hate a Republican. I quit the Democratic party outright some 6 years ago. I did so in a public speech to some 1500 people. I thus burned my bridges behind me. It was a rash act perhaps, but no one has killed me. I know Ellison Smyth of Pelezer SC well, but not Tomkins of Charlotte NC I have been begged to return to my old party - been promised any office in the state (Ala) if I will do so, but I am out and out to stay with whatever that may mean in the future - but I have sons for whose future I care vastly more than for my own, and sometimes I fear I may have done them an injury in leaving the Democratic party. I am somewhat combative and like to kick back some times and perhaps that is why I would give little to an enemy - As a rule, a Southern Democrat will take all he can get, ask for more, then curse the Republican who gave it.City Hotel MAX DAMPF, Proprietor. 3 Port Gibson, Miss._190_ I don't like that - They would not give a constableship nor a street sweeper to any but a Democrat in Ala. and therefore I would like to strike back - at that sort. At the same time make it men's interest to change party in the South - back those who do. let others see it, then they will come over and when they do start, well, they will, as they do every thing in the South, come over in a rush. That can be done, and Mr Roosevelt can do it. He is what we love in the South - a gentleman and a man of personal and moral courage. If he has a fault we don't see it. I am no Prophet, nor the son of a Prophet, but if he holds his place for a 2nd term, there will be no North no South; we will just be one people, with one flag and one sentiment, and I will be as much at home in your house as you are in mine - and the South will unite with the New England states [*17160*]in a hunt for Presidents - and leave Ohio and the other western states to take their chances like the other States. I am sure that with men like Mr Lodge we will only be too well pleased, and I can tell him I fought under Lee and he will not frown when I tell him so. Yes, you do your share where you are, I will try & do mine here. It is a glorious cause and we will win. Thank you for writing me so nicely and promptly I am very faithfully yrs Robert Chisolm P.S. I will be back in Birmingham Ala in a few days - C [*[Enclosed in Lodge 10-26-01]*][*3-084 (Old No. 3-645.)*] Department of the Interior, BUREAU OF PENSIONS. OFFICE OF COMMISSIONER. Dear Mr Cortelyou. I hand you herewith some figures for the President - that will interest him in getting at the status of the much vexed question of pensions. Only 11.798 of the 403.569 pending claims are original invalid - the others are mostly increase Claims are being filed at the rate of about 500 pr day. I think you will find these figures of interest in showing good work - increased output Very respectfully H. Clay Evans Commissioner [*File PPF Pr*] 130 W. 86th St New York Oct 30th 1901 My dear Mr Roosevelt Your letter enclosing introduction to Dr Low was duly received for which accept my thanks. I did not acknowledge it receipt before as I have been waiting to send you some good news on the Election I have spent about a week in going about making a personal estimate of the vote and I now think without some blunder is made before the election that Dr Low [*17161*]will have 30,000 majority and if I can beleive what I heard and saw in the Red Light District, and what I have gathered from the Policemen, that I interviewed, his majority might be 70,000. I saw Dr Low to day also Mr Crimmins they were very much pleased with my report and, now fully agree with me. Very truly yours J Rhinelander Dillon [*17162*][*3-084 (Old No. 3-645.)*] Department of the Interior, BUREAU OF PENSIONS. OFFICE OF COMMISSIONER. Dear Mr Cortelyou. I hand you herewith some figures for the President - that will interest him in getting at the status of the much vexed question of pensions. Only 11.798 of the 403.569 pending claims are original invalid - the others are mostly increase Claims are being filed at the rate of about 500 pr day. I think you will find these figures of interest in showing good work - increased output Very respectfully H. Clay Evans Commissioner [*File PPF Pr*] 130 W. 86th St New York Oct 30th 1901 My dear Mr Roosevelt Your letter enclosing introduction to Dr Low was duly received for which accept my thanks. I did not acknowledge it receipt before as I have been waiting to send you some good news on the Election I have spent about a week in going about making a personal estimate of the vote and I now think without some blunder is made before the election that Dr Low [*17161*][*To Chf Div. Action OCT. 30 1901 COMMISSIONER.*] [*File CF*] Mr. President I have the honor to submit herewith some figures by way of comparison, showing work accomplished in the Bureau. viz Year 1894. Year 1901. Authorized number of employes. 2009 1741 Number of Certificates issued 80,213 109,668 Average number of Certificates to employe 40 63 Issues classified as follows: Number of Originals. 39,085 44,868 " " Restorations 2,398 4,510 " " Increases and Additionals 26,235 42,053 " " Accrued, Duplicates, etc 12, 595 18,237 Number of Rejections 132,873 120,090 Number of Claims pending June 30. 1898 635,059 " " " " " " 1901 403,569 Attention is invited to the fact that although the number of employes had been reduced by Congress from 2009 to 1741 (268 in number) the actual number of certificates issued was 29,455 more in the latter year (or 37%) while considering the reduced number of employes also, the increased output of work amounted to nearly 51%. Respectfully H. Clay Evans Commissioner [*17164*][Enc. in Evans 10-30-01][shorthand] [*Ackd 11-2-1901*] Established 1847. J. W. Goddard & Sons, 98, 100 & 102 Bleecker St. and 197 Mercer St. New York, Oct. 30th, '01 190 [Dear Sir:] My dear President Roosevelt: I know you will be interested to see the enclosed clipping from yesterday evening's World, and also the smaller one from yesterday morning's World. You are giving me an International reputation!!! The Evening World story with my picture is actually correct though of course the reporter has thrown in a good deal of red, white and blue. If people vote as they talk I shall get a good vote in the 20th. The only trouble is the money question. The Tammany Captains have just started on their rounds and are offering men as high as $10. to work on Election Day. If it wasn't for that I would be confident of success this year in my district. Very sincerely yours, Norton Goddard [*17165*][For 1. enclosure see 10-29-01]BRIG. GEN. IRVING HALE, PRESIDENT, DENVER, COLORADO. BVT. BRIG. GEN. WILDER S. METCALF, 1ST VICE PRES., LAWRENCE, KANSAS. CAPT. JOHN F. CRITCHLOW, 2ND VICE PRES., SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH. COL. J. W. POPE, 3RD VICE PRES., DENVER, COLORADO. COL. HENRY LIPPINCOTT, 4TH VICE PRES., GOVERNOR'S ISLAND, NEW YORK. BVT. BRIG. GEN. OWEN SUMMERS, 5TH VICE PRES., PORTLAND OREGON. MAJ. FRANK M. FOOTS, 6TH VICE PRES., EVANSTON, WYOMING. J. J. MEYERS, RECORDING SECRETARY, SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH. GEORGE M. POST, CORRESPONDING SECRETARY, DENVER, COLORADO. CAPT. P. J. COSGRAVE, TREASURER, LINCOLN, NEBRASKA. NATIONAL SOCIETY. ARMY OF THE PHILIPPINES. ORGANIZED AT DENVER, COLORADO, AUGUST 13th, 1899. Denver, Colo., Oct. 30, 1901. TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN: I take pleasure in stating that Sergeant Richard G. Holmes, late 1st Colorado Infantry, U. S. V., rendered very efficient service throughout the campaigns in the Philippine Islands. He is a young man of excellent character, ability and education and fine physique, and was an exceptionally efficient non-commissioned officer. As Color Sergeant of the Regiment he carried the National Color throughout his service, and at the capture of Fort San Antonio on August 13, 1898, carried this flag to the upper story of a building in the southern end of Malate, a suburb of Manila, thus having the honor of raising the first United States flag within the limits of Manila. On account of his good qualities as a man, as well as his excellent service as a soldier, I gladly commend him for favorable consideration for any position which he considers himself capable of filling. Irving Hale Late Brigadier General U. S. V. IH/FB [*17166*]Enc in Holmes, 10-12-01[*File PPF*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE. WASHINGTON. October 30, 1901. Dear Mr. President: I have received your letter of yesterday's date enclosing two hundred dollars to be sent to Mrs. W. D. Snyman, Thomas River Station, via East London, Cape Colony, South Africa. To carry out your wishes in the matter with the greatest expedition, the Vice Consul General at Cape Town has been instructed by cable to draw for this amount and to pay the proceeds of his draft to Mrs. Snyman, and [*17167*]a copy of your letter has been sent to him with written instructions confirming the telegram. Faithfully yours, John Hay The President of the United States. [*17168*][*Arranged by telephone as to the President - 10 am. Nov. 1*] [shorthand] OFFICE OF SECOND ASSISTANT SECRETARY DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. H. October 30, /1901. My dear Mr. Cortelyou: Referring to my letter of yesterday in reference to the inquiry of Count Quadt as to his proper course in calling at the White House, I enclose herewith a somewhat similar note from the French Charge d'Affaires in order that it may also have your consideration and that you may advise me of the President's wishes in the premises. Very cordially John Hay Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou Secretary to the President, White House. Enclosure: From French Embassy, Oct. 29, 1901. State [*17169*][shorthand] [*Ackd*] T/W DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. October 30, 1901. George B. Cortelyou, Esquire, Secretary to the President, White House. Sir: On the 23rd ultimo the German Embassy here addressed to this Department an invitation to the Government of the United States to be officially represented at the Ninth International Navigation Congress to be held at Dusseldorf in June of next year. Programs of the proceedings which are to take place and copies of a summary of the subjects which are to be discussed were enclosed with the note. This Department addressed the Treasury and War Departments on the subject, and is now in receipt of a letter dated the 23rd instant from Mr. Gage, in which he recommends that the matter be referred to the President [*17170*]2 dent because, when he was Governor of New York a commission was appointed by him to investigate the principal matters which are to come before the Congress at Dusseldorf. Acting upon this suggestion, I enclose a number of copies of the program and of the summary in question for the President's information and determination. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant John Hay Enclosures: Program and summary as above, five copies of each. [*10*] [*17171*]a hard lick. With assurances of my highest esteem and personal regards. I am yours sincerely Jno. L. McLaurin [shorthand] [*Ackd 10-31-1901 ppf Pr*] United States Senate. Washington, D.C. Personal Oct. 30th 1901 Mr. President: In accordance with your request I have had Dr. Crum carefully sounded, without in any way exciting his suspicion. My information is that he is inclined to the opinion, that his acceptance of the office of Collector of the port of Charleston [*17172*]3 as soon as Mr. Koester takes charge. I am glad to say that Mr. Capers is perfectly satisfied with the appointment. Personally I can find no words to express my appreciation. Of course I have bitter enemies who carp and criticize, but I am wicked enough to feel that their chagrin is compensation for many a 2 just at this time, would be injudicious. He said that if he were to accept any position, he would prefer a consulship to Hayti or a place in one of the Departments in Washington. He would rather be a Consul to some country, where his race would not be a handicap. Mr. Capers is my authority. The appointment of Geo. Washington Murray, will be made as [*17173*]State of New York, Senate Chamber, Albany. Frank W. Higgins. 50th Dist. PERSONAL. [*Ansd*] At Olean, N.Y., Oct. 30" - 1901. To His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C., My dear President: - I have just received a letter from O'Dell in which he informs me that you and he have come to a perfect and friendly understanding. I want to say to you that nothing has given me greater pleasure since your election as Governor of the State of New York. So many have seemed interested in creating discord, either for personal and selfish motives, or for other reasons, and so many statements have been passed round that I must confess that I became a little anxious. For our country's good there are no two men to-day who should work in such perfect harmony as you and Governor O'Dell. "When honest men fall out thieves run the ship." I am Yours sincerely, Frank W. Higgins [*17174*][*[For 1 enc. see 10-26-01 The Western Laborer]*] Treasury Department OFFICE OF COMMISSIONER-GENERAL OF IMMIGRATION T.V. POWDERLY, COMMISSIONER-GENERAL. Washington, Oct. 30, 1901. Mr. President: It may interest you to know that the courtesy shown by you to Booker Washington has been favorably commented on by the labor Press generally. I select one editorial from among many for the reason that the Western Laborer is among the most influential and widely [*17175*]best people (white) of each place, was most cordially received and not one of them referred to my, alleged, assault on social equality. Booker Washington stands for the industrial elevation of the blacks. Whoever stands for one workman in the right stands for all. Your recognition of the Man will commend itself to all thinkers and thank God they are more numerous than they used to be. Pardon me for taking up your time. I hope you will not regard it as an intrusion. Respectfully Yours, T.V. Powderly (2.) circulated of labor papers. In addition thereto it is published in Mr. Bryan's own state. I take the liberty of inclosing some pages from a book written some years ago by me. I was ordered out of Richmond Va. Raleigh, N.C. and Macon, Ga. in 1886 because of the stand taken at Richmond. Without retracting a word or expressing contrition I went to each of these cities named in 1889, addressed public meetings, had as audiences the [*17176*]Registry Return Receipt sent Oct. 30, 1901 Reg. No. 1417 From Post Office at Washington, D. C. *Reg. Letter Addressed to Douglas Robinson Reg. Parcel Post Office at New York NY After obtaining receipt below, the Postmaster will mail this Card, without cover and without postage to address on the other side. 23380 Received the above described registered *Letter Parcel (Sender's name on other side.) Sign on dotted lines to the right. When delivery is made to other than addressee, the name of both addressee and recipient must appear. 46507 Dryden Robinson *Erase letter or parcel according to which is sent. [*17178*] T.V. Powderly Commissioner-General [*File ppf pr*] Treasury Department Office of Commissioner-General of Immigration Washington, Oct. 30. 1901. Dear Mr. Cortelyou:- Will you please hand inclosed to the President when he can take a moment to glance over them. Truly yours, T.V. Powderly [*17177*]REGISTRY RETURN RECEIPT sent Oct 30, 1901 Reg. No. 1417 From Post Office at WASHINGTON, D. C. Reg Letter } Addressed to Douglas Robinson Reg. Parcel } Post Office at New York NY After obtaining receipt below, the Postmaster will mail this Card, without cover and without postage, to address on the other side. RECEIVED THE ABOVE DESCRIBED REGISTERED { *LETTER { PARCEL Sign on dotted lines } to the right } When delivery is made to other } 4607 than addresses, the name of both } Douglas Robinson addresses and recipient must appear. } * Erase letter or parcel according to which is sent. [*17178*]When the registered letter or parcel accompanying this card is delivered, the Postmaster will require signature of the receipt on the other side, also on his record of registered deliveries, and mail this card without cover to address below. A penalty of $300 is fixed by law to using this card for other than official business. [*MADISON SQ STA N.Y. OCT 3 3- PM 1901*] Post Office Department OFFICIAL BUSINESS. POST OFFICE AT Stamp here name of Post Office and date of delivery. RETURN TO: Name of Sender Geo. B. Cortelyou Street and Number, } White House or Post Office Box. } Post Office at WASHINGTON, D. C.JOHN A. MERRITT Registered {LETTER No. 1417, P.O., Washington, D.C. {[PARCEL] RECEIVED Oct 30 [189]1901, of Geo B Cortelyou 9:15 White House a {Letter addressed to Douglas Robinson ([Parcel] 1st Class 23 W 26 St. New York NY Station [James P. Milett,] JOHN A. MERRITT. P.M., per Blanchard [*17179*] [*P.P.F.*] KUHN LOEB & CO. [[shorthand]] [*Ackd: 11-2-1901*] 27 & 29 Pine Street New York Oct. 30, 1901 189 Dear Mr. President:- I have returned from Europe about two weeks ago. I know how many matters and problems you must have on your mind and on your hands, and while I do not wish in any manner to intrude myself upon you, I think I should say to you that, if in anything which may present itself to you, you may feel that I could be of any slight service to your Administration, I hope you will not hesitate to command me. With assurance of great respect, believe me, dear Mr. President, Most faithfully yours, Jacob H. Schiff To His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt, President, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C.RECEIVED 1901, of 9:15 White House a {Letter addressed to Douglas Robinson ([Parcel] 1st Class 23 W 26 St. New York NY Station [James P. Milett,] JOHN A. MERRITT. P.M., per Blanchard [*17179*] [*P.P.F.*] KUHN LOEB & CO. [[shorthand]] [*Ackd: 11-2-1901*] 27 & 29 Pine Street New York Oct. 30, 1901 189 Dear Mr. President:- I have returned from Europe about two weeks ago. I know how many matters and problems you must have on your mind and on your hands, and while I do not wish in any manner to intrude myself upon you, I think I should say to you that, if in anything which may present itself to you, you may feel that I could be of any slight service to your Administration, I hope you will not hesitate to command me. With assurance of great respect, believe me, dear Mr. President, Most faithfully yours, Jacob H. Schiff To His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt, President, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. [*17180*]P. B. STEWART, President. E. P. SHOVE, Vice President. J. ARTHUR CONNELL, Vice Pres't and Treas. R. C. THAYER, Acting Secretary. THE COLORADO TITLE AND TRUST COMPANY. 2 COLORADO SPRINGS, COLORADO. game as "she is played". In spite of his troubles, Burton spoke well of you. I enclose a cartoon which sums up this situation here. With every chance to win in Denver and Arapahoe County this fall and despite the veneer of such good names on this ticket the Republicans of decency and character are absolutely indifferent for they will not follow this gang of tough, who hold this party organization. Stevenson is the accepted spokesman for this administration — he is looked on as this dispenser of patronage — and the buzzards hang about him for this hoped for feast. I am constantly surprised at the number of respectable Republicans who come to me, hopeful because of you now will understand course in regard to appointees for federal positions. Stevenson's private life is disreputable to the last degree — he is a jury fixre and has been under indictment for buying legislators [*17182*] P. B. STEWART, President. E. P. SHOVE, Vice President. J. ARTHUR CONNELL, Vice Pres't and Treas. R. C. THAYER, Acting Secretary. [*Ackd*] THE COLORADO TITLE AND TRUST COMPANY. October 20th 1901 COLORADO SPRINGS, COLORADO. Dear President Roosevelt, I acknowledge the receipt of your check for $150, on account of the cougar pictures. You ought not to have done it and I make free to express you even though you do command the armies and navies of 80,000,000 people. I was delighted that you should use them as you choose the value of the article came from your name and the thoroughness of the account. Mrs Stewart takes great interest in converting this sum into some commemorative form and in her interest I find reason to condone your offense. The November article is well done - a really interesting account of both of dogs and beast! The butchery of game in White River is awful this fall. I am getting the dates for Pinchot as rapidly as possible. Stevenson will come to see you shortly. He has heard from Senator Burton of Kansas that you are not playing the [*17181*]P. B. STEWART, President. E. P. SHOVE, Vice President. J. ARTHUR CONNELL, Vice Pres't and Treas. R. C. THAYER, Acting Secretary. THE COLORADO TITLE AND TRUST COMPANY. 3 COLORADO SPRINGS, COLORADO. He reads the handwriting on the wall and will have the appearance of acceding to your position in so far as he has to. He already chafes under Wolcotts authority and our popularity and will set up for himself as soon as he can get rid of his chief. It makes me boil to see such mis controlling and hampering a great state like this. With warmest wishes for a successful winter I remain Always Sincerely Philip B Stewart [*17183*][*[For 1 enc. see cartoon 10-27-01]*][*[For enclosure see ca 10-30-01]*] [[shorthand]] [*ackd 10-30-1901 ppf*] To the President I cut the enclosed from the Baltimore Times of this morning. I do not know whether it is authentic or not but no one knew President Harrison better than myself, as I believe, had more of his confidence and it sounds like him — I thought you might like to see it and possess its transmission given me an opportunity to explain my administrative [*17184*]of the course that you have pursued, and my best wishes for the continued success of your administration. Very Sincerely yrs John V L Findlay Baltimore October 26th 1901. [*17185*]All quotations subject to change without notice. Travers Brothers Co., Manufacturers of Cordage, 107 Duane Street, New York, Orders will be entered subject to delay through Strikes, Fire or other unavoidable causes. F.C. Travers, President. A.F. Travers, Vice Pres't. V.P. Travers, Treasurer. Oct, 30th 1901 Hon Theodore Roosevelt President U. S - Dear Sir Your kind letter to hand and it gives me great pleasure I will proceed at once to have one finished to order to match the color of your piano please state color of the wood I know it will provide great pleasure to your family I will arrange to have them send our instructor to teach all the children how to play it Now, as to the coming election take my word for it after careful figuring I can assure you we will sweep the deck Seth Law will have 25 or 30 and I would not be surprised if he had 75 to 80 the majority the entire justice ticket will go through Jerome, Tooms and Philbin are at it day & night cannot see any way to alter my views except the old machine Republicans should work with Croker cannot see how they dare show their hand this time I hope we will be able to surprise you on night of Election when I have positive returns from the Gold Democratic source, will telgr. to you to White House unless you will be here [*17186*]All quotations subject to change without notice. Travers Brothers Co., Manufacturers of Cordage, 107 Duane Street, New York, Orders will be entered subject to delay through Strikes, Fire or other unavoidable causes. F. C. Travers, President. A. F. Travers, Vice Pres't. V. P. Travers, Treasurer. your name enters into the contest here often and when your name is referred to the cheers make me feel proud that I have always maintained that you would save the party and you have done so You have no idea how happy we are today because we know we will turn the rascals out should anything happen I will advise you at once send me the color at once and I will do my best to have it with you so you can all use it to celebrate our great & glorious victory Yours. Truly Frank: C. Travers [*17187*]Committee on Expenditures in the Post Office Department, House of Representatives U.S., Washington, D.C., FIFTY-SIXTH CONGRESS. IRVING P. WANGER, Pa., Chairman. Joseph J. Gill, Ohio. Edward Robb, Mo. Frank C. Wachter, Md. George G. Gilbert, Ky. George W. Cromer, Ind. James K.P. Hall, Pa. Wilkins Hobernaack, Clerk. [*File*] Baltimore, Md. October 30th, 1901. Hon. George B. Cortelou, White House, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. Cortelou: - Enclosed you will find two ballots; the one you called my attention to was printed under the jurisdiction of our Committee and as soon as the error was detected they were all destroyed; the second ballot [was] is one that is now being used as a sample ballot for instructions to voters. With great respect, I am Very respectfully, Frank C. Wachter Third Maryland District. Enclosures 2 [*17188*][For 1 enc. see ca 10-30-01, ballots]THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A. WHITE, EDITOR [*File*] EMPORIA, KANSAS Oct. 30, 1901 My dear Colonel Roosevelt: - I have your letter of October 25th., mailed October 28th. I am glad you liked the Leland endorsements. I had already sent a book, as I promised to Mrs. Roosevelt which probably passed your letter somewhere about Cincinnati. Your poscript in your own ahnd writing to the letters, worry me. Of course I cannot even guess at the nature of the statement made by the Secretary of Agriculture. All I know about Leland, is that I have known him very intimately for six years and have known his reputation for ten years. He is a blunt man with primitive passions, who is a good hater and a loyal friend. I have THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A.. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 T.R. (2) never heard of any scandal connected with his name. I have never heard that he offered a man a bribe or that he ever took a bribe in all his forty years in Kansas politics. I know that is influence is for clean men in public office. I have never known any of his friends to be bribe givers or bribe takers; and no scandal in state politics has ever be traced up the alley to his back door where the trail faded. He is not an educated man, but he was a good soldier and spent the days when he should have been in school in the army. His limited education may account for a good deal in him. His ideas of the fine points of honour are not so keen as those of Mr. Carl Schurtz or Mr. Godkin, but I absolutely know of places where he [*17190*]THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 T.R. (4) your mind in the matter. I hope most earnestly that you have not. I cannot believe that the secretary has got the matter, whatever it is, as exactly as Leland intended, if the secretary's experience left him with the notion that Leland was crooked. Before you act adversely, let me beg of you to see Mr. Leland and talk with him. It is only fair to him and to his friends. Certainly a man who was crooked, could not get the endorsement of the entire Supreme Court, the very highest court in the state, as to his integrity. The chief justice of the Supreme Court is a Populist, Justice Doster. If Leland was crooked or had a crooked [representative] reputation, this man would know it and would not stand for him. I believe Leland was chairman of the state committee when Doster [*17192*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 T.R. (3) has had the opportunity to do nasty little things and make money and he has turned them down. Also, I know this, which may explain something of his relation with Wilson. He wanted Wilson's job. I don't know how strongly McKinley was considering him, but I do know that he had an idea that he was going to get the place. I don't know Wilson, never saw him in my life, but isn't it just possible that he might be carrying some thing of the old contest, if there was a contest. I cannot believe there is anything crooked with Leland and if there was, I would not ask you to appoint him. I did not gather from your letter that you had been influenced in the Secretary of Agriculture's statement, strongly enough to change [*17191*]THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 T.R. (5) was elected. Doster has been in politics in this state for nearly as long as Leland. He has been twice judge of the lower court and has met Leland in every possible relation. The other members of the court are similarly situated. Justice Johnston has been in Kansas politics actively since the '70's. He was recently reelected for six years and has no obligations to Leland. I could go through the whole court in this way. Here I am, writing you a long winded letter again. I really don't mean to do this sort of thing, but the Leland business is near my heart, and out of the heart, the mouth speaketh. I hope most earnestly to hear some good news in this matter before long. Very sincerely, W.A. White Theodore Roosevelt, Esq. Washington, D. C. [*17193*] STATE OF NEW YORK LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR'S ROOM Brooklyn, N.Y., Oct. 30, 1901. [shorthand] [*ackd 11-2-1901*] To The President, Washington, D.C., My dear Mr. President: -- I happened to meet Hon. Edward R. Gunby of Florida, at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, the other day, and after talking with him about his affairs, I offered to drop you a line expressing my confidence in him. He has done excellent work for us in New York in several campaigns, and from all I have heard of him in Florida is exceptionally well thought of there. I am quite sure you know him, in fact, I got the idea from him that you were not unacquainted with him. I hope when he goes to Washington you will find an opportunity to give him an interview. Mr. W. Calvin Chase, of Washington, D.C., who was a Delegate to the National Convention, a year ago, has written asking me to write to you in favor of his appointment, as one of the new Justices of the Peace in the District of Columbia. I thought very well of Chase when I met him prior to the Convention of a year ago and subsequently at the Convention, and I am glad to favor his appointment and commend him to your favorable consideration. I saw Mr. McKelway yesterday, and in the course of conversation asked for his opinion relative to the appointment of Mr. George H. Roberts as Postmaster. He spoke very favorably of Mr. Roberts and said that he would advocate his appointment to you when he saw you, as he expected to do before long, in Washington. You will remember you asked me in New Haven what I thought Mr. McKelway's opinion on the subject of that appointment would be. I beg to remain, Yours very respectfully, Timothy L. Woodruff [*17194*][*File*] [*[Yerkes]*] Washington, D.C., Oct. 30, 1901. Mr. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. My dear Mr. Cortelyou: In your note to me of date October 18 your say The President feels sure that I will appreciate that what he has said to me should be considered strictly confidential. I certainly so understand, and have acted in accordance with that understanding. I was annoyed when I read a story in the Washington Post, just after Mr. Payne was here, indicating that I would probably be consulted as to Southern matters. Since then, men from Virginia and some other Southern States, have come to me about their local political affairs, and in a few cases requested me to introduce them to The President. This I have always declined to do, and have purposely remained away from the White House so as to prevent any impression being created that I in any way or to any extent was being consulted with regard to Southern affairs. I found on investigation that the story in The Post was the result of an interview a reporter had with our good friend, Senator Scott, who, from a talk he had with [*17195*](2) Mr. Payne, concluded that I would be sometimes asked for an expression of opinion as to Southern matters. The Senator also advised some Virginia friends to come to me. In this way this matter has become, to my annoyance, a matter of knowledge beyond the boundary of desirability. The Senator, however, only did what he deemed proper, and I am in no way criticising him. There is one matter connected with the appointments within this Bureau I will tale the liberty to refer to - the Collectorship of Internal Revenue for the State of Georgia. Representative Livingston brought to my office and introduced to me, last Friday, a Mr. Winn, who is an applicant for the office above named. I do not know whether The President is considering a change in that office, but if he is I would appreciate very much an opportunity to be heard in the matter. I go to Kentucky today to vote, but will return within a few days. I am, Very truly yours, John W. Yerkes [*17196*]WHITE HOUSE. Washington. October 30, 1901. Will Mrs. Roosevelt please indicate to Mr. Cortelyou when it will be convenient to receive the Count and Countess Quadt ? Count Quadt asked recently if he might be advised when it would [will] be entirely proper and agreeable for the Countess to call. [*4 to 6.*]Ella Howard Bryan October 30th 1901For Comptroller of the Treasury. GEORGE BOND of Cecil County. SOCIAL DEMOCRAT JAMES EDWARDS of Talbot County. UNION REFORM JOSHUA W. HERRING, of Carroll County. DEMOCRATIC [*x*] ROBERT JONES of Harford County. SOCIAL LABOR WILLIAM KLIENLE, of Baltimore City. PROHIBITION HERMAN S. PLATT, of Baltimore City. REPUBLICAN [*x*] For Clerk of the Court of Appeals. CHARLES [?]len, of Baltimore City SOCIAL DEMOCRAT THOMAS PARRAN, of Calvert County. REPUBLICAN G. WEEMS PETHERBRIDGE, of St. Mary's County. PROHIBITION JAMES STEWART, of Garrett County. SOCIAL LABOR JOSEPH FRANK TURNER, of Talbot County. DEMOCRATIC EDWARD WRIGHT, of Charles County. UNION REFORM For Clerk of the Superior Court. JOHN COE, UNION REFORM JAMES DOE, PROHIBITION JOHN HANNIBAL, DEMOCRATIC ROBERT OGLE, REPUBLICAN EDWARD SHORT, SOCIAL DEMOCRAT For Clerk of Circuit Court No. 2. STEWART BROWN, DEMOCRATIC HENRY HALL, SOCIAL DEMOCRAT WILLIAM JOHNS, PROHIBITION THOMAS A. ROBINSON, REPUBLICAN JAMES TATE, UNION REFORM For Sheriff. JAMES ANDERSON, PROHIBITION GEORGE CECIL, SOCIAL DEMOCRAT SAMUEL G. DAVIS, REPUBLICAN VERNON G. GORE, UNION REFORM GEORGE HOWARD, SOCIAL LABOR GEORGE WARFIELD, DEMOCRATIC For Surveyor. EDWARD CARR PROHIBITION WILLIAM DIX UNION REFORM FRANK H. SLOAN REPUBLICAN WILLIAM P. TWAMLEY DEMOCRATIC For Members of the House of Delegates from the 3rd Legislative District. H. BRUNE BOWIE DEMOCRATIC [*1*] WILLIAM F. BROENING, REPUBLICAN [*2*] GEORGE BROWN UNION REFORM [*3*] T. HARRIS CANNON DEMOCRATIC [*4*] JAMES CARR PROHIBITION [*5*] OREGON M. DENNIS, DEMOCRATIC [*6*] RICHARD ENO UNION REFORM [*7*] JAMES E. GODWIN REPUBLICAN [*8*] CALEB GRIFFIN DEMOCRATIC [*9*] DICK HALL PROHIBITION [*10*] JOSEPH HART REPUBLICAN [*11*] WILLIAM G. HENKEL REPUBLICAN [*12*] J. LEONARD HOFFMAN REPUBLICAN [*13*] EDWARD JONES UNION REFORM [*14*] HIRAM LANE PROHIBITION [*15*] JAMES F. MORGAN REPUBLICAN [*16*] JAKE OWENS PROHIBITION [*17*] JAMES PRATT UNION REFORM [*18*] CHARLES REVIOL DEMOCRATIC [*19*] HAROLD B. SCRIMGER DEMOCRATIC [*20*] JOHN STAKE PROHIBITION [*21*] JOHN URNER UNION REFORM [*22*] TALBOT WARREN PROHIBITION [*23*] HENRY YANO UNION REFORM [*24*] Constitutional Amendment. Chapter 185, of Acts of 1900. AN ACT to amend section nine, of Article 3, of the Constitution of this State, and to provide for the submission of said amendment to the qualified voters of this State for adoption or rejection. Section 9. The State's Attorney shall perform such duties and receive such fees and commission of salary not exceeding three thousand dollars, as are now or may hereafter be prescribed by law; and if any State's Attorney shall receive any other fee or reward than such as is or may be allowed by law, he shall, on conviction, thereof, be removed from office, provided that the States Attorney for Baltimore City shall receive an annual salary of forty-five hundred dollars, and shall have power to appoint one deputy, at an annual salary not exceeding three thousand dollars, and such other assistants at such annual salaries not exceeding fifteen hundred dollars each, as the Supreme Bench of Baltimore City may authorize and approve; all of said salaries to be paid out of the fees of the said State's Attorney's office, as has heretofore been practiced. ------ For Constitutional Amendment. ------ Against Constitutional Amendment. ------ Constitutional Amendment. Chapter 482, of Acts of 1900. AN ACT to amend section four, of Article 3, of the Constitution of this State. Section 4. As soon as may be after the taking and publishing of the National Census of 1900, or after the enumeration of the population of this State, under the authority therefore, there shall be an apportionment of representation in the House of Delegates, to be made on the following basis, to wit: Each of the several counties of the State, having a population of eighteen thousand souls or less, shall be entitled to two delegates; and every county having a population of over eighteen thousand and less than twenty-eight thousand souls, shall be entitled to three delegates; and every county having a population of forty thousand and less than fifty-five thousand souls, shall be entitled to five delegates; and every county having a population of fifty-five thousand souls and upwards, shall be entitled to six delegates and no more; and each of the four legislative districts of the City of Baltimore shall be entitled to the number of delegates which the largest county shall or may be entitled under the aforegoing apportionment, and the General Assembly shall have the power to provide by law, from time to time, for altering and changing the boundaries of the existing legislative districts of the City of Baltimore, so as to make them as near as may be of equal population; but said district shall always consist of contiguous territory. ------ For Constitutional Amendment. ------- Against Constitutional Amendment. ------- Constitutional Amendment. Chapter 469, of Acts of 1900. AN ACT to amend section two of Article 3 of the Constitution of the State. 2 The City of Baltimore shall be divided into four legislative districts as near as may be of equal population and of contiguous territory, and each of said legislative districts of Baltimore City, as they may from time to time be laid out, in accordance with the provisions hereof, and each county in the State shall be entitled to one Senator who shall be elected by the qualified voters of the said legislative districts of Baltimore City, and of the counties of the State respectively, and shall serve for four years from the date of his election, subject to the classification of Senators hereafter provided for. ------- For Constitutional Amendment. ------- Against Constitutional Amendment. ------ [*17199*] WM. SWEIGER & CO. PRINT BALTIMORE. FOR STATE COMPTROLLER OF THE TREASURY. FREDERICAK BARWELL UNION REFORM of Charles County. JOSHUA HERRING DEMOCRATIC Of Carrol County. A.S. MONTELL PROHIBITION Of Talbot County. HERMAN S. PLATT REPUBLICAN Of Baltimore City. _____________________________________________________ FOR CLERK OF THE COURT OF APPEALS JOHN BURGESS UNION REFORM Of Baltimore City. THOMAS PARRAN REPUBLICAN Of Calvert County J. FRANK TURNER DEMOCRATIC Of Talbot County. B.W. WENN PROHIBITION Of Harford County. __________________________________________________________ FOR CLERK OF THE SUPERIOR COURT JOHN COE, UNION REFORM JAMES DOE, PROHIBITION JOHN HANNIBAL DEMOCRATIC ROBERT OGLE, REPUBLICAN ____________________________________________________________ FOR CLERK OF CIRCUIT COURT No. 2 STEWART BROWN DEMOCRATIC WILLIAM JOHNS PROHIBITION THOMAS A. ROBINSON REPUBLICAN JAMES TATE UNION REFORM ________________________________________________________________ FOR SHERIFF. JAMES ANDERSON PROHIBITION SAMUEL G. DAVIS REPUBLICAN VERNON G. GORE. UNION REFORM GEO. HOWARD SOCIAL LABOR GEO. WARFIELD DEMOCRATIC ___________________________________________________________________ FOR SURVEYOR. EDWARD CARR PROHIBITION WILLIAM DIX UNION REFORM FRANK H. SLOAN REPUBLICAN WILLIAM P. TWAMLEY DEMOCRATIC _____________________________________________________________________ FOR MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES FROM THE 3rd LEGISLATIVE DISTRICT H. BRUNE BOWIE DEMOCRATIC WILLIAM F. BROENING REPUBLICAN GEO. BACK UNION REFORM T. HARRIS CANNON DEMOCRATIC JAMES CANE PROHIBITION O.M. DENNIS DEMOCRATIC R. ENO UNION REFORM JAMES E. GODWIN REPUBLICAN CALEB GRIFFIN DEMOCRATIC DICK HALL PROHIBITION JOSEPH HART REPUBLICAN W.G. HENKEL REPUBLICAN J. LEONARD HOFFMAN REPUBLICAN EDWARD JAMES UNION REFORM HIRAM LANE PROHIBITION JAMES F. MORGAN REPUBLICAN JAKE OWENS PROHIBITION JAMES PRATT UNION REFORM CHARLES REVIOL DEMOCRATIC HAROLD B. SCRIMGER DEMOCRATIC JOHN STAKE PROHIBITION _______________________________________________________________ CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT CHAPTER 185, OF ACTS OF 1900 AN ACT to amend section nine, of Article 3, of the Constitution of this State, and provide for the submission of said amendment to the qualified voters of this State for adoption or rejection. SECTION 9. The State's Attorney shall perform such duties and receive such fees and commissions of salary not exceeding three thousand dollars, as are now or may hereafter be prescribed by law; and if any State's Attorney shall receive any other fee or reward than such as if or may be allowed by law, he shall, on conviction thereof, be removed from office, provided that the State's Attorney for Baltimore City shall receive an annual salary of forty-five hundred dollars, and shall have power to appoint one deputy, at an annual salary not exceeding three thousand dollars, and such other assistants at such annual salaries not exceeding fifteen hundred dollars each, as the Supreme Bench of Baltimore City may authorize and approve; all of said salaries to be paid out of the fees of the said State's Attorney's office, as has heretofore been practiced. _____________________________________________________________________ For Constitutional Amendment ______________________________________________________________________ Against Constitutional Amendment ______________________________________________________________________ CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT CHAPTER 432, OF ACTS OF 1900 AN ACT to amend section four, Article 3, of the Constitution of this State. SECTION 4. As soon as may be after the taking and publishing of the National Census of 1900, or after the enumeration of the population of this State, under the authority thereof, there shall be an apportionment of representation in the House of Delegates, to be made on the following basis, to wit: Each of the several counties of the State, having a population of eighteen thousand souls or less, shall be entitled to two delegates; and every county having a population of over eighteen thousand and less than twenty-eight thousand souls, shall be entitled to three delegates; and every county having a population of twenty eight thousand and less than forty thousand souls, shall be entitled to four delegates; and every county having a population of forty thousand and less than fifty-five thousand souls, shall be entitled to five delegates; and every county having a population of fifty-fife thousand souls and upwards, shall be entitled to six delegates and no more; and each of the four legislative districts of the City of Baltimore shall be entitled to the number of delegates to which the largest county shall or may be entitled under the aforegoing apportionment, and the General Assembly shall have the power to provide by law, from time to time, for altering and changing the boundaries of the existing legislative districts of the City of Baltimore, so as to make them as near as may be of equal population; but said district shall always consist of contiguous territory. ______________________________________________________________________ For Constitutional Amendment ______________________________________________________________________ Against Constitutional Amendment ______________________________________________________________________ CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT CHAPTER 469, OF ACTS OF 1900 AN ACT to amend section two, of Article 3, of the Constitution of the State SECTION 2. The City of Baltimore shall be divided into four legislative districts as near as may be of equal population and of contiguous territory, and each of said legislative districts of Baltimore City, as they may from time to time be laid out, in accordance with the provisions hereof, and each county in the State, shall be entitled to one Senator, who shall be elected by the qualified voters of the said legislative districts of Baltimore City and of the counties of the State, respectively, and shall serve for four years from the date of his election, subject to the classification of Senators hereafter provided for. ____________________________________________________________________________ For Constitutional Amendment ____________________________________________________________________________ Against Constitutional Amendment _____________________________________________________________________________ 17200______________________________________________________________ FOR STATE COMPTROLLER OF THE TREASURY. _______________________________________________________________ FREDERICK BARWELL UNION REFORM of Charles County. JOSHUA HERRING DEMOCRATIC of Carrol County A.S. MONTELL PROHIBITION of Talbot County. HERMAN S. PLATT REPUBLICAN of Baltimore City. _______________________________________________________________ FOR CLERK OF THE COURT OF APPEALS ________________________________________________________________ JOHN BURGESS UNION REFORM of Baltimore City. THOMAS PARRAN REPUBLICAN of Calvert County. J FRANK TURNER DEMOCRATIC of Talbot County. B.W. WENN PROHIBITION of Harford County. _______________________________________________________________________ FOR CLERK OF THE SUPERIOR COURT ________________________________________________________________________ JOHN COE UNION REFORM JAMES DOE PROHIBITION JOHN HANNIBAL DEMOCRATIC ROBERT OGLE REPUBLICAN _________________________________________________________________________ FOR CLERK OF CIRCUIT COURT NO. 2 STEWART BROWN DEMOCRATIC WILLIAM JOHNS PROHIBITION THOMAS A ROBINSON REPUBLICAN JAMES TATE UNION REFORM __________________________________________________________________________ FOR SHERIFF __________________________________________________________________________ JAMES ANDERSON PROHIBITION SAMUEL G. DAVIS REPUBLICAN VERNON G. GORE UNION REFORM GEO. HOWARD SOCIAL LABOR GEO. WARFIELD DEMOCRATIC ____________________________________________________________________________ FOR SURVEYOR ___________________________________________________________________________ EDWARD CARR PROHIBITION WILLIAM DIX UNION REFORM FRANK H. SLOAN REPUBLICAN WILLIAM P. TWAMLEY DEMOCRATIC ______________________________________________________________________________ FOR MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES FROM THE 3rd LEGISLATIVE DISTRICT. _______________________________________________________________________________ H. BRUNE BOWIE DEMOCRATIC WILLIAM F. BROENING REPUBLICAN GEO. BACK UNION REFORM T. HARRIS CANNON DEMOCRATIC JAMES CANE PROHIBITION O.M. DENNIS DEMOCRATIC R. ENO UNION REFORM JAMES E. GODWIN REPUBLICAN CALEB GRIFFIN DEMOCRATIC DICK HALL PROHIBITION JOSEPH HART REPUBLICAN W.G. HENKEL REPUBLICAN J. LEONARD HOFFMAN REPUBLICAN EDWARD JAMES UNION REFORM HIRAM LANE PROHIBITION JAMES F. MORGAN REPUBLICAN JAKE OWENS PROHIBITION JAMES PRATT UNION REFORM CHARLES REVIOL DEMOCRATIC HAROLD B. SCRIMGER DEMOCRATIC JOHN STAKE PROHIBITION ____________________________________________________________________________ CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT CHAPTER 185, OF ACTS OF 1900 AN ACT to amend section nine, of Article 3, of the Constitution of this State, and provide for the submission of said amendment to the qualified voters of this State for adoption or rejection. SECTION 9. The State's Attorney shall perform such duties and receive such fees and commissions of salary not exceeding three thousand dollars, as are now or may hereafter be prescribed by law; and if any State's Attorney shall receive any other fee or reward than such as is or may be allowed by law, he shall, on conviction thereof, be removed from office, provided that the State's Attorney for Baltimore city shall receive an annual salary of forty-five hundred dollars, and shall have power to appoint one deputy, at an annual salary not exceeding three thousand dollars, and such other assistants at such annual salaries not exceeding fifteen hundred dollars each, as the Supreme Bench of Baltimore City may authorize and approve; all of said salaries to be paid out of the fees of the said State Attorney's office, as has heretofore been practiced. For Constitutional Amendment Against Constitutional Amendment CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT CHAPTER 432, OF ACTS OF 1900 AN ACT to amend section four, article 3, of the Constitution of this State. SECTION 4. As soon as may be after the taking and publishing of the National Census of 1900, or after the enumeration of the population of this State, under the authority thereof, there shall be an apportionment of representation in the House of Delegates, to be made on the following basis, to wit: Each of the several counties of the State, having a population of eighteen thousand souls or less, shall be entitled to two delegates; and every county having a population of over eighteen thousand and less than twenty-eight thousand souls, shall be entitled to three delegates; and every county having a population of twenty eight thousand and less than forty thousand souls, shall be entitled to four delegates; and every county having a population of forty thousand and less than fifty-five thousand souls, shall be entitled to five delegates; and every county having a population of fifty-five thousand souls and upwards, shall be entitled to six delegates and no more; and each of the four legislative districts of the City of Baltimore shall be entitled to the number of delegates to which the largest county shall or may be entitled under the aforegoing apportionment, and the General Assembly shall have the power to provide by law, from time to time, for altering and changing the boundaries of the existing legislative districts of the City of Baltimore, so as to make them as near as may be of equal population; but said district shall always consist of contiguous territory. For Constitutional Amendment Against Constitutional Amendment CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT CHAPTER 469, OF ACTS OF 1900 AN ACT to amend section two, of Article 3, of the Constitution of the State. SECTION 2. The City of Baltimore shall be divided into four legislative districts as near as may be of equal population and of contiguous territory, and each of said legislative districts of Baltimore City, as they may from time to time be laid out, in accordance with the provisions hereof, and each county in the State, shall be entitled to one Senator, who shall be elected by the qualified voters of the said legislative districts of Baltimore City, and of the counties of the State, respectively, and shall serve for four years from the date of his election, subject to the classification of Senators hereafter provided for. For Constitutional Amendment Against Constitutional Amendment 17200[ca 10-30-01]See Hay, John 10/30/01 IX. International Navigation Congress at Düsseldorf. 1902. Summary of subjects for discussion and business matters to be considered. Prefatory Remarks. In the choice of subjects for discussion, the resolutions passed at former congresses have, as far as possible, been taken into consideration. It has, however, not been deemed practical to include all those subjects, the further consideration of which was regarded as advisable at former congresses. On the other hand, other questions, which have come up in the meantime, also urgently require attention. The choice of subjects was furthermore limited by the wish expressed in many quarters, to restrict the number of subjects coming up for discussion at a congress, and that the custom formerly popular of separating the two topics, Building and Operation, should, if possible, be no longer observed. In fact it was formerly, on many occasions, very unpleasant for participants to have the subjects of Building and Operation discussed in two separate sections, rendering it impossible to sufficiently and simultaneously consider both aspects of the question of navigation. For this reason it is the intention to have two sections only at the coming Congress: one for Inland Navigation and one for Ocean Navigation. In order, however, in spite of the reduction of the number of sections and the restricted number of questions, to respect any wishes which may arise respecting an enlargement of the program and to make allowance for certain resolutions passed at former congresses, arrangements of two kinds will be made to despatch the mass of material, which might otherwise prove too formidable. In the first place, subjects of less importance at the present time, or observations made in special fields, shall not be treated as "questions" to be generally reported on, or made the topic of discussion in the sections; communications shall, however, be requested on such subjects, which communications shall, if thought necessary and at special request, be briefly considered at the close of the other discussions in the sections. Similar communications were admissible at former congresses, although the choice of topic was not restricted. Subjects are given later on, on which, conformable to resolutions passed at former congresses, reports are desired, without, however, excluding other communications without restriction of choice. [*17201*]A further arrangement, designed to further the thorough and successful exploitation of the matter for discussion, in spite of the concise formation into two sections, is the employment of General-Reporters for each question under discussion. At former congresses, much time was consumer by the fact of six to ten reporters often being employed on one question, each one reporting in detail from his printed report, the translation of which into foreign languages often proved impossible, making such reports well nigh unintelligible for a great number of the auditors. It is, therefore, recommended to appoint a General-Reporter for each question, who will from an objective standpoint, give a brief summary of the contents of all the special reports. This general-report will, as far as practical, in conjunction with the various other reporters, be literally translated into the foreign languages, orally in all three languages (if time allows, previously in writing) and thus read to the sections. Individual reporters will be afforded an opportunity of bringing forward any special observations in course of the debate. In general it will be found advisable to appoint the general-reporters also reporters for the sections to the full meetings, which will tend to facilitate the labors of the reporters in question, busied as they will be between the deliberations of the sections and those of the full sessions. In accordance with the foregoing, the following program of proceedings has been framed. I. Section: Inland Navigation 3 questions 6 communications. II. Section: Ocean Navigation 3 questions 5 communications. I. Section: Inland Navigation. Question 1. The Surmounting of Great Ascents. Technical and economic remarks regarding the most feasible arrangements for surmounting considerable ascents, which must be traversed or overcome by waterways. Reports are admissible on the general aspects of the question, or on special arrangements, especially on inclined plains, perpendicular rises and sluices with great fall. The possibility of tunneling and the necessity of procuring feed water, may be made the subject of general discussion. Question 2. Ship Tolls. Economic and financial remarks. The treatment of the following questions is specially desired: a) Can the raising of tolls on inland waterways and inland harbors suffice to cover the cost of operating and maintenance, as well as to pay a moderate rate of interest on the capital invested? b) How far and to what extent has this aim been followed and what results have thus far been attained? c) What circumstances have lead to the attainment of this end, or made the same illusory?d) How far and in what cases will the attainment to make such undertakings self-supporting be facilitated by the owner (or contractor) himself of the waterway in question undertaking a. the locomotion of the vessels, b. the entire navigation placing his services at the disposal of commercial requirements at a regular tariff compensation? e) What deductions - in fixing navigation tools - are to be made from the expenses for the establishment and the improvements of waterways, owing to the fact of such amounts not being employed for navigation purposes? Question 3. The Depreciation of Coal and Coke by Shipment. Special mention is to be here made concerning the damage to coal and coke on shipment by water, resulting from loading and unloading, transportation and during storage. The amount of damage to be stated and ways and means for obviating the same; suitable dumping arrangements etc. are also to be proposed. Also means for directly obviating and diminishing damage, for example such arising from the coking of broken coal, the production of coke at place of consumption, instead of at the mine are to be taken into account, as well as the loss in coal and coke during railway transportation. Communications will be acceptable on the following topics: 1. Technical and economic discussion on the laying out of dams, including those on the Nile, which arrangements are intended for rendering rivers better navigable during time of low water by supplying an artificial inflow of water. Details of building operations unnecessary. 2. Improvements in mechanically propelling vessels on canals. 3. Draft of river craft less than 75 cm and the result of experiences in using turbines or screw-wheels in river navigation where the water is not deep, conformable to the resolution passed at the VIII. Congress, Question 3. 4. Utilization of water power at weirs of canalized rivers, also at high water, for mechanical and electric propelling of vessels. 5. Recent experiments concerning ship resistance, especially on canals. 6. Recently constructed harbors on the Rhine within the Grand Duchy of Baden. II. Section: Ocean Navigation. Question 1. Construction and running expenses of iron and wooden sluice gates, with reference to durability, ease of construction, maintenance and management, also raising and dropping the same. Question 2. Employment of Barges or Lighters. Discussion of the following questions is desired: a) To what extent are barges or lighters employed? Reference is here specially to lighters suitable for use at the mouths of rivers emptying into the sea. [*17202*]b) Practical form of construction and manner of operating lighters including expense of operating and freight rates. c) Public and economic interests subserved by and disadvantages resulting from the employment of lighters. d) Under what circumstances can the greatest profit be obtained and the limits of economic employment be drawn, especially in the use of lighters suitable for both rivers and canals, when operated in competition with inland navigation proper and as opposed to inland and ocean navigation combined and transshipment at seaports? e) How is the State government to act in view of the development of the lighter service (amount of tolls to be levied etc.)? Question 3. Docks. Building and operating of docks, floating-docks and building slips for keeping in order and repairing large seagoing vessels of modern build. Present employment and serviceableness from an economic point of view. Communications are desired concerning: 1. Flushing of harbors, especially that of Ostende, for the purpose of deepening the channel. 2. Protection of lighthouses and other beacons against the encroachments of private establishments. In this connection, a statement of actual conditions, necessitating legal protection, furthermore the present legal situation and efforts hitherto made for the extension of legal protection at present in force. 3. Information concerning the manner of construction, capacity and cost of scoop and claw dredging machines. 4. Progress made in the field of fog-signaling. 5. Recent experiments made regarding ship-resistance in open water. Exhibition. An exhibition of objects relating to navigation and hydraulic engineering will, in the main, be restricted to objects having formed the subject of discussion at the sessions of the Congress. Other plans, models and books will, however, be admitted for exhibition.[*see Hay, John 10/30/01*] IX. International Navigation Congress at Dusseldorf. 1902. Program of Proceedings. (subject to change.) Sunday, June 29th Evening: Reception. Monday, June 30th A. M. 1. Full session, P. M. Inspection of the Düsseldorf Harbor Works. Tuesday, July 1st A. M. First session of sections, P. M. Excursion to Ruhrort and Duisburg. Wednesday, July 2nd A. M. Second session of sections, P. M. Third session of sections. Thursday, July 3rd A. M. Excursion to Cologne and inspection of the harbor works, P. M. Trip to the Drachenfels. Friday, July 4th A. M. Second full session. Close of proceedings. Saturday, July 5th Excursion to the Dortmund-Ems Canal, Herne, Henrichenburg (Lifting-Work) and Dortmund, and possibly also to Essen (Krupp's Works) or to Müngsten (great bridge) and inspection of the dam at Remscheid. Sunday July 6th and the following days Excursion to the Emperor William Canal and the Hansa cities, according to special program. [*17203*][Octo]ber 30, 1901. DELAWARE FACTIONS WILL BE IGNORED Neither Hunn Nor Ball to Control Federal Appointments THE PRESIDENT'S POLICY Will Select Men of Special Fitness and Character THE TWO SENATORIAL VACANCIES An Opportunity for Harmony, With Addicks Eliminated [SPECIAL TO THE PUBLIC LEDGER.] Washington, Oct. 29. - There is reason for the belief that within a short time there will be declarations, if not actual occurrences, at Washington that will leave no doubt as to the attitude of the President towards the Republican factions in Delaware. This will not arise from any initiative on the part of the President, but will come about in the regular course of business, unless the Republican leaders reconcile their differences, combine their forces and elect two Republican Senators. Governor Hunn, representing the Union, or Addicks, faction, and Congressman Ball, representing the Regulars, or anti-Addicks, faction, both of whom have visited Washington recently, have been given to understand that the President will not recognize either faction as the agent through whom the Federa offices will be distributed; and it has been strongly intimated that no action will be taken on any matter relating to Delaware affairs to promote the candidacy of J. Edward Addicks. President Prepared to Act. It is recognized by the President that conditions are likely to arise which will require him to make appointments in Delaware, and when confronted such conditions he will be prepared to act. It is unnecessary to say that when called upon to make appointments the President will select men because of their special fitness and character, and not because of their alliance with either faction. Factions will be ignored; but , recognizing that there is a factional division in the Republican ranks, it is expected by the President that competent men will be taken from each side and in equal proportion. Following the rules that have usually obtained in regard to the appointments, the President will recognize Senators and Representatives, and give the fullest consideration to their recommendations. Delaware, having but one chosen Representative, he will be recognized as such, but there is little risked in stating that Mr. Ball will be expected to keep in mind the fact that he was elected by the combined votes of the two factions, and that in making recommendations he must select from both and in equal numbers, always keeping in mind, as the first consideration, character and fitness. [handwritten: 17204] The Senate Vacancies. With regard to the election of two Senators, in which the people of Delaware are deeply concerned, and in which the President as the putative leader of his party has a natural interest, it is felt here that the two factions should settle their differences and elect two Republicans. The principal obstacle to this is the person of J. Edward Addicks, who persists in occupying the field notwithstanding it has been demonstrated, after years of struggle, that he cannot be chosen. It is true a majority of the Republicans elected to the Legislature favor his selection, but it is plainly apparent that he cannot secure the number of votes necessary to an election. The question confronting the Republicans of Delaware is, Will they consent that their State shall be without any representation in the United States Senate for two years merely to gratify the personal ambition of one man? No Concessions to Addicks. It is assumed by the followers of Mr. Addicks, who are leaders of the Union Republican faction, that if the President will give them recognition and permit Mr. Addicks to name the Federal officers for Delaware a sufficient number of votes will be secured from the recalcitrants to warrant the convening of the Legislature in extra session, and insure the election of two Republicans, of whom Mr. Addicks will be one. Whether or not this assumption is well founded is immaterial, in face of the fact that there is not the slightest likelihood the President will assent to such a proposition. Mr. Addicks will not, unless he shall be elected a Senator, be given consideration in the naming of Federal officers, a consideration which is reserved for the regularly chosen representatives of a State. If, therefore, Mr. Addicks is to be chosen Senator, he must obtain his election without the aid from Washington which he and his followers deem essential to accomplish that object, and for which they are clamoring. The Unionists' Opportunity. But while the election of Mr. Addicks is impossible by the present Legislature, the Union Republicans have a chance to secure two Senators from their party, if they will abandon Mr. Addicks and take up two men who are not objectionable to those Republicans who refrained from giving Addicks their votes at the last session of the Legislature. It will be recalled that the Regular Republicans at the last session of the Legislature offered to give their votes to two Addicks or Union Republicans, other than Addicks himself. There can be no doubt that the President would be please if such an arrangement should be made, and it is probable that the proposition would meet with ready acceptance from the Regulars. A Chance for Harmony. Here is an opportunity for the Union Republicans, by the elimination of the one man who stands in the way of a settlement, not only to secure the two Senators and the patronage that goes with them, but to take a step toward restoring harmony among the Republicans of Delaware. The Regulars could not well refuse to accept such an offer in view of their propostion last winter to vote for two Union Republicans, other than Addicks. The Union Republicans being largely in the majority in the Legislature (their strength, as shown by the last vote on the Senatorship, was 22 against 7 Regulars, 27 votes being necessary to an election), may be said to be entitled to name the two Senators, and would have the strength to do so should a causus of all the Republicans be held. There is good reason for the belief that if asked for an opinion on the matter the President would unhesitatingly say it was the duty of the Regulars to cast their votes for the two Republicans who would be so named by the Union men. The election of Mr. Addicks being an impossibility, the Union Republicans would secure a substantial victory by naming two of their number who could receive the seven votes of the Regulars. J.M.G. 17204 party has a mutual interest, it is felt here that the two factions should settle their differences and elect two Republicans. The principal obstacle to this is the person of J. Edward Addicks, who persists in occupying the field notwithstanding it has been demonstrated, after years of struggle, that he cannot be chosen. It is true a majority of the Republicans elected to the Legislature favor his selection, but it is plainly apparent that he cannot secure the number of votes necessary to an election. The question confronting the Republicans of Delaware is, Will they consent that their State shall be without any representation in the United States Senate for two years merely to gratify the personal ambition of one man? No Concessions to Addicks. It is assumed by the followers of Mr. Addicks, who are leaders of the Union Republican faction, that if the President will give them recognition and permit Mr. Addicks to name the Federal officers for Delaware a sufficient number of votes will be secured from the recalcitrants to warrant the convening of the Legislature in extra session, and insure the election of two Republicans, of whom Mr. Addicks will be one. Whether or not this assumption is well founded is immaterial, in face of the fact that there is not the slightest likelihood the President will assent to such a proposition. Mr. Addicks will not, unless he shall be elected a Senator, be given consideration in the naming of Federal officers, a consideration which is reserved for the regularly chosen representatives of a State. If, therefore, Mr. Addicks is to be chosen Senator, he must obtain his election without the aid from Washington which he and his followers deem essential to accomplish that object, and for which they are clamoring. The Unionists' Opportunity. But while the election of Mr. Addicks is impossible by the present Legislature, the Union Republicans have a chance to secure two Senators from their party, if they will abandon Mr. Addicks and take up two men who are not objectionable to those Republicans who refrained from giving Addicks their votes at the last session of the Legislature. It will be recalled that the Regular Republicans at the last session of the Legislature offered to give their votes to two Addicks or Union Republicans, other than Addicks himself. There can be no doubt that the President would be pleased if such an arrangement should be made, and it is probable that the proposition would meet with ready acceptance from the Regulars. A Chance for Harmony. Here is an opportunity for the Union Republicans, by the elimination of the one man who stands in the way of a settlement, not only to secure the two Senators and the patronage that goes with them, but to take a step toward restoring harmony among the Republicans of Delaware. The Regulars could not well refuse to accept such an offer in view of their proposition last winter to vote for two Union Republicans, other than Addicks. The Union Republicans being largely in the majority in the Legislature (their strength, as shown by the last vote on the Senatorship, was 22 against 7 Regulars, 27 votes being necessary to an election), may be said to be entitled to name the two Senators, and would have the strength to do so should a caucus of all the Republicans be held. There is good reason for the belief that if asked for an opinion on the matter the President would unhesitatingly say it was the duty of the Regulars to cast their votes for the two Republicans who would be so named by the Union men. The election of Mr. Addicks being an impossibility, the Union Republicans would secure a substantial victory by naming two of their number who could receive the seven votes of the Regulars. J.M.C. [*17206*]The Michigan Stove Company, Detroit, Mich. DETROIT. CHICAGO. BUFFALO. GARLAND STOVES AND RANGES The Worlds Best GEORGE H. BARBOUR. Vice-President and General Manager. [*File*] October the 31st, 1901. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- I assure you I appreciate very much yours of October the twenty-fifth. I am glad to know that the editorial I sent you pleased you. It had the right ring to it. If I am able to obtain a copy of the Free Press I will take the liberty of sending you an editorial on the death of our late President McKinley. The writer of the editorial sent you was Mr. William E. Quinby, chief editor and one of the largest owners of the paper, who was Minister to the Hague under Ex-President Cleveland's last administration. Mr. Quinby is a very nice man, one of high sentiment, esteemed by every one in the city and state, both as a business man and socially. I do not hesitate to say that the "Free Press" of Detroit is the cleanest paper published. You can allow it to come into your home and have any member of your family read it, without fear. [*17207*]President Roosevelt - 2. It required great courage on the part of Mr. Quinby to take the stand which he took during the first craze of the silver question. His paper had always been considered the mouth-piece of the democratic party of this city and State. But the silver question was too much for him and he faced what might have been a financial failure. Through the columns of his paper he denounced Bryan and the silver issue; he hoisted a flag for McKinley; and he faced the second issue in the last campaign in the same way and I am pleased to say to you instead of a financial failure which many predicted, he met with success; and, to my certain knowledge he has refused, during the past three months, a very handsome offer for the "Free Press", which he no doubt would have accepted had it not been that his three sons were at the heads of the different departments of the paper and they would have been thrown out of business. Under these circumstances the proposition was declined. You will excuse me for going into these details. If you have not already met Mr. Quinby you will no doubt have the opportunity of doing so in the future. I trust you will. He is a man in whom you can place utmost confidence. There is no "yellow journalism" in his paper. In my opinion there is not money enough [*17208*]President Roosevelt - 3. in this country to tempt him to allow anything in the columns of his paper that is not clean, upright and honorable. Not even an advertisement of an objectionable feature can be found in his paper. I suppose you are aware they also publish in London a weekly issue of the "Detroit Free Press", which, I am told, is very popular. In conclusion I desire to say that I have opportunities of meeting different people, and regardless of politics, from first to last, since you have occupied the office of President of the United States, I have heard but one unanimous sentiment expressed, and that is they have confidence in the present President of the United States and he will receive their hearty support, first, last and at all times. We had the Porto Rican delegates with us on Tuesday. We entertained them here at our institution, and I was with them in the evening at a dinner that was given them by the Merchants' and Manufacturers' Exchange of this city, at which time the subject of Reciprocity was discussed. I was glad to see the loyalty expressed by these gentlemen. They are intensely interested in the American Flag, feeling that at the proper time, those in authority will see that they have their just rights. They believe this and I said to them they would not be [*17209*]President Roosevelt - 4. disappointed, that we had a President who would look to their rights and see they had them sooner or later. Your communication will be treated as you request. With my very best regards, believe me, Yours very truly, George H. Barbour [*17210*]545 LIBERTY STREET, Pittsburgh, Pa. Oct-31-1901. Hon. Theo, Roosevelt. President. Washington D. C. Dear Sir:- At suggestion of your Sec. Mr. Cortelyou, I am sending you the enclosed letter from my friend. Would thank you to note his reference to your sympathy, with the common people. His reference to the trip, of one of my boys, was correct, as he left for our factory 12 hours before the letter was received, and 24 hours after letter was mailed. You will notice by reading his letter, that he will make further predictions, and if agreeable to yourself, I will be pleased to send them to you. Hope you will look at this matter, as a confirmation of my confidence in my friend, returning his letter. Would thank you for a reply, if you so desire, and beg to remain, Very truly yours, [*O. M. Campbell*] 17211[FOR ENC. SEE CA VANCLEAVE? 10-24-01]545 LIBERTY STREET, Pittsburgh, Pa. Oct-31-1901. Mr. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Washington, D.C. My Dear Sir:- Replying to your letter 29th I am under separate envelope sending you letter addressed to the President, marked "CONFIDENTIAL" and hope it will reach him promptly, Thanking you very kindly for the suggestion I await your further favors, begging to remain, Very truly yours, O. M. Campbell [*17212*]Established 1836. Public Ledger Philadelphia, PA. George W. Childs, Editor and Proprietor From 1864 to 1894. George W. Childs Drexel, Editor and Publisher. Washington Bureau, The Post Building. John M. Carson, Chief of Bureau. [*File*] Washington, D.C., October 31, 1901. Dear Mr. Cortelyou:- Will you kindly hand the enclosed slip from the Ledger of yesterday to the President? It relates to the matter about which we talked a few days ago, and he may be interested in the manner of its treatment. Yours, John M. Carson. Mr George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. [*17213*]For enc see 10-30-01St Paul Oct 31st 1901 285, Pleasant Ave. [*Ackd P.P.F.*] Dear Mr President You have made John so happy, and we are so grateful, that I must write to thank you and to tell you too, how proud we all are of you. Mr. Flandrau sends thanks and kind remembrances. I am very sure John will prove a good and faithful servant [*17214*]to his country. Please give my love to Mrs Roosevelt, and believe me, Very sincerely yours Rebecca B. Flandrau [*17215*][*File PPF*] Oct. 31, 1901. 1759 R STREET, CORNER NEW HAMPSHIRE AVENUE. My dear Sir: Will you kindly say to the President that I shall be most happy to lunch with him to-morrow (Friday) at 1:30 o'clock? And oblige Yours very truly, John Fox, Jr. Geo. B. Cortelyou Esq. Secretary to President, White House. [*17216*] EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT The CENTURY MAGAZINE UNION SQUARE NEW YORK R. W. GILDER, EDITOR. R. U. JOHNSON, ASSOCIATE EDITOR. C.C. BUEL, ASSISTANT EDITOR. [shorthand] [*The National ppf*] Oct 31, 1901 My dear Mr. President, Noticing that you have begun to go out - our charming and talented young friend, Miss Bertha Runkle - author of the Helmet of Navarre (which made such a stir in the Century, has set her heart on you & your family attending the first night of her play, in Washington on Monday night - and I take the liberty of bringing the matter to you personal attention. Sincerely R W Gilder Pardon me - for the girl's sake. - I think it will be a good open though! [*17217*]there . If all the powers agreed, that here an outrage occurred, the assassin's name & [ate] antecedents should be rigidly suppressed; his trial conducted in camera; & execution in private, I think the best would be done to stop them in future. You can't do any good by force & suppression. I write all this because I see that one anarchist is avowedly on your [*India*] Madras Club. [*ackd 11/30/1901*] Oct 31st My dear Theodore I must write & congratulate you on the splendid fortune which is yours. I have no doubt that your country will benefit by that wonderful gift of common sense which is so conspicuous in you. --You [*P.S. I see that Cabot Lodge is just as great a fire eater as ever- He seems to be always thirsting for our blood. Do you know Clarence King of the U.S.A. Geological Survey? I have very pleasant memories of him.*] [*17218*]have got to the goal of your ambition now & long may you stay there — Poor McKinleys death was of all anarchist outrages the most uncalled for even on anarchist's grounds. It seems to me quite time that something were done to stop these outrages - they have bagged the heads of most states now & will kill more I have no doubt, yet in the country where they are most suppressed & persecuted they are most active - Russia & where freest, least active - England - They appear to have one common motive - vanity & I should strike them [*17219*]like an English summer, & I spend half my time there 12 hours away by train, for that station is also in my charge. I am a Colonel now, & have three large districts in my charge Burmah, Madras & the Southern- Baby Lee I see by the papers is a big girl now & very like your sister Mrs Cowles, to whom & to your wife, & the Douglas Robinsons my best salaams. Good luck to you, work peace, Anglo Saxon understanding & we shall dictate terms to the world. Yours very sincerely H. de H. Haig. [*[10-31-01]*] Madras Club. tract. I see that you will take no precautions - common sense again. No precautions can stop a bullet. It took 40,000 men to shield the Czar in France, but a rifle bullet would have found a way through them. I am glad to see that you have taken to sport again - I am sure it is one of the best ways of hanging on to ones youth I do a lot here, the duck [*17220*]& snipe have just come, but I have not made any big bags yet. In January I am going into the mountains after bison, deer, & perhaps tiger & leopard - we have a pack of hounds hunting jackals here we plain rides but no jumping to speak of. In the hot weather another pack hunts at Ootacamund in my district - & 7000 up a rolling plateau with lovely grass - I was too late coming for it this year. [that] They had excellent sport but on one occasion nearly lost the pack by getting onto a tiger. They were just chipped off in time, & he was not hurrying himself - another day they got onto a deer who took them down [the] a precipice which cost the lives of five hounds. My wife & children live up on the plateau, 6000 feet up in perpetual summer [*17221*]Ebbitt House Army & Navy H.C. Burch, Manager. Washington, D. C. Oct 31 1901 [*12 30 PM Ansd by missing ? Also ackd by letter Engt F*] Dear Sir, I desire very much to present some time to-day to the President the archbishop of San Francisco. Please send me word when we may call. Very Sincerely Y John Ireland Mr. G. B. Courtelyou. [*17222*]later on, but just now, we seem to be, in National affairs, in the midst of another era of good feeling. God knows we are far from it in our local affairs, — but I trust it is coming out all right. I am sincerely sorry for Shepard, who has ruined a career that might have been a fine one, Vy Sincerely Yours G. L. Ives. The Hon: Theodore Roosevelt &c &c Washington. [*File P. P. F. P*] 14 WEST 38TH STREET. 31st Oct 1901. My dear Mr. President, Many thanks for your letter of the 29th in reference to the Presidency of Columbia College. Butler, as you know, has been appointed acting President, and I think the trustees are inclined to move very slowly in the matter of a permanent appointment. Certainly there is no apparent need for haste. [*17223*]I am very glad, for myself, to know your views on the subject, and I shall take the liberty of showing your letter to the other members of the Committee on Nomination of a President. I have also to thank you for your kind invitation to call on you in Washington if I am there next winter, - as I hope I may be. You and I are half Southerners, and I should like to tell you de vive voix how wise and statesmanlike I think your policy is in the South. I hear no adverse criticisms of your course in any respect, and I believe you have the whole country back of you, so far. You may have the pleasure of a fightJohn D. Long. Secretary. [*File PPF B*] NAVY DEPARTMENT, G Washington, October 31, 1901. Dear Mr. President: I return herewith the letter of Mr. Agnus, which he has written concerning Admiral Crowninshield and in which he accuses the Admiral of injustice to Admiral Schley. I can only say, as I have said many times before, that if Admiral Schley will specify any charge against Admiral Crowninshield, I shall be happy to have it investigated with the upmost thoroughness. Very respectfully yours, John D Long [*John D Long*] The President. [*17225*]State of New York Executive Chamber Albany [*ackd enclosure returned*] October 31, 1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President:- I enclose herewith for your confidential perusal, a letter that I have received from Senator Higgins. Kindly return it to me after you have read it. Very truly yours, B. B. Odell [*17226*][*File*] FIFTY-SIXTH CONGRESS. MR. PRITCHARD, CHAIRMAN. MR. PLATT, OF CONNECTICUT. MR. THURSTON. MR. McCOMAS. MR. MALLORY. MR. TURLEY. MR. HEITFELD. W. S. HYAMS, CLERK. United States Senate, COMMITTEE ON PATENTS, WASHINGTON, D.C. Marshall, N. C., Oct. 31, 1901. Dear Mr. President:- Referring to a conversation between Dr. Curry and yourself relative to the appointment of Hon. Richmond Pearson to a position in the Foreign Service, I have the honor to request that you hold up any contemplated appointment until next Wednesday, in order that I may be able to present Mr. Pearson's claims at that time. In view of the Southern situation, it is highly important that some recognition be given to the best type of the native Southern Republicans, and in my opinion there is no better type of Republicanism to be found in any section of the country than Mr. Pearson. This is a matter in which I feel a great interest, and I sincerely trust that you will do me the honor to take no action in regard to the matter until I can see you next Wednesday. With best wishes and high regards, I am, Sincerely yours, J. C. Pritchard [*17227*]STRATTON'S INDEPENDENCE LTD. Cripple Creek District, Colorado. H. A. Shipman, Manager. Victor, Colorado. Victor, Colorado, Oct. 31, 1901. TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:- The bearer of this letter, Mr. R. G. Holmes, is seeking a position in the Surveyor General's Office. He has been in the employ of this Company for several months, and I have found him to be very attentive to business and a hard worker. His character and habits are good, and I believe that he would fill the position which he seeks with entire satisfaction to all concerned. Very truly, STRATTON'S INDEPENDENCE, LIMITED, H. A. Shipman Manager. [*17228*][Enc. in Holmes, 10-21-01]The First National Bank 5586 Victor, Colorado Frank M. Woods. Prest. James F. Burns. Vice Prest. J. A. Small. Cashier. R. J. Huff. Asst. Cashier. October 31st 1901. To whom it may concern: I have known Mr. R. M.[?] Holmes a long time & take great pleasure in saying that he is amply qualified to fill any position of trust and responsibility, with credit to himself and satisfaction to his employers. His many friends here would be very glad to testify to his merit & general capability - J. A. Small Cashier [*17229*]Enc. in Holmes, 10-12-01WILLIAM A. OTIS & CO. BANKERS AND BROKERS, COLORADO SPRINGS, COLORADO. WILLIAM A. OTIS. PHILIP B. STEWART. WILLIAM P. SARGEANT. FRANCIS GILPIN. October 31st, 1901. Mr. W. A. White, % Emporia Gazette, Emporia, Kans. My dear Mr. White:- I am in receipt of the book sent by you and also the letter of October 29th. There has not yet been time to look into this volume, but Mrs. Stewart and I are anticipating with much pleasure the reading of it; and, on her behalf and my own, I thank you most warmly for the remembrance. I remain Very truly yours, Philip B. Stewart PBS-P [*17230*]Enc. in White 11-4-01[shorthand notation] Ackd BOOKER T. WASHINGTON. TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED. TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. Oct. 31, 1901. President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President:- I know you have not had time to bother with many of the editorial expressions made regarding my dining with you, but I believe that it is worth your while to read the enclosed editorial which appears in today's Atlanta Constitution. It is the first sign of returning common sense to the South and I think indicates a good deal. While I must confess that the outbreak over my dining with you was far beyond my expectations, I cannot help but feel that it was providential and that good is going to come out of it. Yours truly, Booker T. Washington 17231[For 1. enc. see The Constitution, 10-31-01]Oct. 31. 1901. 326[?] CHESTNUT STREET PHILADELPHIA [*Ackd ppf*] Dear Theodore: James Grant Wilson wants me (pursuing a suggestion from you, he writes) to give him a short account of you for his book on the Presidents. This I can do: but he says it is customary in these biographies to add the wife. Now, except Mrs. Roosevelt's maiden name, I am unable to say what I ought to say. Do you therefore, please, frame me a few sentences yourself, such as you & she would wish. Yours always Owen Wister [*17232*][*THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS PHOTODUPLICATION SERVICE WASHINGTON 25, D. C.*] The New Voice Vol. XVIII, No. 44- CHICAGO, OCTOBER 31, 1901. Per Year, $1.00 THE CANTEEN'S DEATH BLOW Lieutenant General Nelson A. Miles, Gives the Coup de Grace to the Army Beer Saloon - Official Report Kills Without Mercy the War Department's Stories of "Awful Results" - Shameless Attempts of the Arch-Turn-Coat Corbin to Break the Force of His Superior's Revelation of Facts (From the New Voice Bureau in Washington.) Washington, Oct. 28. - Nelson A. Miles, Lieutenant General Commanding the Army, has just thrown a bombshell into the beer canteen ranks, creating a panic among the "officers and gentlemen" who have bewailed the loss of the beer saloon for the soldiers and incidentally the loss of their own privileges in connection therewith. To-day, General Miles' report for 1901 was given out and his review of the workings of the anti-canteen law completely demolishes the claims of the canteen mafia that has been trying for months to stab the law in the back and regain its privilege of buying its personal supply of drink at wholesale rates. The canteen cabal have been sending out yarns about the multitude of desertions in the army since the new law went into effect, all on account of the cutting off of the soldiers' "pure wholesome beer". General Miles proves by the records that during the first six months of 1901, the beginning of the new law, there has been a SMALLER PERCENTAGE OF DESERTIONS THAN AT ANY OTHER TIME DURING THE PAST TWENTY-FIVE YEARS. THE PERCENTAGE OF THE FIRST SIX MONTHS OF NO CANTEEN HAS BEEN LESS THAN HALF OF THE RATE OF THE MOST FAVORABLE OF ALL THE CANTEEN YEARS. The canteeners (Root at the head) have raised a great cry that no enlistments could be obtained if the beer holes were closed. Miles produces the figures and declares that "THE RECRUITING STATIONS HAVE BEEN THRONGED WITH MEN SEEKING ENLISTMENT FOR THE SERVICE." The canteeners (and prominent among them Archbishop Ireland) have stoutly maintained that the soldiers who do not have the drink appetite are rare exceptions in the army. In his report, General Miles declares that "THE ARMY IS COMPOSED PRINCIPALLY OF YOUNG MEN WHO HAVE NOT FORMED THE HABIT OF USING LIQUOR." The general points to the success attending the conduct of the Soldiers' Home in this city without the aid of the beer hole and "WITH THE MOST GRATIFYING RESULTS." The report is a death blow to the project to revive the army saloon. The passages bearing upon the canteen are as follows: "Much has been said concerning the army canteen, which, when first established, was called the "amusement room," and afterwards the "post exchange." It was a place of amusement and recreation for the enlisted men, where they could enjoy reading books and papers, playing games, etc. and could purchase such refreshments, except liquors, as they desired. It was then an eminently successful institution and promoted the contentment and general welfare of the troops. Later, when what was known as the post traders' establishments were abolished, light wines and beers were authorized to be sold in the canteen. The government has now by act of Congress prohibited the sale of intoxicating beverages in the canteen, and it is believed that no injury has resulted thereby and that the law has in the main been beneficial. "The army is composed principally of young men who have not formed the habit of using liquor, and although the majority of the enlistments actually occur in large cities, as the recruiting offices are principally located there, a large percentage of the men come from homes in the country and small towns and villages in every part of the United States. The prediction that the change would prevent enlistments and increase desertions has not been fulfilled. SINCE THE LAW WAS APPROVED, NAMELY, ON FEBRUARY 3, 1901, THE RECRUITING STATIONS HAVE BEEN THRONGED WITH MEN SEEKING ENLISTMENT FOR THE SERVICE. 25,944 men having (Concluded on page 16.) LIEUTENANT GENERAL NELSON A. MILES. Photograph Copyright by Rice, Washington. [*17233*]2 THE NEW VOICE October 31, 1901. BETWEEN WHITE HOUSE AND CAPITOL Anarchy's Revel of Drink and Lust Almost Under the Eaves of the Executive Mansion — Washington in the Grip of the Most Depraved Classes ofSociety — How Vice Dominates Government at the Seat of National Power A STUDY FOR PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT [From the New Voice Bureau in Washington.] Washington, Oct. 25.—While all of this excitement about "anarchy" is in the air, it is well to point the finger at this city, the headquarters of anarchy, if there ever was such a thing. Emma Goldman, noiseful and eccentric, preaches "anarchy," so they say. The only difference between Emma Goldman and the authorities at Washington is that the latter PRACTICE anarchy while the woman is content to preach it. People who have gone daft on "imperialism" swell with pride and point to this "imperial city" as the immaculate model of good government in which is people have no voice. THEY DO NOT POINT TO THE ONE HUNDRED AND TWO LAW-DEFYING HOUSES OF PROSTITUTION WITHIN SIX BLOCKS OF THE WHITE HOUSE GROUNDS. A few months ago I wrote to the health department of the city asking why the ash gathering service did not extend to the locality in which I lived. The next day four different inspectors called at different times to investigate and see about that basket full of ashes. But I could write till my arm was palsied and complain until I was black in the face about those 102 houses of infamy within pistol shot of the President's mansion and nothing would be done about it. In the Capital City's Heart This bad lands district, a sore spot in the Mecca of the nation, is not located in an out-of-the-way place; it lies directly between the Executive Mansion and the national Capitol. Every daily newspaper in the city is published within one block of the ill-famed district. Young girls going to and from work in the Bureau of Engraving and Printing must pass through it. Of these 102 houses of professional infamy, ALL openly sell liquor contrary to the laws of the District, and I append below a list of 49 of these infamous places, all lying within a pistol shot of the Executive Mansion, the proprietors of which are so shameless in their law-breaking that they pay the United States retail liquor dealers' tax and receive the certificate for the same, although by the laws of the District they are forbidden to sell liquor. Just why these 49 find it necessary to pay the tax while the other 53 do not it would be difficult to say. I am perfectly well aware that some smug hypocrite will arise and say that the making of this list is a "temptation to the young," and at his elbow will stand the beer-fed editor of some whisky paper with the same assertion, but I shall not concern myself about this. In a city, the capital of a Christian nation, where things of this sort are flaunted in the face of youths and children, where the clerks of the $4,000,000 postoffice cannot look from their windows without seeing infamy, and where the girls that work in the departments must go through streets that reek with rottenness to reach their work, it is high time that something startling was done, and the plea that the publication of a list of this sort will in any way add to the evil publicity of these places is nonsense. HERE IS THE LIST OF THE FORTY-NINE WHO HAVE A FEDERAL TAX RECEIPT FOR SELLING LIQUORS ALL TAKEN OUT SINCE THE FIRST OF JULY LAST. Kate Anderson. 1430 C. street, N. W. Vina Allen, 305-7 13 1/2 street, N. W. Annie Arnold. 1217 C street, N. W. Ida Bronson, 217 10th street, N. W. Bessie Bury, 1320 D street, N. W. Lulu Burke, 214 11th street, N. W. WASHINGTON'S $4,000,000 POSTOFFICE Bounded on the north by a block containing the Evening Star building and three saloons; on the west by a block containing one police station, two saloons and eighteen liquor selling brothels; on the south by a block containing thirteen liquor-selling brothels and on the east by a block containing five licensed saloons. IN DARKEST WASHINGTON Map of a section of the City of Washington lying upon the south side of Pennsylvania avenue between the Executive Mansion and the Capitol, within a pistol shot of the official residence of the President of the United States, and given over to vice and law-breaking. The black spots upon the map indicate the location of 102 liquor-selling brothels that exist in defiance of the law in the very presence of the national government of the United States. Lillie Berry, 1108 C street, N. W. Ella Buchanan, 312 13 1/2 street, N. W. Emma Coleman, 1361 Ohio ave., N. W. Rose Clayton, 1220 C street, N. W. Alice Curry, 1215 C. street, N. W. Kitty Crowley, 1357 Ohio ave. N. W. Nannie Cole, 1222 D street, N. W. Sara Carter, 1315 D street, N. W. Maud Duvall, 1305 D street, N. W. Effie Davis, 301 13 1/2 street, N. W. Grace Ferguson, 1307 C street, N. W. Lena Foster, 1312 D street, N. W. Lena Gordon, 1422 C street, N. W. Willie Gilmore, 1315 Ohio ave., N. W. Katherine Grant, 1424 C street, N. W. Alice Green, 1225 D street, N. W. Dollie Herbert, 1311 C street, N. W. Fannie Hill, 330 13 1/2 street, N. W. Elinora Harris, 407 13th street, N. W. Mabel Helmer, 305 13th street, N. W. Fannie Herman, 1317 D street, N. W. Fairie Levann, 1312 D. street, N. W. Georgia Mordest, 1106 B street, N. W. Annie R. Moss, 1208 D street, N. W. Sadie McKean, 200 11th street, N. W. Frankie Morton, 1229 D street, N. W. Bertie May, 1304 D street, N. W. Clio F. Maitland, 1233 D street, N. W. Ida Nightingale, 317 1/3 1/2 street, N. W. Maggie Owens, 1214 C street, N. W. Martha Raper, 1302 D street, N. W. Myrtle Ray, 1359 Ohio ave., N. W. Maggie Sutton, 1361 Ohio ave., N. W. Hulda Stewart, 1213 C street, N. W. Grace L. Sinclair, 1309 C street, N. W. Blanche Snow, 1313 C street, N. W. Kate Smith, 1218 D street, N. W. Sadie Street, 1226 D street, N. W. Annie Sniveley, 1116 C street, N. W. Mrs. Lottie Tillford, 212 11th street, N. W. Marie Wilson, 1353 Ohio ave., N.W . Nellie Williams, 1363 Ohio ave., N. W. Gertrude Walsh, 1220 D street, N. W. Some of these viragos have been at the same addresses for a quarter of a century; they own their own mansions, they defy every law three hundred and sixty-five days out of the year; they sell liquors of all sorts night and day in open defiance of law; they brazenly adorn their doors with their names in a suggestive way. These dives contain some six or seven hundred women who make a business of defying the law in connivance with the police authorities. I say this advisedly; for opposite the $4,000,000 postoffice on Twelfth street is located police station No. 1 IN THE SAME BLOCK WITH THIS STATION ARE LOCATED EIGHTEEN HOUSES OF PROSTITUTION, ALL OF WHICH ARE LIQUOR-SELLING BLIND PIGS BESIDES. Eighteen houses of prostitution and one police station in one block! How is that for anarchy in "the best governed city on earth?" How far is this record from proving that the uniformed police force is an organized gang of procurers? For years the local Anti-Saloon League has employed an attorney, Mr. A. E. Shoemaker, an able young man, true as steel, to do what an attorney can to push the enforcement of the liquor laws, but it is about like "bringing suit against the Devil and holding court in Hell," so far as the results go—and this in the "imperial city," governed on St. Petersburg principles, the "best governed city on earth." For something like a year complaints have been lodged with the excise board and pushed as hard as legal talent could push them, showing that some twenty-five licensed saloons were but mere adjuncts of houses of prostitution. After a year's battling the board has actually annulled ONE license on this account that of a man named Kessler, who kept a saloon bagnio at the corner of Pennsylvania avenue and the Capitol grounds. And Kessler is merely waiting until the board gives the wink, when he proposes to open up in time to catch the Congressional trade in the winter. The whole farce was intended as a hook on which to hand a hypocritical claim of "good faith" and "energy in enforcement of law," when to enforce the law was the last thing intended. Oh the Shame of It !!! . . . Every morning as the sun looks over the Maryland hills, the dome of the Capitol casts its shadow over the two brothels on Delaware avenue, which have a federal tax receipt to sell liquor and make a business of violating the law every day and night of the year - and in the "best governed city on earth." Under a ruling of the Commissioner of Internal Revenue dated January 26 1890 (circular No. 340), no druggist in the United States, doing a straight business of compounding liquors into prescriptions, is required to pay the federal liquor tax. But the department rules, substantially, that when druggists begin to fill prescriptions which call for a bottle of whiskey or a case of beer, they are going beyond the province of a legitimate pharmacy and are engaged in the liquor business. From druggists of this sort, the federal tax is required. Seventy-three of the druggists of this city are doing the kind of "drug business" which makes it seem best to them to pay the federal tax. The laws of the District are such that a druggist can fill orders for cases of beer, providing the physician has prescribed it. Indeed, so accommodation are the liquor laws of the district that a holder of a wholesale liquor license can sell as small an amount as ONE PINT. The result is that nearly one hundred grocers about the city are "wholesale liquor dealers" and are engaged in pushing grog into the families along with the potatoes and butter. The Usual Grand Stand Play ... Some time ago it was given out with much noise and Pharisaical grimaces of satisfaction that the police were going to prevent law-breaking on Twelfth Street, in other words, that the prostitutes who were operating "blind pigs" on that street must do their law-breaking on some other street in the future. As most of these dens occupied corner houses, they merely closed up their front doors and opened side entrances on the other street and continued business just as before, while the police authorities swelled up till they strained their coat buttons and posed for the congratulations of the October 31, 1901. THE NEW VOICE 3 people who say that Washington is the "best governed city on earth." An illustrious example of this farce is the case of Blanche Snow, who for a quarter of a century has occupied the corner of Twelfth and C streets as a rendezvous for Congressmen who seek vicious indulgences. For more than twenty-five years has this woman operated a "blind pig" and house of infamy with the entrance on Twelfth street. But now, thanks to the prowess of the police department, she applies and gets her blind pig federal "license" for 1313 C street, the number of the side entrance to the same house. When the nation carried the remains of the late President from the White House to the Capitol, where he lay in state, the body was borne almost across the shadow of the liquor selling bagnio of Blanche Snow; on this last mournful ride, the remains of the President, stricken with the bullet of an anarchist, ran the gauntlet of this rendezvous of anarchy, the 102 brothels of the "best governed city on earth." What is the result of this prostitution of municipal government in the interest of the worst classes on the face of the earth? The results are fourfold: THE ARRESTS FOR CRIME IN WASHINGTON ARE BY FAR GREATER THAN IN ANY OTHER CITY OF ITS CLASS IN THE UNITED STATES. WASHINGTON REQUIRES MORE POLICEMEN TO KEEP THE PEOPLE IN SUBJECTION THAN ANY OTHER CITY OF ITS CLASS IN THE UNITED STATES. NOTWITHSTANDING THE REVENUE FROM RUM HOLES, WASHINGTON IS BY FAR THE MOST EXTRAVAGANTLY MANAGED CITY OF ITS CLASS IN THE UNITED STATES. WASHINGTON HAS THE HIGHEST DEATH RATE OF THE LARGE CITIES IN THE UNITED STATES. In support of the above propositions, I give the following table compiled from Bulletin No. 30 (Sept. 1900), of the Department of Labor. The cities included are all the cities having a population ranging between two and three hundred thousand: City Population Arrest No. of Tax Rate June 1, 1900 by Police policemen per $1,000. Washington 278.718 25,923 545 $25.00* New Orleans 287,104 17,609 307 29.00 Louisiana 204,731 7,704 339 26.35 Jersey City 206,433 7,600 350 28.40 Detroit 285,704 7,.053 513 19.00 Newark 246,070 6,262 358 21.20 Minneapolis 202,718 5,416 201 25.15 Milwaukee 285,315 4,873 304 22.00 *This table explains itself except the entry in reference to the tax rate. The tax rate of Washington is a little above the average of the cities mentioned in the class. BUT AS CONGRESS PAYS HALF OF THE EXPENSES OF THE CITY, THE RATE GIVEN SHOULD, FOR PURPOSES OF COMPARISON, BE PUT AT $50 INSTEAD OF TWENTY-FIVE. This shows that the expenses of operating the municipal affairs of Washington is more than twice as great as the average of the other cities of the same class. This disposes of all the points save the matter of health. A few days ago, the Marine Hospital Service published vital statistics from 1, 190 cities having a population of one thousand and upwards. The returns showed Washington to have the highest death rate of the large cities, having a rate of 21.7. Even wicked Chicago had a rate of but 14.68. The city government of Washington is vested in a board of three commissioners appointed by the President. The present and usual plan is to have as president of the board one who can make a fine prayer. President McFarland is a mighty man of valor at the prayer bench. His usual Wednesday evening advice to the Almighty can be heard a block away. McFarland welcomes religious bodies and explains to educational conventions what a fine city it is. The other two members of the board are ordinary sinners who actually boss the city's affairs, by and with the advice and consent of the harlots and rum dealers. The combination is a standing national lesson in anarchy, one that the nation ought to be ashamed of. The new President can well take his first leisure day to examine into the sort of mis-rule that goes on by his authority almost under the eaves of his Executive Mansion. WHAT IMPROVED THE ARMY General Greene Names Some of the Agencies That Lifted the Grade of the Rank and File In his entertaining articles, "The United States Army," just concluded in Scribner's Magazine, Gen. Francis V. Greene has the following to say with regard to the personnel of the rank and file of the army, between the closing of the Civil War and the opening of the war with Spain: "The character of the rank and file at first left much to be desired. It was difficult to secure recruits, and in order to fill up the ranks it became necessary to enlist emigrants of a low class, many of whom could hardly speak English. Year by year, however, this improved. Improvements were made in the pay, the clothing, the rations and messing arrangements, and in everything which pertained to the soldier's comfort, health and morals. A small number of promotions from the ranks encouraged enlistments of a higher order of men, and finally, the hard times succeeding 1893 induced many young men of a most desirable class to think of service in the ranks of the army. The number who applied was so large that it was possible to make careful selections, barely one-third of the applicants being accepted, and those being all American citizens, able to read and write, and bringing evidence of good moral character. The improvement had reached its highest point when the war with Spain broke out, and no more carefully selected and highly trained body of men ever carried arms than those who sailed to Santiago in June, 1898. It is doubtful if they were ever equalled." General Greene, from his long association with the army, can properly be considered an authority upon this subject, but it is worthy of note that the men who are trying to restore the beer saloon as an official part of the army, Corbin, Munson, Seamans and their like, ignore all that General Green here records and attributes the whole improvement of the 22 years to the one thing that he does not mention, the one thing that was out of harmony with all the rest—the official saloon. Corbin and all is collaborators never heard of the improved physical, mental and moral grade of the enlisted men, never heard of the better pay and better rations—never heard of anything but beer, their one and only agency of reform. THOSE OUTSIDE SALOONS Local Anti-Saloon League of Washington Refutes Newspaper Reports in an Exact and Conclusive Statement [From The New Voice Bureau in Washington,] Washington, Oct. 22.—William E. Curtis, the great alcoholic authority of the Chicago Record-Herald, is in trouble again. Some months ago he sent to his paper a graphic account of the frightful increase of saloons and the dreadful drunken outbreaks at the military posts near this city, all of which had (according to Curtis) been caused by the abolition of the army beer saloons. The story was promptly refuted by The New Voice. The Anti-Saloon League of the District of Columbia appointed a committee headed by Mr. A. N. Canfield, to make a thorough investigation of the matter and report. Last evening the committee made its report in the matter, fully corroborating The New Voice in every particular. In making the report Mr. Canfield stated that from investigation his committee believes that there is less of drunkenness and of consequent demoralization among the soldiers at the posts visited by the committee, and that there has been less during the last six months than ever before during any similar period of their existence when occupied by so large a force. The report of the committee read: Your special committee appointed to investigate and report upon the correctness of the statements made in the newspapers of the country to the effect that the law prohibiting the sale of intoxicating liquors in the exchanges or canteens at military posts had resulted immediately in the opening of many additional drinking saloons in the vicinity of these posts, outside of the military reservations and of military control, and had resulted in a consequent alarming increase in drunkenness and demoralization among the soldiers, submits the, following partial report: Your committee has visited the posts assigned to it, viz, the arsenal, the navy yard, and the marine barracks, in the District of Columbia; Fort Myer and Fort Hunt in Virginia, and Fort Washington, in Maryland, and has found that the reported opening of new or additional saloons in the vicinity of those posts since the abolition of the sale of intoxicating liquors in the canteens is not true as to any of them. Your committee finds that in the District of Columbia, there were 515 licensed bar rooms at the end of the license year, October 31, 1900; and that there are today only 513 such bar rooms; and that during the last license year no new bar room has been licensed in the vicinity of any military post in the District. That there are now found saloons in the village of Rosslyn, at the Virginia end of the Aqueduct Bridge, and three on the road between that village and Fort Myer, but they have all been there since before the anti-canteen law was passed, and no new ones have been opened in that vicinity. That there are no saloons at Fort Hunt and none nearer to that post than Alexandria, Va. That there are three saloons on the road leading from Fort Washington to the country outside of the military reservation; that they were there when the anti-canteen law was passed, and that no new saloon has been opened in that vicinity. It seems evident that Mr. Curtis and the other newspaper correspondents who sent out the "awful" story must have been lying for what the Record-Herald calls "the wicked pleasure of the thing." PAY DAY AT FORT RILEY Junction City Officials Say Quietest in Thirty Years Junction City, Kan., Oct. 21,—(Special correspondence). The recent pay-day of the Fourth Cavalry stationed at Fort Riley, near this place, was remarkable for quiet. Marshal Cullinan of Junction City declared that in all his thirty years' experience he has never seen a pay-day with so little disorder. He says that he did not see a Fourth Cavalry man intoxicated during the day and that there was no unseemly conduct. The Junction City Union publishes this statement with approval and congratulates the soldiers upon their excellent behavior. It will be remembered that this is the town where, according to the hungry pack of news peddlers that clamor for the restoration of the canteen, the most terrible things have come to pass since the government stopped the official sale of beer. A Glimpse of Kansas Howard, Kans., Oct. 25,—(Special correspondence). The state of affairs in dominant political circles here with regard to the prohibitory law is indicated by recent incidents. The other day a prominent W. C. T. U. worker of the state visited this town and asked permission to address the children in the public schools. She was met with the information that the school board had resolved that no one should be allowed to speak in the schools upon "either spiritual or political questions." A little inquiry elicited the information that the principal had received this instruction from the city attorney, who is a member of the board, and that other members of the board were ignorant of any such action. The attorney is a regular attendant of the Methodist Episcopal church, but is a political ring leader eminently successful in making peace between the church and the saloon. At Severy, Kansas, recently, the same state W.C.T.U. worker, together with a lady who is editor of a temperance paper, meeting on the street two young men who are engaged in the liquor business, one of them slightly under the influence of liquor, stopped to talk with them, beseeching them in a motherly fashion to turn from their evil way. The marshal of the city discovering the dangerous assembling of four people, bore down upon them and in loud voice harshly ordered the women to move on, upbraiding them for "obstructing the street." Texas Baptists Pledge Their Votes Bowie, Texas, Oct. 22,—(Special correspondence). By the unanimous vote of a very large meeting of the Wise County Baptist Association strong resolutions were adopted upon the temperance question. The following is the conclusion of the series: Whereas the saloon is the very pit of death to our young manhood and the worst enemy of the Kingdom of God, we affirm that the traffic cannot be licensed without violation of God's laws, and we declare that the standard of Baptists must never be lowered upon the question, and that we will prove our faith by our lives and our votes. The Rev. Josephus Cheaney, the well known Prohibition organizer of Texas, who was present at the meeting, was invited to address the convention and was listened to with great interest for an hour. State Protected Anarchy (From the Evangelist, Harrisburg, Pa.) Our beloved President McKinley, murdered by a saloon-nursed anarchist, and dying with words of faith, resignation and prayer on his lips, sleeps peacefully, under guard of United States soldiers, in the cemetery at Canton, and his blood cries to God against the saloon-anarchy-breeders. But there is not a moment's halt or hesitation in the triumphal march of the murderous hordes of the liquor power. On the contrary, never has that monster been more bold, imperious, aggressive and lawless. DON'T LET IT BE FORGOTTEN We need scarcely remind you that the liquor traffic, which is sought to be legalized by the license section, is one that deeply concerns not only the honor of this great state, but also the material, moral and social interests of all the people. There is not a home or hamlet in the state that is beyond its influence. Its evils are widespread and far-reaching. Consider what the consequences will be if the license section carries: First, we will legalize this great wrong, we will give the sanction of the constitution and the laws of this great, free and intelligent state to this most degrading and ruinous of all human pursuits, so that the men who are spreading ruin and death may say to all protesters; "Stand aside, my business has received the sacred sanction of the law, and is therefore legal and right." Can we afford thus legally to sanction a great wrong? Second by legalizing this traffic we agree to share with the liquor seller the responsibilities and evils of his business. Every man who votes for license becomes of necessity a partner to the liquor traffic and all its consequences — William McKinley, July 10, 1874. [*17234*]4 THE NEW VOICE October 31, 1901. THE PARTY IN THE STATES NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE PROHIBITION PARTY OLIVER W. STEWART, Chairman . . . . . . . Manhattan Bldg. Chicago SAMUEL DICKIE, Vice-Chairman. . . . . . . Albion, Mich. JAMES A. TATE, Secretary. . . . . . . . . . . . . Dyer, Tenn. S. D. HASTINGS, Treasurer. . . . . . . . . . . . Green Bay, Wis. A. A. STEVENS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Tyrone, Pa. T. R. CARSKADON. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Keyser, W. Va. H. P. FARIS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Clinton, Mo. STEWART IN IOWA Hawkeye Campaign Making a Great Finish Des Moines, Iowa, Oct. 26,—(Special correspondence).—National Chairman Stewart addressed a fine rally here Thursday evening at the Y. M. C. A. auditorium. He was in conference with State Chairman Campbell during the day. The campaign is closing with greater enthusiasm than for many years. Hundreds of strong temperance A. U. COATES, Candidate for Governor of Iowa voters, who have clung to the g. o. p. and the rum ruled Democracy, are openly renouncing their allegiance to whisky politics. Chairman Campbell will center his canvass in this city from now to election day. Marshalltown, Ia., Oct. 24,—(Special correspondence). —Two well attended Prohibition rallies, addressed by National Chairman Stewart were held here yesterday. Many from out of the city were present and there was much enthusiasm. Mason City, Ia., Oct. 25,—(Special correspondence). —Chairman Stewart and District Prohibition Organizer W. D. Elwell were the speakers at a good sized rally here at the Armory Monday evening. Waterloo. Ia., Oct. 24,—(Special correspondence). —A big audience greeted Chairman Stewart here at the Y. M. C. A. auditorium Tuesday night. The Rev. John A. Earl presided. Prohibitionists are making fine gains in this section. Ellis, Ia., Oct. 26,—(Special correspondence). —J. W. Leedy of Minneapolis, is making a thorough canvass of the third Congressional district. Nine days in Wright county proved very successful and Hardin county is now hearing the straight truth from him. Votes are being made everywhere. Manchester, Ia., Oct. 24,—(Special correspondence). —The McColls made a fine impression here Monday night. Their concert rally plan is unique and remarkably popular. Mr. McColl won votes by his stirring and persuasive logic. New Hampshire's Alliance Organizer Peterboro, N. H., Oct. 26,—(Special correspondence). —John McNeil has been chosen state organizer for the Prohibition Alliance by the state committee. Peterboro already has a full fledged Alliance formed by Mr. McNeil and others are under way. The outlook is exceedingly promising. Two or three more organizers will be secured if possible soon and put into the field, so as to get the whole state in line for a fine campaign in 1902. Mr. T. H. B. Teeple and wife have completed a series of strong gospel Prohibition meetings at Perrysville, Ind., the result of which was the organization of a W. C. T. U., composed of many prominent women in each of the local churches. ENEMY HARD PRESSED IN OHIO Particulars of a Dirty Plot to Use Clerical Influence to Aid the Republi-Rum Ticket in Ohio—A Confidential Circular That Deserves No Confidence Columbus, O., Oct. 26—(Special correspondence). —The desperate straits to which the Republican managers in Ohio have been pushed in the fight to carry the election this fall is revealed by a "confidential" circular which has just come into the hands of The New Voice correspondent. Last spring the Saengerfest Society of Cincinnati, which had incurred a big indebtedness, undertook to raise the necessary funds with which to liquidate by "pulling off" a prize fight between Jeffries and Rublin. the ministerial association, together with other decent citizens of Cincinnati, made an energetic effort to prevent the fight. Finally Geo. B. Cox, the well-known Republican boss, took a stand against the fight, not on moral grounds but for political purposes. Governor George K. Nash, who owed his nomination to Dox, was appealed to and made a grand stand play for the enforcement of law. He threatened to call out the troops to prevent the prize fight, but an injunction was allowed by the Cincinnati court and the governor did not have to resort to desperate measures. But his "heroic" attitude won the commendation of the law and order loving people of the state. Resolutions endorsing his action were adopted by churches, Christian Endeavor and young people's societies and ministerial associations. It was such a surprise to the people to have a law enforced by the governor that involved the moral welfare of the state that it became the sensation of the hour. Among the bodies that took action commending Governor Nash for his attitude towards the prize fight was the Ministerial Union of Columbus. This is an organization of the pastors of all the denominations in the city, in the spirit of fraternal feeling rather than for moral purposes. One of its rules, adopted doubtless to prevent acrimonious discussion and irritating feelings, is to take no action on any questions of moral reform. But in the heat of the excitement over the prize fight suppression a committee was appointed by this association to express to Governor Nash the approval of the association for his action. Made desperate by the apathy among voters and the fear of defeat, the Republican managers have taken advantage of the action of the Columbus Ministerial Association to boom Nash among the preachers and church people of the state. The circular that has fallen into my hands is as follows: CONFIDENTIAL—TO FRIENDS OF MORALITY. Dear Brother—A few months ago a eat disgrace was about to be fastened upon the fair state of Ohio, in the shape of a notorious prize fight, to be given in the city of Cincinnati. This brazen insult to the good name of Ohio had been advertised all over the United States. Behind this mammoth prize fight were lurking numerous other immoral schemes of lesser magnitude. If this leader succeeded, secondary prize fights would have followed all over the state, and the state of Ohio, famed as the mother of Presidents, would have become notorious as the foster-mother of pugilism. When all other means of preventing this disastrous scheme had failed, and the promoters of the scheme were offensively defiant, and boastful of their backing and their success, there was one man found who was brave enough, and patriotic enough to dare to do right and to preserve the good name of the state of Ohio, by preventing that prize fight, and others of lesser magnitude. That man is Governor George K. Nash. THE PASTORS' CONFERENCE of Columbus representing churches of all denominations, endorsed the commendable and heroic procedure of the governor and promised him all possible support in the noble course he had taken, and in the continuance of his excellent administration. Other organizations in different parts of the state have done the same. Now is the time to make such support effective, and to offset the opposition waged against Governor Nash and his administration by those who favor prize fights. The undersigned, who were appointed a committee to represent the Columbus Pastors' Union, hereby appeal to all citizens who are interested in the promotion of public and private morality, and in the suppression of vice in the state of Ohio, to give due consideration to these facts, and to their bearings, and to give such timely and effective assertion to their convictions as will be promotive of the best interests of morality, and of the good name of the state of Ohio. DAVID J. STARR, Cincinnati Conference. JOHN C. JACKSON, JR. Congregational Church. JNO. W. WRIGHT, Ohio Conference. The above campaign document which is being sent out "confidentially" over the state to be distributed to church members is wholly unauthorized by the Columbus Pastors' Union. The Rev. E.L. Rexford, president of the union, repudiates it. He says that months ago the union appointed the above committee to convey to Governor Nash an expression of their approval of his action. The Rev. John C. Jackson says while he approved the suppression of the prize fight his name signed to this circular is unauthorized. The Rev. John W. Wright could not be seen by your correspondent. The Rev. David J. Starr acknowledged the genuineness of his signature and approved by circular. Starr is the chaplain of the Ohio penitentiary, appointed to the place by Governor Nash, and it is alleged with the approval of the notorious Geo. B. Cox. Starr comes from Cincinnati. He belongs to the Republican machine and is willing to stultify himself and bring dishonor on the pastors' union which has admitted him to membership. While Governor Nash took a stand against the prize fight he is a truckler to the liquor power. If he deserves commendation for stopping a prize fight he deserves the everlasting condemnation of the decent voters of Ohio for appointing on his personal staff a beer brewer and a whisky distiller. He may pose as an opponent of the prize ring but he has never raised his voice in opposition to the legalized liquor traffic, the chief business of which is to pummel womanhood, crush childhood and wreck manhood. The fact that Starr, the chaplain of the Ohio penitentiary, a lickspittle of the politicians, a hanger-on at the public crib, is back of this "confidential" circular is enough to condemn it. The whole affair is a sneaking, treacherous piece of business, and just fits the character of a minister who will prostitute his sacred calling for boodle politics. Bonsey Returns To South Dakota Lisbon, N.D., Oct. 26,—(Special correspondence). —Organizer S.D. Bonsey of South Dakota, who has been very successful in this state in field work and Alliance organization, will return shortly to South Dakota for work under the executive committee of that state. OHIO 1901 E. JAY PINNEY. FOR GOVERNOR PROHIBITION STATE TICKET MAHLON ROUCH. FOR SUPREME JUDGE J.H. HAWKINS. FOR STATE TREAS. T.W. SHREVE. FOR ATTORNEY GENERAL J.B. MARTIN. FOR LIEUT GOV. E.M. HILL. FOR BOARD OF PUBLIC WORKS F.W.BARRETT. FOR CLERK OF COURT. The above group presents the seven sterling men whom Ohio Prohibitionists have placed this year upon their state ticket, and for whom they will vote on Tuesday next. E. Jay Pinney, the candidate for governor, is a well-known lawyer of Cleveland. John B. Martin is a Cincinnati business man, with an unimpeachable record as soldier and as a citizen. Mahlon Rouch, the candidate for judge of the supreme court, is another lawyer, and was also a soldier. He has been a Prohibitionist since 1882. John H. Hawkins, the nominee for state treasurer, is a business man of Stubenvlile, identified with large business interests and always successful. Thomas W. Shreve, the candidate for attorney-general, is another lawyer, a descendant of revolutionary ancestors, and a Prohibitionist since 1888, when he cast his first ballot. Fred W. Barrett, for whom the Prohibitionists will vote as clerk of the Supreme Court, is a publisher of law booksand legal papers, living at Springfield. Eugene M. Hill, who is nominated for a member of the board of public works, is a real estate dealer of Toledo, a former Republican, but for ten years a Prohibitionist. October 31, 1901. THE NEW VOICE 5 RHODE ISLAND CLOSING IN Little State Putting a Big Finish on a Big Fight Woonsocket, R.I., Oct. 26,- (Special correspondence).- The Citizen-Patriot, volume 1, number 1, is the latest accession to Prohibition journalism. It is a neat, well-printed four-page paper 8 by 12 inches in size, and contains on its first page excellent pictures of the WILLIAM E. BRIGHTMAN, Prohibition Nominee for Governor of Rhode Island. candidates on the Prohibition state ticket. Its editorial contents are timely, and the whole will make a persuasive appeal to the minds of many "doubtful" voters. The Rev. R.H. Clark and "Governor" Brightman held an open-air meeting on Washington Square, Newport, on Wednesday night, and although the meeting was unannounced, an audience of 100 men quickly gathered and listened attentively throughout. Mr. Clark has appointments next week at Riverpoint, Oct. 30; Portsmouth, Oct. 31; East Providence, Nov. 1; and it is planned to have a grand open-air rally in Market Square, Providence, on the evening of November 2. Wisconsin Active in Every Corner Milwaukee, Wis., Oct 26,- (Special correspondence).- State Chairman Clayton has just returned from a three weeks' trip through the middle-western and eastern parts of the state. He reports the field awake with Prohibition Alliance activity and interest and enthusiasm at rallies and conferences that are very encouraging. The state organizers are busy and doing the kind of work that must inevitably bear fruit in increased vote and sounder conviction. W.E. Monroe has stirred up Adams county despite the fact that there is not a railroad within its limits. Prof. F. W. Lough has made a first rate canvass of Dane county. At Cambridge, finding no one who would arrange his meeting, he hired a hall and talked to a splendid crowd, surprising croakers and "you cants" by his enthusiasm and his success. The Rev. Edward Owers has held fine meetings and organized promising Alliances in Green Bay, Oshkosh, Marinette, Appleton and Fond Du Lac. Oshkosh, Wis., Oct. 25, - (Special correspondence).- The Winnebago county Prohibition conference held here Monday afternoon was largely attended, and the Meneleys sang to a full house in the evening. State Chairman Clayton, County Chairman Mott, and the Rev. Edward Owers were present. The Alliance was thoroughly discussed. Dr. and Mrs. A. B. Nivins, whose home was threatened with assault by rummies the night after President McKinley's funeral because Evangelist Owers was supposed to be there, were also at the conference. Elkhorn, Wis., Oct. 26,- (Special correspondence).- Theodore A. Doughty has the following dates in Kenosha, Racine and Walworth counties up to November 18: Kenosha county, Oct. 23, Somers; Oct. 24-27, Kenosha; Oct. 28, Sylvania. Racine county, Oct. 29, Yorkville; Oct. 30, Union Grove; Oct. 31, English Settlement; Nov. 1, Burlington; Nov. 2, Honey Creek; Nov. 3, Caldwell; Walworth county, Nov. 4, East Troy; Nov. 5, Lagrange; Nov. 6, Whitewater; Nov. 7, Millard; Nov. 8, Elkhorn; Nov. 9, Como; Nov. 10-11, Lake Geneva; Nov. 12, Lyons; Nov. 13, Delavan; Nov. 14, Darien; Nov. 15, Allen Grove; Nov. 16, Sharon; Nov. 17, Brick Church; Nov. 18, Walworth. Racine, Wis., Oct. 26,-(Special correspondence).- An Alliance was formed here by State Chairman Clayton Wednesday evening. Eleven members were enrolled and 150 shares subscribed. A Washington Alliance Mountain View, Wash., Oct. 23- (Special correspondence).- A Prohibition Alliance has been organized here by State Chairman R. E. Dunlap, in spite of indifference and strong opposition. A church was with difficulty secured for the meeting but Mr. Dunlap won over some of his most zealous opponents and the Alliance started out finely. A number of converts to the party were made by Chairman Dunlap's address. Baltimore Ratification Rally Baltimore, Md., Oct. 26,- (Special correspondence).- The mass meeting at Hazazer's hall last night to ratify the municipal Prohibition ticket was an emphatic success. The Hon. Joshua Levering presided. The principal speakers were William Kleinle, the JOSHUA LEVERING. Rev. Frank H. Lewis, and Robert H. Anderson. Great enthusiasm was evident. A circular letter to the 350 clergymen of the city has been issued and appreciative replies have already been received. The amount of campaign work being done in this city has seldom, if ever, been equalled. THE KEYSTONE BATTLE Pennsylvania Prohibitionists Fighting It Out on the No-Compromise Line - Porter Sends Along a Message Pittsburg, Pa., Oct. 26,- (Special correspondence).- Mr. J. J. Porter of this city, candidate for treasurer on the state Prohibition ticket, has issued the following brief message to Pennsylvania Prohibitionists: Please allow me to say a word to Pennsylvania Prohibitionists on the eve of election day. That word is "stand by your colors". Be loyal to your party and to your profession. Remember the day is not far distant when "we shall win". No compromise with any faction that is not for absolute Prohibition. There are estimable gentlemen running on tickets opposed to us, no doubt of it. God forbid that the time may ever come when either of the old parties shall sink so low as to nominate tickets that will not have one or more men on them that decent men can support, but the best of these men, when elected, must be controlled by the policy of the party that elected them, and the policy of both the old parties today favors the licensed saloon. We to-day are nearer victory than ever before. Party lines never sat so lightly on men's shoulders. Prohibition was never so kindly spoken of, and thought of. See your next door neighbor, your JAMES J. PORTER. ISAAC MONDERAU. Pennsylvania's state ticket is honored by the names of two staunch Prohibitionists, Isaac Monderau, candidate for judge of the supreme court, and James J. Porter, candidate for state treasurer. Mr. Monderau, whose features are already familiar to the readers of The New Voice, is a leading lawyer of Meadville, 45 years of age and known as a self-made man. Mr. Porter is one of Pittsburg's most successful and respected Presbyterian church and for twenty years has been a Sabbath school superintendent. fellow in the office or the shop, and secure his vote for Prohibition. Keep sweet, but work hard from now until election day. Remember "We shall win". New Castle, Pa., Oct. 26,-(Special correspondence).- Candidates Porter and Monderau, and Fred E. Britten of Michigan were the speakers at a Prohibition rally here Tuesday afternoon and the guests of honor at the banquet the same evening. The occasion was a big success. Philadelphia, Pa., Oct. 26,- (Special correspondence).- The candidate of the People's party for supreme court justice has withdrawn in favor of Prohibition candidate Isaac Monderau. The banquet scheduled for the evening of October 31 will be one of the most successful ever given by Prohibitionists here. Hastings, Pa., Oct. 26,- (Special correspondence).- The Rev. Dr. E.L. Eaton of Allegheny will close the campaign at Johnstown Monday evening, November 4, at a Prohibition rally in the Y.M.C.A. hall of that place. Lancaster, Pa., Oct. 28,- (Special correspondence).- Prof. H.D. Patton held good meetings the past week at East Nantmeal, Warwick, West Nantmeal and Shippensburg. This week his dates are: October 28, Newberg; 29, Newville; 30, West Fairview; 31, Carlisle; November 1, Mount Holly; 2, Mechanicsburg; 3, 4, Lewis and Mifflin. BROOKLYN HOLDS RALLY Howard Addresses Big Audience of Greater New York Prohibitionists Brooklyn, N.Y., Oct. 28,- (Special telegram to The New Voice).- A tremendous mass meeting was held last night by the Prohibitionists in the Central Y.M.C.A. The principal speaker of the occasion was Clinton N. Howard ISAAC K. FUNK, D.D., L.L.D., Nominee for President of Borough of Brooklyn. of Rochester. Addresses were also made by the municipal candidates. Mr. Howard's address was a strong presentation of the political situation in Greater New York. He grappled with conditions like a man, and his startling presentation of truth was received with enthusiastic cheering. In part he said: You will never succeed in sweeping gin mill politics into perdition, and rescuing this great city from the political leprosy known as "boss rule," and leave the gin mill in New York at the same time. You may kill off the most colossal band of political brigands that ever walked the earth and inside of two years the saloon will roll away the stone from the door of the sepulcher and, in the language of Tammany Hall, the gang will visit the community with "a terrible revenge." The only salvation for this city lies in a "terrible revenge" against the saloon and in this respect the election of either Mr. Shepard or Mr. Low does not offer a single ounce of relief to the people of this great city. In all my experience I have never seen such otherwise cultured, capable and high-minded men so completely prostrate themselves and prostitute their ideals before the [?] forces of a great city in their bid for power and mad pursuit for votes. I DO NOT HESITATE TO SAY that the doctrines publicly proclaimed and taught by the high-minded candidates for mayor of this city and by their attitude toward the enforcement of law, are doing more to undermine the foundation of the Republic and pull down the central pillars of civil government, which rests upon the morality of the Sabbath and reverence for law than was accomplished by Booth, Guiteau and Czolcosz put together. The Prohibitionists of the Borough of Brooklyn have nominated for borough president Dr. Isaac K. Funk, for so many years editor-in-chief of The Voice. Dr. Funk enjoys the respect of his fellow citizens without regard for party, and a large vote is anticipated. It is also believed that very many honest men, who cannot tolerate the saloon-courting of Low and Shepard, will find political refuge in voting for the sterling gentlemen who represent the Prohibition party on the municipal ticket of Greater New York, Alfred L. Manierre, for mayor, John McKee for president of the board of aldermen and Francis Crawford for comptroller. - Rochester Campaign Goes Right On Rochester, N.Y., Oct. 28,- (Special correspondence).- Next Friday evening the climax of the Prohibition campaign will be celebrated in a great rally at the city hall. Mr. Henry W. Wilbur of New York, editor of the Defender, will be the speaker of the occasion. The city committee of the party is conducting an effective advertising campaign. Literature is being circulated and 25,000 tickets have been struck off for distribution. A big mass-meeting was held on the east side Thursday. The collection paid all expenses. State Chairman Durkee presided. Tully McRea, the "student Prohibitionist," made the address. New men are coming out at every meeting. Enthusiasm is at its height. A fine vote will certainly be polled. [*17235*]THE NEW VOICE October 31, 1901. THE MAORIS OF NEW ZEALAND By MARY V. G. WOOLLEY Mr. Woolely wishes me to give to readers of The New Voice my impressions of the New Zealand Maoris, but as I have no data in the way of books or history by me I can only tell you —as a woman, traveling in a strange land-what I have seen of this most interesting people, whose presence, together with their strange customs and habits, added so much to the interest of our trip through the North Island. They are the finest of all the aboriginal people I have seen, though many things which they have in common with the Hawaiians and Samoans make it probable that all the South Sea Islanders are related to each other. In fact I think that the peculiarity of the Hawaiians, with their pretty poetical and artistic ways of weaving the leis and making fine mats and fans, is only a matter of environment. They have a tropical island, with no cold, and only flowers and fine grasses to dress themselves with, while the peoples who came from there to the shores of this colder island, found the native flax, a coarser fibre, out of which they made their coverings and their "kits" (baskets) and mats; and the necessities of their surroundings made them more war-like and at the same time hardier and less poetic. Their very language— though similar to the Hawaiians' —shows this difference. In Hawaii the universal greeting is "aloha", which means "love", while in Maori it is "aroha", meaning "welcome". While I am theorizing let me give you another of my theories: The Maoris are very fine looking except that they have flat noses. When they meet one another, instead of merely shaking hands or greeting each other as we do, they press their noses together in the most solemn fashion. My theory is that long years of this custom have made their noses flat, and that if it were stopped, coming generations might have fine straight noses. It is very funny to see two people greet one another in this unique fashion. I saw two well dressed women meet in the main street in New Plymouth, and before they spoke a word grasp hands and press noses, and then begin to talk just as any other two women would. In Wellington two Maori gentlemen met, solemnly raised their hats with the left hand, grasped each other by the right and pressed noses—all this without a word. We went to the funeral of a Maori chief. The coffin was in the front porch covered with a mat and in it a large oil painting of the deceased, with two others of near relatives, and many green stone (jade) ornaments and weapons. We were introduced to the immediate friends, fine looking men in civilian dress, one in a soldier's uniform, and noticed as the friends came they greeted each other in true Maori fashion, pressed noses, and then commenced wailing, moving back and forth and keeping up a peculiar cry. To persevere in this strange fashion, in the face of the customs of civilization, shows in itself a strong nature, and they are strong. They, of all the South Sea natives, have kept themselves separate from the whites and are increasing in numbers, while the races of the adjoining islands are gradually dying out. They are in complexion rich sienna, with black hair and perfect teeth, well proportioned, of good height, and very handsome. One of the handsomest women I saw in New Zealand was a Maori. She was at the opera in Wellington, dressed in a beautiful French costume. The same evening I had two gentlemen, in full evening dress, pointed out to me as Maoris, and when I remembered that this evolution has taken only fifty years (for New Zealand civilization is only fifty years old) I felt convinced that they were the most intelligent native race in existence. Of this I am sure, for I have heard Maori members of the House of Representatives take part in important discussions, and do it well. Of course all the Maoris have not become so civilized. In Rotorua, the "wonderland of New Zealand", you may see them among more primitive conditions. The Maoris are now almost entirely confined to the North Island, there being only comparatively few in the northwestern part of the South Island, and it was with the greatest pleasure MAORIS AT HOME. Corner of carved "whare" (house) showing chief and wife dressed in flaxmats. The chief wears the hui feather and is armed with the "mere"—a club of green stone or bone. that we found that a visit had been planned for us to Rotorua, which name covers the townships of Ohinemutu and Rotorua and the Maori village of Whakarewarewa. We reached Rotorua about 5 p. m., after a day's journey by rail through some of the fine "bush" scenery in "the ranges", with deep gorges covered with great ferns— the fern tree growing thirty feet high in many places, while the New Zealand cabbage trees shook their plumed heads at us most of the way. Before the dinner hour we walked to Ohinemutu, about a mile from our hotel, and saw the open-air life of the Maoris to perfection. Some were cooking their supper in the boiling, bubbling, spluttering holes, by letting down in a basket or "kit" potatoes and other vegetables, to leave them until cooked—no fire, no watching, oceans of hot water ready at a moment's notice. It really was a very simple way to live, and saved so much trouble. In one hole, not so hot, I saw a girl washing dishes. Children were standing up to their necks in natural baths, and swimming like so many fish; while many men and women, wrapped in blankets, were lying or squatting on slabs of stone placed over the warmer spots and smoking or sleeping. It was a curious sight and one I shall never forget. We returned to the hotel for our dinner and in the evening had a dip in the Madame Rachel bath, which was the most delicious I ever had. It left one's skin feeling like velvet. All these baths have world-wide reputation and are under the care of a resident physician maintained by the government, and marvelous cures are affected by them. There is a great sanitarium here and people come from all parts of the world for treatment, especially for rheumatism and skin diseases. In the early morning, to the horror of all the other tourists, who never heard of going earlier than nine o'clock, when the regular coach goes, we had a conveyance at the door and were driven to Whakarewarewa, the Maori village, and back again before breakfast at eight o'clock. We were fortunate to find "Sophia", the guide, at her gate just going to put her breakfast to cook in the boiling spring near by. She gladly took us over the district, chattering all the way of the legends of her people, pointing out the cooking fire, a circular crater of clear, blue water, nearly always boiling, another crater called the oil bath, near by several geysers, and a great well of boiling water fifteen to twenty feet in diameter. All these, with the constant noise of bubbling boiling water, the geysers sending up columns of water, the dense clouds of steam that can be seen for miles, and the strong smell of sulphur, made us think of some uncanny place and we did not care to remain long. On the way down to the village proper we looked into several houses, and found them quite tidy and clean, but, horrors! with pillow shams on some of the beds and ruffled curtains, or worse still, lace ones, at the one little window. I wondered if this was the inevitable evolution. It seemed so inartistic. But before we left. Sophia got the key and took us to see the finest specimen of Maori architecture in existence, namely, a "whare" (house) used for native assemblies and ornamented with elaborate carving. The carving is very ancient and all done with stone and shell implements, for the aborigines had no metal tools. The time it must have taken, and the patience, amazed me. The carved posts, with colored lines and inlaid shells, reminded me of one of the totem poles we see among our Alaskan tribes. And again, I wondered what connection these people might have had with our Indians, so far away. We turned our backs on this strange sight and drove away—only two miles—to an English breakfast, and might almost have thought it all a dream. These people, on the whole, are a kingly race, free from affectation, and do not seek to pattern after the whites, but retain their ancient customs and practice them in presence of the passing throngs without the slightest show of embarrassment. They are less poetic than the Hawaiians, but not less interesting. Their deadliest enemy, as is the case with all the aboriginal races which come in contact with the higher races, is alcoholic drink. They succumb to it easily, and under its influence exhibit all the vices of the white man. Hobart, Tasmania, Sept. 16. Stockholm's "Drunk Car" (From The New Voice Bureau in Washington.) Washington, Oct. 25.—Recently a report has been going the rounds of the press in this country (not in The New Voice) to the effect that the suburban railways of Stockholm had been compelled to put on a "midnight drunk" car for the inebriates which were accumulating so rapidly as to become a nuisance. The matter originated in a Stockholm press dispatch to the London Mail and thus filtered into America. In a letter to the Washington bureau of The New Voice, Herr Edward Wavrinsky, a member of the Swedish Diet, corrects this statement and explains what has really been done by the railways to cope with the increasing drunks under the Gothenburg system. Under date of September 9, he writes: The item you refer to is altogether misleading. It sometimes has happened that drunk persons have been allowed to stay in carriages, especially when they are quiet, although the conductors ought to put them out. Temperance people complained and proposed to the railway companies to put on special carriages for the intoxicated, if they wanted to carry them along. This proposition has perhaps been discussed by some railway company, but really not taken farther notice of. On the other hand the direction (management) of our state railway lines has proposed that the station masters may be endowed with police authority and the stations be the limited ground whereupon the station master may exercise such authority, with special aim against drunkenness and drunkards, This will probably be the law. Kansas Friends Challenge Saloon Lawlessness Wichita, Kan., Oct. 21,—(Special correspondence).—At the Kansas and Oklahoma Yearly Meeting of Friends held at the Friends' University in this city and just concluded, strong recommendations were presented by the temperance committee and were unanimously adopted by the meeting. The following is the reference of the report of conditions in Wichita: In view of Wichita being an educational center in which Friends University and many other institutions of higher culture are located, we as a united body of Christians earnestly request the governor of the state of Kansas and the mayor and city council of the city of Wichita to close the illegal places of public resort and to enforce the prohibitory liquor laws of our state in compliance with their solemn obligation. The meeting also adopted the following pledge at the motion of Prof. George W. Hoss: We, in the fear of God and the love of humanity, hereby pledge ourselves, as far as opportunity offers, to vote only for such men as will enforce the laws, especially the prohibitory law of the state.October 31, 1901. THE NEW VOICE 7 THE RECONNAISSANCE A WEEKLY SURVEY OF THE PROGRESS OF THE GREAT REFORM AS SHOWN IN CONTEMPORARY EDITORIAL OPINION A "Cruel Blow" Rebuked The Rochester Democrat and Chronicle (Republican, Rochester, N. Y.) quotes from the New York Commercial Advertiser the following interview with General Wesley Merritt: "Do you approve of the canteen?" "Yes," said the general, "I am one of those who are strongly in favor of the canteen system." "Is there no chance of getting the canteens restored?" "I won't say there is no chance," the general replied. "Has the suppression of the canteen made the soldiers teetotallers?" "By no means. Whereas, before they were quite content to stay in barracks if they could get good beer, they now go into the towns and drink bad whisky without restraint." Upon which the Democrat and Chronicle comments as follows: Here is an army officer of long experience, honorable record, high character, and undoubted devotion to the interests of the soldiers. His testimony is that the abolition of the canteen has not promoted temperance, but has led to intemperance; that it has encouraged debauchery rather than moderation, and consequently is demoralizing to the soldiers and harmful to the service. General Merritt is in favor of the restoration of the canteen, which will horrify those who think immoderate drinking of bad whisky outside of barracks is better for a man than restricted consumption of light beer under camp regulations. Opposition to the canteen has a certain worthy sentiment behind it, but it is a sentiment that takes little account of facts and conditions and is guided by fanaticism rather than reason. The element that promoted the abolition of the canteen struck a cruel blow at temperance in the army. General Howard, General Henry, General Shafter, General Daggett and Lieutenant General Miles, the commanding officer of the United States army, are also officers "of long experience, honorable record, high character, and undoubted devotion to the interests of the soldiers"; and they condemn the canteen as strongly as General Merritt favors it. Why does the Democrat and Chronicle think that the word of General Merritt settles the matter? If the opinions of several authorities equally respected and respectable differ, one way to settle the question is to take the opinion held by the majority. This the Democrat and Chronicle has not done. A still better way is to appeal from opinion to fact. If the Democrat and Chronicle will do this, it will find that resort to town saloons is no more frequent now than before the canteen was abolished, and that while the abolition of the canteen may not have stopped drinking by those who were already habitual drinkers, it has stopped the debauching of abstainers into habitual drinkers. The Liquor Traffic and Native Races The Presbyterian Banner (Presbyterian, Pittsburg, Pa.) speaks of the old tragedy of the ruin of aboriginal peoples by white man's rum, as follows: It is dawning upon the British mind that the liquor traffic is disastrous to British trade; it destroys trade because it destroys the population. The Reform Bureau of Washington has put out a book that bings before our eyes the appalling effect of intoxicants upon native races. Travelers, newspaper correspondents, missionaries, giving independent testimony, accumulate a mass of evidence, only too abundant, on the subject. These witnesses make out that American liquor is the greatest curse to Africa and the Pacific Islands, and British opium the greatest curse to India and China. It is not creditable to the American government that it has been one of the slowest to move in the matter; twelve countries, including Spain and Turkey, signed the treaty to exclude liquor from African natives before the United States did. England has prohibited her subjects from selling liquor to the people of the Pacific Islands, but the papers say the sale by Americans is unchecked. The heavy charge against Britain is the sale of opium in China and India, which is said to be demoralizing millions. The entire responsibility cannot be laid, however, on civilized nations, for almost all native peoples have their methods of making alcoholic drinks. Some of these may be called beers and others spirits which are as strong as rum or brandy. But the white man's drink has some strange power to accelerate the ruin of the native. Bishop Hartzell, of the Methodist church, thinks seventy-five per cent of the demoralization of native Africans comes from drunkenness. Morris, who has traveled largely in Africa, estimates that "2,000,000 of the savages go forth to die every year as a result of the traffic." The treaty above mentioned was ratified last summer and may better matters somewhat for the natives but it does nothing for the European residents, and several missionaries are on record as thinking that seventy-five per cent of the deaths of white traders on the African coast are due to liquor excesses. Dr. Paton says, "A savage drunk on trader's rum and armed with a trader's musket is a thing of horror. My son would have been killed by a bullet from an American gun, sold by an American trader to a native, if he had not been saved by a native convert with the sacrifice of his own life." Great Britain has acted, France and Germany seem willing; according to Dr. Paton, President McKinley expressed his sympathy with the movement in last December's message, but Congress took no action. Near Fort Wrangel natives are said to have decreased seventy-five per cent during the last twenty years, the horrible effect of liquor. Liquor here may be sold to whites but not to the Indians, but of course such partial Prohibition is ineffective. When we consider how hard it is to enforce Prohibition, even in our best communities, it almost looks as if some races are predetermined to be swept by drunkenness off the face of the earth. The Everpresent Horror The Religious Telescope (United Brethren, Dayton, Ohio), whose earnest and sound declarations upon the liquor traffic The New Voice often has the pleasure of quoting, says in its last issue: The effects of the "wide-open" saloon do sometimes arouse the better class of citizens to a sense of the horrors it inflicts and of their obligation to God and man to see that the laws of the land are enforced. The following is a case in point. It is clipped from the Commercial-Tribune: "Washington, Ind., October 13.—One thousand citizens, including many of the leading men of the city, met in the People's Theater, this afternoon, to protest against the nonenforcement of law in Washington. The wide-open policy that has been pursued for the last three or four years, and which has brought ruin on several wealthy and otherwise successful business men, is producing the reaction. The last man to suffer was Cashier R. C. Davis, of the People's Bank, who gambled and dissipated a fortune of $100,000, and then defaulted for $71,000. His case was discussed by several of the speakers. Mayor Downey was not present at the meeting, but several times the audience called for him, and then laughed in derision when he failed to respond. Chief of Police Call was present, but declined to speak, although he was severely criticised. Resolutions were adopted condemning the present condition of affairs in the city, and pledging to the authorities the support of the citizens if they will enforce the laws against gambling and for governing saloons. The meeting adjourned after deciding to put an independent reform ticket in the field, next May, unless the dominant political parties nominate good men." What a deplorable, pitiable fact it is, that so many of our "best citizens" will not wake up on this most vital of all moral, political questions until some of their most promising business men and, in many instances, their own sons, are ruined! General Sherman said, "War is hell," but the legalized saloon produces a worse hell than war, because it invades the hapless homes of all parts of the country, and attacks and kills, or worse than kills, helpless, innocent women and children. Here is an instance, given in a special dispatch to the Commercial-Tribune: "Steubenville, Ohio, October 13.—Mrs. John Fitzpatrick, of this city, fatally stabbed her husband at the home of William Roe, at Mingo Junction, this morning. Fitzpatrick was intoxicated, and had got his wife down on the floor and was beating her, when Mr. Roe and his wife pulled him off. Fitzpatrick rushed at his wife a second time, threatening to kill her, when she grasped a paring knife from the table and stabbed him while he had her down beating her." "How long, O Lord, how long" will the Christian voters, who have the power to annihilate this legalized monster destroyer, permit it to go on transforming the fair, peaceable homes of our country into veritable hells? More Variety Entertainment A plaintive wail from the Iowa Staats Anzeiger to the effect that brewers have a hard time of it in Des Moines, is discussed by the Iowa State Register (Republican, Des Moines). The Register says that the brewers have no just cause of complaint, and this for three reasons: (1) Though the mulct law is well enforced in Des Moines, public opinion is not so unreasonable as to demand any other than legal restrictions; (2) Under this benign regime the profits of the brewing business in the city are good; and (3) if the law does impose any hardship on the brewers, it is the fault of the Democratic party and not of the Republican, on whose behalf the Register indignantly denies any opposition to the liquor interests. The Register's own words follow: The Iowa Staats Anzeiger is still reckless in its statement in regard to the establishment of breweries in Des Moines. It insists that "if the city council or the courts deem it fit to do so, they can close up the brewery, or at least every saloon, to whom the brewer has to look for patronage and maintenance." Every intelligent person will know that that is a mistake, for neither the city council nor the court has the power to close up a saloon, in a community where the saloons have the legal right to exist, unless the owner of the saloon or his employees violate the laws of the state, or the ordinances of the city or town. Col. Eiboeck's paper has been criticising the city council of Des Moines for revoking a few saloon licenses, but he can not name an instance in which the city council or court has interfered in any way with the operation of a saloon whose proprietors and employees have obeyed the laws. That is the solid fact the Anzeiger can not evade, and will not attempt to answer. It is true that breweries thrive in Dubuque, Davenport, Sioux City, Muscatine, and other cities names by the Anzeiger, where the sentiment of the people "overrules the onerous provisions of the prohibitory and mulct laws," but that is no reason why the saloons and breweries should be superior to the laws and public sentiment at Des Moines. The laws must be obeyed in this city, and breweries can be operated here without violation of the laws and at as good profit as they can be operated at any place in the state. The breweries and saloon operators can not override the public sentiment of Des Moines by demanding an amendment of the laws that will enable them to make sales in violation of the present laws. The majorities of the counties united in enacting the present law, and every Democratic legislator voted against the manufacture of liquors when the mulct law was being enacted, and would probably so vote if an attempt was made to amend the law next winter. Col. Eiboeck can not screen his party and its candidates from that fact, nor from the further fact that the mulct law might have been made more liberal in regard to manufacture if the Democratic members of the legislature had aided in framing and enacting the law. They voted against every provision of the law, and yet the Anzeiger now attempts to make it appear that the Register "wants to screen its party and candidates from the responsibility and blame" because brewers are not willing to establish breweries in Des Moines and obey the laws of the state! Be comforted, O State Register. No one but the Anzeiger would for a moment doubt that the intentions of the Republican party toward the brewers are honorable. But how about the constant pretension of the Register that the mulct law is favorable to Prohibition and that the Republican party should therefore be supported by the Prohibitionists. It's another case of riding two horses that won't "gee" together. "The Heart of the Matter" It may not be widely known, but Chicago is on the verge of a great and important reform. This is made clear by the following editorial from the Chicago Tribune (Republican): It was an attempt to reach the heart of the matter when the council ordered the license committee to draft an ordinance looking toward the outlawing of winerooms. The maintenance in saloons of rooms which are shut off from the bar room by doors, or even screened off by curtains, is a continual danger to public morals. The saloon is a place for drinking. Incidentally, it is also a place for smoking and talking. These uses of it are natural and are sanctioned by law. But the ordinary wineroom in Chicago is a lair for libertines and a trap for the innocent. The wineroom, with its inevitable tendency toward vice, is no part of the legitimate business of the saloon. Let the saloon be open and orderly, with no secret chambers and no opportunity for anything but its proper function—namely: the selling and the drinking of liquor, together with the use of recreative games. The reform of the saloon may well begin with the lopping away of those features of it which are no proper part of its being. It is to be presumed that a law forbidding lottery tickets to be printed in smaller type than long primer, in order that lotteries might not be "a continual danger to public" eyesight, would also be classified by such authorities as the Tribune as "an attempt to reach the heart of the matter". Van Horne's Retirement The Midland (United Presbyterian, Chicago), commenting on the recent order retiring Col. Van Horne from the command of Fort Sheridan, says: The colonel commanding at Fort Sheridan has been retired, against his will it is understood. Physical disability is the cause assigned. It will be remembered that there has been much dispute over the effect of the anti-canteen law upon the conduct and discipline of the soldiers at this post, near Chicago, and also that the ministers who were sent to investigate received scant courtesy and not a little open abuse from the commanding officer. Not from outsiders but from military sources comes the hint that the discipline at that post has been rather loose, apart from all questions as to the canteen, and that this is the real underlying reason for the action that has been taken, although physical disability to some extent may account for the trouble. But we cannot help asking: Had not inefficient discipline more to do than the abolition of the canteen with the widely (Concluded on page 15.) [*17236*]8 THE NEW VOICE October 31, 1901. The New Voice Published Weekly by The New Voice Company, 323-5-7 E. 55th St. Chicago. JOHN G. WOOLLEY, Editor-in-Chief. TERMS: Price—$1.00 per year. Foreign postage, 50 cents additional. Remittance must accompany each subscription and must be sent by Check, Registered Letter, or Mail Order. Stamps or currency may be sent, but at the sender's risk. If local check is sent add 10 cents for collection. Entered at the Post Office at Chicago, Illinois, as second-class matter. Vol. XVIII Chicago, October 31, 1901 No. 44 PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT, YOUR OPPORTUNITY On page two of this paper there will be found a truthful and timely and dispassionately conservative re-statement of a condition of affairs in the capital of the United States, to which this paper has more than once referred in the past. We shall have much sympathy with men and women who read the story and find it almost impossible to believe that such things exist in the capital of a Christian nation. Vice, loathsome and shameless; crime, unchecked and defiant; anarchy by the wholesale—in the very presence of the national government of the United States, under the very eyes of the Chief Executive of the nation, flaunting themselves at every national festival, stalking defiantly in the presence of every exhibition of our national power, giving the lie to our every claim to high civilized standing! We do not wonder, we say, that many will find it almost impossible to believe that such things exist. Yet the story is true and a conservatively faithful statement of facts as they exist to-day, as they have existed for a quarter of a century. It avails not now to call hard names or to point to where the blame must lie. The blame for the past has been settled, clearly enough; the blame for the future, if it is to be as the past, will fasten itself where it belongs. The story is told now, and these lines are written now, because the hour is propitious for such a cleansing as the national capital has long needed. WE CALL THESE CONDITIONS TO THE ATTENTION OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. This is the position: The national capital is disgraced and the nation is dishonored by defiant and indecent law-breaking under the eaves of the White House and within the shadow of the Capitol. There is in the chair of the President of the United States, with legal power and moral influence that practically make him the autocrat of the capital, a man whom most of the people of the United States believe to be both honest and fearless, a man whose past record has been such that to now believe that he will consent that the capital city of the nation of which he is Chief Executive shall be ruled in the interest of harlots and law-breakers and anarchists, is almost impossible. Theodore Roosevelt, the statement of conditions made upon page two of this paper is accurate; but if you doubt it, you are man enough, you have the energy and the enterprise to discover the facts for yourself. An hour's walk on any night will furnish the proof. We do not ask you to become a Prohibitionist; we do not even expect of you to take a stand against the legalized liquor traffic. We ask of you no concessions to the enemies of the licensed saloon. We simply place before you an indisputable condition and suggest to you that you act toward that condition as a brave, honest man, holding plenary power, may reasonably be expected to act. President Roosevelt, build for yourself at the very beginning of your administration a lasting monument by ridding the city of Washington of the foul anarchy that now infests it, and making it morally clean enough to be a capital of a Christian nation. - GENERAL MILES' GREAT PUBLIC SERVICE THE CANTEEN IS DEAD. For months past its only hope of continued existence has rested in a vicious propaganda, the only element of whose strength was vociferous falsehoods. A brave, unimpeachable soldier has thrust his pen through the center of those falsehoods, and has thus rendered to his country as valuable a service as he ever rendered with his sword. The discussion of the canteen question in the report of Lieutenant General Miles may, without exaggeration, be said to settle the matter. The rehabilitation of the condemned and discredited government saloon in the face of such a report is impossible. For a little time probably the typewriter soldiers of the adjutant general's office, the thrice condemned liars of the daily press, and the little soldierettes who are trying to curry favor with the War Department will keep up their clamor. It is conceivable even that a plot may be formed to punish General Miles for his failure to bow down to the beer barons; but the most vociferous champion of beer in Washington knows that his case is helpless; and so far as revenge against General Miles is concerned, there is an atmosphere in Washington just now that is not wholly favorable to further exhibitions of the spite and grudge of cliques and cabals. General Miles' report needs little discussion. He has seized the three main props of the canteen propaganda and shivered them at a blow. The story of desertions which the daily press has told over and over again at the behest of the War Department and the brewers, stands proved a falsehood. Under circumstances that ordinarily would have led one to expect numerous desertions, with more than 25,000 new soldiers enlisted during the first six months of the year, the rate of desertion has fallen to a point never before reached in the history of the army. The gibbering panic lest enough men could not be found to fill our ranks when the official beer saloon should be closed is quieted forever by showing that recruits of excellent character were never more promptly offering themselves. The officers who have lent their influence to spread the groundless stories of drunkenness and riot among their soldiers, are effectually silenced and shamed, if they have any sense of shame, by a pointed statement of the already patent fact that if there by disorder in the ranks, there is incompetency under the shoulder-straps. It will not be long now before, free from the necessity of fighting over again the canteen fight, the moral people of the country can address themselves to the accomplishment of further needed reforms in the army. Those reforms ought to begin in the adjutant general's office, and among the desk-holders in the War Department. Henry C. Corbin, whose unfitness for the position that he holds has already been demonstrated upon numerous occasions, stands again impeached by his shameful conduct with regard to General Miles' report. The American people ought not to tolerate any longer that a man, who, if he is not in the employ of the brewers, appears to be so employed, should occupy the position of adjutant general of the United States army. Let Corbin go to follow Eagan into "innocuous desuetude," and let his train be graced by other of his like. Root may be too strongly intrenched, but the President ought to hear very plainly what the country thinks about him. Then let a rigid and searching Congressional investigation scan the habits of our army officers. It is highly probably that no army upon the planet was every composed of a better rank and file than the United States army contains now. Let us make the standard for the command of such troops at least as high as railroad sense to-day places the standard for the running of a freight train. There is no more reason for tolerating a drinking man, whether as officer or as private, in the United States army now, than there is for tolerating such a man in the employ of the great railroad systems. Let the men who enter our service hereafter understand that that is a condition, and let those now in the service who are not willing to conform their habits to such a requirement, go as quickly as they will. Let this reform begin with the officers who have been proving their own incompetency by starting or sanctioning falsehoods about their soldiers in the interest of the restoration of the canteen. Colonel Van Horne is not the only demaer of the American soldier who can serve his country, hereafter, better upon the retired list. A BLIND GIANT: WHY? There lies before us one of the kindliest, and, upon the whole, one of the most reasonable letters of vigorous criticism that we have ever received in our editorial experience, written by a man who evidently believes the statements that he makes and is convinced that his position is right. The subject of the criticism is the attitude of The New Voice toward the church, which in the judgment of the writer of the letter is wholly wrong, although he does not believe that the present course of the church is right. He says: "TO ME THE CHURCH SEEMS LIKE A GREAT, BLIND GIANT STAGGERING FORWARD". We distinctly thank our critic for an expression that, more exactly than any which we remember to have written ourselves, expresses our own conception of the present progress of the church. A giant she is, possessed of such power, moral, intellectual, financial, and political, that no force on earth could cope with her were her energies and resources once properly marshalled and rightly directed. But blind indeed she seems, for the clearest, most patent truths of the day seem hidden in impenetrable darkness from the eyes of those who are accounted her chiefs; and stagger indeed she does, for she goes on casting down and trampling upon the very things that she professes to hold in love and reverence, and placing in positions of power and honor the things to which she declares herself unalterably opposed. We are not speaking rashly, nor indulging in words which any reasonable man can challenge. Elsewhere i n this paper, with something of prominence, is quoted the statement of an eminent and popular clergyman, the pastor of one of the richest and most fashionable churches of the United States, in which the impotency of the modern church in the presence of the abominations of so-called modern civilization is confessed and affirmed in startling language. Similar declarations, similar confessions, almost without number, have been made in the columns of religious newspapers and from the pulpits of thousands of churches, again and again, during the last decade. No one ever thinks of resenting, no one ever calls it "slander against the church", unless a Prohibitionist happens to be the author of the utterance. But what makes the church blind? What makes her stagger? What makes her impotent? Are those conditions necessary? Can she not be otherwise? Almost nineteen hundred years ago her own founder potentially answered the question when he said: "HE THAT FOLLOWETH ME SHALL NOT WALK IN DARKNESS". A DANGEROUS INSTRUCTOR If President Pritchett, of the Boston Institute of Technology, had been anxious to say something that would discredit his school among people who have high ideals of life and desire to see young men educated amid moral surroundings, he could scarcely have said anything better calculated to serve that end than the remarks which he is reported to have made at a recent meeting of the Boston School Masters' Club. According to the Boston papers, President Pritchett attacked the gatherings of American students as entirely too formal and declared October 31, 1902. THE NEW VOICE 9 in favor of the German custom of meeting "in a dingy room clouded with tobacco smoke" and quoted a doggerel verse in praise of a "stein of excellent beer", which, in his judgment, ought to be the principal feature of such an occasion. This is far too serious a matter to be lightly passed over, for it comes from a man who is at the head of one of the leading educational institutions of its kind in the United States, from a man whose opinion has much influence, and, being widely quoted in the daily press, will do almost incalculable mischief among young men. Of the merits of the opinions expressed, there is little ground for discussion. Everybody knows what the roistering beer drinking of German universities is and what its results are. Everybody knows that Germany to-day faces an inundation of drunkenness to which the drinking customs of the universities have largely contributed. As long ago as 1881 Professor Binz, of the University of Bonn, called attention to the peril of student drinking in the following strong words: This flooding the stomach and brain with beer, so prevalent among our young students; the habit of drinking between meals, especially during the forenoon; this daily beer drinking, for hours at a stretch, customary among great numbers of the lower and middle classes in Germany, I regard it all as a national evil, whether considered from the hygienic, economic, or intellectual point of view. Prof. Edward von Hartmann, author of "The Philosophy of Unconsciousness," touches the same evil in the following language: Although of all nations the German has the greatest capacity for culture. THE GENERAL CULTURE OF ITS HIGHER CLASSES IS UNDERGOING FRIGHTFUL RETROGRESSION, BECAUSE THE BEER CONSUMPTION OF ITS STUDENT YOUTH IS AFFORDING NEITHER TIME NOR SOBRIETY to acquire more than is demanded by the advanced requirements to prepare for their professional life. Friedrick Paulsen, Professor of Philosophy in the University of Berlin, says: The beery bliss of the academic, and not academic, Philistines, so prevalent in Germany, and the worship of the belly among the rich and distinguished, ravage life as surely as the habit of drinking whisky among the poor. An even more recent utterance of highly important character comes from Dr. J.H.W. Stuckenburg of Cambridge, Mass., who, from long observation in German universities, made the following statement before the Presbyterian ministers of Chicago last winter: I once saw a theological student drink twenty-four mugs of beer in three hours on a wager. Outside the classroom theological students take their beer and think nothing about it. When the classes go to their lodgings after the night sessions the members often are drunk. As a result there are disgraceful quarrels and fights. I saw fifty or more duels fought while I was in Germany, which could be traced directly to the habit of beer drinking. When you are confronted with the statement that there is no drunkenness in Germany, despite the large amount of beer and light wines consumed, you can refute the argument with figures which are easily obtainable. Beer drinking in Germany is the greatest curse of the country and it will destroy the nation unless it is checked. In view of this and other conclusive testimony of the same character, a movement to remove President Pritchett with a view to placing in his important position some man of better intelligence and higher moral standards would be exceedingly timely, and until such a movement succeeds, the Boston "Tech" will be a first class place to advise young men to stay away from. MORE DARKENING OF COUNCIL With what seems like periodic regularity, the trio of so-called "yellow" journals which are controlled by Mr. William R. Hearst take up the discussion of the saloon question and always from a certain standpoint, the defectiveness and faultiness of which The New Voice has frequently felt obliged to point out. Recently, upon different dates, these three papers have published an editorial under the heading, "Laws cannot stop drunkenness, Education can". The editorial is somewhat lengthy, but on account of the wide reading which it has received from being published in these three newspapers, it is perhaps of importance enough to justify its quotation in full. Here it is as it appeared in the New York Journal on October 21, capitals and all: Everybody knows that until recently the average statesman, the majority of prominent men, in England, drank to excess. Pitt was a drunkard—and Pitt was the most remarkable statesman in England. Fox was a drunkard. Wesley another [! ! !] In fact, to write a list of England's greatest men, who lived more than a hundred years ago, would be to make a list of famous drunkards. To-day the drunkard in public life is practically unknown in England, as well as in America. No legal pressure has been brought to bear upon the prosperous drunkard. He was not badgered by policemen or by blue laws. He could get ALL that he wanted to drink WHENEVER he wanted it—yet, OF HIS OWN ACCORD, the prosperous drunkard has reformed and become temperate. Our own great Daniel Webster was a drunkard, as were many other great Americans. No man to-day could be a drunkard and at the same time be a great man and respected. Education, experience and common sense have done their work, and drunkenness is now left to self-indulgent fools, or to those whose lives are made dull by poverty, to whom alcohol affords the only escape from horrible monotony. It would, perhaps, be worth while for the advocates of temperance to study the causes which have practically eliminated drunkenness from the most intelligent classes of men. Education undoubtedly is the greatest factor. In nearly all the public schools now the evil effects of alcohol are taught. These evil effects are taught, not in a lackadaisical way, with sentiment or religious duty as a basis. They are taught as FACTS. Facts appeal to the mind, and they persist in their effect in later life, when moral suasion and religious appeals are forgotten. Teach every child that alcohol destroys his chances of success, impairs his muscular efficiency, inflames the substance of the brain and prevents development— MAKE HIM FEEL THAT A DRINKING MAN IS A SECOND-CLASS MAN, AND YOU WILL HAVE DONE MUCH TO DESTROY THE DRUNKENNESS OF THE FUTURE. As a matter of fact, drunkenness, like dirt, is mainly an accompaniment of poverty and a sad, hopeless life. For the man or woman given to drinking, when the troubles of life are no longer to be borne, some relief must be had. Make the lives of human beings more comfortable, make good food more plentiful, spread education—and you will solve the problem of excessive drinking. The well-informed reader will not fail to be profoundly impressed with the character of the Journal's knowledge. Who is this Wesley among famous Englishmen who was a drunkard? There is but one man in English history and bearing that name and having sufficient prominence to warrant anyone in speaking of him merely by his name. Does Mr. William R. Hearst, or his editorial writer, desire to inform the world at this late date, that JOHN WESLEY, the founder of the most numerous Protestant denomination of the world, among the very earliest advocates of total abstinence and Prohibition. THAT JOHN WESLEY WAS A DRUNKARD? Or will he confess at the outset that he is attempting to treat a subject of which he knows but little, and in the discussion of which he makes ridiculous blunders. Indeed, he has confessed it already, for this same editorial, as published later in the Chicago American, omitted the name of Wesley. But as to the theory: No one is disposed to dispute that drinking and drunkenness are by no means as universal as they were a century or even half a century ago. Yet the man who makes that fact an excuse for opposition to the legal removal of the chief cause of drunkenness, namely, the licensed liquor trade, specially the man who bolsters his opposition with such argument as that which is indulged in by the Journal, lays himself open to vigorous criticism from well known facts. The drink evil has not disappeared, and is not disappearing. Drunkenness among the rich, the well-to-do, the educated, the powerful, has not ceased and is not ceasing. The "drunkard in public life" is not "unknown in England". Within the generation he has been found in the royal house. He is yet numerous among the nobility. And England has had the spectacle, within the past two years, of her public men making fools of themselves in the "alcoholic stages" of banquets, and has lost battles because her generals were more careful about their supply of champagne than they were of the commissariat or the ammunition train. It may be true, as the Journal says, that no man to-day in America can be a drunkard and at the same time a great man and respected, but it is also true that there are members of Congress, to say nothing about state legislators, whose friends excuse their disgraceful conduct in the Capitol itself by saying that they have "been drunk for weeks". It is also true that within the memory of men who are young, there has sat in the cabinet of the President of the United States, a drunkard and debauchee, so lost to all sense of shame that in his periodical debauches he would draw checks upon the disbursing officer of the government to pay his bills in the dives of Washington. It is also true that during the last administration men were appointed to high official position whose character as drunkards and libertines was so notorious that in one instance at least the appointment had to be made over the protest of the decent women of the city where the appointee resided. It is unquestionable that the influence of education is great, but who are better educated with regard to the evils of drink than the doctors? Yet a prominent physician has recently made public the fact that out of 1,500 people applying for admission to an inebriate asylum, FOUR HUNDRED AND THIRTY-SIX were physicians. Or, to take another case in point, Mr. Hearst himself knows that more than once the newspapers that are under his ownership have lost their brightest and most able workers because of their fatal devotion to the drink habit. He could name—we could name for him, were it not cruel—some of the brightest newspaper men of America, who during the last five years, have gone to ruin through drink. We could name for him men now employed upon his newspapers whose ruin, in the near future, is a foregone conclusion from the same cause. "Educate", yes; but to educate against drink, and to leave the gin-mills of the country in active operation, is just as sensible as it would be in Chicago to educate against typhoid fever and let the sewers of the city continue to pour themselves into the city's supply of drinking water. As to "poverty" and "sad, hopeless life". Were every citizen made rich to-day and every sad heart as happy as an angel, and the gin-mills left open, poverty and sorrow would be crushing human lives tomorrow, just as of old. THE UNIVERSALISTS AND THE CANTEEN The action of the Universalists in their national convention at Buffalo in tabling a resolution commendatory of the anti-canteen law has been most eagerly and widely reported by the daily press. Private advices from prominent Universalists who were present show that the "victory" for the canteen propaganda, like practically every other victory won by that precious gang of military beerists, was accomplished by the usual trick of waiting until almost everybody had gone home. The principal interest in the matter centers in the assertion of the daily press that a leading advocate of the canteen at the convention was a "prominent Prohibitionist from Maine". A special correspondence from Portland, found elsewhere in this paper, settles that matter. Dr. Blanchard is anything but a Prohibitionist, and probably even for the sake of the canteen will hardly thank the reporter who has given him that reputation. Another advocate of the canteen before the Universalists at Buffalo is said to have been the Hon. Charles R. Skinner, the gentleman whose record in the office of superintendent of public instruction in the state of New York is, that when the law distinctly provided that certain facts concerning strong drink should be taught in the schools of that state, he went up and down the state commanding the teachers in the public schools to disregard the law. Advocacy of the canteen by a man of that character is certainly appropriate. BIDDING FOR LIQUOR VOTE There never was a clearer, straighter bid for the liquor vote than that which is indulged in by the Iowa State Register in the editorial which is quoted in the Reconnaissance on page seven of this paper. Put in plain words, the Register, which has been posing the Republican party as the friend of temperance and morality, has this to say to the liquor interests of the state: "The Republican party is your friend. It enacted the legislation that makes it possible for you to do business in this state. It can be depended upon to keep such legislation in force. Its record demonstrates that it will administer such legislation in the interest of your trade. It will be better to you than the Democrats will". If the thousands of Christian men who are about to go to the polls in Iowa need anything more than had already been given to make them vote the ticket of the only political party that stands opposed to the saloon, the Iowa State Register has furnished them with it. FATHER HASTINGS' SORROW The venerable treasurer of the National Prohibition Committee the Honorable Samuel D. Hastings will have the sympathy of thousands of friends in the bereavement that has befallen him in the death of his wife, Margaretta Shubert Hastings, who, after sixty-four years of married life, was separated from him by death on Friday last at the home of one of their daughters in Evanston. JANGLING VOICES The Prohibitionist wishes to see the liquor business destroyed, but he does not seem to be at all concerned about the $300,000,000 that the government would lose in consequence—The Liquor Dealer, Washington. That's as near as you can get to the facts, is it? Well, here is the case more correctly presented: The Prohibitionist knows that, all morals aside, it's an outrage for the government to employ a revenue collector that robs the people of at least four dollars for every dollar that he turns into the public treasury besides leaving behind him a trail of pillage, outrage and murder. The Prohibitionist "wishes" to awaken the government's conscience to the extent that it will collect its revenue, at least, DECENTLY. Lieutenant General Nelson A. Miles has experienced a change of heart, we are told. He now believes that the canteen is an evil and that the soldiers are better without it.—The Minneapolis Times. And the fellow who "told" you about it needs a "change of heart" himself, for General Miles has been, first, last and all the time, a believer in a sober soldiery; and unlike some editors has had sense enough to see that the road to that does not lead through an official beer saloon. Every saloon kept by as avowed anarchist or where anarchists are wont to congregate should be hermetically sealed by the authorities, so that the plotters would have to seek other rendezvous.— Mida's Criterion (liquor paper), Chicago. Good! Now also seal up the saloons kept by anarchists who are too cowardly to avow themselves and the whole saloon question will be settled. If liquor is to be sold Sunday in New York it would certainly be honester to change the law.—The Indianapolis News. And if pick-pockets are to do business in Indianapolis—what? [*17237*]10 THE NEW VOICE October 31, 1901. THE VALUE OF CHARCOAL Few People Know How Useful it Is in Preserving Health and Beauty Nearly everybody knows that charcoal is the safest and most efficient disinfectant and purifier in nature, but few realize its value when taken into the human system for the same cleansing purpose. Charcoal is a remedy that the more you take of it the better. It is not a drug at all, but simply absorbs the gases and impurities always present in the stomach and intestines and carries them out of the system. Charcoal sweetens the breath after smoking, drinking or after eating onions or other odorous vegetables. Charcoal effectually clears and improves the complexion, it whitens the teeth and further acts as a natural and eminently safe cathartic. It absorbs the injurious gases which collect in the stomach and bowels; it disinfects the mouth and throat from the poison of catarrh. All druggists sell charcoal in one form or another, but probably the best charcoal and the most for the money is in Stuart's Absorbent Lozenges; they are composed of the finest powdered Willow charcoal, and other harmless antiseptics, in tablet form or rather in the form of large, pleasant tasting lozenges, the charcoal being mixed with honey. The daily use of these lozenges will soon tell in a much improved condition of the general health, better complexion, sweeter breath and purer blood, and the beauty of it is, that no possible harm can result from their continued use, but on the contrary great benefit. A Buffalo physician, in speaking of the benefits of charcoal, says "I advise Stuart's Absorbent Lozenges to all patients, suffering from gas in stomach and bowels, and to clear the complexion and purify the breath, mouth and throat; I also believe the liver is greatly benefited by the daily use of them. They cost but twenty-five cents a box at drug stores, and although in some sense a patent preparation yet I believe I get more and better charcoal in Stuart's Absorbent Lozenges than in any of the ordinary charcoal tablets." THE NEW VOICE FREE for the rest of 1901 to all those subscribing now for 1902. OCEANIC STEAMSHIP COMPANY OUR SISTER SHIPS Steamers SIERRA, SONOMA and VENTURA 6,200 TONS EACH TWIN SCREWS Sailing every three weeks for SYDNEY, AUSTRALIA via HAWAII, SAMOA and NEW ZEALAND. Send 2c stamp for illustrated pamphlet "A Peep Into an Ocean Palace," to J.D. SPRECKELS & BROS. CO. 643 Market St., San Francisco ROCHESTER HEARS BIG SPEECH Howard Speaks In His Own City In Behalf of the Only Clean Municipal Ticket In the Field Rochester, N. Y., Oct. 27,—(Special telegram to The New Voice).--One of the greatest meetings in the history of the Prohibition movement in Rochester took place this afternoon in the new First Methodist church of this city, under the auspices of the Prohibition Union of Christian Men, which has held such a remarkable series of meetings in this city for several years past. The speaker of the occasion was Clinton N. Howard, the president of the Union, probably the most popular and highly appreciated speaker who addresses Rochester audiences CLINTON N. HOWARD Rochester's Prohibition Leader. upon any theme. Mr. Howard's subject was, "In Darkest Rochester". It is announced that on next Sunday he will speak upon the topic, "The Way Out". Beginning with a quotation from a Republican newspaper concerning the abominable political conditions existing in a certain city, Mr. Howard followed with numerous "expert opinions" from prominent men and journals with regard to municipal misrule, corruption and vice in American cities. He then declared that in his judgment Rochester was better, from almost every standpoint, than these cities. He said that he had repeatedly described it as the "cleanest city on the map", but he did so with the appreciation that that statement was saying pretty bad things about other cities, for many things existed in Rochester that ought not to exist. Mr. Howard spoke on the constant desecration of the Sabbath at the summer resorts near the city--a desecration that takes place in the interest of the saloon--and the brazen abomination of saloon domination in public affairs, and repudiated the idea that people must choose between the two political parties that foster such evils. He said: Our people have been taught to choose the least between two thieves for so long a time that they have ceased to look for honor and honesty in the public service. I have seen it frequently stated in the editorials of a Rochester paper that good men ought to choose the least between two evils. Paul foresaw these latter times of which he says "the Spirit speaketh expressly" that men would "give heed to seducing spirits and DOCTRINES OF DEVILS", among which I class the modern rotten proposition that good men are left to a choice between two bad situations and ought, like Caiaphas, the high priest, to choose the least and crucify Jesus because "It were better that one man die for the people than that the whole nation perish." And men today will crucify the Son of God--crucify His truth and His church--which is the same thing, in the interest of infidel politics; will admit the righteousness of our cause and vote to crucify it to save their party's place in the city and state and nation. And the situation is not likely to grow any better until good citizens learn that it is better to be defeated with honor than to participate in any victory that recognizes the "right" of any evil whether it be much or little. If "offences must come" it is not necessary that we shall wink at them, encourage them and legalize them. If evil must exist let it go branded with the trade mark of the devil and not dignified with the consent, excuse or support of good men. Defining the issue for the people of Rochester in the present election Mr. Howard said: Anyone would think from the general public discussion that the entire interests of this city depend upon saving a few dollars on the average to the taxpayers, and that the lowest tax rate in two years, and public appointments for other reasons than to pay political debts are the sum total of good government. But I hold that, important as these matters are, they are not the weightier matters that ought to determine the quality of good government. I hold that superior to all these and far above our interests as taxpayers, is the influence of an administration upon the moral life of its citizens, upon the sons and daughters and homes of the community. These be the weightier matters of the law which ought not to be left undone. And in this respect the present administration has not realized what the Christian citizens of this city had the right to expect of a man for whom their votes were solicited on the ground that he was a Christian man, officially connected with a Christian church, and would see that the Christian Sabbath was respected by men whose chief concern in life is to desecrate it. I am in favor of demanding an explicit declaration from the candidates as to whether they will agree to enforce the law which makes it a crime to open the saloons in this city between twelve o'clock Saturday night and five o'clock Monday morning, and no man ought to have your vote for mayor of Rochester who will ignore that question. If we are to have the open saloon in this city on Sunday, I do not want it in the name of reform; I want it at the hands of the most corrupt party and the J. HARRY SAGER. Mr. J. Harry Sager, the Prohibition candidate for mayor of Rochester, is a well-known manufacturer of that city and is widely known throughout the United States in connection with the bicycle and automobile trade. In business integrity and ability, and in high moral character Mr. Sager enjoys the confidence of his fellow citizens in marked degree. rottenest candidate that the bosses can find. I do not want to be sold out by any man who claims to be a Christian. It was bad enough for Jesus to have been betrayed, but to have been betrayed by one of his own disciples has shocked the moral sense of the world for nineteen hundred years. But that the law-breaking saloon is not the "bottom" of darkest Rochester the speaker declared, and concluded his address as follows: But let me strike the bottom. I will tell you a darker side of Rochester life than the Sunday saloon which does a sneaking business on the sly in violation of the law; and that is the WIDE OPEN FRONT DOOR OF THE WEEK DAY SALOON. When the Sunday saloon is sealed as tight as the pyramids of Egypt, we will continue to thunder our protest against this week day infamy, and by every weapon that God has given to man as a Christian and a citizen we will fight it to the death that God has decreed it shall die whenever his people are dead in earnest in the fight against it. When they exhaust every effort, when they lift up toward heaven a clean pair of hands as Moses did at Amalek, and summon divine aid in the conflict, the lightning will execute the vengeance of an outraged God. Won't You Write a Postal To Get Well? Send me no money, but simply write me a postal if you are not well. Pay when you get well. I will send you a book that tells how a lifetime of study has enabled me to strengthen the inside nerves. Those are the nerves that operate the stomach, kidneys, heart, womanly organism, etc. Weakness of these organs means weakness of those nerves. Nerve strength alone makes any organ do its duty. I will send you, too, an order on your nearest druggist for six bottles of Dr. Shoop's Restorative. Use it for a month, and if it succeeds pay him $5.50 for it. If not, I will pay him myself. No matter how difficult your case; no matter what you have tried. If my book shows you that your trouble is nerve weakness—and most sickness is —I will warrant my Restorative to cure you. I fail sometimes, but not often. My records show that 39 out of 40 who get those six bottles pay, and pay gladly. I have learned that most people are honest with a physician who cures them. That is all I ask. If I fail I don't expect a penny from you. Mine is the only way to restore vital nerve power. Other treatments bring but fleeting results at best. If you want to be well, let me send you an order for the medicine. If it cures pay $5.50. I leave the decision to you. Simply state which book you want, and address Dr. Shoop, Box 500, Racine, Wis. Book No.1 on Dyspepsia, Book No. 2 on the Heart, Book No. 3 on the Kidneys, Book No. 4 for Women, Book No. 5 for Men (sealed), Book No. 6 on Rheumatism. Mild cases, not chronic, often cured by one or two bottles. At all druggists. GINSENG $25,000.00 FROM HALF AN ACRE This is what a Missouri man made last year. See St, Louis Republic, August 12, 1900. Easily grown, and hardy throughout the Union. Staple in price as Wheat or Cotton. Price has advanced for 25 years. Wild supply on point of extermination. Complete book, 10 cents. Circulars FREE. Chinese-American Ginseng Co., 702 Main st. Joplin, MO. This Oil Won't Soil gum, collect dust, or turn rancid. For lubricating, cleaning and polishing firearms and wheels, fishing rods and reels, locks and clocks, typewriters and sewing machines. 3 in One is perfect. Fine for polishing furniture, woodwork, parquet floors. Prevents rust and tarnish on metal surfaces and oxidation on brass and silver-ware. Saves labor of frequently polishing bath room and kitchen fixtures. Oilright for every household oiling need. At your favorite store. Free sample bottle G.W. COLE CO., 227 Washington Life Bldg., New York City LAUGHLIN FOUNTAIN PEN "Laughlin" BEST AT ANY PRICE POSTPAID ONLY $1.00 MONEY REFUNDED IF NOT SATISFACTORY. 14 K GOLD PEN, SENT ON APPROVAL TO RESPONSIBLE PEOPLE. TRY IT A WEEK. CATALOGUE FREE. ADDRESS LAUGHLIN FOUNTAIN PEN CO. 325 GRISWOLD ST. DETROIT, MICH. U.S.A.October 31, 1901. THE NEW VOICE 11 A FEW PLAIN FACTS On the Curability of Consumption, Asthma and Bronchitis. From Dr. Robert Hunter's Lectures on Lung Diseases. I have made the lungs a specialty for nearly fifty years, and know by experience that Consumption is curable in all stages. By this I do not mean that it is curable in every case, for in some the patient's constitution is so bad and broken down that no healing power is left in the body. But treated in its early stages, fully 95 per cent recover under antiseptic medicated air inhalations. But the mere act of inhaling some fragrant nostrum in not what I mean by inhalation treatment. The remedies must be adapted to the disease and condition of each patient. The physician must have thorough knowledge of medicines, be able to detect the different forms of lung disease and have experience in the action of inhaled remedies on the lungs or he can not apply it with success. Consumption, to have the same chance of cure as other diseases must be treated before serious injury has been done to the lung structures. Almost every case is seen in this stage by the patient's family physician, and, if he knew the remedies to use, their strength and how to apply them to the lungs, there would be few deaths by consumption. But what possible chance has any one afflicted with consumption under the care of physicians who never cured a case in their whole professional career, who confess that they have no curative treatment of their own, and no confidence in anything they can do for the disease? What moral right have they to treat consumption at all, or to permit their patients to believe they are striving to cure them when all they are doing is but a wretched system of palliation of symptoms? Here is the real cause of this widespread mortality of Consumption. People die of it because general physicians do not know its proper treatment and are wholly incompetent to cope with it. Before they can do so they must be retaught the principles of medical science which govern the treatment of all local diseases and acting under them must discover, as I did, the remedies which, when locally applied to the lungs, will kill the germs and heal the ravages they have made in that organ. I have given to the world a positive cure for Consumption in my Antiseptic Medicated Air Treatment, when applied before mortal lesions have taken place. It is a treatment which places Consumption in the list of curable maladies and renders their cure certain as other serious local diseases. By it healing and germicidal remedies are brought into direct contact with the internal surfaces of the nose, throat, larynx, air tubes and cells of the lungs. It soothes the mucous lining of the breathing organs, arrests irritation and prevents inflammation, while the antiseptics destroy the germ life on which the disease depends. Readers mentioning The New Voice can obtain Dr. Hunter's book, "The Lungs and their Diseases", absolutely FREE by addressing Dr. Robert Hunter association, 117 W. 45th Street, New York City. RIPANS One day an old friend said: "Are you troubled with dyspepsia?" I said: "Yes, and I don't ever expect to be cured." He told me to go across the street and get a box of Ripans Tabules. After using R.I.P.A.N.S. Tabules for three weeks I was satisfied I had at last found the right medicine, the only one for me. At druggists. The Five-Cent packet is enough for an ordinary occasion. The family bottle, 60 cents, contains a supply for a year. Prohibition Literature Notes A NEW VOICE "CANVASS" How to Secure Subscribers—The Subscription-Book Method Explained—Modifications Suggested for Use in Connection with Prohibition Papers—A Sample Subscription book publishers succeed in securing immense sales for many of their books. How they do it is a question of great interest to persons engaged in Prohibition literature work as the two lines are very similar. Agents are carefully trained in what is called a "canvass" for the book which is to be specially pushed. What is the "canvass"? It is a written or printed talk on the merits of the book to an imaginary customer. In it are given the most effective and telling points of the book, and the best way to present them to different classes of customers—farmers, laborers, business and professional men, etc. In other words, it is instruction on how to "talk the book". The canvasser is examined and cross-examined on its selling features. He goes over the "canvass" again and again before his chief, who represents himself as a customer to be convinced while the canvasser tries to sell to him. This training fits the canvasser for his work, familiarizes him with the talking points of his publication, teaches him how to overcome objections and to answer all manner of questions. He is able to bring before the person "canvassed" the points that will most interest him. This work is very valuable and the success of many books sold by subscription is due to the superiority of the "canvass" in which the agent has been educated. Experience proves that the prepared canvass is a great help in selling books, and The New Voice suggests that the same plan, somewhat modified, would be of assistance to many in securing subscriptions to this publication. Subscription Getting Real Work ... Of course the publishers of The New Voice could not open a school of instruction for its commissioners, bring them to Chicago and teach them a "canvass" that would make subscription getting a sinecure. Subscription getting is no sinecure, and no prepared canvass can make it one, but it might be a material help to anyone. In many cases the friends of this publication do not need instruction, but have already prepared, at least in their minds, the canvass to be used in selling subscriptions. To the commissioner who is not fully prepared in this way for his work. The New Voice suggests that a canvass containing every valuable talking point in favor of this publication be written out and mastered. The New Voice will be glad to publish in these columns, from time to time, such sample canvasses as have been found most effective, and would be glad to have all New Voice Commissioners feel free to send in the results of their own experience for use in this way. For the purpose of showing what is meant by the term "canvass" when applied to soliciting for The New Voice, the following simple illustration is given. Let us assume that the solicitor is employed during the day, and has only his evenings to devote to literature work. Supplying himself with the necessary outfit, he calls on his neighbor, when the following conversation takes place: Solicitor: Good evening, Mr. Brown, I called to speak with you a few minutes this evening with regard to a matter that I believe to be of great importance and in which I hope you are interested. Mr. Brown: Well, if you have something on your mind, I shall of course be pleased to listen to you. Solicitor: The matter is simply this, Mr. Brown, I have taken up literature work for The New Voice, and am trying to secure as many subscriptions as possible, believing that the publication stands for the highest ideals in citizenship, and is one that ought to be read by every man who has at heart the best interests of his fellowmen. Mr. Brown: I am deeply interested in the subject of good citizenship, but I do not know anything about The New Voice. Solicitor: Possibly I can give you some information on that subject then. If you are at all interested. The New Voice is the national champion of the Prohibition party movement, and has been recognized as the leading temperance publication of the country for the past 17 or 18 years. It was formerly published in New York by the Funk & Wagnalls Company, Publishers of the Standard Dictionary, but has been published in Chicago since 1899. It is by all odds the strongest journal opposing the licensed liquor traffic. In fact it is the only publication having a national circulation, that is devoted exclusively to a study of the various phases of the temperance reform. Mr. Brown: Have you a copy of it with you? He Has Studied His Paper... Solicitor: Oh, yes, certainly. This is the latest number, and as you will see, it is printed on high-grade super-calendared paper, and contains a great many illustrations. It covers the entire field of the reform, as you will notice by reading the headings of the various articles. (The solicitor retains the paper turning the pages slowly as he talks and pointing out the various articles to Mr. Brown.) Now, here you will note, is a statement by Lieut. General Nelson A. Miles, acknowledging the authenticity of his interview in Buffalo last summer, in which he declared that in his opinion the present law against the sale of intoxicants in the army canteen should not be repealed until it is given a fair chance. This was sent to The New Voice by its special bureau in Washington, which is in charge of a staff representative, and is maintained for the purpose of keeping a close watch on everything that happens at the national capital. From these various pages you will gain some idea of the field that is covered by the paper. Kindly notice the number of states represented. Here is special correspondence from Maryland, Kansas, Maine, California, New York, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, Indiana, Rhode Island, Ohio, Connecticut, Washington, Virginia, Kentucky, and several other states. The "Ringing Grooves of Change", (on page 4) contains from week to week articles treating such subjects as have to do with the making of history. The fifth page is distinctively a Prohibition party page, while the sixth page is devoted this week to the reports of conventions of various religious bodies that have recently condemned the licensed sale of liquor. On the seventh page is the beginning of a weekly digest of the progress of the temperance reform, as shown by the religious and other publications, of which thousands of copies are handled every week in The New Voice office. This department is continued on one of the back pages. Pages eight and nine are devoted to editorials and the celebrated "Jangling Voices", which are known to everyone who knows The New Voice. The rest of the paper is made up, as you will see, of other interesting short articles, and the advertising is pure and clean. This Will Interest Them ... [Turning back] I would really like to call your attention to this little article on page three, "A snake in the mail". I would like to have you read that. It will take only a minute. Doesn't that show you the kind of traffic it is that Christian people have got to contend with? You wouldn't find anything about that in the daily papers, unless it was in the way of an advertisement. I feel, Mr. Brown, that really we ought to do something to checkmate the aggressions of the liquor interest, and would appreciate it very much if you would see your way clear to favoring me with your subscription. Mr. Brown: Oh, well, of course I don't believe in the saloon myself, but I ain't much of a Prohibitionist. Solicitor: But Mr. Brown, it is not a question as to whether you are a Prohibitionist or not. The question is whether or not you would be willing to read a THE } NEW } FREE VOICE } Any person sending us three new annual subscribers at $1.00 each may have the NEW VOICE sent to their own address (new or renewal) FREE OF COST for one year. Address THE NEW VOICE, CHICAGO. paper that is opposed tot the saloon? You say you don't think very much of the saloon business, and I confess that I don't myself, and it seems to me that if the saloon is not a good institution, it is not a good thing for the government to license it. Mr. Brown: Well, I do not know as it is. Solicitor: Now, I tell you just how it is, Mr. Brown. This paper is the only national paper that represents a party that is opposed to the license system. It may be that other parties do not endorse license but it is certain that no matter which party is in power, the saloon is permitted to go on. Now I am not asking you to vote the Prohibition ticket. The only thing that I am asking is that you will give our side of the question a fair consideration. You can't get the truth regarding this question from the liquor-advertising general press. YOU CAN GET IT FROM THE NEW VOICE and it will cost you less than two cents a week. That is not a very large sum and you can get from this paper that which you cannot get anywhere else-real information on a subject of general importance, and which sooner or later has got to be settled. Mr. Brown: I'd like to take it for a year anyway but I take so many papers now that I hardly have time to read them all. Solicitor: But when you take on The New Voice, you take on a paper that does not duplicate anything you get in any other publication. It does not give you any matter that you can get anywhere else, and you could better afford, it seems to me, to cut off some of your other papers, if necessary, though I do not recommend that, rather than do without The New Voice. Mr Brown: Well I really haven't got the money to spare tonight, but if you will come in and see me again, I think I will subscribe. Solicitor: Oh, well that won't need to make any difference. I will take your order now and you can pay later. We have what is known as a time order system, and I will send in the subscription and you may pay the money any time within thirty or sixty days, as is most convenient. [Solicitor produces the "time order blank."] When do you think it will be convenient for you to pay this, Mr. Brown? Mr. Brown: Oh I don't know, I can pay it most any time, I suppose. Solicitor: Well, I will put it down here for thirty days, but if you think you could conveniently hand it to me before the end of the week, why, I will call in again and get the money, and send it in with the order. Mr. Brown: Why, I don't know but we might scare up a dollar someway. Say, Mrs. Brown, [addressing his wife] have you a dollar that you can spare for a day or two until I pay this man for a subscription? [Mrs. Brown smiles, goes and gets the dollar, gives it to the solicitor, who gives Mr. Brown a receipt and thanking him for his consideration, retires.] NOTES ON NEW VOICE ADVERTISING New Voice readers will miss the customary ads. of Grape Nuts and Postum Cereal, this week. This is the fifth issue in October, and the Postum Cereal Co. advertises only four times a month. Parker Willis of Cincinnati, whose double column ad appears in this number, claims to cure liquor drinkers, "to stay cured", without loss of time and at small expense. The Bijou Specialty Co., Bijou Hills, S. D., advertises a pen which it claims will write a three-page letter with a single dip in the ink. "Bomoso Coffee" is now being advertised by the Great American Tea Co. Their small ad. may be found elsewhere in this number. The Laughlin Pen Co., of Detroit, advertises a good fountain pen at $1.00. It is well worth the money. [*17238*]12 THE NEW VOICE October 31, 1901. Its True Character Catarrh Is Not a Local Disease Although physicians have known for years that catarrh was not a local disease but a constitution or blood disorder, yet the mass of the people still continue to believe it is simply a local trouble and, try to cure it with purely local remedies, like powders, snuffs, ointments and inhalers. These local remedies, if they accomplish anything at all, simply give a very temporary relief and it is doubtful if a permanent cure of catarrh has ever been accomplished by local sprays, washes and inhalers. They may clear the mucous membrane from the excessive secretion but it returns in a few hours as bad as ever, and the result can hardly be otherwise because the blood is loaded with catarrhal poison and it requires no argument to convince anyone that local washes and sprays have absolutely no effect on the blood. Dr. Ainsworth says: "I have long since discontinued the use of sprays and washes for catarrh of head and throat, because they simply relieve and do not cure. For some time past I have used only one treatment for all forms of catarrh and the results have been uniformly good. The remedy I use and recommend is Stuart's Catarrh Tablets, a pleasant and harmless preparation sold by druggists at 50c., but my experience has proven one package of Stuart's Catarrh Tablets to be worth a dozen local treatments. The tablets are composed of Hydrastin, Sanguinaria, Red Gum, Guaiacol and other safe antiseptics and any catarrh sufferer can use them with full acceptance that they contain no poison or opiates and that they are the most reasonable and successful treatment for radical cure of catarrh to present known to the profession." Stuart's Catarrh Tablets are large, pleasant tasting 20-grain lozenges, to be dissolved in the mouth and reach the delicate membranes of throat and trachea, and immediately relieve any irritation, while their final action on the blood removes the catarrhal poison from the whole system. All druggists sell them at 50c for complete treatment. ORIENTAL STAMPS- 15 choice Japanese, Chinese and Corean stamps, all different, 10 cents. Warranted genuine Send stamp for Catalogue. C. T. JOHNSON, Importer, Laurel, Md. FAT How to reduce it Mr. Hugo Horn, 334 E. 65th St, New York City, writes: "It reduced my weight 40 lbs. three years ago, and I have not gained an ounce since." Purely vegetable, and harmless as water. Any one can make it at home at little expense. No starving. No sickness. We will mail a box of it and full particulars in a plain sealed package for 4 cents for postage, etc. Hall Chemical Co., Dept. 205. ST. LOUIS, MO. OIL GUARANTEED BY JAN. 1, 1901, OR MONEY REFUNDED By the OBISPO OIL CO., of California. The most attractive oil investment ever offered. BUY NOW for almost a SONG. Stock, par value $1.00, selling for 15 cts. per share. Terms very easy. A LITTLE money will control a BIG block of stock. Investigate what we have to offer. Don't let the fact that there have been fraudulent companies that have squandered the investors' money deter you from asking about the OBISPO. If we can't convince you that you are absolutely certain to make more money than you ever expected to have, we don't want your money. Be enterprising. At least ask us for information. Address C. F. ALDERSON, Sec'y, Suite 74 B, 119 La Salle St., Chicago, Ill. BIG FOUR ROUTE Chicago TO { Indianapolis, { Cincinnati, { Louisville, { the { South and Southeast Peoria, } St. Louis, } TO New York Indianapolis, } AND Cincinnati, } The East Louisville } The scenic line to Virginia, Hot Springs and Washington, D. C., via Chesapeake & Ohio Ry. W.P.DEPPE, A.G.P.&T.A. W. J. LYNCH, G.P.& T.A. CINCINNATI J. C. TUCKER, G. N. A., 234 Clark St., Chicago TWO WORKERS WEDDED CLARA PARRISH. NOAH J. WRIGHT Before this number of the New Voice reaches its readers, according to the pleasant announcement, Noah J. Wright, the well known Illinois Prohibition speaker, and Miss Clara Parrish, formerly round-the-world missionary of the W.C.T.U., and now national secretary of the "Y's," will have wedded. The happy event is announced to take place at Paris, Ill., on Wednesday, Oct. 30. Chairman Stewart will be the officiating clergyman and many prominent Prohibitionists will be present. Miss Clara Parrish is a charming young woman of rare ability as an evangelist and organizer and won fame by her remarkable labors for the temperance cause in Japan and China. Her winning personality is enriched by a deep consecration to the cause in which she had so early in life achieved distinction, and it is announced that her new relations will not in any way alter her present zeal or responsibilities in the white-ribbon movement. Mr. Wright is well known as an eloquent and fearless Prohibition organizer and agitator, an ordained minister of the Christian church and a man of genial, courageous and thoroughly well-rounded character. His success as a Prohibition campaigner has already been remarkable in many ways, and his work is apparently but just begun. Mr. and Mrs. Wright will celebrate their honeymoon in the South, including a trip through Texas and attendance at the national convention of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union at Fort Worth, November 15 to 29. They will return to Paris, Ill. where they will hereafter reside, about Thanksgiving time. BELLE KEARNEY IN OKLAHOMA Eloquent Mississippi Woman to Speak on Party Platform Oklahoma City, Oct. 23—(Special correspondence).—The W. C. T. U. convention of Oklahoma has just concluded its session in this city. Miss Belle Kearney spoke at the concluding meeting to a huge audience. This is her third address, as she spoke twice upon Sunday. On each occasion the auditorium was packed, many people standing and others were turned away unable to get in. Each of Miss Kearney's addresses were the strongest kind of Prohibition speeches—arguments for "Prohibition with a party behind it." Miss Kearney is concluding an extended tour covering North and South Dakota, Nebraska, Iowa, Wisconsin, Illinois, the Indian Territory and Oklahoma. After a few more dates in this territory she will go to Arkansas, and from there to the national convention at Fort Worth, Texas. After the convention Miss Kearney will visit her own home in Mississippi, where she will remain, resting and preparing for new work, for several months. Home Treatment for Cancer Dr. Bye's Balmy Oils for cancer is a positive and painless cure. Most cases are treated at home without the service of a physician. Send for book telling what wonderful things are being done by simply anointing with oils. The combination is a secret; gives instant relief from pain, destroys the cancer microbes and restores the patient to health. Thousands of cancers, tumors, catarrh, ulcers, piles and malignant diseases cured in the last six years. If not afflicted cut this out and send it to some suffering one. Address Dr. W. O. Bye, Drawer 1111, Kansas City Mo. It is commonly understood here that when she takes the field again it will be distinctly in the interests of the Prohibition party. The College Agitation Columbus, Oh., Oct. 28—(Special correspondence). National President Colvin of the Intercollegiate Prohibition Association is now in Minnesota on his western organization trip. He succeeded in establishing a fine Prohibition club at the University of Wisconsin, which has heretofore been regarded as well nigh impossible. His dates for the next two months are as follows: No. 1, Norwegian Normal, Moorhead, Minn: Nov. 2-3 Fargo College, Fargo N.D.; Nov. 4, Agricultural College, N. D.; Nov. 5-6, Red River Valley University, N. D.; Nov. 7-8, University of North Dakota; Nov. 11 College of Agriculture, Bozeman, Mont.; Nov. 13. Montana Wesleyan, Helena, Mont.' Nov. 15, University of Montana, Missoula, Mont: Nov. 17-30, Washington Colleges; Dec. 1-20, Oregon Colleges. Mr. Charles M. Hay, winner of the Buffalo contest, has been appointed national organizer of the Association and has entered upon an energetic trip through his home state, Missouri. Illinois Notes Organizer Dean will conclude his present canvass at Joliet, November 4. He then goes to his Iowa home for a fortnight's rest, returning to the field November 17. Superintendent Brubaker has returned from New York and has entered the Illinois campaign in Henry county. H. S. Bonsib addressed three rallies at Lincoln, Ill., the past week. Michigan Prohibition Conference Saginaw, Mich., Oct. 26 - (Special correspondence) A Prohibition conference for the seventh, eighth, tenth and eleventh districts will be held in this city Tuesday, November 5. National Chairman Stewart will be present. The afternoon meeting will commence at 2, the evening rally at 7:30. Both meetings will be held in the Germain temple of music. FREE by return mail, full descriptive circulars of Moody's Improved Tailor System of Dress and Garment Cutting. REVISED TO DATE. The foundation principal of scientific garment cutting are taught so clearly and progressively that any lady of ordinary intelligence can easily and quickly learn to cut and make any garment in any style, to any measure for Ladies, Children, Men and Boys. Garments guaranteed to fit perfectly without trying on. A knowledge of the Moody System is worth a fortune to any lady. Thousands of expert dressmakers owe their success to the Moody System. Agents wanted. MOODY & CO., P. O. Box 2021, Cincinnati, O. MAGIC LANTERNS STEREOPTICONS and VIEWS for Public Exhibitions, Church Entertainments, for illustrating sermons. Many sizes, all prices. Chance for men with little capital to make money. 260 page catalogue free. McALLISTER. Mfg. Optician. 49 Nassau Street, N. Y. THE SANITARY STILL on your kitchen stove furnishes plenty of distilled, aerated water at trifling cost. Simple as a tea kettle. Mrs. T. W. Burney, President of the National Congress of Mothers, writes: "I am very glad I have a Still. I regard it as a valuable accessory to every household. The Sanitary Still used int he White House. Highest award at Paris Eposition. Durability unequaled. Avoid cheap and flimsy stills. Write for booklet. THE CUPRIGRAPH CO., 120 N. Green St, Chicago WANTED! TO SELL MONUMENTS Reliable party in each county. Liberal terms. Permanent position. References required. Write at once. BLAKE MONUMENT CO. 737 Woman's Temple, CHICAGO Now We Have It! A Perfect Square Steam Cooker With doors. Don't miss it. Large meal cooked over one burner. Wonderful saving of fuel and labor. Doors steam tight. No burnt fingers. No lifting top dishes out to get at the lower ones. Water gauge on outside. Special rate for ten days. Agents wanted, salary and commission. Write for descriptive matter to-day. OHIO STEAM COOKER CO., 54 Ontario Bldg., Toledo, O. About the Pennsylvania Lines. The verdict given by the general public that the Pennsylvania System offers the most comfortable and quickest service from Chicago to Pittsburgh, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington and New York, is undisputed by thousands of patrons who have used these lines. The dining service is unsurpassed. The scenery through which the road runs is the most beautiful of which the east can boast- the famous Horse Shoe Curve alone being one of the rarest sights to a visitor from the western states. The traveler is guarded on all sides by experienced employes and no pains are spared to make the journey one of ease and safety. If you contemplate a journey to the east, full information may be obtained by addressing H. R. Dering, A.G.P.A., 248 S. Clark St., Chicago. Denver and Salt Lake CHICAGO & NORTH-WESTERN RAILWAY NO CHANGE of cars via Chicago-Union Pacific and North-Western Line; all meals in dining cars. Two fast trains every day. Tourist tickets to Colorado during summer months and to Utah all the year round. Call on any agent for tickets or address 461 Broadway - New York 601 Ches't St., Philadelphia 358 Washington St., Boston 301 Main St., - Buffalo 212 Clark St., - Chicago 435 Vine St., Cincinnati 507 Smithf'id St., Pittsburg 234 Superior St., Cleveland 17 Campus Martius, Detroit 2 King St., E., Toronto, Can.October 31, 1901. THE NEW VOICE 13 The New Voice FREE for the rest of 1901 to all those subscribing now for 1902. White Ribboners of Ohio Stand Firm Toledo, O., Oct. 26—(Special correspondence). —The state convention of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, just adjourned here, spoke strongly and unmistakably for straight Prohibition with a party behind it. The convention was one of the most successful in the history of the organization. The leading resolutions adopted are as follows: With total abstinence for the individual and Prohibition of the liquor traffic by legal enactment as the fundamental principles of our organization, we heartily commend and encourage all efforts to reach the individual victims of the drink traffic and aid them to a better life through moral suasion, and we give earnest and sympathetic support to that political party, by whatever name called, that puts itself on record against license, taxation and all compromise measures, and that stands openly and unequivocally for the establishment of Prohibition as the only right governmental policy toward the liquor traffic - a party that will prove its loyalty to our cause by faithfulness and devotion under the most adverse conditions, and which is worthy of the support and encouragement of all who desire to see the principles of our organization triumph. The W.C.T.U. upholds the action of Congress in passing the anti-canteen law and do not credit the reports of the press that it has proven a means of increased drunkenness and riot among the soldiers. The association will use its influence to spread the correct testimony of the highest authority of our army, which is that it has proven of untold value in the promotion of abstinence and good order. Mrs. Lillian Burt was chosen editor of the Messenger, the state organ. 12% TO 15% INTEREST Not an oil or mining speculation, but a first-class business proposition offering unusually large returns with absolute security of capital guaranteed. Smallest investment considered $25.00. For particulars address HUBBARD FURNITURE MANUFACTURING CO. 425, 205 LaSalle St., Chicago. 10,000 PAIRS OF SHOES TO BE GIVEN AWAY and other Premiums to Men, Women, Boys and Girls, to introduce DR. RANDOLPH'S CORN KURE. BEST ON EARTH. Sen us your name- NO MONEY REQUIRED- and we will send you 24 pkgs. to sell to neighbors at 10c. a pkg. or return. For your trouble we present you a pair of these ELEGANT SHOES or other premium you select from list we send. "Huntlers" get splendid extra prize. YOUR NAME TO-DAY SECURES BEST SHOES. Address Randolph Chemical Co. Dept. K. 154 LaSalle St. Chicago CHICAGO-OMAHA ILLINOIS CENTRAL CENTRAL MISSISSIPPI VALLEY ROUTE RAILROAD Via Rockford, Freeport, Dubuque, Independence, Waterloo, Webster City, Fort Dodge, Rockwell City, Denison and Council Bluffs. DOUBLE DAILY SERVICE TO OMAHA Buffet- library- smoking cars, sleeping cars, free reclining chair cars, dining cars. Tickets of agents of I. C. R. R. and connecting lines. A. H. HANSON, G. P. A., Chicago. THE CHURCH IN THE WORLD The Church has permitted herself to be elbowed to one side. Too often she has assumed a faltering and apologetic tone, and as a result has lost her divine and heaven-given leadership in the affairs of men. What do the speculators who crowd the exchanges of our great cities care for the opinion of preachers and Churches? Absolutely nothing. What does the foul brood of criminal politicians fattening upon the festering pollution of our civic body care for the Churches? How much heed does commercial greed give to the admonitions of the pulpit against covetousness? When has it happened that worldliness paused with whitened cheek and hushed its gay selfishness at the stern rebuke of the preacher? To what extent do the brothel and saloon feel the restraint of a Christian conscience in the great cities of civilization?- The Rev. CHAS. A. EATON, pastor of the Euclid Ave. Baptist Church, Cleveland, in his new book, "The Old Evangel and the New Evangelism." SNARED BY g.o.p. Kansas W.C.T.U. Under Influence of Old Party Politicians Ottawa, Kan., Oct. 26–(Special correspondence). —The state convention of the W.C.T.U. adjourned here yesterday afternoon. There was a large attendance, and Miss Anna A. Gordon and Miss Linling of England were the principal visiting speakers. The convention tabled the following resolution touching political relations: Resolved, That we will give our aid and influence for the election of candidates of only such political parties as will put a declaration in their platforms for Prohibition of the liquor traffic for the nation and state, and the full enfranchisement of women. The necessity for immediate assistance for Prohibition agitation in some of Kansas' most lawless cities was strongly urged, but the appeal brought only thirty-seven dollars and fifty cents for Wichita and none for other points in great need of help. But the proposition to erect a memorial hall to Frances Willard at Forest Park Chautauqua grounds was heartily endorsed and $656 was pledged in a hurry for the project. The almost complete indifference to the critical situation in this state was the startling feature of the whole session. It was gravely charged by some intimately associated with white ribbon work here that Republican politicians had used influence to mislead the women in appreciating the true state of affairs, and that a plan is already well under way by collusion of the g.o.p. machine with wholesale liquor dealers outside the state whereby the Prohibition law will be repealed as speedily as possible. Nebraska Nears the Goal Fremont, Neb., Oct. 26,—(Special correspondence).—The campaign in this state has been well received by the people. The Beveridges have never had bigger nor more enthusiastic audiences, Quincy Lee Morrow's work accomplished much, and the result has been over sixty rallies full of interest and renewed confidence. Approximately thirty Alliances have already been organized and Chairman Beveridge has announced that he is in the race to capture the fifty dollars offered by the National Committee. The Beveridges have organized five Alliances in the last five days, as follows: Neligh, October 21, Elgin, 22; Albion, 23; St. Edwards, 24; Genoa, 25. 'Twas Another Press Lie Portland, Me., Oct. 26—(Special correspondence). —The Rev. Henry Blanchard, who according to the press dispatches championed the canteen at the Universalist's convention in Buffalo and is described by the same dispatches as a "Prohibition leader," is pastor of the Congress Square Universalist Church of this city. He is not now and never has been a Prohibitionist. On the contrary, all of his public utterances on the subject have been violently opposed to the principle of Prohibition in general and Maine Law in particular. A number of years ago he was appointed a member of a committee of the Christian Civic League; but after holding the position for a very short time he resigned, giving as his reason in his letter to the (then) secretary that he was opposed to the prohibitory law and would not act with a society that favored it. at a recent citizens' meeting he declared most emphatically, repeating the statement again and again, that he is opposed to the principle of Prohibition; that the Maine prohibitory law is a failure; and that the only system of regulation of the drink traffic that has produced satisfactory results is the dispensary system, adding that he wants the Maine Law repealed and the South Carolina system adopted in its stead. T The letter above referred to is still in the possession of a former member of the Civil League and can be produced at any time. IMPORTANT TO HOUSEKEEPERS.—Prepare your own CEREAL SUBSTITUTE for coffee at home, have it fresh, and save money. I send directions to make several varieties of excellent quality, with two kinds paepared cereal,, full size, charges prepaid, to all who order before Nov. 12th. This is a bargain for you. On receipt of goods you pay agent $1.00 for same, and 10 cts return charges. Send order quick, with express office address, to E. E. CLUTE, St. Charles, Ill. SENT 10c GET 3 PENS They write a three-page letter with a single dip in the ink. BIJOU SPECIALTY CO., Bijou Hills, S. D. The Pennsylvania Limited In writing from New York, an official of one of the prominent English railways, who rode on the Pennsylvania Limited says: "I had a most pleasant journey from Chicago to New York. Your train far surpasses anything we aspire to in England." Special information regarding the superior transportation facilities offered by the Pennsylvania Short Lines can be obtained by addressing Mr. H. R. Dering, Assistant General Passenger Agent, 248 South Clark Street, Chicago. WABASH THE CONNECTING LINK between the EAST and WEST BUFFALO } Fast { CHICAGO DETROIT } Thro' { ST. LOUIS TOLEDO } Trains { KANS. CITY FREE RECLINING CHAIR CARS ON ALL WABASH TRAINS Write for information about any trip you may have in contemplation. It is our business to assist those who travel. F. A. PALMER, Asst. Gen. Pass. Agt. 97 Adams St., Chicago, Ill. C. S. CRANE, Gen. Pass. & Tkt Agt. St. Louis, Mo. 20th CENTURY EDITION! FUNK & WAGNALLS Standard Dictionary Revised to Date and Containing the Latest Words "Certain to Supersede All Other Dictionaries." Prof. A. H. Sayce, L.L.D., Oxford University. Journal of Education, Boston: "In thoroughness, completeness, accuracy, typography, style, and illustration it challenges criticism and commands admiration." "The Most Perfect Dictionary Ever Made." Prof. A.G. Wilkinson, U.S. Patent Office. Most Comprehensive Contains over 300,000 Vocabulary Terms, about 80,000 More Terms than any other Dictionary. Most Convenient New and Time-Saving Arrangement of Definitions, Exclusive Word-Grouping, Compounding, Syllabication, Capitalizing, and Antonym Features. STANDARD DICTIONARY TWENTIETH CENTURY EDITION Highest Authority The Work of 247 of the World's Highest Specialists, 166 More Specialists than any other Dictionary. Highest Perfection The Highest Perfection Yet Reached in Dictionary System, Typographical Arrangement, and all the requirements of bookmaking. "A Monumental Work—A Work Perfect of its Kind." —Hon. Justin McCarthy, M.P. New York Herald: "It is a triumph in the art of publication ...It is the most satisfactory and most complete dictionary yet printed." "The Most Lucid, Accurate, and Comprehensive Definitions." —Wm. J. Milne, Ph.D., LL.D., N. Y. Normal College. Thousands of New Words 15 Exquisite Colored Plates 5,000 Text Illustrations Appendix of 500,000 Facts 125,000 Synonyms and Antonyms Cost Over One Million Dollars Complete in One Volume, Handsomely Bound in Full Sheep. New Copyright Cover Design by George Wharton Edwards FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY, Publishers, 30 Lafayette Place, NEW YORK [*17239*]14 THE NEW VOICE October 31, 1901. „INCURABLE" HEART DROPSY SPEEDILY CURED The Well Known Heart Specialist, Franklin Miles, M.D., L.L. B., of Chicago, Will Send $3.75 Worth of His New Dropsy Treatment Free Drowning in the water of one's own blood is a fearful death which Dr. Miles' great dropsy discovery will almost invariably prevent. So certain are the results of this new and startling cure for Heart Disease and Dropsy, though complicated with nerve and stomach trouble, that a short course of treatment will be sent free to any of our readers. As Dr. Miles is well known throughout the United States as a specialist in Heart Diseases we advise every one afflicted with weakness or disease of the heart or dropsy to write at once for his new treatment, and opinion. Hundreds of so-called incurable cases have been cured by this new treatment after five to twenty physicians had failed. Mrs. M. B. Morelan, of Rogers, Columbiana Co., Ohio, says: "Dr. Miles saved my life by curing me of that awful disease, dropsy, and heart trouble." Miss Sophia Snowberg, of No. 282, 21 Ave., Minneapolis, testifies that "Three days after commencing to take Treatment for dropsy it was nearly all gone, after two allopathic and two homeopathic physicians had failed." Mr. A. P. Colburn, of Blessing, Ia., wrote: "Dr. Miles' Treatment has performed a miracle for Mrs. C. after her leg burst from dropsy." Mr. H.A. Groce, of 404 Mountain St., Elgin, Ill. aged 72, was thought to be incurable from dropsy which reached to his lungs and caused smothering spells, cough, shortness of breath. He soon reported: "Dropsy all gone; better every way." Mr. James Pinkerton, editor of the Russiaville Sun, Ind., writes: "Mrs. P. was given up by three physicians. She owes her life to Dr. Miles' skill. She now performs her household duties at sixty years of age." 1,000 References to Bishops, Clergymen, Mayors, Farmers and their wives. Copyrighted Examination Blank, pamphlets and Special Personal Treatment Free on request. Twenty-five years' experience, Patients in every State, Territory, Canada, Mexico, and Europe. Send full address, before this liberal offer expires, to Dr. Franklin Miles, 201 to 209 State St., Chicago, Ill. with history of your case. Please mention this paper. LEARN PROOFREADING If you possess a fair education, why not utilize it at a genteel and uncrowded profession paying $15 to $35 weekly? Situations always obtainable. We are the original instructors by mail. Home Correspondence School, Phila. METROPOLITAN Business college MICHIGAN AVE. AND MONROE ST., CHICAGO. All business branches, Shorthand, typewriting, ("touch system). Individual instruction. Up-to-date methods. For illustrated prospectus address O. M. POWERS, Principal. $3 a Day Sure Send us your address and we will show you how to make $3 a day absolutely sure; we furnish the work and teach you free, you work in the locality where you live. Send us your address and we will explain the business fully, remember we guarantee a clear profit of $3 for every day's work absolutely sure. Write at once. ROYAL MANUFACTURING CO., Box 576, Detroit, Mich. BOMOSA BEST GROWN COFFEE BEST AND MOST ECONOMICAL COFFEE GROWN 33c. Requires only TWO-THIRDS the regular quantity. Always packed in 1-lb. trademark red bags. Good Coffee - 12c and 13c. Good Teas - 30c and 35c. For special terms address THE GREAT AMERICAN TEA CO. 31 & 33 Vesey St. New York, P.O. Box 289 MARVELOUS JEWELRY OFFER! Justly celebrated Genuine Barrios Diamonds in Rings, Pins and Studs, $1.00 each. Earrings $2.00 per pair. Mail orders filled promptly upon receipt of price. Send for catalogue. BARRIOS DIAMOND COMPANY 1139 Broadway, NEW YORK, U.S.A. HORRORS OF "CHRISTIAN CIVILIZATION" Strong Words About the Spread of Worse Than Heathen Abominations Under Cover of Pretended Progress and Humanity (The following letter from Mr. Maurice Gregory, of London, who is in this country as the representative of numerous European societies to the National Purity Congress just held in Chicago, will be interesting to readers of The New Voice since it bears with much emphasis upon features of our spreading civilization which have received attention in the columns of this paper, and in which reformers in general are interested.—Editor of The New Voice.) Editor of the New Voice: Mr. Broomhall, for many years the indefatigable secretary of the China Inland Mission, whose name is a household word throughout the Christian churches of Great Britain, has sent me a most important cutting from the North China Daily News, to which I venture to draw the careful attention of American Christians with a view to their co-operation with the British churches in a matter very vital to the future interests of China. During the recent troubles there, a number of the hard-working missionaries of the interior have been driven into Shanghai and during their enforced residence there have been very much stirred by the scenes of European legalized vice which they have witnessed. Shanghai, I may say, is a most important centre of trade for China. Chinese merchants THE SULTAN OF SULU Who looks upon legalized vice as "Christian." See his interview with an American missionary, New Voice, March 21, 1901. come from all parts of the Empire to renew their stocks of dry goods. The town consists of two parts, one the native settlement under a Chinese mayor or taotai, and the other the European settlement, which is under the joint control of various foreign governments. This European section is known as the "model" settlement on account of its fine streets and buildings and general physical cleanliness, and is considered by the Chinese in every respect a specimen of western and Christian civilization. It is concerning the licensed and outrageous vice in this European section that the missionaries I have alluded to have written to several Anglo-Chinese newspapers. The most important of these letters is from Mr. C.H. Tjader, in the North China Daily News. Mr. Tjader points out that: Immorality is actually provided for by one of the by-laws in the Shanghai Municipal Council Regulations, and the council also receives a monthly tax of fifty Mexican dollar cents ($0.50) for each lamp in the opium dens and each inmate in the houses of ill-fame, thus actually drawing a revenue from vice. (See "Land Regulations and By-laws," Par. XXXIV, page 41: "No person shall open or keep a brothel within such limits without a license first obtained from the council, AND, IN THE CASE OF FOREIGNERS, COUNTERSIGNED BY THE CONSUL OF THE NATIONALITY TO WHICH SUCH PERSON BELONGS.") It is a matter of common knowledge that when the Land Regulations and By-laws were last revised (about three years ago), houses of ill-fame were for the first time included among the things for which a municipal license should be obtained. Mr. Tjader further says that native preachers speaking on the parable of the prodigal son have come into the habit of telling their auditors that this European licensed vice quarter is the place where the younger son wasted his fortune in riotous living. But the evil goes further than Shanghai. Mr. Tjader quotes in full a letter that he had received from Yunnan Fu in the far west of China, some months journey distant, from Mr. S. Pollard, who said: One day in Yunnan Fu I was sitting down in a shop near the yamen of the Literary Chancellor. A teacher came in and began talking to me about Shanghai and the government of it by foreigners. He professed to very much admire the rules of the Westerners and told me what had struck him most in this direction. This was the regulation of the harlots and their work. He said the foreigners had made it perfectly safe for a man to go into a bad house with no fear of being imposed upon by anybody. Whereas down here in Yunnan one on such occasions always runs the risk of being accused of forcing a way into other people's houses and of heavy blackmail to get out of the difficulty. The making easy of this vice was to him a great proof of the good government of foreigners. Mr. Tjader urges that legalization of vice is contrary to Chinese thought and customs and says: According to all the information I have been able to gather from older residents in the interior, houses of ill-fame are, although they do exist more or less in all Chinese cities, never legalized, but always looked upon as illegal, and moreover, the residents in this place will remember how Yu Taotai some time ago prohibited and wiped out those that had sprung up within the native city of Shanghai. It is not a matter of the municipal council "interfering in the manners and customs of the Chinese" if they decided to stop what is now going on— they would only be doing what the heathen Chinese officials do themselves. As things now are, THE COUNCIL IS OCCUPYING A LOWER MORAL LEVEL THAN THE CHINESE, in allowing them to revel in vice in a way nowhere permitted under their own laws. Mr. Tjader presses the importance of immediate action and says: When in a not distant future—as now great changes are sure to take place in China - Shanghai will be connected by rail with the great and important cities in the interior, then as a matter of course this encouragement and protection of vice peculiar to "the Christian government of Shanghai" will be transplanted all over this great land—as a most prominent feature of the new and wonderful so-called civilization—and the moral influence issuing from it will go far in obliterating any helpful influence that Christian missionaries might have exerted. This is no flight of rhetoric. In 1868, just as Japan was opening to European civilization, Mr. Berkeley Hill, the British surgeon at Tokyo, introduced the European system of state-licensed and inspected vice, which has since spread into all parts of the Japanese Empire, and has re-acted on the rest of the world in the vast traffic in Japanese women for criminal purposes which extends throughout all the important centres in the East, Bombay, Calcutta, Rangoon, Singapore, &c., &c., and is also found in the island possessions of the United States, in Hawaii and the Philippines. "An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure" and anything that American and English Christians do now will have immense results for the future. If they do not take it up, no one else is likely to do so. MAURICE GREGORY If your Brain is Tired Use Horsford's Acid Phosphate. Dr. T. D. CROTHERS, Supt. Walnut Lodge Asylum, Hartford, Conn., says: "It is a remedy of great value in building up functional energy and brain force." Invigorates the entire system CHRISTIAN CLEANLINESS Why do you permit a custom at the communion table which you would not tolerate in your own home? Would you like to know where Individual Communion Cups are used? Send for our free book - it tells all about it. A trial outfit sent free. SANITARY COMMUNION OUTFIT COMPANY, Box C Rochester, N. Y. Granulated Sore Eyes. FREE TRIAL TREATMENT. If your eyes are weak, red or inflamed, or if they feel like they have sand in them, or if they have matter in the corners in the morning, or if you have wild hairs, you are troubled with granulated sore eyes of some form. Dr. J. Harvey Moore, who was appointed by two governors of Missouri as oculist in charge of the Missouri State School for the Blind, guarantees to cure every case of granulated sore eyes, no matter of how long standing, without the use of the knife or caustics, by his original home treatment, which can be administered by anyone; he will send to anyone a free trial treatment and his book entitled "The Eye." DR. J. HARVEY MOORE, Suite A J. Century Building, ST. LOUIS, MO. Mary, if we only had WEAR RESISTER SHOES" on, we would surely keep our feet dry. PARALYSIS LOCOMOTOR ATAXIA & Nervous Prostration Cured Dr. CHASE, 294 N. 10th St., Philadelphia, Pa. BURGLAR Proof Lock, carried in Vest Pocket, Locks any Door. Nickel plated. Sample by mail 25c. Agents wanted. C. H. COREY, TOLEDO, O. BEAUTY PIN FREE Send you address and get it with our catalogue. Maidstone Company, Box 13. Jamaica Plain, Mass. PILES TRIAL TREATMENT FREE. We will forfeit $50 for any case of Internal, External or Itching Piles the Germ Pile Cure fails to cure, instant and permanent relief. Write at once. Germ Medical Co., Dept. A, 15. 3d st. Cincinnati, O. To the Northwest Take Wisconsin Central railway trains leaving Chicago from Central Station, Park Row and Twelfth Street, lake front, for St. Paul, Minneapolis, Ashland, and Duluth. Nearest ticket agent can give you further information, Jas. C. Pond, G. P. A. Milwaukee, Wis. SALARY $936.00 A YEAR $18 WEEKLY, STRAIGHT OUT SALARY BONAFIDE SALARY, NO LESS SALARY. Several Trustworthy Gentlemen or Ladies Wanted in each state to manage our business in their own and nearby counties. It is mainly office work conducted at home. Salary straight $936 a year and expenses—bonafide, easy to understand. Money advanced for expenses. Horse and carriage furnished when necessary. Nine years in business finds us compelled to secure competent reliable managers to handle our rapidly growing trade. References. Enclose self-addressed stamped envelope. THE DOMINION COMPANY Dept. N. 75 Chicago, Ill. CHICAGO ST. LOUIS KANSAS CITY CHICAGO & ALTON IS THE BEST RAILWAY IN AMERICA. AND AMERICA SETS THE STANDARD FOR THE WORLD. WRITE FOR FOLDERS, PICTURES, NOVELTIES, AND MAPS. GEO. J. CHARLTON, GENERAL PASSENGER AGENT, CHICAGO, ILLINOIS.October 31, 1901. THE NEW VOICE 5 THE RECONNAISSANCE (Concluded from page 7.) heralded disorders—grossly exaggerated and misrepresented, by the way—at Fort Sheridan? At any rate it is a pitiful plea for an army officer to make that he cannot maintain order if the army saloon is shut up. The Midland's point is well worth emphasizing. Colonel Van Horne's case is indeed a reminder that when an officer complains of the demoralization of his command without a canteen, there is ground for suspecting, if not concluding, that an efficient officer is what is lacking, not a canteen. ----- The Breeder of Anarchy The Free Methodist (Chicago) discussing "Breeders of Anarchy," thus scores the liquor business: Another prolific breeder of anarchy is the liquor traffic. Though tolerated and protected by law there is no more lawless or law-defying business than this in the country. Whenever any new legislation for the restraint of the traffic is proposed the whole liquor fraternity with one voice cry out, "You can't enforce such a law if you pass it! You can't even enforce the excise laws already on the statute books!" In this way they unblushingly confess their own lawlessness and proclaim their defiance of law. This in itself is anarchistic in spirit and tendency. Of the 8,000 or more saloons in Chicago probably not one even pretends to keep the laws of Illinois in regard to Sabbath opening, selling to persons who are intoxicated, selling to minors, etc. while it is said that 2,000 of them operate without having paid the required license fee. The city authorities are at present making astonishing discoveries in this latter direction. The very nature of the liquor business is such, in fact, as to make those who engage in it coarse, selfish, covetous, inhumane, unpatriotic, lawless and law-defying, and as to attract toward it only the baser classes of men to begin with. It is not at all strange, therefore, that it is prolific in the production of characters which are ever a menace to the weal of society. Saloons are the resorts where anarchistic plots and schemes are usually hatched. Czolgosz was a saloon habitue, according to reports from the various cities where he has lived, and there is every reason to believe that the plot to assassinate President McKinley was conceived and perfected under cover of one [???] [???] the government for revenue (!) licenses to do a God-dishonoring, crime-producing, soul-destroying business. ----- Our Friends the Enemy Praise from our friends is good, byt from people who don't like us but can't help praising us it is even better. The Marshalltown Herald (Republican, Marshalltown, Iowa gubernatorial campaign says: The third party Prohibitionists have shown more life and energy so far than either of the other parties, not especially because they expect to elect their ticket this year or next, but for the purpose of working up an interest in behalf of the principles they advocate and to poll an increased vote this fall, to give their followers encouragement to remain, and to induce as many more as possible to join their ranks hereafter. They are not only persistent in advancing the principles in which they believe, but seek also to stir up as much strife and discontent in the ranks of the Republican party as possible, and especially against individual candidates, and are largely centering their fire against the head of the ticket. ----- FREE RUPTURE CURE If ruptured, write to Dr. W. S. Rice, 1247 Main Street, Adams, N. Y. and he will send free a trial of his wonderful method. Whether skeptical or not, get his free method and try the remarkable invention that cures without pain, danger, operation, or detention from work. Write to-day. Don't wait. ----- THE NEW VOICE FREE for the rest of 1901 to all those subscribing now for 1902. 17240 Willis' Home Cure Cannot Fail It Makes Men Look Like Men, Feel Like Men, Act Like Men. An Unparalleled Record, 100 per cent. cures to stay cured. LARGE TRIAL TREATMENT FREE. To prove that this is true I will gladly send, in plain wrapper, a large sample treatment, sufficient to test its wonderful merit, free of all expense to those who write me in good faith. To be cured by my cure means to be cured forever. To show how harmless it is, and how easily it acts, it is only necessary to take a few doses one day, at home at work, anywhere; no one will know you are taking anything but ordinary medicine. A wonderful change is the patient will be noticed at once: the nerves become steady, the appetite good, and refreshing sleep ensues. It will surprise and delight you. Its magic influence drives the alcoholic poison from the system and destroys all desire for strong drink. LIQUOR DRINKERS CURED Easily, safely, absolutely, with no loss of time, and at very small expense. I have thousands of grateful letters from wives, sisters, and children of those who have taken my Home Cure. Many of the writers of these letters knowing that I hold all correspondence sacredly confidential, unless instructed to the contrary, have insisted that I use their letters to convince sufferers from Liquor Drinking, that there is hope for them, that they can be cured. Some of these letters I will send you if you desire it. Remember I don't want one cent of your money unless I can prove to your entire satisfaction that my Home Cure is a genuine boon to those who need it, and until you feel justified, from the convincing evidence I will send you, in placing your confidence in me and my cure. Can any offer be fairer! Write today for the free trial treatment, and address plainly. PARKER WILLIS. 32 Pike Building. Cincinnati, Ohio. 1902 Year Book 1902 Below, we give in greatly reduced size a sample page from the "Woolly Year Book for 1902" Compiled by MISS LILIAN M. HEATH Author of "Platform Pearls," "Eighty Pleasant Evenings," etc., etc. 1902 July 1902 Get up into the mountain top by every noble art at your command. Delight yourself in high communion with the mighty spirits of all time. Drink your soul full of transfiguration splendors where the heavens open. But build no tabernacle there. Go down where the great, blind, deaf, dumb world withers in the long epilepsy of ignorance, carnality, drunkenness, poverty, and by your voice and vote and open hand give life. TUESDAY 1 His disciples rule the world to-day, or can rule it, and when the Christian voter in dead earnest grows into the battle of the ballots in his Master's name he will bring back to lay in the equal hand of womanhood such trophies as no hero ever laid at the feet of any queen. WEDNESDAY 2 The people will save this nation if they can be got to listen. The voice of the people is the voice of God when they think. THURSDAY 3 Let us not forget that it is only a small part of the honor of [???] [???] is more important than [???] nerve. The man behind the ballot box is infinitely more important than the man behind the gun. FRIDAY 4 The Declaration of '76 was the flower of centuries of aspiration, but it opened in the western city of the colonies, and toward the frontier and the future. Liberty read the oracle aright, and plucked the flower to wear her coronation, yet to come—but coming. SATURDAY 5 An oarsman fixes his eye upon the shore only to pull away. He has his back to the bow only because he can pull more than he can push. So let us look to-day at Independence Hall, and keep it dead astern. Dedicated to Truth, High Thinking and Christian Living. This year book consists of 63 sheets of heavy plate paper, size 6136x95/8 inches, each page containing space for the selections of the week. These 387 selections have been made with great care and judicious discrimination and contain the best, sweetest, most hopeful and thrilling of Mr. Woolley's public utterances. THE TINTED COVER shows a specially prepared design of white roses upon a pink background, while A FINE PORTRAIT OF MR. WOOLLEY pleasantly wreathed with the same emblematic flower, shows throughout the year beneath the changing pages of each week's appropriate and helpful thought. The whole is suspended by a silk ribbon attached to an ornamental rod. Price, 50c Postpaid. SPECIAL PRICES IN QUANTITIES. THE NEW VOICE, CHICAGO. FAMILY OF DOLLS FREE Of course every little girl loves a Doll, but how delightfully she would be with a whole family of Dolls with which to "play house." Besides the Boy and Girl Dolls here pictured, there is a Grandpa and a Grandma Doll, Grandpa in full military uniform, and Grandma in the dainty costume of the olden time. The large dolls are nearly two feet high, the small ones 15 inches. They have rosy cheeks, beautiful hair, heads that will not break, eyes that will not fall in, and are handsomely dressed in bright colors that will not fade. Words can never express the delight which any child will feel in possessing this Doll family. We will give these four beautiful dolls absolutely free for selling only five boxes of our Laxative Stomach Tablets at 25 cents a box. Write to-day and we will send the Tablets by mail postpaid. When sold send us the money, ($1.25) and we will send you the family of four dolls at once. Address, NATIONAL MEDICINE CO., Premium Dept. 163 K. New Haven, Conn. A nother Nebraska Candidate Mr. J. M. Dillworth, one of the nominees of Nebraska Prohibitionists for regent of the State University, is a native Nebraskan, born in that state in 1863. For eighteen years he has been engaged in the jewelry business at Crab Orchard, and his store is known far and wide as Prohibition headquarters . He has been a Prohibitionist, and has "voted the ticket every time", since 1885. In 1895 he re-organized his county and doubled the Prohibition vote without a campaign fund. Last year, with the help of local workers, he increased the party vote of his precinct from 12 to 32, giving Woolley and Metcalf that number of votes out of a total of 244. Mr. Dillworth has been a Sunday school superintendent for 11 years, and J. M. DILLWORTH. conducts his Sunday school work along the line of Christian righteousness in politics. Occasionally, from pulpit or from pew, there comes a protest of some thin-skinned follower of political unrighteousness, but the protest dies away and Mr. Dillworth's work goes on. Among his neighbors, Mr. Dillworth is very highly esteemed, and at the time of his nomination, the local paper, although not an advocate of Prohibition, declared its belief in his eminent fitness for the office, and announced that it should support him. ----- Possibly Another Prohibition Sheriff FRED T. M'COLLUM Mr. Fred T. McCollum heads the Prohibition ticket in the banner Prohibition county of the Union, Venango, Pa., and it is said that there is very fair prospect that he will be the next sheriff of the county. Mr. McCollum was born in Oil City, where he now lives, and was educated in its schools, graduating from its business college, and is now connected with the lumber and coal trade. He easily takes first rank among the young business men of the city and socially is connected with all that is best in the city's moral and intellectual progress. ----- Rummies Demand Canteen Back [From the (Washington, D. C.) Liquor Dealer.] In his annual report to the National Retail Liquor Dealer's Association in convention at Niagara Falls, President J. F. Weiss severely arraigned the anti-canteen law. He said that Congress having granted a reduction of 25 cents per barrel on the war tax on beer as a sop to the liquor interests, concluded that something had to be done to appease the temperance element, and in view of this fact passed the anti-canteen measure in spite of the opposition of some of the ablest officers in the army and some of our most influential ministers. "While the enactment of this measuure has brought financial gain to many of the saloons situated near the army posts, our association opposed the measure from a moral standpoint, and it must be gratifying to the members of this association to know that their predictions have been verified, and in less than six months after the enactment of this measure we find ministers, soldiers and prominent army officials clamoring for the repeal of this measure on account of desertions, increase of drunkenness, constitutional insanity, and disorder which resulted from the enactment of this law, and let it be said to the credit of Secretary Root, who was opposed to the enactment of the measure, he is now gathering reports to strengthen his opinion in order to recommend to the next Congress the repeal of this law."16 THE NEW VOICE October 31, 1901. THE CANTEEN'S DEATH BLOW (Concluded from page 1.) enlisted since that date, and THE PERCENTAGE OF DESERTIONS IS NOW FAR LESS THAN IN FORMER YEARS. Desertions most usually occur during the first six months of enlistment, and a much larger percentage of enlistments have been made during the past six months than heretofore. In many cases the men that have deserted belong to a class whose presence in the service was not desirable under any conditions, but whose real character was not known at the time of enlistment. The Facts About Desertions … "The following table shows the strength of the army each year from 1867 to the end of the first six months of the present year, and the percentage of desertions: Date. Strength. Percentage of desertions. 1867 50,991 26.7 1868 49,840 16.3 1869 35,762 12.7 1870 32,621 20 1871 30,022 30.2 1872 27,523 24.7 1873 28,412 20.5 1874 27,456 13.1 1875 23,866 7.8 1876 24,998 8 1877 23,718 10 1878 23,759 7.9 1879 24,763 8.1 1880 24,601 9 1881 23,572 12.5 1882 23,743 16.4 1883 23,814 15.2 1884 24,706 13.6 1885 24,816 10.6 1886 24,365 8.3 1887 24,438 10 1888 24,790 11 1889 25,564 11 1890 24,930 7.7 1891 24,525 5.7 1892 24,867 5.7 1893 25,670 6.3 1894 25,661 3.6 1895 25,200 5.3 1896 25,143 3.4 1897 25,304 2.9 1898 44, 397 4 1899 62,019 4.9 1900 66,460 4.4 1901 (First 6 months) 74,405 1.9 "The following shows a comparison between the number of desertions from the army, and the percentage thereof, during the months of April, May, and June in the last three years: Month. Size of Army Number of desertions Percentage 1899- April 60,804 320 0.00626 May 60,766 308 .00607 June 62,258 312 .00501 Monthly average for 3 months. 0.00611 1900- April 65,313 217 .00332 May 65,283 287 .00439 . June 65,669 278 .00423 Monthly average for 3 months. 0.00397 1901- April 75,920 268 .00353 May 77,494 269 .00347 June 78.646 354 .00463 Monthly average for 3 months. 0.00388 "Under the regulations in force at the Military Academy at West Point, occupied by the corps of cadets and a regular garrison, and under those that have always prevailed at the Soldiers Home at Washington, where there are now 853 men, ranging from 22 to over 70 years of age, the same condition of affairs has existed for many years, with most gratifying results; and there is no doubt that the result of the present law in its effects upon military garrisons will also be beneficial. What Causes Poor Discipline "The discipline and efficiency of commands largely depend upon the commanding officer. An illustration of the excellent discipline, sobriety, and good order that may be maintained in a command is afforded by the fact that in the Fourteenth United States Infantry, under the command of Lieut. Col. William Quinton, while en route from Manila to Fort Snelling, Minn. covering a period of forty days, the men were orderly and soldierly in the extreme, and during the whole time of traveling by transport and rail there was but one case of drunkenness, although the men were subjected to every temptation, having been given three days' liberty while the transport was coaling at Nagasaki, and subsequently four days while the vessel remained at anchor at Yokohama, with permission also, to those who desired to visit Tokio, the only condition imposed being that they should at all times respect their uniform, and hold it as sacred as they would the flag of their country. While going from San Francisco to Fort Snelling not a single case of a disciplinary measure was required, the behavior of the soldiers throughout being that of responsible, sober, respectable, self-respecting men. The commanding officer expressed regret, however, that civilian employees traveling on a government conveyance and discharged soldiers still wearing the United States clothing did bring disgrace upon the service through the uniform which they wore. The above instance, like many others that could be given, illustrates the excellent conduct of the troops when under the command of an efficient, judicious officer. "Probably at no time in the history of the army have there been so many men serving in their first enlistment as at the present time, and in many of the troops and companies it has been difficult to find experienced soldiers to fill the positions of noncommissioned officers. The army is composed of men whose average age varies in different companies, in many from only 22 to 26 years, and they are, on the whole, men of fair education, intelligent, and in excellent physical condition. It is hoped and confidently believed that the zeal and loyal devotion to the service that is now being manifested on the part of all officers will in a short time render the army as near perfection in point of discipline and efficiency as it is possible to attain." Corbin's Methods of Intrigue … The inside story of the intrigue in the War Department over this report, during the past twelve days, is one of the blackest chapters of this whole canteen controversy. Some time ago, Adjutant-General Corbin sent out to the four corners of the army to gather statistics and reports that would help Secretary of War Root and himself in their proposed attempt to induce Congress to repeal the law against beer selling in the army. I HAVE IT ON THE HIGHEST AUTHORITY THAT THAT COMMUNICATION WAS SECRETLY SENT OUT AND IT WAS NOT SENT IN THE REGULAR CHANNELS THROUGH THE OFFICE OF GENERAL MILES, BUT WAS SURREPTITIOUSLY DISTRIBUTED FROM THE OFFICE OF GENERAL CORBIN. Of late, the "returns" have been coming in, and officers desiring promotions, have felt that it was wise to curry favor with the "powers." In the reports which have been given out so far, pro-canteen sentiments have been put prominently to the front. But twelve days ago today, General Miles created a panic in the office of Corbin by turning in his report for publication in the usual way. It was like a bomb shell. Root was up in the mountains hunting—woodchucks or other game—and was summoned post haste. Instead of giving out that report the next day, CORBIN ARBITRARILY SUPPRESSED IT FOR TWELVE DAYS AND IT IS PUBLISHED FOR THE FIRST TIME TODAY. These twelve days have been full of wool-foot intrigue centering around Corbin's office. A campaign was opened for the purpose of discrediting General Miles. As a part of this campaign Corbin pushed out his own report ahead of that of General Miles which he had in his possession. IN IT HE DARED NOT SAY A WORD ABOUT THE CANTEEN EXCEPT TO REMARK THAT THE LAW OF CONGRESS HAD BEEN CARRIED OUT. Then his office inspired a dirty personal attack on Miles through the columns of the Washington Post regarding a shield designed by Miles for use in making a direct assault on the works of an enemy. The Post, inspired by Corbin's office, claimed that it was designed for jungle fighting, and on the basis of this lie, waxed sarcastic in an illustrated article and editorially. Tried to Cushion His Fall … The next step in this porch-climbing attempt to discredit Miles was to quietly give out to newspaper men bits of items—sometimes wholly false—of what Miles' report was "going to say,." At the same time, give out statements of how the "official statistics" "in the possession of Corbin" would "disprove it all." The purpose of this dirty trick of Corbin's was threefold: (1) It was intended to create the impression that Miles was reporting about something concerning which he had no knowledge (2) it was intended to give the impression that Miles was "leaking" out information in advance of his report when, as a matter of fact, it was Corbin who was doing the "leaking" and (3) it was also intended that by “leaking" out the matter, piecemeal, few of the papers would handle the report when it did come out and thus few people would see it. After following this policy of intrigue for twelve days, the report is finally given out for publication in a way designed to give it the least possible publication. They have given it out to the afternoon papers—knowing that whatever is given in the afternoon papers is very gingerly handled in the morning papers. Whenever anything is given out in Washington for which wide publication is desirable, it is always given to the morning papers first. Corbin Cries "Turn Coat" ... Another piece of "dirt" which emanated from Corbin's office during the week and which appeared in the Chicago Tribune of October 24 and other papers, was the MILES was "changing his mind in the canteen matter" and that he had not always been opposed to selling beer in the army. A nastier falsehood could not well be uttered. From the beginning, General Miles' record has been straight and square against the sale of liquor in the army. It was General Miles who inspired the famous order of General Hayes driving the rum shops out of the army, and the pen with which Hayes signed the order is still a treasured possession of General Miles. It was General Miles who issued the celebrated General Order No. 86 regarding drink during the Spanish War. It was General Miles who gave out that interview at Buffalo against the attempt to sand bag the anti-canteen law. It was General Miles who issued the General Order No. 107, only last August, urging that the canteen or amusement rooms of the posts be made "as attractive as possible" and that “the recent law concerning it [anti-canteen law] be faithfully and loyally observed." The War Department is quietly giving out as "proof" that Miles has "changed his mind" an extract from one of his old reports in which he reports to the effect that the canteen is working satisfactorily. IT IS NOT GIVEN OUT THAT THAT SAME REPORT WAS MADE BEFORE THE SALE OF BEER WAS BEGUN IN THE CANTEENS AND THUS WAS IN FAVOR OF A BEERLESS CANTEEN. The spectacle of Corbin, known as a turn-coat above anything else, inspiring such unspeakably malignant lies as that is a sight for the nether gods. But as a prominent Washington politician said today, after reading Miles' report, "The canteen is as dead as a last year's hen's nest." Miles Answers Corbin [From the New Voice Bureau in Washington.] Washington, D.C., Oct. 28–(By telegraph.) General Miles has just given out a statement giving an abstract of his record upon the canteen question. The abstract goes back to 1876 when, as a colonel, he pronounced against army drinking and called attention to the post traders' saloons and recommended the abolition of the sale of liquor at military posts. Without exception every act is shown to be hostile to the beer peddling policy championed by the War Department and the "Root-Griggs-or-die" crowd. Corbin's dirty false statement that Miles is shifting is fully refuted. Miles insists and will stand for a full and fair trial of the anti-canteen law. Baptist Committee on Canteen The following is the report of a committee appointed by the Baptist ministers' association of Greater New York to investigate the effects of the anti-canteen law in the various military posts surrounding that city. The committee consisted of the Rev. Messrs. E. M. Saunier, Adelbert Chapman and Charles A. Cook. In regard to various alleged "riotings," etc., which the daily press had told its readers had occurred at these posts since the abolishment of the canteen the committee says: I. That in company with ministerial and lay brethren from other churches we have visited every fort near our city, Hamilton, Hancock, Columbus, Totten, Slocum, Schuyler, Wadsworth and Castle William. We found the reports to be false in every case. II. That no new saloons or vile places of resort had been opened, but that some that had been formerly open had been closed. We found the officers and men very indignant over the falsehoods that had appeared. They feel that they have been disgraced by these reports. III. In regard to the reported "rioting and state of siege for forty-eight hours at South Beach and Fort Wadsworth," which were said to have occurred July 13 and 14, reports of which appeared on July 15 and 16 in the metropolitan papers, and were copied by the country papers, COLONEL J. R. TIERNAN SAID THEY WERE A "TISSUE OF LIES CONCOCTED BY THE BREWERS, WHO ARE ANXIOUS TO HAVE THE CANTEEN RESTORED IN THE POST EXCHANGE." We questioned the officers and the men, and they all contradicted the reports. "CIVILIZATION BY FAITH" BY JOHN G. WOOLLEY A collection of addresses delivered at conventions of Young People's Unions. They are fresh, vivacious, spirited and very practical. 136 pp. Buckram, gilt top, deckle edges. Price, 50 Cents, Postpaid. "A SOWER" 75 pp. Price 50 Cents, Postpaid. This book contains one of Mr. Woolley's most popular and effective lectures. He has recently delivered it in New Zealand to ever increasing audiences. THE CHRISTIAN CITIZEN Vol. 1 254 pp. 75c. THE CHRISTIAN CITIZEN Vol. 2 272 pp. 75c. All of the above are uniform in style and binding with "Civilization by Faith." They abound in hints and practical suggestions that will be found most helpful. For a limited time we will SEND THESE FOUR BOOKS PREPAID TO ONE ADDRESS FOR $2.00. Regular Price $2.50. "Seed: Number One Hard," Mr. Woolley's first book, containing six characteristic addresses, 157pp, cloth binding, regular price $1.00 may be included in the above combination by adding 85c. Single Volumes at Regular Prices. Address, THE NEW VOICE, Chicago.[*THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS PHOTODUPLICATION SERVICE WASHINGTON 25, D. C.*] The Constitution. PUBLISHED DAILY, SUNDAY AND WEEKLY. ATLANTA, GA. October 31, 1901. Shall the Race Question Establish Anew the Mason and Dixon Line? Is it not time for a few words of soberness and truth in regard to the discussion of the negro question, upon which such diverse views are held by people north and south? Is it not the part of common patriotism to adopt a line conservative of national unity and good feeling? Does the man, north or south, who would create or widen a breach between the whole people serve the best interests of the country? There are several truths to be taken into consideration. The people of the north, with the problem absent from their own affairs, have one view as to how to treat the negro. The people of the south, with the actual burden, have another. Both are fixed in opinion. If the people of the south, in addition to insisting upon their own rule of conduct at home, should antagonize the north for its views on the color question, it would have but one result—the remarking of the Mason and Dixon line. If the people of the north, not content with the exercise of their own domestic economy, should desire to force it upon the south, then they would be responsible for the drawing of the line. This is the danger point of the controversy, which it will take strong self-control and patriotic motive to avert. Fortunately, the people of the south have had the first opportunity to answer, and they have spoken in a manner which shows that they do not intend to be responsible for the establishment of a propaganda which could only result in evil to the country. Savannah, representing the most ultra southern feeling in the country, has become the spokesman. President Roosevelt had been invited to that city, where he had been assured of a grand ovation. Fear that the Washington dining might have altered the purpose of the people of Savannah led to inquiry. Speaking for the people, and indorsed by the individual councilmen, the mayor of that city says: It has never occurred to me that we should rescind the invitation and I have heard no discussion among the aldermen to indicate that they want to take such action. I am certainly of the opinion that it should stand. The entertainment of Booker Washington, I consider, was the act of an individual, not that of Roosevelt as president. We invited Roosevelt as president of the United States—not as an individual, and certainly the invitation should stand. This is a sensible as well as a patriotic view, and will be sustained by the whole people of the south as indicating their line of conduct. The people of the north have their views, to which they are entitled. Theodore Roosevelt is a northern man, shaping his personal views by those of the people among whom he was born. Those people—or rather such of them as have spoken through their religious and educational bodies, or through their public agencies, both press and pulpit—are outspoken in defense of the theory that no offense was committed against the social institutions of the country by the president's invitation to a prominent negro to become his guest at his family fireside. Strange to say, the democratic press of the north is equally, if not more, outspoken than the republican newspapers in support of this theory, and all seem to have forgotten, or overlooked, the memorable Words of Lincoln, often quoted by The Constitution, in which the great abolitionist said, in 1858: I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races. I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people; and I will say in addition to this that there is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid to two races living together on terms of social and political equality. The dinner at the white house was emphasized at Yale university by judges of the supreme court, college professors and northern leaders of thought, who were ostentatious in their display of approbation. The democratic Brooklyn Eagle and The New York World have been more outspoken on the subject than are the leading newspapers of the republican party. The democratic Chicago Chronicle is authority for the statement that former President Grover Cleveland entertained Booker Washington as his guest at Princeton; and certain it is that Frederick Douglas was made a prominent guest at the white house during the democratic administration of President Cleveland. The north, then, is united in this matter. It does not agree with the south any more than does the south agree with it. Such being the case, the people of the south are confronted with a great problem. They utterly and absolutely repudiate the idea of social intercourse of any kind between the races. They are irrevocably wedded to this opposition. They believe that any alteration of the social code which would permit, or even suggest, the possibility of social intercourse between the races would be destructive of race integrity and detrimental to social order. The policy of forcing separation will always remain the highest duty of the state in the minds of the southern people, and nothing that can be done by the government, or by any individual, north or south, will change their views on this subject. Any effort to force them into a position diametrically and fundamentally opposed to their views can only have the effect of disgusting and dissatisfying them. Their position is fixed beyond all possibility of change. It is deeply rooted in their social order and in the very instinct of the people. And yet the people of the south are broad enough to recognize the fact that their views, whatever they may be, should not necessarily control the social conduct or the moral sensibilities of those other sections who may disagree with them. In the intercourse between the north and south the negro question has, for thirty years had little or nothing to do in shaping the relations between the sections. Business men from the north, whatever may have been their views as regards the negro, have been received as cordially in the south as they could have been in any city or state of their own section, but in justice to these men it should be said that those looking with favor upon the social equality of the negro have been notable exceptions. There have been such, but they are few. And such has been the experience of southerners who have had social or business relations with the north. The question, therefore, arises—will either section permit the black flag of social or business ostracism to be raised against the other on account of any difference of opinion that may exist as to the social recognition of the negro? If the north has its peculiar view on this subject and the south antagonizes it to the extent of turning the back of its hand to that section for the exercise of its convictions, the result will be a recurrence of that period of sectional animosity and interstate antagonism which, God forbid, should ever again be revived. Should the people of the north persist in forcing any peculiar views of the race question, to the detriment of the social order of the south, and in violation of conditions which are inborn to the people of this section, they would assume the responsibility of the creation of the cataclysm that will follow. Those people of the north who hold their peculiar views on this subject have the perfect right to be governed by them, so far as they are individually concerned, but they have no right to attempt to force them upon people who do not think the same way, nor do we think they would do so. We must, therefore, come to the conclusion that each section, pursuing its own inclination will best serve the purpose of national unity by being controlled by individual conditions or convictions—each being actuated by the everlasting principle of the Golden Rule—"Do unto others as ye would that they should do unto you." As to the visit of the president of the United States to the south, it is to be hoped that he will at all times have all the honors and attentions to which he is entitled as the chief executive of our common country when he comes as the guest of any southern city or state; but the hospitality to which he will be invited will be extended in our own way. It can necessarily be taken for granted that he will not seek to force any offensive theory upon his host. Recognizing this broad principle, the people of Savannah properly declare that President Roosevelt will be a welcomed guest to that city. The recognition by the south of this principle leaves the onus upon the people of the north. As masters of their own social customs they will do as they please at home. Will they, proceed upon a propagandism against the south which can only result in sectional antagonism? If so, the responsibility will be upon them. We will have none of it. President Roosevelt has declared that he will push no man upon the south politically who is distasteful. If he is sincere in this there is much for which to be thankful. Will those whom the president as an individual represents be equally as broad in matters social—each community to its own liking, without interference from the other? [*17241*]MERCHANTS' ASSOCIATION REVIEW, OCTOBER, 1901. A PROTEST. Americanism and Journalism. The Spirit of the Past and a Newspaper of Today. Expressly Written for the "Review," BY. F. H. WHEELAN DIRECTOR OF THE MERCHANTS' ASSOCIATION. Never before in the history of the world has the power of the press been so great for good or evil. It behooves every American to see that this power is rightly used. The lesson thunders in our ears. Late events have emphasized the need; and in this hour The Review feels that it cannot, in duty to itself, be silent. Fair expression of honest criticism it believes to be essentially necessary for the best interests of government, national and municipal. A honest difference of opinion is always worthy of respect. The Review, however, cannot but deplore publications that the publisher knows to be dishonest and untrue. In entering its protest against certain phases of journalism, it desires to be fair, and to make no statement that is not supported by absolute proof, It cannot follow those who say that certain newspapers nerved the arm that committed the dastardly deed at Buffalo. That assertion is not proved. But it says with sorrow that late events have shown that certain newspapers libeled one whom they knew to be true, and slandered one whom they believed to be honest. The proof is in their own pages. On Friday morning, Sept. 6, 1901, a newspaper of our city published a cartoon headed "The McKinley Minstrels," one of a long series that appeared under te same title. There was shown a caricature of William McKinley with blackened face, great white necktie and immense feet. The Chief Executive of the laws of his country stands idly by, with a huge self-satisfied grin on his face, while the scanty property of a little man labeled "The Common People," is being ruthlessly and lawlessly destroyed. Gigantic figures representing Trusts tower above the diminutive President, and sing these words: "We'll smash the Common People's bar with loud and joyful cries His money-drawer we'll empty too, before his very eyes." Among these self-announced destroyers of other's property and thieves of tills, the President stands making no protest. His hands are pictured folded across his abdomen above the very spot destined to be pierced by the fatal bullet at Buffalo while the cartoons were still on the streets of San Francisco. Eight days later, on Saturday, Sept.14, 1901, the same newspaper published on its editorial page these words: "To William McKinley was instrusted the care of a nation great, powerful, self-sufficient, free from dangers and turmoil. His duty was to guide the great machine honestly, cautiously, according to the will of the people. He did his duty and he died at his post." The editorial contained much other commendation, but the above suffices to show the newspaper's honest opinion of William McKinley's character and work. When it was powerless to give one thrill of pleasure to the heart that was still forever, to call one smile to the lips that it had pictured with distorted grin, it paid the tribute to the dead that it had owed to the living. In the awful presence of the grim conqueror of us all, the pen that had misrepresented so woefully, the pencil that had lampooned so pitilessly, fell from the hands, the mask from the face, and the world saw one who admired and approved and honored, saw one who declared—"He did his duty and he died at his post." We have not been ignorant of campaign lying in the past; we have known political calumny— alas, too much; we have seen—alas, too much— of personal abuse and libel; but never before have we known political slander and libel to come from a heart that admired and approved and honored. There is an honesty of hate no less than of admiration. Has it been left for the 20th Century to give an example of one who publishes invective when, deep within his bosom, his heart is singing a panegyric? who libels one he admires, decries one he approves, and lampoons one he honors? We cannot but protest when the tongue is made to play so great a traitor to the heart, and an honest pen is turned awry to misrepresent its owner and deceive the people. Americans might pas by so grave an offense against the national life, and leave the sad story to the dead past, were it not that the paper in question bears its head the words "An American Paper for the American People. When such things are done under such an epigraph, protest becomes a duty and silence a crime to all that America was, or is, or hopes to be. If voice could be given to the heroes that paid for Americanism the supreme sacrifice known to man, and in their country's service found a grave beneath the waves, the ocean would ring with their indignant denial. If the blood-stained earth were vocal where fell the patriots of or battle-fields, angry protest would thunder throughout the land they died for. Is this the Americanism of Washington and Franklin and Jefferson and Hamilton and Webster; of Lowell and Whittier and Emerson; of Garrison and Philips and Sumner and Philips Brooks; of the martyred Lincoln and Garfield and McKinley? Is this the Americanism that poured its blood and on the decks of "Old Ironsides," that fought around the dying Lawrence when he said, "Don't give up the ship;" that entered Mobile Bay with Farragut lashed to the rigging; that steamed into Manila with Dewey; that sank the Merrimac in the entrance of Santiago; that destroyed Cervera's ships on the shores of Cuba? Every American whose memory is treasured in history enters protest. Ask the one who waited on the Charleston shore for the signal from the old North Meeting-house; ask the one who said at Bennington, "I'll win this battle or Molly Stark will be a widow tonight." ask the one who said, "I regret that I have only one life to lost for my country." Ask if the true American lampoons one he admires, decries one he approves, defames one he honors; ask if it is American to believe a man honest and depict him a thief, to know him a patriot and publish him a renegade—and up from Valley Forge where patriots hungry and ill-clad succumbed to the rigors of the long winter, up from Yorktown where Washington received and returned the sword of Cornwallis, up from New Orleans where Jackson led the hunters of the West, up from the blood-drenched summits of Cerro Gordo, up from the field of Gettysburg crowded with the dead of the Blue and the Gray, up from the intrenched heights of San Juan where Roosevelt led the charge of the Rough Riders, up from Mount Vernon where sleeps the Father of his Country, will thunder an indignant denial, an angry protest. With one accord all the voices of the past will join with the Americans of today and cry out; In the name of the flag we love, in the name of God and your country, in the name of honesty and decency and right, away with this false Americanism; change your motto or change your ways! Old Glory must not be hoisted to a peak that should fly the red flag. San Francisco, Sept. 24, 1901. [*17242*]MERCHANTS ASSOCIATION REVIEW, OCTOBER, 1901. Merchants' Association OFFICERS AND DIRECTORS FRANK J. SYMMS ... President. Thos. Day Co. CHARLES BUNDSDCHU ... First Vice-President. Gundlach-Bundschu Co. ANDREW M. DAVIS ... Second Vice-President. The Emporium. D. BALDWIN ... Treasurer. O. D. Baldwin & Son. C. S. BENEDICT ... Benedict & Turner. FOSTER P. COLE ... John Breuner Co. W. J. DUTTON Fireman's ... Fund Insurance Co. M. GREENEBAUM ... Greenebaum, Weil & Michels. MARSHAL HALE ... Hale Bros. A. J. McNICOLL ... A. J. McNicoll & Co. W. J. NEWMAN ... Newman & Levinson. EDWARD B. POND ... San Francisco Savings Union. W. P. REDINGTON ... Redington & Co. A. H. VAIL ...Sanborn, Vail & Co. F. H. WHEELAN ... Southern Pacific Milling Co. RICH'D FREUD ... Secretary and Attorney M. KING ... Ass't Sec'y and Supt. STANDING COMMITTEES. PUBLIC AFFAIRS. EDWARD B. POND, Chairman. ANDREW M. DAVIS, A. J. McNICOLL, MARSHAL HALE, A. H. VAIL. PUBLICITY AND PROMOTION. CHARLES BUNDSDCHU, Chairman. FOSTER P. COLE, W. P. REDINGTON, W. J. NEWMAN, F. H. WHEELAN. TRADE AND FINANCE. ANDREW M. DAVIS, Chairman. D. BALDWIN, W. J. DUTTON, C. S. BENEDICT, M. GREENEBAUM. RELIABLE BUSINESS GUIDE TO SAN FRANCISCO OFFICIAL LIST OF MEMBERS NUMBER OF MEMBERS OCTOBER 1, 1901 - - 1272 NOTE. - Our Constitution provides that any business firm in good standing may become a member Each firm has but one vote, but may be represented at the meetings of the Association by any or all of its members, or by such employees as it may designate for that purpose. There is at present no initiation fee to pay, and the dues are only $1.00 per month. FIRM NAMES OF MEMBERS CLASSIFIED ACCORDING TO BUSINESS. ACCOUNTANTS AND AUDITORS. [?]mrath, J. W. ... 124 Sutter [?]arrow, Wade, Guthrie & Co. ... Mills Bldg [?]angdon, Walter G. ... Mills Bldg ADVERTISING [?]odge, A1. Co. The ... 411 Emma Spreckels Bldg ADVERTISING CARDS [?]tuparich Mfg. Co., The ... 141 Fremont AGENTS [?]ancroft, Paul ... History Bldg [?]anderson, Geo. R ... 235 Montogomery [?]aylor, H. H. ... Mills Bldg AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS [?]eere Implement Co. ... 209 Market [?]ooker & Co. ... 16 Drumm Osborne & Co. D. M. ... 15 Main ARCHITECTS [?]urlett, Wm ... 314 Phelan Bldg [?]urtis, John M. ... 126 Kearny [?]laggs, Herbert B. ... 36 Flood Bldg [?]looser, William & Son ... 14 Grant Ave [?]olk, Willis ... 532 Market [?]eid Bros. ... Claus Spreckels Bldg Shea & Shea ... 26 Montgomery [?]wain, E. R. ... Crocker Bldg ART GLASS. California Art Glass, B. & C. Works ... 120 Second ART GOODS. Cohen, H. ... 19 Grant Ave Gump, S. & G. ... 113 Geary Kennedy-Rabjohn Art Co. ... 19 Post Sanborn, Vail & Co. ... 741 Market Schussler Bros. ... 27 Grant Ave Vickery, Atkins & Torry ... 224 Post ARTIFICIAL STONE PAVING. Gray Bros. ... 228 Montgomery ASBESTOS COVERINGS. De Solla-Duessing Co. ... 129 Spear McDearmon & Co. ... 422 Sacramento ASPARAGUS CANNERS. Hickmott Asparagus Canning Co. ... 3 California ASPHALTUM ROOFERS. Bonnet, B. & Son ... 100 Montgomery Ave ASSAYING. Price, Thos. & Son ... 524 Sacramento AUCTIONEERS. Chase, Fred H. & Co. ... 1732 Market Dinkelspiel, J. S. & Co. ... 115 Bush Ordway, W. C. ... Cor. 6th and King Spear, E. S. & Co. ... 21 Sutter BAGS, BALE ROPE AND BURLAP. Gulf Bag Co. ... 709 Front Schmidt, J. & Co. ... 115 Drumm BAKERIES. Prost & Komsthoeft ... 336 Third Simkins & Thorp ... 116 Erie BANKS AND BANKERS. American Bank & Trust Co. ... 200 Montgomery Anglo-Californian Bank, Limited ... 200 Sansome Bank of California ... 400 California Cal. Safe Deposit & Trust Co. ... Montgomery and California Canadian Bank of Commerce ... California and Sansome Columbian Banking Co. ... C. Spreckels Bldg Crocker-Woolworth National bank of San Francisco ... 600 Market Donohoe-Kelly Banking Co ... 100 Montgomery German Savings & Loan Society ... 536 Califfornia Germania Trust Co. ... 42 Montgomery Hibernia Savings & Loan Society ... McAllister and Jones London, Paris & American Bank Limited ... Sutter and Sansome Mercantile Trust Company of San Francisco ... 236 Bush Murphy. S. G. ... First Nat. Bank Mutual Savings Bank of San Francisco ... 23 Post Nevada National Bank of San Francisco ... 301 Montgomery Savings and Loan Society ... 101 Montgomery S. F. Savings Union 532 California Security Savings Bank 222 Montgomery Wells, Fargo & Co's Bank ... Sansome & Market BAR FiXTURES. Fincke, Oscar ... 501 Fifth BARBERS' SUPPLIES. Deckelman Bros. ... 106 Ellis Will & Finck Co. ... 818 Market BARREL MANUFACTURERS. California Barrel Co. ... 327 Market BAZAARS. Emporium and Golden Rule Bazaar ... Market BEER BOTTLERS. Entrprise Bottling Co. ... 2745 Sixteenth Frederickburg Bottling Co. ... 1610 Ellis BELTING - LEATHER. Cook. H. N. Belting Co. ... 317 Mission Heins, Alex ... 87 Fremont BICYCLES. Allen, I. P. 301 Larkin American Bicycile Co. ... 304 McAllister Christoffer, C. M. ... 501 Stanyan Leavitt & Bill ... 309 Larkin Pope Manufacturing Co. ... 52 First Varney, T. H. B. ... 1331 Market BILL POSTERS. Owens, Varney & Green ... Marketing and Tenth BOILER WORKS. Eureka Bottler Works ... 1124 Mission BOLT MANUFACTURERS. Payne's Bolt Works ... 131 Howard BOOK BINDERS Hicks-Judd Co. ...23 First Phillips Bros. ... 505 Clay BOOKS AND STATIONERY. American Tract Society ... 16 Grant Ave Cunningham, Curtiss & Welch ... 319 Sansome Elder & Shepard ... 238 Post Hammond, J. D. ... 916 Washington Hanak & Hargene ... 107 Montgomery Mitchell, E. H. ... 225 Post Payot, Upham & Co. ... 204 Pine Robertson, A. M. ... 126 Post S. F. News Co. ... 242 Geary Tauzy, J. ... 238 Kearny BOOTS AND SHOES. Buckingham & Hecht ... 225 Bush Cahn, Nickelsburg & Co. ... 129 Sansome Dietie, Chas ... 235 Bush Heim, F. L. 234 Stockton Kast & Co. ... 738 Market Kast-Glanville Shoe Co. ... Acad. of Sciences Bldg Koenig, F. ... 123 Kearny Kuts, The G. M. Co. ... 103 Mission Maier, Chas ... 834 Kearny Miller, M. & Co. ... 2149 Mission Nolan Bros. Shoe Co. ... 812 Market Nolan, J. C. & Co. ... 541 Market Philadelphia Shoe Co. ... 10 Third Rosenthal, Feder & Co. ... 11 Sansome Rosenthal's inc. ... 107 Kearny Siebe Shoe Co. ... 130 Main Sommer & Kaufmann ... 23 Kearny Sullivan, J. T. ... 29 Fourth United Workingmen's Boot & Shoe Co. ... 18 Second Williams-Marvin Co. ... 569 Market Young, George H. ... 117 Bush BREWERIES Hibernia Brewery ... 1235 Howard National Brewing Co. ... 762 Fulton Phoenix Brewing Co. ... 523 Noe Schuster & Kroenke ... 427 Valencia Union Brewing Co. ... 18th and Florida Wunder Brewing Co. ... Scott and Greenwich BREWERS' & BOTTLERS' SUPPLIES. Abramson-Heunisch Glass Co. ... 10 Main Bauer-Schweitzer, H. & M. Co. ... 632 Sacramento BRIDGE BUILDERS. S. F. Bridge Co. ... 220 Market BROKERS-CUSTOM HOUSE. Bellingall, P. W. ... 508 Battery Bruntsch & Reed ... 509 Battery Harper, F. F. G. & Co. ... 407 Washington Heise, Chas. Ed. & Co. ... 510 Battery Mattoon & Danglads ... 508 Battery Mayhew, H. B. & Co. ... 424 Battery Swayne, Hoyt & Co. ... 426 Battery BROKERS-MERCHANDISE AND GENERAL. Booth, F. E. ... 123 Davis DuVak, W. M. & Co. ... 221 Front Mackie, Wm ... 53 Flood Bldg Page Bros. ... 302 California Palache, R. K. ... 12 Front Woods, Maillard & Schmiedell ... 307 Sansome BROKERS-STOCK, BOND, GRAIN AND OIL. Ames, Worthington ... 324 Montgomery Barth, J. & Co. ... 505 California Blow, A. W. & Co. ... 238 Montgomery Bowman, G. F. ... 227 Montgomery Girvin & Eyre ... 307 California Goldman, Max ... 312 Pine Hecht Bros. & Co. ... 312 Pine Hirshfeld, C ... 316 Pine Politzer & Co. ... Clunie Bldg Pollitz, Edward & Co. ... 403 California Rehfish & Hochstadter ... 413 California BROKERS-TICKET. Ottinger, A. ... 620 Market BROOMS, BRUSHES AND WOODENWARE Van Laak, The Mfg. Co. ... 3178 Seventeenth BUILDING AND LOAN ASSOCIATION. Continental Building and Loan Association ... 223 Sansome Pacific States S. L. & B. Co. 410 Pine BUILDING MATERIALS. Waterhouse & Price ... 206 Kearny BUILDING PAPER MANUFACTURERS. Pacific Refining and Roofing Co. ... 113 New Montgomery Paraffine Paint Co. ... 116 Battery BUTCHERS. Baccus, R. T. ... cor. O'Farrell and Mason Bayle, Lacoste & Co. ... 534 Clay Boyes, James & Co. ... 108 Clay Bucknam, Robert F. ... 307 Sixteenth Clayburgh & George ... 339 Kearny Decourtieux, A. ... 529 Merchant Flageollet, Henry C. ... [???] Valene's Hofmann & Woenne ... 735 Market Katz, F. & Sons ... California Market Poly, Hellbron & Co. ... 339 Kearny Stone, Leon D. & Co. ... 236 Sixth Taaffe, Wm. & Co. ... 1537, 15th Ave, South BUTCHERS' SUPPLIES Pacific Butcher Supply Co. ... 770 Mission CAPITALISTS. Bishop, Chas. R. ... 530 California Center, John ... N. E. cor. 16th and Shotwell Dean, Walter E. ... 81 Nevada Block Denman, James ... 2313 Steiner Ehrenpfort, Wm ... 301 Fillmore Gage, W. S. ... 330 Market Hayward, Alvinza ... 532 Market Hopkins, E. W. ... 324 Pine Hopkins, Timothy ... Mills Bldg Levy, H. M. ... 41 Nevada Block Moore, A. A. Jr. ... Claus Spreckels Bldg Phelan, Jas, D. ... Phelan Bldg Schmidt, John A. ... 425 Ellis Spreckels, Claus ... 337 Market Springs Valley Water Works ... Geary and Stockton Thompson, R. R. ... 503 California CARPENTERS AND BUILDERS. Murray, S. C. ... 632 Howard Robinson & Gillespie ... 337 Sutter CARPETS. Cordes, W. F. ... Emporium Cottage Art Carpet Co. ... 236 Powell Guillixson Bros. ... 955 Market Huise, Bradford & Co. ... 760 Mission Schlueter & Volberg ... 217 Sutter Sperling & Stolsenwald ... 2010 Mission Walter, D. N. & E. & Co. ... 529 Market CARPET CLEANING WORKS. Boston Carpet Cleaning Works ... 703 Valencia Cal. Carpet Cleaning Works ... 329 Guerrero Conklin Bros. ... 333 Golden Gate Ave Hampton & Bailly ... 346 Church Sanitary Cleaning Co. ... 342 McAllister Spaulding, J. & Co. ... 353 Tehams CARRIAGE COMPANIES. United Carriage Co. ... Palace Hotel CARRIAGE AND BUGGY MANUFACTURERS. Babbitt, J. H. ... 314 McAllister Glenn, A. G. & J. Q. ... 1321 Market Grave, B. & Co. ... 421 Pacific Holmes, H. E. & Co. ... 740 Folsom Larkins & Co. ... 634 Howard O'Brien & Sons ... Golden Gate Ave. & Polk Schindler, H. B. ... 123 Spear Studebaker Bros. Mfg. Co. ... Market & Tenth Wertach, William ... 100 Golden Gate Ave CASH REGISTERS. Autographic Register Co. ... 523 Market Hallwood Cash Register... 1327 Market CATERER. Wheeler, Chas. S. ... 1206 Sutter CEMETERIES. Henderson, John, Mgr. Mt. Olivet Cemetery ... 916 Market CENTRAL PARK ASSOCIATION. McNeill, D. R. ... 1137 Market CHAIR MANUFACTURERS. Haywood Bros. & Wakefield Co. ... 961 Mission CHARCOAL. Ohlandt, N. & Co. ... Indiana and Yol[?] CHEESE IMPORTERS. Schlegel. P. & Co. ... 236 Front[*[ca Oct 1901]*] [*Not ansd. The President said he did not want anyone to make any explanation for him GBC [*[Cortelyou]*] Senator McLaurin had prepared this and sent it to the White House*] [*File PPF Pr*] When Senator McLaurin of South Carolina was asked what he thought of Booker Washington having taken dinner with President Roosevelt, he said: "No man would deprecate more than I any movement whatever looking toward the breaking down of those social barriers which have rendered it possible for two races to exist together without friction and I am convinced that should the races ever commingle together socially it would result in irreparable injury to both races. I do not view, however, the incident referred to as a departure from the line of distinction which always has been and always will be drawn between black and white. Mr. Washington, who is recognized as a leader among his people, was invited to the White House not socially or as a personal friend but for the purpose of advising as to the best solution of the negro problem. It is customary when a man is thus sent for as adviser to discuss the matter at a luncheon or dinner. It has grown customary because if it is done in this way the President and his adviser will not be disturned. It was in this manner that the President and Mr. Washington discussed the negro situation. The strength of Mr. Washington has come from the fact that he has always advised against the black man trying to demand social equality with the White man. This fact was understood by both the President and Mr. Washington. If anything should be done to open up the question of social equality as to the two races, it must have been known to both that it would destroy the purpose of the President and would so injure the usefulness of Mr. Washington as to render him valueless in bringing about an understanding between the races. Neither could have intended to make a departure or to consider the matter as a social or race question. In those dark days when the South had negro judges, the leading white men at the bar extended to those judges the same rules of courtesy as had been extended to white judges. This dinner was a recognized part of the ordinary [*380*] [*17243*]-2- courtesies which are extended at the White House when a visitor is called in for the purpose of discussing important questions and the color of the man or the race issue did not enter into the mind of either." 381[*Personal*] OFFICE OF WALLER T. BURNS HOUSTON, TEX. Nov. 1st 1901. My Dear George: The party to whom you refer is R L. Smith of Colorado County. He lives at Oakland in said Co. Is a one [’s] aroused negro and was elected a member of the Legislature from his county in Nov 1896, serving one term. In this year he supported Mr. Hawley for Congress and [*17245*]4. encompass Hawley's defeat by quietly working against him. His opposition was pronounced & generally known. For several years he was one of the county commissioners of his county. He was a delegate to the National Convention at Chicago in 1884 and claimed while entering the Hall he had his pockets picked, losing his return ticket and his money. 2 Mr. Hawley carried the county by a large majority and, as you know, was elected. Smith has a brother in law, Townsend, who is a member of the State Committee. Smith wanted him appointed P. M. at Victoria; Mr. Hawley properly declined to support him, and he was not seriously considered. The failure upon the part of Mr. Hawley to endorse Townsend angered Smith and [*17246*]3 in 1898 Mr. Hawley had to fight the democrats & Smith & while he was re-elected, he lost Colorado County by 500 votes, a great number of negro boxes in said county, returned majorities for the Democratic candidate W. S. Robson. It was Smith’s intention to run as an independant candidate for Congress, with the object of aiding in the defeat of Hawley, but later he concluded that he could best5 OFFICE OF WALLER T. BURNS HOUSTON, TEX. same being proceeds of sale of six bales of cotton. That he intended to purchase a piano for his wife etc. & spoke of the great disappointment to her. On the day after the interview he told me that he had there received 8 passes home, which had been enclosed to him by Railway officials who had read his interview. I also understood that [*17247*]he received generous contributions, in the way of remittances from a generous public and my impression is, that some musical factory sent him a piano for his wife, though this last feature is an impression and not stated as a positive fact. I do not know that he was robbed. At the time it appeared to me as the growthof an abnormal imagination. The money he had, I think, was not the proceeds of cotton but came from the sale of admission tickets to the convention. Each delegate had 5 tickets & the market ranged from $50 to $150 per ticket. It has been suggested that that the President may consider him a proper man [*17248*]for a Texas appt. But perhaps there is nothing in this suggestion. The President, upon slight inquiry, can readily learn of his party disloyalty in Hawley’s last campaign & he is not rewarding traitors of any kind. Mr. Hawley will certainly not permit the President to make such an error without informing him of the facts. Very truly yours, W. T. Burns[[shorthand]] [*Ackd PPF*] EDWARD B. BLOSS, JOSEPH M. DAGGETT BLOSS & DAGGETT, COUNSELORS AT LAW, BOREEL BUILDING, 115 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. TELEPHONE 2013 CORTLANDT. Nov. 1st 1901- My dear Mr. Roosevelt: I am sending you a copy of the November "Outing", which contains a football sketch that may interest you. I remember you were an adviser of Marshall Howell, my classmate, and the best sort of Harvard undergraduate. I am writing a series of sketches on Harvard athletes who were men, and if I can get any more of them published I hope you will allow me to send them to you, who represent so much to the young ambition of this country. Believe me, Yours sincerely Edward B. Bloss To President Roosevelt. [*17249*]For 1 enclosure see ca 11-1-01, Bloss[*file ppf*] Harvard College Cambridge, November 1, 1901 Dear Mr. Roosevelt: Thank you for your letter of October 29th. I wish I were going to Washington; but I hardly expect to be there this year. If I am there, I shall certainly try to see you, and if you have no time for me, I shall understand. Sincerely yours, L. B. R. Briggs President Theodore Roosevelt. [*17250*]COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK [*File ppf pr*] PRESIDENT'S ROOM Nov. 1, 1901 My dear Mr. President: Quite accidentally I have come into possession of information and an opinion regarding Mr. Leland which entirely support what Secretary Wilson said to you last Sunday. I have arranged that you shall hear this opinion when you are at the Century next Monday evening. My information also leads me to say that somewhat unusual care would have to be exercised in the choice of a successor in case a change is made, in as much as something approaching a conspiracy with regard to this office appears to be on foot. Merely as a suggestion I throw out this hint: Some months ago the gentleman who is now vigorously opposing Mr. Leland's reappointment was very insistent that Mr. Evans should be removed from the Commissionership of Pensions, and publicly stated that the Kansas delegation favored in his stead ex-Congressman Peters of that State. Under these circumstances, it might be worth while to look up Mr. Peter's record carefully, with a view to the present situation in regard to Mr. Leland. Cordially yours, Nicholas Murray Butler To the President, White House, Washington, D.C. [*17251*] EXCELSIOR State of New York Attorney General's Office Albany, November 1st, 1901. (PERSONAL). [*ackd*] His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- Under separate cover, I send you copy of the opinions of the Court of Appeals in the American Ice Company case, so-called. You will see by the prevailing opinion, which I consider a very able and exhaustive one, that we have been completely successful in having the law declared constitutional. All of our lawyers agree, who are familiar with this class of litigation, that this decision is the most important and far-reaching upon the subject of trusts, that has as yet been handed down by a State court of last resort. The fact that Judges Parker, Vann, Martin, Cullen and Landon concur in the prevailing opinion, gives it great weight, and while the Ice Company have appealed to the Supreme Court of the United States, the lawyers for the Company tell me privately that they have not much hope [*17252*]His Excellency, The President. (2). of reversing the decision of the Court of Appeals. It seems to me that this decision is not only of great importance, but must necessarily be of great interest to you. The law was passed by a Republican Legislature, signed by you as Governor and prosecuted by an Attorney-General that was at least friendly, and to put in squarely, in close touch with your administration. You will recall that we were defeated in the Appellate Division and I well remember the last conversation that we had upon the subject just about [at] the close of your term. I went over the situation with you and told you how certain interests were very anxious to have the case dropped, where it was, and how I told you that it should and must be appealed, and your parting injunction was not to let up one iota, but prosecute the same to a finish. I feel that I have kept the faith. It seems to me also important as it fixes beyond any question, your status upon the trust question, for there never was a trust formed with more sinister intent than that of the Ice Company. They put the price of ice in May, 1900, at sixty cents per hundred. We had not been at them a month before they lowered it to forty and afterward to thirty and all this season they have sold at twenty-five cents per hundred. [*17253*]His Excellency, The President. (3). With this law upon the statute books, any Attorney-General of this State can abate the rapacity of any trust, no matter how greedy and over-reaching it may be; and that can be done in a comparatively short space of time for the reason that publicity of all their affairs can be enforced. So much for the trusts. I see by the newspapers and have heard through other channels that you have given applicants for offices in this State to understand that you propose to give the necessary time to a consideration of their cases; in fact, that you propose to go slow. You are taking just the right course in this matter. It seems to be generally understood that you are going to make your own appointments and suitable ones, at that. This is just what the people want. You should not make a single important appointment until the applicant thoroughly understands that he must measure up to your ideals of honesty and capability. I am very much pleased with your Southern appointments, particularly with Governor Jones of Alabama. I believe the "scalawags" who have run the Republican party in the Southern States have purposely kept decent people out of the party in order that they might occupy the Federal positions themselves. [*17254*]His Excellency, The President. (4). If there is any way that the Republican party can be developed in the South, you are taking the only course that can be taken to do it; if it does not develop, you will, at least, have made it respectable and respected. I expect to be in Washington on some business shortly after election and when there I shall certainly call upon you. Yours very sincerely, John C. Davies [*17255*]Private [*PPF Ackd 11-2-1901*] Kendall Green, Washington D.C. November 1st, 1901 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Dear Sir: It will please you, I am sure, to know what is known to very few, that Lindsay Denison (who accompanied you on your long Western tour last year) wrote the little pamphlet "Touchin' on and appertainin' to Mr. Commissioner Deveny" that is proving such an effective campaign weapon in the fight for honesty & reform in New York & of which the Citizens Union has circulated 1,000,000 copies. Very sincerely & respectfully James Denison (Lindsay's father) Kendall Green Washington, D. C. [*17256*]VLC INCORPORATED 1894. THE VICTOR LUMBER CO. OFFICE & YARD, 116 SOUTH SECOND ST. TELEPHONE No 513. E. WILDER, PRESIDENT. W. M. DICKINSON, V. PREST & TREAS. FRANK T. DICKINSON, SECRETARY. Victor, Colorado, Nov 1st 1901 To Whom it may concern: We have known the bearer, Mr R. G. Holmes, for the two years last past, and take pleasure in stating that he is thoroughly honest and reliable, and from our intimate acquaintance with him, feel justified in recommending him for any position that he will accept. Frank. T. Dickinson W. M. Dickinson[Enc. in Holmes, 10-12-01]862 Cass Ave. Internal Revenue Service, Office of Agent, Detroit, Nov. 1, 1901. [*File PPF pr*] My Dear Mr. President:- Respectfully referring to the letter of Secretary Cortelyou, dated 24th ultimo, I beg to say that the information to which I referred in my letter of October 22nd pertains to politics in New York State, and perhaps indicates an intent on the part of some important people to have New York in favor of Governor O'Dell at the next national convention. The statements made to me were made in the presence of a third person, and when I have an opportunity to see you personally I shall be glad to tell you the whole story just as I received it, with names, date and place; but as I do not wish to injure the gentleman who made the statements, as I said in the presence of a third party, I feel constrained not to write more fully about it. Possibly I may reach Washington at no distant date, and then I will be glad to give you the facts face to face. With most sincere regards, Your loyal friend, Wm A. Gavett Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President, United States. [*17258*]Internal Revenue Service Office of Agent, 190 Revenue Agent. SUBJECT: No. of Inclosures, GaCharles S. Gleed. Eugene F. Ware. James Willis Gleed. David E. Palmer. John L. Hunt. Cable "Gleed." Telephone 217. Law office of Gleed, Ware & Gleed. Topeka, Kansas, November 1, 1901. W. A. White, Esq., Emporia, Kansas. My dear White: I neglected to tell you that I had not yet seen your article on Roosevelt. I know in advance that it cannot satisfy me. My admiration for the man began in 1883, and I am not sure that it has much increased since then, simply because that was impossible. It did perhaps increase a measure when he was police commissioner of New York. It seems to me that we could not have had a better president if the wisest and the best had had the ordering of the whole matter from the beginning: - if the wisest and the best could have determined in advance his ancestry, his birthplace, his education and his career. Feeling in this way, it is scarcely possible that your article can satisfy me. Yours in haste, J W Gleed [*17259*]Enc. in white 11-4-01EDITORIAL ROOMS [*File PPF Pr*] GUNTON'S MAGAZINE UNION SQUARE NEW YORK November 1st, 1901. My dear Mr. Cortelyou, In accordance with the suggestion in yours of October 25th, I mailed the matter for the President on Monday, the 28th. Not having heard anything, I was a little curious to know if it was duly received. Yours very truly, George Gunton [*17260*][[shorthand notation]] File T/S DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. November 1, 1901. George B. Cortelyou, Esquire, Secretary to the President, White House. Dear Sir: I transmit herewith, for proclamation by the President, the two conventions and one declaration of the Hague Peace Conference to which the consent of the Senate has been given. These acts were ratified by Mr. McKinley; but their proclamation has been delayed awaiting the proces verbeaux which by their terms The Netherlands Government was required to send to the signatory governments. These have but recently been received. Very truly yours, John Hay 17261[[shorthand]] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. [*[1901]*] 1 CO V GI Govt 69 San Juan de P. R. Nov.1. Secretary Cortelyou: Understand person suggested for treasurer quite old. He would have to be extremely vigilant, stimulating many employees in revenue collections and able to accomplish immense amount of work. If he could do this he would be excellent, Rowe code commission here says James applicant is thoroughly qualified, do not know him, very important place filled quickly owing to approaching legislature. Much pleased with Hartzell. Hunt, Governor. 7:35p. [*17262*]has his committee in hand owing to the Democrats but if you get MacmIllan who carries great weight & Hanna both on the committee with you we can prevail over hm as we have done before. In the House the committee will be with you all right--There Cannon is the foe of the Navy, it would be well for you to try to soften him by an Oriental politeness & I think much can be done. But I want you to see Moody in this connection. He is naturally with us & he has more influence with Cannon than anyone & if he backs [*File*] Private Nov-1st 1901 East Point, Nahant. Dear Theodore Thanks for your letter of Oct. 28th. I am very glad that Pruden is to stay where he is. He is an invaluable man & good one too. I had the impression that it was his wish to go into the army but I see now what the trouble was. I have been much amused by the Cridler business. I knew President McKinley meant to get rid of him & you told me that you had decided [*17263*]that I did & of course I knew that all they said would not deflect you one hair in your policy. Indeed in that respect it has strengthened your hands. What you tell me of Hale's letter to Long is sickening but not wholly surprising. I had not talked with him about the navy & his tone about you was I wrote you most cordial & friendly. When you see him I would be the soul of good nature & let him know firmly you are bent on your policy. If he stands out we must beat him. He determined to do the same thing & so I spoke of Peirce to you as I should have done to President McKinley. At first some of the papers of the mugwump variety thought that they had caught me in a bit of spoils work. Then Scott attacked me & announced that Cridler had looked one for opening for West Virginia the whole press swung over to my side as a judicious patriot. The names of Cridler's backers had an interesting effect. You take exactly the view of the Booker Washington incident [*17264*]about the treaty difficulties. I hope that it may do good. I have gone my entire strength on the Navy I hope you will believe what I have said. I shall send you the speech & ask you to read it — Best love always to Edith-- Ever yrs H.C.L. [*[11-1-07]*] 2 East Point, Nahant. the Naval committee they will win easily. McVeagh writes me that he has been talking to Cullom & that he reported to you about it. He has made more headway that any one else altho' I doubt his effecting anything. You know of course that the chairmanship of Foreign Relations is the only thing I desire. I believe too that I could be of more service to you & your administration there than 17265little consequence compared to the success of your administration & a friendly Senator is one of the elements of success. I am with you in all events. Senators are ones to look after. Kohlsaat could do more with Cullom than anyone provided my name was not brought in. I think MacVeagh may write him. I shall make a speech a week from tomorrow. I have discussed Reciprocity on the line of your message & have told the exact truth anywhere else or than anyone else. If Cullom opens the subject you can of course say properly that you earnestly hope he will retain Interstate commerce but I had rather give up every place than & all prospects of the chairmanship I want so much than have you for my sake say or do anything which could embarrass you in the faintest degree with any Senator My fortunes & opportunities are of mighty [*17266*]furthermore, I am in for some big changes in the magazine, wh enlarges with the Jan. no. & becomes "Out West". So it is hard to see my instant way. But yr letter is a summons. Will the welcome have worn out if it takes me till Dec. of Jan. to "make it"? If it will, I'll drop all holds & march at the drop of the hat. If it won't, I'll do other duties first! There are so many things I want to talk with you about — our Indians, who have been & are most ignorant & infamously entreated [*Ackd PPF*] THE MAGAZINE OF CALIFORNIA AND THE WEST. AUTHORITATIVE, VIGOROUS, RICHLY ILLUSTRATED, $1 A YEAR. "Its lively independence and its genuine learning...A steady evenness of worth and interest."—ˇThe Nation. "The best there is in periodical literature on the Pacific Coast...Ability and individuality powerful enough and original enough to give distinction to any periodical...A voice listened to with respect and interest in all parts of the country."—The Dial. EDITORIAL ROOMS THE LAND OF SUNSHINE CHAS. F. LUMMIS, EDITOR LOS ANGELES, CAL. Nov. 1 1901 Dear Mr. Roosevelt: Just back from a fortnight in New Mexico --where I was introducing E.P. Ripley, Paul Morton, & their party, to as much wilderness as was good for them on first acquaintance — I find your compact note of 17th Oct. From another it wd seem incredible that you "would like to see me" — but what you say "goes." I have wanted for years to look in the eyes of the Man [*17267*]never to go again. But I did not have any idea you'd care to see me. wh alters the case. I hunted you in Oyster Bay, this summer--hoping you wouldn't mind. But you made away. Absent from home nearly every day since June 22, I am now snowed under with duties. There are about 2000 mss. to read; my baby doesn't know "that strange man that spanks him; & my house (wh I am building with these fists) has been at a standstill for 6 months. Furthermore and grasp his flesh, who has done --several things. And while I have an old-fashioned respect for Presidents, my experience is that Men are bigger--else all presidents were alike. You can hardly guess how dangerous it looks to me to "get on to Washington." I'd sooner dare again the Caceres revolution in Lima--I've been East but twice in 15 years, & hoped 17268THE MAGAZINE OF CALIFORNIA AND THE WEST. AUTHORITATIVE, VIGOROUS, RICHLY ILLUSTRATED, $1 A YEAR. "Its lively independence and its genuine learning...A steady evenness of worth and interest."—ˇThe Nation. "The best there is in periodical literature on the Pacific Coast...Ability and individuality powerful enough and original enough to give distinction to any periodical...A voice listened to with respect and interest in all parts of the country."—The Dial. EDITORIAL ROOMS THE LAND OF SUNSHINE CHAS. F. LUMMIS, EDITOR LOS ANGELES, CAL. 190 the vital winning of the West for homes; the deadly earnest of Irrigation — & many other things; some perhaps larger. And I am on call. So lately home, I cannot tell how soon it will be convenient to leave again; but a fit inconvenience is as good. In a month or two I shall hope to "pull my freight" Eastward. And if that is too slow freight, I'll run [*17269*]special. I enclose the Oct. editorial, hoping it may interest you as the farthest West, & the feeling of several of us. Sincerely yours, Chas. F. Lummis Theodore Roosevelt President of The United States. 17270Macmurphy & Story, Architects. NOTICE TO CLIENTS. A reasonable charge will be made for preliminary sketches if a complete set of drawings is not ordered. Fees for plans and specifications to be paid in full when the building is let out to contract. If the building is not let to contract, fees for plans, etc., to be paid within 30 days after the plans are finished. [Ackd PPF*] Augusta, Ga., Nov 1st 1901 Master Teddy Roosevelt My dear young friend I send you a copy of the Georgia Scenes a very amusing description of Georgia character in early times - you must not form your opinion of present Georgia society from this book for since those times we have improved very much, in intelligence, and refinement, though [you] there are still among us Ransy Sniffels and valliant fighters (with their mouths) like the fighter of Lincoln County. Your friend Seth Macmurphy [*17271*]PP7 acnd 11/6/1901 To His Excellency, the President of the United States. Dear Sir, I take pleasure in sending you a copy of action taken last evening by the Consistory of the Reformed Church your Excellency visits when in our city. For various reasons I desired that this should be officially recorded, in which our brethren very heartily concurred. Our whole congregation remember you, Sir, with sincere love, and while ever before patriotic in our public petitions for the Chief Executive of our dear country, I assure, You, Sir, a tender personal interest adds to the fervor of our present intercession on your behalf. Respectfully Your obedient servant P. Moerdyke [Moerdyke] Pastor, Trinity Ref'd Church, Chicago November 1, 1901-- 17272[For 1 enc & 1 attachment see ca 11-1-01][ca Nov. 1, 1901] President Theodore Roosevelts visits to "Trinity Reformed Church" Chicago Ill. A Bright Page in Our History. The Consistory desire to place on record the historic account of a highly interesting event, and to express their appreciation of the four Sabbath morning visits with which the Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, now President of the United States, has honored our Church. The first occasion on which, as a stranger to us all, he was cordially welcomed as a loyal and devoted fellow member of the Reformed Church in America was July 1900 a.d. when, as Governor of New York, he worshipped and also partook of the Lord's Supper with us, and after the service, at the pastor's request, addressed the Sunday School, the entire congregation remaining in the audience room to hear his remarks. At this time our distinguished visitor was before the public as the Republican nominee for the Vice-Presidency His second visit occurred September 1900 a.d. during the Presidential campaign, when on his tour of several Western States in the interest of the party ticket. After the sermon, at the request of the pastor, Governor Roosevelt addressed the congregation upon a practical religious topic. The third time he was warmly greeted as an acquaintance[?] friend and "parishioner" was on October 7th, 1900 A.D. after 172732 his Western campaigning tour, when, being wearied by his arduous labors, he begged to be excused from speaking, but promised at his next visit "to preach us a lay sermon on "Be ye doers of the Word and not hearers only." On these three happy occasions an informal reception was tendered him at the close of the service. In July many of our children, following the initiative of Ruth Moerdyke, obtained the Governor's autograph in their Bibles. In October our "parishioner,--as he was pleased to call himself when about to enter his carriage from the Church was affronted by a few rude boys utterly unknown to us all, who, perhaps by some vile partisan instigation, threw one or two handfuls of sand upon him,--of which,however, the newspaper reporters made and started an account that was shamefully exaggerated throughout the land to our mortification. This malicious & sensational invention was contradicted by the pastor in several prominent secular and religious journals of that time. Upon the election of Governor Roosevelt as the Vice President of the United States, with the President, Wm McKinley, re-elected as his Chief, Resolutions of Congratulation were, on the Lord's Day of November succeeding the National election, enthusiastically adopted 17274by the rising vote of the Congregation, and, when signed by the pastor, officers and many of our people, forwarded to His Excellency. The fourth visit was by our distinguished friend as Vice President on September 1, 1901, AD.--when, being again heartily welcomed by the pastor, he was invited to preach the lay sermon promised the previous October. To this invitation the Vice President cheerfully responded, and, upon being introduced by the pastor, spoke for more than forty-five minutes on "Be ye doers of the Word &c &c, to the edification and delight of a full house. The entire Congregation, at the close of worship, were again personally introduced, and will lifelong recall the pleasure and honor of shaking hands and exchanging greetings with--the man whom the people of the United States delight to exalt for his sterling qualities, excellent spirit, great public services and Christian influence. As a Congregation so humble and destitute of the attraction of a wealthy Church, We admire his exemplary loyalty to the Faith, Historic Traditions and Church of his Dutch ancestry, and 17275We do here record our gratitude for the faithfulness of his words addressed to us, and for the distinguishing attention thus bestowed upon our Church. Whilst deeply deploring the assassination of our Beloved President McKinley, We rejoiced ,that in the gracious Providence of the Lord of Nations, a worthy Successor was given to our beloved country in the person Vice President Roosevelt, who on September 14, 1901 A.D. became the Chief Magistrate of this great Republic. Our fervent prayers--shall rise for the rich blessing of the Lord upon his administration. May his life and health be precious in God's sight; his great responsibilities and opportunities be met with "wisdom from on high", and his eminent services be appreciated and rewarded by a strong and happy Nation. The filling of this "Bright Page in our Records is accomplished by the desire and hope of welcoming President Roosevelt again to that fellowship in worship with us by which he is peculiarly endeared to our Church. 172765 Done in Consistory Thursday evening, Oct 31, 1901, and ordered spread upon the Records of our Church. A true copy of the above consistorial action. P. Moerdyke, Pastor, President of the Consistory. Chicgao. 689 Harrison St. Nov. 1, 1901-- 17277[Enc. in Moerdyke 11-1--01]PHILADELPHIA UNDERWRITERS, PHILADELPHIA, PA. INSURANCE CO. OF NORTH AMERICA FIRE ASSOCIATION OF PHILADELPHIA. SECURITY - INDEMNITY ICNA INSURANCE FROM F. A. FOUNDED 1817. J. F. DOWNING, GENERAL AGENT. W. N. JOHNSON } Ass't General Agents H. C. ALVERSON } WESTERN DEPARTMENT. ERIE, PA. PRUETT & REARDON, Agents, VICTOR COLO. Victor, Colo. November 1st 1901 To Whom it may concern:- I take great pleasure in certifying to the credibility of Richard G. Holmes. He is a veteran of the late war, and has always borne a good reputation since he has been in this community. Politically he has stood in the front for the Republican Party, and has been a great help to it here. It would please a great many Republicans in this place to have him succeed in any venture he might seek. I know of no one whom it would please me better to have prosper. Yours very truly, J. M. Reardon [*17278*]Enc in Holmes 10-12-01[[shorthand]] [*Ack'd 11/4/1901 P.P.F*] WILLIAM L. SWAN, P.O. BOX 227. Oyster Bay, L. I., Nov 1st 1901 My dear Bro Roosevelt. Seeing by the paper that you were coming here to vote next Tuesday, and recognizing the fact that tho' you are President still you have to eat like ordinary mortals, I invite you to lunch very quietly (no frills & to be expected!) with us at "Woodside", & will take you to such train as you desire in the afternoon. Mrs Swan joins in kindest regards to Mrs Roosevelt & yourself, & hopes for the pleasure of seeing you next Tuesday. [*17280*] [[shorthand]] [*Ack'd 11/4/1901 PPF*] Newburgh Pa Nov 1st 1901 President Roosevelt Washington D.C. Dear Sir I notice in "Phila North American" of this date you are experiencing trouble in finding carriage team. permit me to say I have for sale a highley bred very dark chestnut sorrel horse 15 1/4 hands high perfectly sound 5 1/2 years old and as hansome as a picture. will you permit me to send photograph of him. a reply kind sir to my house at Meyersdale. Somerset Co Pa will be highly honored. trusting [*17279*]this will be permitted to reach you. I am sir Yours Respectfully W.W. Steier address me at Meyersdale Pa Please tell Bro Loeb he is included in this luncheon invitation. Yours sincerely Wm. L. Swan.[[shorthand]] [*Ack'd 11/4/1901 P.P.F*] WILLIAM L. SWAN, P.O. BOX 227. Oyster Bay, L. I., Nov 1st 1901 My dear Bro Roosevelt. Seeing by the paper that you were coming here to vote next Tuesday, and recognizing the fact that tho' you are President still you have to eat like ordinary mortals, I invite you to lunch very quietly (no frills & to be expected!) with us at "Woodside", & will take you to such train as you desire in the afternoon. Mrs Swan joins in kindest regards to Mrs Roosevelt & yourself, & hopes for the pleasure of seeing you next Tuesday. [*17280*] [[shorthand]] [*Ack'd 11/4/1901 PPF*] Newburgh Pa Nov 1st 1901 President Roosevelt Washington D.C. Dear Sir I notice in "Phila North American" of this date you are experiencing trouble in finding carriage team. permit me to say I have for sale a highley bred very dark chestnut sorrel horse 15 1/4 hands high perfectly sound 5 1/2 years old and as hansome as a picture. will you permit me to send photograph of him. a reply kind sir to my house at Meyersdale. Somerset Co Pa will be highly honored. trusting [*17279*]this will be permitted to reach you. I am sir Yours Respectfully W.W. Steier address me at Meyersdale Pa Please tell Bro Loeb he is included in this luncheon invitation. Yours sincerely Wm. L. Swan.[*Ackd 11/1/1901 P.P.F.*] To The President Theodore Roosevelt. In appreciation of "The Strenuous Life" With the compliments of Frederic Wm. Unger and the J. Coates & Company At his service [*17283*] [*Ack'd 11/4/1901 ppF*] [[shorthand]] DR MALCOLM STORER, 476 BOYLSTON STREET Boston Mass Nov 1 '01 Dear Mr Roosevelt-- Since I have been Curator of the Collection of Medals in the Harvard University Library it has been my constant endeavor to get together there as many medals of sons of Harvard as possible — thus far I have some fifty of them represented. Of course there will in due time be certain medals struck in honor of the Harvard man of whom we are most proud — the mint medal for instance & others — and if you [*17281*]should see fit to direct a copy of any or all such medals to be sent to Mr Lane the librarian they would of course be doubly appreciated if coming from you-- Very respectfully Malcolm Storer '85 Thus far the only medal of you at the library is an inferior campaign one. 17282 The President The White House Wash. D.C. [shorthand notation]should see fit to direct a copy of any or all such medals to be sent to Mr Kane the librarian, they would of course be doubly appreciated if coming from you - Very respectfully Malcolm Storer '85 Thus far the only medal of you at the library is an inferior campaign one. [*17282*] The President The White House Wash. D. C.[FOR ENCL SEE 11-1-01] Dr. Mumm von Schwartzenstein Minister of Germany, Peking China Von Schwarzenstein Ackd 12-7-1901 Kaiserlich Deutsche Gefandtschaft Yangtse, Nov. 1st 01. On board R.M.S. Sogar[?]. My dear Mr Roosevelt, If a single mortal who had the pleasure of knowing you years ago may venture to adress directly a real President of the U.S. I would like to express my satisfaction of having suddenly become connected with so illustrious a person as you are. Unfortunately because I 17284cannot quite get rid of a certain suspicion that the lady mentioned in the enclosed cutting is no more a cousin of yours than she has been a wife of mine! If it was not for the untimely and sad death of President McKinley I would like to make use of this opportunity to congratulate your Excellency most heartily on the high honors which have come to you lately, 3 years before you would have reaped them probably anyhow. Please give my kindest regards to Mrs Roosevelt and believe me very sincerely yours A Mumm [A Mumm] 17285Werlich Ackd File CS Watertown , Wisconsin, November 1.01. Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of Oct. 26-01, and ask to express earnest thanks for the consideration shown. I am deeply grateful for the interest and especially for the fact that your action in my promotion was not based on my acceptance of the advice tendered. Permit me now to pledge myself unhesitatingly as an officer and a gentleman to abstain from 17286 the use of liquor. Requesting that the receipt of this may be acknowledged, I have the honor to remain, Very respectfully, P.J. Werlich Lieut. U.S. Navy His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt, President. 17287[*Ackd PPF*] WILCOX & MINER COUNSELLORS AT LAW ANSLEY WILCOX. WORTHINGTON C. MINER. ROOM 816 ELLICOTT SQUARE, BUFFALO, N.Y. Nov. 1st, 1901. My dear Mr. President:- I received this morning your note about going to Washington next week, after Wednesday, to spend a night,- say Thursday or Friday; and reply at once that I can, and gladly will, do this on any day that suits you best. But at the same time I have other engagements, and have preferences of my own, if they do not interfere with your plans and wishes. I have important engagements in New York on Thursday and Friday of next week, and they might last up to Saturday noon. I could go to Washington very conveniently either Friday night, for Saturday and Sunday, or Saturday noon, to be there Saturday night and through Sunday and Monday, if necessary, and if this will suit you, I will do this. But if you decidedly prefer to have me there as early as Thursday or Friday, I will manage to postpone my New York engagements, though this would incommode other people more than me. If you want me to come as early as Thursday or Friday, will you please wire me tomorrow or on Sunday. Please do not think it at all necessary to offer me a room at the White House. The Arlington is near at hand, and I can always get in there. I say this because you have kindly spoken before of my stopping with you, and knowing that your accommodations are limited, I do not want you to feel this in any way a burden, or let it interfere with calling me to Washington whenever you may want to see me. Yours very sincerely, Ansley Wilcox. To the President, White House, Washington, D.C. [*17288*][[shorthand]] [*Ackd 11-5-1901*] JAMES H. WILSON 814 BROOME STREET. WILMINGTON, DELAWARE. PERSONAL. November 1, 1901. To the President, White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President: I enclose herewith printed copy of a letter from Major J. M. Carson, Washington correspondent of the Philadelphia Ledger, to which, busy as you are, I venture to invite your attention. Major Carson was sent here last winter by your predecessor to investigate the situation and recommend a plan by which two Senators could be elected from this State. Every courtesy and attention was shown him. He is an old acquaintance of mine, and I took the greatest pains, with the assistance of my son-in-law H.B. Thompson, Esq., in explaining the issues involved and the position of the various prominent men in regard to them. He left me, however, with the distinct impression on my mind, notwithstanding his protestations to the contrary, that he was sympathetic with the Addicks party, if not with Addicks, and his correspondence since then has confirmed the impression that he has been thoroughly "queered" in that direction. The enclosed letter can bear no other construction. Permit me to add, that the contest now on in this State goes mush deeper than mere personal opposition, to Mr. Addicks and his paid followers and henchmen. It is directed against his shameless methods- the open and profligate purchase of voters and legislators, in the interest of one notoriously unfit for public office. The time may come in the development of human government, when purchase and sale to the highest bidder may become the best method for securing [*17289*]#2 United States Senators and other high officers, but at present it is not only illegal, but it is generally regarded as immoral and subversive of our system of Government. Those who feel as I do about this matter, and they are the great bulk of honest men in the Republican as well as the Democratic party, feel that the contest should be fought to a finish, against Addicksism as well as Addicks, and that no man who has taken his money either directly or indirectly, or has cooperated with him in his shameless methods, is fit for the high trust of public office. So far Delaware is the only State in the Union which has successfully resisted the combined power of money, corruption, party and Presidential pressure in the election of its Senators. The issue has become a national one, and we who are involved in it, feel that it is far better for us, for the Republican party, and for the country at large, that the State should be left indefinitely without Senatorial representation, than that is should be secured now by any compromise with Addicks or Addicksism, or with the men who are so anxious for public office that they would accept it by the favor or as the beneficiary of a person whose private as well as public career shows him to be a social degenerate and "a moral idiot". Trusting that you will pardon the earnestness with which I write on this most important subject, I am, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, James H. Wilson 17290[For enc. see 10-30-01][[shorthand]] [*ackd 11-4-1901 wrote Secy Long*] [*See "L"*] JAMES H. WILSON 814 BROOME STREET. WILMINGTON, DELAWARE. November 1, 1901. To the President, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President: I am in receipt of a note from Mr. Cortelyou, enclosing a letter addressed to you by Chief Justice Lore of this State, recommending Captain Caleb Churchman, of this city, for Collector of the Port. In reply I beg to return herewith Judge Lore's letter, and to say that it is correct so far as it goes. Captain Churchman is a very worthy and respectable man, but he is in no sense a leader or a man of influence in the community, and his appointment to that or any other high office would have no significance or meaning whatever, except that it might be claimed as an Addicks triumph. He is a close neighbor to that gentleman, and his wife at least is quite intimate in the family, and sympathetic with the aspirations of Mr. Addicks. I might very well stop here, but the general subject is one of very great importance to the people of this State, and I doubt if they would be satisfied with the guidance of Chief Justice Lore in the distribution of the important Federal offices. He is a partisan Democrat who is known to be somewhat in sympathy with Mr. Addicks. Besides it is supposed that he would be quite willing to become an associate of Mr. Addicks in the representation of this State in the United States Senate. Permit me therefore to suggest that as Dr. Ball is at present its sole representative in the councils of the nation, and his political affiliations are in entire accord with your own, his views should be [*17291*]#2 potential in the nomination of Federal officers in this State. You are perhaps aware of the fact that locality is sometimes an important factor in the distribution of public office, but it may have escaped your attention that such is especially the case in Delaware, and that it was thought best by those most intimately concerned in the management of the Republican party here that the collectorship should go to the southern part of the State. With this end in view they recommended that Sussex County, which has made a most strenuous fight against Addicksism, should have that office, and it was thought after a full consideration of all the circumstances of the case that the Honorable Robert Houston was the most available man in the State for the office. This conclusion was not lightly nor quickly reached, but the subject received the most deliberate consideration, and I can assure you that Mr. Houston should be appointed. Every day the appointment is delayed gives hope and courage to those who are controlled by venal and corrupt influence. Mr. Houston is a gentleman of the highest character, and is in every way fully up to the dignity and responsibilities of the office for this or any other State. Very respectfully yours, James H. Wilson [*17292*]Moerdyke, P., Chicago Ill., Nov. 1, 1901. Encloses copy of [record] entry made in the Church records of history of President Roosevelt's four visits to that church (Trinity Reformed Church) to show the affectionate regard in which the President is held. [[shorthand]] [*17293*] [*ca. 1-1-11*] THE DAY HE MADE THE 'VARSITY ELEVEN By Edward B. Bloss It was a bright afternoon and an early day of the football season, the grass a fading green, as yet little worn by the shoes and bodies of the players, and the ground still warm from the summer. In an area of about one-third the field the candidates practised catching and passing; all sorts of them, from the wiry schoolboy to the collegian almost a man, dressed in their togs of many colors, alert, energetic, ready for anything in the rough game to which they offered themselves. Among them was the new man—no ordinary one. He had come from his academy with a record, with a good chance sooner or later of getting on the 'varsity, quick and stocky, bright-eyed, shouting and laughing as he stood with the others in the ever-shifting circle, breathing the fresh air with a relish. He seemed more than willing, and he did his part as if he meant it. He was waiting his call. To some no trial would ever come, but they were hopeful, anxious for it, while often their glances wandered where their hearts were—the elevens advancing or retreating over the lines down by the further goal. "That will do for you." All heard the words, and all but one understood them; but the ball just then rolled in the direction of the new man, and he was after and on it like a flash. He only vaguely knew that the captain had got rid of a player and was among the candidates looking for another, though he did not catch his name till several cried out to him to hurry. His time had come. He threw off his sweater, his face grew serious and determined, and taking a deep breath he ran after the captain, from among those who followed him with interest and curiosity or perhaps a bit of envy, yet with cordial "wish you lucks," to where the puffing men were making a great thing of their moment's respite. "This side-tackle." It was a position he had never trained for, but he thought of that or any want of experience there did not trouble him. From the farm he had brought a constitution that would not easily let him fail. He remembered he had not spared his strength till he made the football team at school, his Senior year, when the contest with the rival academy had not taken place, and there had been nothing definite to compare himself with, nothing except work to recompense him for the disappointment. It had been necessary to aim higher, so that he had kept on working, adding to his brawn. When he received his diploma no one in his class was as powerful as he, yet he continued to train. That last summer at home had rounded off the rough edges, and he had entered Harvard with a fixed ambition and a wonderful physique. So here at the commencement was his chance. It almost made him smile to know he had been thinking of hardly anything that day except this very moment; yet it had half taken him unawares. He must be equal to it now, and every muscle tingled to start in, every cell in his brain called into play. There was not long to wait. Center on the second eleven snapped the ball, the rush directed straight at the new man, and if it did not knock the feet from under him it startled him with its force and vehemence and swiftness. It was no longer school-boy practice. He must use his full strength, agility, the most latent faculty of mind, everything. The next rush also made at him, but intense and stimulated, he broke through the line and caught the runner; so with the third play, and as he threw the man for a loss the signaling in his direction ceased for a while. He was now fairly in the game and commenced noticing with a clearer eye— the opposite side always with the ball in order to shake the first eleven together, the desperate struggle with its trials and chagrins, the various situations which the close quarters made apparent to him and which the spectators only vaguely apprehended. There were the more or less open exchange of manly courtesies, the quickness of the formations, the heavy breathing, the surprising quietness about it all, the method and splendid system. Figures passed and [*17294*][*[attached to Moerdyke 11-1-01]*] In Van Tassel's Corral 177 upon my left, a gray streak shot out from cover of rocks, across his heels. It was the big wolf going like the wind. He passed directly under the noses of the foremost hounds. He looked saucily over his shoulder as though daring the pack to come on. Its two leaders slowed up, hair on end, and the prong-horn dropped into a draw and out of sight. Then seeing only the great wolf, halting his pace temptingly upon the ridge, the hounds bowled after him in a fresh and savage outcry. I threw up my hat and cheered and ran to a nearer point of vantage. The wolf's plain dare could not be misinterpreted. He had been listening to those dogs and watching the chase and, when the opportunity came, he had run boldly in to draw off the pack. After the first lightning dash he purposely slackened his pace and as plainly watched, with critical eye, the advance of the bellowing dogs. He could easily have outstripped them but disdained to run. At the foot of the breaks- some two hundred yards below me he allowed the foremost hound to overhaul him. And then I saw a sight! The big wolf now plainly showed his hand, or rather his teeth. He sprang sidewise as the hound leaped at him and fastened his teeth behind the animal's ear with a snap of electric quickness. Then with mighty, backward wrenches he jerked that howling dog after him until his keen fangs had cut their way through skin and muscle and left a gaping wound. This effective and expeditious handling took the sand out of the pack's leader who stood back and yelped with pain as the other five bowled in, one after another, and flung themselves at the quarry. Numbers made them fearless and, had they been fresh, the issue could scarce have remained long in doubt. Not for an instant did the great lupus waver or shrink from their fierce attack. He leaped among and over the dogs in big, lithe bounds, cutting their skins with his keen teeth, snapping right and left with an energy which, as I ran closer in, made his white fangs seem to show on all sides at once. Looking down upon the leaping canines, at the distance of a hundred yards, I could see distinctly every movement in this exciting fight, and I could hear plainly the click of the big wolf's teeth when he missed the skin of a dog. The wolf's activity was something tremendous, and yet he fought warily keeping outside every combined rush of the dogs. For fully five minutes the hounds rushed him, pluckily striving to fasten upon the lightning leaper and to bear him down. The fight swung, in a half circle, out upon the flat and then back upon the slope still nearer to my position. Plainly the hounds were tiring. All of them were cut and bloody. The wolf's jaws were literally red with gore. His activity never for an instant slackened, nor his wary watchfulness. And now, with rhythmic like precision, one after another of the hounds was snapped and, with a fierce muscular jerk, thrown rolling and sometimes end over end. Presently, when the hounds were fagging and seeking more to avoid his jaws than to fasten upon him, the wolf caught a big, woolly half-breed by the throat and sprang away, threshing the strangling brute upon the ground, and shaking the life out of it as I had seen him shake to death a tough but helpless marmot. This exhibition proved too much for their waning courage and joining helpless yelps with their leader the remainder of the pack, with tails drooping, fled away toward the shack. With a final, fierce lunge the great wolf jammed his victim upon the ground and finished the kill. Then, with either forefoot, as if quite disdaining the taste of dog, he cleaned his jaws of hair, and loped away among the breaks. My cheers accelerated his pace, and I could not refrain. I shouted until I was hoarse. By his own instinct, and in his animal way, that bold gray wolf had done a noble and heroic thing. He had thrown himself into the breach to save his friend and he had fought as a brave man fights, with skill and judgment, and like a Trojan. In justice to Alexander I must add that when he returned an hour or two later, and had heard my story, he nursed his wounded hounds and did not let the sun go down upon his wrath.Moerdyke, P., Chicago Ill., Nov.1, 1901. Encloses copy of [needed] entry made in the Church records of history of President Roosevelt's four visits to that church (Trinity Reformed Church,) to show the affectionate regard in which the President is held. [*?-? ?-2cx*] 17293 [*ca. 1-1-11*] THE DAY HE MADE THE 'VARSITY ELEVEN By Edward B. Bloss It was a bright afternoon and an early day of the football season, the grass a fading green, as yet little worn by the shoes and bodies of the players, and the ground still warm from the summer. In an area of about one-third the field the candidates practised catching and passing; all sorts of them, from the wiry schoolboy to the collegian almost a man, dressed in their togs of many colors, alert, energetic, ready for everything in the rough game to which they offered themselves. Among them was the new man - no ordinary one. He had come from his academy with a record, with a good chance sooner or later of getting on the 'varsity, quick and stocky, bright-eyed, shouting and laughing as he stood with the others in the ever-shifting circle, breathing the fresh air with a relish. He seemed more than willing, and he did his part as if he meant it. He was waiting his call. To some no trial would ever come, but they were hopeful, anxious for it, while often their glances wandered where their hearts were - the elevens advancing or retreating over the lines down by the further goal. "That will do for you." All heard the words, and all but one understood them; but the ball just then rolled in the direction of the new man, and he was after and on it like a flash. He only vaguely knew that the captain had got rid of a player and was among the candidates looking for another, though he didn't catch his name till several cried out to him to hurry. His time had come. He threw off his sweater, his face grew serious and deter- mined, and taking a deep breath he ran after the captain, from among those who followed him with interest and curiosity or perhaps a bit of envy, yet with cordial "wish you lucks," to where the puffing men were making a great thing of their moment's respite. "This side - tackle." It was a position he had never trained for, but the thought of that or any want of experience there did not trouble him. From the farm he had brought a constitution 17294 that would not easily let him fail. He remembered he had not spared his strength till he made the football team at school, his Senior year, when the contest with the rival academy had not taken place, and there had been nothing except work to recompense him for the disappointment. It had been necessary to aim higher, so that he had kept on working, adding to his brawn. when he received his diploma no one in his class was as powerful as he, yet he continued to train. That last summer at home had rounded off the rough edges, and he had entered Harvard with a fixed ambition and a wonderful physique. So here at the commencement was his chance. It almost made him smile to know he had been thinking of hardly anything that day except this very moment; yet it had half taken him unawares. He must be equal to it now, and every muscle tingled to start in, every cell in his brain called into play. There was not long to wait. Center on the second eleven snapped the ball, the rush directed straight at the new man, and if it did not knock the feet from under him it startled him with its force and vehemence and swiftness. It was no longer school- boy practice. He must use his full strength, agility, the most latent faculty of mind, everything. The next rush also made at him, but intense and stimulated, he broke through the line and caught the runner; so with the third play, and as he threw the man for a loss the signaling in his direction ceased for a while. He was now fairly in the game and commenced noticing with a clearer eye - the opposite side always with the ball in order to shake the first eleven together, the desperate struggle with its trials and chagrins, the various situations which the close quarters made apparent to him and which the spectators only vaguely apprehended. There were the more or less open exchange. of manly courtesies, the quickness of the formations, the heavy breathing, the sur- prising quietness about it all, the method and splendid system. Figures passed and In Van Tassel's Corral 177 upon my left, a gray streak shot out from cover of rocks, across his heels. It was the big wolf going like the wind. He passed directly under the noses of the foremost hounds. He looked saucily over his shoulder as though daring the pack to come on. Its two leaders slowed up, hair on end, and the prong-horn dropped into a draw and out of sight. Then seeing only the great wolf, halting his pace temptingly upon the ridge, the hounds bowled after him in a fresh and savage outcry. I threw up my hat and cheered and ran to a nearer point of vantage. The wolf's plain dare could not be misinterpreted. He had been listening to those dogs and watching the chase and, when the opportunity came, he had run boldly in to draw off the pack. After the first lightning dash he purposely slackened his pace and as plainly watched, with critical eye, the advance of the bellowing dogs. He could easily have outstripped them but disdained to run. At the foot of the breaks- some two hundred yards below me he allowed the foremost hound to overhaul him. And then I saw a sight! The big wolf now plainly showed his hand, or rather his teeth. He sprang sidewise as the hound leaped at him and fastened his teeth behind the animal's ear with a snap of electric quickness. Then with mighty, backward wrenches he jerked that howling dog after him until his keen fangs had cut their way through skin and muscle and left a gaping wound. This effective and expeditious handling took the sand out of the pack's leader who stood back and yelped with pain as the other five bowled in, one after another, and flung themselves at the quarry. Numbers made them fearless and, had they been fresh, the issue could scarce have remained long in doubt. Not for an instant did the great lupus waver or shrink from their fierce attack. He leaped among and over the dogs in big, lithe bounds, cutting their skins with his keen teeth, snapping right and left with an energy which, as I ran closer in, made his white fangs seem to show on all sides at once. Looking down upon the leaping canines, at the distance of a hundred yards, I could see distinctly every movement in this exciting fight, and I could hear plainly the click of the big wolf's teeth when he missed the skin of a dog. The wolf's activity was something tremendous, and yet he fought warily keeping outside every combined rush of the dogs. For fully five minutes the hounds rushed him, pluckily striving to fasten upon the lightning leaper and to bear him down. The fight swung, in a half circle, out upon the flat and then back upon the slope still nearer to my position. Plainly the hounds were tiring. All of them were cut and bloody. The wolf's jaws were literally red with gore. His activity never for an instant slackened, nor his wary watchfulness. And now, with rhythmic like precision, one after another of the hounds was snapped and, with a fierce muscular jerk, thrown rolling and sometimes end over end. Presently, when the hounds were fagging and seeking more to avoid his jaws than to fasten upon him, the wolf caught a big, woolly half-breed by the throat and sprang away, threshing the strangling brute upon the ground, and shaking the life out of it as I had seen him shake to death a tough but helpless marmot. This exhibition proved too much for their waning courage and joining helpless yelps with their leader the remainder of the pack, with tails drooping, fled away toward the shack. With a final, fierce lunge the great wolf jammed his victim upon the ground and finished the kill. Then, with either forefoot, as if quite disdaining the taste of dog, he cleaned his jaws of hair, and loped away among the breaks. My cheers accelerated his pace, and I could not refrain. I shouted until I was hoarse. By his own instinct, and in his animal way, that bold gray wolf had done a noble and heroic thing. He had thrown himself into the breach to save his friend and he had fought as a brave man fights, with skill and judgment, and like a Trojan. In justice to Alexander I must add that when he returned an hour or two later, and had heard my story, he nursed his wounded hounds and did not let the sun go down upon his wrath.The Day He Made the 'Varsity Eleven 179 dove and circled him, figures with torn suits and stockings and bursting shoes, tumbling and staggering, reaching frantically. Especially he saw the faces—tired and pained, never surrendering the purpose to resist or help; then eyes that seemed to reflect disaster, eyes that were cruel and exultant. It was all so fine, magnificent, the best thing he had ever known. He grew somewhat accustomed to his place. It was not so hard now for him to do it, and he knew he was doing it, but he felt none the less eager, wanting to do more. When the player opposite him twisted his ankle it astonished him to fine he was the tackle who had been well known in the line the year before, and the new man recalled that, as he went into the game a short time since, he had not even looked to see who it was against him. A cheer arose from the benches. He did not raise his eyes—would not do it, and this amounted almost to a superstition. His friends would be there, for they had come over with him; but he must not try to make out of any of their faces, must not glory in himself. He was only out there on the field trying, trying for the 'varsity. Next it seemed as if some of the players missed in order to let him have the credit of making the tackle. It was not easy to believe his strength was what it was, yet by degrees he thought he understood the cause. There could have been no better preparation than the country, and for the rocks he used to roll out of the pasture and all those trees he had hitched the oxen to, and dragged up the hill and split for the fence round the meadow, he could only feel glad as for something that had done him so much good. He realized presently the ball had got into his hands and he had gained five yards. There was a cheer, the end of which sounded like his name. That could not be possible. His name would sound rather strange after nine 'rahs, and as well as he could he put his mind on matters less immoderate. He kept blocking and tackling, tackling and blocking. He was getting through, getting through—something that had lived in his dreams all summer, longer than that, as long as he remembered about football. And down in his heart he experienced a relief, for the strain of waiting had passed in a whirlwind. Still he would not look up into the grand-stand. Now for the second time the quarter-back had come around as it to take the new man's measure. That only added to his caution among those cautious players. But the captain seemed always turned away, till at last as the day's acquisition to the team wormed himself out of a pyramid, minus part of his shirt from an extraordinary tackle, he ran over and patted him on the back. And he had something to ask him. "Show me how you do it ! How do you manage to break through like that?" "I don't know." He had thought for a second before he answered. The two resting teams regarded him. with wonder. "What! You don't know? Of course you do. Just tell me how you keep getting through the line !" He could not explain, but he would show the captain—and as he arose to his feet a moment afterwards the latter congratulated himself for getting off so easily. It was the machinery in the other's arms and chest; they were accountable for his work. When the elevens toed the mark again the tackle, who had been through a Yale game, changed his position to the opposing side. In a sense all dreaded this one, grimmer than the rest, brutal when he had to be. He would handle the new man, had been aching for the chance, and he laughed as on the first rush he blocked and held hime fast. It was different a minute later, for the runner was downed before he ever started with the ball; some one's courage must be tested. One might stand in the line as firmly as a tripod, move as resistless as an engine, and in spite of that his heart might not be right. Again the new man stopped the play, but as he passed the other stepped away and struck him. The new man tackled then came back with his chin in his fists. "Don't do that again. Do you hear? Don't try it again." He spoke quietly, and when the man who had been through a Yale game received the ball for a run he felt himself in an embrace that checked him utterly and brought him hard to the ground. That was all. The new man was there for football, not to get enraged; to be content to catch the player clean and low. He felt if he could prevail over the best of them without senseless violence that was the way he wanted to do it. [*17295*]180 The Day He Made the 'Varsity Eleven Time was called. Along with the tired teams he picked up his sweater and set off on a jog for the Carey Building, past the fast-emptying grand-stand that stood on his left with a thrilling picturesqueness, through the narrow gate and across the worn lane, till he found himself where he had never been before. He was there at last, inside of it—the place especially for the athletes of the university. The idea overjoyed him. In a twinkling he opened the locker they directed him to, and while he stripped they went after his street clothes to Hemenway Gymnasium. He was the first into the shower, wild to get into it, wild to get through, then out and drying himself, then hardly dried but very happy, with heart beating indescribably, returning to his locker. But before he could dress the rubbers were after him, and he has to take everything off, while they began to go over him, slapping his muscles and kneading them, sprinkling on the alcohol til his brown skin glowed again, talking to him all the time. Meanwhile others dropped in from the showers, some lame and hobbling, with strains and sprains and bruises, half wrapped in their long towels and waiting their turn. There was the fellow he had supplanted in the line that afternoon, one of his shoulders painted with iodine and a bandage round an ankle. He wanted to say a word to this one, who, however, only looked into the room and left without having his rub. Then others dropped in, those who seemed to have some authority or certain privileges, and they called him by his first name and said a great many things. He supposed they knew what they were talking about—he hardly understood. And perhaps it was quite right, but it all puzzled him. He turned around to get rid of it. There it was once more, only another feature. For behind the iron gratings of the windows, almost lost in the gathering dusk, he saw visages—small, nervous, darting, changing, reappearing; the town boys, the little hangers-on, with a faculty of passing on the word that a new man had been tried and not found wanting. They made him still more ill-at-ease, and it did not end with that. The fellows who worked up the news of the university for the Boston papers now beset him. He would need some introductory statement; they would publish anything he had to say. He tried to put them off. It was all ridiculous; they took the fun out of the whole afternoon; they—but he could stand it no longer. Snatching up his towel he bolted out of the room, breathing freer only when he reached his locker. Then in a jiffy he was dressed and running out, restless, almost in a fever to be somewhere else. "Be at the training table—six o'clock." It was the captain who followed him to the steps to tell him. The training table! He had not thought of that, and it was not immediately he could quiet himself. He had heard where "Bessie" Cotter's was, but not remembering exactly he asked a wondering Cambridge "townie" to point out where it was. Then, as it was still early, he retraced his steps toward Jarvis Field, the arena of his struggles that afternoon, lingering there a little while and later joining the others at Carey, starting through the evening shadows toward Oxford street, past the high bushes and through the fence at the vacant end of Holmes. And now more than anything else the silence of the men astonished him. He did not realize at once they were merely going over their mistakes in the practice that day, studying while they were fresh in the mind how to improve, mapping out new work and laying plans. Yet even as they neared the earring quarters their spirits lightened, and as he sat down with them it appeared that never was a crowd more cheerful, more wholesomely youthful, so cordial and laughing; not so much unlike the fellows of his acquaintance, not all machines, but human beings with their weaknesses and limitations. If any had grievance against his neighbor the field seemed the place for settlement. The very one whose position he had taken in the line was next to him, as friendly as the rest. The comradery of it all was splendid. He was the first to finish. At the door the captain stopped him long enough to tell him to be on hand at eight o'clock next morning in the college yard, and besides he would want him early on the field in the afternoon. Released with that he went out of the gate in a couple of bounds and walked off rapidly. They were going to teach him fine points of football, which delighted him, because he felt he would be able to give something for something. The cool air soon calmed him and he walked slower. He went by the rear of the HoldenThe Day He Made the 'Varsity Eleven 181 Chapel, for the street there was not much frequented at that hour, and he did not wish to risk meeting any of his friends. His legs seemed wonderfully elastic, his bath had evidently refreshed him so much, with that rub-down which was new to him. And then a strongwomen love came upon him—a love for the trees, because they were so still; a love for the very ground he was pressing with his feet, for it was part of Harvard; a love for everything and everyone. He wished he could see his mother for awhile to tell her of his fortune. "Great work, old man! Great work!" He had passed through the Square and reached Holyoke House, thinking he had run the gauntlet. But someone had been lying in wait to greet him; someone who pounced upon and thumped him on the back and shouted; then as his room-mate ascended the stairs with him he placed his arm proudly over the broad shoulders, and the four flights seemed hardly more than one, and his room opened before him like a palace, brilliant with only one jet lighted, ample in spite of its scant furniture and size. His friends soon commenced arriving. They were going to stay for just a moment, but somehow they remained. Some of them sat and looked at him without speaking, as if some magic held them back, and they were such talkers too! As well as he could he set them at their ease for in a manner he was beginning to comprehend. But at length the company dwindled to the little coterie that used to talk among themselves as brother to brother. The game that day, the game—at first it was nothing but that they had in mind. They had all been there and watched him; they seemed to remember every play. He was silent. It was fine enough to hear them, and with their words he grew more ambitious. The dread of the next practise, the fear of a fatal blunder which falls so heavily on a man after a day's success, the want of confidence to be able to do as well again, did not rise like a specter to sober him or make him restless. "We knew it was simply a question of your getting a trial," they said. "You were prepared and could not fail. But your experience is one in a thousand. The average fellow works through torture before he makes the team." "I hope all this will never change you from what you have been," observed one of the quiet ones. The new man shook his head. Nothing should spoil him, and he would try always to maintain the individuality by which they knew him, for what they had learned in him to depend on. He felt that no one had so many friends but he was better off with all of them. Then some started to joke him a little. They laughed over his old slouch hat, and they were sure they would see him in it forever —and particularly the sweater he liked to wear to the lecture room and about the college yard; the sweater with the letter on the left breast, where it ought to be. That brought them to a chaff that had a surer affection in it. He must never lose that laugh of hid that had never reached an enemy, that shout that would have made a general famous, that spirit one could hardly be five minutes with and not feel its merry way. "Why the university some day will be building gates to you," one cried, jocularly. There was more of this before they bade him an early good night. He was in training now, and they must not interfere with that. So talking and laughing, proud and fond of him, hoping that their words might indeed some true, they went away. But it was not time for bed. He sat down in the deep arm chair and thought of his friends proud and fond of them himself. It had been his day-he had begun; and be trusted they would have theirs too. It should be his aim to follow the course they thought best, nor should he disappoint them. He knew something of Harvard, the traditions and tendencies and temptations, which ones to embrace gallantly, which to grapple with and throw. Within him he felt new capacity to discriminate between good and evil. His heart began to be as big as the farm he came from. The farm—that was what had been the cause of his success, with its rising with the song bird, the steady work that had put good air into his lungs and muscle on his back. He fell to asking himself if what his friends had said were so; that he would not accept defeat as long as he was able to try again, that he had the winning spirit. Suppose he did become a football player, a great one, and suppose he—but he set that thought and others like it immediately aside, for he must not anticipate even possible [*17296*][*Enclosed in 11-1-01 Blass*] 182 The Real Banshee results of striving in the right direction. He had simply had a breath of what might come, so that there was much to learn. Trying harder would accomplish it, and that was his receipt. He would not go ahead with over-confidence, and yet he would not calculate to fail. Something, however, troubled him. If college was to make a man of him he wondered if athletics were the proper course. To give the best part of his energies to football might exhaust the wish to study; yet he felt the inclination to do both. Besides, training would keep him clean, the future continue the same as the past, when there was much that might have tempted him but for the thought of breaking the charm of a well-accorded physical condition; and there could hardly be a more wholesome education than that which kept the heart courageous and the body right. All this drew him further toward the future, to a something gloomy, sad. Suppose after fine work afield he should be cut down before he ever started on life's serious labor —then it might not have been worth while, this training, the self-sacrifices, the working down the channel of his purpose. Still at all events he believed he would have done as well as he could along these lines—he felt he understood himself well enough to believe that, and it comforted him. Harvard probably did not look for great men among her undergraduates; rather fortified youth in case the opportunity for greatness came later on, and it was the manly thing now for him to obey the pleadings of his physical life, confident it would be a means to an end, trusting for his reward. That was it, and he would explain it to his mother, because she must not think he was not making the most of his advantages. He got pen and paper and never stopped writing till he had told her everything. Then he ran down to the mail box, for she must receive the letter without fail next day, and returning with a lighter step softly opened and closed the door, so as not to wake his room-mate now asleep, undressed and put out the light. He stood for a moment at the window. If he could have looked into the future he might have seen out there in the night the stars that he loved shining down on a spot in the peaceful arms of the Charles, where one day there would be a famous work-and -play ground, with its gate commemorating the efforts of a Harvard man. THE REAL BANSHEE By Aloysius Coll Out there, on that old tree— Night's blackest wing— You sit and croak at me, Dark thing. I've heard poor singers try to sing, Poor players play; But never heard the poorest fling Their notes that way. Your voice, your word, I never heard Of anything Quite so absurd— Old bird! Now, cock your evil eye. It's always night In your black heart—that's why The white In other souls upsets your gaze And turns your head. I tell you, nightly bird, your ways— When all is said— Have sadly blurred The raven herd For all its days— So I've inferred— Old bird! I often look at you, On that old tree; You seem some ghost, you do, Some black Banshee, Set yonder, like a dismal star, A spirit dread, To curse me, living, from afar, And steal me, dead. Art waiting, so? Or just a low, Benighted bird— I'd like to know— Jim Crow?Intended for Von Mnns[?], Henry Romeike, 110 Fifth Avenue, New York. The First Established and Most Complete Newspaper Cutting Bureau in the World. From JOURNAL Address MILWAUKEE,WI Date Sep 12 1901 Roosevelt's Cousin Quits Noble Husband for Stage Miss Maude Roosevelt LeV[??] , a cousin of Vice-President Roosevelt, was married secretly at the City Hall in New York, in May, 1898, to Baron Mumm von Schwartzenstein, now minister from Germany to China. The baroness and he have separated, she has gone on the stage and is playing a small part in Don Caesar's Return at Wallack's 17297 Acknd UNITED STATES SENATE, COMMITTEE ON APPROPRIATIONS. To the President, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President:- I see that Senator Aldrich has been with you recently and that you have talked over some matters connected with next winter. I I had hoped to be able to leave here immediately after the election and spend a day in Washington and then return here and prepare for the winter in Washington, but that involves a long journey to Washington and back, and I am very anxious to avoid it if possible. So I think I could hasten my final departure from here if I could have say ten days or two weeks to get ready, although I do not know that it is important for me to see you at an earlier date than the one first indicated to me. I can see that you may have some difficulty as respects reciprocity, but your difficulty will not be as great as that of the Senate. It seems to me that the Dingley law having specially provided for reciprocity treaties, and the President having acted upon Section 4 of that law and negotiated these treaties under it, that it is the duty of the Senate to take them up and act upon them. If in view of the Senate they are not satisfactory they can be amended or rejected. It seems to me that good faith to other nations requires this. I alluded to this 17298Intended for Von Mnns[?], Henry Romeike, 110 Fifth Avenue, New York. The First Established and Most Complete Newspaper Cutting Bureau in the World. From JOURNAL Address MILWAUKEE,WI Date Sep 12 1901 Roosevelt's Cousin Quits Noble Husband for Stage Miss Maude Roosevelt LeV[??] , a cousin of Vice-President Roosevelt, was married secretly at the City Hall in New York, in May, 1898, to Baron Mirum[?] von Schwartzenstein, now minister from Germany to China. The baroness and he have separated, she has gone on the stage and is playing a small part in Don Caesar's Return at Wallack's 17297 Acknd UNITED STATES SENATE, COMMITTEE ON APPROPRIATIONS. To the President, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President:- I see that Senator Aldrich has been with you recently and that you have talked over some matters connected with next winter. I I had hoped to be able to leave here immediately after the election and spend a day in Washington and then return here and prepare for the winter in Washington, but that involves a long journey to Washington and back, and I am very anxious to avoid it if possible. So I think I could hasten my final departure from here if I could have say ten days or two weeks to get ready, although I do not know that it is important for me to see you at an earlier date than the one first indicated to me. I can see that you may have some difficulty as respects reciprocity, but your difficulty will not be as great as that of the Senate. It seems to me that the Dingley law having specially provided for reciprocity treaties, and the President having acted upon Section 4 of that law and negotiated these treaties under it, that it is the duty of the Senate to take them up and act upon them. If in view of the Senate they are not satisfactory they can be amended or rejected. It seems to me that good faith to other nations requires this. I alluded to this 17298 UNITED STATES SENATE, COMMITTEE ON APPROPRIATIONS. To the President, #2. subject somewhat at large in a speech I made at Tama, Iowa, recently, having two objects in view: first, to relieve the Senate from the imputation of having purposely refrained from considering the treaties; and secondly, to show that it would not do to expect too much from these treaties because of the difficulty in arranging them, and the cumbrous method by which they are to be finally agreed to in the two Houses. I enclose you herewith what I said upon this subject. This represents in a general way my view. There is a strong feeling in Iowa that something should be done in the direction of reciprocity, and I think what I have said is a mild reflection of the Iowa view. The fact that the law of '90 and of '97 contained reciprocal provisions, and that the platform of '92, '96, and 1900 proposed reciprocal treaties, make it incumbent upon the Senate to in some way deal with the treaties already made. If these are not in accord with the policy thus declared it will appear in the debates. You are relieved from the further initiation of new treaties because of the expiration of the two years under the law of 1897, but I do not think that the statute of limitations contemplated that the treaties made under it should be ratified and the necessary legislation passed within the period of two years, but that the President had two years to initiate these treaties' and after that no new ones should be made under the 17299 UNITED STATES SENATE, COMMITTEE ON APPROPRIATIONS. To the President, #3. statute. I congratulate you upon the solution of the isthmian canal problem, as I take it for granted a satisfactory treaty will be presented at an early day to the Senate as respects the canal. This also is a very important subject. I apologize to you in advance for sending a copy of what I have said on reciprocity, and you must not feel obliged to read all, or any of it, but in view of the importance of this subject in the public mind, I venture to send you my own reflections upon this subject. Very truly yours, WB Allison 17300For 1 enclosure see ca 10-15-01[*File PPF Pr*] COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK PRESIDENT'S ROOM Nov. 2, 1901. Mr dear Mr. President: I have your letter of Nov. 1st, relative to the confidential suggestion of four young me, and shall try within the next few days to find suitable persons to name to you. I shall see you on Monday evening at the Century between 9:30 and 10. Always sincerely yours, Nicholas Murray Butler To the President, White House, Washington, D. C. [*17301*][*PPF Pr*] The President's Account. To Geo. B. Cortelyou, Sec. October 22-24, 1901. Farmington. Gave Butler . . . . . . . . . . $5.00 and Servants . . . . . . . . . . 8.00 New Haven. Gave servants . . . . . . . . 12.00 On Train. Pullman Conductor . . . . . 5.00 Cook and two waiters . . . 9.00 $39.00 [*Paid, Nov. 2, 1901 Geo. B. Cortelyou.*] [*XYZ*] [*17302*]Ackd 11-7-1901 P.O. Box 2158. Litttle, Brown, & Company, 254 Washington Street, Boston. Publishers, Booksellers, and Importers of Law, and General Literature. November 2, 1901. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir: We have received from Messers. Sampson Low, Marston & Co., London, the proof sheets of your portion of the new volume of "The Royal Navy, a History," with instructions to have the type set here so that work may be copyrighted in this country. They have asked us to cooperate with them in the publication of the material in book form. We cabled them that your authority would be required for such publication, and we have received a letter from them, dated before our cablegram was sent, stating that they had written you upon the subject. We should of course be glad to publish the book in this country in the event of your authorizing its publication, and there being no objection upon the part of Messers. G.P. Putnam's Sons, the publishers of your earlier work upon the subject. Messrs. Sampson Low, Marston & Co. wrote that they had requested you to write us regarding your wishes in the matter. Awaiting your advices as to the same, we are Yours very truly, Little, Brown & Co. 17303Ackd 11-5-1901 wrote Secy. Navy Private United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. Nahant, Mass., Nov. 2, 1901. Dear Mr. President: I wish to ask your personal attention to the enclosed clipping from a newspaper. As you doubtless remember there was a great conflict over this question of the Observatory in the last Congress. The matter was thoroughly debated and discussed,and Congress decided to leave the Superintendent of the Observatory in the hands of a naval officer of the rank of Captain. It was the intention of Congress to have that question settled,and the Board of Visitors was not given any authority in the law creating it,as I remember,to enter on the long mooted question of taking the Observatory away from the Navy Department. If this paragraph is correct,they have gone beyond the intention of the law in making this recommendation, just as I think they have gone beyond the law in [making] exceeding the number of prescribed visits. I should be extremely sorry to see this question reopened. I am,as you know [??] warmly in favor of keeping the Superintendency [??] vatory in the Navy,although I very cordial [??] tablishment of the Board for the pur [??} suggesting improvements in the [??] 17304United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. tution. I write now to ask if it would not be possible for the Secretary to refrain this year from recommending the transfer of the Observatory to civilian control. You will understand, of course, that this question goes far beyond any personal interest I have in Captain Davis, whose services at the Observatory will of necessity shortly expire, but arises from my belief that it is much better that the institution should have a naval officer as its executive head. It does no good to the Observatory to have a fight in Congress over its control year after year, and as Congress passed upon it last year, after much debate, it seems to me that it would be reasonable to at least allow this system they have determined upon to have a fair trial. I take the liberty of laying these facts before you in confidence in case you should have any talk with the Secretary of the Navy in regard to it. I trust you will excuse my troubling you so far,and I should not do so had I not in time past discussed the matter fully with the Secretary of the Navy. As he already knows my views I think it would be just as well not to mention my name in connection with it. I have the honor to be, with the highest Sincerely yours, [*[H.C. Lodge]*] [*I am especially anxious in view of the probable contest over the increase of the Navy which is all important and to complicate this bill will open fights on side issues*] [*17305*]United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. tution. I write now to ask if it would not be possible for the Secretary to refrain this year from recommending the transfer of the Observatory to civilian control. You will understand, of course, that this question goes far beyond any personal interest I have in Captain Davis, whose service at the Observatory will of necessity shortly expire, but arises from my belief that it is much better that the institution should have a naval officer as its executive head. It does no good to the Observatory to have a fight in Congress over its control year after year, and as Congress passed upon it last year, after much debate, it seems to me that it would be reasonable to at least allow this system they then determined upon to have a fair trial. I take the liberty of laying these facts before you in confidence in case you should have any talk with the Secretary of the Navy in regard to it. I trust you will excuse my troubling you so far, and I should not do so had I not in time past discussed the matter fully with the Secretary of the Navy. As he already knows my views I think it would be just as well not to mention my name to him in connection with it. I have the honor to be,with the highe Sincerely yours, [*[H.C. Lodge]*] [*I am especially anxious in view of the probable contest over this increase of the Navy which is all important and to complicate this bill with open fights on side issues*] [*17305*]For 1 enclosure see ca Hay 1901[*Personal Ackd 11-5-1901*] [[shorthand]] 120 Broadway New York Nov. 2nd, 1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President:- The Bank Directors, who had under consideration the appointment of Mr. Bidwell as President, have finally acted by electing Mr. Edwin Gould, one of the members of the Board and a very large stockholder to this position. This decision was not at all adverse to Mr. Bidwell but because of the peculiar circumstances of the Bank, the Directors concluded to elect a President from among their own number. Faithfully yours, John J. McCookI have to take the place of my mother as I am the eldest of the children and it is quite a responsibility for a girl of sixteen years old. When I read the paper about our President; I often think what a lovely family you must have, as you have six children the same as papa, three boys and three girls. I hope papa will bring me to Washington some day so that I will be able to have the pleasure of shaking hands with your Excellency in the White [*[11-2-01]*] [*Ackd PPF*] MFM Lowville, Lewis Co. N. Y. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt; President of the United States, Washington, D. C. Mr. President:- Dear Sir, I hope you will not think me too presumptuous in addressing you, but my little brothers, sisters and myself feel so happy to think that you have succeeded our beloved President William McKinley. As sorry as we felt for his death, we are happy to think that you [*17307*]Lewis Co., N.Y. I would not part with it for anything in the world. It hangs in our parlor and I have pinned this inscription on it,, "The flag I waved when Theodore Roosevelt stepped out of his carriage and became our guest," September 15,1899." How happy my mother would be if she were living to know that you are the President of the United States, but before she died she often said that you would some day be President. We are now living at our house in Lowville and I attend the Lowville Academy are the President of the United States. I intended to write you this congratulation some time ago but owing to the sickness and final demise of my dear grand mother, Mrs. Mary Flynn, I was forced to delay. You cannot imagine how happy we feel that we can say you visited our home. I have the flag which I waved to you when you stepped out of the carriage and walked up to our veranda after you had delivered an address on the Fair ground in Lowville, 17308MFM House, the same as I had when I was the first little girl who shook hands with you after you received the nomination for Vice- President at the National Convention at Philadelphia. I earnestly hope you will be successful in all your undertakings, and live a long life so that you may see 17309all your children blessed with prosperity and happiness, I remain Respectfully, Mae F. March Saturday, November second nineteen hundred and one. 17310Washington, D. C. November 2, 1901. To the President: Sir: Before deciding adversely my claim for promotion I appeal to your sense of justice that you will examine my record as stated by my commanders, and filed with my application of March 17, 1897 now in the War Department. I also beg that you call on General MacArthur for a written statement of his interview with President McKinley about three days before the assassination, so far as that interview concerns me. It was my hope to enclose a copy of such a statement with this letter as I did that of General Bates, in my letter of October 5th to yourself on the same subject, but General MacArthur declines to give it in writing to me, saying it might injure or defeat his plans, but says he will do so after my retirement - i.e. after my plans are defeated. I also enclose and ask your attention to a copy of my letter of April 13th to President McKinley, without the enclosures - this to show my efforts to obtain field service, and the work actually done. Very respectfully, Your obedient servant, H C Merriam Brig. Genl. U. S. A. [*17311*] 17311[*Conn.*] [*ackd 11/4/1901*] [*PPF*] Wallingford, Ct. Nov 2nd 1901 Pres Theo Roosevelt Washington D. C. Dear Sir. I see by the New York Papers you have not desided on a pair of Horses. Allow me to describe a a team I have. They are Black with fine mains and long tails. 3/4 Brother by Sister Mares & the same Horse are as fine still & carrage as horse can be. five years old last spring, and a perfect match. Weight 2300. lbs. (Hackney Morgans) was raised by Wm. Althouse Phoenixville Pa. Broke to Cars Electric & Steam, not afraid of anything. If their description suits I would like to hear from you. Respy A. M. Morse. [*17312*]PP7 Ackd The Minnesota Club. Saint Paul. November 2. My dear Mr President, Let me thank you very earnestly for my appointment to Russia. It was particularly thoughtful and kind of you to remember my special preference and to give me the one place I have always wanted above all others--and for which you backed me, eight years ago, to Josiah Quincy. With kind regards to Mrs Roosevelt and the children whom I hope soon to see--believe me always Yours sincerely J.W. Riddle 17313[*ackd 11/6/1901*] [[shorthand]] COAL, WOOD and CEMENT. J. L. VAN NATTA & COMPANY, WHOLESALE and RETAIL SEWER PIPE, FIRE BRICK, Etc., Etc. OFFICE—Corner First and Columbia Sts. YARDS—At Crossing of L. E. & W. R'y and 2nd St. LaFayette, Ind., Nov 2 1901 Secretary Cortelyou Washington D. C. [*ppF*] Dear Sir: Learning that the President is in the market for a team I write to give you a description of one I have that I think would fill his requirements as I understand them. They are grey mares six and seven years old match very close. Sound except splints. They have excessive knee action fine style best of conformation good manners [*17314*]COAL, WOOD and CEMENT. J. L. VAN NATTA & COMPANY, WHOLESALE and RETAIL SEWER PIPE, FIRE BRICK, Etc., Etc. OFFICE—Corner First and Columbia Sts. YARDS—At Crossing of L. E. & W. R'y and 2nd St. LaFayette, Ind., and speed They are breed in the purple. I will sell them cheap for the kind — $2000 Would they interest the President? Respectfully yours J. L. Van Natta. [*17315*][[shorthand]] 71 East 82nd St. New York. November 2, 1901. My dear Ansley: - I have just received a letter from Taft, of which the following is a copy: "Manila, P.I., Sept. 24, 1901. Marrion Wilcox, Esq., New York City. My dear Marrion: I have your kind letter of the 22nd of June, and have read your article in the May "Forum" with a great deal of pleasure. It touched a point in which of course we take a great deal of interest here. General MacArthur and the coterie that surrounded him resented the coming of the Commission and never sympathized with its work in reality. Because of his attitude our difficulties have been much increased. This I say to you in a confidential way, because one of the difficulties inherent in the matter is the necessity of our saying nothing on the subject. If you will read his report, only sketches of which I have seen, down to the Fourth of July, you will find an effort in every way to ignore and belittle the work of the Commission; but I fancy that the facts cannot escape the attention of the American people and Congress, and that we shall get the credit which we deserve, whether it be little or great. Such articles as yours serve to assist in reaching a just conclusion in respect to the matter. You speak of a willingness to come to the Philippines. As I recollect it, you speak Spanish fluently and can read and write it. For what salary would you be willing to come? There is no position I have in mind at present, but the government is expanding and there are possibilities of our needing you. With warm regards, my dear Marrion, Sincerely yours, Wm. H. Taft." The reference to MacArthur is confidential only in the sense that I should not let it be published, and the letter as a whole has its place properly in my correspondence with you. I send you the copy without delay, though I shall be too busy for several days - perhaps a week - to follow up this matter. Last night I did not go to bed at all. My present idea is that President Roosevelt should know that I want to have my chance at a province, say, in the Philippines, that's regarded as a particularly tough proposition; that I don't ask Taft to find it for me, but to send for me if he has a job that the other fellows won't or can't undertake; and that meantime i want to go to South America on that errand or mission (call it what you will) I spoke to you about. that thing must be done by somebody, and I can be trusted to do it better than a man who has not suggested it himself. It's like the editorial principle I have learned; that the right fellow to contribute an article is the fellow who suggests it. The President probably does not know how destitute of information we are - I mean about South and Central America. It would be (over) [*17316*]a kindness, and it's almost a duty, to put him on his guard - to start an inquiry, anyhow. Greetings and love to Grace, Nina and Frances. Yours affectionately, Marrion Wilcox. Ansley Wilcox, Esq., Buffalo, N.Y. [*"Memoirs of an American Lady, with Sketches of Manners & Scenery in America as they Existed previous to the Revolution" By Mrs Anne Grant- ([?] Appleton & Co- 1846- & New Ed-*]HOTEL NORMANDIE McPHERSON SQUARE WASHINGTON, D.C. 3:40 P.M. Nov. 2/01. My dear Colonel Gauger: My reception was cordial and frank, and I am delighted with the President--Mr. McLean has just directed me to write of Mr. Roosevelt, that he is intelligent, honest and equal to his surroundings--This I will do upon my return from Boston, and will ask you to do me the favor to read the matter before it is sent out for publication. I cannot thank you enough for your attentions to me, but if being a devoted and earnest, loyal friend to the President will be some 17317return for your kindness, you may feel that I am all of that. He is as large as his office, and will make a distinct mark upon the history of his country. Again thanking you for your kindness, I am Your friend J.H. Woodard [Enc in "You may be..." 11-7-01]NAVAL OBSERVATORY VISITORS. Had a Conference With Secretary Long This Morning. The members of the board of visitors of the naval observatory were at the Navy Department this morning and had a conference with Secretary Long in regard to the plans under consideration for improving the service at the observatory by the transfer of its administration to civilian scientists. The report of the board of visitors will be submitted to the Secretary of the Navy for transmission to Congress. Secretary Long said this morning that it would be premature at this time to discuss the matter for publication. [*17318*] ALLISON AT TAMA Iowa's Distinguished Senator on the Issues. Reciprocity and Related Questions Fully Considered. Election in Iowa This Year is Unusually Important. Tama, Ia., Oct. 15.—Senator William B. Allison gave a large audience at the republican rally tonight his views on those questions of domestic and foreign policy which are now in the public mind and are expected to receive attention at the next session of congress. He exhaustively considered our future trade relations with the world and in this connection the tariff, reciprocity, the merchant marine and the proposed isthmian canal and our future relations with Cuba, Porto Rico and the Philippines, his conclusion being that wise legislation upon these matters would give us the larger markets we must have for the products of our fields and factories. Senator Allison spoke as follows: The Nation's Sorrow. It is a pleasure to me to have the opportunity to meet so many of the citizens of Tama county and vicinity with a view to considering public questions of interest in our state and country. We meet under the shadow of a great tragedy which took from us President McKinley, who for more than four years had carried us safely through many unforeseen national troubles, and who during all the period was a wise, just and able ruler over our destiny, who in every relation endeared himself to all the people so that his loss became a personal one throughout the country, and was mourned abroad as a loss of mankind. Under his guidance, and under wise and beneficent laws, our financial and industrial situation wholly changed during this period of a little more than four years. When he took the oath of office our country, in its industries and in the occupations of the people was in sore distress. When he was cut down in the midst of his usefulness, prosperity had been completely restored everywhere, and contentment everywhere prevailed. No man who ever held the presidential office during its occupancy was more honored, respected and revered than was William McKinley, unless we except George Washington and Abraham Lincoln and his name will always be cherished and chronicled in the annals of our time as conspicuous for his gentleness, kindness, wisdom, justice and ability in dealing with the great affairs and events pressed for consideration and solution during his chief magistracy. President Roosevelt. Fortunately for the country his successor is well known to the people, his life has been a strenuous one. He steps into the great place with a well-trained intellect, with an honest and earnest purpose to do right as God gives him to see the right, with high capacity for public affairs derived from a large and diversified experience in dealing with public questions and measures and men, and with a high resolve to fill the great office so as to promote and secure the welfare of his country and countrymen. He will give to us a good, clean, intelligent and patriotic administration. We can trust him to the uttermost, and should give him hearty and earnest support. The State Election. The approaching election is an important one as respects our state, and no less important as respects our national affairs. We elect a governor and other officers—all having important functions to perform in the conduct of our state affairs. We elect a general assembly to make our laws amending those needing amendment, and substituting new ones for those now existing where substitution if required. The legislature elects two senators to represent the state in the United States senate, one to fill the vacancy created by the death of the late Senator Gear, and now held by Senator Dolliver under appointment from the governor, the other for the term beginning March 4th, 1903. A Splendid Ticket. Our candidate for governor has the respect, esteem and confidence of the people of the state, and will bring to the office high capacity and integrity and large experience and knowledge of the needs of the state. The other candidates highly esteemed citizens having large experience and training for the several places assigned to them. That each and all will intelligently and faithfully do their work goes without saying. Our legislative tickets are strong throughout the state. Able men have been nominated in the several representative and senatorial districts, and it cannot be doubted that the republicans will have a majority in both houses of the general assembly, nor can it be doubted that wise laws will be enacted for the promotion of the welfare of the state, and that the general assembly will seek to equalize burdens and benefits as respects the various interests of the state as nearly as practicable if it shall appear that such burdens and benefits are not now upon a fair equality. Prosperous Iowa. The people of our state were never more content than now, were never more prosperous than now—all have opportunity to work and produce, either for remunerative wages, or in the creation of products that find a ready sale at prices producing a reasonable profit. Our schools and our colleges are overflowing with young men and women of our state seeking a higher education. Our agriculture, the chief interest, is in a satisfactory condition. The value of our farms is constantly increasing; our factories and shops are increasing their products, and new factories are being erected throughout the state. Our savings are greater than ever before, as shown by the constantly increasing deposits in our banks. We have an abundant supply of money with which to market our crops and transact our business, and all of it of the best and exchangeable at any time for what is known as the money of the world. The public affairs of our state have been so well conducted that our opponents in their platform given silent approval of the administration of Governor Shaw and the conduct of the party generally as respects our state affairs. And a Prosperous Nation. If we extend our vision beyond the state so as to include the whole country we find favorable conditions everywhere [*17319*]ALLISON AT TAMA (continued from First Page) where, though few of the states are so fortunate as Iowa as respects the comforts enjoyed by the great body of the people, but prosperity prevails everywhere. This prosperity is seen by the enormous increase of our products, whether of the farm, the factory and the workship, or our mines and forests—all these contributing to the increase of products and to the rapid and large increase of wealth. So that no nation in the world creates as many useful things as does the United States to met the necessities, comforts and luxuries of modern life. And no nation, unless it be Great Britain, has more wealth than the United States, nor is there anywhere such an equal distribution of wealth among all the people. Ours is the best market in the world. Our general condition is such that we consume more of the necessities, comforts and luxuries of life than do any like number of people anywhere on the face of the globe. The intelligence of our workers, the inventive genius of our people, skillfully and industriously applied to our various productions and occupations, have wrought out the wonderful success we have achieved, aided by our marvelous and inexhaustible natural resources. Our comparatively fertile soil has immensely expanded our agriculture, our inexhaustible mines of coal, iron and copper and other metallic substances, have been wonderful aids in developing our manufacturing industries, and our mines of the precious metals have for many years annually poured into the lap of the money circulation of the world increased quantities of gold and silver. All these forces have been guided by the wise policies of our national government, and largely wrought out through the legislative and administrative measures of the republican party. Protection and Sound Money. The two most important of these may be designated as the policy of protection, and that of sound money, the first giving protection to American industry and labor whereby they had the advantage of the struggle for the control of our own market with like industries and labor in other countries until now our industries are on a firm basis, whereby we substantially produce at home, or can do so, with our own capital and skill, and our own well paid labor, all the great articles of consumption needed at home, and also produce many of these things in sufficient quantity and at prices which enable us to enter into the competition of foreign markets. so that our exports of manufactured products have largely increased, and for the last two years 32 per cent. of them all have been manufactured goods fabricated in our own factories and shops by well-paid American labor. No Protection for Monopoly. So that it must be said that the policy of protection is firmly imbedded in our system, and is not likely to be changed. I do not mean to say that our duties and our rates of duty upon imported articles are not to be changed. I only mean to say that when they are changed they will be so changed that we will still have an advantage as respects our own markets over those in other countries who produce the same or like articles. These duties and rates of duty, ought to be changed from time to time as conditions change in our country and in the countries to which we must look for an expanding and increasing market abroad, and also for the benefit of consumers of these products in our country whereby, if monopolies are created, they can be checked and reasonable prices only exacted. Our experience in the past has shown changes in rates of duty to be necessary, and they have been frequently made. But this policy of protection alone could not have enabled us to achieve the great prosperity we enjoy had it not been accompanied with the policy of sound money with which to measure the value of all our products and of all our labor. Our Financial Policy. During the last twenty-two years, amidst all perturbations and changes, the republican party, by law, and by administrative effort, has kept our money on a sound and stable basis, so that everything bought and sold or exchanged has been bought, sold and exchanged upon the equivalence of gold in the world's exchanges and if we could place on a blackboard, or map, the progress and development of our country, we would see that these twenty-two years have been the most remarkable in our history. Four years of this period should be excepted during which our industries were disturbed by legislation adverse, but our money standard during this time was preserved by action of President Cleveland. so that now under republican policies we have an ample supply of metallic and paper money, the latter issued in various forms by the government directly in the form of gold certificates, silver certificates and green-backs and treasury notes, or indirectly by means of national bank notes, each and all convertible at any time into gold, thus giving us a circulation larger than that of any other country reaching $28.50 per capita with ample reserve for the protection of all of it. So that industrially and financially we are upon a sound and stable basis, and will keep so indefinitely if we can avoid undue speculation and undue expansion of credit. Our financial system is now thoroughly imbedded in our laws as also in the confidence of the people, and it is only here and there and now and then that it is criticised, and it may be certain that it is so secure that in the future of our country no great party will assail it. It is, of course, difficult after so fierce a contention to give up cherished theories, so that it is probable that this year in Iowa, and in few other states, the voters will for the last time have an opportunity, under the direction of a party platform, to cast their votes for a standard of money unstable and fluctuating in value, which, if it had been adopted at any time, would have brought disaster to our country and distress to our people. Combinations and Trusts. From what I have said it must be seen that the general condition of our country is a prosperous one; that our farmers by means of improved processes and methods are constantly increasing the products of the farm, and that they are finding remunerative markets for these products at home and abroad; that our factories as a rule are working to their full capacity giving employment to labor at fairly remunerative wages; that our shops are busily engaged in fabricating things for the consumption of our people; that our mechanics are all busy in building, repairing, improving and decorating our business places and our homes; that our railroads are busy in transporting things from the place of production to the place of consumption, and that they are enjoying increased earnings, which are largely being used in reconstructing, repairing and expanding their facilities for handling their rapidly increasing trade. Yet with all these favorable conditions there is complaint that many of our industries are not in satisfactory condition because of consolidations and combinations of special industries with a view to establishing in them a monopoly whereby production can be controlled and thereby prices unduly advanced to the consumers in our own country and undue profits realized at their expense. This is a menace, and in cases [*17320*] it is a reality, and wherever and whenever it is shown to exist the legislative power of congress and of the several states should be invoked for the removal of the monopoly, or its minimization. The laws now existing should be strengthened where possible and in every way possible and all parties should unite to apply every available effective remedy to that end within reach of legislation or administration. There are many other things suggested as important to be done by congress and by the several states to retain the prestige we now have and to increase and expand our markets at home and abroad. Reduce Internal Revenue Taxes. During the three years ending in 1897 we had had a constant and continuing deficit in our treasury, our expenditures being largely in excess of our receipts. I will not discuss now the reasons for this deficit, and the causes that led to it. It is enough to say that it was expected by those who framed and passed what is known as the Dingley bill, that the revenue derived from that source and from other existing sources would be sufficient to stop the deficit and to meet our increasing expenditures, and this would probably have been true but for the war with Spain. That war appearing, and with it the necessity for largely increased expenses for the national defense, it was though necessary not only to borrow $200,000,000, but also to supplement our existing internal revenue laws by a large addition to our internal taxes. These additions yielded in round numbers about $100,000,000 of additional revenue. It was supposed that this revenue might be necessary in order to maintain an army sufficient to pacify Cuba and to put down the insurrection in the Philippines and maintain our authority there and also to supply the necessary means to enlarge our navy as proposed by the various acts of congress increasing the navy. The army bill authorized the president to organize an army of 57,000 men, and to increase it to 100,000 should necessity require. With these uncertain conditions as to the amount likely to be expended, when the tax reduction of last year took place, after consultation with the various departments having these expenditures to make, it was thought unsafe to reduce these additional revenue taxes more than about $40,000,000. But the new army was organized on a less basis than that of 100,000 enlisted men, and through the wise administration of Mr. Root, secretary of war, arrangements have already been made to reduce the army to a total of about 76,000 men, or an army of less than 70,000 enlisted men, the effect of which will be to reduce our annual expenses for the army. The expenditures for our new navy and for its maintenance are not likely to be as great as was anticipated a year ago. Because of the conditions of the country our revenues since the 1st of July have so continued notwithstanding the reduction of $40,000,000 taking effect on that day, that for the first quarter ending on the 30th of September our income has been seventeen millions and a half greater than our expenditures as compared with only one million a year ago, and notwithstanding the reduction made in internal revenue our receipts for the last quarter from that source have only been a little more than one million less than for the like quarter last year. At the same rate of expenditure and upon the same scale of receipts, our surplus at the end of this year would be $68,000,000. It is probable that this surplus will not be so great, but unless in the meantime great changes shall take place in the business of the country, it is probable that our surplus for the current year will be considerably in excess of $50,000,000, unless new enterprises shall be undertaken by the government requires large expenditure. Therefore it may be found necessary at an early day to in some way reduce taxation. The necessity for reduction of taxation always brings forward plans and purposes of a more or less selfish character. It is always easier to place tax burdens on our neighbors than to voluntarily assume them ourselves. But to those having the responsibility of dealing with these questions they are always found difficult to solve and always require much care and time in order that the minimum of injustice may be done and the maximum of justice attempted. The simplest and probably the best method will be found in a still further reduction of these additional internal revenue taxes. This question, I have no doubt, will be carefully considered in the light of needed appropriations as shown by the estimates and reports of the secretary of the treasury and of the other departments making these expenditures, and congress may be trusted to deal with these questions carefully and patiently and as wisely as possible under the circumstances. Our Foreign Trade. Aside from the question of revenue and although our internal commerce is great and rapidly increasing, and our external commerce large and constantly expanding, various measures are proposed, and will be pressed for the further extension and expansion of our foreign trade in our own interest. The two methods most discussed are the extension of our merchant marine and the making of treaties of reciprocity. And by some also it is suggested that our tariff laws should be revised on lines more liberal to foreign countries. All agree that something should be done to restore our merchant marine at least to the relative position it held before 1880. But the methods for accomplishing this hitherto proposed, are widely divergent and cannot be discussed now. We have already a limited subsidy given as compensation for carrying the mails. It is insisted that this is inadequate as respects certain lines and wholly worthless in many directions, especially where it is of great importance to extend our trade. Various bills have been reported from the proper committees of the two houses of congress on the subject but defects have been disclosed in all of them. The republican party is committed to some measure to revive our shipping, but to no particular measure. I have no doubt the subject will again be considered fully by congress and it is honed that some feasible and practical plan will be agreed to effect the purpose. Reciprocity. The question of reciprocity as a means of extending our foreign trade is most discussed in the press and in the country, and a new impetus has been given to the discussion in all its phases because the policy was emphasized by President McKinley in his late address at Buffalo the day before his assassination, which, being his last public utterance, is now regarded as a precious legacy to the American people. In his address President McKinley says that "reciprocity is the natural outgrowth of our wonderful industrial development under the domestic policy now firmly established." And in connection with this utterance he states the means and conditions whereby reciprocity should be accomplished, namely, that "what we produce beyond our domestic consumption musthave a vent abroad. The excess must be relieved through a foreign outlet, and we should sell everywhere we can, and buy wherever the buying will enlarge our sales and productions, and thereby make a greater demand for home labor. "If, perchance, some of our tariffs are no longer needed for revenue, or to encourage and protect our industries at home, why should they not be employed to extend and promote our markets abroad?" President Roosevelt in his Minneapolis speech made only three days before favored the same policy, and practically named the same conditions, saying: "We have got to remember that our first duty is to our own people, and yet that we can get justice best by doing justice. We must continue the policy that has been so brilliantly successful in the past, and so shape our economic system as to give every advantage to the skill, energy and intelligence of our farmers, merchants, manufacturers and wage earners; and yet we must also remember, in dealing with other nations, that benefits must be given when benefits are sought. Through treaty or by direct legislation it may, at least in certain cases, become advantageous to supplement our present policy by a system of reciprocal benefit and obligation. Thus almost simultaneously our lamented president and his successor favored the policy of reciprocity, and stated identical conditions through which it would be achieved. A brief review of the history of efforts in this direction will show what has already been done, and in connection with that history we may consider the natural and essential means whereby this policy can be utilised and extended. It has been specially under consideration since the passage of the Dingley law in 1897. The Pending Treaties. In pursuance of this law, and as authorized by it, President McKinley negotiated several treaties, none of which have as yet been ratified by the senate. The senate has been criticised because of failure to ratify these treaties, or any of them, and it has been said that they have been practically ignored by the senate. It is true that these treaties have not been considered by the senate, but they have been considered by the committee on foreign affairs of the senate, and some of them, if not all of them, have been reported upon favorably. I have no doubt there will be opposition to some of the details of certain of the treaties. Probably the most criticism will be upon the French treaty, and the one with the Argentine Republic, but thus far there has been no attempt on the part of the senate to suppress these treaties, or to unnecessarily postpone their consideration. Like many other important public questions their consideration was postponed during the last congress for want of time to consider them and also consider other pressing matters that could not be delayed or postponed during the long session of the last congress. This was also true as respects the short session. Many important measures were postponed during the long session and were pressed forward during the short session, being considered of supreme importance. Some of these after partial consideration had to be postponed to consider the appropriation bill and measures relating to Cuba and the Philippines—all these requiring consideration during that session and could not be postponed without creating a necessity for an extra session of congress which all wished to avoid. It was well known in official circles that the time for the ratification of these treaties could be extended, and the state department secured an extension until October 1902, thereby giving the present congress ample opportunity to consider them and enact the necessary legislation to carry them into effect. I am sure these treaties will be taken up at an early day in the senate and fully considered and disposed of favorably or adversely. This question of reciprocity is not a new one in our country. It was specifically approved in the national republican platform of 1892 following the reciprocity provisions in the tariff act of 1890, and again in 1896 and in 1900. This policy had the sanction of the republican party in congress and of republican presidents and secretaries of state and one of the measures necessary to expand and extend our foreign market for years before it found a lodgment in any republican national platform. In 1880 in the senate a measure was proposed providing for an international American conference to be held in Washington to consider among other things the feasibility of more intimate trade relations through treaty arrangements with the states of this continent south of us. In 1881 President Garfield, through Mr. Blaine, his secretary of state, and with his advice, without the action of congress previously had called an international American conference, and extended an invitation to all the states and countries of this continent south of the United States to meet at Washington with a view of establishing closer trade relations with each other and to devise measures to secure the peace and prosperity of all the states on the American continent, and also to provide a plan of arbitration of difficulties arising between any of those states, and to consider such other measures as would tend to bring these countries into closer relations with each other. After the death of President Garfield, President Arthur coming into power doubted the authority or at least the policy of the executive taking this step until congress should make the necessary provisions for the conference when it should convene, so he submitted the question to congress for its consideration and also withdrew the invitation extended by his predecessor until congress should take affirmative action on the subject. During this congress no action along this line was taken, although several bills were introduced on the subject looking to such a conference, or providing for the appointment of a commission to make an investigation of the trade relations with these countries. None of these bills were passed during that congress. The Grant Commission. On the 7th of August, 1882, in the consular and diplomatic appropriation bill there was inserted a paragraph authorizing the appointment of a commission to negotiate a commercial treaty with Mexico, and appropriating $20,000 to pay the expenses incident thereto. General Grant was made chairman of the commission, and executed a favorable reciprocity treaty with Mexico, admitting into Mexico free of duty several important articles produced in the United States, which at the time of the treaty were subject to a heavy duty. This treaty, however, provided for the admission into the United States free of duty all sugars not above 16 Dutch standard, and of all unmanufactured tobacco produced in Mexico. These two items in the treaty made it objectionable to the sugar and tobacco growing interests in our country, although at that time very little of either was produced in Mexico. Notwithstanding these objections it was ratified by the senate, receiving the necessary two-thirds' majority, but before it could become effective, legislation by congress was necessary to carry it into effect. A bill was introduced into the house of representatives to provide for the execution of the treaty and referred to the committee on ways and means. The committee made a favorable report through Mr. Hewitt, of New York, the house being then democratic, but it failed to pass, though warmly supported by leading democrats. Thus this treaty, valuable to the United States and Mexico, failed by the non-action of the house of representatives. So that during the Forty-seventh congress, with the exception I have stated, no action was taken. The subject was immediately renewed in December, 1883, at the beginning of the Forty-eighth congress, which was largely democratic, and many bills were introduced both in the house and senate. One of these bills was introduced by Senator Cockrell, of Missouri, and referred to the committee on foreign affairs. The committee referred the bill to Secretary Frelinghuysen, then secretary of state, who made a full reply in 1884. His argument pointed directly to reciprocity as a necessity in case duties were greatly lowered, or entirely removed, on the products of these countries, and stated that in his judgment the true plan would be to make a series of reciprocity treaties with the states of Central and South America. All these bills failed to pass during that congress, but the question was again dealt with in the consular and diplomatic appropriation bill which was passed on the 7th of July, 1884, providing for "three commissioners to be appointed by the president by and with the advice and consent of the senate." The commissioners were appointed and directed to ascertain the best mode of securing more intimate international and commercial relations between the United States and the several countries of Central and South America, and for that purpose they were required to visit such countries in Central and South America as the president might direct. This commission visited nearly all the countries south of us, and made an elaborate report which was transmitted by the president to congress on February 13, 1885, and printed as Executive Document No. 236. This report stated very fully and clearly the impediments to be removed in order to increase our trade with these countries, and suggested among many other things the importance of reciprocal trade relations with them. Following this report debates on this subject were continued in both houses. Pan-American Conference. In February, 1886, Senator Frye, of Maine, introduced a bill providing for an American international conference at Washington to assemble on the 1st of October, 1887, to consider measures looking to the peace and prosperity of the nations assembled, and among other things to consider the feasibility of an American customs union. This bill and similar bills were discussed in both houses through the 49th congress and again in the fiftieth, and on the 24th day of May, 1888, a law was passed on the subject. The senate was then republican and the house democratic. This law provided for a conference to be held in 1889 at Washington, and one of the things provided for was that it should recommend such measures as would encourage such reciprocal commercial relations "as will be beneficial to all and secure more extensive markets for the products of each of the said countries." An appropriation of $75,000 was made to execute its provisions, and in pursuance of this law the conference was called to meet at Washington on the 1st day of October, 1889. It convened on that day under the leadership of Mr. Blaine, then secretary of state, who was made president of the conference, and it continued its sessions until April, 1890. This conference discussed many subjects and made many valuable recommendations, among others, with practical unanimity, a recommendation for reciprocal trade relations. This question of reciprocal trade in the conference was considered urgent and imminent, and the members of the conference were puzzled somewhat to find an easy method of securing early consideration of the subject. The McKinley bill of 1890 was in the last stages of consideration in the house and was about to be sent to the senate. It was suggested that a proper provision might be inserted in the senate in the McKinley bill providing for reciprocity covering many articles of production in our country and also many articles of production in the several countries south of us, and a provision covering all these articles in a general way was prepared at the state department by Mr. Blaine, then secretary of state, then and before a conspicuous advocate of this policy, and was submitted for insertion in the McKinley bill. There was much consultation not only with the executive department, but with the house of representatives as to this particular provision. The principal item relied upon by the state department to secure favorable reciprocal action was sugar, but the house had already considered this phase of the subject and instead of continuing the duty on sugar had made sugar absolutely free giving a bounty to American producers. Thus by legislation th house had eliminated sugar as an element in any arrangement to be made with the southern countries producing sugar. The house had also retained coffee, so largely produced in the South American states, on the free list, thus eliminating our opportunity of making trade arrangements with reference to coffee. It also left hides upon the free list. Thus the three principal items relied upon for securing reciprocal trade with the South American states were already placed on the free list by the action of the house in the McKinley bill. So the senate committee changed the provision for reciprocity by leaving these articles upon the free list by the action of the house on the might, in his discretion, under circumstances named, impose duties on these several articles, and this principle was embodied in the McKinley law in the senate committee on finance, and approved afterward by the senate and house. Reciprocity Constitutional. It was claimed at the time that such a provision was unconstitutional, that no such power could be given to the president, but the supreme court afterwards sustained the constitutionality of the provision. Thus the McKinley law of 1890 contained specific provisions for reciprocal trade with all foreign countries, although it was supposed they would be specifically availed of by the countries south of us on this continent. These provisions for reciprocity are found in Section 3 of the act of 1890. Though confined to a few articles this section proved a beneficent one, as respects the trade of the United States with the countries on the American continent south of us. Nearly all these countries availed themselves of the provisions of this section as a means of enlarging our trade with them and their trade with us. They were not only availed of by these countries, but were also accepted by Germany, France and other European states, and favorable treaties were also entered into with several of the countries of Europe. And the statistics of trade during the next two or three years following the passage of the McKinley law disclosed a large increase of trade because of the provisions of Section 3, but this section having beenopposed by the democratic party in the two houses of congress as not only unconstitutional but also abortive to effect the design of those who promoted it, this opposition was continued and when they came into power in 1894, securing a majority in both houses in the 53rd congress, they reviewed the tariff by means of what is known as the Wilson-Gorman law, and in that revision absolutely repealed Section 3 of the act of 1890, the effect of such repeal being to abrogate all the treaty arrangements made under it by the executive and thus what appeared to be a most salutary measure to increase our trade was cut off by this repeal. The nations with whom we had made treaties stoutly protested against what they called our vacillating policy, and this protest may be one of the impediments in the pathway of negotiating future treaties of a like character. With the election of President McKinley, however, in 1896, the republicans again secured a majority in both houses in the 55th congress, and straightway again revised the tariff on lines of protection by means of what is known as the Dingley law and re-enacted in substance the provisions of the act of 1890, changing them to suit changed conditions because of a re-imposition of the duty off sugar, and enlarged the provisions of the act of 1890 so as to give the president a wider range of power in making reciprocity treaties. These provisions are found in Sections 3 and 4 of the act known as the Dingley law. Section 4 authorised the president in his discretion within two years to make arrangements, by treaty, whereby proper compensation the tariff under the Dingley law on any article might be reduced not exceeding 20 per cent of the rate of duty provided for in said act, the treaty to remain in force for five years, such treaty, however, not to be binding until it should receive the approval of congress. The last provision was insisted upon by the house of representatives, as inasmuch as this clause related to the raising of revenue and the diminishing of revenue, the house of representatives should give its approval before the taking effect of any such treaty. It is under this provision of section 4 that all the treaties now pending in the senate have been negotiated, and it goes without saying that these treaties, having been negotiated under the statute, the president and congress are both under obligation to deal with them at the earliest practicable moment and to dispose of them, not only because of this law, but also because good faith to the countries with whom we have negotiated them, induced thereby by our own statutes, have a right to urge upon us that we now consider them, and this, I repeat, will be done by the senate and by congress at the earliest practicable day. An Ancient Policy. It must not be inferred from what I have said that this question of reciprocal trade through treaties of reciprocity is a new thing among the nations, or in the United States, and that it had its origin in our own country, and within a few years. Those who framed the constitution and whose duty it was to make treaties, commercial and otherwise, with the nations of the earth, regarded reciprocity as respects rates of duty upon importations as one of the essential means of promoting trade with foreign countries, and in many treaties reciprocal trade provisions have been inserted. The instructions given by President Washington to John Jay, chief justice of the supreme court of the United States, special envoy to England, contained provisions whereby he was instructed to secure if possible reciprocal arrangements not only as respects commerce but as respects the details of reciprocal trade. Two notable instances of reciprocity treaties in our country ought to be mentioned, one made with the Dominion of Canada in 1854, to continue for ten years whereby certain articles were admitted into the United States free of duty on consideration of certain other articles being admitted into Canada from the United States free of duty, and still others with a low rate of duty in both countries. This treaty appeared to be generally beneficial, but owing to changed conditions it operated unequally and, as supposed, prejudicial to the agricultural interests of the United States. Therefore a clamor was made for its abrogation as soon as the ten year term expired. Nearly all agricultural products under it were admitted free of duty from Canada and a great reduction was made in the duty upon manufactured articles going into Canada from the United States. This treaty was abrogated in 1885. In 1876 we made a reciprocity treaty with the kingdom of Hawaii whereby Hawaiian sugar and other articles produced there were admitted into our country free of duty in consideration of which a large number of articles were admitted from the United States into Hawaii free of duty. This was an expensive treaty to the United States in view of the incentive it gave to Hawaii to largely increase her sugar production, she having the advantage of our high tariff duty then imposed upon sugars from all other countries. The motive entering into the negotiation of this treaty on the part of the United States was the ultimate absorption of Hawaii by the United States, and this treaty was continued in full force and effect from 1876 until the final admission of Hawaii a few years ago. In Europe these arrangements are going on from time to time so that in several states of Europe they have two rates of duty upon importations, one known as the maximum rate and the other as the minimum rate. Favored nations secure the minimum rate whilst those not so favored are obliged to pay the maximum rate. Thus it is that now under the French tariff the United States pays maximum rates upon all things imported there from the United States whilst Great Britain and some other countries of Europe, including Germany, have the benefit of the minimum rates of tariff. If we could adopt the policy of a maximum and minimum tariff, leaving the treaty making power to arrange with all governments, so as to reduce duties from a maximum to a minimum rate by treaty, we would be in a much better position to carry on projected plans of reciprocity, but it is doubtful whether under our constitution we could give to the executive power such wide authority over the rates of duty, our constitution providing that congress shall have the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several states, and that the house of representatives alone shall have the power to originate revenue bills. The power to make commercial treaties has always been exercised from the foundation of the government, but when these treaties have the effect to alter or change our revenue laws they have always been submitted to congress for its approval. In considering this subject it must be borne in mind that the treaty method of dealing with tariffs and rates of duty, and considering revenue changes, is a cumbrous one, and one requiring time for its accomplishment, as the treaty must first be made by the executive, submitted to the senate for ratification, and when ratified still requiring an act of congress to make it effective, so that it may be that in the future such treaties will share the fate of our treaty with Mexico, that before this process can be completed the house of representatives may change its policy respecting them, and wholly reject the work of the executive and the senate. Free List Already Large. It must be borne in mind that under the Dingley law we have a very large free list now embracing, it is true, chiefly raw materials, but they are articles largely produced by countries with whom we ought to enlarge and extend our trade. Under this free list, during the fiscal year 1900 of the total importations into the United States of $850,000,000 in value in round numbers, $367,000,000 were imported free of duty, and $483,000,000 paying duty, so that seven-sixteenths of our entire importation was free of duty. These included five important articles, embracing an aggregate of more than $200,000,000 in value of these free importation. So that to bring reciprocal treaties within the suggested limits of the late President McKinley and President Roosevelt, resort must be had to reductions of rates and duty upon articles now dutiable, or the placing of such articles upon the free list, which is not an easy task if we are to consider with care our present economic system and "give advantage to the skill, energy and intelligence of our farmers, merchants, manufacturers and wage-workers." But these impediments, whatever they may be, should not discourage us in making a serious and earnest effort in the direction and in the manner and under the conditions so wisely suggested by President McKinley in his last address at Buffalo. The treaties now pending should be promptly considered, and, if practicable, and as far as practicable, other treaties should be made, and when made it may be assumed that wise treaties will be promptly ratified by the senate, and that they will be promptly acted upon by the two Houses in passing the laws to carry them into execution. Reciprocity and Revenue. It has also been suggested that by law, duties should be reduced and the free list enlarged for the purpose of increasing our foreign trade. It is probable that any material reduction of the rates of duty would result in increasing importations and thereby increased revenue from imports, thus increasing instead of diminishing the surplus, and also diminish instead of increase the demand for labor. It is also urged in some quarters that to increase our foreign trade we should readjust our tariff, fixing the rates so as to encourage rather than discourage importations of articles which we can and do produce advantageously here. In support of this contention it was prophesied that the McKinley and the Dingley laws would destroy our foreign trade. Experience with both has shown the fallacy of this prophesy and contention, as our exports constantly increased under both laws, and notable under the Dingley law, reaching last year more than $350,000,000 in excess of any prior year in our history, and for the year just closed they are larger still. Of these exports 32 per cent were manufactured products, and nearly all are found on the dutiable list in our tariff schedule, Great Britain taking the largest percentage of these exports—about [xx] 40 per cent of the whole, and sending to us less than one-fourth in value of all our imports. The "Balance of Trade." It is often stated that we cannot always sell and never buy. This is true, but it applies generally to all we sell and all we buy. We can readily sell to one county if she wants and must have our products, and not buy from that country unless she has to sell what we want and must have, and we can buy from one country and not sell to that country, but in the various exchanges of the world's market the buying and selling are nearly equalized from year to year, as for illustration: We buy very largely coffee, India rubber, etc., from Brazil, and sell her little or nothing comparatively. We sold Great Britain last year in value, $533,000,000. We bought of Great Britain last year in value, $159,000,000. That difference was not largely paid us in money, but by means of exchanges made with other countries from whom we purchased and to whom we did not sell. Therefore it is the balance of trade with all countries that fixes the amount of purchases and the amount of sales in our world's trade. We exported last year in round numbers nearly $1,400,000,000 in value of our products, consisting of products of our agriculture, our mines, our forests and our manufactories, and we imported in round numbers $850,000,000 in value, leaving a balance in our favor of more than $500,000,000. This balance was largely adjusted in transportation accounts paid to the ships of other countries, by expenditures of our people while abroad, and investments of our people made in Europe and elsewhere outside of our country. The Present Problem. Therefore the problem for us now is as to how we can best extend and expand our market into other countries by selling what we can produce and at the same time take in exchange the things we need and do not produce, or if we produce them produce them at a disadvantage, or in less quantity than needed for our consumption. Some insist that we shall in addition so reduce our rates of duty upon competitive articles from abroad which we produce in quantities in excess of our own consumption as that they may be imported in competition with us. To do this would impair our home market for such products. Surely we would not do this unless we in turn received compensation for the sacrifice. Nations, like individuals, are more or less selfish, and generally more. With modern machinery and improved methods, each of the manufacturing nations of Europe, and the United States annually produce more in the aggregate of manufactured good than they consume, and the competitive struggle is to find markets for the surplus. These markets embrace the circle of the globe, and each nation having a surplus production, according to its wisdom and opportunity, is competing with the others in securing these markets. We produce more than we consume of many manufactured articles, and are constantly increasing our production. In many of these products we will meet with severe competition from Europe in the world's markets, and that nation which can produce the best articles under the most favorable conditions and can distribute them to the best advantage among all the nations will have the best chance of success in this competition. We must expect in doing this to from time to time modify our own tariff laws so as to meet new conditions as they arise. This must be done with care in order that we may not in seeking foreign markets destroy or impair our own, which is the best of all, as there is no like number of people dwelling anywhere who consume as much per capita of the necessaries, comforts and luxuries of life as do the people who dwell in the United States. Having attained this unparalleled degree of comfort and prosperity in our country we must act with deliberation as respects changes proposed in order that we may not lose the substance in seeking the shadow. Under existing conditions it can hardly be expected that we can greatly increase the volume of our sales to Europeof manufactured products, though we will continue to sell them breadstuffs and provisions, raw cotton and petroleum, and copper and its products and probably considerable quantities of products of iron and steel and specialties the result of our invention. These they must have. Opportunities South and East. Therefore the most fertile field for the expansion of trade and the development of our commerce lies now in the south and east and with that vase population whose territory borders on or is opposite to the Pacific ocean, and it is to this region that we must largely turn our faces in this competitive race. Secretary Seward, thirty-six years ago, prophesied that within a comparatively brief period "the Pacific ocean, its islands, its shores and the vast regions beyond will be the chief theatre of events in the world's great hereafter." That prophesy, which seemed so far off when made, is now being realized, and the events of the last few years have shown with what wisdom the United States has dealt with this problem, and with what splendid preparation we are ready for the contest. The Isthmian Canal. It is certain as that night and morning follow each other that within a very few years the isthmus that divides the North and South American continent will be cut open, giving an open waterway between the Atlantic and Pacific, and when that time comes we have but to utilize the forces within our grasp and take possession of our full share of the commerce of the south and the east. If reports from London are true the last impediment in the way of the construction of the isthmian canal by our government and the control of it during construction, and its maintenance afterwards, has been removed, thanks to the success of the diplomacy of Secretary Hay. This nation is morally bound to give greater consideration than we have in the past to our trade relations with the South and Central American states, and with our neighbor, Mexico, on our southern border. We insist upon the enforcement of the Monroe doctrine on this continent, that doctrine first promulgated in 1823. When first enunciated it met with severe opposition in our own country as being in violation of the spirit of Washington's farewell address, but this quickly vanished, and it is now the settled policy of our country, having received the sanction, positive and unequivocal of all presidents, democratic and republican, from the days of Mr. Polk to those of President Roosevelt. So that no party in the near or in the remote future is likely to favor its abandonment. The surest way to preserve it, and to make it acceptable to all nations south of us, is to do our full part to make this union of interests not only political but commercial, and to give every opportunity to the weaker states of the south to rely upon us for generous treatment as respects their trade relations, as it is easy to unite political interests when they are allied to commercial interests as well. So that one of the steps necessary to secure this unity of interests, and unity of purpose, is to secure easy, frequent and regular communication with all the peoples who dwell south of us, and to give them whatever additional opportunity we can open up to them to trade with us and to show them in every way that our disposition and our interests are to aid them in the development of their commerce with us, and with the world as well, and to encourage them to maintain free and stable governments. Our Merchant Marine. This can be done not only be constructing, maintaining and owning the isthmian canal, but by encouraging if need be the establishment of lines of ships both on the Atlantic and Pacific coasts which will give them easy access to our markets and give us like access to theirs. So we welcome the assembling of the congress of all these states in the city of Mexico this month to consider questions of common interest, and our delegates should, and I have no doubt will, give evidence of the desire of this government to promote the most friendly political and commercial relations with each and all of them, and that we will take the lead in providing practical measures to that end. In Philippines to Stay. The events which have taken place on the Pacific ocean and along its shores during the last three years have accomplished much to secure the early fulfillment of the prophecy of Secretary Seward thirty-six years ago. We have seen the tremendous development of our possessions in Alaska; we have acquired the Hawaiian group of islands essential to the control of the commerce of the Pacific; we have acquired sovereignty over the Philippine Islands, and whatever may be their future in a political sense, in a commercial sense, our sovereignty and control there cannot be overestimated. A foothold there is essential to us if we are in the future to take advantage of our situation as respects the opening trade with the vast population that lies east of and in proximity to these islands. Our Interests in China. Among the many acts showing the patient thoughtfulness and great wisdom of President McKinley in dealing with important public questions arising during his administration no one act of his will stand out more conspicuously in the future history of our country and of the world than that relating to the affairs of China during the last two years. He was suddenly confronted with new conditions there, he completely grasped the effect of this situation upon our own future, and while sending an army there to protect our minister and our people under treaty stipulation, he kept steadily in view the future of that empire as affecting its welfare and our own, and so directed affairs as to save China from dismemberment, securing at the same time to the United States proper consideration in the settlement of the difficulties, by providing for our proper participation in the future commerce of that country whereby whatever advantages are enjoyed by other countries as respects trade and commerce shall also be enjoyed by us. These great advantages thus secured on the Pacific ocean should be, and will be, followed up so as to open to us new markets for the products of our fields and our manufacturers, and because of these advantages and our proximity to this vast population, give us in time prominence in that vast region. Our Glorious Future. It may be safely predicted that with our rapid increase in wealth and our constantly increasing production, and with a sincere effort in the direction of fair trade through reciprocal treaties and otherwise, with the construction of an isthmian canal, and with a proper encouragement of our merchant marine, our country, now so prosperous, will not only retain what we have, but continue to increase production, finding for this increase not only a ready and absorbing market, but also an increasing foreign market, and thus continue indefinitely the prosperity we now enjoy. This will enable us to continue our usefulness and influence among the nations, protecting and preserving all we enjoy at home, and enable us to extend these blessings to all those in any way under our control, or for whom we are in any degree responsible wherever they may be. Cuba and the Colonies. I cannot conclude these observations without saying a few words as respects our relations with Cuba and with our new possessions of Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands. We have as far as possible placed Cuba in the way of establishing for herself a free and independent government. The legislation of last winter has been accepted by Cuba as wise and necessary, and it ought to be said in behalf of that legislation that it was conceived and passed with a view to the permanent maintenance of a free government there, protecting life, liberty and property, and on the whole, considering the difficulties that surround it, it was one of the wisest legislative acts that has ever passed the American congress. The situation in Porto Rico is most satisfactory, and the people there under our jurisdiction and guidance will enjoy all the privileges and immunities that are enjoyed by other territories of the United States, and can, if they will, enter upon a career of prosperity and progress hitherto unknown to them. Our difficulties in the Philippine Islands are rapidly being settled. The insurrection against our authority has been practically suppressed, although guerilla warfare in some of the islands still continues, and time will be required to establish a peaceable and stable government in the islands, but all is being done that can be done in that direction, and when it is certainly known that our authority must be respected and upheld there, the difficulties now encountered will soon disappear, and congress will doubtless at an early day pass any additional legislation that may be necessary to secure that end. But whatever the difficulties may be, our duty and our responsibility require us to give that people the best and freeest government which they are capable of maintaining.The Emporia Gazette BY WILLIAM A. WHITE SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 2. REPUBLICAN TICKET. For Commissioner of Third District. SAMUEL BENNETT, Of Pike Township. WEALTH. Men who have grown rich during the last century have been new to their estate; they have not learned that there is something to wealth beside power. That something is obligation. It may take a century to get that idea in the noggins of the rich. Also it may take a war or two. But the idea must penetrate. Wealth must help the world. Rich men must contribute to the government more than their personal taxes and their charities. This contribution must come, not as a voluntary offering, but as a right which society can demand! The tax system of Americans must be revised so that wealth will pay for something beside police protection. The world needs more schools, more parks, more music, more beauty, more equitable division of the blessings of civilization. The poor man pays his share of the taxes in rent whether he owns a foot of land of a scrap of furniture. The rich man who enjoys much must pay his share. Wealth has rights, but those rights are not wide enough to cover the arrogance of wealth when it sneers at law. Society, which protects a man in making money, has a right to demand its wages for protection. This does not mean confiscation nor division. It means equitable compensation. And whether wealth is in the form of stocks, bonds, patents, leases, combinations of industrial concerns, whether wealth is found in land or in the shadow of a dream worked into a fact, wealth, personal or impersonal, corporate or incorporate, must pay its tithe, must share the burdens of the state. That burden wealth shirks now; and very rich men chloroform public opinion by benevolence. It is not charity but justice that the situation demands, not gifts but rights that are due society from wealth. "The old order changeth giving place to new, lest one good custom should corrupt the world." THE KINDNESS OF NATURE. How kind this season is! After the hard withering summer that shriveled the foliage of the grass and trees and cracked the earth and destroyed so many growing things—now comes the mild and healing autumn, a penitence of nature for her waywardness. The leaves that the hot winds scorched hang on far past their wonted time and the grass which lay brown and dry and almost ashen, today is green and fresh and beautiful; and the cattle feeding all day on the open range, roll languidly to the corral at twilight, and when they have filled their paunches with water, lie down and moan and groan in animal contentment through the night—as though they were on the new grass of May. They will go on pasture thus till Christmas. The fields of corn crisped in the August sun are now green rye fields, and the fodder that was lost in the summer, the fall has restored. The herds are a little thinner than they were, and the balance of the farmers' books is kept on the good side: a little less to feed and a little less fodder. Everywhere one sees this evening up process of nature—this tempering the wind to the shorn lamb. The great stream of tendency, the scheme of things here, call it what will—fate, destiny, providence or God—is good. Viewed largely and from beyond the shadow of the passing hour, get away to see things big and in perspective, and the trend of all motion and force seems good. Nature —bloody with, tooth and claw, as some poet has called her, is at heart and in the soul of [*7321*] WHAT IF FIELD'S FORGOTTEN. This morning's papers say that the school children of Kansas City neglected to celebrate Eugene Field's birthday, because they had forgotten him, which is natural—inevitable, and so far as that goes not so very lamentable. Field was a fine man. He helped. He cheered people up. He gave men and women solace in their sorrows. He lent a hand in the world. But even if he had founded a new system of philosophy or discovered a planet or conquered a continent, sooner or later he would be forgotten. And why not? Field merely built on the coral reef of the world; he was one infinitesimally small being among countless billions; kings, poets, warriors, philosophers, day laborers, bankers, women, children and alones, all humanity piling its lives on the reef. The thing is going upwards—where none can say. What the foundation is baffles the mind even to imagine. This only is known; that we are all building. Why should the name of one be known after he has left his shell, rather than others. It is enough to build. to help the great structure of life upward. Fame, wealth, power, love, these are baits for the living. For the dead—is Ptolemy's work any stronger because his name still rattles on the lips of men? His work is his work. It was done when he laid it down. What is fame for the dead? And the dead rhymer, Field, what if they do forget him? Does that break down the work he has done? Can that put back the heartaches he has relieved? Can that tear away the smiles and laughter he has made? What is a year or two a century or two or a thousand years or two of fame in the vast stretch of the years? What is one man in the billion—but a builder? Someone says that Roosevelt has given it out that rural delivery carriers are to be put in the civil service list. Probably Roosevelt has given out no such thing. But on the other hand, probably the rural delivery men will go under the civil service rules as soon as possible. That is a good idea. The fewer offices the politicians have the fewer "dealers" there will be in the game of politics. Good men have no desire to be patronage brokers, and the power that comes with patronage only attracts shallow and dishonest men. The way to help the Republican party is not to give it more offices but cleaner men in fewer offices. Elections or conventions bought with patronage are as dishonorable as those bought with money. The Republican party can carry the next election, and all subsequent elections, more easily with high grade candidates than by low grade patronage brokers. The civil service list should be multiplied by five at least. [*17322*][[shorthand]] [*Ackd*] Nov. 3, 1901. 1759 R STREET, CORNER NEW HAMPSHIRE AVENUE. Dear Sir: Accompanying this, I send a letter to the President which was written at his request. Will you kindly deliver it to him, as soon as possible? Vry truly yours, John Fox, Jr. To G. B. Cortelyou Esqre. Secretary to the President White House [*17323*]the present matter of such vital importance to the good of my home district as to warrant plain speaking. As a man of business I know him to be narrow, selfish, illiberal, evasive, un-public spirited, unprogressive. His habits are such as would hardly lend dignity to the bench, [no] or conduce to to clearness of mind and judgement. As a lawyer, frankly, in my ten years' residence in Southwestern Virginia, I have never heard him spoken of as a lawyer. Indeed, I have always been under the impression that his title of Judge was complimentary. McDowell [*Ackd P.P.F*] Nov. 3, 1901. 1759 R STREET, CORNER NEW HAMPSHIRE AVENUE. Dear President Roosevelt: In answer to your request for information as to the ability and character of Judge Ward of Bristol, Tenn. and applicant for the post left vacant in the United States of the Western District of Virginia by the Death of Judge Paul, I should like to say that I have no personal hostility to Judge Ward, and dislike to speak ill of any man - but yet think [*17324*]the present matter of such vital importance to the good of my home district as to warrant plain speaking. As a man of business I know him to be narrow, selfish, illiberal, evasive, un-public spirited, unprogressive. His habits are such as would hardly lend dignity to the bench, [no] or conduce to to clearness of mind and judgement. As a lawyer, frankly, in my ten years' residence in Southwestern Virginia, I have never heard him spoken of as a lawyer. Indeed, I have always been under the impression that his title of Judge was complimentary. McDowell [*Ackd P.P.F*] Nov. 3, 1901. 1759 R STREET, CORNER NEW HAMPSHIRE AVENUE. Dear President Roosevelt: In answer to your request for information as to the ability and character of Judge Ward of Bristol, Tenn. and applicant for the post left vacant in the United States of the Western District of Virginia by the Death of Judge Paul, I should like to say that I have no personal hostility to Judge Ward, and dislike to speak ill of any man - but yet think [*17324*]is precisely the reverse in every particular. He has no friend who would not cheerfully recommend him to his enemies - if he has any - in testimony as to his character and ability. Were I a Republican and were McDowell eliminated from the contest - I should be as heartily in favor of Mr. Tucker and I am now in favor of McDowell. I understand there is objection to the later on the score of his having been born a Kentuckian. Had Kentucky been similarly inhospitable to his distinguished great-grandfather - Henry Clay would never have reached the Senate from that state - a post of honor, by the way, that his great-grandson could easily attain, some day, were not his ambition confined to the covers of a law-book. Very faithfully yours, John Fox, Jr. [*17325*]Ackd 11-6-1901 NEAT AND CHEAP JOB WORK. GEO. R. KOESTER, MANAGER. The Daily Record. Columbia, S.C., November 3. 1901__________190 To His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. Washington, D.C. Dear Sir:-Yours of the 31st.ult.was not received until a few minutes ago.You say you wish to know just what the truth is about that alleged lynching.Mr. President, that is just what I want you to know,I will conceal nothing from you and am willing to be judged by the truth. The lynching took place at Gaston,S.C.,over eight years ago,when I was not quite 23 years old.Memory after the lapse of that time may slip some details as to names and dates,but as to the main facts my recollection is perfectly clear and what I hereafter state is the truth,so help me God. In the latter part of July,1893,a white lady of blameless life was living near Gaston,S.C.,some sixteen miles from Columbia,where I was then working as a reporter on The Register,a morning paper.Gaston is a very small village,This lady lived two or three miles from Gaston,with no near neighbors.One night when her husband was away at his work at a turpentine still,three negro boys forced an entrance into the house and overpowered the lady.One of them,Tom Preston,said he had syphilis and that the others must rape the woman first,so they would not catch the disease from him. They did as he advised and the three raped her,then fled,leaving her half dead.I do not remember the names of the other two negroes and will call them A and B.When the affair was reported to Columbia,A had already been caught.I was directed to go to Gaston and furnish my paper with reports of all that happened.While there is a railroad through Gaston the schedule from Columbia was very inconvenient,so I always mounted a horse and 17326NEAT AND CHEAP JOB WORK. GEO. R. KOESTER, MANAGER. The Daily Record. Columbia, S.C.,_________190 2 rode down,going to Gaston several times during the week.When A was brought before the assaulted lady by her male kinsmen,she could not positively identify him,so he was taken to the county jail at Lexington.The whole countryside had been aroused and mounted men from several counties were searching for B and Preston.This search continued night and day for several days,nearly a week.Finally B was caught about twelve miles from Columbia and brought through this city by the party taking him to Gaston. As a reporter I joined the party and went to Gaston.B confessed and said the other two were Tom Preston and A,who was then in the Lexington jail. Several men made a detour to capture Preston at his home.He was not there and the party which had gone after him,with which I had gone as a reporter learned that he was hiding at a place about seven miles from Gaston,on the edge of a swamp in which he expected to conceal himself.In the morning at Gaston,B,who had confessed,was identified by the assaulted lady and his death was decreed by the unmasked crowd of hundreds of citizens. After he had been whipped by the husband of the outraged lady,he was hung and,as his body swung in the air,several hundred shots were fired at him.It has been charged,since my appointment,by bitter personal enemies that I was among those who had fired.That is untrue.Up to this point I had had no connection with the proceedings except as a reporter. After B had been put to death,the leaders of the party consulted,the newspaper people being present.They said there was danger of Preston escaping,as he would doubtless be warned and their horses had been ridden so hard during the week that they were worn out and could hardly go faster than a walk.When I thought of the horror of a respectable lady having been raped and that by one diseased,I said:"My horse is fresh and I will go 17327NEAT AND CHEAP JOB WORK. GEO. R. KOESTER, MANAGER. The Daily Record. Columbia, S.C.,_________190 3 with any one who knew the way."Another young fellow spoke up and said he knew the way and his horse was fresh enough to keep up with mine.We went together and captured Preston,who practically confessed to us. Not long after we captured him,others began to arrive and they wanted to put him to death at once.At some risk I prevented this,saying he must be taken to the lady for identification,though B had said he was guilty and he had practically confessed.After some parleying,this was agreed to and the whole party started back to Gaston,others taking charge of Preston. At Gaston he was identified and a medical examination proved he was diseased.This incensed the crowd to the wildest fury and it was proposed to burn him alive.Rosin was sent for to make a fire.At this point I and some others interfered.I said I was simply there as a reporter and had only taken part as I have told you,but that it was impossible to permit such brutality as a burning and the negro should not be tortured.A riot for awhile seemed imminent,but I and those with me stood firm and said if there were no other way of preventing the burning,when the match was applied, we should shoot and kill Preston to save him from death by fire.When it was realized we were determined,the crowd agreed there should be no torture and Preston was hung and shot as B had been.I fired no shot at him and kept some others from doing so. Except in the capture of Preston and aiding in preventing torturing him with fire,I took no part in the proceedings except as a reporter thereof present under orders from his paper.After Preston was put to death I returned to Columbia.It was reported here that a crowd had gone to Lexington to take A from Jail and hang him.I was ordered to Lexington to report what happened there.I and another reporter went to Lexington,but before we arrived a mob had taken A and 17328 NEAT AND CHEAP JOB WORK. GEO. R. KOESTER, MANAGER. The Daily Record. Columbia, S.C.,_________190 4 carried him to Gaston.As it was impossible to catch them,we returned to Columbia. Mr.President,I have given you what you might call "a square deal."I might have demanded the right of facing my accusers and they would either have not been there or could have proved nothing after the lapse of so many years,but I have never dodged in my life and it is too late for me to learn now.I have given you a full,free,frank statement of what you have asked,the truth as to the alleged lynching. Since receipt of your letter,I have only had time to write this reply and get it off on the next mail.If you judge my statement unfits me to hold office under your administration,let me know and I will give another square deal by resigning;if,however,you think otherwise and simply want my statement corroborated by affidavits of others who were at Gaston, I will get them up,but that will take time as over eight years have elapsed since the lynching and it will be hard to find many men whose recollection of the affair,particularly as to my part in it,will be clear enough to warrant them in making affidavits. The kind of political negroes in the South of the Deas stripe,who have been the incubus that kept your party down in this section,together with personal enemies who hate me because of my newspaper work,I have been informed,have been using false stories of my connection with the Gaston lynching as the basis of a fight upon me,but the better class of negroes, whom you have indicated to me your wish to help,know the facts and their liking for me has not been lessened thereby. I have given you the facts and I await your judgment.I have the honor to be Yours respectfully, Geo R Koester 17329short interval of freedom there. We left Oyster Bay on the 29th. Katie Bowlker arrived on the Oceania, on the 31st, and made me a short but delightful visit, giving me many details concerning Elfrida and my great grandson. We are all anxious over the coming election. I trust, our hopes may be [*PF*] [*[Nov. 3rd 01?]*] 4. West 57th Street Dear Theodore I was very much gratified to receive your letter. Knowing what a busy man you are, so occupied with affairs of state, I hesitate to trespass on your time.I hope you have success with turkey shooting at Pine Hurst, and are now enjoying a [*17330*]fulfilled respecting it, and that you will proceed on your Panama trip, with one perplexity at least lightened. I am very affectionately your Aunt Elizabeth N. Roosevelt 17331W. O. BRADLEY, ATTORNEY AT LAW, ROOMS, 404, 405, 406, KENTUCKY TITLE BLDG., 6TH AND COURT PLACE, LOUISVILLE, KY. PHONE NO 1143. [*Ackd 11-6-1901*] Nov 4, 1901. President Roosevelt. I am not disposed to take part in the interminable struggle for office. But, I can not refrain, owing to the fact that a number of representation men - my friend - feel that even a worse appointment than Sapp's may be made, and have insisted I should write and ask you to make no appointment until you have thoroughly investigated. I will not be in Washington until after the 9th of this month, as I will be detained here on that day to deliver the address on Jefferson, which we so much hoped, at one time, to have you do. I fear I shall make quite an indifferent proxy. Yours truly W O Bradley [*17332*][*PPF 11-6-1901*] [[shorthand]] THE CENTURY CO. PUBLISHERS 33 East 17th St (UNION SQUARE) New York N.Y. Frank H. Scott, Prest. Chas. F. Chichester, Treas. William W. Ellsworth, Secretary. Dear Mr. Loeb:- We received this morning the enclosed letter from St. Paul. We have replied that the title of the President's speech, as given us, is: NATIONAL DUTIES Address at Minnesota State Fair, Minneapolis, September 2, 1901. But we have said that we would send the communication to you, and, if you directed us to do so, would change the notice in the next edition of the book. Very truly yours, Chas. F. Chichester Treas. William Loeb, Jr. Asst. Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. [*17333*]United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D. C. I know certain parties have misrepresented matters here and they have likely done so to you. Very respectfully Wm. J. Deboe. [*17335*] [*File ppF*] United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D. C., Nov.4th 1901. To the President, Washington D. C. My Dear Mr. President, Your letter received. I can and will be there Friday but almost impossible for me to reach there Thursday by 10 o'clock. I wish to discuss the Louisville Collectership with you before any action is taken. [*17334*][*File Voice*] The New Voice, A JOURNAL OF GOOD CITIZENSHIP. John G. Woolley. Editor in Chief. Chicago. TELEPHONE "OAKLAND 1181." CABLE ADDRESS "VOICE." WILLIAM P. F. FERGUSON. MANAGING EDITOR. [*Ackd: 11/7/1901 Hon. H. B.F. Macfarland*] Nov. 4, 1901. Mr. President:- I take the liberty of herewith handing you a copy of the latest issue of The New Voice, and respectfully request that you notice the article which begins at the top of the second page, and the leading editorial upon page eight. Very respectfully yours, [*William P. F. Ferguson*] Managing Editor. [*See [MacFarland] Sylvester's answer filed under Dist Com. "C".*] [*17336*][For 1 enc see New Voice 10-31-01][[shorthand]] [*ackd 11/6/1901 PPF*] New Haven Ct. Nov. 4th 1901 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. President of the United States. Dear Mr. President:- As I was fortunate of getting a good picture of you on your march through our historic Green; Oct 23rd 1901, may I be pardoned for presenting one of these pictures to our beloved President, as coming from one of the masses which cheered him that day, to serve as a memento of this day.- Respectfully John Fischer 52 Vermont St. [*17337*] GASTON, SNOW & SALTONSTALL. TELEPHONES, MAIN 203, 2972. [*Ackd Personal.*] WILLIAM A. GASTON, FREDERIC E. SNOW, RICHARD M. SALTONSTALL THOMAS HUNT JEREMIAH SMITH JR. 70 State Street, Boston, November 4th, 1901. Dear Teddy:- I enclose in this a somewhat more formal letter in relation to a man by the name of McSweeney, who is assistant-commissioner of immigration at New York City. I am told that some of the people near him want to have him fail of re-appointment by you. McSweeney comes from Southbore, and is well known by all the Burnett family living there. You must know several of that family, and if you desire to do so, you can send to them to learn as to McSweeney's antecedents and record. All we wish, however, is to have you make, either personally or by some trusted lieutenant, investigation as to whether McSweeney is likely to perform all the duties of his office better than anybody else you can appoint. We believe this is the case, and we hope you will be able to make the investigation we ask. Always sincerely yours, William A. Gaston Hon. Theodore Roosevelt [*17338*][*Ackd*] GASTON, SNOW & SALTONSTALL. TELEPHONES, MAIN 203, 2972. WILLIAM A. GASTON, FREDERIC E. SNOW, RICHARD M. SALTONSTALL. THOMAS HUNT, JEREMIAH SMITH, JR. 70 State Street, Boston, November 4th, 1901. To His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States of America. Dear Sir:- Permit me to call to your attention the name of Edward F. McSweeney, who is at present Assistant Immigration Commissioner at New York. Mr. McSweeney is a Democrat, and comes from Southbore, Massachusetts. He was appointed by President Cleveland and has, I think, held his office ever since. He desires to be retained in this position. I believe Mr. McSweeney is an honest man and an unusually capable official. I write to request that before any change is made in the position which he occupies, his record may be investigated by someone in whom you have confidence. His many friends in Massachusetts believe that his record will convince you of the necessity of retaining his services. Respectfully yours, WIlliam A. Gaston [*17339*]J. W. YERKES COMMISSIONER TREASURY DEPARTMENT OFFICE OF COMMISSIONER OF INTERNAL REVENUE Washington. Nov. 4, 1901. Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of a letter from the White House, addressed to Hon. John W. Yerkes, and marked "Strictly Personal," and to say that the letter will be handed Mr. Yerkes immediately on his return from Kentucky. Very respectfully, Harry Giovannoli Private Secretary. Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. [*17340*]Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts. 4th November, 1901 The President of the United States. Sir, - I beg to acknowledge, on President Eliot's behalf, your honored letter of the first instant, and to say that the inquiry therein contained will receive his immediate attention. The information which you request will be sent at the earliest possible moment; but President Eliot fears that the necessity for secrecy may make [*17341*]the inquiry somewhat longer than would otherwise be required. I have the honor to be Sir, Your most obedient servant, Jerome Davis Greene Secretary to the President [*17342*]President's Office, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. November 4th, 1901. My dear Mr. President:- Let me acknowledge, with cordial thanks, your note of November first. I shall take pains to keep the matter strictly private, and meantime will make inquiries. without indicating just what basis of authority I have for so doing, among those who would know of good men of the sort suggested. Faithfully yours, Arthur Twining Hadley [*17343*]R7 Ackd 11-7-1901 NEAT AND CHEAP JOB WORK. GEO. R. KOESTER, MANAGER. The Daily Record. Columbia, S.C., November 4. 1901 To His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. Washington, D.C. Dear Sir:- Yesterday I forwarded you from memory the facts as to the lynching at Gaston. Of course, I knew there was extant the account of the affair written by me at the time and published in the Register. But I had no copy of that paper, the files of the Register having passed into possession of the State when its publication was discontinued. The State is edited by N.G. Gonzales, who has been my bitter personal enemy for ten years, and has done everything in his power during that time to besmirch my character. I send you enclosed the editorial page of to-day's State in which Mr. Gonzales reviews the Gaston affair and quotes extracts from my reports thereof .As far as I know the extracts are correct and tally with the account I gave you yesterday from memory. The interview from the News & Courier which he republishes was given by some one unknown to me. I made no such statements as are there ascribed to me and have never given the statement of the Gaston affair dissimilar to that in your hands. I am willing to be judged by my letter to you of the 3rd instant and by extracts from my report of the lynching. You will observe that what I stated as to the probable impossibility to obtain direct witnesses against me is borne out by the fact that the State does not dare to directly charge what I freely and frankly admitted to you, that I was the one who captured Preston. Nor does it seriously dispute the fact that I saved him from death by burning. I have crossed marked the passage in the editorial in which he makes the charge that I was among 17344NEAT AND CHEAP JOB WORK. GEO. R. KOESTER, MANAGER. THE DAILY RECORD. COLUMBIA, S. C., 190 #2. among those who took part in the shooting. It seems strange that so bitter an enemy would make such a charge in so weak a way if he had any hope of proving it. Stranger still, considering the active warfare between us all these years, that neither he nor anybody else has ever made that charge until after I was honored by you with an appointment to a high Federal Office. Senator McLaurin has doubtless full explained to you before now, or will during this week, what would be the political effect of action adverse to me based upon what I did at Gaston. If, however, my statement does not satisfy you, I will stand square to my promise and resign the Office the day you so notify me, for I do not wish to hold it unless I hold it with your full esteem and confidence. I have the honor to be, Yours respectfully, Geo. R .Koester [*17345*][for enclosure see 11-4-01] [*File CS*] JOHN D. LONG, SECRETARY. NAVY DEPARTMENT. G WASHINGTON, Nov. 4, 1901. Sir: I return herewith the letter of Mr. Machen with regard to Rear Admiral Crowninshield. With regard to all these complaints of Crowninshield, I can only say that I think those who make them should be asked to specify in what respect he has been at fault, in which case they can have the assurance which I have no doubt you would give and which this Department would endorse, that most thorough action would be taken. Very respectfully, John D. Long The President . [*17346*][*Ackd*] JACOB A. RIIS, 524 BEECH STREET, NORTH, RICHMOND HILL, NEW YORK. NEW YORK, Nov. 4 1901 My dear Mr President. Indeed, I have wanted to see you, but I knew well that weightier matters claimed your time. So I reluctantly had myself wait till spring, for I shall be lecturing in the west all January and February. But I have still the week I reserved for Tuskegee--[four] or 3 days at least from Nov 26 to Nov 29th or 30. If I take my wife for a little vacation — She has never seen Washington — may we call at the White House on any day of those? We shall be staying at the Hotel Raleigh, my old hotel. It would be fine, if we might, and we should be proud indeed. I have seen Teddy at Groton. Though temporarily in ill luck, with his [*17347*] 17347collar-bone and a paining stomach ailment, he was happy. We swapped deer stories and were content. His chief grief seems to be that one of the boys called him "the first boy in the land". Billings and I enjoyed it hugely in secret. Nov. 17 I shall speak in Carnegie Hall to young men on Theodore Roosevelt; no oration, but a talk. Is there any message you wish me to give them? Please give my love to the Lady of the White House. We remember you dearly with loyal affection and pride, both of you, indeed all of you. Ever yours Jacob A Riis[*Telephone Col. Sanger's office 11-9-1901*] War Department, Office of the Assistant Secretary, Washington, D.C. November 4, 1901. My dear Mr. Cortelyou: Chaplain Vattman called upon me after leaving the White House and stated that instructions would be received from you in regard to the President's wishes as to the order for transportation, etc. May I call your attention to the fact that we have received no such order from you on the subject? Very truly yours, Wm. Cary Sanger Asst. Secretary of War. [*[SANGER]*] Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, The White House. [*17348*]For attachment see 11-4-01CITIZENS UNION OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK. COMMITTEE ON MEETINGS AND SPEAKERS: R. W. G. WELLING, Chairman CLARK H. ABBOTT MATTHEW BEATIE JAMES R. BURNET ALFRED R. CONKLING FULTON McMAHON EDWARD S. McSWEENEY RANDOLPH NEWMAN WILLIAM POTTS HYACINTHE RINGROSE DE WITT J. SELIGMAN ALFRED F. SELIGSBERG HERBERT A. WEEKS F. WOODBRIDGE ROBERT A. KELLY, Secretary TELEPHONE 1937 18TH STREET. HEADQUARTERS, 34 UNION SQUARE EAST, NEW YORK. Nov. 4 1901 [*Ackd*] Dear Teddy: Some reflections of a tired Campaigner after five hard weeks of work, anxious to blow off to a student of American problems. I only state facts. You draw your own conclusions. There has been no fusion. It has been one grand farce. The light of this truth broke in upon us when Low complained of being sent twice and three times into the same district to speak. "But, said the Fusion Committee" that was a Cit. Union meeting last week; It is a Republican meeting this week; and next week will be a New York Democracy!" He sighed and worked like Bryan. I tried to come to his rescue with a resolution that all meetings should be simply Fusion meetings without any statement- "Under the auspices of the Republican &c"; but Morris said he could not get out the boys without this advertisement and it was probably equally true of all of us. So each, seriatim, has tried to get out his own vote, the importance of a large Democratic defection from Tammany being so plain that we have not hesitated to help the New York Democracy with their meetings; and yet each is going to point with pride next Wednesday to his vote, and swear he was the bigger man. The humor of it is as grim as the Republican Legislature garbling and confusing the law of Independent nominations so that we (their allies soon to be according to Platt's [*17349*]CITIZENS UNION OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK. COMMITTEE ON MEETINGS AND SPEAKERS: R. W. G. WELLING, Chairman CLARK H. ABBOTT MATTHEW BEATIE JAMES R. BURNET ALFRED R. CONKLING FULTON McMAHON EDWARD S. McSWEENEY RANDOLPH NEWMAN WILLIAM POTTS HYACINTHE RINGROSE DE WITT J. SELIGMAN ALFRED F. SELIGSBERG HERBERT A. WEEKS F. WOODBRIDGE ROBERT A. KELLY, Secretary TELEPHONE 1937 18TH STREET. HEADQUARTERS, 34 UNION SQUARE EAST, NEW YORK. 1901 (2) own statement while the last Legislature was still in session) could scarcely draw up our certificates of nomination. I was Chairman of this Committee, and know whereof I speak. Lawrence J. declared them worth-less, and the [Committee] Court of Appeals reversed him only by reading into the act something that was not there. You needn't think you are going to be allowed to wrap yourself up in the Philippines, and Reciprocity,and forget all about our troubles. If any place as big a this City is left stewing in its own grease, it is up to you, as an American citizen and student of political conditions, (and only as such am I writing you) to feel the scandal of it and give us your counsel and assistance. In the old days I was told I was wasting my time because I would not join the Republican party, when some years ago I awoke to find myself on the Sound Money issue, the Spanish War and Expansion issues a thorough going Republican, and yet, strange to say municipal conditions do not seem to have improved but rather to have grown worse since I fell into line! As to the Election tomorrow I can only say that we are so confident that if we suffer defeat we shall almost be dazed. But that is only one election! Sincerely R. W. G. Welling [*N. B. The enclosed is not loose election diatribes, but facts for you to file away.*] [*17350*][for 1 enc. see ca 11-4-01 "Touchin' on an"...]THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS Nov. 4, 1901 My dear Colonel Roosevelt:-- You have been getting so many letters from me with trouble in them, that I thought I would send you a couple that did not have trouble in them; also two clippings from the Emporia "Gazette". This man Gleed, who writes one of these letters, is one of the best men in the world and he will never ask you for an office. You couldn't rope and buck and gag him and give him one. Yours very truly, W.A. White Theodore Roosevelt, Esq. President of the U.S. Washington, D.C. 17351For 2 encs see 11-1-01 10-31-01ackd 11/8/1901 Georgia State Industrial College. R.R. Wright, A.M. President. DICTATED IN REPLY TO YOURS OF____________ College, Ga., Nov. 4th, 1901. Hon. George Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. Cortelyou:- I desire to write you with regard to the Washington dining. Well, I think I am as ardent an admirer of President Roosevelt as any others and I am sure tha the [that he] would not let the impression be made that Mr. McKinley was any less friendly to the colored people or any less courageous in his expression of his friendship than is now our very excellent President. A very prominent gentleman among a party who dined with me a few days ago was bold enough to challenge anyone to show anything in the late President's actions toward the Negro which would show the courage which was exhibited by the present President in inviting Mr. Washington to dine at the White House. I want to know if you recall at Thomasville the fact that President McKinley introduced me to Mrs. McKinley, Mrs. Hanna and, I think, Miss Hanna and other ladies in the party and that all of them very graciously and pleasantly received me at Mr. Hanna's home. There may be other incidents which you may recall. I should like to have your confirmation of this fact. Of course I beg that you will consider this request as coming from one who was truly a friend and admirer of the late President. It is true that those politicians in our State whose sole business was to manage conventions and who were at first opposed to President McKinley did every thing in their power in '96 to prevent the State delegation going for him, and then when I had worked up such a strong conter-feeling in his behalf then these so-called leaders turned in for McKinley, swamped me and got all the offices and did what they could to shut me out from Mr. McKinley, yet he in his heart knew that I was his true friend and I shall always feel that had he lived he would have given me recognition, I feel, therefore, that it is my duty wherever it is necessary to espouse his cause and defend his record. Kindly let me hear from you. Very truly yours R.R. Wright 173523 These are plain facts about things that could not happen under a decent and honest city government. What do they mean? What makes these things possible? How can they be stopped? If the fathers and mothers of this city want them stopped, they will find a way. The question presented is not the "suppression of vice." The question is not whether the vicious can be made virtuous by law. It is whether we shall continue a system under which the corrupt, money-making combination of law-breakers with the servants of the people, destroys the virtue of our sons and daughters. The fight is against those who use their control of the city government to make procurers of our young men and harlots of our young women. The facts which justify this statement are presented in the following pages. They show: 1. That the business of ruining young girls, and forcing them into a life of shame, for the money that is in it, grown to considerable proportions in this city within the last three or four years. 2. That its existence is known to the police. 3. That the police make little or no effort to stop it. 4. That the police, or those for whom they act, probably derive profit from the traffic in question. 5. That a reasonably active and efficient Police Department could stop this traffic. No attempt is made to present a case in the legal sense. Enough is submitted to show that the observed fact cannot be reconciled with any other theory than that presented above. Cases and instances, the conclusions of experienced observers, and the affidavits of residents of those parts of the city which are most affected could be produced in great numbers. If the above cases were only such isolated instances as might be found in any large community, no excuse could be made for thus presenting them. But all competent and honest observers agree that such cases are typical, and that the business of ruining young girls in the City of New York has increased greatly within a few years, assuming almost the character of an organized calling. [*17354*] FACTS FOR NEW YORK PARENTS. CONDITIONS THAT ARE NOT TO BE ENDURED DESCRIBED BY DISTRICT ATTORNEY PHILBIN, BISHOP POTTER, ISIDOR STRAUS, CITY MAGISTRATE CORNELL, JUDGE JEROME, THE JUDGES OF THE COURT OF GENERAL SESSIONS. THE UNIVERSITY SETTLEMENT SOCIETY. PUBLISHED FOR THE WOMAN'S MUNICIPAL LEAGUE BY THE CITY CLUB OF NEW YORK, 19 WEST 34TH STREET, NEW YORK. OCTOBER, 1901. [*17353*]THE WOMEN'S MUNICIPAL LEAGUE ASKS EVERY WOMAN TO READ THIS PAMPHLET AND TO ASK EVERY MAN SHE KNOWS TO READ IT, BEFORE ELECTION. 4 CASE I. Isidor Kubel and Bernard Levine, two "cadets" who had made a traffic of ruining and selling young girls, without molestation from the police, were arrested at the instance of the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children, in November, 1900. Magistrate Crane sentenced them both to six months in the workhouse, regretting that he "could not send them to prison during their natural life." This case is but one of a great number in which young men have been sentenced to the workhouse under that provision of law which classes as a vagrant one who lives upon the proceeds of prostitution. CASE II. The Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children was asked on June 14th, 1899, to rescue three young girls of fifteen years who were being detained in a disorderly house at 95 James Street. Other young girls were found under similar conditions in houses at 86 Cherry Street and 127 Christie Street. The proprietors of two of these places fled the city, forfeiting their bail of $1,500 each; the third prisoner was sentenced in the Court of General Sessions to one year in the penitentiary. These cases are examples of a large class of cases which indicate, what all the available facts taken together make certain, that several thousand young girls are held in bondage in disorderly houses in the Borough of Manhattan. The only clothing furnished to them is so scant that they fear to go into the street; and things are so arranged that they are always in debt to "the house." CASE III In June, 1900, Frank Gross, alias Frank Spialt, of 171 Allen Street, seduced Sarah Zimmerman, who lived with her father at 122 Allen Street. Gross placed the girl in a disorderly house. In September, Gross entered a barber shop at 241 Broome and found the girl in conversation with the7 a resort at 156 Allen Street, and kept a prisoner there. On the same evening the Society's agents took out the girl, and arrested Lena Cohen, the proprietress. On November 16th, 1898, she was convicted in the Court of General Sessions of abduction, and later was sentenced by Judge Newberger to a term of three years and six months in state prison. The report of the Society on this case says: "It was ascertained that the unfortunate situation of the young girl "was primarily due to her betrayal by a brute in human form, who had "first betrayed her, and had afterwards placed her in the vile resort in "which she was found, and that he actually received a price from Lena "Cohen for this service—and not only this, but had continued to receive "money from the young girl as the proceeds of her life of shame." This man, Louis Sodofsky, was convicted, the jury deliberating only eight minutes. He was sentenced to a term of ten years in prison. In passing sentence, Judge Newburger said: "My attention has been called to the fact that the defendant is one "of a number who have made it their business to live off the proceeds of "shame of unfortunate women who congregate in the east side of the "city." * * * "This seems to have grown within the last few "years to large proportions; and in passing sentence in this case. I propose "that it shall not only work a punishment to this defendant, but "that it shall have a deterrent effect upon others of a like character." CASE VI On November 15th, 1900, the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children caused the arrest of Morris Cohen, twenty-two years old, upon a charge of abducting a girl fifteen years and placing her in a disorderly house. Cohen was one of the boldest and most industrious "cadets," having no other means of livelihood than his occupation as procurer. Cohen was tried and convicted on December 27th, 1900. Judge Foster in the Court of General Sessions sentenced him to a term of five years at hard labor in state prison, and to pay a fine of one thousand dollars, Cohen to stand committed one day, for each dollar of the fine, until it should be paid. Judge Foster said in part: [*17356*] 5 barber's wife. He thereupon struck her violently in the face. "What are you doing here?" he said. "Didn't I tell you to go out and do business, and here you are wasting your time?" In February, 1901, acting on information furnished by the Committee of Fifteen, the girl's father found her soliciting in the street, and caused her arrest. The police delivered the girl to the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children. The arrest of Gross followed. He was convicted in the Court of General Sessions, May 17th, 1901. When Gross was arraigned for sentence, his counsel said: "Your Honor, this defendant is but nineteen years of age. He "has previous to the bringing of these charges had a good reputation, and "I offer to the court numerous testimonials to that effect." "Stop," said Judge McMahon. "To offer recommendations as to "good character for this man I consider an aggravation. Some creatures "are so low and so wholly without moral sense that it almost excites my "pity. I accepted a plea in this case simply because I did not think it "was possible to convince a jury that such a depth of utter depravity "and moral turpitude existed in any human being. This traffic in children "has got to stop, if it is possible for the law to prevent it. The "penalty for the crime, as it is fixed to-day, is altogether too lenient, "and wholly disproportionate to the enormity of the crime. I will sentence "this man to the full penalty, - four years and eight months imprisonment "and eight hundred dollars fine." CASE IV. As illustrating the way in which a police department dominated by such a man as Devery may be expected to treat these matters, the case of patrolman McManus may be cited. The facts as shown by the records of the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children and the records of the Court of Special Sessions are as follows: In February, 1892, McManus, though married, was found to be living with a fifteen-year-old girl. The girl was rescued by the Society, and McManus was tried before Police Commissioner Sheehan for conduct unbecoming an officer. Decision reserved. On March 5th, 1892, McManus was held for trial in General Sessions on the charge of rape. [*17355*]6 After a number of adjournments and arraignments in the Court of General Sessions, Judge Martine dismissed the indictment on a technicality. Later, the matter of his family was investigated, and it was found that a wife and four children were destitute. A warrant was issued for the arrest of McManus, but he disappeared. It was stated that he had been dismissed from the force for neglect of duty and intoxication. The children were cared for by semi-public institutions. A year later, in 1898, McManus was charged by his wife with failing to support her. He promised to pay his wife $6 a week, and was released, but did not do so, and on January 21st, 1901, was arraigned in the Fourth District City Magistrate's Court. He admitted on that occasion that he was living with a Mrs. Daly, of No. 267 Tenth Avenue. On January 24th, before Justices Jerome, Jacobs and McKean, in the Court of Special Sessions, McManus was sentenced to three months in the penitentiary. At that time he had been re-appointed to the police force; and during his imprisonment he was carried upon the records of the department as "absent without leave." On May 2nd, 1901, Deputy Chief of Police Devery, sitting to hear charges against policemen, dismissed a complaint against patrolman McManus. Testimony was given to the effect that after he had been sentenced in January, McManus had said that he thought that he had not pleaded guilty. McManus's lawyer mentioned the fact that Judge Jerome had been concerned in the conviction of McManus. Devery then, not waiting to hear further testimony, broke forth with a vulgar tirade, and dismissed the charge. In reply to a reporter's question whether there was any reason for keeping patrolman McManus on the police force, notwithstanding his record, Deputy Commissioner Devery said: "There are reasons unknown to you and to me." CASE V. On October 15th, 1898, the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children learned that a girl fourteen years of age had been decoyed into 8 "The evidence showed that you took a young girls, aged fifteen years, "into a Raines law hotel, under the pretence of taking her to a concert; "that you gave her a glass of soda which was drugged; that she lost "consciousness, and in this unconscious state that you outraged her; and "the next day preyed upon her fears, and took her to a house of ill-fame, "and sold her to a life of infamy." "That is briefly the evidence in "the case. Then you went around and tried to get from her the proceeds "of her own shame, and took her from house to house, selling her "three times over." "The evidence shows that this is the seventh victim of your own "lust for gain. A viler wretch than you has never been before a court "of justice within my knowledge." CASE VII. In August, 1900, Henrietta Kantrowitz, a girl of seventeen, living with her parents at 138 Monroe Street, was betrayed by a young man named Louis Greenberg. She continued to live with her parents, but in October, 1900, Greenberg persuaded her to marry him. After she had lived with him for a week, he took her to a disorderly house upon the pretence that it was the home of a friend. After a determined resistance, beating and starvation reduced her to submission. She was there detained against her will for five weeks. She was removed subsequently to a house of 203 West 41st Street. While she was in these houses her earnings were forcibly taken from her by Greenberg, who kicked and beat her. Having secured a hat and a coat, so that she could appear in the street, she escaped, and returned to her parents. On March 26th, 1901, Greenberg was convicted in the Court of General Sessions, and Judge McMahon sentenced him to imprisonment for five years and to pay a fine of eight hundred dollars, and to stand committed on day for each dollar until the fine should be paid. CASE VIII. In May, 1900, Dora Rubin, seventeen years old, went to the theatre with a young barber named Mandel Schneidermann, of 116 Attorney Street. When they reached her house the door was locked. Upon the pretence11 to whose notice such a case is brought, he dares not interfere with the perpetration of this awful wrong, because of the fear of the severest discipline. "As a rule, however, the victim, after having been confined in the house thus for some days and obliged to lead the life of the other inmates, believes the statement of her captors that, once having been an inmate of such a house, she can never be reclaimed, and had better, therefore, resign herself with the best grace possible to the position in which she has been placed. "It is believed by all who have looked into the peculiar phase of crime that the youths who thus enter into marriage with their victims contract several marriages, and thus commit the crime of bigamy with impunity; for when it is difficult to obtain evidence of the graver crime, it is not to be supposed that the less serious charge of bigamy could be sustained. "To the residents of all parts of this city, of whatever social station, it may be said that they cannot rest in any fancied security from the perpetration of such wrongs against members of their own families. The youths engaged in this practice do not wear any badge or sign indicating their horrible vocation, but present the appearance of the ordinary New York young man, and seek their victims in the parks and in all other places frequented generally by the public. "I have no hesitation in saying that if the police were free from the interference of political influence, and were allowed to do their duty, it would be very difficult for such a crime to be committed, if, in fact, it were not rendered almost impossible. This will become apparent when we realize that it takes an incredibly short period of time for a policeman, whether he be of high or low rank, to become acquainted with the people within his precinct; and although some of the victims are foreigners, yet a confidence in the police which does not now exist would then be established, and persons against whom such a crime was sought to be perpetrated would not hesitate to have recourse to the police for aid. It is, however, due to the police to say that when their attention has been called to such cases they have endeavored to procure evidence, but it has been [*17358*] 9 that he would go for the key, Schneidermann decoyed the girl into his shop, locked the door, pulled down the shades, and overcame her resistance. The girl told her parents the following morning. Subsequently, with the consent of her parents, she married Schneidermann. Upon the pretence that he had hired living rooms at that address, he immediately placed her in a disorderly house at 241 West 17th Street. There she was forcibly detained, and compelled to wear clothes in which she was afraid to appear in the street. The checks which she received she refused to cash; but they were taken from her by Schneidermann. After six weeks she was removed in a cab to 203 West 41st Street, where she was detained for a week, Schneidermann again taking the checks from her. Having procured street clothes, she escaped to the house of her sister. At 203 West 41st Street she found Henrietta Greenberg. Upon the marriage certificate of Schneidermann the name of Louis Greenberg appeared as that of a witness, although the two young men denied that they knew one another. During the trial, Schneidermann's lawyers made an unsuccessful attempt to prove that the girl had not been pure before the spring of 1900. His lawyers were a firm, a member of which is the Tammany candidate for the office of district attorney of New York County, Henry W. Unger. In May, 1901, Judge Fursman in the criminal branch of the Supreme Court, sentenced Schneidermann to imprisonment for four years and eight months and to pay a fine of one thousand dollars, and to stand committed one day for each dollar until the fine should be paid. [*17357*]10 THE CADET SYSTEM. STATEMENT MADE BY DISTRICT ATTORNEY EUGENE A. PHILBIN OF NEW YORK COUNTY, OCTOBER 21, 1901. "The experience of the District Attorney must necessarily be filled with incidents that tend to make him realize how often the most stringent and carefully prepared statutes are ineffectual in preventing and punishing crimes that are exceptional in their revolting features. An illustration of this may be found in the efforts to successfully attack what is known as the 'cadet system." This is nothing short of a deliberate merchandising of the virtue of women, usually young girls, and placing them in such a position that escape from a life of degradation is impossible. "The methods which have usually been adopted, and which are largely prevalent in parts of this city, are either to get the victim to enter into a marriage with one of the conspirators, usually a youth about twenty years of age, who lures his wife into a disorderly house, and there compels her to enter upon the awful traffic; or to lead the young woman in the first instance to a disorderly house under the pretext of furnishing her with employment as a servant. She is then introduced to the woman in charge of the house, who at first keeps up the pretext of employment, but her clothes are soon taken from her, and she is provided with a costume in which she fears to appear in the street. The victim is then locked in a room and compelled to submit. "To the average citizen such things may seem impossible, and it will scarcely be believed that the victim cannot escape if she determines to do so. It might be supposed that the aid of the police could be readily enlisted, but that avenue of escape is almost invariably inaccessible, because the persons who engage in this nefarious trade have, as a preliminary measure and as part of their business scheme, made arrangements with the police; so that no matter how much of a man the patrolman may be 12 necessary to secure the services of officers not attached to the precinct in which the crime occurred. "I have every reason to believe that the placing of the police patrolmen in position where they could attack this form of vice without injury to themselves would be hailed by them with the greatest gratification because, as will be at once apparent, they can have no conceivable object in preventing the enforcement of the law. If it is not already evident from what I have said that the conditions above described are largely due to the political system under which we now exist, I will unhesitatingly state that if we had such a government as would insure to the policemen full protection in the performance of their duties, it would become practically impossible for the form of vice above described to exist." THE CONDITIONS DESCRIBED BY THOSE WHO KNOW THE FACTS. On November 15th, 1900, Mr. Isidor Straus, in presenting to the executive committee of Tammany Hall the statement which led to the appointment of the Committee of Five said:— "We have in recent years experienced a difficulty which threatens "to infuse poison into the very fountain head of righteousness. I "refer to the immorality in the tenement houses and the immorality in "the streets of our city; the manner in which boys and girls are "threatened with the temptations held out to them on every side." On September 27th, 1900, Bishop Potter, in his address to the Diocesan Convention of the Protestant Episcopal Church, said:— "The corrupt system, whose infamous details have since then been steadily uncovered to our increasing horror and humiliation, was brazenly ignored by those who were fattening on its spoils; and the world was presented with the astounding spectacle of a great municipality whose civic mechanism was largely employed in trading in the 15 On October 6th the Committee of Fifteen issued a report on vice in tenement houses, under date of October 1st. The Committee announced that there were on file in its office sworn statements against 290 separate apartments in 237 tenement houses in Manhattan in which prostitutes violated the Tenement House law. It said further that the evidence in these statements was of a character such as had secured conviction in cases tried in the criminal courts of this country. On May 16th the annual report of the University Settlement Society was published. It contained the following statement:— "Our own opinion, which accords with that of other witnesses, is "that the temptation of young children to vice on the streets, in the "hallways, staircases and back yards of the tenement houses have been "unexampled in our municipal history." The Committee of Fifteen has secured abundant evidence that, with the full knowledge of the police, many boys not twenty years old, are employed regularly in disorderly houses as bar-keepers, errand boys and watch-boys, or "light-houses." These boys are also employed to distribute printed advertising cards in the streets and to pilot persons to the places of their employers. It is unnecessary to comment upon the inevitable effect upon the character of these youths. The Committee of Fifteen has evidence showing that disorderly houses are carefully watched by the police and pay tribute directly to sergeants, roundsmen, "wardmen" and patrolmen. The Committee's evidence shows conclusively that the police have such knowledge of these places as too make it easy for them to detect promptly cases of forcible detention. The following case illustrates the close supervision which the police exercise for purposes of their own over places in which the most terrible crimes may be committed without police interference:— On October 1st, 1901, one of the employees of the Committee of Fifteen was approached by Joseph E. Burke, a "wardman" assigned to the 11th Police Precinct, with a proposition to pay for being "tipped off" as to the issuance of warrants against the inmates or proprietors of [*17360*] 13 "bodies and souls of the innocent and defenseless. What has been published "in this connection is but the merest hint of what exists—and "exists, most appalling of all, as the evidence has come to me under the "seal of confidence in overwhelming volume and force to demonstrate— "under a system of terrorism which compels its victims to recognize that "to denounce it means the utter ruin, so far as all their worldly interests "are concerned, of those who dare to do so. This infamous organization "for making merchandise of the corruption of girls and boys, and "defenseless men and women, has adroitly sought to obscure a situation "concerning which all honest people are entirely clear, by saying that "vice cannot be wholly suppressed. Nobody has made upon the authorities "of New York any such grotesque demand. All that our citizens "have asked is that the government of the city shall not be employed to "protect a trade in vice, which is carried on for the benefit of a political "organization. The case is entirely clear. No Mephistophelian cunning "can obscure it, and I thank God that there is abundant evidence "that the end of such a condition of things is not far off." In November, 1898, Judge Newburger, in passing sentence upon a young man for the abduction of a girl of fourteen, said:— "My attention has been called to the fact that the defendant is one "of a number who have made it their business to live off the proceeds of "the shame of unfortunate women who congregate on the east side." * * * * "This seems to have grown within the last "few years to large proportions." In passing sentence in a similar case in May, 1901, Judge Foster of the same court recognized the extent of the evil by saying, "this traffic in children has got to stop, if it is possible for the law to prevent it." City magistrate Robert C. Cornell makes this statement:— "The cases which are set out to in this pamphlet are, to my own "knowledge, typical cases of the depravity of the thickly populated "parts of the city. In my experience of six years on the city magistrates' "bench, I have seen repeated instances of this character in such "numbers that they clearly indicate the existence of a general condition. [*17359*]14 "Unhappily, instead of the steady improvement which should take place "in a civilized community, there has been a very marked increase "in crime of all kinds in parts of the city within the last few "years. The cases brought before me show that the ranks of prostitutes "are recruited largely from among the virtuous people; and again "and again I have seen parents in my court tear out their hair upon "discovering that their daughters had been led astray. I have had "occasion to punish a flashy lot of young men whose sole apparent means "of support was the proceeds of the shame of women. There can be no "doubt that the horrible condition of affairs could not exist in the "presence of an efficient and vigilant police. The best proof that can "be offered to substantiate this statement is that when Police Captain "Titus was sent to the Red Light District, after the notoriously bad condition "of things which existed when Herlihy was in command, it only "required a few weeks of active work on the part of an honest and unhampered "policeman to "clean up" the district. This was at once "proof that the police were incapable, and that the remedy rested with "them." Captain Titus was soon transferred to another part of the city. On June 27th Justice William Travers Jerome, of the Court of Special Sessions, was quoted in the New York Times as saying:— "People are simply ignorant of conditions on the east side. If those "conditions existed in some other communities, there would he a Vigilance "Committee speedily organized, and somebody would get lynched. "The continual greed and extortion of the Police Captains, who charge "five hundred dollars for a disorderly resort to open in their precinct, "and then collect fifty to a hundred per month, has, however, made "even vice unprofitable. Details I know are revolting and not nice to read, "but yet the people ought to know about them. Just yesterday I sentenced "to six months in the penitentiary the keepers of one of the most "depraved houses of the east side. I firmly believe that they were merely "the agents of the man who owns not one but many of such places. He "is well known as a politician in a certain notorious district. "That house is but one of hundreds within a radius of one mile of "this building, where criminals are sometimes brought to justice. I will "stake my reputation that there are scores within less than that distance "from here in which there are an average often of twelve children from "thirteen to eighteen years old." 16 certain disorderly apartments in that precinct. Under instructions from the officials of the Committee this employee subsequently called at the 11th Precinct Stationhouse to see Burke with regard to his proposal, and being there informed that Burke has just previously been transferred to the 13th Precinct, went to the last-named Precinct Stationhouse, there saw Burke, and there and in various subsequent interviews agreed to "tip" Burke off on certain places designated by Burke in a list prepared by him and written by the Committee's employee. At Burke's suggestion the Committee's employee was introduced by him to James J. Nesbit, a "wardman" assigned to the 13th Police Precinct upon the understanding between Burke and Nesbit that the employee of the Committee would give Nesbit "tips" on the issuance of warrants against apartments in his, the 13th Police Precinct. This employee thereupon introduced Nesbit to a man represented to be a warrant clerk of the Committee, through whom this employee was presumed to receive notice of the impending issuance of warrants. Nesbit thereupon dictated and the employee of the Committee wrote a list of places that Nesbit wished to be "tipped off" to him. Various interviews followed between Nesbit and the two employees of the Committee, leading up to notice to Nesbit on October 11th, 1901, by the first-mentioned employee of the Committee that a warrant was about to be issued for conducting a disorderly apartment in the rear house of the tenement No. 181 Hester Street, one of the houses mentioned on both of the lists. Thereupon Nesbit paid part of the agreed consideration for this information, stated that he would forthwith notify the person against whom the warrant was about to be issued, and instructed the Committee's employee to go immediately to the place and see if the occupants quitted the premises, which the Committee's employee did, seeing a number of persons leaving the premises in haste. The Committee's employee thereupon joined those who were about to serve the warrant, and found the premises practically deserted. Thereupon the Committee caused warrants to be issued for the two "wardmen" for seeking jointly and severally to defeat the ends of justice, and for aiding and abetting in the maintenance of a disorderly house.They say that in the days before he was made a Captain of Police, William S. Devery was a brave servant of the people. No particular record of his bravery has been set down, but from the assertions of his friends the good works of Mr. Devery in that period seem to be of the sort which come easily to the man who has a nightstick in his hands when the other man has only his bare fists. There are records of certain trivial matters incidental to the earlier career of the present Deputy Commissioner. They read thus: "Neglect to report when ordered;" "conversation while on duty;" "conduct unbecoming an officer;" "absence from roll call;" and "absence from desk duty." There were seven of these charges on the books of the department of which he is now the head. He was fined for four of them, reprimanded for two and one was dismissed. His highest fine was two and a half days' pay or about one-fourth of the lowest fine he has imposed on men guilty of similar indiscretions. Mr. Devery's admirers say that his beat was always orderly; no doubt it was. Outward and public disorder on a patrolman's post often attracts attention of his superiors to his unseen and private graft. Superiors in the Police Department do not like to have their inferiors graft—on their own account. There is the highest authority to support this opinion. Devery in 1893. "Leave it to me." In March, 1893, William S. Devery, then a captain, took command of the Eldridge street police station. It was a district then, as now, in which a great many poor people were closely crowded together. There were, too, a number of wicked men and women there who knew that by taking a little money from a great many poor people they could get rich just as fast as if they picked the pockets of a few rich people, and without running as much risk. To do this they need police help. When Capt. Devery [*17362*] TOUCHIN' ON AN' APPERTAININ' TO MR. DEPUTY COMMISSIONER DEVERY. [*17361*]Dedicated To His Honor MAYOR ROBERT A. VAN WYCK. who has declared that "Devery is the best Chief of Police New York Ever Had." 4 took command of the station he told his men that he expected them to be obedient, and industrious and fearless; he concluded his remarks thus: "They tell me there's a lot of graftin' goin' on in this precinct. They tell me you fellers are the fiercest ever on graft. Now," (pounding his fat fist on the edge of his desk) "that's goin' to stop! If there's any graftin' to be done, I'll do it. Leave it to me!" The patrolmen laughed dismally. The man who doesn't laugh when Devery cracks a joke, weeps. The doors were unlocked and the men marched out to their posts. The day of Devery the Grafter had begun. What a day it was! Well might the Deputy Commissioner, looking back over his own career, voice his reminiscences thus: "I've been charged with everythin' on the calendar except murder. I'm here yet." "When you get caught you don't want to know nathin." Devery was indicted on Nov. 9, 1893, on evidence gathered by the agents of the Society for the Prevention of Crime, showing that he had allowed a number of disorderly houses to run without the interference among the dwellings of his good but helplessly poor fellow citizens in Forsyth and Eldridge streets. Devery went to trial in his own cheerfully brazen way; he said that he did not know that the places were bad, and that if he had suspected them there was no way in which he could get proof against them. A number of higher officers of the Department appeared to corroborate this testimony. The good citizens who had made up the jury believed the police statements. Devery was acquitted. New York folks have learned a lot about the capacity of the high officers of the police force for truthfulness and honesty since then. Mr. Justice Giegerich of the Supreme Court explained the situation very accurately in a recent opinion in which he said that the general publication of the revelations which have been made during7 "Stand by your friends then they won't throw you." Theodore Roosevelt was president summoned Devery before them for trial on the Seagrist charges, he obtained an order from Justice Smyth restraining them from trying him. That order was temporary, but it has never been dissolved. The Board did the next best thing to dismissing him from the force by putting him in a law-abiding precinct in west Harlem, where there was no vicious revenue to be found. There he remained until he was brought down-town by Mayor Van Wyck's board to become chief of police. McCullagh, who was removed to make room for him, had been interfering with the establishment of the Farrell poolroom business. Farrell was trying to run a poolroom at Twenty-ninth street and Sixth McCullagh stood by McConnell. There was "trouble." The Hon. Robert A. Van Wyck rearranged the police board at once. McCullagh was dropped; the man put in his place was Farrell's friend Devery. Sexton was one of the board that made the change. The machine was being assembled and was approaching effective working order. One of the first signs of the coming times was the sending of Glennon to the Tenderloin as a detective nominally, but as captain actually. People who wanted to "do business" were told "to see Glennon." Bob Nelsor, who had been bondsman for Devery on the Seagrist charges, took charge of the general bonding business of the street-walkers who were brought into the Tenderloin station. He boasted loudly of his friendship for Devery. Until the reign of Devery there had been some competition in that ghastly business. The women were brought in by the "body-snatchers." Those brought in were usually those who had been remiss in their weekly payments for the privilege of carrying on their trade on the streets. They were forced to give bonds whether they wanted to or not. Had they refused they would [*17364*] 5 the last year about the higher officers of the Police Department had so undermined public confidence in the higher officers of the Department, that were one of them actually innocent of charges brought against him it would be impossible to find a jury in the city who would believe the evidence in his favor. The feeling in the city ran so high against Devery in 1893, however, that the Tammany police board felt obliged to try him for neglect of duty. He was warned that they were going to make an example of him. He stayed home when the trial day came on and said that he was sick. Physicians sent by the board to find out if he was really sick were not allowed to enter his house. In the meantime, persons known to him were freely admitted. All not known to him were met by his wife at the door. He left his defense to her and she made a brave fight for him. The trail went on in his absence. By hiding behind his wife's skirts, loafing around the house in his shirt-sleeves—as his neighbors saw him—Devery saved his bacon. The courts decided that he had been deprived of his legal rights because he was tried in his absence, and the verdict of dismissal from the force was reversed. He was re-instated. During the Lexow investigation it had come out that a contractor named Seagrist had paid Devery, then captain of the Old Slip station, $100 for not interfering in the pulling down of a building at Pine street and Broadway. Devery was placed on trial for this in March, 1896. During the trial one of the jurors reported to the court that an attempt had been made to bribe him. Devery was acquitted because of an alibi which he established with the aid of two men of whom New York has come to know more since. One of them was Edward G. Glennon, the same who is now Devery's pro-consul in the Tenderloin province and who was tried and dismissed and re-instated [*17363*]6 with Devery, because of the Eldridge street matter. The other was Frank J. Farrell; the same Frank J. Farrell who now with Devery, and Sexton, and Carroll and our courteous and independent mayor, meets nightly to transact business which they do not trust one another well enough to leave untransacted over night; the same Frank J. Farrell whose name was found on the back of a check that Gambler Michael Maher had forwarded to the headquarters at 34 East 9th street as the combine's share of the graft from Ryan's gambling house; the same Farrell for whom, and with Glennon, Devery went to Saratoga for his vacation. It was of this same Farrell that Devery gave this testimony last year before the Mazet committee: "Farrell is a friend of mine, yes what of it." Q. Will you tell me who owns the house at 310 West 28th street? A. I forget the man's name who owns it. Q. Do you know him? A. I have seen him. Q. Is he there now? A. No, it is vacant now. Q. Who bought it from him? A. I couldn't tell you who bought it; at least, it isn't bought as yet. Q. Who is the man? A. I believe the place is intended to be bought by somebody. Q. Who is the somebody? A. I believe Mr. Farrell made arrangements to buy the place. Q. Mr. Farrell? A. Yes, sir. Q. What Farrell? A. Frank Farrell. This testimony, interesting as it is as showing the intimacy of the relations between Farrell and Devery, gains wonderfully when considered in connection with the fact that Mr. Devery moved his home soon after the investigation, and that the New York Directory for 1901 contains this entry: Devery, Wm. S., dep commr 300 Mulberry, h 310 w 28th. When the Board of Police Commissioners of which 8 have been hounded off the streets. The charge for bonding was $5. Before the Nelson monopoly some of the sergeants and doormen concerned in the operation of the business used to get a "rake-off." When Nelson came in these gratuities were cut off. Nelson was "so strong with headquarters that he did not have to give up to anybody." He took it all. The sergeants grumbled, and Mr. Franklin Matthews told all about it in "Harper's Weekly." Mr. Nelson ceased coming to the station in person. He sent Barney Marcus. The business is still going on. The relations of Devery with Farrell being established, has any one any doubts as to the nature of the relations of Devery with Nelson? Meanwhile the combine took to licensing gambling houses, poolrooms and disorderly houses. So many gambling houses were opened that there was not business enough to go around. The gamblers complained that the percentage of profits and the "extras" demanded by the combine were too high. They began cheating and using "brace games." In disorderly houses women began to rob their patrons. In known instances women who were low, but not thieves, were told that if they would add stealing to their other wrongdoing, they could increase their own revenue and keep up with the demands made upon them by the police for money. Protection from prosecution was promised and given. These things went on under the nose of Glennon, who indeed made his headquarters in the office of one of the largest places of resort of the fallen. If Glennon knew, is it foolish to suppose that Devery also knew? And if Devery knew, is it likely that he did not know what became of the money thus stolen? For it must be remembered that it was this same Devery who boldly denounced Corporation Counsel John Whalen for having obtained a decision that certain large money allowances claimed by Devery could11 talk to others, and am familiar with his voice; and the voice that spoke to me over the 'phone I identified as that of the said Devery. "I told Devery I was Whitney, and the operator had refused to connect me with the Thirtieth street station house, and that I would like to be connected as I had an important communication to Eddy Glennon. I then heard Devery call "Hello, downstairs," and then to Devery said "Connect that party whenever he wants you to." "In one of my conversations with Glennon subsequently to my talk with William S. Devery over the 'phone I told Glennon about my having called up police headquarters, and that they would not connect me with the West Thirtieth street station, and that I had called up Deputy Commissioner Devery and had Devery connect me, and Glennon said, 'Yes, Devery told me about it.'" As Deputy Commissioner, Mr. Devery became judge at the trials of delinquent policemen. His wonderfully shrewd judgment of police human nature; his accurate knowledge of all the small tricks of the lazy or dishonest patrolment and his frankness in revealing his familiarity with them at trials was at once the joy and the astonishment of the city. For a time Devery was regarded as a much-maligned man and as the truest of police reformers. Tremendously heavy fines were imposed by him for comparatively trifling. To be sure, such impressions of Devery as a martinet were shocked severely when the big man rode down Fifth avenue in an open barouche at dawn one summer morning, with his clothing disarranged, his eyes bloodshot, and hailed every policeman with oaths and insults. But since an inconsiderate double of Mr. Devery has taken to appearing drunk and roystering in near-by cities every time Mr. Devery is kept at home by illness, the Fifth avenue incident has dropped back into the mass of less interesting details of the ways of this remarkable person. [*17366*] 9 not legally be given to him. He swore that he would "get even," not because the decision was unjust, but because Mr. Whalen "did him out of that money." That cost Mr. Whalen a nomination for the Supreme Court bench. Van Wyck has got one. "There's too much talk about laws that hinder free people." Naturally the one essential thing to Devery in order that his liberty and revenue may be maintained is that his political friends be kept in control of the city government. If there is danger that a fair election may go against him, he has no scruples about making it an unfair election. In 1893 he said to his men in Eldridge street, when there were rumors that an effort was to be made to see that the oppressed voters in that part of the city got their rights: "There's goin' to be a lot of silk stockin's from uptown down here to-day to watch the polls. Don't let 'em get fresh. They ain't got no business down here, an' if they try to interfere, stand 'em on their heads!" As chief of police he issued the famous order to the uniformed men to interfere with the work of John McCullagh, now superintendent of elections. Governor Roosevelt caused it to be rescinded before the ink of Devery's signature was fairly dry. Devery was indicted again for issuing it, but on the recommendation of the Attorney General, there was no prosecution, because no harm had actually been done by the order. By this time decent people were convinced that Devery was intolerable. The legislature was persuaded to legislate him out of office. Under the new law the Savoy pirates made him Deputy Commissioner, with more power than ever. There had been rumors while he was chief that the uniformed men under him had been made to feel that there was some financially accumulative force working high up in the department. It was not long before these things became more than rumors. [*17365*]10 Meanwhile, the police were made the active agents of the firm of Farrell, Carroll, Devery, Sexton & Van Wyck. "Our Mr. Glennon" was by no means the only man who was paid out of the city tax receipts to attend to their business. There was only one drop of bitter in the combine's whole rich dish. It was the activity of the Committee of Fifteen and the other organizations who were co-operating with that committee and were reaching the courts through Justice Jerome. The combine believed that it had been successful in bribing one of the detectives who were working with Justice Jerome and the committees. He was to warn them of approaching storms. He was to use no private machinery to do this, but the telephone wires and the man and the organization of the Police Department itself. It was alien to the whole spirit of frugality of Devery and his coadjutors to spend their own money when city-paid agencies were available. Whitney, the representative of Farrell, made advances to a man in the confidence of the troublers of the combine's prosperity—one Dillon. The plan was that Dillon was to give information to Whitney of intended raids and that Whitney was to disseminate the news. Here is part of Whitney's confession, after he had been arrested because of the honesty of Dillon: "You want to always get tipped off." "I called up police headquarters in Mulberry street, and asked the operator there to give me telephone connection with the Nineteenth Precinct station house. The operator asked me my name, and I told him it was Whitney. He said he could not connect me, as it was against the rules of the department. I told him to connect me with the office of William S. Devery, the deputy commissioner of police, at 300 Mulberry street, which he did, the said Devery coming to the telephone and answering. I have known William S. Devery for a long time, and have conversed with him, and have heard him 12 Once or twice, at trials, months ago, careful observers caught the impression that under the ostensible reason given for the heavy fines imposed, were others of which only the man on trials and the Deputy Commissioner had knowledge. Once, for instance, Capt. Flood appeared as complainant against a man who had been walking with another man, not a policeman, during a large part of his tour of duty. Devery asked who the other man was. Capt. Flood showed no inclination to answer in open court. "Agents, I suppose?" the Deputy Commissioner suggested, with a chuckle. Capt. Flood was unable to cover his confusion. No one except the Captain, the accused policeman and the Deputy Commissioner knew what was meant. None of them would tell. It was the matter of Patrolman Edward Oneill which brought people to a realization of the serious import of what was going on. Oneill was accused of being too rough in making an arrest. Devery assailed him in the usual way. Oneill had been a United States soldier in the regular cavalry. He was trained to obedience and to discipline, but his training had not been of the sort to make a man submissive to cowardly brutality. "I suppose," he said, in answer to the Commissioner, "that if I'd stand for a shakedown you'd stand for this." "I'll fine you thirty days," shouted Devery. This meant $112.50. Oneill broke out with protests, saying that he had been transferred six times in four months because he had refused to pay "shake-down money." Devery saw a source of revenue endangered. He flew into a passion that up to this time had not its parallel in the chronicles of his doings at police headquarters. He fairly screamed his anger. He caused Oneill to be expelled from the force for insubordination. But Oneill told how certain policemen were in the habit of representing themselves as authorized to bring about the re-transfer15 "But," said the lawyer for McManus, an astute gentleman of much Deverian experience, "do you know that Justice Jerome sentenced this man?" "It would be treason to disintegrate Tammany Hall. I will not do it." Edward M. Shepard. "Jerome," bellowed Devery, leaping at the name of the man whom he regarded as responsible for the shutting down of many of the graft mills; "Jerome! Why it's an outrage! Here's a man sent to prison without trial and recorded as pleading guilty, when he didn't. That's Jerome! It ain't right. Complaint dismissed. Jerome can't run New York. There's a lot of tin soldiers goin' aroun' the streets of New York with guns on their shoulders, breakin' into people's houses, shootin' off their guns in the streets, an' raisin' riot in the city, disgracin' the community." McManus, to-day, is still on the rolls of the Police Department, drawing $1,400 a year from the taxpayers of the city. Once anything brings the thought of graft to Devery's mind, all other considerations, including caution, fly to the four winds. That is Devery. That is the man who was selected by the Tammany hall organization, or at least by the man who now controls the organization, to manage its police. He was selected because he would do anything he was told to do, because he was in close sympathy with Sexton and Carroll and Sullivan and Farrell and their interests. After all, his record is important, not because it involves so much that is shameful to the city, but because it shows what sort of man the present rulers of our city want at the head of the Police Department, and why. Why should any decent man vote to swell the bank accounts of Devery and Croker and the rest of the crew they represent and work for? [*17368*] 13 of men who had been moved about to their own discomfort or disadvantage. He gave the names of one or two others who would testify to the same things. Some did so testify. Others denied all knowledge of anything of the sort. But it was established to the satisfaction of everyone who watched the trial that there had been a regular process of transferring patrolmen "for the good of the Department" and of transferring them back again after they had paid sums varying from $15 to $25 to certain persons who represented themselves as in touch with the transferring power, which was Devery. When men did not pay, and merely accepted the transfer, they were hounded at trials. "There's reasons that everybody don't know." John Marrinan, who was one of Oneill's witnesses, let in a flood of light on the secret of the heavy fining system. He said that after Devery had fined him twenty days' pay, one Hirsch, a saloon keeper, had come to him with an offer to have the fine remitted for a cash payment of $50. Twenty days' pay for John Marrinan was $69,80. Mr. Hirsch said that he represented Mr. Glennon, and that for cash paid to him, a private citizen, Marrinan could save $19.80 of his fine. There was no difficulty in guessing who was represented by Glennon through Hirsch. A few days after Marrinan made these statements at Onell's trial he was charged with having a soiled uniform. He had a good excuse, in that a woman he had arrested had soiled his clothing. Devery broke his own record for brutality and indecency and fined him fifteen days' pay. "Let's see you get that fine remitted," was his significant taunt to the policeman in closing the case. The language used by Devery at that time was of the sort heard from drunken men fighting around the door of the lowest sort of a bar-room. Not a newspaper in the city dared so much as to indicate its nature. Since then not so much has been made of Devery as a humorist. [*17367*]14 But if proof were needed that his judgments in police cases were not based upon high conceptions of the duties of policemen and the place of the Department in the public service the case of Michael J. McManus is respectfully submitted. In 1892 McManus was found to have seduced a fifteen-year-old girl and to have supported her as his mistress. He was tried on March 11 and the jury disagreed. There was no question of his actual guilt. A new trial drifted along until Judge Martine dismissed the case on a technicality. McManus was dismissed from the department istrate Crane sent him to the Court of Special Sessions. the following January his children were taken under the care of the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children. The children were committed to an institution. Soon afterward the courts re-instated McManus in the department, and his wife had him brought before Magistrate Cornell to show why he did not support his family. He promised to care for them and did not. He was arrested. He admitted to Magistrate Crane that he was living with a woman not his wife. He was drunk. Magistrate Crane sent him to the Court of Special Sessions. He was tried before Justices Jerome, Jacobs and McKean. It was shown that his children were still in the Catholic Protectory, that he was living with a woman not his wife, and that no part of his salary of $1,400 a year went to his children or his wife. He was found guilty and Justice Jerome pronounced sentence upon him—three months in the penitentiary. McManus was taken before Mr. Devery to be dismissed from the department on the strength of his record and his conviction by the criminal court. Mr. Devery, as Chief of Police, had made the formal complaint on which McManus was arraigned before him as Deputy Commissioner. He began to storm at McManus as soon as the case came before him.The State DAILY AND SEMI-WEEKLY. THE STATE COMPANY, The State Building, Columbia, S.C. MONDAY, NOVEMBER 4, 1901. Koester His Own Accuser. The lynching record of George R. Koester, recently appointed collector of internal revenue by President Roosevelt, is the subject of wide discussion, in view especially of the fact that the regular Republican organization in this State and the negro preachers seem disposed to make an issue of it. We have been informed that protests against Koester have been made to the president by prominent members of the organization and several days ago resolutions were printed showing that the colored ministers' union of Columbia had looked into the matter and adopted resolutions of similar effect. One of Senator McLaurin's organs declared last week that it had been informed that the president was having the matter investigated and that if Koester's connection with a lynching could be proved there was "a strong probability" that the collectorship would not be given him after all. This same paper, with others, has chosen to treat The State as a prosecutor in the matter and has assumed that it has made charges against Koester with the view of securing the cancellation of his appointment or his rejection by the senate. This is entirely gratuitous. The State has an opinion of Koester which it has frequently expressed, but it has not undertaken to dislodge him from the office to which he has been appointed nor does it at present have such an intention. When, a few days after President Roosevelt had entertained Booker Washington at his table he appointed Koester, a negro-lyncher, to the chief federal office in the State, the contrast between the two acts was so odd that we deemed it worthy of a jocose paragraph. That was all, and we have not made nor pressed the issue. That seems to have been done by members of the president's party only. The circumstance to which The State referred was so notorious, in view of the presence of a number of Columbians with Koester at the lynching, that it did not need any reference in this newspaper to expose that vulnerable point in the new collector to those Republicans who resent his appointment. The matter has now assumed such shape as to call for a statement on our part, which, however, would not have been made had the friends of the new collector refrained from putting The State in the attitude of a prosecutor of Koester and charging it with misrepresentation. In view of this we are constrained to cite the record. The following dispatch appeared in the New York Sun on Saturday last: Charleston, S.C., Nov. 1.—Friends of George R. Koester, whose appointment as collector of internal revenue is opposed because he took part in a lynching near Columbia several years ago, made a statement today about the affair. According to this version, Koester, who was a newspaper editor at the time, went with the mob to report the lynching. The negro was chased through the swamps and finally captured, and plans were immediately arranged to burn him alive. After being tied to a tree the mob was preparing to burn the captive, when Koester protested at the cruelty and torture. He declared that it should not be done. One of the leaders asked Koester how he could stop it. "Why I'll shoot him dead first," he is said to have answered and then fired at the negro. The mob was in a bloodthirsty mood. When he saw that he was powerless to save the negro, Koester is said to have fired because he believed it a humane act to save the man from torture. Several newspapers have printed stories charging Koester with having fired the first shot at the lynching and no denial was made. Koester's version was made public today by one of his personal friends. In the Charleston News and Courier of the same date appeared the following article: The anti-Koester petition, instigated in Columbia for the purpose of urging President Roosevelt to refuse a commission to George R. Koester, recently appointed collector of internal revenue, was the talk of the town in political circles yesterday. One of Mr. Koester's Charleston friends, who returned here a few days ago, made a statement in which the lynching matter was brought up. He gave what purported to be Mr. Koester's side of the story and intimated that the petition would not make any impression at Washington, inasmuch as it had been started by men opposed to the McLaurin movement generally. "I was in Columbia the other day," said the Charleston man, "when a newspaper of that town made an editorial reference to the lynching, and I asked Mr. Koester about it. He said he [*17369*] had attended the lynching as a representative of his newspaper and for the purpose of writing the news. The negro had been caught and tied to a tree and some of the 'leading' citizens of Columbia were anxious to burn him alive. Koester protested at this villainous treatment and said it should not be considered. The mob asked him how he could help it and, while the fires were being kindled, Koester whipped out a revolver and fired at the negro, with the hope of ending his miserable existence before the fiends could burn him alive. There was no way under the sun by which the man's life could have been spared. The bloodthirsty mob was howling for the negro's life and was ready to commit an outrage as villainous as any ever heard of in South Carolina, Whether Koester's bullet killed the negro there is no one prepared to say, but his purpose was clear—he was actuated by a desire to save the wretch from torture—the kind of torture that the mob was seeking. "If that Columbia lynching is brought before the public in the shape of affidavits the developments will be startling. Men who would not desire to have it known that they were present will doubtless be called upon to explain. I have been told that men who have been friendly with Mr. Koester have been forced to sign the affidavits much against their will. The story is that one man at least is employed by the chief in the fight against Koester, and, left to his own inclinations, he might not have been so willing to put his information into an affidavit." The fact is evident that the appointment of Mr. Koester was not pleasing to a great many people in Columbia and elsewhere in the State, and politicians who are opposed to Senator McLaurin have put forth the argument that his cause has been injured by this sudden and unexpected move. It is generally believed, however, that the president knew something of Mr. Koester's record before the appointment was made and he was pleased with what he had been doing for the McLaurin party in South Carolina. There would have been a kick no matter who had been named as collector of internal revenue, the friends of Senator McLaurin declare, and the opposition was prepared to fight any man who was lucky enough to get the job. Because of this fact little attention is being paid to the Columbia petition by Republicans and others who are in sympathy with the new movement, especially when they called to mind the chief mover in having the petition put forth. This is the first we have heard of a petition against Koester or any effort to get men to sign affidavits to his injury. We find in our files of The State accounts of the lynching in question, which occurred on Sunday, July 30, 1893, at Gaston, a railroad village not many miles from Columbia. A special train took a number of Columbians to the scene, and all the local newspapers were represented. The names of but three Columbia participants were given in the reports, doubtless for reasons of "courtesy." We shall not reproduce The State's account lest it be said that it was inspired by hostility toward Koester, then the editor of the Columbia Register, the chief Tillman organ of South Carolina. We present instead the testimony of a witness and participant whose account will not be disputed by Collector George R. Koester —to wit, George R. Koester himself. There are in our possession the files of the Columbia Register, and from a four-column account of the Gaston lynching printed in its issue of Tuesday August 1, 1893, and written by Koester, we extract the following account of the lynching of Will Thompson, the first of the negroes to be dispatched. Here it is: Saturday night, nobody knows how, it was reported about the city that Thompson had been caught at Irmo. An engine and coach carried a crowd from Columbia there, only to find the story false. They returned sad and disappointed and would pay no heed to a man showing a telegram from Hopkins, saying a negro answering the description of Thompson had been caught there. They were in no humor to listen to any such tales. Hence it was that upon their return to Columbia they heard with much distrust the story of Thompson's capture. The Register's correspondent was not among the doubters, however. He ascertained that the prisoner had already been carried across the Congaree. There was talk of a special train, but the reporter could not wait for that. In company with another Columbian he mounted a horse and dashed after the captors. * * * The reporter by hard riding had overtaken the captors, who had had an hour's start. The captors were Messrs. Henry Griffin, Fred Jacobs and Jim Connor. A number of other men were with them as an escort to the prisoner. It would have been unhealthy for any crowd to have undertaken to rescue Thompson. Thompson had now to endure torture almost barbarous. For over an hour and a half the crowd, which was waiting for Sightler, (the white man whose wife had been assaulted), guyed and bullied Thompson, making all manner of horrible suggestions as to the best way in which to dispose of him. Burning and other tortures were discussed. Threats and curses were showered upon him. One man told him to pray. Another asked him if he knew how to pray, or if he had every prayed. Thompson said he used to say his prayers, but he didn't remember well. One of the crowd said, "I'll repeat the Lord's prayer for you." He started, "Our Father in heaven," and the negro repeated it in a faltering tone. The man continued: "Who owed us ten dollars and paid us seven." The negro looked shocked and a dozen or more men immediately cried out "No blasphemy," "Don't talk that way," "Don't make a jest of prayer," etc. The man looked very much abashed and no more disturbed the peace and sanctity of Sunday with any more such ribald and blasphemous jests. If Thompson prayed any more it was in silence, so that God alone heard him. All projects of burning him to death were frowned down as quickly as the blasphemy. Meanwhile Mr. Sightler and others were discussing what punishment should be given Thompson. Many earnestly demanded that he be burned. Thompson again begged "Doc" Goodwin to come to him. "Mr. Goodwin," said he in a weak and supplicating tone, "please, sire, don't let them burn me. If I've got to die I'd rather be shot." "You should have thought of that before you did your meanness," replied Mr. Goodwin. Finally it was decided to hang and not burn Thompson. He was marched along the railroad track surrounded by at least 150 men, boys, and children. When a satisfactory spot was reached Thompson's clothes were lowered and he was held across a log. Mr. Sightler took a buggy trace and plied it with fearful force. When he wearied of the exercise his brother took the trace and the blows again fell with renewed vigor. Not a cry was extracted from Thompson. Strange to say, the fearful blows did not bring blood. Sightler kicked Thompson, mashing his face in. Crossties were piled up, a noose in a white rope and the end of it tied to a knotty oak branch. Thompson bore all his punishments stoically. He shed a few tears while the crowd was frightening him but when the actual punishment began he never shed a tear or uttered a cry. When bade to do so, the little, helpless, half-dead negro climbed upon the crossties and helped put the noose around his own neck. * * * The man jumped down and shoved the crossties over. In a moment Thompson was dangling between heaven and earth. Those who wished to shoot formed in line on the railroad track. Mr. Sightler fired first. The echo of his shot was a volley from some 35 muskets, rifles, shotguns and revolvers. After this roar, which was heard five miles away, the firing was less heavy. The last shot cut the rope and the body dropped. It was at this lynching, according to our information at the time, that Koester claimed the privilege of firing thefirst shot after the negro was strung up. Comparing his account with that now made by a "friend" in his behalf, it will be seen that there are great dis- parities. The "friend" says that Koes- ter "whipped out a revolver and fired at the negro, with the hope of ending his miserable existence before the fiends could burn him alive." Koes- ter in his report stated that "all projects of burning him to death were frowned down" and that it "was decided to hang and not burn Thompson." As a matter of fact, Koes- ter was armed with a double-barrelled shot gun, not a revolver, as will be seen from his next testimony. A second lynching soon followed the first. We give Koester's account of that as printed in the Columbia Regis- ter: "Who'll get Preston?" was asked. The countryman bestriding the long- stepping mule, the reporter and his companion volunteered to bring Tom Preston and stated off through the woods, well armed in case of resistance by himself, his friends, relatives and acquaintances. * * * On through the woods they went, the moon casting the shadows of the trees in fantastic shapes on the ground and causing the underbush skirting the road to assume mystic forms. It was a time for cool and calm reflection. When a short distance from Preston's house, the trio dismounted and hitched their steeds which were grateful for the rest and which commenced brows- ing on leaves damp with dew. One man was posted on each side of the house and the third went to the door, which was open. He called Tom, but Tom answered not. Finally he en- tered and examined the house by the light of several matches. It was de- serted; the bird had flown. * * * (The Register's account of the lynching of Thompson here intervenes.) Preston was now wanted. It was feared negro runners had been sent to warn him that he would be arrested. Who could go for hi,? Plenty of men were willing, but no one seemed to have a horse or mule that was not worn out. The fastest pace would have been a snail's gallop, which would have allowed Preston plenty of time to escape. A Columbian with a fairly fresh horse volunteered to bring back the negro dead or alive if somebody would show him the way to Mr. Adam Geiger's place at which he had ascer- tained the night before that Preston was in the habit of spending his Sun- days. In company with one who knew the road the Columbian rode the seven and a half miles to Mr. Geiger's place. No one had seen Preston there. Mr Geiger said he had not seen him and showed the Columbian to a negro cabin. The negro in it said Preston was nowhere around and had not been there. The Columbian asked him in which house Preston's woman lived. The house was pointed out. He rode up towards it, under cover of some trees, dismounted and walked toward the house, a cocked double-barreled gun in his hands. Standing 10 feet to one side of the door and covering it with his gun, (he) called gently: "Tom, Tom, are you there?" and a voice replied, "Yes." "Come here a moment, I want to see you." "All right," replied the negro, and walked to the door only to find himself gazing into the deadly mouths of a double-barreled gun. He sat down on the steps and called for his shoes. Why? He put them on and the Columbian told him he was wanted at Gaston, He got up and walked off, followed by the Columbian. They stopped at Mr. Geiger's house and he furnished some watermelons, which were eaten while Mr. Geiger's mule was being hitched to a buggy. After a half hour's stay at his house, several men who had arrived in Gas- ton after the first lynching and had heard of the trip after Preston rode up. They wanted to kill Preston at once, but did not do so. Preston was placed in Mr. Geiger's buggy and the little cavalcade started for Gaston, its ranks being swelled as it went. They passed by Mr. Sightler's house and he joined the party. When the prisoner arrived in sight of Gaston several hundred men rushed toward him. The up-train had brought a crowd form Denmark, North and Swansea and they wanted blood. The prisoner was subjected to a med- ical examination which proved that he was diseased. When this was made known the frenzy of the crowd was terrific. Dozens demanded that Pres- ton be tied to the ground and roasted before a slow fire. This might have been done, though few, if any, of the Gaston men were among those de- manding this torture, had not his cap- tor and several others announced that they would shoot Preston the moment a match was struck to burn him. It was decided, then, to treat him as Thompson was served. He was taken to the same tree, whipped and given a chance to tell the truth before dying. He had main- tained a sullen silence since capture, monosyllabically replying to questions that he was not guilty. He had shrieked a little while being whipped but had otherwise preserved a stoical calm. Someone said, "Pray, boy." "I ain't done nottin' to pray for," replied he. The noose was adjusted around his neck and the end of the rope thrown over the same limb which bore the shot-riddled corpse of Thompson. He was told to climb the tree. He at- tempted to do so, but his strength failed him and he could not. Several men pulled him from the ground and tied the rope to the tree. He hung jerking and contorting by the side of his partner in crime. The shooters formed a line of at least 100 on the hill and fired a tremendous volley after Mr. Sightler fired the first shot. His body was hit hundreds of times by the whistling bullets. He was left hanging and often during the afternoon he and Thompson were shot at by parties who had failed to see the lynching. Evidently this is the case relied upon by Koester to prove his innocence and humanity. Both cannot be proved at the same time: they conflict. There is intrinsic evidence in the account that the "Columbian" who captured Tom Pres- ton were such as could only have been written by that man himself. In his account we find the germ of the story that he shot the negro to prevent him from being burned to death - between the germ and the adult creation, as a comparison will show. The third negro lynched at Gaston was Handy Keigler. Koester's account of this in The Register was as fol- lows: All seemed to thing that Handy was the ringleader. He was in Lexington jail, but not legally committed. Could he be gotten? That was the question and it was decided to make the attempt at 10 p. m. The Register's reporter rode away at 4 p. m. for Columbia. A heavy storm made it interesting for him on his way back. His wetting cooled him and his horse, for which it was grateful, and ordered another for the trip to Lexington. A friend wanted to go, so a pair of horses was hitched to a light buggy and they started over the dark and heavy road together. They arrived in Lexington half an hour after the delegation from Gaston had departed with Handy. A crowd of Columbians had gone to Lexington by various cenveyances. As time passed and the Gastonians did not arrive they got impatient and wanted to lynch Handy, but Sherrif Drafts would not give up the prisoner except to men from Gaston. These arrived, got him and took him to Gaston. At 6.30 a. m. he was placed beside Thompson and Preston and they three were left hanging there together. He denied his guilt to the last. There is evidence in this account that Koester was not present at the third lynching. It is too bare and scant a re- port to have been penned by an eye- witness, so we may dismiss this case from consideration. Now, if Koester, according to his own account, was the man who prevented Tom Preston from being burned alive he must have been the man who, as his report declared, captured that ne- gro and took him to Gaston. And if he did this he stands confessed to have attended the lynchings not as a re- porter only but as an armed partici- pant who volunteered to arrest Pres- ton, did arrest him at the muzzle of a shotgun, took him to the lynching party and turned him over to them to be hung. Nowhere do we find in Koester's own report evidence to sustain the story now put forward in his behalf. The State's report of the lynching of Preston makes no mention of an at- tempt to burn him alive or of Koester's interference to prevent the act. It does show, however, that he was tor- tured in another way. We make a brief quotation: He was taken down the track just as Thompson had been. He kept per- fectly cool, persistently denying any knowledge of the crime. He was made to gaze upon Thompson's bleeding re- mains. The he was taken over to the log and flogged, just as Thompson had been, only a raw hide was used instead of the buggy traces. While this was in progress Preston cried and screamed with pain. He was then strung up, ex- actly as Thompson had been, the cross- tie scaffold being built under him. He denied the deed to the very last. When he dropped he was allowed to strangle for a long time before the shooting commenced. He was tortured in all about 20 minutes. This is probably all that it is neces- sary for The State to say on the sub- ject. We present the record as written. The chief witness against George R. Koester as a lyncher happens to be George R Koester himself. 17370 OFFICE OF SECOND ASSISTANT SECRETARY Department of State, Washington. Personal. November 5, 1901. [[shorthand]] [*CS*] My dear Mr. Cortelyou: At the request of General Reyes, Vice-President of Columbia and representative to the Pan-American Conference at Mexico, I enclose herewith for the President's perusal copy of his letter of the 28th ultimo enclosing a newspaper report of an address delivered in Mexico at a banquet given by the Municipality of that city. I am, Very truly yours Alvey A. Adee Enclosure: As above. Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, White House. [*17371*][For 2 enc see ca 10-28-01 (Translation) 10-28-01 Reyes][[shorthand]] [*Ackd 11-8-1901 PPF*] [*Done 11-13-1901*] POST OFFICE, TELEPHONE, AND EXPRESS: WINDSOR, VT. HARLAKENDEN HOUSE, CORNISH. November 5th 1901 My dear Mr. Roosevelt Your very kind letter arrived today and I hastened to telephone Guy Murchie its contents. We shall all go to Washington on the sixteenth. Mrs. Churchill and I are looking forward eagerly to the honor of dining at the White House. I am, with regards Sincerely yours Winston Churchill His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt White House Washington — [*17372*]KINSLEY'S CHICAGO ESTABLISHED 1866. Holland House CABLE ADDRESS "KINSLEY NEW YORK" [*Ackd ppf*] New York City Nov 5th 1901 Mr President Sir On my return from a little shooting excursion, I found your letter, on the eve of my departure for this place. As to Mr Jacob Brazzleton of Fort Smith, I know nothing nor could I ascertain any about him. the Fort Smith section is as you know, rather remote from my section of the State, and there is very little intercourse between the two regions. - but I have known of Mr Rummel of Little Rock for several years past. he made a canvass of the State in the last gubernatorial election, against "Jeff" Davis, the present Governor. - He [*17373*]KINSLEY'S CHICAGO ESTABLISHED 1866. Holland House CABLE ADDRESS "KINSLEY NEW YORK" stands well with our best citizens of every political cant, and I think you can trust him to be a fair square man. I beg to remain With my great esteem Your obedient servant G Greenway [*17374*][shorthand notation] Cabled 11/6/1901 TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 6 WU ME J M 54 Govt. 4:38 p.m. San Juan, P.R. (Rec'd Nov. 5, 1901) Cortelyou, Washington. Acting Treasurer Dix suddenly ill with appendicitis; operated upon; necessary some time to recover; circumstances strengthen importance of early appointment of new treasurer and filing and approval of his bond in order to effect proper transfer of office. Hunt, Governor. 17375 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS Nov 5[?] 1901 My Dear Colonel Roosevelt: A week ago Booth Tarkington--The Gentleman from Indiana--sent me a most enthusiastic letter addressed to you endorsing his brother in law or uncle--I forget which for some district judgeship in [federal] 17376[shorthand notation] Cabled 11/6/1901 TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 6 WU ME J M 54 Govt. 4:38 p.m. San Juan, P.R. (Rec'd Nov. 5, 1901) Cortelyou, Washington. Acting Treasurer Dix suddenly ill with appendicitis; operated upon; necessary some time to recover; circumstances strengthen importance of early appointment of new treasurer and filing and approval of his bond in order to effect proper transfer of office. Hunt, Governor. 17375 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS Nov 5[?] 1901 My Dear Colonel Roosevelt: A week ago Booth Tarkington--The Gentleman from Indiana--sent me a most enthusiastic letter addressed to you endorsing his brother in law or uncle--I forget which for some district judgeship in [federal] 17376THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS_____________1901 Indiana. He wanted me to forward it to you! Why in Heaven's name the man should want me to send it to you I dont know. [Know] Well I refused. I wrote him a letter--form no 15 in this office--telling him 17377 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS_____________1901 that I had no political relations with you and that I couldn't interfere--or something of the sort. The same thing that I write to some one every day in the year. Well I thought I sent his letter back. I feel sure that 17378THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS_____________1901 I did. Any way I cant find it. And here comes this embarrassing telegram. I dont know his uncle's name. I wouldnt know it if I heard it. Booth Tarkington is a nice decent truthful fellow but what he doesnt know about 17379 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS_____________1901 politics would make a ten volume novel. But here I am, supposed to send you a letter which I havent got. It was the common or garden variety of endorsement. He wanted to urge his uncle or brother in law as a compromise candidate on the theory that 17380THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS_____________1901 he is second choice between Fairbanks and Beveridge. I'll have Jaccaci of McClures forward to you the name of the brother in law or [?] uncle or what ever kin he is to Tarkington, and you can take it as Tarkington's letter. Is that unfair? I dont 17381 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS_____________1901 think I'm doing you an injustice in this, nor Tarkington nor his kin. Truly W.A. White P.S. Dont you hate to see letters from me, I would if I were you. They are full of trouble! W.A.W. 17382For enc, see Tarkington 11-5-01[*15*] Form No. 168. THE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPANY. INCORPORATED 21,000 OFFICES IN AMERICA. CABLE SERVICE TO ALL THE WORLD. This Company TRANSMITS and DELIVERS messages only on conditions limiting its liability, which have been assented to by the sender of the following message. Errors can be guarded against only by repeating a message back to the sending station for comparison, and the Company will not hold itself liable for errors or delays in transmission or delivery of Unrepeated Messages, beyond the amount of tolls paid thereon, nor in any case where the claim is not presented in writing within sixty days after the message is filed with the Company for Transmission. This is an UNREPEATED MESSAGE, and is delivered by request of the sender, under the conditions named above. THOS. T. ECKERT, President and General Manager. 66 KS RU C 50 PAID 11/5 [*[01]*] RECEIVED at 526 Commercial St., Emporia, Kansas. NEW YORK 5 WILLIAM ALLEN, WHITE. WISH NOT INTERFERE YOUR PLANS IN SLIGHTEST OF COURSE BUT IF POSSIBLE WITHOUT INTERFEREING SEND MY MY LETTER TO PRESIDENT WITH MERE INDORSEMENT OF MY INTEGRITY NOT TAKING A HAND IN IT YOURSELF AM FEARING APPOINTMENT WILL BE MADE AT ONCE HOWEVER SHALL UNDERSTAND ANYTHING YOU DO AS PER JACCACIS LETTER. BOOTH TARKINGTON 402 P [*He is a man of absolute integrity, of this I'm sure W. A. White*] [*17383*]Enc. in White 11-5-01[*File*] [[shorthand]] [*PPF*] WILCOX & MINER COUNSELLORS AT LAW ANSLEY WILCOX. WORTHINGTON C. MINER. ROOM 816 ELLICOTT SQUARE, BUFFALO, N.Y. Nov. 5th, 1901. My dear Mr. President:- I thank you very much for your note received this morning. As you now suggest, I shall appear in Washington on Monday morning prepared to stay there over night. I may be able to combine this with a trip to New York, and go from there, but if not, I shall go directly from here. Yours very sincerely, Ansley Wilcox To the President, Washington, D.C. [*17384*][*Ackd PPF Pr*] Nov. 5, 1901. 328 CHESTNUT STREET PHILADELPHIA Dear Theodore: Your letter was consoling, and I thank you for it. It enabled me to do the thing we all enjoy most — hold another man responsible for a step we naturally would like to have taken anyway. As General Wilson's letter said: "If you will refer to book, you will see the character of the sketches, which include short notices of their wives," I was able to quote you in reply: "I doubt if it is worth while to say anything about Mrs. Roosevelt. I know she would not like to hear it said." Fortified with this I was able to decline, by saying "You will therefore naturally understand that I cannot be responsible for any article which includes a sketch of Mrs. Roosevelt." He gave me only three thousand words. It was not easy to be so short and maintain any tone or atmosphere richer than the dictionary or a rail-road time-table. So if ever you see it, know that many hours went to its few pages. One thing Wilson may not allow to pass — so here it is for you: (You are now Governor of N.Y.) "It is singular to contemplate his two kinds of enemies. There were, on the one hand, the rabble of dishonesty and ring politicians that he had been successfully fighting & threatening since the beginning of his career, and, on the other, certain super-civilized citizens of Boston and New York whose inflamed consciences had developed into tumors." Yours always Owen Wister[[shorthand]] [*Ackd 11-7-1901*] Nov. 5, 1901. Memorandum: A letter from Mrs. Fremont was received yesterday in behalf of her son, and in the absence of the President from the city was acknowledged and brought to the personal attention of the Secretary of War. In said letter reference was made to this picture. [*Army Appt.*] [*17386*][attached to 9-1901 (Fremont]November 5, 1901. MEMORANDUM FOR SECRETARY GAGE. GERMAN TONNAGE TAXES. This matter was thoroughly investigated during 1896, and there is considerable correspondence here and in the State Department on the subject. As a result President Cleveland by proclamation December 3, 1896, canceled his proclamation of January 26, 1888, which exempted vessels from Germany from tonnage taxes. I attach the law, marked A (with the particular paragraph involved marked in red). Under it, the President can exempt from tonnage taxes vessels arriving from a foreign port at which no "tonnage and light-house dues or other equivalent tax or taxes" are imposed on American vessels by the government of that port. The German Constitution denied to the Imperial Government the power to impose such taxes, but bestows it on the Maritime States of the German Empire, which exercise it. The American Constitution denies to the States the right to impose such taxes, but bestows it on the Federal government, which exercises it. This difference in the authority which imposes the tax does not affect the tax itself. "Equivalent taxes" are imposed by the governments of the German States of Hamburg and Bremen on American vessels. The laws of those two Maritime [*17387*]2. States are attached and marked B. I have a list of the American vessels and the tonnage taxes charged to each for several years in Germany. The tonnage taxes in Hamburg and Bremen are imposed on the net tonnage of themvessel precisely as in the United States, hence the name. Hamburg and Bremen impose them at every entry of a vessel. The United States imposes them only five times during,the year and for the balance of the year the vessel is exempt. We are more liberal to,German ships in this matter than Bremen and Hamburg themselves. In the United States, we charge a German steamer a year (say 10 entries) only 30 cents per net ton, while in,Bremen she has to pay 80 cents and in Hamburg 72 cents. The German Government states (see letter of Secretary of State, December 2, 1896) that the tonnage taxes in Bremen are for river and harbor improvements and for lights on the Weser. The United States does not impose taxes on shipping to pay for river and harbor improvements and for the light-house establishment. It chances to devote its tonnage taxes to the Marine Hospital Service for American and foreign merchant seamen. The object to which the proceeds of the particular tonnage taxes in question are devoted by Hamburg and Bremen and the United States has no bearing on the fact of imposition, of which the President takes cognizance. If we made deep draft [*17388*]3. vessels pay for deepening the channels of New York harbor on the German plan, we should have to increase our tonnage tax rates greatly, beyond even those charged in Hamburg and Bremen. The proposition involves annually about $80,000 exemptions to the North German Lloyd and Hamburg-American lines, and would probably give a basis for a claim for about $400,000 refund of back tonnage taxes. I believe this claim is unlawful, and, if necessary, I should like the opportunity to present the case even more fully than in the brief memorandum you have asked for. E. T. Chamberlain [*17389*]REPORT OF THE COMMISSIONER OF NAVIGATION. 141 APPENDIX E. TONNAGE TAX—COLLECTIONS AND LAW. The following tables show the tonnage tax collected for the fiscal year. By the act of June 26, 1884, the expense of maintaining the Marine-Hospital Service— which cares for sick and disabled seamen of American and foreign vessels, as well as exercises on behalf of the Federal Government quarantine powers, much increased by the legislation of recent years—is borne out of the receipts of tonnage taxes. The tax is levied on the net tonnage of vessels coming from foreign ports, and is required for five successive entries. For twelve months, dating from the first payment of the tax, all entries of a vessel after the fifth are exempt from tonnage tax. The provisions of the eleventh and twelfth sections of the act of June 19, 1886, regulating tonnage taxes, are— "SEC. 11. That section fourteen of 'An act to remove certain burdens on the American merchant marine and encourage the American foreign-carrying trade, and for other purposes,' approved June twenty-sixth, eighteen hundred and eighty-four, be amended so as to read as follows: " 'SEC. 14. That in lieu of the tax on tonnage of thirty cents per ton per annum imposed prior to July first, eighteen hundred and eighty-four, a duty of three cents per ton, not to exceed in the aggregate fifteen cents per ton in any one year, is hereby imposed at each entry on all vessels which shall be entered in any port of the United States from any foreign port or place in North America, Central America, the West India Islands, the Bahama Islands, the Bermuda Islands, or the coast of South America bordering on the Caribbean Sea or Newfoundland. " 'And a duty of six cents per ton, not to exceed thirty centers per ton per annum, is hereby imposed at each entry upon all vessels which shall be entered in the United States from any other foreign ports, now, however, to include vessels in distress or not engaged in trade: " 'Provided, That the President of the United States shall suspend the collection of so much of the duty herein imposed on vessels entered from any foreign port as may be in excess of the tonnage and light-house dues or other equivalent tax or taxes imposed in said port on American vessels by the Government of the foreign country in which said port is situated, and shall, upon the passage of this act, and from time to time thereafter as often as it may become necessary by reason of changes in the laws of the foreign countries above mentioned, indicate by proclamation the ports to which such suspension shall apply, and the rate or rates of tonnage duty, if any, to be collected under such suspension: " 'Provided further, That such proclamation shall exclude from the benefits of the suspension herein authorized the vessels of any foreign country in whose ports the fees or dues of any kind or nature imposed on vessels of the United States, or the import or export duties on their cargoes, are in excess of the fees, dues, or duties imposed on the vessels of such country or on cargoes of such vessels. " 'But this proviso shall not be held to be inconsistent with the special regulation by foreign countries of duties and other charges on their own vessels, and the cargoes thereof, engaged in their coasting trade, or with the existence between such countries and other States of reciprocal stipulations founded on special conditions and equivalents, and thus not within the treatment of American vessels under the most-favored-nation clause in treaties between the United States and such countries. " 'And sections forty-two hundred and twenty-three and forty-two hundred and twenty-four and so much of section forty-two hundred and nineteen of the Revised Statutes as conflicts with this section are hereby repealed.' "SEC. 12. That the President be, and hereby is, directed to cause the government of foreign countries which, at any of their ports, impose on American vessels a tonnage tax or light-house dues, or other equivalent tax or taxes, or any other fees, charges or dues, to be informed of the provisions of the preceding section, and invited to cooperate with the Government of the United States in abolishing all light-house dues, tonnage taxes, or other equivalent tax or taxes on, and also all other fees for official services to, the vessels of the respective nations employed in the trade between the ports of such foreign country and the ports of the United States." [*17390*]206 REPORT OF THE COMMISSIONER OF NAVIGATION. 8. TONNAGE DUES AT HAMBURG, GERMANY. In conjunction with the burgerschaft the senate has decreed and hereby publishes as law the following: SECTION 1. The tonnage dues for seagoing vessels arriving here is to be paid on their net tonnage and shall amount to 10 pfennigs per cubic meter. SEC. 2. The foregoing regulation is subject to the following modifications and exceptions: I. Half of the tonnage dues, i.e. 5 pfennigs per cubic meter, shall be paid— (1) By arriving seagoing vessel, the cargoes of which consist of nothing but coal, cinders, coke, patent fuel, lumber, empty bottles, kindling wood, cement, cement stones, chickory root, roofing tiles, ice, oak bark, oak tan bark, earth, slabs, gypsum, broken glass, herrings, charcoal, lime, limestone, clinkers, bone scum, bone black, chalk, empty jugs, bricks, kitchen and sea salt, sand, slate, cattle for slaughtering purposes, staves, stones, tarras, clay, ordinary earthenware, peet, trass stones, tufa stones, sugar scum. (2) By all seagoing vessels of a smaller tonnage than 120 cubic meters. (3) By all vessels arriving here, but not from the sea, that leave seaward with a cargo. (4) By all vessels coming from sea, carrying nothing but ballast, provided they leave again with cargo. II. Entirely exempt from the payment of tonnage dues are— (1) All vessels carrying nothing but ballast, provided they leave here in ballast. (2) Vessels newly and entirely built on Hamburg territory but only for their direct return to this port from the port of destination of their first voyage outward. (3) The Hamburg whaling and sealing vessels, provided that on their outward voyage they are only equipped for the catch and it is proven that the incoming cargo consists only of products of their own catch. (4) Seagoing vessels which only enter this port for the purpose of repairs in Hamburg yards provided they at once leave the port without cargo after the completion of the repairs. Yachts, whether belonging to yacht clubs or private individuals provided they arrive and depart without cargo. (5) Seagoing vessels which return to this port on account of drift ice, storm, or average, after they have already paid the tonnage dues for this voyage, provided they again leave with the same cargo. (6) Vessels arriving from sea with fish, oysters, lobsters, etc., as well as vessels for the transportation of passengers to and from Helgoland, Fohr, and Norderney, as long and as far as they only serve this purpose. SEC. 3. The care for the collection and control of the tonnage dues belongs to the department of indirect taxes. Every abridgment of the dues or evasion of the prescribed controls is punishable by fines of from 1 to 50 marks. Given in the meeting of the senate, Hamburg, March 28, 1881. Notice regarding the increasing of tonnage dues and of the tonnage tax for the quays. In conjunction with the burgerschaft the senate has decreed, and hereby publishes as law, the following: (1) From July 1 of this year the tonnage dues for seagoing vessels arriving here are to be 12 pfennigs and 6 pfennigs respectively per cubic meter net register, and sections 1 and 2 of the revised regulations, regarding the collection of tonnage dues of March 28, 1881, altered accordingly. [*x*] (2) The tonnage tax for the use of the quays and quay sheds from July 1 of this year, shall be 17 ½ pfennigs, 3 ½ pfennigs, and 12 pfennigs, respectively, per cubic meter net register, and Nos. Ia, Ib, and III of section 22 of the administration and tariff regulations of the quays of December 22, 1893, changed accordingly. (3) The amounts of tonnage dues according to the tariff, of 10 and 5 pfennigs and the amounts of tonnage taxes for the quays of 15, 3 and 10 pfennigs, heretofore collected, shall in future also be paid by those vessels, which present a register issued before July 1, 1895 in accordance with German usage, and which is valid according to the provisions of section 39 of the regulations for the measuring of vessels of March 1, 1895. Given in the meeting of the senate, Hamburg, July 12, 1895. [*x (2) is not involved in this question*] [*17391*]REPORT OF THE COMMISSIONER OF NAVIGATION. 207 Notice regarding tonnage dues for vessels from German seaports. In conjunction with the burgerschaft the senate has decreed, and, hereby publishes as law, that there be added to section 2 of the revised regulations regarding the collection of tonnage dues, dated March 28, 1881, as No. 5 under I. For all vessels arriving from sea which bring a cargo taken abroad entirely in German ports. Given in the meeting of the senate, Hamburg, December 30, 1895. 9. TONNAGE AND LIGHT DUES AT BREMEN, GERMANY. According to an agreement between the Governments of Prussia, Oldenburg, and Bremen to amend the tariff published on June 2, 1877 (Journal p 45 ff), for the imposition of light and beacon dues on the river Weser, the amended tariff is hereby added to that which goes into effect on July 1 of this year. Agreed to at Bremen in the meeting of the senate on the 25th and published on the 28th of June, 1895. Tariff for the imposition of light and beacon dues on the river Weser. For light and beacon dues on vessels of over 200 cubic meters net tonnage, 10 pfennigs per cubic meter, amended on account of a regulation published by the Government March 1, 1895, concerning the admeasurement of vessels (order on June 20, 1888) so that on the new measurement certificates issued for light and beacon dues for steamers of over 200 cubic meters net tonnage, 11 pfennigs for each cubic meter shall be charged. Additional regulations. The dues for each entrance into the Weser are to be paid but once, and that at the port of the province where, after entrance, the cargo is discharged and where the first anchorage is made. (2) Empty vessels or those in ballast and without passengers which have entered and which go out again empty or in ballast, without passengers, shall have returned to them one-half of the light and beacon dues paid by them. (3) In the assessment of dues on measurement, one-half cubic meter or over is counted as one cubic meter. Smaller spaces are exempted. Exemptions from the payment of light and beacon dues are as follows: (1) Vessels and water craft of the Imperial German marine and such of the war vessels of foreign states which, according to regulation and in fact, practice reciprocity. (2) Vessels which are the property of one of the interested States and which are used in improvements of the river or harbor. (3) Vessels which enter on account of accident at sea or other misfortune, account of storms or stress of weather, and which clear without discharging or loading or without transferring the cargo in part or whole and leave again. (4) Vessels which enter on account of having assisted stranded or wrecked vessels or which return therefrom, if they are not used exclusively for the storage of salvage. (5) Lighters, when the lighter vessel or vessel loaded by lighters has paid the light and beacon dues. (6) Tugs and towboats, when they are used strictly in the capacity for which they are intended. (7) Vessels which are used for coastwise fishing. [*17392*]Extract from the Report of the Commissioner of Navigation for 1897, pp. 20 and 21. Under the sections of law referred to, the President of the United States on January 26, 1888, exempted from tonnage tax in ports of the United States vessels entering from ports in Germany upon proof then appearing satisfactory that "no tonnage or light-house dues or any equivalent tax or taxes whatever were imposed upon American vessels entering the ports of the Empire of Germany by either the Imperial Government or by the Governments of the German maritime states," etc. Late in 1895 indisputable evidence was presented to this Bureau that in the case of a certain American vessel entering Hamburg tonnage taxes had been exacted. The facts were laid before the Department of State with the request that an investigation be made as to whether American vessels received in German ports the exemptions in return for which vessels in ports of the United States from Germany were relieved from tonnage taxation. The investigation was conducted with great thoroughness by the ambassador of the United States at Berlin and by the American consuls at German maritime ports, and developed the fact that at Hamburg the equivalent of tonnage taxes had been exacted from American vessels since February, 1888; that light-house dues were exacted from them at Bremen, and that the laws at other German ports provided for taxes equivalent to those from which vessels from Germany were exempt in the United States. it was shown that the German government, failing, doubtless, to appreciate the difference between the constitutions of the United States and of the German Empire, had obtained exemptions from tonnage tax and light-house dues in the United States for German shipping while permitting the imposition of equivalent taxation on American shipping in German ports. [*17393*]2. The Constitution of the United States vests in the Federal authority the right to impose tonnage taxes and light-house dues on shipping, and expressly forbids the exercise of that power by the United States. The German constitution is precisely the reverse, denying to the central government the right to levy such taxes, but vesting it in the maritime states. The claim was set up that as the German central authority imposed no tonnage taxes or light-house dues on American vessels in German ports, vessels from Germany in American ports were entitled, under the act of 1886, to exemption from Federal tonnage taxes in the United States. This contention evidently could not be conceded by the United States; and by proclamation of the President on and after January 2, 1897, the exemption in American ports from tonnage taxes of vessels from Germany ceased. During the six months ended June 30, 1897, the receipts from tonnage tax on vessels entering the United States from Germany were $52,491, of which $254 were paid by American vessels, while foreign vessels paid $52,237. Of the last-named sum German vessels paid $35,263. [*17394*] [*[Germany]*]FitchieTELEGRAM. [*7' 10 a.m. Ansd Eng F*] White House, Washington. 9WU U.RA....8-Paid...12:10 pm. Bridgeport, Conn., November 6, 1901. Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary, White House. Can I see the President some time Friday? Judge G. D. Alden. [*17395*]Nov. 6, 1901 To Division Superintendents: Answers to the following inquiries are desired at once: 1.(a) What classes of private schools are there in your division? (b) What supervision do you recommend for them? (c) What would be the effect of amending section 25 of Act 74, providing some supervision of private schools and requiring at least one hour's instruction in English? 2.(A) What form of compulsory school attendance law do you recommend? (b) Could this be left to the Presidents of the Municipal Councils to pass some such regulation, acting upon the advice and with the approval of the division superintendents? If such a law is passed it must not place any additional hardship upon the poorer communities which are unable to support the schools established at present. It is thought that such a law would be worthless unless approved by the community. Many presidents will be willing to have such a law passed. What addition do you recommend to the school law, to give them such authority? 3. Salaries: Is some amendment to the Municipal Code or School Law needed to make clear that the Municipalities are to pay the salaries of the Filipino teachers? According to the interpretation of section 9 by the Attorney-General, salaries of native teachers cannot be changed during the year, but "They shall be fixed from year to year." Is it advisable to amend this section and make it permissible to change the salaries of [*17396*]native teachers during the year? RENT OF OFFICES: The suggestion is made by the Secretary of Public Instruction that the ruling in the case of the City of Manila be followed in making provision for the payment of office rent and clerical force, if any is required, for each Division Superintendent. "If the provincial governments embraced within the limits of a division would make contributions in proportion to the number of inhabitants under their jurisdiction the matter would be thus justly settled. It is desirable, if possible, to apply the rule to the various divisions which we have applied to the City of Manila." Comments on this suggestion are invited; also information as to whether office room is at present furnished by the province in which headquarters is located. If office rent is necessary to be paid, please give amount required, date of beginning and any other facts bearing upon the question. The City of Manila, being a separate and distinct organization, it is quite easy and equitable for it to pay its own native teachers, night school teachers, furnish office room and pay the clerical force. It is doubted if several provinces can be made to harmoniously unite in payment of rent or clerical hire. SCHOOL HOUSE PLANS: This Department has an appropriation for 20 nipa buildings which are to cost not more than $250 gold. Blue prints showing these plans will be ready within a few weeks. The building will provide for two hundred pupils, [*17397*]having one room for boys, one room for girls and one room for the teacher of English. Each Division Supt. may report to me two or three towns to whom such aid in providing a school building would be well bestowed and where it would be appreciated. From time to time requests have come from Division Superintendents for money for the repair and construction of school buildings. This department can only secure funds from the Commission when full plans and estimates are submitted, and it is requested that Division Superintendents in making requests for such repairs or building, should furnish full data for making such plans and estimates. A rough sketch, giving dimensions and details of construction, so far as possible, and an estimate of materials required, or estimate of cost, should be furnished. PENSIONING FILIPINO TEACHERS: A plan for pensioning Filipino teachers who have served 20 years is under consideration. Suggestions are requested. SCHOOL SUPPORT: It is a difficult matter to secure funds for paying native teachers and requests for such aid are to be made only in exceptional cases. I wish Division Superintendents would give some thought to the question how school funds derived from the land tax should be expended. At present the law provides that these funds shall be expended by the municipal authorities under the same rules and regulations as other expenditures [*17398*]are made. Will this prove a satisfactory arrangement? Under this arrangement, would it be possible for the Div. Supts. to fix salaries of native teachers upon a uniform basis throughout the province? Would it be better that these funds be paid into the provincial fund and that from this provincial fund the money be allotted each year to the different municipalities upon the basis of their school population or attendance? SCHOOL CENSUS: This department desires that a school census be taken in the towns where there are teachers of English, and invites suggestions from the Division Superintendents as to the best way to take this census and make it accurate and reliable. HIGH SCHOOLS: In 1902 it is intended by the department to establish high schools with general, industrial and commercial courses. Who should bear the expense of the support of these schools? Should these high schools be established in all cases in the provincial capitals, or should they, in some cases, be in the larger cities in the province showing more interest than in some cases the provincial capitals? Providing there is to be a high school in each province in your division, in what city in each province in your division should they be established? [*17399*]EXPENDITURE OF MONEY: Division Superintendents have no authority to incur any expense to be paid from Insular funds, except their own traveling expenses, without authority and appropriation having been previously obtained. Repairs of buildings, construction of furniture, etc., are proper charges against the municipalities, and should be paid by them. In some places the military authorities may be able to help in such matters. Securing an appropriation from Insular funds is a slow and uncertain process. Very truly yours, [*Fred W. Atkinson*] Manila, P. I. November 6, 1901. [*17490*]TELEGRAM White House Washington 007 File 8WU.U.RA.15-Paid...12:10 pm. New-York, November 6, 1901. President Roosevelt, White House. Your appointment of Clarke and myself has been endorsed by the people. You selected winner. James A. Blanchard. 17401Ackd COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK PRESIDENT'S ROOM Nov. 6,1901 My dear Mr. President: I have given a good deal of consideration to your letter of Nov 1st, relative to recommending young Columbia graduates for examination to fill the vacancies in the Second Lieutenancy in the Army. On reflection, I think I am doing both you and the Army a service in suggesting that it would be wise to try to find these young men from among the graduates of the so-called land-grant colleges, where the students have had four years of military duties. Ohio State University, for instance, sent to the Spanish War two hundred volunteers from among alumni and undergraduates. Many of these men were given staff appointments and did thoroughly well because of the military training they had at college. Therefore, I suggest that you look for these men from among the recent graduates of Ohio States University, of Illinois State University, and of Wisconsin State University, where military drill is most effective and most emphasized. I cannot resist a word of exultation over yesterday's house-cleaning. Yours always, Nicholas Murray Butler To the President, White House Washington, D.C. 17402[*PPF*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 15 WU MN JM 22 Paid 350pm. CINCINNATI, OHIO, Nov. 6, 1901. The President:- Thanks for your telegram. It was a great victory for you and your administration, as well as for ourselves and the country. J. B. Foraker. [*17403*]STATE OF KANSAS. EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT. OFFICE OF STATE TREASURER. F. E. GRIMES, TREASURER. THOS. T. KELLY, ASST. TREASURER. [*Ack'd 11/9/1901*] Topeka, Kansas, November 6, 1901. To The President, Washington, D.C. Sir:- As a personal friend of Mr. Mulvane's and knowing his warm friendship for you, I send you the within and hope you can take a few moments time to read a short sketch of one of the best men that ever lived in Kansas, written by Fred Vandegrift, upon his own volition without any knowledge of Mr. Mulvane. The character of the man as disclosed by the writer is true in every sense. Respectfully yours, [*F. E. Grimes.*] [*17404*][For 1 enclosure see ca 11-6-1901][For 1. enclosure see 10-24-01] [shorthand notation] Ackd 11/7/1901 PP.7 643 West 7[?]the Street, Cincinnati, November 6. 1901. Mr. President: I don't like Morley, the British statesman, except in his literary form.* There is probably some mutual regard between yourself and Morley on account of your studies of Oliver Cromwell. I have read with a good deal of pleasure a report of Morley's address on the unveiling of the statue of Gladstone, at Manchester, and enclose it to you; for I know a little about your habit of resting by reading something remote from the worry of the day, whatever it is. The passage in which Mr. Morley describes Gladstone as an orator is one of the best things in that line that has been done. There is a paragraph cut off from the report I send you. It is about Mr. Gladstone's misapprehension concerning the American war of the States, and regards the Alabama award as recompense for Gladstone's error. I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you Thursday afternoon next. With great respect, Very truly yours, Murat Halstead *He seems to me to be a Belittler of his country 17405TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 6PO.P.RA. 26-Paid...3:56 pm. Cleveland, Ohio, November 6, 1901. PERSONAL. President Roosevelt, White House, I thank you for your kind message and join with you in rejoicing over the great victories in New York and Ohio. Will see you Friday morning. M. A. Hanna. 17406PP7 ackd 11/7/1901 Dictated by E.A.H. CABLE ADDRESS: "MERCHANDISE, NEW YORK." Office of the Appraiser of Merchandise, Christopher and Washington Streets, Port of New York, N.Y., November 6,1901. To The President, Sir: The triumph yesterday of Low, Jerome, and the entire Fusion Ticket, would have been impossible if you had not, as President of the Police Board during Mayor Strong's administration, made it safe to discuss municipal questions in every part of the city, and as Governor of the State last year, prevented the execution of a plot to defraud the people after their ballots were cast, by mob rule and bloodshed at the polls. You are personally to be congratulated upon our great victory for good government in Greater New York. Please accept my thanks and congratulations, Edwin A, Hartshorn 17407[*Ackd PPF Pr*] FIFTH AVENUE HOTEL, MADISON SQUARE, NEW YORK. Nov. 6. 1901. My Dear President, I beg leave to submit to your attention the enclosed clippings from papers of St. Louis, and to ask that you do me the favor — which I shall value very highly — to delay any appointment to the Collectorship of the Port in that city, until I shall have had the opportunity of speaking with you about it. I shall be in Washington towards the twentieth of this month. The appointment to the Collectorship has been considered by all as Mr. Berens' one [*17410*] shall seek a more opportune time within the next two weeks — We very greatly appreciate my dear Mr President the privilege of meeting Mrs Roosevelt and your charming daughter also of having the visit with you — We thank you now in kind regards to you and your family Yrs Myron Herrick [*[Herrick]*] [*[11-6-01]*] [[shorthand]] [Ackd 11-9-1901*] [*ppf*] The Waldorf-Astoria New York. Wednesday Evg. Nov 6th My dear Mr President I had hoped to find an opportunity to speak of several matters of interest to you while in Washington but observed that you were too much engaged after luncheon and was called over here by telephone so [*17408*]3. Fifth Avenue Hotel, MADISON SQUARE, NEW YORK. efficiency to stand upon the very threshold of ultimate triumph. I have had long talks with Mr. Berens, since it was my privilege to see you in Washington. I can give you the assurance of his unswerving loyalty to you. Under his management the whole party organization is and will be indisputably yours. I have every confidence that I shall be able to show to you that Mr. Smith is a good, decent man, and a faithful office-holder. The opposition that may have arisen to him, is purely opposition to Mr Berens' leadership, which [*17412*] 2 Fifth Avenue Hotel, MADISON SQUARE, NEW YORK. personal appointment: and he himself looks upon it in this light. The setting aside at this moment of his friend Smith is not the loss of the place to Smith, nor the turning down of Smith - It is the emphatic repudiation, on the part of the National Administration, of Mr. Berens' leadership in Missouri; it is the annihilation of his influence upon the party, the thwarting of his plans & his hopes for the future, and, indeed, the disintegration of the Republican party in Missouri. Only through his untiring effort, has the party there been held together in the past, and brought in the present [*17411*]TELEGRAM. [*File PPF*] White House, Washington. 1NY.WU.NT.RA. 8-Paid.....10:40 am. Lakeville Conn., November 6, 1901. Theodore Roosevelt, White House. Thank you very much for your hearty congratulations. Wm. Travers Jerome. [*17414*] 4. FIFTH AVENUE HOTEL, MADISON SQUARE, NEW YORK. personal ambition induces Some to dispute. Mr Smith is not at all unknown to me Please, I repeat delay action in this matter, until I shall have seen you and talked with you. What a glorious victory there was yesterday in New York! Sincerely and respectfully, John Ireland Mr. Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States. [*17413*]FIFTH AVENUE HOTEL, MADISON SQUARE, NEW YORK. personal ambition induces Some to dispute. Mr Smith is not at all unknown to me Please, I repeat delay action in this matter, until shall have seen you and talked with you. What a glorious victory there was yesterday in New York Sincerely and respectfully, John Ireland Mr. Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States. [*17413*] TELEGRAM. [*File PPF*] White House, Washington. 1NY.WU.NT.RA. 8-Paid.....10:40 am. Lakeville Conn., November 6, 1901. Theodore Roosevelt, White House. Thank you very much for your hearty congratulations. Wm. Travers Jerome. [*17414*]TELEGRAM. [*File*] White House, Washington. 6WU.U.RA.....7-Paid...11:25 am. New-York, November 6, 1901. The President, White House. Your hearty congratulations have done me good. Seth Low. 17415 TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 19 WU .MX .KQ. 15 Paid - 5:27 p.m. Columbus, Ohio, November 6, 1901. The President: Thanks for your congratulations. You have no better friends in the world than in Ohio. George K. Nash. 17416recd 11-7-1901 PP7 JAMES K. PROBEY, Carriages, Wagons and Harness. Repositories, 1280 32d Street, N.W. 3240 Prospect Avenue. Washington, D.C., Nov. 6, 1901 Hon. Theo. Roosevelt President of the U.S.A. Wash. D.C. My dear Sir:--I understand that you are in the market for a fine carriage for your wife. I take the liberty of enclosing you a photograph of a very fine Rubber tire carriage,which i have in stock. If you could use this vehicle I will make you a price, which is far under the prices which this quality of vehicle sells for. 17417JAMES K. PROBEY, Carriages, Wagons and Harness. Repositories, 1280 32d Street, N.W. 3240 Prospect Avenue. Washington, D.C.,___________190 2 With Rubber tires, Pole, and shafts $350.00/100 I could not give you a better quality or style vehicle if you gave me $600.00/100 See back of photograph for finish. Would be only to glad to send it over for you to see. If you will appoint the day and time. Thanking you for your kind attention. I am sincerely, James K. Probey 17418[*[11-6-01]*] [*PPF*] [*Ackd*] EXECUTIVE OFFICE, DES MOINES. My Dear President Roosevelt. Please accept my congratulations upon the very significant republican victory of yesterday. The result especially in greater New York must be most gratifying to you, while reports elsewhere indicate that the people intend to stand by you with the same loyalty as that by which they sustained President McKinley. I am Very Truly Yours Leslie M Shaw De Moines Ia Nov 6th 1901 [*17419*]BETTS, BETTS, SHEFFIELD & BETTS, COUNSELLORS AT LAW, EQUITABLE BUILDING, 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK FREDERIC H. BETTS. SAMUEL R. BETTS. JAMES R. SHEFFIELD. L.P.H. BETTS. TELEPHONE 1335 CORTLANDT. CABLE ADDRESS, "MIRAGE", NEW YORK. November 6, 1901. [[shorthand]] [*Immediate Ackd 11-8-1901 PPF*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington D. C. Dear President Roosevelt: There are few persons in the United States who I feel sure will rejoice more over our victory in New York yesterday than yourself, and I hasten to congratulate you upon the fact that the first important elections, which occur after you have taken office should result in such a magnificent triumph for decency and good government here in New York, and such overwhelming and sustaining victories in Massachusetts, Ohio and Iowa. I did not try to see you during your hurried visit here, because I know your time would be so fully occupied, but I am hopeful of seeing you at an early date for a talk over some matters relating to the administration. I will come to Washington at almost any time that it may be convenient for you to see me. With very best wishes for yourself, believe me, Very sincerely yours, James R. Sheffield [*17420*]Ansd [shorthand notation] pp7 [The Spectator 4 Wellington Street. Strand. London. W.C.] Newlands Corner Merrow Guildford Wednesday 6 Nov 1901 Dear Mr President I hope you will not think me unmindful of a very great honour because I have not written before to thank you most heartily for your great kindness in asking me to be your guest if I should ever be lucky enough to get to America. I can imagine no invitation more delightful. My neglect is due to the fact that I had a son born to me 17421just after I got your letter which event put out my correspondence. I hope next Autumn we may again take up the idea of a visit to America. We actually took our berths two years ago but the War made us abandon the trip. May I venture to trouble you with a personal explanation. I find to my great regret that an article which I published (but did not write) in the Spectator on the Negro problem has been taken as a reflection on you. Nothing was further from my thoughts.If I had thought it would be taken so I should never have passed it. All I desired was to express an opinion which I feel rightly or wrongly very strongly — namely that before the negro is given social equality he must have justice and humane treatment and protection from violence. But I am sure you agree here. I have personally no objection to eating or praying with coloured persons. But I cannot help feeling that the real need at present is protection and justice. Possibly I exaggerate the lynching horrors but as one who feels for America as another native land I cant [*17422*]help feeling that the lynching Saturnalia must demoralize the whites in the South and render them bad citizens. I know how difficult it is to stop them under your system but I feel that I would stop them almost at the risk of civil war rather than allow them to go on. Now I felt that your action so highly honourable to you personally might have a bad result in [keeping] attracting men's attention away from the main issue justice to the Negro & letting it wander off to the side issue of social equality. My dear friend Mary Kingsley who loved the negro & knew them well always used to say to me in her whimsical way "I want one law for the negro & one for the white — I never want to see them mixed or equalized". But it is as the school boys say "terrible cheek" to write like this to you on a question on which you are so much better a judge than I am. I merely wanted to make it clear that I merely expressed an honest difference of opinion & had no sort of idea of expressing any censure on you or to side in the least with the negro-baiters. There's nothing on earth I hate more than those who encourage injustice to & ill treatment of the black races. I laothe slavery of any & every kind more than I know how to express. yours truly J. St. Loe Stracheyacnd 11/9/1901 PP7 TELEGRAM. White House, Washington Warren, Ohio Nov-6-01 4 HaM25 Pd. 1:14 P.M. The President: Ohio has demonstrated her great devotion to you and her confidence in your superb leadership. May God bless you and your administration. John J. Sullivan United States Attorney 17423 [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 11-13-1901*] TELEPHONE 1438 SPRING Krower & Tynberg Manufacturers of EMBROIDERIES. FACTORIES { St. Gall Switzerland. { Höchst, Austria. 473 BROADWAY, BET. GRAND AND BROOME STS. New York, November 6. 1901 To the President, Washington, D. C. Sir: I very highly appreciate the consideration you gave me on Saturday, November 2, on the subject of corrupt methods now pursued in the customs service at the Port of New York. I charge that an importer who is willing to put up sufficient money can have his goods passed as he pleases. Why? Because the importer can obtain facilities through the Collector's Office to have such percentage and such character of goods sent to the Appraiser by the Collector as he pleases for a cash consideration. As I stated to you last Saturday, I have already convinced the Special Agent's office that it is within my power, under the present regime of the Collector's Office, to have such goods and such cases sent to the Appraiser for examination and appraisement as I see fit by the payment of money for the purpose. Upon leaving you, I promised with the shipment which was to arrive on Monday, the 4th instant, that I would have designated such cases as the Special Agent may deem prudent in his judgment to select sent to the Appraiser's Stores for examination. I received a bill of lading on this date without consular invoice designating [*17424*]TELEPHONE 1438 SPRING Krower & Tynberg Manufacturers of EMBROIDERIES. FACTORIES { St. Gall Switzerland. { Höchst, Austria. 473 BROADWAY, BET. GRAND AND BROOME STS. New York, 190 -2- the number of cases that were to arrive, fifteen in all. and I immediately telephoned to the Special Agent, Mr. Cummings, informing him of the numbers of these cases, and he designated two specific cases of these fifteen, confirmed by letter which I have in my possession bearing the date of November 4, in order that there should be no misunderstanding over the telephone. Later I received consular invoice, and again informed Special Agent Cummings that I was in possession of the same, and at his suggestion I only made the entry for said goods on Wednesday, November 6, forty-eight hours later. Intending to sail for Europe to-morrow, November 7, I sought an interview with the employee of my custom house broker. In order to finish the job and see that it was carried out I paid the consideration of Fifty Dollars, that in accordance with the agreement made that there shall be paid not less than Twenty-five Dollars for every case that is so designated from the Collector's Office to be sent to the Appraiser's Stores for examination covering each invoice entered. There may be a possibility that the numerous cases that I have mentioned to you have lapsed your mind. I would request again that you send for Special Agent Cummings to recite the facts of all the cases to date. [*17425*]TELEPHONE 1438 SPRING Krower & Tynberg Manufacturers of EMBROIDERIES. FACTORIES { St. Gall Switzerland. { Höchst, Austria. 473 BROADWAY, BET. GRAND AND BROOME STS. New York, 190 -3- In view of these undisputed facts, I charge open corruption in the Collector's Office, but I still desire it expressly understood that I do not directly charge Collector Bidwell with being guilty of these heinous offences, but the mildest thing that I may say of Mr. Bidwell is that if he possessed the ordinary executive ability that a Collector of the Port of New York should have, this corruption could not exist. I have given you the cold facts of the method employed to defeat the customs. I have entered this combination to defeat the customs by the authority of the Secretary of the Treasury. You see from this that the law is being defeated and the revenue robbed. All you have to do is to verify by the witness I have named, Special Agent Cummings, every point which I have made. I want to see a dead square competition among importers through the customs, and I look to you, Mr. President, to see that this condition is fulfilled. I only want a fair deal, and I will take my chances with every honest importer, providing I can have a fair deal at the Custom House under your administration. In view of my understanding that this matter should remain confidential, I have given you a record of one case since I arrived [*17426*]TELEPHONE 1438 SPRING Krower & Tynberg Manufacturers of EMBROIDERIES. FACTORIES { St. Gall Switzerland. { Höchst, Austria. 473 BROADWAY, BET. GRAND AND BROOME STS. New York, 190 -4- home, and I stand ready through the Special Agent in charge of this case to furnish additional evidence as invoices are entered at the Port of New York. Very sincerely yours, Louis Tynberg [*Tynberg*] [*17427*][For 2 attachments see 11-11-01 11-14-01]Ackd BOOKER T. WASHINGTON. TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED. TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. November 6,1901. My dear Mr. President:- Your kind letter of November 2d is received and I thank you very much for it. First, I want to say that if the reports are to any extent true that Mr. Koester, I think it is, of South Carolina, took any part in a lynching or even by his presence approved a lynching, I hope that you can see your way clear not to let him continue in his office as Revenue Collector of South Carolina. It would clear the atmosphere to our race if it could be understood that this man lost his position because of having taken part in a lynching; it would be a lesson that would do the whole South good. I am very glad to know that you were so well pleased with my friend, R.L. Smith, of Texas. He is a fine fellow. I wrote, at his request, the Secretary of the Interior yesterday regarding Dr. Crossland. Dr. Crossland, so far as I can get information, is a 17428No. 2. BOOKER T. WASHINGTON. TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED. TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. clean, high-toned man of ability, but is not known outside the state of Missouri to any extent. Hill of Mississippi is one of the old time politicians, and I am sorry to say that he does not bear a very good reputation; whether there is anything very definite against him I do not know, but when in Mississippi s few days ago I found that he seemed to be filling his office well. I do not believe that the Bar Association is acting squarely with you in recommending Calvin Chase for any position. Granting that he was treated unjustly in that criminal libel matter, Chase does not bear a good reputation among the colored people of the District of Columbia nor among the colored people throughout the country as a whole. It is often true, I think you will find, that white men do not have an opportunity of knowing the real character and reputation of members of our race whom they recommend. I would say that Cheatham on the whole is as good a man as Dr. Crossland and is much more widely known throughout the country among our people. One 17429No. 3. BOOKER T. WASHINGTON. TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED. TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. or two unfavorable things have been brought against Cheatham lately but I am not at all sure of the truth of the charges. If you can get the time to do so, I think it would interest you as well as give you valuable information, to look over the papers of such a colored man as Rucker, of Atlanta, and see how some of the white people in that city have endorsed him. Many of the colored persons appointed to office in the South have the strongest endorsements of white people in their communities, and very often these endorsements are given to the colored man with a view of defeating the aspirations of some white man. I shall call to see you when I am again in Washington. Yours truly, Booker T. Washington 17430[*File CS*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS Nov 6 1901 My Dear Colonel Roosevelt: Your letter of November second is before me. The conclusion of it [where] you say: "One thing has bothered me every where; having men presented by the machine who are not bad enough for me to get anything tangible against them, and yet not good enough for me to feel satisfied if I appoint them" Now I can not help feeling that [*17431*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS___________1901 this is — perhaps subconsciously — your attitude toward Leland, and I am grieved at it chiefly because some way I think you feel that I am urging Leland too hard. I mean too hard for the man's character. I dont care what you think about Leland. But I do care what you think about me. Your friendship has lifted me and strengthened me and given [*17432*]THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS___________1901 me a wide moral intelligence than I could ever have without it. Some way or other I feel that whether consciously or not you have a vague sense that I am either deceived by a bad man, or ignoring his vices. Either proposition is painful to contemplate because I want [above] above every thing else — save one — in the world your respect. That one [*17433*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS___________1901 one thing is my own. I dont want to [us] bother you with Leland. Yet with all my heart and all my head I believe he should be appointed. Burton — the arrant coward pretends in Kansas that he is not fighting Leland. He says so to all reporters. He tells his friends that Leland will be appointed [*17434*]THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS___________1901 Without knowing the fact I assume he is lying. I assume he is straining every [nerv] nerve to defeat Leland. Yet he talks harmony, and palavers about not interfering with Leland as it is presidential not Senatorial patronage. Burton is a bluffer. He is also mercenary. When there is a [*17435*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS___________1901 dollar in it he will run from you and your administration like a hungry cat. Ask Postmaster General Smith what Burton said of you in Chicago It came to me though friends and it went to General Smith. Burton said of Hitchcock to a reporter at least it appeared in the Kansas City Star and you know how decent and reliable they [*17436*]THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS___________1901 are. "Hitchcock is no more fit to be secretary of the Interior than my dog." I am not saying this to back cap Burton but to show you how utterly foolish it is to hope gain favor with him by kindness. Now either Leland is a straight clean man or my [*17437*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS___________1901 advice on political matters is worthless. The explicit promise of President McKinley is a matter of common knowledge if not of record. [He] Burton could not buldoze McKinley. He is trying — I feel absolutely sure — to wheedle it out of you. And if he succeeds he will go on with [*17438*]THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS___________1901 his hatred of you and desert you whenever there is a dollar in sight. If you want any further proof that Leland is a clean man in politics and is an honest man in every relation in life, that he has the respect of the business men of Kansas and Missouri or that he fills his office well 17439 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS___________1901 I stand willing to go after facts and abide by them. But in a matter of politics where Burton's word is involved --then I stop dead stone still, without any thing, without any conjecture without any hope. He has the heart of a harlot and his favor will have to be bought when ever you need 17440 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS___________1901 it over and over again. He is as incapable of taking offense at the appointment of Leland as he is of gratitude at Leland's defeat. Throw over Leland and you will put down the strongest squarest cleanest force in Kansas politics, to satisfy the caprice of a wanton! Appoint Leland and Burton will be at Leland's office in 17441 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS___________1901 a week claiming credit for the appointment. The things I hear said have come right out of my heart: Either they are true or I am a crook--or a fool which is worse. If you could see how earnestly I want to serve you--I mean to make 17442THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS___________1901 your administration a success, in every way, to make peace for you in the Senate, to make your ideals a part of this government, you would not question my motive, you would see that Leland is merely a fly on the wheel with me. I would stand by my friend 17443 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W.A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS___________1901 only so far as honesty and my conscience led me. Also I know what I say you believe so I try to be very careful; for my obligation is great, no personal element has moved me and it shall not. I have tried--and believe I have--sloughed off faction and spoken as your friend--the highest honor that has ever come into my life, save my wife's affection. And now in all 17444THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS___________1901 honor and with my truest judgment I advise this Leland appointment. I do not ask it. I could not do that — now, you have my judgment now you must [p] use yours and whatever comes count me your friend and always let me sign myself Sincerely yours W. A. White To Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States [*17445*]Successful Kansas Politicians. David W. Mulvane Republican National Committeeman for Kansas. (A Character Sketch by F.L. Vandegrift.) It is difficult for one to write a character sketch of his friend for public print without flattery. Not so difficult, perhaps, as embarrassing, for we must live with our friends, and a plain, unvarnished tale is sometimes irritating to the subject of it. But fortunately for me the man the editor of the Capital has called upon me to write my judgment of is one who can be praised without flattery, and his faults are so trifling that they have little place in a public sketch of him. His worst fault is that he has a native instinct for politics. His virtues and abilities fit him for a better career, but it is an instinct that can not be expelled once it takes possession of a man, and so let the friends of David Winfield Mulvane hope that his ambition will not tempt him away from his conscience and that his career will be useful and honorable. And there is ground for this hope, for he has introduced a new school of politics in Kansas. He is honest. He digs pits for the enemy, but they are only the methods of a good general. He practices no deception. He simply keeps his own counsel, and, while guarding his own rear and flank, looks out for what the enemy is going to do. He must know a man well before he will give him his confidence, and consequently he is never betrayed by his lieutenants. When a battle has been won, he claims none of the credit. He permits others, less worthy, to boast, and even encourages them, but for himself success is enough and he is well satisfied. He it was who planned and executed for J. R. Burton in 1894, in 1896, and again in 1900. Others helped in detail, even Mr. Burton; but the man behind the gun was the calculating Mulvane, and without his brain and genius Mr. Burton never had been elected United States Senator. He won the fight for Burton because he knew every step of the road to the end. The first campaign was a lesson. It was a great campaign of itself, even greater than the last, but it lost by mistakes not his own, and when the opportunity came again his work was easy. He knew his men and he knew they would stay by him and get others. He was in touch with every county in the state. He even had the townships organized. He was always in the fight and knew. The opposition was in the dark and didn't know. While the fight was running before the primaries, every statement he made publicly or privately turned out to be true. His foresight was marvelous. He knew. This instinct of politics, this control of men, was born in the young man. It was not so long ago that he was in college, in old Yale, where a Western boy must possess singular ability and tact to get to the front and assume leadership, but he did it, and that, too, before he was a junior. Many students enter Yale from St. Paul's, Exeter, Andover and other preparatory schools close by, and these earlier associations naturally group the boys into sets. By the ties of this comradery they obtain prestige. They live in the same houses, join the same societies, and all that, and so, when young Mulvane appeared in New Haven, the only representative there of an unknown Western school, he had no following. While the hand of every man was not against him, there was none for him, but it was not long before he had won his way into confidence and respect, and he became the president of the baseball team, at that time the prize honor of the early years of a college career, and was an acknowledged [*17446*] leader. He went to Yale with no prestige of former association, but he had native sense, sagacity, strong personal pride and an unerring knowledge of human nature, and his way to the front was easy and in the natural order of things. He was not brilliant in college, but he fulfilled every obligation of student life. He had perfect lessons, was dutiful, and filled a place in the sports and the social life of his environment. He did everything well. In the class-room and on the campus he was equally respected and successful, and so he was turned out an honor and a credit to his alma mater, a finished and well bred man. He fits wherever he is put. DAVID W. MULVANE. He is a man of the world. He belongs to the Twentieth century. The bent of his mind is wholly mathematical. It works along the lines of a geometrical problem. Except in his judgment of men, he grasps only things that can be reached by cold, logical reasoning. He invites advice, but he never accepts it until he has made it thoroughly his own. He never goes off on a tangent or jumps at conclusions. He is devoid of imagination, and it is questionable if he ever read a poem in his life for any other reason than a sense of duty. He is the impersonation of fact and the embodiment of the real. "A primrose by the river's brim, "A yellow primrose is to him, "And it is nothing more." He knows men. With an intuition that is almost feminine he detects their weaknesses, and since most men are controlled by their weaknesses, we have in this faculty one great factor of his leadership. He uses men, but never to their dishonor. He uses even his friends, and he is always making friends. He is not a man to make a friend for an hour; there may be more fights ahead, and besides he likes to have friends for their own sake. Here is a case in point: Senator Allen of Doniphan county was elected for Baker and there was no chance of winning him over to Burton, but that was of no consequence to Dave Mulvane. Allen was a new man in state politics, and because he was on the other side of the Senatorial contest, Mulvane had not seen him during the campaign. He appeared on the scene one Sunday night in the late December. The hotel lobby was full of men and tobacco smoke. Senator Allen stood at one side looking on. "Who is that tall, young fellow over there?" Mulvane asked of Henry J. Allen. "Why that is Senator Allen, Cy's new man," Allen replied. "Introduce me?" Mulvane asked. Allen performed the little function and in ten minutes Mulvane and "Cy's new man" were in a carriage driving to the Topeka club where they had a bottle and a bird and more introductions. In this civility Mulvane had no thought of proselyting the Doniphan county Senator. He only desired to make it pleasant for him, and the incident made the two young men fast friends. He talks little. His powers of of conversation are limited to subjects he is in sympathy with. He is no hand to "make talk," but he has an infinite sense of humor. A friend once asked him if he had read David Harum. He replied, "Yes, I read it on the trip I made to Colorado to meet Roosevelt with M.A. Low during a pause in the conversation." Mulvane talks little, but what he says is true. He introduced veracity into Kansas politics, with the natural result that he deceived his opponents. Taught and accustomed to believe that the art of politics consisted of trickers, chicane and deceit, it is small wonder that the truth was not believed by the politicians when they were told it by this new man in politics. Under the circumstances the easiest way of concealing was by exposing. Mulvane has been in politics since 1894, and he has no political pledges outstanding to any man. He makes none on his own account, and he is certainly too shrewd and worldly wise to make a promise when its fulfillment depends upon another person. Borrowing the wisdom of an old gambler of Atchison, it may be said of him that he "never bets on anything that talks." Mulvane is not alone a politician. He is a good business man and a growing lawyer. He has a natural law mind and is a safe adviser. His father and uncle who own the biggest bank in Kansas and possess other interests of magnitude, turn to him with confidence, and never take an important step that he does not approve. He has inherited the Scotch-Irish thrift of his father and the gentle instincts of his mother, and to them he is always dutiful and respectful. He is acquisitive and silently and without parade makes money, but he is not miserly. He is fond of money for the good he can put it to, and he spends it generously. He is provident and frugal and he will become a rich man, even without a share of the Mulvane fortune. He is only 39 years old and if he will follow the advantages that nature and fortune have given him he will become a foremost character in public affairs. F. V. [*17447*]L aswd 11/15/1901 P7 LAW OFFICE JAMES W. ASHTON, FIDELITY BUILDING. TACOMA. WASH. Nov. 7th,1901. 190 My Dear President: Through pressure of professional duties I have only now been able to read your interesting and also very instructive account of your "couger hunt". With one, or possibly two exceptions, the illustrations in both the October and November numbers are also excellent. I do not think we can ever give you such a good hunt as you had with Goff in Colorado. In fact, I do not know of but two dogs in this entire country that could at all approach the work done by Goff's hounds. There are however, plenty of couger here, and when I see you, I want to tell you of an experience of my own in the heart of Vancouver Island four years ago this last summer with both couger and wolves. Do not take time to reply to this letter as I expect to be in Washington for a day or two shortly after Christmas upon my way to Europe, and at that time, I intend to do myself the honor of trespassing upon your valuable time for a few minutes, when we can talk over the details of a good hunt out here, even during your term of office some time if you care to do so. The Press Dispatches of this morning are certainly cheerful reading, particularly the news from New York and Ohio, Yours very truly. J.M. Ashton Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington,D.C. 17448DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION FOR THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. OFFICE OF THE GENERAL SUPERINTENDENT. Manila, P.I., November 7, 1901. Division Superintendent, I expect very soon to receive a shipment of American school desks and seats, and there will be about 250 to be sent to each division. Later we shall receive enough desks to send 1000 to each division. I wish you would submit as soon as possible a list apportioning these 250 desks in your province. I think perhaps it would be better to have, say, 20 desks in ten different buildings that to have, say, 50 desks in five buildings, as under the former arrangement the municipal authorities can inspect the desks and make up their orders for school furniture next year when the land tax becomes available for school purposes. As these desks are very bulky it is very necessary to know just where each lot is to be shipped. Very respectfully, [FRED W ATKINSON] 17449W.H. BALDWIN, Jr. 128 BROADWAY, N.Y. opportunity of taking care of you everytime you go to Oyster Bay. Call on me at anytime for anything that you think I can do to serve you in any way. Faithfully yours, W.H. Baldwin, Jr. It was a glorious victory. File pp7 W.H. BALDWIN, Jr. 128 BROADWAY, N.Y. Nov. 7, 1901. Dear President Roosevelt, Thank you for your letter of the sixth. Mrs. Baldwin will not be physically able to go to Washington for some months yet. We regret it exceedingly. because nothing would give us greater pleasure that to accept your invitation. Don't bother to acknowledge special train courtesies. We want the 17450B Barrett ackd 11/11/1901 EDITORIAL ROOMS AMERICAN GROCER NEW YORK. November 7th, 1901. The President, Washington, D.C. Dear sir: Permit me to suggest that it would give great satisfaction to the manufacturers and distributors of food throughout the United States could you see your way clear to recommend to Congress the enactment of a National Pure Food Law. Such a measure has been introduced in both Houses of Congress for the last twenty years, but for one reason and another, failed. As Senator Mason of Illinois said, it aroused strong political, financial and personal opposition. There are now food laws in over twenty states which vary so in their provisions that their enforcement makes no end of trouble for manufacturers. For instance, a man puts up his goods to comply with the laws of Illinois and finds when they are labeled in accordance with the statute in that state and shipped to Kentucky, they do not meet the requirements of the law of that state and have to be re-labeled. A National law would tend to unify all state laws. It should be founded upon the general, broad principles that the use of deleterious articles of food should be absolutely prohibited and that all other articles should be sold for what they are. The Department of Agriculture has been greatly interested in securing the passage of an act of this character. I believe the bill passed by the Senate and was lost in the House through the adjournment of Congress. It was in charge of the late Hon. M.C. Brosius of Pennsylvania. There was also a bill introduced by Mr. Sherman of New York to prevent the false branding of goods. 17452EDITORIAL ROOMS AMERICAN GROCER NEW YORK. If you can see your way clear to allude to or recommend either of these measures, I am sure it would tend to make the Administration popular with the honest merchants of the country. I have the honor to remain Yours Heartily, F.N. Barrettask for than an opportunity of serving his country-- of making her greater-- of helping her to fulfill her proud destiny! To but a few in each generation is the chance vouchsafed by Fortune to do great things.--to your lot has this come. I know that you will meet the test.-- You are doing what you do, not for yourself only, but for that great body of men, who love this country of ours for all that she has been in the past, for all that we hope and expect to be in the future-- Ackd pp7 November 7th 1901 54 WALL STREET. Mr. President, My dear Theodore, In the excited days which followed the assassination of President McKinley, I did not wish to add mine to the many letters that were being showered upon you from all parts of the country. But now, I do not feel that a few words to express the thoughts which are in my mind, and in the minds of 17454all your old friends. Knowing you as I have since we were boys, I have always followed your public career with feelings of the deepest interest and sympathy. Nothing in public life is more admirable than the courage which enables a man to take a stand for the right, even if this calls forth a storm of adverse criticism--This courage you have shown that you possess-- You do not need the encouragement of friends to aid you in your career, and yet it must be of some assistance, to hear, from time to time, that what you are doing commands the approval of those who have known you longest. Never before, in a time of profound peace, has so heavy a burden been placed on the shoulders of one of our Presidents, as has just been placed upon yours. You have shown that you realized the obligations of the position, you have shown that you possessed the ability and the judgment to meet the requirements of the situations! What greater thing can any good American 17455[11-7-01] 2/ 54 WALL STREET. Knowing you & watching you as I have done all these years: as boys together, then at College--and afterwards as I have seen you in public life, I feel and know that the interests of the Country are secure in your hands, and that when you lay down your great office, history will record of your administration many acts that will have gone far to establish these United States as chief leader in the world's 17456progress. May you in the future as in the past keep as your guiding thought the desire to do only those things, which being dictated by the right, will enure solely to our Country's progress, and so to your own personal credit! May you be granted the wisdom to discern between the many designs which will clamor for you approval, so that the selfish self-seekers may be disappointed the right prevail! With every good wish for your success in this greatest of all opportunities, and with best regards to Mrs. Roosevelt in which Mrs Baylies joins. Most sincerely yours Edmund Lincoln Baylies 1757BELFORD & BELFORD ATTORNEYS AT LAW CORONADO BLDG. J. B. BELFORD. S. W. BELFORD. DENVER, November 7th.1901. [*Ackd: 11-13-1901*] Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. Sir: It was my purpose some weeks ago to visit Washington and seek an opportunity to lay before you a correct view of the political situation in this state. Sickness and other causes interposed to prevent the execution of my design. I hope therefore that you will do me the honor to read this letter and duly consider its statements. When I inform you that I was an elector on the Lincoln presidential ticket and, with one exception, have supported the Republican party ever since, you will be warranted in concluding that my party devotion is neither vealy nor immature. I helped to make Colorado Republican, and, at every election since 1876, I have actively participated in the labors of the various campaigns which have ever since that time been conducted in this state with the one exception above mentioned. Colorado is in truth a Republican state to-day. But, alas, selfish and criminal management, by those who have usurped leadership, have forced her to take positions, temporarily, in the opposite column. At the recent election 15,000 registered voters of this city refused to go to the polls, and 7,000 independent voters, holding their noses, voted the Democratic ticket. Six weeks ago the Democrats conceded that the Republicans would carry this (Arapahoe) county by at least 10,000 plurality. On Tuesday [*17458*]BELFORD & BELFORD ATTORNEYS AT LAW CORONADO BLDG. J. B. BELFORD S. W. BELFORD DENVER, 190 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. 2. last the Democrats carried it by nearly 5,000. What caused this? I answer the usurpation of the Republican party machinery by the Federal office-holders in this city, and the outburst of indignation thereat on the part of the decent people who realize that they must assert their freedom or forever after became the mere political domestics and servants in the household of Stevenson and Wolcott. In the county convention sat 185 Federal officials and their immediate relatives and dependents. The chairman of the convention was and is a clerk in the post office. The Secretary was an is deputy Post-master in this city; the active manager was Henry Brady-Melter at the Mint, and who, years ago, was indicted for ballot-box stuffing in this city, and he should be in the penitentiary to-day if justice were awarded him for his numerous crimes and iniquities. Another active manager was D. C. Bailey United States Marshall new chairman of the Republican County Central Committee who was offensively active during the campaign that followed the convention. Another was Earl M. Cranston, United States Attorney, who offered and carried through this packed convention a resolution empowering the Chairman of the Central Committee to make-up a committee which would be entirely subservient to the purposes of the gang and who could be serviceable in packing a convention to be held next year. Another active agent was Post-office Inspector Smithers whose field of labor embraces the states of Washington and Oregon and who was brought back to Colorado to supervise the canvass and marshal the henchmen. [*17459*]BELFORD & BELFORD ATTORNEYS AT LAW CORONADO BLDG. J. B. BELFORD. S. W. BELFORD. DENVER, 190 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt . 3. Against the combination, headed by A. M. Stevenson, who is even more odious in this community than Wolcott himself, the old soldiers, thousands of women and thousands of decent men, who would have gladly voted the Republican ticket, revolted and they will continue in revolt as long as these Federal officials continue to offensively meddle in our local affairs. I explained the difficulties under which we were laboring here to President McKinley in his life time and he assured me, in the presence of Senator Teller and Mr. Stevens, that he would see that they were removed. Alas, we know the result. I do not appeal to the pledges of the dead. This world is for the living. More than two months ago I presented written charges against Brady, charges that were indorsed by Senator Teller, and which are a few of the many that might be brought forward against this lawless and disreputable officer and creature. But no attention, it seems, has been paid to them. Senator Teller in my presence and that of others informed Mr. McKinley that [Herbert?], the present collector of internal revenue, was an embezzler, and yet this man is still secure in his place. For thirty years I have never asked a Republican administration, national or state, to appoint me to an office of any kind. I did ask President McKinley to appoint John Anthony Wayne to a place in the Mint. True, he is my son-in-law, but he was indorsed by both our Senators and Members of congress, by Hon. Sereno Payne of New York, by Hon. Simon Guggenheim and men of that character who knew that his appointment would [*17460*]BELFORD & BELFORD ATTORNEY AT LAW CORONADO BLDG. J. B. BELFORD S. W. BELFORD DENVER, 190 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. 4. be acceptable to the decent Republicans of this state. I wanted this appointment made because I wanted the decent Republicans to know officially that the administration was willing to recognize some people who were outside of the Stevenson and Wolcott household. That appointment, however, has not been made. Now, Mr. President, you must know from other sources just how objectionable to our people the present Federal officials are. Why then reappoint them or continue them in office? Have they not had their gums on the public nipple quite long enough, or do they belong to our infant industries that must be forever protected? You have a host of friends in this state; why punish them, by continuing in office, a class of men so unmistakably obnoxious to our people? Why should A.M. Stevenson, whom the Republicans repudiated at the recent election, be suffered to name the representatives of your administration here? Who appointed him National Committeeman? Certainly not the Republican party of this state, for there has been no convention since Wolcott retired. He is unworthy either of the respect of the administration or the people of this state and everybody knows it. Mr. Wolcott has not visited Colorado for over a year. He is an absentee political landlord who only comes here to collect his political rents and distrain his tenants, - a Richard Croker, only on a smaller scale. Now Mr. President, I know how busy you are and how anxious you are to subserve the public interests, and therefore I ask you to carefully [*17461*]BELFORD & BELFORD ATTORNEY AT LAW CORONADO BLDG. J. B. BELFORD S. W. BELFORD DENVER, 190 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. 5. and candidly consider what I have written about. I know the good opinion our people so warmly cherish for you; I know how anxious thousands of us are to see the Republican party in this state resume its ancient place of supremacy and to see your administration win an enduring success. And, knowing all these things, I most earnestly urge you to give these matters [these] your personal and early attention and oblige me and thousands of your friends. Respectfully your obedient servant [James B. Belfordattachment see 11-7-01][shorthand notation] Office of Public Buildings and Grounds, Room 24, War Department. Washington, November 7th, 1901. Honorable Elihu Root, Secretary of War: Sir: In accordance with memorandum from your private secretary of November 4th, I have the honor to submit herewith copies of two letters upon the subject of the President's flag, as the report called for. I recently had a talk with the Adjutant General of the Army upon this subject and he fully agrees with the representations made by me in the two letter above referred to. Very respectfully, Your obedient servant, Theo. A. Bingham Colonel, U.S. Army. (12 P.B.G. 1901) (2 inclosures) 17463[For 2 encs see Bingham ca 7-22-01 " & Corbin 3-22-98]bound for Fourteenth St, the snowy gleaming locks of their leader in front heading the procession as if Henry of Navarre's plume were there in evidence, and as victorious. Every other Citizen of New York City today wears a smile as expansive, and a countenance beaming as the full and radiant moon — Yours Faithfully Roundsman Edward J. Bourke P.S. was married in April last to a splendid little woman — a widow with one child — a little girl — [*Keep*] 241. W. 12th St. New York Nov 7th 01 To His Excellency--the President, Dear Colonel I hope these few notes of the Campaign just closed in New York will be interesting. Mr. Seth Low and Mr. Jerome made a hot, vigorous fight and one in which , curiously enough, the Tammany folks were awfully fooled, for altogether they were very sanguine of the success of their candidate, especially Unger. But somehow, probably from intelligent touch with the lower West side business men and with the workers of the river front, [*17464*]for Seth Low and Decincy — Tammany's control of the Police and Fire Dept's is over — The day after Election I had the pleasure of beholding the "Aeorus" (an organisation with which I am proud to say I am an enrolled member) gather in front of their meeting rooms on Broadway, and march up that thoroughfare every man of them armed with a brand new sweeping broom, with the distinguished and witty gentleman Mark Twain heading them in a barouche — all 3 I never believed that Tammany could win. I thought that underneath all the shouting ran a heavy tide of discontent right among their own people, who, as with good citizens generally partook of the disgust engendered by the recent disclosures of East-side vice. The Police particularly impressed me during the days prior to Election with their attitude of fairness at political meetings, and in fact I think fully Sixty % of Police and Fire Departments threw solid votes 2 [*17465*][*PPF Ackd 11-9-1901 Bus. F satisfactory*] [[shorthand]] SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS. PUBLISHERS. 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE. New York, November 7, 1901 Dear Colonel Roosevelt:- We have just received from the Société Francaise d' Imprimerie et de Librairie of Paris through their agent in this city a letter agreeing to our terms for publication in French of a translation of the "Olive Cromwell." We have this day forwarded to them an agreement signed by Charles Scribner's Sons acting for the author by which they are to pay to you through us on the 31st of December of each year 10% royalty on the published price of all copies which they sell of your work, and on their signing this agreement they are to pay down the sum of $25. in advance. We have also communicated with an agent in Paris who has done much work for us asking him to make an arrangement with a reputable firm for a translation of the "Rough Riders" on the same terms. In both of these cases we shall sign the agreement acting for you and have the royalty paid through us. We have also sent electros of the illustrations in the Cougar Hounds to the publishers of the Lectures Modernes and have given them permission to make a translation for magazine purposes; but we have been careful to reserve all book rights so that when in the future you make a book of this and other sporting articles the French book rights will be entirely free. I hope all of these arrangements meet with your entire approval. It was a great victory and everybody is elated. It begins to look as though the college man could do a great deal in politics if he played [*17466*]SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS. PUBLISHERS. 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE. the game as energetically and honestly as he plays foot-ball. You have certainly given heart to, and set the pace for a lot of fine young fellows all over the country. I hope we have had the last of the intellectual pessimism of the Godkin school. I have no doubt that it had its work to do (just as any other astringent) but it is a mighty poor steady diet for the healthy young man. Faithfully yours, Robert Bridges The President.OFFICE OF THOMAS A. FUTRALL, A. M., L. L. D. SUPERINTENDENT OF SCHOOLS FOR LEE COUNTY, ARKANSAS. SCHOOL BOOK BOARD OF LEE COUNTY. MEMBERS: THOMAS A. FUTRALL, CHAIRMAN. JAMES S. KING, SECRETARY. E. C. BINGHAM. A.S. ROGERS, T. J. ROBINSON. MARIANNA, ARK. November 7, 1901. 190 [*File*] Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. My dear Sir: Your favor acknowledging receipt [o] of my letter to the President, and informing me that by his direction it had been brought to the attention of the Secretary of the Interior, this moment received. Please accept my thanks for prompt reply. Thinking it may not be improper, I send, under separate cover, photograph and certificate of degree conferred recently by the University of Arkansas. I am very anxious to get to work. Thanking you and the President again, and wishing you a full measure of success and happiness, I am, Very sincerely Yours, Thomas A. Futrall. [*17468*]For 1 enclosure see 6-26-1900[*Has it come? Ackd 11-12-1901 wrote Miss Bryan*] EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT THE CENTURY MAGAZINE UNION SQUARE NEW YORK R. W. GILDER, EDITOR. R. U. JOHNSON, ASSOCIATE EDITOR. C. C. BUEL, ASSISTANT EDITOR. November 7, 1901. My dear Mr. President: You asked me if I knew anything about Clinton Dangerfield of Dillon, Ga., whose poem on yourself strikes me more forcibly than anything that has been written on recent events here, including my own attempt. I have a little surprise for you, I think, in sending you the photograph of this gentleman! See the name on back and for Dangerfield read Bryan. Three cheers for New York! I spent a good part of the last two or three days of the campaign on the East Side with the young Napoleon of the campaign, as Carter called him. You must take it as a compliment that he was given your name by the people, i.e., the "Second T—y." I hope you saw in this morning's paper that he did not say that Platt opposed him. Faithfully yours, R. W. Gilder. P.S. Miss Bryan herself sends her photograph to you, at my request and through me, you understand. [*see Bryan, Ella Howard*] [*17469*]NEW YORK LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY. JOHN A McCALL,- President. THE GREAT INTERNATIONAL LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY. PARK ROW BRANCH OFFICE, ROOM 1917, PARK ROW BUILDING. WM. P. BUCKNER, CASHIER. NEW YORK Nov. 7, 1901 Douglas Robinson, Esq. #160 Broadway, City. Dear Sir: I enclose herewith the Medical Examiner's report for Doctor Rixey's use. Very truly yours, [*Lawrence H Graham*] [*[Lawrence H. Graham]*] 17470[For 3 encls see 11-7-01 1 attachment see 11-7-01][*File*] Santa Fe, N.M.Nov.7th.1901. President Roosevelt, Washington,D.C. My dear Colonel:- Dave Goodrich is in Mexico, I believe, but I do not know where to reach him. I am certain Dave is misinformed or he would not endorse Otero and the fact that he has done so shows it. Llewllyn dare not refuse his support to Otero or he will lose the District Attorneyship of Dona Ana County in the event of Otero's reappointment, and I understand Dame was offered the endorsement of the Otero crowd for Surveyor General of New Mexico in consideration of his endorsement of Otero but refused it, and was then promised the Clerkship of the District Court of Bernalillo County, which is one of the best, if not the best, paying county office in the territory. Yours sincerely, W. E. Griffin [*17471*]File Law Offices of Holls, Wagner & Burghard. 120 Broadway. New York Frederick Wm Holls. Louis A. Wagner. Edward M. Burghard. Private: Not for Public Files November 7, 1901 Dear Mr. President: I have duly received the cutting of Gath's article, which you commended to my "prayerful consideration." There is good authority for considering imprecations to constitute one form of prayer, and hence I feel justified in reporting that your suggestion has been dutifully followed to the letter. When I read the paragraph about "the literary guild" which has pursued you so vindictively, it brought to mind the best thing I have ever heard Gath himself say. It was in the City of Madrid, Spain, 1892. I had just crossed the ocean with him to Gibraltar, and a few weeks later found him at a street corner in Madrid. He had managed to lose his baggage, to get into a row at the custom house and at his hotel, and I have a strong suspicion that he had sampled the wet goods of Old Castile more thoroughly than necessary. He told me his woes, and when I asked him how in the world they had all come about, he looked at me unsteadily, but remarked with a brilliancy and and an accuracy which almost took my breath away: "Holls, I am a damned fool." Let me continue my prayerful attitude, and add: "The Lord made him so, and His work shall stand."-- I have been giving some thought to the question of an ideal appointment to the Commissionership of Emigration, of Ellis Island, and I venture to suggest that you could not do better than draft James R. Sheffield into the service for this position. You know him too well to need any further details about him; but my knowledge of the place is sufficient for me to say that I think it would be the kind of activity 17472 Law Offices of Holls, Wagner & Burghard. 120 Broadway. New York Frederick Wm Holls. Louis A. Wagner. Edward M. Burghard. for which he is best fitted--requiring efficiency, broadmindedness and judicial impartiality, and appealing to all that is best in a man's mind and heart. Moreover, I think he could do more good to the public there than in some City Commissionship, which Mr. Low would I suppose be very likely to offer to him. I have no idea whether he would take the place or not, but I strongly suspect that if you made a strong appeal to him he would not refuse. At any rate, he represents the type of man that ought to be appointed. From the account in the newspapers, there appears to be some danger that the Congress in Mexico will bring forth another treaty providing for obligatory arbitration, and hence utterly inadmissable so far as this country is concerned. I am watching the proceedings as carefully as possible, and I may take the liberty of addressing you on that subject before very long. My friend, Theodore Lange, of St.Louis, was completely carried away by the cordiality of your reception to him. He is a man of great and growing importance in the West, and I beg to thank you for honoring my introduction in such a signal manner. I have the honor to remain, dear Mr. President, very respectfully, Your Obedient Servant. Frederick W. Holls 17473[*Ackd PPF*] 101 MILK STREET. 7 Nov. 1901 My dear Teddy, The name of the man I was trying to think of the other night at your dinner was Redfern. He was a crack ajack we all thought here, but was removed for some reason or other — In telling my wife of our Washington trip she was very much disturbed that I had not called on Mrs Roosevelt on Sunday. I tried to show [*17474*] her that after some dinners the day after was a dies non, so I had taken the precaution of calling the day before--also that among the crowd of men no one of them would ever think that other had willingly done him a slight. But I fear I only half persuaded & if I have offended the "laws of etiquette" I will come on again to make my peace — Senator Allison and my father in law--C.E. Perkins are great friends and the latter is a farmer [*17475*]out in his country & should you ever need to get at the sentiment south of the Platte he could give it to you-- He is one of the few really great men I have ever known-- Our trip to Washington was an immense success in every way & I shall always look back on it with keen relish-- Faithfully William Hooker No answerTELEGRAM. Executive Mansion, Washington. Appoint Willoughby 1820 Wired Provost Harrison- 11-7-1901 1C0.GU.RA.San-Juan, De P.R., November 7, 1901. 76 words. Secretary Cortelyou, Washington. Sample excellent man, know him, but fear long routine life deprives him of initiative ability indispensable. Dr. Brunbaugh knows James well; says he has ability, well qualified, but perhaps over aggressive. Harrison, Provost of Pennsylvania University, can give perfectly reliable estimate of James. Brumbaugh's advice has my entire confidence. If Commissioner Wright thinks Wm. J. Willoughby has activity with knowledge of tax systems and executive capacity think him best. Willoughby or James good. Hunt, Governor. 6:10 pm.PP7 M McClure's Magazine, 141-155 East Twenty-Fifth St. New York. November 7, 1901. President Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President: The article that you wrote for us last winter was sold by our London representative to the Fortnightly some time ago. I do not know the exact date; presumably it was sold last spring at the time that the article was published in Mc Clure's. We have no foreign edition. Instead of sending over ten, fifteen or twenty thousand copies of the magazine, as is done by the publishers of Scribner's, Harper's and the Century, we sell to periodicals on the other side such material as is available for publication over there. That is, instead of getting our return from England by the sale of sheets or copies to English publishers, we sell our literary material to publications. This article was sold in the regular course of business, just as our other material has been; for example, Kipling's "Kim," or Robert Barr's "Jimmie" stories, or Professor Langley's account of his Flying Machine, and what not. Although all of our material is copyrighted over there simultaneously with its publication here, very often, as in the case of this article, it actually appears long after publication in America. Faithfully yours, S.S. McClure 17477[*PPF. Amer. Bible Soc.*] Long Island Bible Society, Recording Secretary's Office, Corona, Borough of Queens, New York City, Nov. 7 1901 [*Ackd 11/8/1901*] Dear Sir- I beg to acknowledge the honor of sending out to all churches on L. I. your "Artillery on the Bible" from us at Oyster Bay — which will go down to History as "our Presidents" view of Gods Holy word — Yours & our guide. Our Pulpit & Private daily prayers are for & in your Behalf Numbers 6:24:25 — Obediently and truly yours W. Jay Peck [*17478*] THE LONG ISLAND BIBLE SOCIETY, RECORDING SECRETARY'S OFFICE Corona, N. Y. City, Nov. 7, 1901. The Annual Meeting will be held Tuesday, Nov. 12th, in the Presbyterian Church of Jamaica with a meeting of the Executive Committee at 2 P.M. and of the Board of Directors at 3 P. M. At 7:30 P.M. a popular meeting will be held. The rev. J. Howard Hobbs will give words of welcome. A address will be given by Dr. Fox, Secretary of the American Bible Society and by the Rev. John C. Rauscher, Pastor of the Reformed Church of Astoria. Those desiring entertainment should address Rev. J. Howard Hobbs, Jamaica, N. Y. Additional Leaflets can be obtained for free distribution by addressing the American Bible Society. Yours very truly, W. JAY PECK. [*17479*]For 1 enclosure see 6-11-01ansd. File pp7 Ins. Douglas Robinson 160 Broadway New York, November 7, 1901 George B. Cortleyou, Esq. Secretary to the President, White House, Washington, D.C. My dear Sir:-- I received your telegram last night informing me that Dr. Rixey would not be in Washington until next Tuesday. As the Companies have all agreed upon Dr. Rixey, I think it would be hard to arrange for another doctor to make the examination. If you will have it done on Tuesday and let me know Wednesday, after the President signs the three applications, the policies can be made out at once, and I will pay the premium here. I enclose you a form of application of the New York Life Insurance Co., together with the Medical Examiner's report which can be filled out and returned to me by Wednesday. All the Insurance Companies have asked the question as to whether the President would object to having them tell their agents that (after the policies are written and signed) he had taken out a policy with their company. I told them I did not know how he would feel about that as of course, I do not know whether the President would feel that he would allow them to use the fact that he had taken out a policy with them as an advertisement to push their business. This is not part of the scheme and if he has any objection to it I want to write and tell them just his wishes in the matter. Very truly yours, Douglas Robinson [Surgeon General Presley Marion Rixey.] 17480[*[For 1 enc. see Woodard 11-2-01]*] [*Ackd 11-9-1901 PPF*] Nov 7. [*[01]*] War Department Office of the Assistant Secretary, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President You may be interested in the enclosed letter. Sincerely yours Wm. Cary Sanger [*[Sanger]*] [*17481*]St pp Ackd THE S.S. McCLURE COMPANY, PUBLISHERS, NEW YORK AND LONDON, EDITORIAL ROOMS 141 EAST TWENTY-FIFTH ST. NEW YORK. November 7, 1901. My dear Colonel: I should like very much before anything is done toward dealing with the Police department, to suggest some specific lines of action, and I am going to ask you now to suggest to Mr. Low that he let me talk with him a while about this subject. You laughed at me once for maintaining so long my interest in the Police department. I don't believe I ever could lose it. The way to reform it seems to me to be very clear, though difficult, and I should like to have a hand in the work. I should like to be Commander-in-Chief for a year or two, but I suppose I am not conspicuous enough to be a creditable appointment. The most I can expect is to be consulted as to ways and means. Please give the matter a moment's serious consideration and do whatever you think wise. Yours very sincerely, J.L. Steffens To the President, Washington, D.C. 17482[*File*] WILLIAM A. OTIS & CO. BANKERS AND BROKERS. COLORADO SPRINGS. COLORADO. WILLIAM A. OTIS. PHILIP B. STEWART. WILLIAM P. SARGEANT. FRANCIS GILPIN. November 7th, 1901. The President, Washington, D.C. Dear President Roosevelt:- I am in receipt of your two favores of November 2nd and November 4th, and am preparing, with great care, a statement for you along the lines you desire. The general results in this State on election day were most promising for the Republican party. All districts outside Denver, including Teller County (in which are Cripple Creek and Victor) showed a strong tide of returning Republicans. The exception to this rule was in the City of Denver where, starting with every chance of success, the machine and the federal office holders made itself so obnoxious that the Republicans simply would not go out and vote, with the result that a majority of several thousand was rolled up in that county against the ticket, although at the start of the campaign the Democrats even conceded the election to the Republicans. I have today been in consultation with local leaders here, who are the main old-timers and have been ardent Wolcott Republicans (some of them are today), and they all admit that the State campaign next fall must be conducted free from pernicious influences prevalent in Denver, and that this is the only possible basis on which the State can come into its own as, in fact today, a Roosevelt and Republican State. [*17483*]-2- In Denver this story is told by practically every Republican whom I have talked with there, some of them men who have been on the stump for the machine during this last campaign. I am aware that this should not be taken into account in the immediate problem which confronts you, which calls for specific facts; but beyond any question you will find ample support in the real sentiment of the Republicans of the State, even though you are compelled to take radical action, and such action, if taken, will certainly be a great aid toward the recovery of this State. I remain Most sincerely yours, Philip B. Stewart PBS-PTRANSLATION OF AN ARTICLE IN THE "KOLONIALE ZWEITSHRIFT," No. 23, DATED NOVEMBER 7, 1901. ROOSEVELT. "New broom sweeps clean." The new President of the United States, Mr. Roosevelt, who so suddenly and unexpectedly came to the head of a large western republic, attained with his office a large amount of sense. He sees with astonishing clearness where the shoe pinches the Yankee, and he intends to remove the pressure. The great reformer has revealed himself, and at every moment we hear of something new and grandiloquent from him. He is even going to deal with official corruption. It is not to be the party, but the worthiness of individuals, which is going to influence him in filling offices. The very moment that Roosevelt expressed this intention -- insane, according to American ideas -- he might be considered a dead man. The unmistakeable insanity of greatness spoke in him when he took it upon himself to destroy the most sacred of American principles -- "to the victors belong the spoils." He then received a negro at the White House -- the new President. He seems to have considered it important that he should be regarded in the Southern States for ever and ever as a "bete noir." From hearsay it is also reported that Roosevelt intends also to declare war against the trusts. He also considers himself mightier than the dollar. He will naturally also bring to the United States outside glory, he intends to build the largest fleet and to carry on a world- policy to which Europe shall pay reverences. In the "Financial Chronicle" a Dr. Sumner H. Boulton of New York, regarding the new President who is to be brought before the eyes of the astounded world and frightened Europe as the "newest wonder of the 174852. world." This Yankee, Boulton, is governed by the idea that the United States will shortly assume the foremost position, politically as well as commercially. They seem to be moving in a trance over there, which closely resembles mental derangement. In "Die Woche" Prof. Munsterberg of Harvard makes propaganda for Roosevelt. He says amongst other things that Roosevelt is an admirer if the German people and above all of William II. We Germans have no idea how much Roosevelt resembles our Kaiser. There we have the solution of the riddle. Roosevelt is the William II of the New World. William II is impulsive, Roosevelt says, well, I'll be the same. Just as our Kaiser at the time found it bitter that the word bread-usurer was used for the Agrarians, so Roosevelt now treads on the corns of the trusts. Our Kaiser received three laboring-men. Roosevelt sent for a negro. The laboring-men Kaiser is translated by Roosevelt into a negro President. Roosevelt is building fleets, and in world-politics he is dabbling also. A short time ago the American Ambassador in Berlin was with Roosevelt for some time; he doubtlessly gave Roosevelt a personal demonstration of the style of the imperial hair-combing and then took with him a special mission to the Court Barber, Haby. If America is ahead of us in all other things, we still maintain supremacy in the curling of moustaches. When Professor Munsterberg, who claims to be a friend of Roosevelt's and therefore knew what he was writing presented to us the President as a second William II, he intended to create good feeling for Roosevelt in our country. Now there are very many people in Germany who do not feel flattered by a comparison with America. Apart from that we have to say to Mr. Roosevelt, who is posing before us as l'Empereur, 174863. QUOD LICET JOVE, NON LICET BOVI. What an emperor can do, a ruler in a country of monarchical principles and of stable conditions, cannot be attempted to any great extent by a president of a republic. Even though we assume that Roosevelt is not a mere poser or a vain person, who "reforms" in order to attain notoriety, but who takes the matter seriously and desires to remove the numerous bad conditions in his country, with all power, he will not succeed. Has he the power to do this? What is a President of a Republic? The product of a passing political constellation, the tool of those who have desired to make use of him and who placed him there where they found it to be in their interest. The Kaiser is the servant of no one, the subject of no one. His birth gave him political power, which no one can take from him save death. Power which he can save for himself or decrease according to his personal value. The firm basis of his position cannot be taken away from under him at one time or when a certain time has passed. President Roosevelt, however, is only upheld by a sceptre of three years and those who gave it to him can and will take this toy away if he dared to look upon it as anything else than a toy. A President of the United States, who shows impulsive individuality will only play an unfortunate role, unless it be that he finds opportunity to erect a dictatorship similar to that of Cromwell. This, however, cannot be imagined in the country of the Yankee. More than in any other republic the President is in the Yankee State solely a representative of the commercial factors which are at present in power. Chosen by a party and with its money, the Chieftain of the United States can never stand above his party. His pedestal is 174874. not the general public, but the interests of a party. If Roosevelt, however, should proclaim a policy which had wide scope and if he is so little Yankee-like, he might perhaps in the end succeed in being looked upon with astonishment in Europe, but he will change very little, as he personally can do very little to change the movement of things in America. The special ambition of President Roosevelt at present is directed towards foreign politics. This is a domain in which he can so easily give himself a beautiful "national" pose before the public at large. Shortly after McKinley's deaths, Roosevelt, the Vice President, delivered an address wherein he appealed to the vain instincts of his countrymen. It was on September 3rd, in Minneapolis, Roosevelt said: "The United States must not fear to play its role among the great nations. They could hardly avoid taking great duties upon their shoulders, which they would have to fulfill in spite of other nations. The United States, however, do not intend to sanction the policy of an attack of one American State at the expense of another, or any policy of commercial difference against a foreign power, but would, however, in case they intended to, act with forethought, insist energetically that, under no pretense, of whatever nature it might be, should any territorial expansion of European powers on American soil take place. To play a role in spite of other nations, is a childish policy and has been heretofore a specialty of the French. Aside from this, various things belong to playing such a role. Above all, trustworthy management, true to the State and honest! Will it ever be possible to accomplish such a thing in America? Will the stability of Governmental power and soundness of administration ever be reached in America? One of the pillars of Prussian growth and prosperity is the Prussian Oberrechnungs- Kammer (Chief Auditors Office). With us every citizen knows 174885. that everything that is stated on paper, from a cannon to a piece of straw, actually exists. The trust of the citizens is the main pillar of Prussianism. Could it even be imagined that in Yankeedom, in the land of the spoils-politician, wuch an authority could exist as our financial accounting system? The Spanish-American war proved how worthless was the national stability of the two opponents, the degenerate Nation, as well as the People who are still far [from] short of being a Nation. Roosevelt evidently over-estimates the capacity of the United States to play a role among the great nations. The true patriotism, which in the older great nations has grown slowly for a thousand years from the soil of the Mother Country into a real love of Fatherland, is as yet wholly wanting in America. The National unity, the harmonious heart-throb cannot exist in a mere mixture of races. What figures over there as patriotism is really a love of noise, which comes and goes. It may be that the number of individualities, the peculiarities of character, are greater there than with us. But the fact is revealed more strongly in business affairs, since a greater number of materialistic egoists a great naturally produce a greater amount of economic products. But the close unity in Government affairs, and consequently the national power, are naturally greater with us. Perhaps our Machinery of State and the power of our people do not operate so rapidly as over there, but they work finer and more solidly. The mosaic picture of the United States has not yet stood the test. It is not yet known whether the East, which was unwillingly united with the all- absorbing West, will not separate when it finds itself strong enough to do so. And the Southern States also stand apart. As once happened to Great Columbia, so the solidarity of the United States now stands on feet of clay. It is not yet known 174896. whether the Commercial development over there is not merely a hot-house growth, that will perish under the first storm. A body with so many wounds is not constituted to play a large role. If President Roosevelt considers himself the wonder- conductor who can cure this body, he will certainly earn the adoration of his family, but other people will only laugh. Dr. Hans Wagner.[Enc in Masen 11-13-01]CARROLL D. WRIGHT, COMMISSIONER. DEPARTMENT OF LABOR, WASHINGTON, D. C., November 7, 1901. [[shorthand]] [*ackd 11-9-1907 Enc - returned*] My dear Mr. Cortelyou: The enclosed private letter is from Dr. Frederick W. Atkinson, General Superintendent of Public Instruction for the Philippine Islands. It has occurred to me that there are statements in this letter not to be found in official reports and that might be of interest to the President. If so, you are at liberty to hand it to him. I would like, of course, to have it returned. I am, sincerely yours, Carroll D. Wright Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. [*17491*]Belford, James B., Lawyer, Denver, Colo., Nov. 7, 1901. Says Republican party leadership in Colorado is usurped by Federal office-holders, whose personal character and notions are so objectionable that the voters have revolted by the thousand, and in last election Arapahoe County, which is normally at least 10,000 Republican went 5,000 Democratic. Urges the President to replace the present malodorous officials with decent representations of the party. [*17492*]attached to Belford 11-7-01[*Treas*] [*[11-7-01]*] WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. Eufala, Ala., receivership. Comptroller Ridgely says he appointed Mark L. Crawford, who went down, looked over the situation and telegraphed his resignation. The Comptroller then appointed John K. McDonald of Birmingham, an experienced man who knows the people well. 11-7-1901. [*17494*] [*Koester*] [*[ca 11-7-01]*] [*17493*]Douglas Robinson, Charles S. Brown & Co., 160 Broadway, New York. [11-7-01] The President, White House, Washington, D.C. Personal.[*[ca 11-7-01]*] TWENTIETH CENTURY EDITION. APPLICATION TO THE NEW YORK LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY [*ppf Pr*] 1. A Name of the person applying for insurance. [*Theodore Roosevelt*] NOTE.-Write the name in full B Residence : State. [*DC*] County Town. [*DC*] Street. [*White House*] No. C Place of business. [*White House*] D To what address shall notices of premium be sent ? [*as above*] 2 A Present occupation or employment ; if more than one, state all. [*President of United States*] NOTE.-It is not sufficient to answer "Merchant," "Mechanic," "Salesman," or "Clerk"; the particular branch of business or trade must be specified and full particulars given, especially when the occupation is in any way hazardous. If member of a firm, give name of firm in full. B Are you married ? [*Yes*] 3. A Place of birth. [*New York*] B Race or Nationality. [*American*] C Born on[* 27 day of Oct 1858*] D Age nearest birthday. [*43*] 4. A Are you now insured in any Company or Society? (Answer "Yes," or " No." B If so, state in what Companies or Societies, and the amount insured in each. C Have you an application now pending in any Company or Society ? D If so, give name of Company or Society. 5. A Has any Company or Society ever declined to issue a policy on your life? B If so, give name of Company or Society. 6. A Has any Company or Society ever issued, or offered to issue, a policy on your life differing from the one then applied for ? B If so state name of Company or Society, and give particulars. 7. A To who is the insurance applied for to be payable in event of death? [*Edith K*] B Present residence. [*White House DC*] C Relationship to you. [*Wife*] 8. Do you wish to reserve the right to change the beneficiary at any time, if not then assigned ? [* Yes*] 9. A Do you desire an Accumulation Policy as set forth in the policy-form of the Company ? A [*Yes*] B If so, which Accumulation Period do you select? B I select the 20 year Accumulation period. 10. A Do you desire a policy with "Premium-Return" in case of death within the Accumulation period ? A --- B If so, is such return to be equal to one-half, or all, the premiums paid ? B Premium Return to be equal to ____ the premiums paid. 11. Sum to be insured, $ 100,000.00 Premiums payable, { Annually. { [Semi-Annually] { [Quarterly] On what table? { Ordinary Life { Life _____ Premiums. { Endowment, payable in _____ years.[Enc. in Graham 11-7-01]Agency, 1st pay't, No. Reg. date, Prem., Age, Kind, Form Made out, Am't, MEDICAL EXAMINER'S REPORT to the Medical Director of the Equitable Life Assurance Society of the United States. EDWARD W. LAMBERT, M.D., EDWARD CURTIS, M. D., Medical Directors. W. R. BROSS, M. D., ARTHUR PELL, M. D.,}Assistant Medical Directors JOHN WARREN, M. D., } 120 Broadway, New York. MEMORANDA FOR THE EXAMINER:--1. Examine in PRIVATE(neither agent nor others to be present), in a QUIET PLACE, taking AMPLE TIME for the task. 2. Make your REPORT FULL and PRECISE, so that the risk may be intelligently judged thereby; and, upon completion, deliver the paper (if specially so requested by the subject, under seal} to the agent. 3. In any MATTER OF DELICACY affecting the risk, write directly to the Medical Directors;-such communications are privileged and confidential. 4. Whenever you DISAPPROVE a risk, or DECLINE TO EXAMINE, write the fact, at once and confidentially, to the Medical Directors, giving name and residence of the subject, date of application, and reasons for disapproval. I.-QUESTIONS TO BE ANSWERED BY SUBJECT TO BE EXAMINED. (The Examiner to put the questions and to set down the answers duly elucidated. The subject, then to review and sign inthe presence ofthe Medical Examiner.) N.B.--All questions to be answered without back reference to previous reports on the same life. 1. Personality. A. Age? A. B. Race, and nationality? B. C. Married, Single or Widowed C. 2. Insurance History. A. Has your life ever been assured in this Society. A. B. If yes, what is the amount of such assurance (if any) now in force. B. C. Is your life now assured elsewhere, and, if so, for how much and in what companies? C. D. Is any negotiation for other assurance on your life now pending or contemplated? D. E. Has any life assurance organization ever declined or postponed aceptance of a proposal. E to assure your lie, or accepted the same onlyaftr some modification of the originally- proposed amount or kind of assurance, or rate of premium? (If yes, state particulars, including name of the company or companies concerned, and date of transaction.) 1. QUESTIONS TO BE ANSWERED BY SUBJECT TO BE EXAMINED. (The Examiner to put the questions to set down the answers duly elucidated. The subject, then, to review and sign in the presence of the Medical Examiner.) N.B. - All questions to be answered without back reference to previous reports on the same life. 1. Personality. A. Age? A. B. Race and Nationality? B. C. Married, Single or Widowed? C. 2. Insurance History. A. Has you life ever been assured in this Society? A. B. If yes, what is the amount of such assurance (if any) now in force? B. C. Is your life now assured elsewhere, and, if so, for how much and in what companies? C. D. Is any negotiation for other assurances on your life now pending of contemplated? D. E. Has any life assurance organization ever declined or postponed acceptance of a proposal to assure your life, or accepted the same only after some modification of the originally proposed amount or kind of assurance, or rate of premium? (If yes, state particulars, including name of the company or companies concerned, and date of transaction. E. __________________________________________________________________________________________ 3. Occupation and Environment. A. What is your present occupation? A. B. What, if other, have been your occupations in the past? B. C. Are you now, or have you ever been, either directly or indirectly concerned either the manufacture or sale of a kind of alcoholic beverage? C. D. What, if any, change in occupation do you contemplate? D. E. Do you contemplate a change in residents? If so, to what place, and why? (That is, for business, for health or for pleasure) E. F. How long have you lived in your present locality? F. G. Where else have you ever lived and when? (Give localities, specifying individual cities, towns, or villages, and periods of residence in each by calendar years.) G. H. Have you ever traveled in tropical countries? (if yes, state when, where, and whether for business or pleasure). H. (I. Have you ever had the yellow fever?) I. (J. If not, have you ever been present at the time of an epidemic?) _____________________________________________________________________________________________ 4. Hereditary Influences. A. Give, as accurately as possible, the following required items of family-history (See Note 11, below) FATHER LIVING DEAD. AGE. HEALTH If not good, explain. AGE SPECIFIC CAUSE OF DEATH. DURATION AND CHARACTER OF FATAL ILLNESS Father's Father Father's Mother MOTHER Mothers Father Mother's Mother Brothers Sisters A. Any consumption or insanity in the family, other than appears above., i.e. among B. uncles or aunts? (If yes, state particulars, giving dates of deaths.) ________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 5. Health Record A. Have you ever been affected with any of the following-named diseases or conditions? (Answer "Yes" or "No" to each- See Note III., below) Answer Malaria.................................................................... Smallpox or Varioloid........................................... Rheumatism .......................................................... Gout ......................................................................... Syphilis ................................................................... Cancer, or other tumor........................................... Severe Headaches.................................................... Vertigo....................................................................... Loss of consciousness............................................ Convulsions.............................................................. Paralysis.................................................................... Nervous Exhaustion............................................... Mental Derangement.............................................. Asthma....................................................................... Spitting of Blood........................................................ Chronic Hoarseness................................................... Chronic cough............................................................ Shortness of Breath................................................... Fainting Spells............................................................ Palpitation of Heart................................................... Pain in region of the Heart...................................... Indigestion.................................................................. Chronic Diarrhea....................................................... Gallstone Colic.......................................................... Jaundice.................................................................... Renal Colic................................................................. Gravel or Calculus..................................................... Immoderate flow of Urine........................................ Difficult or tedious Urination................................... Any serious disease, injury or infirmity other than listed above ........................................ (Females, Generally) Answer. Uterine disease or displacement................................. Menstrual derangement............................................... Climacteric passed or not ............................................ (Females, Child-bearing.) Abortion......................................................................... Serious troubles in labor.............................................. Number of Children borne.......................................... When last Confined (year) ........................................... B. Have you ever been refused for military service? (If yes, state when and for what.) B. C. Have you ever been a pensioner? (If yes, state when, on whom, and for what) C. D. Have you recently gained or lost in weight to any notable degree? (if yes, give the figures) D. E. Do you know of any circumstance connected with your health, physical condition E. of of manner of life which should render your life extra-hazardous for assurance? (If yes, particulars to be stated.) '___________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 6. Habits. A. What is your practice as regards the use of spirits, wine, malt liquors, A. or other alcoholic beverage? (See Note IV., below) B. Have you ever been a free-drinker? (If yes, it should be stated when, for how long and to what degree, and whether ever delirium tremens, or other injury to health.) B. C. Do you use tobacco? (If yes, in what way and to what degree.) C. D. Have you, or have you ever had, any habit of taking opium, morphine, chloral, coca, or other, so-called, narcotic drug? (If yes, give particulars as in case of use of alcoholics.) D. E. Have you ever taken treatment for alcoholic or narcotic habit? (If yes, give particulars.) E. ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ Signature of Subject to be Examined (to be written in the presence of the Medical Examiner) NOTE I. - If the occupation be given as "merchant," "manufacturer," "clerk," "salesman," or the like, the line of trade or of manufacture must be specifically stated, with especial reference to the LIQUOR BUSINESS, and to EXTRA-HAZARDOUS MANUFACTURES. In case of liquor dealing, it must also be stated whether or not exclusively at wholesale, and whether or not there is a bar upon the premises. NOTE II. - Causes of death must be stated specifically, with special reference to consumption. Suspicion of consumption always attaches to deaths ascribed to "exposure," "general debility," "childbirth," "change of life," "effects of cold," "liver complaint," fever, etc. Where the health of living members is given as "poor" or "fair" only the nature of the invalidism should briefly be stated. NOTE III. - Each item on the "health-record" must be made the subject of specific inquiry and answer. Where answers are "yes" the examiner will elicit the clinical history of the case, and record the same on the form for the purpose on the reverse of this sheet. NOTE IV. - The subject must state, specifically, WHAT he commonly drinks, and HOW MUCH. Such phrases as "temperate," drink when I want to," give no real information, and are worthless for the purpose of this inquiry. _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ NOTE TO AGENTS: Applicants must be examined by two physicians, if the amount now applied for would make the total assurance with the Society aggregate $25,000 or over, on the commuted basis, or if, no matter what the amount of assurance, the subject be sixty years of age, or over. [*17497*]11.—QUESTIONS TO BE ANSWERED BY THE EXAMINER. 1. Physique. A. Weight? (coat and vest off.) (Get actual weight always, if possible.) B. Height? (in shoes.) (Take all measures yourself.) C. Girth of chest, under vest; forced expiration? D. Same, forced inspiration? E. Girth of abdomen, at waist-band of trousers? A. lbs. as per (weighing or estimate?) B. ft. in. C. in. D. in. E. in. F. If under or overweight, is this feature an individual or a family trait? G. Any deformity or maiming? H. Any loss of limb? (If of lower extremity, state weather thigh or leg amputation.) I. Any rupture? J. If yes, is a truss worn during waking hours? F. G. H. I. J. 2. Nutrition and Diathesis. A. Anything unfavorable in the general appearance, such as sickly aspect or unduly full habit, or apparent proneness to fatty degeneration? B. Does the subject look older than the stated age? A. B. 3. Integumentary System. A. Any skin eruption, sores or ulcers? B. Any tendency to catarrhs? A. B. 4. Nervous System and Organs of Sense. A. Any loss of faculties or other present derangement of function or any suspicion of serious lesion? B. Any serious impairment of sight or of hearing? C. Any otorrhea? A. B. C. 5. Respiratory System. A. Any hoarseness, cough or other present derangement of func tion, or any abnormality discoverable by auscultation or percussion? (See Note V., below.) A. 6. Vascular System. A. Rate and quality of pulse? (If excited, re-examine till you assure yourself of the normal rate.) B. Any intermittence or irregularity, or undue strength or weakness of heart-action? C. Any abnormality discoverable by auscultation or percussion? D. Any atheroma, aneurism, bleeding piles or varicose veins? A. B. C. D. 7. Digestive System. A. Any present derangement of function; any enlargement of liver or spleen or suspicion of organic disease of any of the abdominal organs? B. Any suspicion of tape-worm or of fistula-in-ano? A. B. 8. Urinary System. A. Results of testing of the urine. (The examiner must have personal knowledge that the sample of urine examined is authentic. See also, Note VI., below) B. Any abnormal constituents discoverable by the microscope? (Microscopical exam ination not required unless thought advisable for the particular case.) A. SPECIFIC GRAVITY REACTION ALBUMIN TEST EMPLOYED SUGAR TEST EMPLOYED B. 9. Generative System. Males. A. Any suspicion of stricture or of enlarged prostate? Females. B. Any present derangement of function, or suspicion of organic disease? C. Any suspicion of present pregnancy? (If yes, report why assurance is sought at the present juncture, and give account of previous confine ments and sanitation of present surroundings.) A. B. C. 10. Clinical History. (Detail, in brief, upon the following form, the clinical history of any affection experienced by the subject, as per his answers, foregoing.) Affection: Date: Duration: Severity: Results: Name of Medical Attendant: : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : 11. General Considerations. A. Anything of importance in connection with the physical condition, or past health-record, not already detailed? (If yes, give particulars.) B. Any suspicion of unacknowledged over-indulgence (past or present) in alcoholic beverages, tobacco, opium or other narcotic? (See Note VII., below.) C. Anything objectionable in the subject's manner of living or general surroundings? D. Anything insanitary in the occupation or in the residence or place of business? (In cluding possible near contact with a consumptive, at home, or at the place of business. If yes, state particulars.) E. Any danger from lack of acclimation? F. How long since last successful vaccination? (If never vaccinated, so state.) G. Any need of a certificate from subject's regular medical adviser? (If yes, require the applicant or the agent to procure the same, on the Society's blank: Form M, Medical Service.) A. B. C. D. E. F. G. 12. Identification. A. Stranger or acquaintance? (If known, state how long and how well.) A. 13. Opinion. A. Compared with the average of lives of the same age and sex, do the chances of life in this subject seem to you first-class, or fair only, or doubtful or bad? (If other than first-class, state what makes you accord only the lower rating.) B. If yourself in the business, would you assure this subject for life? (See Note VIII., below) C. If not for life, would you for any stated term of years? If yes, for what term? A. B. C. 14. Revision. A. Have you now reviewed your answers as set down on the two sides of this sheet, to make sure that the same are correct, and that every question has some answer? (If not, do so at once before signing the report. Errors and omissions make great trouble. If you have made any erasure, put your initials to the re-written text, as a voucher for its authenticity.) A. Examined at (Town), (County), (State), (Signature of Examiner.) this day of 19 of (P. O. Address of Examiner.) N. B.—If not a commissioned examiner for the Society, fill up the following blank form: Professional Qualifications (Degrees), (Date of conferment), (Names of Colleges or of licensing Boards) References:—Dr. of (P. O. Address) Dr. of (P. O. Address) Dr. of (P. O. Address) Note V.—In the matter of the PHYSICAL EXAMINATION make the same thorough, no matter how sound the subject may appear, nor how well you may know him. For the practice of aus cultation in the male subject, the coat and vest should be taken off, and the linen shirt rolled up from below out of the way; and, in the female, the waist of the dress and the corsets should be removed. Other physical explorations and the necessary disrobing for the same will be at your discretion, according to the circumstances of the [????] glycosuria, the amount of glucose in the urine is commonly not enough to run the specific gravity out of bounds. Take by preference, futhermore, the urine secreted during digestion, since in the beginnings of both albuminuria and glycosuria the morbid constituents may be present during digestion while absent in the intervals. If either constituent be found, give an approximate THIS MARGIN IS FOR BINDING: DO NOT WRITE ON IT OR DEFACE IT. Revised Edition—U. S. Form—March, 1901.6. Vascular System. A. Rate and quality of pulse? (If excited, re-examine till you A. assure yourself of the normal rate.) B. Any intermittence or irregularity, or undue strength or weakness of heart-action? B. C. Any abnormality discoverable by auscultation or percussion? C. D. Any atheroma, aneurism, bleeding piles or varicose veins? D. 7. Digestive System. A. Any present derangement of function; any enlargement of A. liver or spleen or suspicion of organic disease of any of the abdominal organs? B. Any suspicion of tape-worm or of fistula-in-ano? B. 8. Urinary System. A. Results of testing of the urine. (The examiner must have personal A. specific gravity reaction knowledge that the sample of urine examined is authentic. See also, Note VI., below.) albumin test employed sugar test employed B. Any abnormal constituents discoverable by the microscope? (Microscopical exam- B. ination not required unless though advisable for the particular case.) 9. Generative System. Males. A. Any suspicion of stricture or of enlarged prostate? A. Females. B. Any present derangement of function, or suspicion of organic disease? B. C. Any suspicion of present pregnancy? (If yes, report why assurance is C. sought at the present juncture, and give account of previous confine- ments and sanitation of present surroundings.) 10. Clinical History. (Detail, in bried, upon the following form, th eclinical history of any affection experienced by the subject, as per his answers, foregoing.) Affection: Date: Duration: Severity: Results: Name of Medical Attendant: 11. General Consideration. A. Anything of importance in connection with the physical A. condition, or past health-record, not already detailed? (If yes, give particulars.) B. Any suspicion of unacknowledged over-indulgence (past or present) in alcoholic B. beverages, tobacco, opium, or other narcotic? (See Note VII., below.) C. Anything objectionable in the subject's manner of living or general surroundings? C. D. Anything insanitary in the occupation or in the residence or place of business? (In- D. cluding possible near contact with a consumptive, at home, or at the place of business. If yes, state particulars.) E. Any danger from lack of acclimation? E. F. How long since last successful vaccination (If never vaccinated, so state.). F. G. Any need of a certificate from subject's regular medical adviser? (If yes, require the G. applicant or the agent to procure the same, on the Society's blank: Form M, Medical Service.) 12. Identification. A. Stranger or acquaintance? (If known, state how long and A. how well.) 13. Opinion A. Compared with the average lives of the same age and sex, do the chances A. of life in this subject seem to you first-class, or fair only, or doubtful or bad? (If other than first-class, state what makes you accord only the lower rating.) B. If yourself in the business, would you assure this subject for life? (See Note VIII., below) B. C. If not for life, would you for any stated term of years? If yes, for what term? C. 14. Revision. A. Have you now reviewed your answers as set down on the two sides of this A. sheet, to make sure that the same are correct, and that every question has some answer? (If not, do so at once before signing the report. Errors and omissions make great trouble. If you have made any erasure, put your initals to the re-written text, as a voucher for its authenticity.) Examined at (Town), (County), (State), (Signature of Examiner.) this _ day of _ 19 of (P.O Address of Examiner) N.B. - If not a commissioned examiner for the Society, fill up the following blank form: Professional Qualification: (Degree), (Date of conferment), (Names of Colleges or of licensing Boards) References: - Dr. _ of (P.O. Address) Dr. _ of (P.O. Address) Dr. _ of (P.O. Address) Note V. - In the matter of the physical examination make the same thorough, no matter how sound the subject may appear, nor how well you may know him. For the practice of aus- cultation in the male subject, the coat and vest should be taken off, and the linen shirt rolled up from below out of the way; and, in the female, the waist of the dress and the corsets should be removed. Other physical explorations and the necessary disrobing for the same will be at your discretion, according to the circumstances of the case. Note VI. - In the matter of the testing of the urine, so apply your tests as to detect the presence of even small amounts of albumin or of sugar. For such detection of albumin the common beat-and-nitric-acid test is efficient enough is applied in the following manner: If turbid, filter, and if alkaline or neutral, acidify with a drop or two of acetic acid, then fill a long test-tube three-quarters full, and, holding the same by the bottom, boil the uppoer portion, only, of its contents. Holding the tube now a few inches in front of a black background set before a window, compare the upper, boiled, stratum of fluid with the lower, unboiled, one, whereupon any pathologically important amount of albumin will be shown by a distinct cloudi- ness of the upper stratum of urine, distinguishable from the cloudiness of precipitated phos- phates by its persistence after addition of a drop of nitric acid. As regards sugar, test for this constituent in all cases, regardless of specific gravity. In the beginnings of diabetes, as in temporary glycosuria, the amount of glucose in the urine is commonlu not enough to run the specific gravity out of bounds. Take by preference, furthermore, the urine secreted during digestion, since in the beginnings of both albuminuria and glycosuria the morbid consistuents may be present during digestion while absent in the intervals. If either constituent be found, give an approximate idea of the amount, and , if the risk be not clearly bad, re-examine later, reporting all findings, with dates. Note VII. - In reporting "over-indulgence" in drink, draw the line - since there must be some fixed standard - at Anstie's limit of daily allowance equivalend to one and a half ounces of absolute alcohol. Such allowance will be represented, in the case of ardent spirits, by three ounces; of sherry or other strong wine, by two wineglassfuls; of claret or champagne, or other light wine, by one "pint" bottle; of strong ale or porter, by three tumblerfuls; and of light ale or beer, by four or five tumblerfuls. Note VIII. - To be eligible for a life-policy a subject must not only be of present good health and soundness, but must be one who has, generally, a good outlook for attaining old age - an outlook that may be affected by abode, occupation, habits and heredity as well as by present health. A subject ineligible for a life-policy may yet, if his prospective deterioration be distant, be a good risk for term-assurance under an endowment, or other special form of policy where the assurance wholly terminates after a stated time, (N.B. - A life policy, where, simply, the premiums are all paid within a fixed term of years, must not be confounded with such short-term policies.) opinion of the medical directors of the society on the risk hereby proposed. this margin is for binding do not write on it or deface it. Revised Edition - U.S. Form - March 1901. [*[ca 11-7-01]*][*[ca 11-7-01]*] THIS EXAMINATION MUST BE MADE IN PRIVATE; NO AGENT OR THIRD PERSON BEING PRESENT (To be filled out by Medical Examiner only.) ANSWER MADE TO THE MEDICAL EXAMINER, In continuation of and forming a part of my Application for insurance to the NEW-YORK LIFE INSURANCE CO., dated... 1. A. What is your Occupation? A. B. How long have you been engaged in your present occupation? B. C. What was your previous occupation? C. D. Do you contemplate making any changes, temporary or permanent, D. in your occupation? (if so, give details.) 2. Do you contemplate changing your residence, or making a journey, or is there any probability that you will do either? (if so, give full details) 3. In what countries have you lived the last 10 years, and which years in each? 4. A. Have you now any connection, direct or indirect, with the A. manufacture or sale of wines, spirits or malt liquors? B. Have you ever had any such connection? B. C. (If so, in either case, give full details.) C. 5. A. What is your daily consumption of wine, spirits or malt liquors? A. B. Have you at any time used any of them to excess B. 6. Have you ever raised or spat blood? 7. What is the name of the agent who induced you to make this present application? 8. Have you ever been examined for insurance without receiving a policy? (If so, give full details.) 9. What illnesses, diseases or accidents have you had since childhood? (The examiner should satisfy himself that the applicant gives FULL and CAREFUL ANSWERS to this question.) Name of Disease. Number of Attacks Date. Duration. Severity. Results. 10. A. How long since you consulted or have had the care of a physician? A. B. If so, for what aliment; name and address of physician? B. 11. Family Record. Age If living? Condition of Health, if not good, give full details. Age at Death? Cause of Death? How long ill? Details. Previous Health? Father Mother Brother Sisters Father's Father Father's Mother Mother's Father Mother's Mother Note.—in case death was not due to acute disease Give details of last illness, and, in case of parents, the year of death. Have any of your Uncles or Aunts suffered from consumption? I warrant, on behalf of myself and of any person who shall have or claim any interest in any policy issued hereunder, each of the above answers to be full, complete and true, and that I am temperate, and to the best of my knowledge and belief in sound physical condition and a proper subject for life insurance. I expressly waive, on behalf of myself and of any person who shall have or claim any interest in any policy issued hereunder, all provisions of law forbidding any physicians or other person who has attended or examined me, or who may hereafter attend or examine me, from disclosing any knowledge or information which he thereby acquired. Witnessed by ... M.D. Medical Examiner Signature of the person applying for insurance ... 99-469 [*17498*] [*17498*][*[enc in Graham 11-7-01]*] (To be filled out by the Medical Examiner only.) MEDICAL EXAMINER'S REPORT. 12. Rate of the pulse (when seated?) Its character? 13. Age? Does Age as given seem correct? 14. Exact height feet in. Exact weight, lbs. Girth of chest at fourth rib, in. Girth of abdomen at umbilicus in. 15. How well do you know party? 16. Complexion, color of hair, eyes, 17. Is party's general appearance healthy? 18. Is party deformed, lame or maimed? 19. Is party a Caucasian? (If not, what is his race?) 20. Has party recently gained weight? (If so, how much and to what is it due?) 21. Has party recently lost weight? (If so, how much and to what is it due?) 22. Is his build a family characteristic or individual to party? 23. Are there any marks of small-pox or of successful vaccination? 24. Do you find, after careful inquiry and physical examination, any evidence of past or present disease? (If so, give full details) A. Of Brain or Nervous System? A. B. Of the Heart or Lungs? B. C. Of the Stomach or any of the Abdominal Organs? C. D. Of Rheumatism or Gout? D. E. Of the Skin, Middle Ear, Eyes, or any part of the body? E. 25. A. Does Chemical examination of the party's urine show albumen or sugar (even in traces) or any abnormality? B. State specific gravity, and if it is below 1015 or above 1025, give your opinion below as the cause. C. Has party ever had any genito-urinary ailment (Syphilis-Stricture, &c. (If so, give full details.) A. B. C. 26. Have you any reason to suppose that this party is now or ever has been intemperate in the use of alcohol or drugs? 27. IF A WOMAN A. Number of children had, if any? A. B. Ages of those living? B. C. Is she now pregnant? C. D.Have her pregnancies and labors been normal? D. E. Has she passed the climacteric? E. F. Has she ever had any disease peculiar to her sex? F. 28. Have you reviewed all answers in this Report and Application: and are you sure they are clear and complete? (Any erasures or alterations should be initiated by the Examiner._ 29. Do you believe that party has given full and true information in all respects? I certify that I have carefully examined Mr. ...... Of ...... in private at ...... this ...... day of ...... 1 ...... ; that I have carefully reviewed with him the accompanying application for an insurance of $ ...... on his life; that his "Answers made to the Medical Examiner" on the other side of this sheet are in my handwriting and are exactly as made by him to me, and that he signed them in my presence. ...... M.D. The Examiner is requested to send direct to the Company in New York City any information which, for any reason, he prefers not to embody in this report. He can also mail this report direct to the Company if her prefers. SPECIAL NOTICE TO MEDICAL EXAMINER - The attention of the Medical Examiner is called to the fact that policies issued by this Company are free from all restrictions as to travel, residence, and occupation, and are incontestable and non-forfeit-able from date of issue. Every endeavor should be made, therefore, to make this report as complete and precise as possible; the object being to give the Home Office a pen-picture of applicant as he presents himself to you. If in addition, therefore, you know of any fact, or have any impression not expressed above, that in your judgment would probably influence the Home Office in its estimate of the risk, please note it below.[*[11-8-01]*] [*Ackd PPF*] COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK SCHOOL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Hon. Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States: My dear President Roosevelt: At the suggestion of my colleague, Dr Butler, I am sending you a copy of my little book on the "Civil War and the Constitution." I do not expect that you will find time to read it, and I am sure that, were you able to read it, you would gain no information from it. It may, however, be [*17499*]of some service to your children. I am especially glad of this opportunity to express to you my interest and, allow me to say, my pride in your great career. I remember, with great satisfaction the days when we were students of the Constitution in the old Law School building in Great Jones St, and I only wish that I could feel that I had some little part in the forming of a mind and a character which I now so greatly admire and which the world, as well as this nation, delights to honor. You do not need so small a thing as my support - in your Administration, but be assured that it will be yours if ever wanted. Very sincerely Yours John W. Burgess. New York. Nov 8. 1901 [*17500*]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. GWU.JN.RA. 8-Paid....7:30 pm. Louisville, Kentucky, November 8,1901 President Roosevelt, White House. Will be in Washington Monday morning, six o'clock. W.O. Bradley 17501Columbia University in the City of New York Library JAMES H. CANFIELD LIBRARIAN Personal [*Ackd by wire 11-10-1901*] November 8th, 1901. Dear Sir: Mr. Charles Gleed, of Topeka, Kansas, happens to be in the city: and I had a long and frank conference with him last evening concerning certain Kansas matters. I have known Mr. Gleed for nearly twenty five years, ever since he was a mere lad: and my relations to him have been peculiarly close and confidential. In fact, both his brother and himself have for many years regarded me as an elder brother -- and because of this I am positive that I have his most frank and most carefully formed opinion. Regarding the position in question; of the older men of standing and influence in the state, Mr. Gleed and myself agree that Ware heads the list. I need not write you much about him, for you know him already. He is an old soldier, carrying to this day an unhealed wound (and drawing no pension!), a universal favorite in the state, with more friends and fewer enemies than any other man in Kansas, a strong and stalwart Republican of the best type, and a man of extraordinary influence. Not a word could be said against his appointment, by any of the Kansas delegation. We think that Ware might take it, if assured of your belief that it would strengthen the administration, in Kansas. Peters is just about as I told you when we last met --- a very good second-class man. His appointment would not be especially helpful to the party in a certain way, because he is not strong as a speaker nor as a political manager. But Peters has the confidence of the state, is clean handed, and just now has the sympathy of all persons and factions because [*17502*]Columbia University in the City of New York Library JAMES H. CANFIELD LIBRARIAN November 8th, 1901. -2- he has become practically bankrupt in an effort to save a disreputable son. As Peters has been pressed for a higher position, no objection could be made to his being given the one under consideration. When it comes to the younger men of prominence and of importance, we both recalled Gen. Wilder S. Metcalf, of Lawrence. To appoint him would be very much like appointing Funston, as far as stirring the enthusiasm of the state is concerned. I have known Metcalf since his early youth. He is about thirty five years of age, of fine executive ability, made a magnificent record in the Philippines, and is extraordinarily popular throughout Kansas. Next to Metcalf, probably, stands Tom McNeil of Topeka. He is about forty five years old, exceedingly popular in the state, a very fearless fellow, one of the best campaigners in Kansas, and owner and editor of the "Mail and Breeze" -- which he is building up along the lines of the old San Francisco Argonaut. I think McNeil's pen and his paper are the only things in Kansas that Burton positively fears. Mulvane still holds a mortgage on the "Capital," which relieves Burton of any doubt or fear in that direction -- but he does not dare antagonize McNeil. After these two, there are three men who are just about equal in prominence and strength; Silas Porter, of Kansas City, Kansas, about forty years of age, a very active fellow in the political world and in the state at large, with a very clean record, popular, and with positive political talent. Henry Allen, editor of the Ottawa "Republican," who was Private Secretary for Governor Stanley, where he proved to be one of the best executive office men the state ever knew. He is a very clean fellow, exceedingly [*17503*]Columbia University in the City of New York Library JAMES H. CANFIELD LIBRARIAN November 8th, 1901. -3- popular, knows every one, is a campaigner of high repute and entirely unobjectionable. J. E. Junkin, about thirty five years of age, editor of the Sterling "Bulletin," at present President of the State Press Association-- very well known throughout the state, always favorably known, and a very popular man: with excellent executive and administrative ability. I take for granted that you know that Gleed practically owns and controls the Kansas City Journal: which though published in Democratic Missouri circulates most widely in Republican Kansas, and has a very great influence there. As an illustration of Gleed's loyalty to the party and of his extraordinary ability as an organizer and promoter, I may say that he secured the Journal as soon as it became evident that Mr. McKinley was to receive his first nomination, because Gleed was set upon having that paper of influence in the then coming campaign. Dear old Colonel Van Horn had lost ground rapidly, and the paper was at a very low ebb, with little circulation and less influence. Gleed has brought its circulation up to perhaps fifty thousand, possibly more, and has made it one of the most influential Republican papers of the central West. I think it is as clean and as independent a paper as you can find in the West to-day -- I am sure that it will be very helpful in all Kansas matters. I think you could advise with Gleed with entire safety. He is very long-headed, and such men as John J. McCook and others in the financial world have extraordinary confidence in is general administrative ability and in his opinion of men. I could not well say to you last Monday evening one thing. I have [*17504*]Columbia University in the City of New York Library James H. Canfield Librarian -4- November 8th, 1901. known White ever since he was a schoolboy. He was in my classes during his University course and has been very close to me ever since he graduated. I have not only a high respect but a sincere affectionate regard for him, which I believe is reciprocated. You will not misunderstand me therefore when I say that with all of White's ability---which is unusual---he has a certain amount of sympathy and warmth of temperament which sometimes prevent the clearest action of his judgment. By this I mean that with the very best intentions he is sometimes found attacking boldly and successfully very evil men, while defending men who are scarcely less evil. It is simply a temperamental weakness---and does not at all affect his sincerity or his courage or his general high moral tone and character. It has occurred to me that simply a word of suggestion on this line, might be of possible value to you. With kindest regards, Cordially yours, James H. Canfield Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington, D. C. 17505For attach see ca 11-8-01(COPY) Nov. 8, 1901. Mr. P.K. Stewart, Yale Club, New York City. My Dear Phil:- If you think best, I wish you to do something for me. I see by "Scribners" that you were out with President Roosevelt on a hunting trip, and must therefore know him sufficiently well for my purpose, which is to let him know, who, and what kind of a chap I am; that I live out here in Honolulu, and am ready to serve him, and through him my country, in any way possible. Of course, all good Yale men who have the proper spirit feel they owe something to the community in which they live, and are ready to do their duty as good citizens. But Roosevelt says (and by his example shows) that we must do more than this; that "We should not leave to unfit hands the delicate machinery of our Government." I have read almost all of his works with great interest, and confess to being influenced. I believe his administration will be a turning point in the political history of the United States, for his victories have shown that young men of standing, education, and even wealth, can go into the political arena without besmirching themselves. His administration should arouse the best in all communities to rally around the executive and to help rather than to criticize. I never did have any use for the fellows who sat on the fence and discussed how the [*17506*]Mr. P.K. Stewart--2. football team should be run--too lazy to come out and even encourage those who worked. It may be of interest to you to know that after my brother's death I left Seattle and came back here to look after my mother and sisters, went actively into business, organized a small trust company, and have at least succeeded in making some few people think I am all right. Last year my neighbors suggested that I run for the primaries. I consented, feeling that I could spare at least that much time from business. Once started, there seemed no opportunity to withdraw, and I expected at every step to be downed; I only wanted to "die game;" Well, I ended in the Senate, beating my uncle, J. O. Carter, who was the advisor of the late Queen, and was supposed to have the solid backing of the Native vote, which predominated. The campaign and legislature threw me in with a rum lot, and one of my friends expressed his surprise at my conduct in being willing to sit in a convention with such men, winding up by stating that at least my brother was too honorable a man to descend to such a level. Well, perhaps he was, but you can't make things better unless you take hold yourself. Of course, it does have its influence, and can hardly be called refining. I do not think it did me any harm, except that it seems as if I wasted the bulk of four months, but time alone will tell if it was a mistake. Anyway, I am going to peg away with what time I can spare from the management of two corporations, and I want you to offer my services [*17507*]Mr. P. K. Stewart--3. to President Roosevelt. I will gladly do anything in my power to help him solve the Hawaiian problems. So much depends upon knowing your man. The other day Rear Admiral Evans, while passing through, said that President Roosevelt asked him to get to the bottom of the conflicting rumors about the different men out there. But a fellow don't like to trust himself too much to strangers. You must have confidence in them first. Now, if I should send such an offer as this direct, it would probably go into the President's waste basket; while through you, he may some time remember it, and use me. I do not know when this letter will reach you, and what you will think of it, and don't know as I would have had the nerve to suggest it, except for a Yale dinner, with fourteen covers, on Bi-centennial night, at which I was reminded of the work and influence out here of former Yale men, such as Thurston, Bingham, Judd and others, and I was worked up to this point, that perhaps in this way I could, too, be of some service--at least, as a Yale man, I should try. Do whatever you think best in the matter, and let me hear from you. Very sincerely yours, G. R. Carter Dict. G.R.C. [*17508*]Enc in Stewart 1-9-02THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY TRUSTEES: JOHN E. ANDRUS, N. Y., President. BISHOP THOMAS BOWMAN, N.J. T. D. COLLINS, Pa. MICHAEL BURNHAM, D. D., Mo. HON. JULIAN S. CARR, N. C. HOMER EATON, D. D. N. Y.. BISHOP C. H. FOWLER, N. Y. HON. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. N. Y. BISHOP JOHN F. HURST, D. C. A. B. DUVALL, D. C. B. F. LEIGHTON, D. C. BISHOP W. F. MALLALIEU, Mass. CHAPLAIN W. H. MILBURN, IH. HON. R. E. PATTISON, Pa. A. B. BORWNE. D. C. D. H. CARROLL, D. D., Md. HON. WILLIAM CONNELL, Pa. ANDERSON FOWLER, N. Y. HON. JOHN FRITZ, Pa. C. C. GLOVER, D. C. MRS. JACOB TOME, Md. THOMAS W. SMITH, D. C. HON. WILLIS GEORGE EMERSON, Wy. TRUSTEES: MATTHEW G. EMERY, D. C. Treasurer. BISHOP C. C. McCABE, Tex. SENATOR L. E. McCOMAS, Md. HON. WILLIAM McKINLEY, Ohio. A. J. PALMER, D. D., N. Y. CHARLES SCOTT, Pa. CHANCELLOR W. W. SMITH, Va. JUDGE W. M. SPRINGER, I. T. BISHOP A. W. WILSON, Md. GEN. J. F. RUSLING, N. J. JOHN FARSON, ILL. HON. W. L. WOODCOCK, Pa. BISHOP J. H. VINCENT, Kan. D. B. WESSON, Mass. REV. J. O. WILSON, D. D., N. Y. JOHN G. HOLMES, Pa. J. L. HURLBUT, D. D., N. Y. JOH. S. HUYLER, N. Y. ARTHUR DIXON, N. Y. B. H. WARNER, D. C. S. PARKES CADMAN, D. D., N. Y. J. WESLEY HILL, D. D., Pa. J. F. ROBINSON, Ill. OFFICE, 1419 F ST. N.W. WASHINGTON, D.C. BISHOP JOHN F. HURST, CHANCELLOR. C. W. BALDWIN, D.D SEC'Y OF BOARD. W. L. DAVIDSON, D. D. SECRETARY. JOHN A. GUTTERIDGE, D.D. FINANCIAL SECRETARY. BISHOP C. C. McCABE, VICE CHANCELLOR. ALBERT OSBORN. B.D. REGISTRAR. November 8, 1901. [*Ackd 11-11-1901 Hold*] The President, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir: We have in the State Building and State Endowment Fund in the Riggs Bank a little over $20,000. It is lying idle and bringing us nothing. Not much over $10,000 will be needed to pay for the foundation of the Ohio College of Government which we have now commenced. It seems to me wise to use the other $10,000 in making a payment on our loan at the Riggs Bank and thus stop interest. We can borrow it back whenever it is needed. Our Treasurer, Mr. C. C. Glover, concurs in this opinion. The saving of the interest will help pay our taxes. You are aware that none of the funds in the State Building and State Endowment account can be used save by order of the Executive Committee. It is difficult to get all the Committee together; they are so scattered. If you concur in the use of the funds in the above way kindly give your assent at the bottom of this letter and return it to me and at the first meeting of the Executive Committee we can by resolution regularly approve the transfer. This, I think, will fully cover the case and will enable us to at once begin the saving of interest. Yours very sincerely, W. L. Davidson Secretary. [*17509*]and always watched your career with the keenest interest. When you accepted the nomination as Vice-President she was much disturbed thinking you had done an unwise thing in accepting the nomination. After the terrible murder of Mr McKinley my Mother who was already ill said she wanted to write to you to tell you she knew she had been wrong, to tell you she firmly 250 S. 21st Street Philadelphia Nov. 8th 1901 Hon Theodore Roosefelt President [*Ackd*] Dear Sir, I take the liberty of writing to you thinking that you will not object to receive my Mother's, Mrs E. D. Gillespie's message & blessing even at this late day. My Mother remembered you with so much pleasure when she used to stay at the Bellamy Storer's [*17510*]believed that God's Hand was guiding you, that she wished to give you an old woman's blessing, that she believed that as President you were the man for the emergency and that the Nation will be blessed through you. My Mother entered into Rest on Sunday October 13th never having been strong enough to write the letter she had so much on her heart & I thought you would not object to hear that she said "God bless you," that she was proud of you and proud to have known you. My husband Dr Davis & I had the pleasure of dining with you once at the Storers but that you have probably long forgotten. Hoping you will pardon this intrusion believe me Yours very respectfully Ellen Duane Davis Mrs Edward Parker DavisPRESIDENT'S OFFICE. THE COMMERCIAL NATIONAL BANK, CHICAGO. [*Ackd PPF [?]. 8 1901 pr*] My dear Mr President: You will recall my saying to you that the Chicago Chronicle, the only real democratic paper we have in this city and one of the best edited in the country had published the most thoughtful and high minded editorial on the Booker Washington dinner incident which had come to my attention. I want you to read them and I therefore enclose copies thereof. You can well afford to read them through as they express what thoughtful men think of the situation on merit and apart from politics - in short from the real American point of view. [*17511*]To The President They [are] were written by the managing editor Mr Horatio D. Seymour - You will judge from the name that he is a democrat of principle. The paper is owned by Mr. John R. Walsh who is also a democrat, the President of the Chicago National Bank. Permit me to thank you for the photograph. I am delighted to have it. Very respectfully. James H Eckels [*17512*]PRESIDENT'S OFFICE. THE COMMERCIAL NATIONAL BANK, CHICAGO. Personal [*Ackd 11-11-1901 wrote a.g. P.F. chr 81901*] My dear Mr. President: Since my return to Chicago I have given some little thought to the matter of an appointment of Collector of the Port at this place, and my judgment s' that everything considered you would do quite as well if not better to continue Mr. Nixon, the present incumbent than to take an entirely new man. Mr. Nixon has made an excellent officer, is very [*17513*]I do not know that you have come to any conclusion in the matter of the vacant U. S. Circuit Judgeship but it might be worth while to make a particular inquiry as to the [fit] fitness of Hon. Addison C. Harris of Indianapolis, late Ambassador to Vienna. All that I know of him is overwhelmingly favorable. Yours very truly James H Eckely To the President much of a gentleman and an absolutely honest man I do not think it would be possible to pursuade Mr. John M. Smythe to take the place, even though you might wish to give it to him. He is too busy with many private matters to take a political office. Generally speaking, I think, Nixon's selection would be more satisfactory than any other you could make and you would be saved the making of a change in an office where the incumbent has been an efficient public servant. [*17514*]INTERNAL REVENUE SERVICE, 3RD DISTRICT OF NEW YORK, COLLECTOR'S OFFICE, NEW YORK, N. Y., November 8, 1901. Hon. Thos. C. Platt, My dear Senator:- We have done very tall work in the Tenth Assembly District. We carried the same for the fusion ticket, with the exception of Alderman and Assemblyman who were only beaten by 75 to 80 votes, which, of course, is very hard work. Only two Assembly districts were carried on the East side - mine, the Tenth and the Twenty-sixth. That conclusively proves that the Republican party under the able leadership of Senator Platt is always loyal and never disloyal. With my best wishes, I remain Very sincerely yours, Ferdinand Eidman 47 & 49 East 23rd Street. [[shorthand]] [*17515*]No. OFFICE OF COLLECTOR OF INTERNAL REVENUE, Third District of New York, New York, N. Y., , 190 Collector. SUBJECT: No. of Inclosures, Officers of Internal Revenue must fill out the indorsement and brief on the back of each letter to the Department. [Enc. in Platt 11-12-01][*F.*] [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 11/9/1901 PPF Pr*] Washington, November 8th, 1901 Dear Mr. President On behalf of the Trustees of the Peabody Education Fund it gives me great pleasure to inform you that at the Annual Meeting of the Board at New York on yesterday, the seventh, you were unanimously elected Trustee. I ought to add that this was not an election ex officio, and I send a copy of the proceedings of a year ago, which gives the personnel of the Board from the beginning. With sentiments of sincere respect & my [???] Very truly yrs Melville W. Fuller, Chairman The President [*17516*]ESTABLISHED 1847. J. W. Goddard & Sons, 98, 100 & 102, Bleecker St. and 197 Mercer St. New York, Nov. 8th, '01 190 [[shorthand]] [*Ack'd 11/12/1901*] M. President Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. I am glad to believe that it will interest you too know that the 20th District gave a majority of only 600 this time against Mr. Low, and we elected my friend, Whitaker, Alderman by a majority of 170 over Tommy Woods, the present President of the Board of Alderman. I am of the opinion, and it is the general opinion, that the District can be counted on from now out to be safely Anti-Tammany. With kind regards, I am, Very sincerely yours, Norton Goddard [*No Republican Candidate was ever before elected in the 20th. When Barney Biglin carried it once, some 25 years ago, it took in a large silk stocking Dist that was subsequently cut off -*] [*17517*][*File CN*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 7 WU ST JW 17 Paid 235pm Philadelphia, Pa., Nov. 8, 1901. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary: Confidential. Have always considered him honest but too scheming and tortuous in methods of arriving at results. Charles C. Harrison. [*17518*]Columbia Club [*PPF Confidential Indiana File*] Indianapolis, Ind., November 8th 1901 My Dear Colonel - I have been so very busy since my return to Indianapolis in giving attention to the necessary details in seeing that your administration had a good start and send off in Indiana. Through the papers and in other ways, that I have had no time to write you. An auspicious start is nearly half the battle in this State. Doing things is always more important than telling things The quiet educational campaign I was engaged in on your behalf had to be quickly changed to bold educational work after you became President. Your tact, ability, directness of purpose, and high aims has made the work much easier than it otherwise would have been. I am therefore delighted and gratified at the progress made in this State during the past month. The candidacy of the Indiana Senator has been shaken to the very foundation I have started out to have the Indiana Delegation solidly for you in 1904. Its a bold and hard undertaking but less will not satisfy me. What I shall do will be effective, bring good results and never embarrass you. I enclose herewith a heretofore unpublished statement of my Father giving his opinion of you and your character and ability. I am sure it will interest you. In the light of recent events it is prophetic It was published in "Success" a paper or magazine now owned by a friend from my old home Terre Haute Inda. This article - now that it has had national circulation - I shall add has a wide state circulation. My Father's opinion of you will carry much weight and do you much good in this State In addition - to individual circulation I shall place the article in the hands [*17519*]Columbia Club 2. Indianapolis, Ind., 190 of every editor in this State. In another letter I shall lay before you some evidence - editorial expression - of the auspicious start my old cowboy friend has received in this state as President. Now before closing permit me to make a suggestion. The Washington dispatches to our local papers state that you may appoint a Circuit Judge very soon. Let me urge you not to make the appointment this month. Indiana is a hair trigger state and there are keen rivalries, much politics and great future effect involved in this appointment. Congress should meet, your message should be before Indiana and the country and our people well into a happy Christmas season before the appointment is announced. Then the disappointment will not be so keen and the papers will not devote devote so much space to the appointment or the candidates feel it so keenly The wisdom of this course will appeal to you upon reflection and you will be saved two appointments to the same office - one recess & the other session. As I stated to you last month I have no candidate. I simply want as you friend to secure the best equipped and experienced Judge with last friction and the best results to you. The Central Labor Union is fighting one candidate, the lawyers several and the politicians are beginning to feel that you are going to turn them down hard on your first important appointment in this state. I firmly believe there is a happy and pleasing solution of the problem and will visit Washington later in the month to give you the latest inside information. In the meantime I urge you to agree to nothing and make no decision in the matter or appointment until I see you - [*17520*]Columbia Club 3 Indianapolis, Ind., 190 Even then if you reach a decision the appointment should not be announced until after your first message has been sent to Congress. In the meantime you can continue your inquiries But what ever may appear to be your duty dont misunderstand me. In any event I shall continue my work for you as loyally as in the past. I realize that suggestions - however wise they may appear to others - cannot always be adopted by a President but If you can act on my suggestion - it will bring good results. I inclose a few clipping bearing on my references to the Judgeship matter and appointment Your sincere Friend, Russell B Harrison To Col Theodore Roosevelt Washington D.C. [*17521*] File CN [11-8-01] Dear Theodore Sir Wemyss Reid, editor, journalist, man of letters and statesman, so far as intentions go--would fain ko-tow to you. I shall take the liberty of bringing him over tomorrow one minute before Cabinet meeting. Yours Faithfully John Hay Nov. 8. 1901 17522Ansd File CN Department of State. Washington. Nov. 8, 1901 Dear Mr Roosevelt The Danish Minister informs me that his Government authorizes him to say that if we will offer Five Million Dollars, "we may expect the Treaty to be signed as drawn up by us, with very slight modifications." May I say we will give that amount provided the slight modifications referred to are satisfactory to the President and provided, also, that the Treaty is ready for signature the end of this month? Yours faithfully, John Hay 17523[*File ppF Pr*] FRANCIS TREVELYAN, President WILFRID P. POND, Vice-President HENRY HELLMAN, Sec'y-Treas. CHAS. S. DALEY (Office of Walter S. Logan) COUNSEL DEPOSITORY: COLONIAL TRUST COMPANY The New Amsterdam Oil Co. of Ventura Co., Cal. 309 BROADWAY NEW YORK November 8th, 1901 Mr. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir- Your favor of the 5th, duly to hand. We will be happy to comply with the President's wishes, and will order now prospectuses, etc., which will eliminate his name. All advertising contracts will also be treated in the same way. Very truly yours, NEW AMSTERDAM OIL CO.. HENRY HELLMAN, SEC'Y-TREAS. [*17524*] [[shorthand]] [*ackd*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. RED. 2 WU.HB.KQ 7.11a., 9th 32 Paid, Nite Dubuque, Iowa, November 8 - 9, 1901. Hon. George B. Cortelyou: Please say to the President that I will be in Washington on the sixteenth and will call upon him on that day, hour to be fixed by him. Send hour to me at Normandie. D. B. Henderson. [*17525*]Mr. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir- Your favor of the 5th, duly to hand. We will be happy to comply with the President's wishes, and will order now prospectuses, etc., which will eliminate his name. All advertising contracts will also be treated in the same way. Very truly yours, NEW AMSTERDAM OIL CO.. HENRY HELLMAN, SEC'Y-TREAS. [*17524*] [[shorthand]] [*ackd*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. RED. 2 WU.HB.KQ 7.11a., 9th 32 Paid, Nite Dubuque, Iowa, November 8 - 9, 1901. Hon. George B. Cortelyou: Please say to the President that I will be in Washington on the sixteenth and will call upon him on that day, hour to be fixed by him. Send hour to me at Normandie. D. B. Henderson. [*17525*][*ackd*] Confidential. Louisville, Ky., Nov. 8, 1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States, Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr. President: When you spoke at Covington, Ky. in fall campaign 1900, I had the pleasure of hearing you, and also of an introduction Prof. Burk. who introduced me, remarked at the time that "Senator Linney was one of the ten Republicans who remained at Frankfort all through the War for Governor." and I shall ever kindly remember your hearty handshake and expression "Golly, good for you!" It impressed me that if ever I had occasion to write you I could do so in my own natural way. 175262 By all means you should consult Gov. Bradley about Kentucky appointments, for the following reasons: 1. He is your friend, not for Revenue, but because he admires and appreciates you. (On the night President McKinley died, Gov. Bradley was the first man interviewed, and to show his kindly disposition towards you, see enclosed clipping marked 1. 2. He know the people of Kentucky best, understands the needs of the Republican Party more thoroughly, and has done more for both people and party, 50 times over than any other man in this Commonwealth. While some of our would-be-leaders sat in warm, cozy offices looking for federal offices. Bradley was on stump, his eloquent, magnetic words of Republicanism burning their way into thousands of 175273 Democratic hearts until the political complexion of this state changed. He was undeniably the most able, honest and economical Executive Kentucky ever had, and is, therefore, the best guide you can possibly secure with regard to Kentucky. I enclose another clipping I find in the C.J. which is a very indifferent report of his speech at Board of Trade meeting in which he again spoke kindly of you. I have known him since childhood. We are both from the "Bluegrass" where honest, courageous manhood is produced as well as pretty women and fast horses. I was State Senator for this (Louisville) district while he was Governor, and I know where of I affirm. Bradley is the real leader of the Republicans of this State and 175284 had it not been for Hanna, he and the late President would have been on the best of terms. The facts are these: McKinley and Bradley consulted and reached an agreement about calling Legislature (Special, 1897) and election of Senator. Hanna undertook (at the instance of "Gumshoe" Hunter) to force Bradley to call session much earlier, sending the following telegram: "Cleveland, O., Feb.-, 1897 Gov. W.C. Bradley, Frankfort, Ky. Convene Legislature immediately and elect Senator at once. M.A. Hanna" Bradley's Reply "Frankfort, Ky., Feb.-, 1897 M.A. Hanna, Cleveland, O. I am Governor of Kentucky. You go to Hell. W.O. Bradley This is the whole true story. 175295 Gov. Bradley is one of the best men, all away round, I have ever known. He is not only big-brained and brilliant, logical and eloquent, kind and loving, faithful and courageous, but he is just something like yourself as he said: "possessed of great ability and unflinching courage." and "the soul of honor and the very essence of fine Americanism." I trust this to reach you by marking it "Confidential." As I am as well posted on Kentucky matters as my good friends, Combs, Roberts and Yerkes, and much better than Senator Hobo — excuse me — Deboe and Cong. Irwin, and am to poor to come to Washington, I shall write you again soon. With kindest personal regards for yourself and family, I beg leave to sign myself Your friend, E. C. Linney. E. C. LINNEY, * 612 6th Street, LOUISVILLE, KY. [*17530*]For 2 enclosures see Courier-Journal 9-14-01 + 9-18-01TELEGRAM White House, Washington. 8 WU CT JM 17 Paid 325pm Gt. Barrington, Mass., Nov. 8, 1901. The President: Can you give me an hour on Friday or Saturday of next week. Please telegraph appointment here. Seth Low.[[shorthand]] [*Ackd*] Detroit Friday UNITED STATES SENATE, Nov. 8. 1901 To the President. Dear Mr President. I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your invitation and have arranged to leave for Washington on Sunday afternoon arriving on Monday evening with great respect I am Yours sincerely James McMillan [*17532*][[shorthand]] HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, WASHINGTON. Haverhill, Nov. 8th 1901 My dear Mr. President, For some time I have been inclined to write you a few words, but have hesitated to do so. In the course of a talk with Mr. Lodge he asked me to say to you what I said to him. It is this only — an intimate acquaintance with my people makes me know that it is their earnest [*17533*]wish that I should give to you and your administration a hearty and cordial support. Their wish accords with my own desire. No man whose support is worth having slavishly submits himself to the will of another; but knowing your views and high purpose I believe I can do better than that, and expect though conviction to offer you my loyal support in my place in the House. This much I have intended to say when I received your letter inviting me to see you at an early date. It will be a pleasure to me to comply with your wish in that respect. My present plan would bring me to Washington on the 24th of November. If however for any reason it would suit your convenience to have me come earlier I will on notice come at any time you may name to me. With the strongest wishes for your success and well fare I am with respect Sincerely yours Wm. H. Moody To the President [*17534*][[shorthand]] [*ackd 11-12-1901*] THE MILWAUKEE ELECTRIC RAILWAY AND LIGHT COMPANY 30 BROAD STREET NEW YORK November 8, 1901. Dear Mr. President: I see much in the St. Louis papers regarding your attitude towards Mr. Kerens in Federal appointments in Missouri. I desire to recall to you my conversation with you regarding this subject, and to reiterate all that I said on that occasion. I hope that you will proceed with great caution in this matter, both for your own sake and for the sake of the party, as the consequences to the Republican Party in the State of Missouri will be much more far-reaching than appears on the surface. Do not act until you are perfectly certain that you have a full comprehension of the whole situation. I expect to be in New York, at the Waldorf-Astoria, until Monday next, and then to go to Boston for a few days. Very truly yours, H. C. Payne [*17535*][*Ackd 11-12-1901*] J. V. QUARLES, Chairman. T. W. BRAHANY, Clerk. COMMITTEE ON TRANSPORTATION ROUTES TO THE SEABOARD, UNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON, D. C., Milwaukee, Wisconsin, November 8th, 1901. To His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President:- Your esteemed favor of recent date was delayed in transmission and sent to Minneapolis which may account for apparent delay in my reply. I am at present very busy cleaning up some court work for the firm, but will make every effort to reach Washington at an early date so as to confer with you as suggested in your letter. With great respect, I am, Very truly yours, J. V. Quarles [*17536*][*Do me the favor to read this through, won't you? L.E.Q.*] [*ackd*] 100 BROADWAY. New York, November 8, 1901. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President:- I enclose to you herein two clippings, one from the "Herald", and the other from the "Tribune", both printed this morning, which seem to supplement one another, and from which it appears that however little you were actually impressed with the knavish lies which represented me as interested in customs cases before Collector Bidwell, the Washington correspondents have got the idea that you are actually making them the basis of a case against the Collector. I am sure that you will see your way clear to cause this idea to be corrected. You said to me, Mr. President, that if you were sure of what I told you about Bidwell's personal character and public service, it would settle the question of his retention in office. This must mean that you don't want to make a change for purely political reasons, and that only the good of the service will control your action. In that event it follows that you will not act hastily, nor commit [*17537*]100 BROADWAY. #2 yourself to any course of action until you have fully investigated the facts. Of course, if you want the place for some one else there is nothing for Mr. Bidwell to do except to accommodate himself to that situation, and the only thing he can ask is that you will be considerate of his convenience in the matter and give him time enough to make his business arrangements and retire in a dignified and suitable way. But he can't retire while there issues from the White House the view that you think his administration has been anything else than upright. The publication in the newspapers of that view as to your state of mind involves his reputation at once. You are too just a man to be willing to use the great powers of your office to dishonor another man, and especially one of whom your Secretary of the Treasury, after four years' experience with him, tells you that he is the best collector in the service and one of the best that has ever administered the Port of New York. This opinion, as you told me, is confirmed by the District Attorney here, who has had the amplest opportunity to know the facts. You said to me that you had come to believe [*17538*]100 BROADWAY. #3 that blackmail had been perpetrated by some of Bidwell's subordinates. In forming this opinion have you not listened to one side of the case, that side which after full and thorough investigation the Treasury had rejected as false and unfounded? I recall that some months ago such suggestions were made in connection with a man of the name Theobald. That case was most elaborately gone into by the Department and Theobald was sustained. And the great fact about the Theobald case is that in every one where charges were made against him the duties were paid in full; and how can a man be blackmailing an importer and at the same time compelling him to pay the full duty? You cannot as a just man say that a public officer's administration is bad and purpose to remove him on that account, and at the same time refuse him a thorough, impartial, and judicial investigation of the matters charged. If you will make this investigation in Bidwell's case, you will find his public record and his personal character as clean as a hound's tooth. He has not prostituted his office to politics, nor has he even been asked to do so, and the only occasion of these stories about [*17539*]100 BROADWAY. #4 him is the vicious animosity of men whom he has removed from the public service for the very offense which you have been told he is tolerating. He knew that he took his political life in his hands when he dismissed these men, for they frankly told him so and are finding the acutest joy in the probability that they have so scandalized him with their lies as to be able to make good their threats. I speak with feeling, Mr. President, because Mr. Bidwell is my personal friend. I beg you not to act hastily or unjustly. I beg you not to do a thing which will hurt his business standing and injure him in the eyes of the community, when so many good men are telling you that he is honest, upright, independent and courageous, and that to the assertion of these qualities he owes the animosities with which you have been besieged to his prejudice. Faithfully yours, Lemuel E. Quigg. [*17540*][*P.P.F. File [P.P.F.] here Sp. appt. F. Confidential Cross Refs. made*] [[shorthand]] Washington, D.C. Nov. 8th--1901. To The President, Sir:- In the interest of party harmony and good Government we recommend the following appointments for Kansas City, and the Western District of Missouri. [*Wrote PMG 11/9/1901*] For Postmaster, Hon. Joseph H. Harris, Mr. Harris was born and raised in Missouri belongs to one of the oldest and best families in the state and has been a leader of the Republican Party of Missouri for twenty years. He was for fourteen years a Member of the Republican State Committee, was a deligate to the National Convention in 1896 receiving 56 votes out of 62 in the Congressional Convention, was the Republican Electional Commissioner of Kansas City for four years, during which time with honest election the Republicans never failed to carry the city. In 1889 being Legislated out of office by a Democratic Legislature he has since been recommended to the Governor twice for re-appointment, by a unanimous vote of Republican City Committee. Mr. Harris is endorsed for Postmaster by State Chairman Aikens and other leading Republican of Missouri, and is also strongly backed and endorsed by the leading business men of Kansas City. The original 1904 Roosevelt Club No. 1 at Kansas City endorses the appointment of Mr.Harris, and requests he receive said appointment. [*17541*][*Wrote Treas 11/9/1901*] For Surveyor of Customs: Hon. W.L. Kessinger Mr. Kessinger is the present Surveyor of Customs of Kansas City, and is the most efficient surveyor the City ever had. Mr. Kessinger is a native of Ohio of which state he was a member of the Legislature coming to Kansas City in 1886. His appointment was secured through the influence of Senator Sherman and strongly endorsed by the local Republicans of Kansas City. He is now unanimously endorsed for reappointment by the importers of the Western District, by the Republican leaders of the State and District, and by the leading business men of Kansas City. We stand also for Mr. Kessinger strongly on the ground that he was originally one of the Roosevelt men of Kansas City and aided the cause every way possible although being Federal Official. [*Wrote AG. 11/9/1901*] For United District Attorney, Hon. William Warner, — Western District Maj. Warner the president incumbent is strongly endorsed by the people and all the Republican of the District and State. We in common with all other Republicans urge his reappointment. [*Wrote AG. 11/9/1901*] For United States Marshall: Hon. Frank D. Roberts of Springfield, Mo. Mr. Roberts is a member of the Republican State Committee at large, and is endorsed by state Chairman Aikens and the State Committee, and well endorsed by the Republicans generally of Missouri. His appointment would be pleasing to our District and City. [*17542*][*Wrote Treas 11/9/1901*] For Internal Revenue Collector: Hon. Boyd Dudley, of Gallitan, Mo. Mr. Dudley is ex-chairman of the Republican State League. He is one of the cleanest ablest, and best Republican Lawyers of the State and his appointment would be generally commended by all classes of our Party. He is one of the early Roosevelt men of our state, and his election would give great satisfaction, as he resides on the north side of the River which part of the State is entitled to one of these appointments. Respectfully submitted, E. Mont. Reily, President 1904 Roosevelt Club No. 1. Kansas City, Mo. [*17543*]Presidents Private use Kansas City Mo.[shorthand notation] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 1 NY WU NT JM 62 Paid 4:12 p.m. New York, Nov. 8, 1901. The Hon. Theo. Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. On my way over read the Washington despatches in the "Press", HERALD and TRIBUNE. The situation is fully know here. Please trust to my discretion as to what I shall print tomorrow morning. My discretion has not failed you in the last fifteen years. "The Sun", your true friend always, should not be left out in the cold or print inaccurate statements. Richard G. Riggs. 17544Ackd pp7 Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, P.O. Box 1222. CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT. New York, November 8th, 1901. To the President of the United States, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. Dear Theodore:-- You may remember I spoke to you the other day about the invitation to be extended to you by the New York Banking Association to attend a dinner. I understood it was entirely impossible for you to accept. They still wish to make a point of extending the invitation, and talk about sending a committee to you about the matter, and asked me whether it would be embarrassing to you, or whether you would like to have them do so. I told them I would find out. Of course, it is an association of the very best men in the banking business. They expect Mr. George F. Baker to preside, and they will do whatever you wish in the matter I think if you would give me a hint as to how you wish it managed, Yours truly, W Emlen Roosevelt When Mr McKinley refused last year they [then] said he intimated he night come this year. 17545[shorthand notation] 11/9/1901 pp7 120 BROADWAY November 8th 1901. Dear Theodore-- I have written a letter to you officially, which goes by the same mail that carries this, on the subject of American control of a Pacific cable. I was professionally employed two years ago to investigate & advocate American manufacture of cables & became strongly impressed with the military aspect of the question. The information which I acquired at the time is at your disposal (in writing or in person) if you should desire it. With most sincere congratulations & best wishes, I am Faithfully yours, Herbert L. Satterlee To--President Roosevelt. 17546but I had no thought whatever of urging it, or of doing anything else except to explain some of the bearings of it with which I happen to be familiar. As I think you know, I am much more concerned about appointments from your point of view than from that of any applicant whatsoever. May I ask in a word if Tucker's case has been sufficiently stated to you, and, if not, whether I could be of any use in the matter? Sincerely yours, Albert Shaw. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. THE AMERICAN MONTHLY REVIEW OF REVIEWS 13 ASTOR PLACE, NEW YORK ALBERT SHAW, EDITOR [*Acked 11-11-1901 P.F.*] November 8, 1901 Dear President Roosevelt: Illness has made it impossible for me to go to Washington this week, as I had planned to do. Some time ago my friend Henry St. George Tucker, of Virginia, had told me of the vacancy that was certain to occur soon in the district judgeship. At the right moment he wanted me to speak with you about it all, in order that I might ascertain for him in what way it would seem to you most appropriate that he should have his candidacy for the place presented. All this it would be very easy for me to talk to you about in a minute, and it is awkward to write about. I was to have seen you about it Wednesday morning. Both before and since, I have no doubt, you have been made aware of Tucker's desire for the place. It seems to me his appointment would be an exceptionally fit one, [*17547*]address Calcutta [Ackd [?] 1901] Wrote Hon. A. D. White Richmond Simla, November 8. 1901. Dear Roosevelt Your kind words of October first just reached us and my wife and I thank you most sincerely for your thoughts. Yes--our greatest desire is to get back to Washington where I know that I can be far more useful in serving two countries than anywhere else.--Our return depends upon you, because I am convinced that if your wishes were submitted to the Emperor I should be sent after the next vacancy His attitude on my 17549recall last year assures me pretty well that I should go. After my departure, October last year, the american press gave vent to the disatisfaction, caused by my recall, and an echo appeared in the German papers. As soon as the Emperor became informed of this, he ordered that I should return. The question pended some days, and, only owing to the influence of the Secretary of State, the decision was withdrawn and I went to Calcutta. The promisesand assurances which were given me by the Caprivi administration, when I was taken over from the army to the diplomatic service, — I was a senior major,--entitle me to a post like Washington, and I know that the Emperor would have me, though owing to influences and pull others possess in the Foreign Office, my chances especially as a non-Prussian & being of english birth, — are there nil. I hear the candidate for Washington, in case of a vacancy is our man in Peking. — [*17559*]The situation of Central Asia has so far not been changed by the Amir's death when I arrived in India there was not a man in Government circles who did not predict chaos in Afghanistan after Abdurhaman- Rhamans death. This belief was chiefly based on Russian influences and her desires on India. Habib Ullah is Englands man and she has given him promise to back him by force and funds in case his opponents attempt to oust him. But his father has greatly smoothed his paths by removing almost entirely the2 elements of danger. The indian forces are kept in readiness near the strategical points of the north western frontier, so as to march on Cabul and Kandahar in case trouble arises. Since I am in India I have become convinced that Russias aims are misjudged here. She is not aiming at Afghanistan & India but her sights have been shifted more to the coast, and her present mark is Persia, especially Khorassan. The latest news, as regards her new railroads, confirm this. I enclose a central and western asiatic chessbord which will simplify matters by shewing her latest strategical moves; — 1) a line from Orenburgto Tashkend, 2) a line from Askabad to Meshed. 3) Extension of the line Menv-Kushkinsky — to Chahil Dukhteran, bringing her close to the Afghan frontier and only some 400 miles from the british northern terminus, New Chaman, where sufficient material is stowed to push onto Kandahar without delay. If the gap, —Chahil Dukhteran, — were linked with New Chaman the journey by rail to London could be done within a week from Karachi, the greatest part on the west coast of India after Bombay.* As a counter move India *Karachi – Gutta – Kushk– Meni – Taskhend – Orenburg – Moskow – Petersburg – Berlin – London.is trying hard to have her new trade route--Quetta-- Nushki--Seistan, converted into a railroad, and the survey as far as Nushki has just been granted. Since I am here India has been making desperate efforts to capture the trade of eastern Persia and of Khoranan (Meshed). But she comes rather late. Persia has laid hands on the Persian customs, hence she is successfully blocking british trade and influence in Persia. The news of Russias moves in the north have caused a blow here. Askabad is one of the most important Russian military 17552centers of Asia. Linking Meshed with Askabad not only will give her commercial supremacy in Khorassan, and further on, but she will also be able to turn the western flank of Afghanistan. Her policy has become quite clear: In Manchuria she has succeeded in acquiring a splendid warm port. What she has achieved in the East of Asia she is now driving at in the West. From Meshed she is bound to push, via Birchand, toward the Persian Gulf, her goal, is to establish a western Talien Wan. As regards land3 forces I told you about the pitiful condition of the Indian Army which the South Afrikan reverses are by no means improving. Your remarks as to Russias coming policy were absolutely to the point. The blow is a long way off, checkmating may reder it altogether unnecessary. The paramount question here is the Persian Gulf. The indian Government must work - hard to render Englands power there supreme.The point of electrical contact in the Gulf Kaweit. I'm convinced the Indian Govt was attempting to proclaim a protectorate there The squadron was ready in Bombay embarking stores of ammunition and guns. 17553undoubtedly London turned the cold water jet on Simla. (which has happened from time to time during the last two years to a sometimes rather over ambitious govt here)--The fleet partly disbanded and the publication of an "understanding" between London and Constantinople caused much lamentation and gnashing of teeth in the anglo-indian press. As regards your new Canal Treaty the press here has become far more moderate.--What Central Asia & India needs is American enterprise. Things may change in Afghanistan under the newAmir, whose father was deadly opposed to railways. Prejudices and misunderstandings are as deeprooted here, as regards Russia, that the closing up of the Kushkinsky (Chahil Dukhteran) — New Chaman link which would mean enormous commercial advantages to Europe and to America, seems at present out of the question. This is a shortsighted policy on the part of India. Growing trade and commercial intercourse between India & Russia would facilitate the solution of political problems of the future, between these two countries to a much higher degree than a policy of distrust, malice and hatred which is far more marked 117554in India than in Russia. America could step in and link them up. We dont know of any country which would be more able to infuse new life into India by extending her railway systems. So far this has been in the hands of the Govt., hence the slow progress. But the present Govt. is quite aware that encouragement of private enterprise would increase the slow progress of things far more rapidly. What India greatly needs is a line from Seistan to the Gulf. The country between even hasnt been surveyed yet! There is another chanse for american enterprise. Its pitiful to see how England is allowing Russia to oust her in Persia, but London is a hopelessly slow working machine.4 We leave here on the fifteenth and are going to visit the Maharajah of Jaipur and afterwards Sir Richard Westmacott, the senior General who commands the Bombay corps. He is such a splendid fellow and I wish you could meet him. In spite of his years he is full of game. His record is 86 tigers. The 12th and 20th tiger mauled him 17555 terribly. His left chest is scraped to the bone and his left hand looks more like a dried up beefstake Since 25 years he is obliged to shoot over his left arm, but he's at the tigers when ever he gets a chance. I call that pluck. He has promised us best shooting. Im very proud of my wife. She has not only easily walked over the crack lady shots last summer, but 2 weeks ago beat the best man here, getting 8 bulls out of ten at 100 yards, 3 inch bull. Please give our kindest regards to Mrs Roosevelt and to the family Yours most sincerely Speck [*[Sternburg]*]Storer P.P 7 GRAND HOTEL DE PARIS MADRID Dear Theodore: We send our heartiest congratulations on the New York election--Hurrah for Mrs. Douglas Robinson and the municipal reformers of my own sex!--How I wish we had more Bishops like Archbishop Ireland that the Catholic church might use everywhere its moral force in every political question where a good fight must be fought against immorality and dishonesty--Did Archbishop Corrigan still hang on to the outskirts of Tammany? It is a matter of shame to every Catholic if he did - It looks to me 17556from what I see in the New York papers - as though the non-Catholics were more prominent in this struggle than those of my faith - If only we had Archbishop Ireland in New York every Catholic citizen would be enlightened as to the plain duty of every Christian in such a fight as this - I thank God for you - a man who is a reformer first and a politician afterwards - Certainly those who are politicians first don't take kindly to reform! With love to all-- Affectionately yours Maria Longworth Storer 17557GRAND PRIX, PARIS, 1900 THE LEAGUE FOR SOCIAL SERVICE 287 FOURTH AVE., NEAR 23D ST., NEW YORK INCORPORATED 1898 JOSIAH STRONG, PRESIDENT WM. H. TOLMAN, SECRETARY SPENCER TRASK, TREASURER OBJECT: SOCIAL AND INDUSTRIAL BETTERMENT SERVICE OF INTERPRETATION SERVICE OF LIBRARY AND ARCHIVES THE MUSEUM OF SOCIAL ECONOMY SERVICE OF PUBLICITY SERVICE OF PERSONAL INVESTIGATIONS SERVICE OF INFORMATION AND RESEARCH SERVICE OF PUBLICATIONS "SOCIAL SERVICE," A MONTHLY A. H. MATTOX MANAGING EDITOR SOCIAL SERVICE TELEPHONE, 2839 18TH STREET CABLE ADDRESS, LESOCIAL, NEW YORK November 8, 1901. [*Ackd*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President:- You will perhaps remember that four years ago, just about this time, at my solicitation you kindly wrote for the Evangelical Alliance, of which I was then the Secretary, an article intended for a leaflet, entitled "On the Need of Commonplace Virtues." The Alliance recognized its value, but owing to the somewhat delicate relations of that organization to the temperance people, it did not seem wise to the Committee to publish the paper on account of the references made to political prohibitionists on page 4. Some months later the Alliance laid down the social betterment work in which I was specially interested, and I therefore resigned from the Alliance and organized the League for Social Service that I might continue the work. In the League I am free to follow my own judgment, and as I accord most heartily with your sentiments touching political prohibition, as indeed with the entire paper, it would afford us great pleasure to publish the article in our next issue of "Social Service." I take pleasure in enclosing to you our November number. We expect to make our Christmas [*17558*]-2- number exceptionally attractive, and to issue a large edition. Taking it for granted that you would like to look over the article, I enclose the same. Hoping that we may be so greatly honored as to receive the article, together with your permission to print at an early date, I am, with the greatest respect. Your obedient servant, Josiah Strong. President. [*17559*]For attachment see 11-8-01TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 10 WU WN JM 15 PAID 4:43 p.m. Pa. Depot. JERSEY CITY, N.J., Nov. 8, 1901. Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary: I accept with pleasure the President's invitation to dine with him tomorrow at seven thirty. Hugh S. Thompson 17560Department of the Interior, United States Geological Survey, [Washington.] [*did this go in the message Mr. Pinchot will redraft if necessary*] Santa Fe RR, Nov. 8/01, My dear Sir: It may be that the President will be interested to look over the enclosed interview. The people of the West are most enthusiastic when speaking of him. "He is one of us & understands the wests" is the thought expressed most frequently. Yours very truly Chas D Walcott. [*17561*][*Ackd*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS Nov. 8th 1901 My Dear Colonel Roosevelt: Since writing you yesterday I got our friend Dr Canfield's letter, in which he suggested that some compromise in the Leland matter be effected. I think this is not wise. It would anger Burton unless the candidate were his man, and would wound the friends of Leland more than a surrender to [*17562*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 Burton. I replied to Dr Canfield thus. He appealed to me on the material side of the case: the possibility of a fight by Burton in the Senate. Burton will not fight you in the Senate for but one reason: cash in hand. For which there are two remedies: sentiment at home, and a straight purchase by patronage. Now at least two thirds of the newspapers here are controlled by Leland's friends. [*17563*]THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 of the others, half are anti Burton and not those papers in Kansas would defend him in a fight against you - whether you appoint Leland or not is immaterial. This is a purely material gross side of it that I did not [opt] open to you. But as Dr Canfield has suggested it, I feel free to do so. Now to me it seems that [*17564*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 every dictate of common sense and common morality which always meet in a good cause, are pointing to this Leland appointment. Just one thing further. I ought to tell you that I have not spoken or written to a living soul about this matter save my wife. Leland believes that his appointment is merely a matter of days - indeed Burton himself has so stated. In the nature of [*17565*]THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 things I could not discuss this matter with Leland, so he is resting on his record in blissful ignorance of the situation. But I still hope most earnestly that you will do me the honor to see as I do in this case. Sincerely yours W A White to Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States [*17566*] 1 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor [*File*] EMPORIA, KANSAS Nov 8 1901 My Dear Friend: Of course I understand your letter and I appreciate the kind spirit in which it was written and the President's goodness to me which inspired it. I got a letter yesterday from the President which gave me a strong note in what was in [*17567*]DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 things I could not discuss this matter with Leland, so he is resting on his record in blissful ignorance of the situation. But I still hope most earnestly that you will do me the honor to see as I do in this case. Sincerely yours W A White to Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States [*17566*] 1 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor [*File*] EMPORIA, KANSAS Nov 8 1901 My Dear Friend: Of course I understand your letter and I appreciate the kind spirit in which it was written and the President's goodness to me which inspired it. I got a letter yesterday from the President which gave me a strong note in what was in [*17567*]2 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 his mind. I answered it freely and frankly and fairly. He did not support that a compromise be made. That portion of your letter has puzzled me. I know Burton so well, having been through the intestinal catacombs of his immoral nature with a lantern so many times, that I know any one [to] whom the President might name who [*17568*] 3 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 is not a Burtonite from Burtonville would make him just as angry as Leland. The man would have to be an old soldier. That would mean a man past middle age. Generally speaking men past middle age who are worth $4,500 a year are making more than that and those who are not making that much arent [*17569*]THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 worth it. With your men it's different. There are dozens who might be named. But my best judgement tells me that to compromise would be folly unless the President absolutely turns the matter over to Burton and lets him name George Findley - of odoriferous memory, or some body of that [*17570*] 5 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 stripe who has done his dirty work during the campaign. Leland is infinitely better than these men. And, though his angelic wings don't chafe under his suspenders, yet I have found him always to be square and clean politically and honest in business and politics both. He certainly has made a good officer. [*17571*]6 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 Burton out here pretends that he is not fighting Leland and has given it out that Leland will be appointed, on the McKinley promise. I am not surprised to find Burton double dealing with the President. He black guarded the President most violently in Chicago in a semi-public way and [*17572*] 7 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 there is absolutely no doubt that Burton will find the money in the Canal lobby and fight the President whether Leland is appointed or not. To buy him now with the defeat of Leland would be folly. He wont stay bought. He is as Uncle Chester used to say: [*17573*]7 1/2 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 "dishonest - he'll take money from both sides" - or patronage which in his case is the same thing. But to compromise the [thing] matter will only anger both sides and not hold Burton's vote. It is not the common sense thing to do. Also there would be nothing gained from a moral effect. With Leland are Governor Stanley [*17574*] 8 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 Marsh and Bent Murdock Colonel Learhard Billy Morgan Frank Crowell, Jack Schall, Frank MacLennan, Ewing Herbert, Mort Albaugh and a lot of the younger element. They have control of him. He is not a boss; he stands as a figure head for an organization or faction or what you please. But it is the new gang not the old gang. You [*17575*]9 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 will find your old friend Billy Buchan and Dick Blue and Lit Crum and John [Stea] Seaton and Pat Conly, and Pete Foley once of Lawrence now Postmaster of Parson on Burtons sole recommendation, and Co. John S Carpenter, and George J Barker and the old crowd all lining up behind Burton. [*17576*] 10 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 Charles Scott wrote to me and also in his paper: "there is absolutely no doubt of Leland: personal and political integrity." so you may know the forces behind him. Scott did not ask Leland's appointment [but] on account of [his] Scott's friendship for Joe Hudson. But he did stand for Leland's character. If Scott will say without equivocation as he [*17577*]11 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 did that Leland's personal and political [chara] integrity is beyond doubt, and if I vouch for him, can the president ask any better [evid] evidence that the man is straight. And if he is straight, and if McKinley promised to appoint him which is a matter entirely beyond dispute, and if Burton [*17578*] 12 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 expects the appointment to be made, why should there be any hesitancy about it! There is every moral and political reason why the appointment should be made. As for Burton he will have favors to ask of the President for six years yet. He will have to be bought seperately for every transaction. He wont kick up a row in the Senate [*17579*] 13 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 except for cash in hand. Because [un] the papers in the state will whip him into line. The sentiment of the state is overwhelmingly for Roosevelt and to put it on purely material grounds Leland's friends control more newspapers than Burton's and if Burton gets gay Leland's friends 14 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 can whip him into good behavour, if Leland is recognized; and if Leland is not recognized - they are decent enough to do exactly the same thing. If Burton takes money, no amount of newspaper lashing will affect him; neither will the defeat of Leland keep him true. [*17581*]15 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 He is a bluffer and will bluff brazenly; but his bluff may be easily called: He'll not fight the president [Leland] or Leland unless he gets money for it. And then nothing will stop him unless it is pure influence and that Leland's friends will use. The Lawrence Journal, the Topeka Journal, the Atchison Globe the Hiawatha World, the Iola 16 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 Register, the Wichita Eagle the Hutchinson News, the Clay Center Times, the Minneapolis Messenger, the Troy Chief and a dozen other papers of standing are anti Burton and may be depended on to back up the President; and make Burton act decently, if any power on earth can do so. Now I have written you [*17583*]17 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 fully in this matter so that you can see I am not leading the President into trouble. Indeed I am doing what I verily believe the wisest sanest thing when I advise him to appoint Leland. You may use all of this letter or any portion of it in any way you may like. You wont mind this [*17584*] 18 THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1901 long letter, will you? because though I have repeated myself, I feel so strongly that I am right, that I have no [mind for] sense of literary form. Sincerely yours W. A. White for James H Canfield New York City Librarian Columbia University [*17585*][Enc. in Canfield 11-14-01][CA - 11-8-01] The President had a talk with Mr. Canfield when in New York relative to certain Kansas matters, and this letter is a sequel to that conversation (which is referred to in letter of the 6th to Wm. Allen White, Emporia, Kans.) [shorthand notation] 17586 WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. Strong [shorthand notation] 17587 [ATTACH TO CANFIELD 11-8.01] [ATTACHED TO STRONG 11-8-01] [*Courier=Journal.*] SEPTEMBER 14, 1901 SORROW In Every Word From Admiring Countrymen. DEEP GRIEF EXPRESSED. Not One Who Fails To Feel the Loss. ALL PROFESSIONS SPEAK. THE PHYSICIAN, THE LAWYER, THE PREACHER ADD THEIR VOICES TO CHORUS OF PRAISE. OPINIONS ON THE REMEDY. The following are expressions given by Louisville citizens on President McKinley: Former Governor William O. Bradley —I had hoped and believed the President would recover and am shocked beyond expression at his death. But now that he is dead I trust the people, irrespective of party, will rally around his successor and give him most loyal support. Roosevelt is comparatively young, 'tis true, but he has never proved unequal to any responsibility. He is honest, able and brave, and consequently can be called upon for a faithful, honest and successful administration. Any man who attempts to discredit or underrate him is not a good citizen. Dr. T. H. Baker—I believe that McKinley's place in history will be alongside of Washington and of Lincoln and of Garfield. He was not only one of the most able Presidents, but one of the most amiable and courteous. The whole English-speaking nations will mourn their loss, but if through his death effective measures are adopted by which this country is rid of anarchism and nihilism he will not have died in vain. Thomas C. Timberlake—President McKinley grew in the favor of the people since elected, and I had the greatest admiration for him, though I am a Democrat. I believe his name will live long in history and that he will be more thought of as the years go by. R. S. Brown—I am shocked like all citizens at the death of our good President. I feel like it is a great personal loss, as if one of my family had died. It is terrible, terrible! John A. Stratton—I consider him one of the greatest Presidents, if not the greatest, the United States has ever had. He has coupled tact with firmness and ability, and he has carried this country through as perilous a time as we have ever had. James B. Camp—I can't express my sorrow. A feeling comes over me I can't describe. The last time I saw Mr. McKinley was in front of the Capitol four years ago, when he led Mrs. McKinley to a carriage and they started on their summer vacation. I remember Mrs. Camp remarked: "If a good man ever lived there he goes." And the world now echoes the sentiment. T. M. Gilmore—I have watched his career as a public man for about twenty-five years and always looked upon him as a patriot rather than a partisan in the days of the bloody shirt, and therefore, as a Southern man, had a great admiration for him. I think he was one of the most intellectual men in the country in public life, thoroughly honest in all his conclusion, and I believe he will stand in history with the greatest men this land has ever produced. Mr. C. J. Bronston, of Lexington— There can be but one feeling over this sad affair. It ought to make it impossible for anarchists to live in the United States. I regard the assassination as fraught with the greatest possible danger to this country. I believe that the President's death will have a decided depressing effect on the commercial conditions of the country for the time being, so far as foreign capital is concerned. Mr. M. S. Alford, of Lexington—I regret this tragedy, as does every other American. I cannot tell what effect the President's death will have on the financial affairs of the country, but I believe it will not cause much of a flurry on account of the stable condition of affairs. Ex-Congressman Oscar Turner—When my father was in Congress he and Mr. McKinley had adjoining rooms in the Ebbitt House, and they were almost inseparable. My father regarded him as one of the purest and best men in American politics, and I regarded him in the same way. His assassination was a horrible crime, and I favor capital punishment for all persons known to be anarchists. The tool who committed the deed should suffer no more than Emma Goldman and the others who instigated it. Ex-Mayor P. Booker Reed—The killing of the President was one of the worst things that could have befallen the country. He was a great and good man, and the people have suffered a great loss. The crime was too cowardly and too horrible to discuss. Maj. Andrew Krakel, Assistant Chief of Police—From the opinions of persons on the streets, it would not be safe for anarchists believed to be implicated in the assassination of the President to be in Louisville. While the lynching of the assassin might have been regarded as a blot on the South, I do not believe the fellow would be living to-day if the crime had occurred south of the Ohio river. Judge Emmet Field—The death of President McKinley is an irreparable loss to the country. I know of no incident in our history that has so thoroughly aroused the people and touched their deepest sympathies. I was on the exposition grounds the day President McKinley was shot, and what impressed me as to the throngs of people was the lack of excitement. They did not believe the first report and when it fully dawned upon them that the horrible deed had been done, they could not grasp its full meaning. I think a Federal law should be enacted making assault or attempted assault upon the President or Vice President a felony. The punishment should be graduated to the degree of the assault or attempt, with capital punishment following the death of either official as a result of the assault. I do not think there is need of a Federal law to reach an anarchist. In my judgment the States can by proper legislation effectually cope with them. It may become necessary to so amend our immigration laws as to make it possible to prevent absolutely the incoming of this class. Judge Henry S. Barker—I am an ardent admirer of President McKinley. He was the most patriotic of Presidents. Every business interest trusted him implicitly and he had the love of all good men and women North and South, and from the bottom of their hearts all will deplore his taking off. I think that, if necessary, the Federal Constitution ought to be so amended as to give Congress the power to pass whatever general laws may be necessary for stamping out anarchy. It is a national menace and the Nation, as such and through its own courts, should be empowered to handle it. As for assaults on the President or Vice President, I am of the opinion that the State courts can mete out ample punishment for such assaults or attempted assaults. D. W. Fairleigh—The selection of William McKinley for the presidency exhibited sharply the instinct of American democracy in the selection at critical junctures of their Chief Magistrate. President McKinley's death at this time is a national calamity, aside from the dreadful manner of his taking off. Maj. Henry M. Lane—Mr. McKinley has been kind, liberal and considerate in his treatment of the Southern people- more so than any other President elected by the Republican party since the close of the Civil War, and this has gone far toward obliterating sectional differences and has won for him the respect and love of the people of the South. Mr. McKinley has made us a good President. He has redeemed the pledges of his party, and the whole commonwealth of Democracy unites with all other classes in according to him the highest credit for purity of life, honesty of purpose, ability in his high office and for love of country. Swager Sherley—It was the fortune of President McKinley to face and solve some of the greatest questions that have arisen in this generation, and while some of his countrymen may have differed with him as to his policies, all honored him for his courage and honesty. The people of the South especially loved him and his generosity toward and appreciation of them. E. J. McDermott—All good people in our country feel with the keenest personal sorrow the assassination of President McKinley. Many features of his political policy failed to meet with my approval, but I have always regarded him as a man of the highest honesty and a splendid type of an American citizen. He was not a molder of events, but, on the contrary, was largely molded by them. He did not favor the Spanish War, but when it became inevitable he did his duty with great power and ability. Chief of Police Gunther—"The death of the President, coming as it does, is an awful thing happening here in this country of ours where certainly every good man and good official, which McKinley has always been, should be safe. The laws cannot be made too strict to run these anarchist devils out of this country." Chief of Detectives Sullivan—"McKinley's assassination is one of the worst things of the kind that ever happened to this country. It seems almost as bad as the killing of Lincoln, and worse, if possible, than that of Garfield. I'm for a law that will absolutely wipe out anarchy and anarchists." Mayor Charles P. Weaver—He made one of the best President's we ever had. He was amiable and kind; very thoughtful of his fellow man, with deep love for humanity. He was accessible to all. The humblest citizen could get an audience with him. This democracy, perhaps, led to his death. Had he avoided public receptions or allowed himself to have been more securely guarded the murderous designs of the anarchist might never have been carried out. I believe a greater future even than the past awaited Mr. McKinley, and I but express a thought now in the minds of millions, if not formed in words on their lips, when I say I am sorry he has gone. It was my pleasure to meet the President twice during the present year, each time on the occasion of extending an invitation to him to attend the Triennial Conclave in Louisville. Mr. McKinley expressed himself as desirous of coming to Louisville, but the very trip that resulted in his death prevented. When the committee of which I was a member went to Canton in July to renew the invitation the President stated that this was the first summer of his career as Chief Magistrate that had held for him and Mrs. McKinley a real vacation and he, therefore, did not want to accept any more invitations. He said, however, that he would come to Louisville at some other time, and it was our intention to see that he was again asked. Fire Chief Hughes is now tolling the bells under my instructions. This morning I will order the City Hall flag at half-mast and later will issue a proclamation urging a public expression of grief in mass-meeting and from the pulpits of the city. Sympathy With President. At the regular meeting of Frank T. McComb Camp, No. 93, S. A. V., held at their barracks at Odd Fellows' Hall the following resolutions were adopted: Whereas, That on Friday afternoon, September 11, a dastardly attempt was made on the life of our beloved President, William McKinley, commander-in-chief of our army and navy, by an avowed anarchist, Leon Czolgosz; and Whereas, The avowed purpose of all anarchists is the overthrow of any and all form of government whatsoever, the attack upon our beloved commander-in-chief was and is in our opinion an attack upon our flag, and, as loyal citizens of the United States, who volunteered to defend that flag and uphold its honor and glory when attacked by a foreign Power; therefore, be it Resolved, That Camp Frank T. McComb, No. 93, S.A.V., deplore and resent any condition of society which exposes the President of our great nation to personal indignity or bodily harm, we believe that the present situation needs prompt and decided action to purge our country of anarchistic disloyalty, to provide adequate protection to the person of our President by memorializing Congress through our Representative, the Hon. H. S. Irwin, to have such a law passed as will make any attack upon the life or person of our President or Vice President or the head of any executive department, State or national, a crime the punishment of which shall be death for the perpetrator, and all accomplices to be tried by court-martialmartial held under military jurisdiction. To that end we pledge ourselves to all loyal and law-abiding citizens of this United States, by prompt action to prevent all anarchistic demonstrations. Be it Resolved, further, That this camp extend its sympathy to the honored and beloved wife of President McKinley, and we recognize and praise the courage and fortitude she has shown in this hour of trial, and our prayers and sympathy for her unite with those of the entire nation. Be it Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be spread upon the records of this camp, also a copy sent to the secretary of the United States and one to the secretary of the President. JOHN ENGLISH HOLEMAN, Chairman; IRA MOONEY, ADOLPH HALENBERG, Committee. Mayor Weaver will order the flag on the City Hall lowered to half-staff this morning and will issue a proclamation calling upon all the churches to hold memorial services in commemoration of the President's death. The City Hall will be closed and a general suspension of business will be ordered out of respect for him. As soon as the announcement of the President's death came to the Courier-Journal this morning the fire houses were notified and the fire bells were tolled, bearing the sad tidings to the thousands of Louisville people who were up and waiting for the final word. [*17588*]Washington DC. Nov. 9. 1901. Hon. H. P. Cheatham Recorder of Deeds Sir. I regret very much as to [a] make any complaint against any one in the office - but the conduct of Mr. Arnett towards me is so offensive, repulsive and ungentlemanly, that I do not think that I am doing myself justice if I do not report it. He attempted to kiss me, and under the circumstances [to it] I shall be compelled to leave the office if I have to compare my work with him. Knowing you to be an honest upright gentleman, I am satisfied that my appeal to you will not be in vain. Very respectfully Lillian Glascox [*17589*][Enc. in Cheatham 11-12-01][*of course ackd. 11-9-1901*] Department of State, Washington, November 9, 1901. Dear Mr. President:- Governor Hunt wants to leave his post for a brief absence on the 19th of this month. If you have an objection, I will wire him to that effect. Yours faithfully John Hay [*17590*](COPY) CABLEGRAM. San Juan de P.R., November 9, 1901. Labor Federation, Gompers, Washington. Am arrested when stepped ashore. No warrant was shown. Ignore charges. Remain jail. IGLESIAS. 17591Wm B. Hunt[[shorthand]] [*Ackd 11-11-1901*] WINTER THE BERKSHIRE INN SIGN OF THE GOLDEN LIONS GREAT BARRINGTON, MASS. SUMMER THE COURT INN SIGN OF THE GOLDEN VASE CAMDEN, S.C. C. TICKNOR & SON, POP'RS. GREAT BARRINGTON, MASS. Nov. 9, 1901. My dear Mr. President: Your very cordial telegram in reply to mine has given me much pleasure. I shall be glad to spend Friday night (Nov. 15th) with you at the White House, and to arrive in season for dinner at 7.30. I presume you want me to report at once at the White House by whatever train I come. I return to New York on Monday morning. Always, yours faithfully. Seth Low. President Roosevelt. [*17592*]Personal and Confidential Copy. Washington D.C. Nov. 9th, 1901 Mr. Paul Dana, New York. My dear Sir:-I have noticed several dispatches from your Columbia Correspondent trying to connect Mr. George R. Koester, lately appointed Internal Revenue Collector with a lynching which occurred about eight years ago near Columbia, S.C. The Sun has been so kind to me and has shown such an intelligent appreciation of the work to which I am devoting my life, that I wish to give you the benefit of some inside information. Your Columbia correspondent is a personal enemy and editorial rival of Mr. Koester, as well as the newspaper head and front of the opposition' to "Commercial Democracy." They are bitter, viscious, and unscruplous in their political methods. I wish to enclose in strictest confidence for your personal information copies of two letters which have been written the President by Mr. Koester. Personally I object to being placed in the position of standing sponsor to the President for Mr. Koester or any body else who is a red handed murderer. When you read these letter you will see that you have been misle[a]d and agree with me that Mr. Koester is a brave manly young fellow. Do help us to get the real facts before the public. I am to speak on the subject of the "Twentieth Century Monroe Doctrine" at the annual dinner of the chamber of commerce on the 19th, and hope to have the pleasure of seeing you again. With kindest regards, Very truly/ Jno. Lowndes McLaurin P.S. Please return Mr. Dana's reply. McL. 17593[*[Enc. in Laurin, 11-20-01]*] [*P*] J. D. POWERS E. B. ANDERSON POWERS & ANDERSON ATTORNEYS AT LAW ROOMS 1 AND 2 FIRST NATIONAL BANK BUILDING OWENSBORO, KY. Nov. 9th, 1901. Hon. John R. Proctor, Washington, D.C. My dear sir:- All good men deplore the death of President McKinley, and in deepest sorrow lament the country's loss; as they detest and condemn the damnable anarchistic scourge that carried him off; equally, all good and true patriots can rejoice, that one so fearless, capable, honest and upright was at hand to take his place. With Col. Roosevelt as President, we have as chief magistrate: a man that really believes that "office is a public trust" and that only men who are honest and capable can be trusted, and should be appointed thereto. You know how deeply I have sympathized with your—oft times futile— efforts to bring about real civil service reform and I know discouraging it has been to have it said "we will take no backward step" and then to find that no forward step is to be taken, thus causing the loss of ground already acquired; for in any great reform you must necessarily go forward and backward, standing still is impossible, if you do not advance, you will certainly retrograde. A few federal officers in Kentucky, whom you have abundant reason to know, have from the beginning of their terms of office, set at defiance the civil service law and have ignored the rules made in pursuance thereof, and with a high hand have run the political machine on the most approved plan, of "rule or ruin," and now that the ruin is complete, at least as far as the republican party is concerned, they should be relegated to that obscurity from when they sprung. As a democrat I am proud to have voted for two such men as McKinley and Roosevelt and to have given my support to as true and good a man as [*17594*]J. D. POWERS E. B. ANDERSON POWERS & ANDERSON ATTORNEYS AT LAW ROOMS 1 AND 2 FIRST NATIONAL BANK BUILDING OWENSBORO, KY., 2. John Yerkes, but as an anti-Goebel democrat I am thoroughly disgusted with, and indignant at, the venal, vicious and virulent political practices of Sapp, Barnett, Deboe, Franks & Co., who, by their idiotic, selfish assininity have destroyed all chances of defeating the political Buckaneers, who have so long trampled upon the rights and liberties of the people and set at defiance law, order and decency; thus forcing liberty loving, decent, patriotic democrats from all participation in shaping the policies of the party, after capturing the democratic ship, like genuine pirates, they have left those who e'rst while commanded her, marooned on a barren political island, situated "between the devil and the deep blue sea"; where no help is possible from republican spoilsmen or democratic spoilers. So our condition here is wellnigh hopeless. There is little consolation in the fact; yet it is true, that the really decent element in the republican party in Kentucky, is not one whit better off than that of the decent and self respecting democrats. But I beg your pardon for this intrusion and for repeating a political tale of woe with which you are unhappily already too familiar. Wishing for you and the new President, the fullest meed of success personally and professionally, I am Sincerely your friend, J. D. Powers P.S. How is your "Gloucester" boy getting on? My cavalry Lieutenant, is happy, prosperous and content. P— [*17595*][shorthand notation] JACOB A. RIIS, 524 BEECH STREET, NORTH, Richmond Hill, New York. NEW YORK, Nov 9 1901 Mr dear Mr President, Yes, thank you very much. We shall be glad to dine with you on Nov 26th. I shall get home from up state that morning, but we shall have ample time to catch a train for Washington. With love to all your house, Ever yours Jacob A, Riis 17596CABLE ADDRESS "RYRAPORT NEW YORK." DOUGLAS ROBINSON 160 BROADWAY TELEPHONE CONNECTION NEW YORK, November 9, 1901 The President, White House, Dear Theodore:-- Only a line to tell you that Augy .Belmont is back--I happened to see him the other day and he wished me to say to you that if you wanted to see him about anything he would be delighted to go on to Washington to see you anytime after Monday of next week,- you can name your own time, evening, afternoon or any time you chose- he said he was entirely ready to see you in your own time,- he would like very much to pay his respects to the President of the United States, he says, and his mentioning this to me, is the result of my having told him of a message from you, when I saw you in Washington after President McKinley's death, to tell him you would be glad to see him there any time he could come on. He says you can either let him know through me, or have Mr. Cortelyou write direct to him, 23 Nassau Street. He spoke, as you know, in the very warmest terms of you, and he has I know, the warmest feelings of regard for you, and if he can be of any assistance to you in any of the questions you are taking up, I think he will tell you what he thinks without regard to any personal consideration. He told me to be sure and tell you that be would never, if you spoke to him about anything, let any of his business matters, or party affiliations, in any way, warp his judgment on any matter you chose to discuss with him. I am hoping to hear from Mr. Cortelyou on Wednesday about Dr. Rixey's report. I cannot tell you how much Corinne and I enjoyed you and Edith last Tuesday, it was the greatest possible pleasure to us both, and I only hope you will give us another chance to see you in the same informal way, if you come on. Yours D R [*[obinson]*] [*17597*][*ppF St*] FACTORY: PARK AVENUE, 52ND TO 53RD STREET NEW YORK CITY. FACTORIES, FOUNDRY, SAWMILL & LUMBERYARD, STEINWAY, L.I. GREATER NEW YORK. STEINWAY & SONS, PIANO-FORTES. Manufacturers by Appointment to HIS MAJESTY, EDWARD VII., KING OF GREAT BRITAIN AND EMPEROR OF INDIA. HIS MAJESTY, NICHOLAS II., CZAR OF RUSSIA. HIS MAJESTY, WILLIAM II., EMPEROR OF GERMANY, AND KING OF PRUSSIA. HIS MAJESTY, FRANZ JOSEPH LEMPEROR OF AUSTRIA, AND KING OF HUNGARY. HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE DUKE OF EDINBURGH, HIS MAJESTY, OSCAR II., KING OF SWEDEN AND NORWAY. HIS MAJESTY, UMBERTO I., KING OF ITALY. HIS MAJESTY, ALBERT, KING OF SAXONY. HIS MAJESTY, MOUSAFFER-ED-DIN, SHAH OF PERSIA. HER MAJESTY, MARIA CHRISTINA, QUEEN REGENT OF SPAIN. HIS MAJESTY.ABDUL HAMID II., SULTAN OF TURKEY. WASHINGTON. NEW YORK. LONDON. PARIS. STEINWAY HALL, 15 LOWER SEYMOUR ST. LONDON. STEINWAY EUROPEAN FACTORIES, ST. PAULI, SCHANZENSTRASSE 20-24 HAMBURG. SWEDEN. PHILADELPHIA. LONDON. LONDON. STEINWAY HALL, 107-109 EAST 14TH ST. NEW TORK. STEINWAY & SONS REGISTERED OCTOBER 31ST 1876. JULY 9TH 1878. CABLE ADDRESS: STEINWAY. New York, Nov. 9, 1901. [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 11-14-1901 P, F.*] Mr. George Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir, You will doubtless recall our conversation of some time ago. Steinway & Sons are now informed by their Washington representatives, Messrs. E. F. Droop & Sons, that you have called on them and told them that President Roosevelt is now ready to receive the upright piano. Before sending a piano on from here accordingly, I would suggest that perhaps a grand piano would be more suitable to Mrs. Roosevelt, as it is probably not intended for a very small room. Would you have the kindness to ask her whether not perhaps a Steinway parlor grand in a mahogany case, such as was bought by New York State for the Executive Mansion in Albany when Mr. Roosevelt was Governor, would better answer her requirements than an upright piano? In any case I should like to know whether a black case, or a mahogany case, or some other wood is desired. Awaiting your reply, I am, Very truly yours, J. B. Tiffany Art Dep't. [*17598*]I am looking forward to seeing you there, with great delight. Yours very sincerely Ansley Wilcox File [shorthand notation] pp 7 University Club Fifth Avenue & 54th Street My dear Mr President I am planning to leave for Washington tomorrow - Sunday - on the Congressional Limited & spend the night at the Arlington - going over to the White House with my boys after breakfast on Monday, if this will suit you. 17599 [*Ackd PPF Pr*] NEW YORK CABLE ADDRESS "BOLDT, NEW YORK." PHILADELPHIA CABLE ADDRESS "BOLDT, PHILADELPHIA" The Waldorf-Astoria, Fifth Avenue, 33rd and 34th Streets and Astor Court. THE WALDORF THE WALDORF-ASTORIA, NEW YORK. HOTEL BELLEVUE, PHILADELPHIA. THE STRATFORD, , PHILADELPHIA. BULLITT BUILDING RESTAURANT, PHILADELPHIA. GEO. C. BOLDT, PROP. THE ASTORIA New York Nov 10th 1901 My dear Mr President I have been thinking (hard) about that portion of your Message regarding "Trusts". It seems to me that there are some suggestions which may furnish ammunition to the enemy in a political contest — The question about "over capitalization" (which seemed to have created a doubt in your own mind) strikes me as a delicate one - Your deductions as to the result - [as] affecting wages, under conditions unfavorable to earning dividends - would give the Democrats a text to appeal to workingmen on the ground that they would be the [*17601*]NEW YORK CABLE ADDRESS "BOLDT, NEW YORK." PHILADELPHIA CABLE ADDRESS "BOLDT, PHILADELPHIA" The Waldorf-Astoria, Fifth Avenue, 33rd and 34th Streets and Astor Court. THE WALDORF THE WALDORF-ASTORIA, NEW YORK. HOTEL BELLEVUE, PHILADELPHIA. THE STRATFORD, , PHILADELPHIA. BULLITT BUILDING RESTAURANT, PHILADELPHIA. GEO. C. BOLDT, PROP. THE ASTORIA New York 190 2 principal sufferers - The fact is that today organized labor [are] is not opposed to combination of capital as they argue that it justifies their position and demands for recognition - I am in close touch with nearly all of the responsible leaders of labor organizations and am working with them to establish through the "Civic Foundation" a community of interest which has for its object closer relationships between them, making it possible to settle differences without strikes and secure better men for responsible positions in their organizations I have the cooperation [*17602*]NEW YORK CABLE ADDRESS "BOLDT, NEW YORK." PHILADELPHIA CABLE ADDRESS "BOLDT, PHILADELPHIA" The Waldorf-Astoria, Fifth Avenue, 33rd and 34th Streets and Astor Court. THE WALDORF THE WALDORF-ASTORIA, NEW YORK. HOTEL BELLEVUE, PHILADELPHIA. THE STRATFORD, , PHILADELPHIA. BULLITT BUILDING RESTAURANT, PHILADELPHIA. GEO. C. BOLDT, PROP. THE ASTORIA New York 190 3 of the best of them now. We can hold our power in politics as long as we can retain the confidence of this element They are not worried over the "Trusts" question and I do not believe they want to see it made a political issue Therefore may I suggest that you do not give it as much prominence in your message and eliminate the over Capitalization and wage features The inquisition feature is most objectionable — The wage question would be an inducement for the Democrats to [*17603*]NEW YORK CABLE ADDRESS "BOLDT, NEW YORK." PHILADELPHIA CABLE ADDRESS "BOLDT, PHILADELPHIA" The Waldorf-Astoria, Fifth Avenue, 33rd and 34th Streets and Astor Court. THE WALDORF THE WALDORF-ASTORIA, NEW YORK. HOTEL BELLEVUE, PHILADELPHIA. THE STRATFORD, , PHILADELPHIA. BULLITT BUILDING RESTAURANT, PHILADELPHIA. GEO. C. BOLDT, PROP. THE ASTORIA New York 190 give prominence to it in the next Campaign and quote the Republican President in support of the harm that would result to labor Pardon my suggestions — which have come from careful consideration I see "dynamite" in it Sincerely Yours M A Hanna. [*17604*]their cases, & the vote for Judge Lewis would be so overwhelming that the other two would not be hear of. In character, temperament & experience, Judge Lewis is worthy to sit with Judge Goff & Judge Simonton. Don't take my word for it but ask Mr. Justice Harlass or write Judge Goff & see if they do not approve every word I have said in regard to Judge Lewis. In a word, Mr. President, if you should appoint Judge Lewis, the people of five states will say that the selection of Judge Lewis was as fit as when you gave the judgeship in Alabama to Gov. Jones. Appreciating the confidence you have shown in me & with the earnest desire to offer only such advice as will strengthen your administration with my countrymen I remain Yours most gratefully, Wyndham R. Meredith [*12 Ackd 11/13/1901 P.F.*] COMMONWEALTH CLUB RICHMOND, VA. Sunday Nov. 10 1901 To the President Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President, I wired you this morning that I had received your letter of the 8th inst at eleven o'clock to-day & would answer by letter as the statements had better be written rather than wired. Of Mr. Gillespie, I know nothing personally. He is a lawyer of limited local reputation, confined to his immediate neighborhood. I never heard of him in our Court of Appeals or in the Federal Courts. The democratic members of our Constitutional Convention, like my [*17605*]or at least no controlling, weight in your decision. In that event, Judge L. L. Lewis ranks so far above the other two as not to be mentioned in the same way. The District judges, under the present system, are called upon to preside in the Circuit Court of Appeals. Therefore, the most important decisions made by them will be as members of the Circuit Court of Appeals. In such decisions, the bar of five great states are vitally interested & I have already told you of the great need of strengthening that court with the selection of a judge who will be equal to these greater duties. Take a poll of the lawyers of these five states [on] as to which of these three gentlemen they would have to pass above brother, Mr. C. V. Meredith, & my friend Eppa Hunton & Walton Moore bear testimony to his high character, but, though all of them are prominent lawyers, they have heard little, if any thing, of him in his profession. I have & still have important litigation in the Western District in which Fulton & McDowell are opposing counsel, I know personally that the firm stands high as lawyers but my acquaintance is with Judge Fulton rather than Mr. McDowell except a few courteous letters. But, Mr. President, it seems to me that the question of locality ought to have no, [*17606*][*Please read this letter clear through. I ask it most sincerely.*] SUNDAY NOVEMBER TENTH NINETTEN HUNDRED&ONE [*ackd PPF Pr*] My Dear Colonel Roosevelt: I came home last night from a day in Kansas city and found your letter of the Sixth awaiting me. In your letter you seem to indicate that you cannot appoint my friend Leland. Well, you know Alice in Wonderland had to say it three times before we knew it was so. So taking it for granted that you will at least be as patient as a little girl in a story book, I presume I have two more times coming, before I "know it is so." Now Canfield is a dear good man and he is everything he should be. If he were living in Kansas today I would accept his juedgement. But he has not lived in Kansas for ten years -- or over -- an and when he lived here he was merely a spectator of politics - an interested, acutely trained exactly sane, and just observer of the times; but the times,- have changed. In these ten years that have elapsed since Canfield left, things have happened that have tried men and tested them. Men have grown, have revealed themselves, have developed. The Leland whom Canfield knew is not the Leland of today, any more than the man you were ten years ago is the man today. Leland is not and never was and never will be a man of ideals. But he is a man of sense and he has learned in a hard school of experience that it pays to be absolutely honest. Ten years ago I would not have lined up with Leland. I had fewer ieals then than I have now, and he had [more] less sense. The difference between the Burton and the Leland faction twelve years ago, and today is that Leland's faction if you desire to call it that, has learned some sense from battling with Populism, Burton's faction has not. It is still for the "smooth thing”. Leland's is the young crowd. Burton's is the old crowd. You might as well say that the difference between Platt and Low is that the one heads one faction, and the other, another, as to say it of Leland and Burton. To turn down Leland is this matter after Burton has given up the outward semblance of a fight and after he had the absolute promise of the dead president of his place, ties the hands of hundreds of your friends to give you the help you [*17607*]may need in 1904 when Burton and has crowd may put good government as you stand for it, in danger. (I cannot say any more than I have said of Leland's integrity. As to Wilson's charges, I know only what he has said. There is some assumption in this matter, and as against the charges, I find the contradiction of my own close personal experience and the word of the supreme court of Kansas-- Populists, Burton followers, Leland men and all. Also once I head that Secretary Root had ordered Paul Morton from his office for proposing a crooked deal in army transportation. I gave that the credence which I give the charges of secretary Wilson. I know Morton. I know Leland. So much for his integrity.) Now to me that matter seems thus, Leland had McKinley's promise of the place. Leland of his own motion, to relieve his friend McKinley of embarrassment, suggested that his own appointment be held until after an appointment had been made for the Senator. This was when McKinley was refusing the appointment of Tracy. McKinley himself told this to Charles Dawes and Joe Bristow, each of whom told it to me at different times in McKinley's exact words. If it had not been for Leland's high sense of friendly honor, he would be appointed today. By turning him down you put a premium on the methods of Burton, who knows exactly what Leland did, for McKinley told him, and who if he was an honorable man would under those circumstances fight for Leland, though Leland were his bitterest foe. You also by turning Leland down discount LeLand's high courtesy and in effect use it to trap him. I can send you if you care for it a personal letter send from McKinley to Dawes saying of Leland, "I know this man to be a man of the highest personal and political integrity." His official record is not reproached. He is one of the two best officers in the pension service. He is recommended by the head of his department, and by the Secretary of the Interior. He became a candidate, not as the head of a faction, but as the man who in time of need came to McKinley and made a clean campaign without the use of money and made Kansas the first Northern state to instruct its delegates for McKinley. He got his place originally because he was decent; his decentcy was [*17608*]proved. If he loses it, he will lose it simply and entirely because he was so courteous and decent that he would not embarrass his friend McKinley by permitting him# to humiliate Burton the head of a rival faction, by [######] making Leland's appointment first. I had this from Leland in July [by] from Dawes and Bristow in September, and each told exa exactly the same story in McKinley’s words. Dawes had not seen Leland since the incident occurred. I think these witnesses are unimpeachable. Now as for the proposed compromise. In the first place, the man would have to be an old soldier or there would be a riot in the Missouri valley. That eliminates the Gleed boys even if they would take it which they would not, for the office is not of their sort. It is and has been world without end a political office. They might take a consular place, or a place without salary on a commission, but they would not take the pension commissioner ship. It would be like suggesting our friend Mr. Gilder for a place on the live Stock Sanitary commission. As to Ware, he is making too much money and is too good a friend of Leland's to benefit by his downfall. I could not even approach Ware with talk of a compromise as long as there was any show for Leland. I could have got his endorsement for Leland more easily than I could have got any one's else. Willis Gleed would also endorse him if you were to write to him. I don't know what position Charles would take, but I feel he would do likewise. He has seen Leland tried. A compromise on either of these three would anger Burton more than the appointment of Leland. Now the appointment of Leland is not a personal matter with me in the sense that it would enter in the circle of my private happiness. To me in the politics of this state Leland represents the best element the decency of the Republican party. And two elements of strong desire urge me to throw myself into the pleading of his case with all the energy of my mind and all the earnestness of my heart. Those two things are first my almost passionate desire to see you do the just and honorable and righteous thing, that your administration may be upheld among decent citizens here when the crisis comes -- as Heaven knows when it [*17609*] may come; and secondly and perhaps with a stronger impulse - I am urged to my position by a [love] hope to see the party which I love thrive in Kansas, through the recognition of a clean man, with clean methods who dares to be honest in carrying a state, when he is tempted to do other wise, and who is a gentleman by instinct with a man in high position, of his own motion and at his own risk. All Kansas knows what Leland did for McKinley, and what he did at the last. There are not in the state fifty men who know the game of politics, whether they are Burton men, or Leland men, who do not expect you to appoint Leland, Burton does not dare to violate this sense of justice, by appearing in Kansas to fight Leland. The Boss Buster in Kansas are the New York Evening Posters and the little Jack Chapman's of this state. They would rejoice at my downfall or yours or any one's else who crossed them. I have never even deigned to refer to their fight before. I have tried to close my argument in this matter so that you would see me as I stand here -- your friend and a Kansan. Pardon again my long letter, and believe me Very sincerely Yours W A White To Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States [*P.S. I really wish you would ask Bristow to tell you the story of Leland's promises as McKinley told it to Bristow. Dawes would write it for you. It shows Leland's honor so clearly the Leland I know and Canfield does not dream of.*] [*17610*]THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY OFFICE: 1419 F STREET, N. W. WASHINGTON, D. C. 1st NOTICE November 10, 1901 DEAR FRIEND Notice is hereby given that a Meeting of the TRUSTEES of THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY will be held in this city at 1419 F Street, N.W. on Wednesday, Dec. 11, 1901, at 10 A.M. Important business needs your attention. Please cheer us with your presence CHARLES W. BALDWIN Secretary of the Board [*17611*][[shorthand]] [*Ackd 11-13-1901*] The Linen Thread Company, 48 & 50 WHITE ST., New York, 11th November, 1901 - THE LINEN THREAD COMPANY INCORPORATED 1898 TRADEMARK. NEW YORK. BOSTON. CHICAGO. ST. LOUIS. SAN FRANCISCO. PHILADELPHIA. CINCINNATI. To the President, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President:-- The name of the employe in the Collector's office, this Port, which you requested me to give you in confidence, is Dudley F. Phelps. Should you see fit to summon George C. Tichenor to the White House, I believe he would tell you that in 1891, when Mr. Tichenor and Mr. Spalding were in this city investigating irregularities in connection with the Customs department, that Mr. Phelps confessed to having tampered with officials; he then being out of office. I have the honor to remain, Yours very truly, Wm. Barbour. [*17612*]Robert H.M. Ferguson Wrote Mr Cameron No. 23 WEST 26th STREET. New York Nov. 11/01. Dear Theodore - Don Cameron writes to see you for 15 minutes about Pennsylvania matters before going south for the winter - any time tomorrow Tuesday evening [?] or Wednesday up to 3 P.M. when he leaves-- Will you drop him a line to ten "New William S" to say what time would suit you best? He said particularly he did not expect or even wish ! to be invited to lunch or dinner Ever yrs RHM Ferguson 17613J.W. Goddard & Sons, 98, 100 & 102. Bleeker St. and 197 Mercer St. ESTABLISHED 1847 New York Nov. 11th, '01 190 ackd President Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. [Dear Sir.] My dear President Roosevelt, I find in the "Sun" this morning a long article headed-- "Very warm for Bidwell". and in it a paragraph,which I cut out and attach to this letter. I have absolutely no knowledge of what is referred to, and my strong impression is that there is nothing behind the statements. If, as the paragraph states, anything has been laid before you that is apparently of any importance to me, I would earnestly request an opportunity to know what it is and to offer such explanation as the actual facts might warrant. Very sincerely yours. Norton Goddard Col. Dunn said to me Saturday morning last that he had the evening before said to Senator Platt "The organization will make one of the biggest mistakes in its history if it tries to crowd the President into appointing Bidwell."-- 17614[For 1 enclosure see 11-11-01]L. I. City of N.Y. Nov. 11, 1901 Dear Sir Teddy, I now take the pleasure of writing you a few lines asking you to kindly ask your father will he except me to show you a few tips as I know you would like to know how to box. I believe you and I could do good and I am not a boxer but I know a great many tips which you would like to know and could know. I live at 54 fifty-four Seven St. L. I. City New York, N.Y. Please send and tell me whether you would like to or not I would enjoy learning you as I take great interest in reading about you and I am not [buissy] working just at the present. Please Ans. Your very Trully James F. Heffren James F. Heffren 54-7-St. L. I. City N.Y. over [*17615*]I am 14 years of ageFile 07 IN REPLY ADDRESS THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY, AND REFER TO NO. 8576-01 Navy Department, Washington, November 11,1901. Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 9th instant, relative to the matter of delay in the construction of vessels for the Navy under contract, and to state that letters will be sent at once to all contractors calling their attention to this subject, and cautioning them particularly, in view of your instructions in the premises, that commercial work is not to be given preference over government work, and that in case of delays arising from such discrimination the penalties provided by the contracts will be strictly enforced. In some instances of indifference on the part of builders to the requirements of their contracts in this particular, and the Department's wishes that work on naval vessels should be advance expeditiously, applications for extensions of time have been refused and the appropriate penalties exacted, and in one case 176162 the builders' disregard of urgent representations made to them was so flagrant that the Department has since declined to consider proposals from them for the construction of other vessels. It frequently happens that the progress of work on vessels is unavoidably hindered by changes in plans and specifications decided upon after construction has begun, and this fact makes it difficult to determine accurately in all cases to what extent the government ships are neglected for commercial work. It is believed, however, that the notification to be given constructors, as indicated above, coupled with the specific instructions contemplated to the Department's representatives at the various works will accomplish the desired result. I have the honor to be, Sir, Very respectfully JD Long Secretary. The President. 17617[[shorthand]] [*ackd 11/14/1901 P.F.*] New York, November 11, 1901. Mr. President:- After reading this letter you will appreciate the reason why it was marked personal. To be brief - A gentleman residing in Washington has sought from me the use of such letters, papers, likewise information that I may have that would throw any light on matters that resulted in the sale of the old Custom House site in New York City. If this information is requested on behalf of the Administration I am at its service, with some interesting data, but not otherwise. I am, Sir , Very respectfully yours, Philip B. Low 307 Lenox Avenue. [*17618*]SUCCESS Orison Swet Marden EDITOR [*ack'd*] The Success Company Washington Square New York November 11th, 1901. EDWARD E. HIGGINS PRESIDENT AND TREASURER O. S. MARDEN VICE-PRESIDENT GEORGE R. WARDEN SECRETARY Russell B. Harrison, Esq. Columbia Club, Indianapolis, Ind. Dear Sir:- It is with pleasure that we grant your request to use your father's opinion of President Roosevelt, which appeared in the last issue of Success, and we will thank you very much if you will kindly credit our magazine in reproducing the article. We are very glad to know that you like the article as well. We purchased it some time ago from the International Literary Syndicate of Buffalo, which syndicate, I understand, has moved its offices to London. The article was secured from your father by several newspapermen in Washington, who were well acquainted with him, and I believe, it was intended for publication in one of the Harpers periodicals, although, on this point, I am not certain. We have always been very glad of the fact that your father was a staunch friend of Success. I met him at the at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, New York, a short time before his death, when he spoke very kindly of our magazine. We have been proud from time to time to held him up as a model for the American nation, and we will continue to do so in the future. He had promised us an article on, "Young Men in Politics" but his death prevented it. I thank you for the courtesy of writing, and sincerely trust the article will serve your purpose. Yours very truly, Robert Mackay. Associate Editor. [*17619*][enc. in Harrison 11-26-01]Personal [[shorthand]] [*ackd 11/13/1901 p.F.*] 120 Broadway New York Nov. 11th. 1901. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President:- I enclose the first page of Dun's Review, which gives in the most condensed form known to me, the important facts in relation to commercial conditions throughout the country, as reflected by actual transactions during the previous week. If this review does not go to the office of the White House each week, I know that Messrs. R.G. Dun & Co. will be glad to see that it reaches your files regularly. I assume that you must depend upon official and governmental statements, but as this weekly review eminates from the highest mercantile source and the every center of commercial credit, in this country, you can read it without the expenditure of more than two minutes of your valuable time each week, keep yourself in close touch with the trade, commercial and financial movements of the entire country. You know from experience the force of the old Army statement that "full bellies make good fighters", so that you will not lose the significance of the statement in the last week's Review showing the increase in the average annual expenditure for the necessities of life, by the people and what it means in the direction of full employment and good wages. Faithfully yours, John J. McCook [*17620*][For 1 enc. see Dun's, ca 11-11-01]Eagle Office, Brooklyn, New York. Personal [?] November 11, 1910 Dear Mr President Up to and including Thursday night, I am crowded with engagements If I came over on Friday night could I quietly see you that evening or Saturday at your convenience? I have reasons to prefer no publicity --though none to fear any--and would far rather, in the circumstances, be with you alone at night, after dinner, than to have the occasion wear any other character. I say this with all appreciation of your courtesy which was so fine as to leave to me full freedom of action on my judgment. My wife will not come with me, this time, for the shadow of thanksgiving --or its advance obligations--interferes I do not want to participate in or influence policy or appointments, but to know enough of the drift to be intelligent and to let my views have such slight weight 17621 as they perhaps should. Beside I learn matters that should be confidentially told. The story of your Administration to date has been a vindication of my best hopes, but has brought in it no element of surprise to me. With best wishes for Madame and the dear children I am Sincerely yours St. Clair McKelway President Roosevelt [*17622*]Hugh Gordon Miller, Attorney and Counsellor at Law, Assistant United States Attorney Citizens' Bank Building. SOUTHERN STATES 'PHONE 495. Norfolk, Va., Nov. 11, 1901.____190 General Curtis Guild, Boston, Mass., My dear General:-- You will perhaps remember that when I had the pleasure of being with you in Boston last April, we talked a good deal about the best way to promote a genuine Republican party in this Southern country, and especially the best way to promote the interests of then Vice-President, Roosevelt, for President of the United States. If I recall the conversation which took place while I lunched with you, at Young's, we both pledged ourselves to use our best endeavors to that end. Through other circumstances, however, Mr. Roosevelt has since attained that high office, but I am sure that we are both as much interested in his nomination and election as we were then. Indeed I venture to say that from his first appearance in public life, Mr. Theodore Roosevelt has had no more enthusiastic admirer and advocate than myself, and I know that he has no greater or truer friend in New England than yourself. But it get to the point. I am not after anything but I am a close observer of events and I see that Republican politics 17623Hugh Gordon Miller, Attorney and Counsellor at Law, Assistant United States Attorney Citizens' Bank Building. SOUTHERN STATES 'PHONE 495. Norfolk, Va.,__________190 2 in this section of the country are becoming very chaotic indeed, we have never had a healthy Republican party in the South in my time. I know also that if we ever have such a party in this section, it must be brought about and built up by us young fellows. I don't know that I would be so vain as to assert that I am a representative of my generation in the South -- I leave that for the verdict of my party and those who know my services and efforts for the party. At any rate, the young men of this country are certainly Mr. Roosevelt's greatest friends especially here in the South. The older Republicans have never leaned his way, but on the contrary, their tendency was in the other direction. Now as I said above, I am not an applicant for any office, nor am I interested in any one who is an applicant in this section nor any other section of the country. I did all that I could and the best that I could for my party and President McKinley, but I never asked him for any office, though I did strive after a good and healthy Republican party in Virginia and the other Southern States. If you get an opportunity to tell Mr. Roosevelt that you know a young man in the South who is working with that end 17624Hugh Gordon Miller, Attorney and Counsellor at Law, Assistant United States Attorney Citizens' Bank Building. SOUTHERN STATES 'PHONE 495. Norfolk, Va., Nov. 11, 1901.____190 3 in view, and who has always been an advocate and admirer or his, it may be of mutual benefit to us all, not that I am so vain as to think that I could serve the President, but that we may work together in the interest of our party, in encouraging especially the young men of the South in the belief that they will be recognized if they take an interest in the Republican party. I had the honor to be presented to Mr. Roosevelt when I was in Boston as the speaker at the Grant Dinner of the Middlesex Club. He was not present at that banquet, but I was present at the banquet of the Home Market Club, at which he was the speaker. I was presented to him also at Mr. Lyman's, though I hardly expect him to remember me. You would confer upon me a great favor if you would forward him the enclosed book of the Lincoln Dinner speeches of this year, which contains a speech of my own, and a reference to Mr. Roosevelt which will show that my admiration and support of him is not a recent inspiration. I have marked the place in the speech which will suggest what I mean. If you have time, I would like for you to read the speech, after which, if you will [send] 17625Hugh Gordon Miller, Attorney and Counsellor at Law, Assistant United States Attorney Citizens' Bank Building. SOUTHERN STATES 'PHONE 495. Norfolk, Va., Nov. 11, 1901.____190 4 send it to the President with any comments you may care to make, or without any comments whatever, and simply call his attention to it, I would be under many obligations to you. Hoping that I am not burdening you too much or asking too much, and that I may be able to sometime reciprocate, I remain, Very truly yours, Hugh Gordon Miller Dict. to S. 17626Enc in Guild 11-15-01United States Senate, Office of the Secretary. Financial Room. November 11, 1901. My dear Mr. Loeb: I send you herewith old voucher and the new one, the latter being, as I explained to you, the amount of Mr. Roosevelt's salary as Vice-President of the United States, from the 1st to the 13th day of September, 1901. If you will kindly have the President sign same, and send me a check for the difference, namely, $21.74, by bearer, I will be much obliged. Very truly yours, R.B. Nixon Mr. Wm. Loeb, jr., White House. 17627For enc see 9-30-01EXCELSIOR STATE OF NEW YORK EXECUTIVE CHAMBER ALBANY [*Personal and Confidential*] [*PF Ack 11/13/01 NY*] Nov. 11, 1901 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President: - You have no doubt read in the New York newspapers of the terrific time which apparently is going on in the State of New York over the selection of a successor to Bidwell, and, perhaps have been amused by some of the statements made by the papers. I have not felt that it would be dignified, nor have I felt that it was incumbent upon me to publicly deny the rumors which have been in circulation and which have been the result of a secret understanding between some of our trusted (?) friends in the city of New York. I found last evening in talking with Colonel Dunn over the 'phone that the Senator was somewhat alarmed and very nervous over the situation. As you will perhaps recall in my first conversation with you upon the subject, on the train going to Washington, I distinctly stated to you that while I had a personal dislike of Bidwell, yet at the same time I did not desire you to consider that in connection with his retention or removal, and that I thought you ought to consider it altogether as to its effect upon yourself, paying no attention to me. I now desire to reiterate that statement and to say to you that in my opinion you should go very slowly in making a selection for this important office. I had thought to run over to Washington either tomorrow night or Thursday morning, probably the latter, for the purpose of having a short talk with you in reference to the matter. My sole desire is that you should make no mistake, and if there is nothing in the personal or official career of Bidwell against him, perhaps you would make more of a mistake by turning him down than you would by appointing him. That is the one thing I desire to avoid. The Senator does not know of my writing you, and I shall await a telegram from you. If you desire it, I will leave on Thursday morning, arriving in Washington at four o'clock. I would like to return the same night. In the meantime I should advise, if you will pardon me, that nothing be done in any way until we have a chance to talk over the situation. What I want to impress upon you is, first, that my personal dislike of Bidwell should not be considered by you at all, and secondly, provided always that there is nothing that would militate against you or serve as a basis for [*17628*]EXCELSIOR STATE OF NEW YORK EXECUTIVE CHAMBER ALBANY criticism that acquiescence in the Senator's request would be the sensible thing to do. It seems that this tempest in a teapot is looked upon with more seriousness than I had supposed would be possible. Above all things what I want to avoid is to get you out of touch in any way with the organization or to have anything done that would serve as a basis for unfavorable action by the organization so far as you are concerned, and it is in this direction that I desire to impress upon you that no attention should be paid to my wishes whatever, whether for or against Bidwell. I shall await your wire, and have wired you tonight telling you of this letter. With kind regards to Mrs. Roosevelt and yourself, I am, Very sincerely yours, B. B. Odell[[shorthand]][[shorthand]] [*L [ackd] Ackd [11/13/1901] File P.F.*] United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. New York, Nov. 11. 1901. Dear Mr. President: The I. X. L. Packing Company, of San Francisco, who deal in Tomales and other delicacies, from whom I have occasionally made purchases, inform me that they propose to ship you some samples of their products, and have asked me whether I thought you would accept them or not. I have told them that I thought you would. I hope, when they reach you, that you will consent to accept them and not send them back to the donors, Yours faithfully, T C Platt The President, Washington, D. C. H [*17630*]FIFTY-SIXTH CONGRESS. MR. PRITCHARD, CHAIRMAN. MR. PLATT OF CONNECTICUT. MR. THURSTON. MR. McCOMAS. MR. MALLORY. MR. TURLEY. MR. HEITFELD. W. S. HYAMS, CLERK. [*File C.F.*] United States Senate, COMMITTEE ON PATENTS, WASHINGTON, D.C., Marshall, N. C., Nov. 11, 1901. Dear Mr. President:- Your letter of inquiry relative to Mr. Pearson accepting a consulate has just been called to my attention, but in view of the fact that we have talked the matter over, I deem it unnecessary to say anything further than what I said to you in person about this matter. I have the honor to be, Sincerely yours, G. C. Pritchard [*17631*][[shorthand]] [*ackd P.F. 11/13/1901*] Nov. 11. 1901 Stanworth, Princeton, N.J. Dear Mr. President This letter is somewhat belated but since neither advice nor favour is to be touched upon that matters little. Not that at some time I might not ask for one or offer the other, for I have not forgotten the past kindness there was between us. But the present writing is to say that during a long absence from the country my interests were all at home. Like the Americans among whom we like to be counted we thanked God and took courage that in the [*17633*]this note neither requires nor expects an answer. Your time is now ours and we must not waste it. Ever faithfully and respectfully Yours Wm. M. Sloane. To Theodore Roosevelt: LL.D President of the United States awful hour, "you were here" as Napoleon had it written on the Marengo medals. At the moment we were accidentally thrown into contact with many Englishmen high in government circles: they, too, seemed to know and trust you exactly as we did and we were proud both for you and for ourselves. Even the Germans we saw were like-minded. It is needless to say that the contentment of us all grows with every day. Thank God for your strength, and sense and tact: may you prosper in the great career that is before you. You will understand of course that [*17633*] COPY: [?] ELY & WALKER DRY GOODS CO., St. Louis, November 11th, 1901. Hon. Ethan Allan Hitchcock, Secretary of the Interior, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir: On November 2nd Mr. Smith, who is Collector of Customs, I believe at this point, met me at the Mercantile Club and asked m to write a letter to the President recommending him for re-appointment and asked me to sign the letter Ely & Walker Dry Goods Company, by D. D. Walker, which I declined to do. Saturday morning I was much surprised to receive a letter, from Mr. Lyman I think, in Washington, stating that our letter recommending Mr. Smith for re-appointment had been received and filed. I immediately looked the matter up and found that Mr. Schade, who acts as our Broker with the Custom authorities here, had dictated the kind of a letter Mr. Smith wished written and sent same to our Mr. D. R. Calhoun, who is Second Vice President of our Company, asking him to write this letter to the President. Mr. Calhoun not knowing anything to the detriment of Mr. Smith wrote the letter. He is now in New York and I have written him asking him to withdraw the letter. I make it a point to never indorse any man for position, personally or by our Corporation, unless he comes up to the standard which our Esteemed President seems to -2- demand. I sincerely hope that the President will remove the entire R.C. Kerens Delegation. My understanding is they are closely connected with the Ziegenhein Republicans of this City. You know what they are. Please treat this communication as confidential as it is not my custom to mix in politics except locally. I am what they call a "Gold Democrat" but locally I support the best man on each ticket. Nationally, I expect to support the Republican ticket the balance of my life, and shall hope to have the pleasure of voting for our Esteemed President for a second term. His policy of putting men into position on their merits and weeding out the crooked, I believe will win out for him. Very truly yours, D. D. Walker President. 17635AMERICAN NICKEL WORKS. WHARTON IRON FURNACE HIBERNIA IRON ORE. BATSTO & ATSION LANDS. OFFICE OF JOSEPH WHARTON, NO. 206, PHILADELPHIA BANK BUILDING. Philadelphia, Nov. 11, 1901. [*Ackd*] Dear Mr. President:- In our recent interview I mentioned the position of Ambassador Tower, who thinks the difficulty of properly educating his children in Russia may oblige him to leave that country, although he does not wish to abandon the diplomatic career, in which he has hitherto been so successful. I took the liberty of conveying to him your views concerning the selection of a German-American as Ambassador to Berlin. A letter received from him today contains his views upon that point, which seemed to me important enough to justify submitting for your consideration. Very truly, Joseph Wharton To the President of the United States, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. [*17636*][For 1. enc. see Tower 10-29-01][*File ppp Pr*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. SW.PO.CP.RA. 21-Paid .... 10:18 am Emporia, Kansas, November 11, 1901. Theodore Roosevelt, White House. If possible don't intimate to gentleman from Kansas situation outlined in your letter of sixth until my letter of tenth arrives. W. A. White. [*17637*] [*Have it done*] [[shorthand]] 11-11-1901 Special Agent Cumming is out of town. Mr. Chance, Chief, says he can telegraph him and get him here by tonight if desired. [*[see Tynberg 11-6-01]*] [*17638*][attached to Tynberg 11-6-01]O.B. 5 Page 389 White House, Washington. On November 11, 1901 The President requested the Secretary of the Navy to know if any thing can properly be done for Capt. Clark T Esb.[?] 17639[attached to Yates 11-25-01]DUN'S REVIEW 3 DUN'S REVIEW. A Journal of Finance and Trade. PUBLISHED ON SATURDAY BY R. G. DUN & CO., THE MERCANTILE AGENCY, 290 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. SUBSCRIPTION $5.00 PER YEAR. Entered at the Post Office, at New York, as second class matter. CONTENTS PAGE THE WEEK. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 BUSINESS OUTLOOK, REPORTS FROM PRINCIPAL CITIES. . . . . . 4 DUN'S INDEX NUMBER. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 MONEY AND BANKS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 SEPTEMBER EARNINGS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 THE PRODUCE MARKETS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .8 STOCKS AND RAILROADS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 BANK EXCHANGES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 THE INDUSTRIES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 FAILURES AND DEFAULTS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 FOREIGN TRADE: THE OUTLOOK ABROAD. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 FOREIGN CONTRACTS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 SALES AND SHIPMENTS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 FOREIGN BUSINESS OPPORTUNITIES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 INDUSTRIAL NOTES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 TRANS-OCEANIC SAILINGS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 INVESTMENT NEWS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 THE WEEK. No better evidence of prosperous domestic conditions could be desired than the fact that Dun's index number has attained the highest point of the decade. On November, 1st the average annual expenditure for the necessaries of life, ascertained by taking such quantities as represent the per capita consumption, was at the rate of $97.74. This is an increase of 7 per cent. as compared with November 1, 1900, and 40 per cent. over the low record touched during 1897. In sporadic cases prices rise through special influences such as short crops, restricted production or speculative manipulation, but the whole range moves upward only through vigorous consumptive demand which does not come except when there is full employment at good wages. More seasonable weather in many sections has stimulated retail distribution of merchandise during the past week, and collections are generally prompt, with few extensions asked. Despite the insufficient supply of rolling stock, railway earnings in October were 9.7 per cent. larger than last year and 20.8 per cent. over 1899. Bank exchanges at New York exceeded those of the same week in 1900 by 30.0 per cent., and 1899 by 15.4 per cent., while at other leading cities the gain over last year amounted to 25.6 per cent, and compared with 1899 the increase was 17.5 per cent. Little relief has been afforded the leading manufacturing industry in the matter of transporting facilities. In fact the situation on the whole is less satisfactory since inability to secure coke has brought about the banking of some furnaces. This in turn tends to harden the market for pig iron, though no actual alteration in prices has occurred, except at Philadelphia, where 25 cents more a ton is readily paid. As this industry is considered the best business barometer, present conditions and future prospects are certainly most encouraging for orders are abundant and plants enlarging capacity in order to handle the growing business. Material is purchased now for much structural work in the spring, and additional contracts are seeking acceptance. Railway needs were never as pressing, every form of equipment being sought, and it is possible that more orders will be placed abroad. Yet quotations are not inflated and the conservative attitude of leading manufacturers is the best evidence that stability will continue. Labor troubles and low water have been added to the difficulty arising from car shortage, making three retarding influences affecting the output of coal just when the export demand has become a factor of importance. Textile mills in New England are busy and there is no longer any fear of labor controversy at Fall River. Print cloths have ceased to be inflated, standard widths resuming the former quotation of three cents and meeting with a fair demand. Domestic buying of all staple cottons is seasonably quiet and the views of exporters are still below those of sellers. Recent declines in the raw material have not weakened prices, as there was no commensurate advance in goods when the cotton market was rising. Reports from the South indicate that spindles are well occupied. In woolens there is a free movement of women's dress goods and orders are plentiful in heavy weight lines for immediate delivery. The season has reduced manufacturers' stocks of heavy woolens and worsteds to a low point, and recent unprecedented buying of raw material indicates that orders come forward freely. Footwear is firm at last week's advance, and eastern manufactures are beginning work on spring orders. Shipments from Boston for the year thus far exceed last year's by half a million cases, according to the Shoe & Leather Reporter. As production at the West and South is also rapidly increasing, the nation's output for 1901 will far surpass all records. Leather is held at the best prices of the season and dry hides rose further on heavy sales. Weather conditions were the chief factors in determining price changes of staple products. Low temperature in grain growing States brought a higher level of quotations; corn rising 23 cents above the figure ruling at the corresponding date last year, and 26 cents over 1899. These advances of more than 50 per cent, are far in excess of the ratio of loss in production and establishes a fictitious price level which curtailed Atlantic exports to 642,142 bushels for the week, against 2,520,170 bushels last year, and 3,458,104 two years ago. On the other hand, wheat is moving out freely at both coasts, shipments from the United States for the week amounting to 5,651,472 bushels, against 3,210,164 bushels in the same week of 1900, and 3,927,203 in 1899. Vigorous milling and foreign demands caused a fair advance in price to about last year's figure, despite the difference in output. Cotton weakened still further, port and interior movements indicating a better crop than was anticipated. At the lower price, however, exports are heavy and tend to prevent any serious reaction. Coffee advanced despite the record-breaking supply. Further shipments of gold have been made without unsettling the money market or depressing securities. Preparation for November interest distribution increased loans and reduced the cash holdings of local banks, but this money will soon gravitate back through the usual channels. Grain moving has ceased to cause shipment of funds to the West, and southern requirements for cotton handling are less heavy. Western banks will shortly restore their reserves to New York correspondents, gold from Alaska is transferred east and the Treasury has bought bonds freely. Government receipts for November thus far scarcely exceed expenditures, so that there is no absorption of funds on this account. The net result has been steady rates for money, with no more disturbing influence than the prospect of moderate loan expansion through the heavy stock exchange transactions. Railway shares were advanced by purchases for investment, good statements of earnings, expectation that the long delayed northwestern deal had terminated, and general confidence in the future. Foreign exchange holds remarkably firm in view of large cotton and wheat exports and buying of railway stocks for London account. The fundamental difficulty is in European conditions, the decrease of over $20,000,000 in British October imports giving an indication of the tendency. Liabilities of failures in the first week of November were only $1,121,982, against $1,360.967 last year, and $1,331,647 two years ago. Manufacturing defaults were $336,945 and trading $765,029. Failures for the week numbered 243 in the United States against 201 last year, and 33 in Canada against 18 last year. [*17640*]4 DUN'S REVIEW. THE BUSINESS OUTLOOK. Reports from Principal Cities of the United States and Canada. Boston.—With cooler weather there has been considerable retail trade in seasonable goods and sales of clothing, dry goods and other lines are in larger volume than last month. Still colder weather, however, is needed to further reduce stocks on the shelves of retailers. In wholesale departments quiet conditions prevail in cotton and woolen goods, but all the bulk of the mills are busy on contracts. In wool the sales this week are naturally smaller than last, when upwards of 20,000,000 pounds were sold, but there is still a good demand and several million pounds have been sold at previous prices as a rule, but at an advance of half a cent in some instances, the tendency of prices being upward. Local dealers have sent buyers to Western markets where supplied are held above the parity of the East. Shipments for the week from Boston have been 5,647,021 pounds compared with 5,024,710 pounds in the previous week, showing that manufacturers are taking up a good quantity of that recently bought. Business in footwear is fair but new contracts are checked by the firmness of makers, who generally ask prices 2 ½ cents over late quotations. Leather is very firm with a good movement on old contracts. Hides have been quiet but with no tendency to react from the prices recently quoted. Lumber and building materials, with iron and steel products are moving freely, with the general demand still good. The grain export business shows slight improvement and low ocean freight rates still prevent the usual active movement. New England demand for coarse grain is active with supplies small and prices steadily advanced. Flour also is very firmly held by the mills, and in feedstuffs there has been a good business at prices about a dollar higher a ton than last week. Money is a trifle firmer owing to the announcement of gold exports. Time loans quoted at 4 ½ to 5 per cent. Portland, Me.—Retail trade continues very good, although in some lines not as active as with colder weather, and continued lack of rain hampers the driving of logs for supplying the saw mills in finishing the season's run. Jobbers in all branches are well supplied with orders and report business fully holding up. Buffalo.—In the dry goods trade the volume of business continues above normal in both wholesale and retail lines. Winter goods are in good demand, and wholesale stocks are pretty well sold out. Business in boots and shoes is good, with encouraging prospects. Collections are satisfactory and prices remain firm. In pig iron business is brisk, with firmer prices, an advance of 50 cents per ton having taken place on all grades for future delivery. Local furnaces have no manufactured stock on hand, and have sold a large portion of their output up to next July. The situation in the anthracite coal trade is a little improved this week, and the shortage of cars is not felt quite as seriously, but bituminous dealers are still unable to fill their orders, and prices are being advanced in some quarters. In lumber the better grades of pine are advancing as there is some scarcity locally. Business is active with good outlook. Shingles are scarce and in good demand. Collections are satisfactory, and business for this season of the year is better than usual. Total imports of the port for October, 1900, were $499,067 as against $577,888 for last month. Total exports were $1,094,314 for October, 1900 and $1,337,343 for October, 1901. Principal receipts for the week ending November 2d, 426,903 barrel flour, 1,924,841 bushels wheat, 622,868 bushels flaxseed, 6,091,000 feet lumber. Shipments of coal were 107,344 tons. Philadelphia.—The iron and steel market is firm, and there is great activity reported in all lines. Local mills are busy on large orders and prices are steady. Coal is in good demand and machinery trade is much stimulated by increased activity in the iron market. During the month of October the Building Inspection Bureau issued 904 permits, the estimated cost of the operations being upwards of $3,000,000, which was exceeded during the present year only in the months of May and July. Among the permits are two office buildings, the estimated cost of which is $500,700, and three apartment and tenement houses, $480,000. Conditions in the wholesale lumber trade are good, and the volume of business satisfactory, prices firm, in some lines advancing, with a tendency to stiffen in all. Retail yards report a marked improvement in business since the late spring and early summer months. Furniture manufacturers continue busy, and retail dealers are doing about the usual trade. Dealers in building materials, report at least average sales for season of the year. The opinion in the wool trade is that prices have reached lowest point. The indications are of a steady improvement, and while prices show no material change, the market is firm on all desirable grades, with manufacturers buying conservatively, but in a steady way. Prices continue high in sole and harness leather, and purchases are free from hand to mouth. There is a scarcity also noted in goat skin, importers experiencing difficulty in filling orders. Shoe manufacturers report excellent business, large orders coming in from western and southern sources. Shoe jobbing trade has fallen off somewhat, and city retail trade is quiet. In builders' hardware business keeps up to the average. Carriage builders report a falling off in trade, but carriage hardware lines continue active. The fur trade shows signs of improvement. The trade in paints is active, but prices are in an unsettled condition. Trade in drugs is not large, but prices are steady. Manufacturers of and wholesale dealers in paper report trade conditions as continuing to be very satisfactory, prices remaining firm, the volume fully up to the normal and collections good. Publishers report more orders than they can promptly fill, while bookbinders are said to be crowded with work. Wholesale millinery dealers report trade as stimulated somewhat by the cooler weather of the past few days, but not up to the normal as yet. Retailers also find a little improvement. Collections are reported fair, and prices fully maintained. Manufacturing and wholesale jewelers report trade as still below the normal for this time of year, with collections satisfactory. Retailers in this line also complain of duller trade than usual for this season of the year. There is a fair demand for spirits, and whiskies are selling moderately and prices are well maintained. Gins and brandies are a little quiet, but there is a fair inquiry for wines. The wholesale leaf tobacco trade has been a little more active during the past week, and fair inquiry is made for Wisconsin and Connecticut, with moderate sale. Sumatra is selling fairly well, but Havana is quiet, and the supply said to be somewhat small. The large cigar manufacturers continue fairly active, and most of them are working full time. Orders are principally from southern and western districts, local trade being quiet. Money is steady, business is rather light and rates are quoted at 5 per cent. for call, and 4 ½ per cent. for time loans. Pittsburg.—In the iron and steel market the shortage of railroad cars has become a matter of much concern. The inability of the railroads to move coke has caused the suspension of operations at about 20 blast furnaces in the Pittsburg district, reducing the pig iron production in this section about 5,000 tons a day. This condition is unfortunate at this time, as the furnaces and mills are crowded with orders, and this shut down will run the business now placed into next year for delivery. The reduction of the pig iron output has increased the price of forge iron and several thousand tons were sold during the week at $14.75 per ton, an increase of 50 cents over the former quotations. Foundry iron is an active feature of the market and a large tonnage has been sold by the Pittsburg producers within the past ten days at advanced prices, contracts for delivery running through the first half of next year. The merchant bar market is an active one and about 8,000 tons of new business was booked during the week. The principal sheet producer is gradually working up delayed business and is now in a position to take new business for lighter gauges of sheet for delivery in six weeks or more, while orders in the heavy gauge have to wait about three months. For No. 28 gauge the ruling price is $3.10, but for stock sheets $3.50 can be obtained. The domestic producers of ferro maganese have not as yet met the reduced prices of the foreign product delivered in this market. The leading producer here still holds to the price of $52.50 a ton, while the imported products sell at $50 a ton, delivered at Pittsburg. There is a renewed activity in plates and during the week past Pittsburg producers booked about 10,000 tons new business. In the steel rail market additional orders continue coming in and the amount of business taken thus far runs close to, if not over, 2,000,000 tons. There has been a cut of 33 ½ per cent. on small sizes of window glass, but how long this will continue, or whether a further reduction will be made and extended to the whole list cannot be ascertained. Representatives of the American and Independent companies will meet the Window Glass Jobbers' Association in New York on November 18th, when the Jobbers' Association will place a large order with the two combinations, and it is expected that it will be for close to 1,000,000 boxes. There is a slight slowing up in the plate glass trade which is accounted for by the slow delivery of steel which has delayed building operations. There is a good demand in sight and prices are firm and unchanged. Baltimore.—General collections continue poor, though some improvement is reported from southern territory. The feature in clothing is the unusual demand for overcoats in gray and black oxford, many factories being unable to fill orders. Light buying early in the season is being offset by duplicate orders for staple patterns, especially in serges and flannels. The dry goods market is dull; prints are higher and cottons firm. Boot and shoe sales are small in volume, though prices are steadily advancing. Business in millinery and notions is looking up and there is a good demand for straw and stiff hats. Shirt factories are only fairly busy, but the season's trade in toys and holiday goods is very large. Furniture manufacturersmittee. Senator Platt was vexed when he heard of this recommendation. He did not know just to whom it was due, but he had a very cross half hour. 17641 Capt. Goddard, who was also a candidate for the nomination for Mayor, desired to be made Collector of the Port himself. The relations between Collector Bidwell and Capt. Goddard have not been pleasant since Capt. Goddard was made Republican leader of the Twentieth district and made a proposition to Collector Bidwell which Collector Bidwell rejected. President Roosevelt now knows of that proposition, and he knows of the proposition that Capt. Goddard made to Gov. Odell and to Col. Asa Bird Gardiner, when Mr. Gardiner was District Attorney. The President is not now regarding Capt. Goddard a suggestions as to Collector Bidwell. President Roosevelt was told by the [?] Republicans, who desired to THE EVENING STAR WASHINGTON MONDAY..........November 11, 1901. [WA]SHINGTON, D. C., MO AT THE WHITE HOUSE Considering a Successor to Collector Sapp. FIELD DAY FOR KENTUCKIANS Recommendations Made for Ten Justices of the Peace. TODAY'S APPOINTMENTS Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor, accompanied by Henry W. Szegdy, president of the Steel and Copper Plate Printers' Union, saw the President this morning to protest against the arrest of Sontiago Iglesias, who was sent to Porto Rico by the Federation of Labor to organize the workingmen of that Island. Before Mr. Iglesias left the United States Mr. Gompers had an interview with the President and explained the purpose of the visit of the labor representative. Mr. Gompers asked that Gov. Hunt be notified that Iglesias' mission was not to stir up strife, but simply to organize labor along legitimate lines. At that time Mr. Gompers told the President that Mr. Iglesias, during the Spanish ascendancy, had opposed the Spanish regime and had been imprisoned, having been liberated when the American troops reached San Juan. Mr. Gompers asked that Mr. Iglesias be given the protection and aid of the American officials. By the President's direction, Secretary Cortelyou wrote to Gov. Hunt concerning the Iglesias mission. That letter was dated October 19. Last Saturday Mr. Gompers was surprised to receive the following cable from Mr. Iglesias, who left this country for Porto Rico about a week ago: "Was arrested when stepped ashore. No warrant was shown. Ignored (ignorant) charges. Remain jail." This cable Mr. Gompers showed to the President, and the President immediately sent an inquiry to Governor Hunt as to the cause of the arrest. Mr. Gompers expressed the greatest surprise that his representative should have been arrested, and the President himself was puzzled. During Mr. Gompers' interview today he submitted to the President, by a former request of the latter, a brief setting forth the desires of organized labor as to labor legislation. This brief asks for the renewal of the Chinese exclusion act, the extension of the eight-hour law, the enlargement of the alien contract labor law and the convict labor bill. Mr. Gompers was especially anxious that the President should recommend the re-enactment of the Chinese exclusion act, and he came away impressed with the belief that the President would do so. 17642