NEW YORK ATHLETIC CLUB Nov 8th 02 Mr Theodore Roosevelt Dear Sir: I trust now you are satisfied with your work of distruction. After throwing N.Y. state to the Democratic Party, you were not satisfied with the drubbing you got, but just to spite a personal feeling against Mr Taft because you could not run Mr Taft to suit yourself you, throw the U.S. into Democratic hands. Of all conceited egotist you are the worst. You were forced into the Presidency by a terrible murder, and you had not the grace and dignity to retire a rotten President did. I voted for you three times, but never again. I was disgusted with you when you returned from Africa, to seeyou, the ex President of the U.S. standing up in your carriage bowing and scraping to a lot of shop Girls. You reminded me of a clown from Barnums [Circus] circus coming down 5th ave You have no more dignity that a sick cat. You say down with the Bosses, was there ever a convention more Bossed than your Chicago convention, your motto is - "Thou shall have no other Boss but me I trust you will worry yourself politically, and retire from the limelight We have had enough of you Yours truly Edward Yahenck[*2*] 6538 Normal Ave Chicago Ills Nov 8 1902 Friend Theodore I notice by the 'papers' you are contemplating a little "outing" for bear & other things in Mississippi I have a little tract of land located along the Little Sun Flower River 7 miles North East of Watsonia Severn Miles South East of Carry Station & 12 miles South of Rolling Fork County Seat of Sharkey Co Miss On this land I have a goodly number of bear and a good herd of deer & a "right smart" of turkeys & other game. They are all in mighty fine condition now as, persimmons & pecans are ripe & falling. My bear are all of the pure bred "Ursa Major" kindhave shortish bob tails + small roundish ears My deer are of the red variety of the very best Virginia stock with short tails beautifully cottoned on the underside about 8 to 10 inches long which they carry well up in action in fact seen on the run you might think they had been nicked pricked + pompadoured by some horse broker but its natural in traveling they carry their tails on high so as to have them out of the way to prevent interferring my turkeys are all pure Bronze Native Americans but not know nothings by any means The bear are not suspicious + are liable to run on to you most any where The deer if you lay low + keep quiet will give you some good shots but the turkey are shyer than the deuce however if you have a good caller + can use it properly you cancall them up within good shot gun range but I prefer the rifle, with that you know just what you are doing, But here let me jog your elbow privately, leave that man Cortelyou at home he'll sneak in ahead of you & steal your best shots every time you perhaps remember how it was last week at Manassas My friends the Houston Boys own most of the land in Sharkey & Washington Counties bordering on the Big & Little Sun Flowers about 160000 acres in all, but they are good Republicans & I doubt not would write with me in extending to you the freedom of the forests bordering on the Sun Flowers. Should you make the acquaintance of Major Hawberlin of Watsonia you will find a perfect gentleman of the old school to whom"stranger is a holy name" He has hunted bear deer & Turkey in those woods for the last 40 or 50 years he has some good hounds & will I doubt not give you a right Royal Welcome Cols A.J. Mc Laurin or N J Baggett of Rolling Fork might give you some friendly information but I dont think they keep any "bear dogs" The people in that region are all protectionists & expansionists decidedly Republican in principle till it comes to Negro Suffrage then they are decidedly democratic, but pretty good fellows generally. Should you see any long tailed bear or deer, with a hole in the right ear and a hole & slit in the left ear or any white or yaller turkeys they belong to the Houston Boys But all others are mine & if you see em plug em at sight There are some fine swan geese & ducks a long the Water Courses & bass & other fish in the streams That would make a sportsmans elbows tingle, & his heart leap for joy. Hoping you will play ping pong with the game in that section & congratulating you on the very satisfactory election results of last Tuesday I am Very Truly Yours Newton A ThroopJames H. Wilson 1305 Rodney Street. Wilmington, Delaware. [shorthand] Personal. November 8, 1902. [*ackd 11-8-1902*] To the President, White House Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. President: I enclose herewith a clipping from the Chicago Tribune in reference to the address which I delivered to the Commercial Club of Chicago on our Relations with Cuba. It may interest you to see how strongly the view put forward by me is approved by that most influential Republican journal. I also enclose copy of a letter just received from Goldwin Smith, not doubting you will be glad to know that aged philosopher looks at the coal strike arbitration. The results of our election here are more than gratifying to us so far as Addicks is concerned. He is laid out certain, as we have two more votes in the new legislature than we had in the last one. Manifestly we hold the balance of power, and at least one straight Republican will be elected to the Senate, though it is perhaps too soon to speak with confidence even on that point. The final determination must rest largely with the Democrats. They have had a better chance this time to win than they ever had before, and that chance was what they played for. The worst result growing out of the election was the defeat of Dr. Ball, and this became inevitable when it became certain that Addicks would not withdraw his man Byrne. His malicious purpose of course was to beat Dr. Ball, and thus lay a claim for the control of#2 To the Pres. of the federal patronage in this state through himself as a member of the National Committee. I know of no important office that there will be to dispose of except that of the United States District Attorney. You may recall I suggested to you the name of John Percy Nields, Esq., for that office, and he was appointed by Judge Bradford, both Bradford and Gray concurring in the opinion that he was altogether the best fitted man in the state for the place. Your nomination of him to the Senate would be in order whenever you think proper to make it. There is no reason why it should not be made now and it would confer credit upon your Administration. You will be glad to know that is is conceded by all right-minded men that the federal offices in this state have never been better filled than they are at the present. Dr. Ball has made a most excellent Congressman and nothing but pure malice has been at the bottom of his defeat. To bring this about Addicks has spent, according to the best records I have heard, something in the neighborhood of $100,000 and it is safe to say he has bought every venal or purchasable voter whether Democrat or Republican, in the state, and among the latter are almost the entire colored vote. Wishing you a pleasant time during your southern trip, I am, Very sincerely yours, James H. Wilson[For 2 encs. see 11-6-02 ca 10-31-02 1 attachment see 11-8-02]Telegram. White House, Washington November 8, 1902. [*Wrote Dr. Crum. 11-8-1902*] MEMO. FOR MR. BARNES: Mr. Capers is stopping at the Raleigh. He says the name and address is Dr. W. (thinks William) D. Crum, 98 Coming Street, Charleston, S.C. (Mr. Capers says be sure and end the name with the "m" for he is the whole leaf, not a crumb.)XX [*C?*] White House, Washington. November 8, 1902. Memorandum for the President: The Postmaster General telephones that Mr. Addicks will reach the city at 6:30, and will be glad if the President will indicate what hour this evening and where - whether at the new office building or at the White House proper - the President can see them. [*9 p.m.*] [shorthand]James H. Wilson, Wilmington, Del. Nov.8 1902. Encloses clipping from Chicago Tribune regarding his address on our relations with Cuba. Also sends copy of letter from Goldwin Smith, giving his views regarding coal strike arbitration. Results of election are gratifying - the worst result being the defeat of Dr. Ball, due to refusal of Addicks to withdraw his man Byrne, his purpose being to secure control of federal patronage in the State. Only important office to be filled is U.S. District Attorney, and nomination of John Percy Nields for the place will be in order whenever the President thinks proper to make it. Best wishes for a pleasant southern trip.[attached to Wilson 11-8-02][*[ca 11-8-02]*] [*File*] Throop, Newton A. Chicago, Ill. Extends an invitation to the President to hunt on his tract located along the Little Sun Flower River, Miss. Has bear, deer, turkeys and other game. Writer is rather apprehensive that Secretary Cortelyou might take the best shots, as he did last week at Manassas.[attached to Throop 11-8-02][*[11-9-02?]*] Ellsworth Maine [*ackd *] SENATE CHAMBER. 9th November [*[1902?]*] My dear Mr. President. The kind note of inquiry about my coming on here has been received - I am pretty well worn by another sharp attack of indigestion The elections are great all around. Our sails are full & with your good steering we shall have an easy time & the doctors promise to let me off for the Washington journey in a few days - Hoping then to see you soon, I am With high respects Sincerely Yours Eugene Hale[ppfpr] Manila, P. I. November 9, 1902. My dear Mr. President: I write to thank you from the bottom of my heart for the great honor which you have done me in inviting me to become a member of the Supreme Court. I very much regret that I could not accept the appointment, but under the conditions which now exist here it seemed very clear to me that I ought to decline. We are just now in a critical situation. I have described the situation as candidly and as truthfully as I can in my report to the Commission and in the Commission report which I drafted, and which you will have when this letter reaches you as they go forward by the same mail. Since the report was drafted and since I answered your dispatch another complication has arisen which offers possibilities even more troublesome and portentous than the other difficulties which I have mentioned. Padre Gregorio Aglipai was an Ilocano priest of the Roman Catholic church, who joined the insurrection movement in its inception and was finallyNo. 2. excommunicated for immoral life I believe, the real cause being his withdrawal from the church into the insurrection. He became an insurgent leader, and had the reputation, - how justly I am not fully advised, - of being one of the most cruel of insurgent commanders. He was the last of the insurgent leaders to surrender in the far north. When we made our northern trip, as was our habit, we took the insurgent leaders who had surrendered with us, and among others Aglipai. In order to balance matters, we took Father McKinnon with us also. It now appears that Aglipai at that time was engaged in soliciting the sympathy and aid of Filipino priests in an independent church movement. This he has now successfully inaugurated, and he has been able to do it because of the failure of Rome to agree to withdraw the Spanish friars. He secured a large body of followers in most of the parishes which he has visited, and the disposition of the people is to turn out of the church building the parish priest and allow Aglipai to say mass. While the people love catholicism, they are not fully charged with veneration for Rome, because they think they never have received from Rome a recognition of the Filipinos, and the last action of Rome has confirmed them in this view. AsNo. 3. Father Aglipai and his fifteen bishops, whom he has appointed, offer the same ceremony, the same relief, the same confessionals as the Roman Catholic Church, the people do not find near so much difficulty in changing from the Roman Catholic Church to what he calls the Independent Filipino Catholic Church as they do in transferring their allegiance from the Roman Catholic church to a protestant church. Of course, as I have had occasion to say a number of times publicly, our Government has nothing to do with church schisms of this sort, except that in the heat of religious controversies it not infrequently happens that the adherents of one side or the other violate the law, when the Government must punish the violators to whichever party they may belong. The people of the parishes have been taught to believe by Aglipai and his lieutenants, and indeed by the history of the church buildings generally in the Philippines, that it is the municipality or the people of the municipality who own the church buildings, and therefore that they may take them away from the regularly appointed parish priest and deliver them over to Aglipai. I have attempted to stop this matter by announcing that it does not make any difference who is the real owner of the churchNo. 4. I cannot permit a priest representing the Catholic Church in peaceable possession of the church for years as the agent of the Roman Catholic Church to be ousted by force, and that any attempt at such forcible dispossession will be restrained by the police, and the dispossessors punished as disturbers of the peace. I have told them that it is not for me to decide the question of title, that that must be decided in courts in a peaceable way, but that pending such decision in the courts, the possession must remain where it is. I have succeeded in quelling two disturbances with the apparent acquiescence of Aglipai and others assisting him, but he has gone today (Sunday) to Cavite and I have heard a rumor of forcible dispossession in that province, which is the worst province [*this has proved afterwards be untrue*] we have. His first attempt was in Manila where we had a very efficient police force and where I should have had no trouble in compelling obedience if it had not been rendered after I called a conference of all the persons interested. In Cavite, however, the situation is much less easy, because the police force there is by no means efficient. If this matter of taking churches spreads through the Archipelago, it will give us a great deal of trouble, because it may bring us into conflict with the No. 5. people of many communities inclined already to be lawless. The friars' paper, which is really run by the Dominican Order, has been on the whole the bitterest opponent of American Government, the most sneering reviler and critic of America generally and a pro-Spanish, pro-friar and anti-Filipino organ. You may remember that I mentioned the use of this paper by the friars in my correspondence with Rampolla. The Vatican sent word to the Bishop that it desired the attacks upon the American Government by that paper stopped and for a time the mouth of the paper seemed to be closed, but it broke out again one day in a villanous libel against General Bell, charging him with an attempt to embezzle a fund which he has accumulated for the purpose of feeding rice to the people. Bell wrote a statement of the facts and enclosed the article to General Davis, who sent it to me suggesting that some action ought to be taken before the courts. I sent the article to the Prosecuting Attorney, directing him to make investigation and to prosecute the offenders. This he has done. I am now in receipt of a letter from the Bishop, which was evidently dictated by one of his American lawyers, and which sounds to me as if he intended it for publication. I have not yet replied to it for INo. 6. have been having the columns of the Libertas searched to show by excerpts what kind of a paper it is. I should have been much more disposed to compromise as suggested by the Bishop, but for the tone of the letter which I enclose. I told his attorneys so, and he accordingly sent the second letter, but I am not content to leave the correspondence this way; for nothing is more unjust than his attack generally on the American authorities. The Bishop is greatly excited and is almost hysterical about Aglipai's movements; and it is very difficult for these Spanish Catholics to think that a Government is doing its duty which does not suppress such schismatic efforts as those of Aglipai and his followers. The Bishop published a pastoral letter some time ago, since I have returned to the Islands, which while it advises submission to American authorities contains running all through it arguments against America and American civilization and in favor of the Spanish rule and Spanish civilization. He is much excited by the Libertas article and the prosecution, as well as by the Aglipai troubles, because the Apostolic Delegate will arrive here on the 19th or the 20th of this month, and it will seem as if the orders of the Vatican had not been complied with when three of theNo. 7. editors of Libertas are under arrest for a libel upon a prominent government officer committed since the warning was sent from Rome. More than that he is afraid that the disturbances which Aglipai is making will seem to the delegate to vindicate our claim that the people are against the friars and friar domination of the Catholic Church in these Islands. So far Aglipai's movement may work in the direction [that we may wish] of convincing the higher authorities of the church that the action which we recommended, it would have been better for the church to take; but on the other hand these meetings of Aglipai, under the auspices of the Independent Filipino Catholic Church may be engineered by him into a covert insurrectionary movement. One of the worst insurrecto agitators, a crack-brained, irresponsible liar named Isabelo de los Reyes is working with Aglipai in this church movement, for the very purpose, I doubt not, of stirring up sedition and trouble for us. The trouble about dealing with a religious movement is, as General Wright would say, that it is "loaded at both ends" and one has to take it up with the greatest care. I am waiting to hear with very considerable anxiety what happened in Cavite today.No. 8. I have quite a cordial letter from the Apostolic Delegate, Archbishop Guidi, to whom I sent as cordial a telegraphic reply copies of which I enclose. I am cogitating now the question whether I ought not to invite him to stay with me for the first four or five days after his arrival in Manila to enable him to get settled. The great difficulty is that an Apostolic Delegate is surrounded at once by the very people whose case he comes out to decide and he must be a man of great strength of character if he can resist the influence. I have letters from Archbishop Ireland and Bishop O'Gorman that say that he is a very fine man and of broad and liberal tendencies. We have bought about 300,000 piculs (137-1/2 pounds to a picul) of rice and are storing it against a possible famine. We expect to sell it at cost price to the people in provinces where the supply is so short that the price but for our intervention would make it impossible for the people to buy. Our income for the last months has been greater than for any two months in the history of the Islands, but merchants are complaining bitterly and it seems likely that our income will be considerably reduced as the months go on. We are hoping profoundly that Congress will reduce the Dingley rates against Filipino products to but 25% of the ratesNo. 9. against foreign countries, and that it will give us a chance to have a gold standard. The losses due to fluctuation and depreciation of silver in these Islands, it would be hard to exaggerate. Tomorrow morning I shall have to issue a proclamation fixing the rate at 2.50, which will mean an actual loss to the Government of about $75,000., because it reduces the value of the silver in our vaults from 2.46 to 2.50. We have in this way lost in less than ten months about a round million of dollars gold. The papers publish a statement that Secretary Root has announced his intention of leaving your cabinet at the close of the session of Congress. I sincerely hope that this is not true. No greater calamity could happen to you or to us. We have had during the past week as our guests General and Mrs. Miles. General Miles has attempted to open discussion of his position with respect to the Secretary and with respect to the Civil Government here and the Army, but I have avoided any expression of my views or a continuance of the discussion, because I did not see that it would add to his comfort or mine, and it would not do while he was a guest in my house to bandy epithets with him. He is here to gather as muchNo. 10. evidence as he can to sustain his previous declarations, and he has not helped us as much as possible, by telling the Filipino ex-insurgent generals that came to call on him [as he has] that he had recommended the release of Mabini. Mabini it is true is a paralytic. His situation in life is such that he is more comfortable a prisoner than any other way, so that it costs him but little to be a martyr. He is a plotter and never misses an opportunity to say in his published letters something mean and nasty about the United States. If he declines to take the oath of allegiance, I do not see why he should be brought to the Islands to be a burden on us. He will become the center of all the plotting of the irreconcilables. After the staving off of possible famine, the most important thing we have to do is the furnishing an opportunity to these people to restock their farms, with draft cattle. That may take a very considerable amount of money, more than our resources will justify. We have not asked for any contribution of this kind, but if some kindly disposed member of Congress were to carry through an appropriation for two or three millions of dollars from the United States treasury to enable us toNo. 11. restore draft cattle to the Islands, it would have a wonderful effect not only actual but sentimental. I do not know that you would feel like recommending it in a special message, in view of the deplorable conditions here existing, or not, but I have observed in times past that generous actions of that kind are not so difficult with Congress as some things much more reasonable and urgent. If the appropriation were made, it ought not to provide for a gratuitous distribution of cattle, but only their purchase, transportation and sale at a low price, with the provision that the balance of the appropriation, if unexpended for the purpose, might be used in the establishment of a university. Such an appropriation, I think, was made to relieve Porto Rico when it was subjected to the dreadful tornado that destroyed her coffee plants, and it is suggested by the parallel in South Africa of the money appropriated to restock the Boer plantations. The conditions here are so exceptional that it need not form a precedent which would plague the government in its future relations to these Islands. Of course the larger the sum the better we should like it. I think the sum in the Porto Rico case was a million dollars. The destruction here is considerably greater thanNo.12 in the case of Porto Rico, and considering the size of the Archipelago and the extent of the cattle disease, three millions would not be excessive, but you will perhaps think that the analogy is not sufficiently close to justify the use of the rule of three, and we shall be content with any sum that Congress gives, if it gives anything. I would suggest that if you conclude to send in such a message that before you take the action, a consultation with the leading members of the House and Senate be had to see whether it could be passed, for the reason that the proposal by you and subsequent failure by Congress to act would have a much worse effect than if no such proposal had been made. This is the chief reason why I did not think it well to refer to the matter at all in my report or in the report of the Commission. Of course we shall be met with the objection that we have a surplus out of which we can meet such an expense, but the trouble is that the surplus is very much mortgaged with the necessity for taking the census, four millions for the harbor works, the expense of the St. Louis Exposition Filipino Exhibit, the increase of expenditure in the educational department and the amounts which we shall have to spend, whether we will or not, in aiding theNo. 13. provinces in their internal improvements. More than this I feel quite certain, in view of the dreadfully depressed condition of the country, that our income will fall much below what it has been this last year. Of course we can wait until the income does fall and then appeal, but the present time is the emergency, and it is now that it will be most appreciated. I received your cable today inquiring how Bowers would do, and I ventured to send you a long answer telling you what I thought. I do not wish to vary from anything that I said in that dispatch and I congratulate you on the happiness of the suggestion. Bowers was in the class after me and was known as the "bumming valedictorian." [*because he took part in everything and had time for everything, not because he was dissipated.*] He is a man of wonderful application, of most remarkable mind, of iron memory and unites with all these elements of genius great common sense. As a very young man, because of the reputation he had made as a lawyer in a comparatively small town in Minnesota, he was brought to Chicago to fill the place made vacant by the death of one of Chicago's great lawyers as general counsel for the Chicago & Northwestern System. He was very loath to take it because he did not wish to enter the employ of a corporation,No. 14. and because, as he wrote me, his highest ambition was to go upon the bench. I think he might have been elected a judge of the Supreme Court of Minnesota, but the risk was such and the offer of a salary of $25,000. a year was so tempting, with a young wife and several children, that he finally concluded to forego what he very much wished to accept. Bowers was a Bones man, so that I came to know him very well. He is originally from New Jersey, studied law in New York and was in the office of Chamberlain, Carter & Hornblower at the same time that Kelsey, the valedictorian of our class and my brother Harry were in that office. They both know him very well, and I thought that if you desired to sound him further, you might use one of them for the purpose. I saw him when I came east this time and I saw him when I left for the Philippines the first time, and on each occasion he has expressed the greatest sympathy for my work, the greatest interest in it and a strong approval of the policy of retaining the Philippines and making them part of the United States. He used the expression that he was "an original expansionist and an imperialist and did not mind saying so." I never discussed with him the InsularNo. 15. Cases that I can recollect, nor have I ever discussed with him the Addyston Pipe case. My impression is that he has been in one or two cases in which he has had to resist for his company the application of the anti-trust statute and the interstate commerce law, but I cannot remember what the cases were. I do not think that makes much difference for Bowers is a man of such judicial temperament and such fine discrimination that he would not permit his corporate associations to influence his judgment after he went on the bench. As it is his highest ambition to go on the bench, so an impartial judge is his highest ideal. You can be very sure that with him you will be adding great strength to the Supreme Court. I congratulate you again upon thinking of him as an appointee. The party calling itself the Democratic Party presented a platform to me, a copy of which I forwarded to Secretary Root. I labored with them and tried to get them to change it and they did make some changes, but the amendments really did not change the pernicious effect of the platform at this time, and so I wrote them an answer, a copy of which I enclose. I am not sure whether I have stubbed the fire down or not. I have not had timeNo. 16. to hear. I understand that the Party will issue its platform in spite of my disapproval. Paterno has been getting up another party with a platform considerably less objectionable, which I have allowed to go out with my blessing, because I think it a good deal better to have more than one party and by a judicious distribution of patronage show that we are anxious to include the whole body of the Filipino people and all factions in the Government. I wish to congratulate you on the speeches which you have been making in the country. I have not the slightest doubt that it was your work throughout the country that has resulted in saving Congress by a narrow margin to the Republicans. I do not mind the narrow majority, because it seems to me it will keep the Republicans on their good behavior. A large majority usually results in factions. It is perfectly evident, even at ten thousand miles from the scene, that you are becoming more and more the trusted leaders of the people. They have given you their confidence and you have acquired an influence over them that will enable you to guide the feeling against trusts and the abuses of accumulated capital, in such a way as to remedy its evils without a destruction of those principles of private property and freedom ofNo. 17. contract that are at the basis of all material and therefore of spiritual and intellectual progress. The blindness and greed of the so-called captains of industry would pass my comprehension if I had not been made acquainted with the unconscious arrogance of conscious wealth and financial success. By your course you are saving these gentlemen from a cataclysm that they do not seem to understand the danger of. By this I do not mean "the putting of stripes on millionaires," such as that marplot of the democratic party, Bryan, recommends, but I mean a conditions in the temper of the people which will permit excesses of restrictive and confiscatory legislation in respect to the use of capital, which will result in a paralysis of industries for a time and tremendous financial reverses. By taking the helm and taking the wind out of the sails of the populistic democracy's stupid, ignorant denunciation of capital and corporate wealth generally, you will enable the country to avoid a disaster, in which the innocent and the guilty would all have to suffer. I think you were quite right in urging that a constitutional amendment is necessary, if trusts are to be reached under federal auspices. Very fewNo. 18. cases really arise, under the principles of the decision of the Supreme Court in the sugar trust case, in which the federal arm can be used to strike down unlawful suppression of competition by aggregated wealth. The Pipe case was an exception. There are and can be very few cases so clean and clear cut as that was. Publicity too in the management of corporations under the protection of a charter granted by the state, which makes it reasonable to demand publicity is a remedy for much of the evil. In the long run I think it will be found that there is in many of the trust organizations the seed of their own destruction. They cannot be carried on without the most careful business management with success, and the commercial history of the United States is full of failures in attempted trusts. Nevertheless many of them do much harm, and direct legislation can be devised which will surround the establishment of such organizations to suppress competition with so many difficulties as very much to discourage them. Your escape from death in the trolley accident was a narrow one, and a thrill went through us all out here at the thought of how much was dependent on the continuance of your life. I sincerely hope that all the troublesome No. 19. effects of your injury have disappeared. I am glad to be able to report to you that I think I am in as good health as I was when I first came here. I have adopted the system of taking half an hours very strenuous exercise with dumb bells immediately after I get up every day. When I get a chance, I take other exercise late in the evening, but the constant exercise every morning puts me in good condition for the rest of the day. My children are quite well and are enjoying their life here. Mrs. Taft is not strong. She was prostrated nervously when I went home and has not completely recovered her strength. The calls upon her socially and upon me indeed are pretty heavy, and it makes a great strain on her. I gave General and Mrs. Miles a dinner and they were here at one of our receptions. We took them up into the country to visit Buencamino, and I think they have had a pleasant, though it has been a somewhat strenuous time. I sincerely hope that Mrs. Roosevelt and the children are well. General Davis and I are getting along most smoothly. He is a delightful man to work with. He has no other end in view than to be of the greatest assistance. INo. 20. am very sorry indeed that he will retire in July next. He is full of energy and of executive ability, and it seems too bad that the country should lose the benefit of the services of one of the ablest men it has. I wish to suggest to you, if I may, that in the appointment of the Canal Commission you consider his name. He was three years engaged in work on the Nicaraguan canal in investigating the canal question, and he probably knows as much about it as anyone whom you could appoint. It was he, you know, who finished the Washington Monument, and while he is not an educated civil engineer, he knows a great deal more than most of them and he is a thoroughly practical man. I do not think you could find a better man for a membership on that commission. Renewing again my expression of gratitude for your never failing kindness and confidence, believe me, my dear Mr. President, with the warmest regard and the highest respect, Sincerely yours, Wm. H. Taft.Telegram White House, Washington. Received in cipher. 3:35 p.m. MANILA, Nov. 9, 1902. President Roosevelt, Washington. Confidential. No abler man or lawyer in country; most judicial in mind; highest ambition for bench; free-trade democrat, of gold Cleveland type. Told me he welcomed expansion as good thing in itself; called himself an imperialist. From this suppose he approves majority opinion in insular cases, or at least not in favor of disturbing it on pipe case; cannot say definitely of course. Has been general counsel for Northwestern road for six years and has, I think, defended in some interstate commerce and anti-trust cases, but sole executive power in defense of corporation has been irksome to him; believe sincerely that corporate associations would not affect his views on bench. Beyond brilliant ability and profound knowledge of law, has remarkable levelheadedness and courage; has high ideals but favors common-sense methods of attaining the possible -- one of your kind of men. My brother Henry, or Kelsey of Title Guaranty, New York, could sound him. . . Taft. -JM&KQ-[*Ackd 11/22/1902 Ansd 11/24/1902 $40.14 ?*] [shorthand] Ordnance Office War Dept. Washington November 10, 1902 My dear Mr. President; I am sending today to your stable a box containing the following articles of horse equipment: A Whitman saddle without coat straps. A bridle with bit of model of 1892, except that it is provided with rings for double reins. A bit with longer upper branches. A service saddle cloth. A dress saddle cloth. A felt pad. [shorthand] ? $40.142. The bit with the longer upper branches is now being supplied experimentally in limited quantities, in order to meet an objection of General Carter that the bit of the model of 1892, when the upper branch is tilted forward, produces pinching of the horse's lip between the bar and the curb chain. The queer twist of the stirrup strap is given in order that the stirrup may hang normal, instead of parallel, to the horse's side. The felt pad is for use with either saddle cloth. The key of the box is enclosed herewith, and in the event of the material appearing satisfactory the 3. vouchers for payment will be sent you, which will amount to $38.43; unless you care to keep both bits, in which case the amount will be $40.14. Trusting that the material may prove serviceable, I am, Mr. President, Sincerely yours, William Crozier Brig.Gen.,Chief of Ordnance. His Excellency, The President of the United States.[*File*] [[shorthand]] The Arlington Washington D.C. Nov. 10/02. Dear Teddy: Many thanks for your kindness of this morning. Perhaps some good will come to a man that I do not believe bad & whose offence, if any, is immaterial & technical only. With greatest of good wishes for a pleasant trip Most sincerely, William A. Gaston Hon. Theodore Roosevelt[shorthand] [*Ackd 11-10-1902*] Washington, D. C., November 10th, 1902. Dear Mr. Cortelyou: Your letter of November 7th was not received by me until late Saturday evening, and this therefore is the first opportunity I have had of replying. I herewith enclose Paymaster's check for $121.26 which is the balance due the President. Very truly yours, [Gleaves] Albert Gleaves L't.Commander, U. S. N., Commanding MAYFLOWER.[[shorthand]] [*File*] UNITED STATES SENATE. [WASHINGTON.] Cleveland Nov 10/1902 My dear Mr. President, Thanks for your kind letter of the 8th inst. Your Conclusions are right in regard to the result in Ohio - as affecting the best interests of the country - I will not be able to go to Washington until Friday before Congress meets. The fact is I am in bad shape physicaly and must have all the rest I can get Besides, I have important personal business matterswhich I have neglected and which must have all the time at my disposal until the date mentioned Thanking you for the Consideration I remain Sincerely Yours M. A. HannaUnited States Senate, [shorthand] Cleveland, Ohio, November 10, 1902. [*ackd 11/21/1902*] Honorable George B. Cortelyou, Secretary of the President, Washington, D.C. My Dear Sir: Replying to your note of the 5th instant with reference to Mr. J. Ward Butler, who is an applicant for appointment as a naval cadet and whose application I have endorsed, will say that he is not the son of an army or naval officer. His father is a business man at Sandusky, and I understand a relative of Mr. Jay Cooke. Truly yours, M A HannaDepartment of State, Washington, November 10, 1902. Dear Mr. Cortelyou:- I have received your letter of the 8th of November enclosing one from Mr. Scott of the 4th, and have written directly to Mr. Scott a full explanation of the matter, in regard to which I have recently conversed with the President. The trouble in the case was that, while the President was considering the appointment of Mr. Ellis, Mr. Crossland took him with him to Monrovia, and on arriving he seems to have preferred that Mr. Spurgeon should remain, his relations with Ellis having cooled in the meantime. Yours very truly John Hay George B. Cortelyou, Esquire, Secretary to the President.[*Ackd 11-22-1902 C?*] "EVERY BUSINESS MORNING." NEW YORK COMMERCIAL AND NEW YORK PRICE CURRENT. ADDRESS all communications to the NEW YORK COMMERCIAL, 396 Broadway, New York. and NOT to individuals. [shorthand] D.O. HAYNES & CO., PUBLISHERS 396 BROADWAY 1-GMT NEW YORK November 10, 1902. George B. Cortelyou, Esq., Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. Cortelyou:- I am this morning in receipt of your find favor of the 8th, and will be pleased to arrange to come to Washington after the President's return which I understand will be about the 24th inst. Shall I leave the day for you to arrange, or do you wish me to bring the matter up later either direct or through Mr. Barry? There is one matter in connection with this work upon which I would like some information to guide us in our efforts. I assume that the President will make a pronounced recommendation for this Tariff Commission in his forth-coming message, and do you know if he expects that Congress will act on this matter during this short session? Personally, I feel as though it would be a most desirable political move to provide for this Commission as soon as possible to satisfy the demand which is certainly growing, for some changes in our Tariff schedules. Our general work with these petitions is progressing nicely, and every mail brings us in a batch of them, and I know many others that are being circulated. One firm alone, the Cudahy Packing Co., of Omaha, have instructed all of their 50 branches to circulate these petitions, and I had a telegram from Portland, Oregon a few days since asking for 600 petition blanks. In addition to this general work, I wanted to call upon the names in that list which you kindly furnished me through Mr. Barry, and some other parties whom I know, to bring all the pressure they could to bear upon their members of Congress through their business organizations, but I don't want to call upon these people unless the President expects Congress to take action on his recommendation at this short session. If this matter is on the slate for this session I will immediately pull all the wires that I can to help it along; but if it is to be postponed it would be advisable to save our ammunition until the fight is on. Will appreciate your confidential advices on this point. Is the time ripe to call upon these reserve forces, or had I better wait until after my talk with the President? I don't want to lose these two weeks' time if the President is anxious to have the matter pushed through at this short session. With personal regards, I beg to remain, Very truly yours, DO Haynes[[shorthand]] [*File*] 49 Broadway New York. November 10, 1902. My dear Mr. President: I am very much gratified to think that you had me in mind, and considered it of enough consequence, at this juncture, to send me your pleasant congratulatory note of the 6th. I thank you. Hoping to see you in the future, I remain, Faithfully yours, T. C. Platt The President, Washington, D. C. Hm[*ackd 11-26 1902] [*Crum Case*] City of Charleston. Executive Department November 10, 1902 PERSONAL Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou Secretary to the President My dear Mr. Cortelyou: I have your favor of the 7th instant this morning, in which you say: "The President desires me to ask you to be good enough to specify the grounds of protest against the appointment of Dr. Crum. "The President has heard well of him." In doing this at the President's own request, I must speak with the utmost frankness, recognizing as I do, this quality as the leading characteristic in the President's mode of treating matters, and asking towards him, exactly as I know he would do towards me, were our relative positions reversed. My reasons for objecting to the appointment of Dr. Crum to be Collector of the Port of Charleston, are chiefly the same that led me, with others, to the successful opposing of the confirmation of his appointment to the Postmastership of the City by President Harrison. It was stated at that time, and never disproved, that this appointment by President Harrison, was in fulfillment of a promise made for services rendered at the Republican National Convention when he was nominated forCity of Charleston, Executive Department 18 President. This was substantiated by Senator Wolcott, one of the Senate Committee, who, in our presence, charged Dr. Crum with having gone to that National Convention pledged to vote for Mr. Blaine, and with having sold out to Mr. Harrison upon a promise of receiving this very appointment to the Charleston Postmastership. This nomination of Dr. Crum was so extremely distasteful to the citizens of Charleston that a Committee consisting of President McGahan of the Chamber of Commerce, President O'Neill of the Merchant's Exchange and myself as President of the Cotton Exchange, representing the business interests of Charleston, appeared before the Senate Committee to whom this Presidential nomination was referred and successfully protested against its confirmation. For the same reasons we are ready to appear before the President or the Senate Committee and again do all in our power to prevent again his nomination, or its confirmation if made. The objections then, and they are as true now as then, are his absolute unfitness either by training or experience for either of these important Offices. He knows nothing of business methods; has little or no acquaintance with our business community; does not possess a single qualification for this high and honorable office; is utterly unfamiliar#3 City of Charleston, Executive Department 18 with the nice business questions involved in daily routine of the Collector's Office; and could not discharge its duties satisfactorily to the merchants of Charleston or to the United States Government. When he was appointed Postmaster he was represented as being a prominent colored citizen, well known and highly esteemed by our business men. This was proven to be absolutely untrue. President McGahan had lived in Charleston over forty years, President O'Neill and myself all our lives. We had been Presidents of these three Commercial Bodies, each of us for several years, and had been actively engaged in business for a long time, and yet neither one of us had ever heard of Dr. Crum, or had ever seen or known him, until he was pointed out to us on the cars en route to Washington. We may have seen him since then, and heard of him in his principal capacity as a periodic candidate for Federal Office, but we have never met him, nor would we recognize him if we saw him on the Streets. His appointment, now as then, would be considered purely and entirely a political deal. It would be recognized simply as a political reward for past services, or a bid for political support in the future,#4. City of Charleston, Executive Department. 18 without any consideration to the wishes of the business men of Charleston, or to the interests of the United States Government. I say nothing of Dr. Crum's present character and life, for I know nothing of them, as I have never been called to investigate them. I do know, however, that there has been no change, since he was defeated for the Postmastership, that would make him any more fitted now to discharge acceptably, the responsible duties of the Collectorship, involving as they do dealings of the most delicate and intricate nature with our Merchants and citizens of all classes. Had President Roosevelt lived in South Carolina during the period of Reconstruction between 1865 and 1876, and witnessed with his own eyes, as I did, the unspeakable degradation to which the white people were brought by the missrule and open robbery and oppression of the Carpetbagger and the negro, when even Northern writers characterized our proud Palmetto State, one of the original thirteen, as the Prostrate State, and Gov. Chamberlain, our Republican Governor, declared that the civilization of the Puritan and the Cavalier was endangered by the horde of plunderers and renegades who filled our offices, he would better understand why#5 City of Charleston, Executive Department 18 the white people of South Carolina, Republicans and Democrats alike, rose together as one man, and swept that filthy crew into oblivion. He would appreciate too why as Anglo-Saxons, we have sworn never again to submit to the rule of the African, and why such an appointment as that of Dr. Crum to any such office forces us to protest unanimously against this insult to the white blood that courses through President Roosevelt's veins, as well as through ours. If there were no white Republicans available for this appointment, this might be given as an excuse, but not a satisfactory one, for in some of the conversations I had the honor of having with the President, I understood him distinctly to say he would never force a negro on such a community as ours, while he might consider it his duty to continue a negro in an office where he found him, providing he was discharging its duties satisfactorily. The President knows, and so do we, that there are white Republicans, such as Dr. Collins, far more competent from their business training to discharge the duties of the Collectorship than Dr. Crum. I earnestly but respectfully, representing the business interests of Charleston,#6. City of Charleston. Executive Department 18 urge his Excellency to select one of them, as he did Mr. Harris for Postmaster, and not to inflict the injury and the insult upon the white people of Charleston, of placing an incompetent man in a position of authority over them, who has no other qualification for the position than that of being a negro. Yours very truly, J Adger Smyth Mayor.[For 1. attachment see 11-10-02 Smyth 11-10-02]Department of State, Washington, November 10, 1902. Dear Mr. Cortelyou:- I have received your letter of the 8th of November enclosing one from Mr. Scott of the 4th, and have written directly to Mr. Scott a full explanation of the matter, in regard to which I have recently conversed with the President. The trouble in the case was that, while the President was considering the appointment of Mr. Ellis, Mr. Cressland took him with him to Monrovia, and on arriving he seems to have preferred that Mr. Spurgeon should remain, his relations with Ellis having cooled in the meantime. Yours very truly John Hay George B. Cortelyou, Esquire, Secretary to the President."EVERY BUSINESS MORNING." NEW YORK COMMERCIAL AND NEW YORK PRICE CURRENT. ADDRESS all communications to the NEW YORK COMMERCIAL, 396 Broadway, New York. and NOT to individuals. D. O. HAYNES & CO., PUBLISHERS 396 BROADWAY 1-GMT NEW YORK November 10, 1902. [*Ackd 11-22-1902 CF*] George B. Cortelyou, Esq., Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. Cortelyou:- I am this morning in receipt of your kind favor of the 8th, and will be pleased to arrange to come to Washington after the President's return which I understand will be about the 24th inst. Shall I leave the day for you to arrange, or do you wish me to bring the matter up later either direct or through Mr. Barry? There is one matter in connection with this work upon which I would like some information to guide us in our efforts. I assume that the President will make a pronounced recommendation for this Tariff Commission in his forth-coming message, and do you know if he expects that Congress will act on this matter during this short session? Personally, I feel as though it would be a most desirable political move to provide for this Commission as soon as possible to satisfy the demand which is certainly growing, for some changes in our Tariff schedules. Our general work with these petitions is progressing nicely, and every mail brings us in a batch of them, and I know of many others that are being circulated. One firm alone, the Cudahy Packing Co., of Omaha, have instructed all of their 50 branches to circulate these petitions, and I had a telegram from Portland, Oregon a few days since asking for 600 petition blanks. In addition to this general work, I wanted to call upon the names in that list which you kindly furnished me through Mr. Barry, and some other parties whom I know, to bring all the pressure they could to bear upon their members of Congress through their business organizations, but I don't want to call upon these people unless the President expects Congress to take action on his recommendation at this short session. If this matter is on the slate for this session I will immediately pull all the wires that I can to help it along; but if it is to be postponed it would be advisable to save our ammunition until the fight is on. Will appreciate your confidential advices on this point. Is the time ripe to call upon these reserve forces, or had I better wait until after my talk with the President? I don't want to lose these two weeks' time if the President is anxious to have the matter pushed through at this short session. With personal regards, I beg to remain, Very truly yours, D O Haynes[[shorthand]] [*File*] 49 Broadway New York. November 10, 1902. My dear Mr. President: I am very much gratified to think that you had me in mind, and considered it of enough consequence, at this juncture, to send me your pleasant congratulatory note of the 6th. I thank you. Hoping to see you in the future, I remain, Faithfully yours, T. C. Platt The President, Washington, D. C. Hm[[shorthand]] [*Ackd 11-26-1902*] [*[& Crum Case]*] ÆDES MORES JURAQUE CURAT CAROLOPOLIS CONDITA A.D. 1670. CIVITATIS REGIMINE DONATA A.D. 1783 City of Charleston, Executive Department, November 10, [18] 1902 PERSONAL Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou Secretary to the President My dear Mr. Cortelyou: I have your favor of the 7th instant this morning, in which you say: “The President desires me to ask you to be good enough to specify “the grounds of protest against the appointment of Dr. Crum. “The President has heard well of him.” In doing this at the President's own request, I must speak with the utmost frankness, recognising as I do, this quality as the leading characteristic in the President's mode of trusting matters, and asking towards him, exactly as I know he would towards me, were our relative positions reversed. My reasons for objecting to the appointment of Dr. Crum to be Collector of the Port of Charleston, are chiefly the same that led me, with others, to be successful opposing of the confirmation of his appointment to the Postmastership of the City by President Harrison. It was stated at that time, and never disproved, that this appointment by President Harrison, was in fulfillment of made for services rendered at the Republican National Convention when he was nominated forÆDES MORES JURAQUE CURAT CAROLOPOLIS CONDITA A.D. 1670. CIVITATIS REGIMINE DONATA A.D. 1783 City of Charleston, Executive Department, 18 President. This was substantiated by Senator Wolcott, one of the Senate Committee, who, in our presence, charged Dr. Crum with having gone to that National Convention pledged to vote for Mr. Blaine, and with having sold out to Mr. Harrison upon a promise of receiving this very appointment to the Charleston Postmastership. This nomination of Dr. Crum was so extremely distasteful to the citizens of Charleston that a Committee consisting of President McGahan of the Chamber of Commerce, President O'Neill of the Merchant's Exchange and myself as President of the Cotton Exchange, representing the business interests of Charleston, appeared before the Senate Committee to whom this Presidential nomination was referred and successfully protested against its confirmation. For the same reasons we are ready to appear before the President or the Senate Committee and again do all in our power to prevent again his nomination, or its confirmation if made. The objections then, and they are as true now as then, are his absolute unfitness either by training or experience for either of these important Offices. He knows nothing of business methods; has little or no acquaintance with our business community; does not possess a single qualification for this high and honorable office; is utterly unfamiliarÆDES MORES JURAQUE CURAT CAROLOPOLIS CONDITA A.D. 1670. CIVITATIS REGIMINE DONATA A.D. 1783 City of Charleston, Executive Department, 18 #3 with the nice business questions involved in the daily routine of the Collector's Office; and could not discharge its duties satisfactorily to the merchants of Charleston or to the United States Government. When he was appointed Postmaster he was represented as being a prominent colored citizen, well know and highly esteemed by our business men. This was proven to be absolutely untrue. President McGahan had lived in Charleston over forty years, President O'Neill and myself all our lives. We had been Presidents of these three Commercial Bodies, each of us for several years, and has been actively engaged in business for a long time, and yet neither one of us had ever heard of Dr. Crum, or had ever seen or known him, until he was pointed out to us on the cars en route to Washington. We may have seen him since then, and heard of him in his principal capacity as a periodic candidate for Federal Office, but we have never met him, nor would we recognise him if we saw him on the Streets. His appointment, now as then, would be considered purely and entirely a political deal. It would be recognised simply as a political reward for past services, or a bid for political support in the future,ÆDES MORES JURAQUE CURAT CAROLOPOLIS CONDITA A.D. 1670. CIVITATIS REGIMINE DONATA A.D. 1783 City of Charleston, Executive Department, 18 #4. without any consideration being given to the wishes of the business men of Charleston, or to the interests of the United States Government. I say nothing of Dr. Crum's present character and life, for I know nothing of them, as I have never been called to investigate them. I do know, however, that there has been no change, since he was defeated for the Postmastership, that would make him any more fitted now to discharge acceptably, the responsible duties of the Collectorship, involving as they do dealings of the most delicate and intricate nature with our Merchants and citizens of all classes. Had President Roosevelt lived in South Carolina during the period of Reconstruction between 1865 and 1876, and witnessed with his own eyes, as I did, the unspeakable degradation to which the white people were brought by the missrule and open robbery and oppression of the Carpetbagger and the negro, when even Northern writers characterized our proud Palmetto State, one of the original thirteen, as the Prostrate State, and and Gov. Chamberlain, our Republican Governor, declared that the civilization of the Puritan and the Cavalier was endangered by the horde of plunderers and renegades who filled our offices, he would better understand whythe white people of South Carolina, Republicans and Democrats alike, rose together as one man, and swept that filthy crew into oblivion. He would appreciate too why as Anglo-Saxons, we have sworn never again to submit to the rule of the African, and why such an appointment as that of Cr. Crum to any such office forces us to protest unanimously against this insult to the white blood that courses through President Roosevelt's veins, as well as through ours. If there were no white Republicans available for this appointment, this might be given as an excuse, but not a satisfactory one, for in some of the conversations I had the honor of having with the President, I under- stood him distinctly to say he would never force a negro on such a com- munity as ours, while he might consider it his duty to continue a negro in an office where he found him, providing he was discharging its duties satisfactorily. The President knows, and so do we, that there are white Republicans, such as Dr. Collins, far more competent from there business training to discharge the duties of the Collectorship than Dr. Crum. I earnestly but respectfully, representing the business interests of Charleston,ÆDES MORES JURAQUE CURAT CAROLOPOLIS CONDITA A.D. 1670. CIVITATIS REGIMINE DONATA A.D. 1783 City of Charleston, Executive Department, 18 #6 urge his excellency to select one of them as he did Mr Harris for Postmaster, and not to inflict the injury and the insult upon the white people of Charleston, of placing an incompetent man in a position of authority over them who has no other qualification for the position then that of being a negro. Yours very truly J. Adger Smyth Mayor.[*[For 1. attachment see 11-10-02 Smyth 11-10-02]*]WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. Smyth, J. Adger, Mayor, Charleston, S. C. Protests against appointment of DR. CRUM, as COLLECTOR OF PORT OF CHARLESTON: Writer's reasons for objecting to appointment are chiefly same that led him, with others, to successfully oppose confirmation of Dr. Crum's appointment as Postmaster of Charleston, by President Harrison. It was then stated, and never disproved, that appointment by President Harrison was in fulfillment of promise made for services rendered at Republican National Convention when he was nominated for President. This was substantiated by Senator Wolcott, one of the Senate Committee, who charged Dr. Crum with having gone to National Convention pledged to vote for Mr. Blaine, and with having sold out to Mr. Harrison upon a promise of receiving appointment to postmastership. Writer states that the objections are: Dr. Crum's absolute unfitness, either by training or experience, for either of these important positions; knows nothing of business methods; has little or no acquaintance with business community; does not possess a single qualification for the office; and appointment would be recognized simply as a political deal - as a political reward for past services, or a bid for political support in the future, without any consideration being given to wishes of business men of Charleston, or the interests of the United States Government.[attached to Smyth, 11-10-02][*File*] 96, AVENUE KLÉBER Paris. Nov. 11. 02 My dear Colonel Roosevelt, Your delayed letter of Sept. 29. came as a pleasant surprise. I wrote you in receipt of the photograph, that — save one of a lady jumping a hedge — it was the best I have seen. I fancy you are wise to take fewer risks than you need. Nor you, nor we, can afford to have you laid up again. I want to congratulate you on the strong hold you have takenon the American people. I think you have fairly earned it, & I hope you may long heed it. Few Presidents have had your chance of so doing. I see General Porter occasionally. We have an acceptable representative in him. By the way, the book on "Riding &c" was intended for whichever of your boys is more of a sportsman. It is scarcely up to maturer reading. Hoping your "game leg" has got well repaired - I know, if anyone, how a "game leg" can limit a man's performance - & with cordial regard, Yours sincerely, Theodore A. Dodge His Excellency Theodore RooseveltTo His Excellency The President US. From one of the Delegation of the London Chamber of Commerce H. C. Echard. KC., MP. Nov. 11, 1902. A & G TAYLOR PHOTOGRAPHER TO THE QUEEN.By Special Royal Warrant Photographers to Her late Majesty Queen Victoria, and under the distinguished patronage of King Edward VII, Queen Alexandra, and other members of the Royal Family The Largest Photographers in the World A&G Taylor Artistic Photographers And at most of the - PRINCIPAL TOWNS Throughout the UNITED KINGDOM 70 & 78 Queen Victoria Street, E.C. 62 & 64 Ludgate Hill, E.C. 153 Regent Street, W. Artists in Platinotype, Bromide and Carbon DICTATED TO STENOGRAPHER. The News and Courier CHARLESTON, S. C. Nov. 11, 1902 Mr. George B. Cortelyou, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. Cortelyou: I received your letter on Sunday conveying to me the wish of the President that I inform him why I had made protest against the appointment of Dr. Crum as Collector at this port. I have written to the President briefly upon the subject, and as frankly as I know the President would have written to me and I asked him for an expression of opinion upon this, or any other subject in which he might be interested. Please send my letter to the President for his consideration. We often think of you and the very pleasant party who came to Charleston during the Exposition. We wish we could have you here again, and look forward to that pleasure. Very sincerely yours, J. C. Hemphill DICTATED TO STENOGRAPHER. The News and Courier CHARLESTON, S. C. Nov. 11, 1902 My Dear Mr. President: I have received a letter from your Secretary, Mr. Cortelyou, saying that you wish me "to specify the grounds of protest against the appointment of Dr. Crum", and in response to your request I do so, knowing that you will appreciate the frankness with which I shall speak upon the subject. There are three objections to Dr. Crum's appointment: First, he is a colored man, and that in itself ought to bar him from the office. He would not be selected for such a position in any Northern city. There is no reason but his color why he should be selected for the office at Charleston. He could represent nothing but his color and race. His people are not engaged in commercial affairs. They would not come into contact with him. Ninety-nine and a half per cent of those who would have business with him would be white people. Would it be good policy for the President to appoint a man to this office who would be obnoxious to almost the entire business community having relations with the office? What possible gain could such an appointment be to the public service? Ought the exigencies of partisan positions, or the demonstration of an ethnological theorem control in the settlement of a practical question? Second, Dr Crum is not engaged in any commercial pursuit. He has never had any training that would fit him for such an office. He is persona non grata to the business men of the city and state and SouthDICTATED TO STENOGRAPHER. The News and Courier CHARLESTON, S. C. during business through this port. He has no proved administrative ability. He is ignorant of commercial affairs. Third, Dr Crum does not represent the tax-paying, property-holding citizens of the community or State. His appointment would serve no purpose whatever, except the elevation of a colored citizen to a position in the Government service for which he has no qualification, representing in himself no political belief that is not better represented by other men in his party. I have no doubt that you "heard very well of him" during you visit to Charleston, and probably the persons who spoke to you pleasantly of Dr. Crum were white men and Democrats. I think that he is a respectable citizen: no better, no worse, probably, then a hundred other colored men in Charleston, and yet met in any way fitted for the position of Collector. Charleston enjoys the distinction of treating the colored people better than any other place in the country. On oe of his visits to this city Booker Washington to me that the negro was well treated here. that is no reason, however, in my opinion, why the white people who are considerate of him should be punished for their kindly disposition towards him. I have written to you briefly, but with perfect frankness, and trust that you will not appoint Dr. Crum. It would be useless, I presume, to suggest a Democrat for this position, nor is it necessary that a Democrat should be appointed. There are white Republicans in the community who might be selected without violence to the sentiments and interests of the people of this city and State: for example, Mr. B. A. Hagood, late Assistant United States District Attorney for South Carolina, a young manDICTATED TO STENOGRAPHER. The News and Courier CHARLESTON, S. C. of fine character, good education, and wide acquaintance in the state, and Dr. V. P. Clayton, also a white man and a Republican, a man of character a man who would fill the office with advantage to the public service. Very sincerely yours, J. C. HemphillI am an anti-trust and tariff. reform Republican. What little I can do as a citizen to hold the party to its duty in these respects I shall do. [*[ca.1902]*] I have an idea that Roosevelt is marked for slaughter by the Republican trust and high-tariff magnates. He has mortally offended them. I am with him in this contest hand and heart. What a refreshing thing it is to have a man in the White House who has courage![attached to Johnson, 11-11-02]Editorial Department The Century Magazine Union Square New York R.W. GILDER, EDITOR. R.U. JOHNSON, ASSOCIATE EDITOR. C.C. BUEL, ASSISTANT EDITOR. [*Ackd 11/21/1902*] 1902 Nov.11. My dear President Roosevelt: I hope you will be interested in the inclosed extracts from a letter just received from my brother, ex- Representative from the Sixth Indiana district, a "Conscience" Republican, that is a man who votes that ticket whenever circumstances permit, as they did this month. John Muir wrote me some time ago that he would be honored and delighted to be of use to you in the High Sierra whenever you go to California. If this were not your busy month I'd refer you to his article on the Grand Cañon in our current number. Respectfully and sincerely yours, R.U. Johnson. [*Miss Beaux's portrait of Mrs. Roosevelt and Ethel is greatly admired by those who have seen it in this office.*] [*[For attachment see ca. 1902]*] Robert Underwood 342 Madison Ave N.Y.[*PPF*] [*Green*] [*Ackd 11/21/1902*] GEBBIE AND COMPANY 1710 MARKET STREET, PHILADELPHIA, PA. [[shorthand]] November 11,1902. Mr. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- The first volumes of the Uniform Edition of the President's Writings are going to the binders in a few days, and, according to arrangements made with the publishers, we intend to print an additional number of copies over the regular edition, of which six are to be presented , with the compliments of Gebbie and Company, to the President. One set we desire to bind specially for President Roosevelt's library, and we are enclosing you samples of French crushed Levant in green, red, and blue, and should like very much to have you tell us which color the President prefers so that the order can be given. We shall deliver these volumes as soon as they come from the binders, and shall hold the other five sets subject to the President's order. If you desire any information regarding the binding or anything else in connection with the work, our Mr. Gebbie will be in Washington some time this week, and by communicating with the Arlington Hotel he can call and give you any information you may desire. Thanking you for a prompt reply, I am Yours very truly, A. R. Keller[For 1. enclosure see ca 11-11-1902](Copy) THE MESSENGER 27 & 29 West 16th St., New York. November 11, 1902 Mr. Eugene A. Philbin, 111 Broadway, New York. My dear Mr. Philbin : If you wish you may send a copy of my letter to the President, but it may be that he will not be pleased at some of my remarks about his address on Masonry. Of course out of regard for his office I would not utter such sentiments publicly although several of our subscribers have asked us to comment upon on his address. What makes some people sensitive just now is the exposure of the principles and tactics of Freemasonry in France. You may not have seen the report submitted to the French Chamber of Deputies by the committee of five deputies appointed to inquire officially into the character of Freemasonry in France. Their report has been issued in book form, and the gist of it you will find in the copy of The Messenger for September which I am sending you this evening. the Contemporary for October and the Dublin Review for the same month have also reviews of the same report. It is true that people generally are accustomed to distinguish English and American from French Freemasonry, but in appearance at least the two are identical, and one naturally dreads-2- to think that our government her should ever fall under the control of men like those who are at present destroying the very notion of liberty in France. I am glad that you have met Mr. Bakewell and that you are pleased to know him. Faithfully yours, John J. Wynne. S. J.[Enc. in Philhin 11-24-02]Enclosed in Keller, 11- 11-02] Ca 11-11-1902 Groton School Groton, Mass. [Ackd] [11-24-1902] November 12/1902 Dear Mr. President: Ted's eyes are not very satisfactory. I am sorry to say. Yesterday he went to see Dr. Morgan, and was given a new pair of glasses. After wearing them a week he is to go down again on Saturday. & show Dr. Morgan what effect they have had on his eyes. If he is not better the doctor wants him to lay off for a couple of weeks. I am very loath to have him leave the school, & prefer that he should stay here, even if he worked only half time. Dr. Morgan calls this a trouble left over from the pneumonia. Unless Morgan insists then, thatTed do no work at all, or that he ought to have a complete change. I shall keep him at Groton running at half-speed; unless, too, you very much prefer me to send the boy to Washington. I hope things go well with yours. The school seems to flourish. I am Sincerely Yours Sherrard Billings.My dear Mr Cortelyou Will you do me the favor to hand this magazine to the President as a token of regard from an old Kentucky woman who admires him greatly because he is one of the few who "practice what they preach" In times past I might have entertained your party on venison and the accompaniments but I am now of the "have beens" and can only give you my good wishes for a happy trip and successful hunt Most truly Susan Bullitt Dixon West Point Kentucky November 12-1902W. H. JOHNSTON, SUPERINTENDENT. OLIVER IRON MINING COMPANY. OFFICE OF MARQUETTE DISTRICT. ISHPEMING, MICH., 12 November, 1902. [*File*] His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C., Dear Colonel,- Many thanks for your letter and kind invitation to visit Washington. I regret to say that I see no way of doing this at present, [only] after the first of the year [when] I hope to see you all for a day or two on my way East. With kind regards, Yours faithfully, Jno. C. Greenway Superintendent.TELEGRAM. [*File PPF Pr*] White House, Washington. [*[1902]*] 1 NY PO W. GI 12 Paid-----6:22p Albany, N. Y., Nov 12. Hon Theodore Roosevelt, Washington. I have mailed you important, which will reach you in the morning. B. B. Odell, Jr.[*F CfP*] New York Nov 12/02. Mr. President Is your home state to be continually disgraced through the ambitions of some of its so called statesman? Have you followed the N.Y. Dems opposition to Woodruff. They havent disclosed the true reason yet, but they have it and youought to. Woodruff married a discarded woman not a whore but one who accepted the attentions of men to a limited extent and when the money was good. One of her lovers left her 25.000 when [she] he died. Woodruff met her on a ship going to Europe. His friends put him wise to her career but it was of no use. Such a man with such a wife wouldbe a distinguished addition to Washington society. Mrs. Taft would like to entertain her at the White House. No one recognizes her here. I know in your broadmindness, your wou say that it is a man's own business and it is until he flaunts it upon decent people, and Woodruff & his wife are no more entitled to decent society than Hearst and the woman he married If you will ask Woodruff he would admit it, he seems to be proud of it for someinscrutable reason. Woodruff thinks he is a power. Kings Co. if my observations are correct would do him in a minute and will never be seen as a political ground as long as he is the leader. You have done much for the country. Let a little man have this term to save us the disgrace. Faithfully your fellow citizen C. L. Perkins Hon Theodore Roosevelt Washington D C.P. O. BOX 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, November 12th, 1902. [*Ackd 11/21/1902 Bus. File*] The President, Washington, D. C. Dear Theodore:-- I enclose a letter concerning the Inheritance Tax on Uncle Corneel's estate. This is the last unsettled matter in the Estate, and we wish to get it settled as soon as possible. We take the ground that the Estate was appraised at the time of Uncle Corneel's death, and there is no tax payable. To hasten the matter, we wish you would write and authorize Roosevelt & Kobbe, or such lawyer as you may prefer to represent you. We suggest that Roosevelt & Kobbe could handle the whole matter more economically than anybody else. Their address is No. 44 Wall Street. Yours truly, W Emlan Roosevelt [[shorthand]] [*Letter to Kobbe*] [[shorthand]] P. O. BOX 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, November 12th, 1902. [*File*] The President, Washington, D. C. Dear Theodore:-- Mr. Scrymser sent me the other day, the enclosed pamphlet, concerning cable matters, and is very anxious it should get into your hands, as it touches the question of the right of the Cable Company to land its cable without special consent from our Government. A copy has sent by Edmund Baylies to Mr. Knox, and I believe Baylies has been over the enclosed memorandum and is well posted on this subject. I was delighted with what I heard of your remarks at the Chamber of Commerce, for some of the elements there were probably among the most ready to criticise [that] what you [will moot]. would say Yours truly, W Emlen Roosevelt Enc.[For enc. see 11-12-02][Enc in W. E. Roosevelt 11-12-02] Memorandum Concerning the President of the United States and the Commercial Pacific Cable Company. [*James Alexander Scrymser *]Memorandum concerning the President of the United States and the Commercial Pacific Cable Company. Hitherto the Commercial Pacific Cable Company, a corporation organized under the Laws of New York, made application to the President of the United States for his permission to land a submarine cable, proposed to be laid by said Cable Company, at the Pacific Coast, Hawaiian Islands, Guam and the Philippines. The President of the United States granted to said Cable Company the permission requested on certain conditions. It is assumed that the conditions specified by the President were imposed by him after through investigation and understanding of all the facts, the nature of the project, the motives of all parties interested and the objects to be attained. These conditions were apparently reasonable. Generally speaking, their purpose was to safeguard the Government of the United States and its citizens and to prevent extortion any monopoly. The Cable company has not accepted the conditions imposed by the President; but, nevertheless, proposes to lay its cable and land it at the pints above designated. That is to say, it is proceeding thus without the consent of the President, and obviously in defiance of his expressed wishes. The situation raises two questions: First. By what legal authority or right does the Commercial Pacific Cable Company act? Second. If it is proceeding without legal authority or right, how may its action be stayed? I. As to the Right Claimed. In his testimony before the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce, Friday, January 10th,2 1902, Mr. Ward, representing the Commercial Pacific Cable Company, testified as follows:- M. Corliss. You have no permission from the Executive to lay it? (meaning the cable). Mr. Ward. We have no permission; no sir. Mr. Corliss. You have no permission at all? Mr. Ward. We have never received any official permission from the administration. Mr. Corliss. You are assuming to go ahead without permission from anybody in this country? (Mr. Ward having testified that he was not an American citizen.) Mr. Ward. We have accepted the Post-Road Act of 1866, which we are advised by counsel, is sufficient. Mr. Corliss. Then you did not need to ask authority to lay it. Why did you apply yo the State Department for Authority? Mr. Ward. Because we wished to notify the government and to do everything the government desired, and we stated the conditions under which we were willing to proceed, Etc. (See H.R. 5; H.R. 158; H.R. 168, p.5). Again, in the hearing before the Committee on Naval Affairs of the United States Senate, January 14, 1902, Mr. Ward testified as follows:- "The Commercial Pacific Cable Company has accepted the provisions of the Post-Road Act of Congress of 1866. * * * As a matter of fact, there is no law prohibiting the landing of cables nor requiring executive permission, but Mr. Mackay thought it best to confer with the administration. * * * In order to remove all objections whatsoever the company accepted the terms and conditions of what is known as the Post Road act of Congress of 1866. * * * Only after accepting the terms and conditions of the Post-Road Act of Congress 3 of 1866 did the Commercial Pacific Cable Company sign the contract for manufacturing and laying of the cable. It created this obligation upon itself, feeling sure that by confirming to such enactment of Congress its rights as an American corporation would not be destroyed." From this, and other testimony of like nature, it is evident that the Commercial Pacific Cable Company looks to the Act of Congress, July 24, 1866, for its sole warrant and authority to lay a submarine cable from the shores of California to the shores of the Philippines via Hawaii and Guam, there to connect with a foreign cable and telegraph company claiming a monopoly not only in the Philippines, but in the Orient, under a contract no single provision of which has been revealed.* The Act of July 24, 1866 (Rev. St. Sections 5263, et seq.), creates no such right and confers no such [Act of July 24, 1866 does not relate to submarine Cables.] power. It cannot, without violating fundamental principles of hermeneutics, be construed as even relating to submarine telegraphy or ocean cables. This will more fully appear from the following considerations: 1. The powers granted by the act are impersonal and general in their scope. It gives the right to any telegraph company, organized in any State at any time, to exercise the powers therein conferred. While such indiscriminate legislation might be safe enough where the rights created were to be exercised wholly within the jurisdiction of the United States, with no chance of foreign entanglement, it is hardly credible that Congress would bestow such powers upon every paper corporation by whomsoever organized, with no knowledge of the persons constituting the corporate body, and with no inquiry as to its finances, where the work _______________________________________________________________________________________________ *For the scope of the absolute monopoly claims by the Eastern Extension Australasia and China Telegraph Company, see testimony of Lewis Marshall Esq., its representatives, before the Committee of Interstate and Foreign Commerce January 9, 1900 p. 74.4 to be undertaken was in the open seas, the highways of the world, and the business itself of supreme international importance. 2. The purpose of the act precludes so dangerous an extension of it. In most State Constitutions Legislatures are required to state clearly the object of particular legislation in the title of the bill. The Congress of the United States is not so constrained; therefore, the purpose of Congress is to be gathered, not simply from the title and context of an act, but from contemporaneous circumstances and the debates of Congress. 3. But the title of the act itself shows that its purpose was "to aid in the construction of telegraph lines." It is an abuse of language to call an ocean cable a telegraph line. 4. The debate in Congress over the passage of this act was long and ardent. A portion of it may be found in the Congressional Globe, Part 4, First Session, 39 Congress, pages 3,480 to 3,490, inclusive. From the beginning to the end of the debate ocean cables were not once mentioned. 5.The context itself clearly indicates the scope of the act and the territory it was designed to cover. It grants the right "to construct, maintain and operate telegraph lines through and over any portion of the public domain of the United States, over and along any of the military or post-roads of the United States, which have been or may hereafter be declared such by law, and over, under or across the navigable streams or waters of the United States." It grants the right to take and use from the public lands, necessary stones, timber and material. It gives the right or pre-emption for the establishment of stations. The right to construct telegraph lines over the public domain in the United States could hardly be 5 constructed as a grant of right to lay cables in the ocean, although, the jurisdiction of the United States over the ocean extending three miles from shore, so much of the ocean bottom may be regarded, in one sense, as part of the "public domain" of the United States. So, in a certain sense, are the grounds surrounding the Capitol at Washington (see Day Land, &c., Co. v. State, 68 Texas 547). Unfortunately the words "public domain" are not very well defined. They can not be found in Bouvier's dictionary nor in Rapalje's dictionary. In the American and English Encyclopedia of Law, second edition, volume 10, page 3, under the title "Domain," it is said, "the public lands of a State are frequently termed the public domain, or dominion, of the State." The words were clearly used in the Act of 1866 in the sense of public lands. So a right to construct telegraph lines along the post-roads of the United States could not be constructed as a grant of right to lay an ocean cable. Under no other clause in the Act of July 24, 1866, can the right claimed by the Commercial Cable Company be inferred, unless it be found in the words , "under or across the navigable streams or waters of the United States." Of course, the right to construct a telegraph line over, under or across a navigable "stream" would not give the right to lay a cable in the ocean, and it must be evident that the word "waters," if not synonymous with the word "streams," is intended to indicate waters of a like kind, such as rivers, lakes and bayous. The words "navigable waters" are words of general description. They may include rivers, lakes, gulfs, bays and the high seas. In the statute under consideration the words are used in connection with dry land - the public lands or domain of the United States. The primary object of the act was to grant a right to any telegraph company to construct its lines of telegraph6 over the public domain, military and post-roads of the United States; but because, in so doing, navigable streams and waters would inevitably be encountered, the further right was given to go over, under or across such waters. Mr. Black, in his book On Interpretation of Laws (chap. 5, p. 141) says: "It is a general rule of statutory construction that where general words follow an enumeration of persons or things by words of a particular and specific meaning, such general words are not to be construed in their widest extent, but are to bee held as applying only to persons or things of the same general kind or class, as those specifically mentioned," and says further: "This rule is commonly called the 'ejusdem genesis rule,' because it teaches that broad and comprehensive expressions in an act * * * are usually to be restricted to persons or things of the same kind or class with those specifically named in the preceding words." By way of illustration the learned author cites the case of People v. New York & M. B. Railway Co., (84 N.Y. 565) where a statute authorized actions to be brought in the name of the State to recover "money, funds, credits and property held by public corporations for public purposes and wrongfully converted or disposed of. " It was held that an action to recover real property was not within the purview of the act; for the word "property," associated with the preceding words of specific description in the act, was to be construed as referring to property of the same general character. And the learned author (p. 145) also says: "There is an important branch of the foregoing rule which may be stated int he following terms: A statute which enumerates persons or things of an inferior rank, dignity or importance is not to be extended, by 7 the addition of general words, to persons or things of a higher rank, dignity or importance than the highest enumerated, if there are any of the lower species to which the general words can apply." As an illustration of this rule he cites the case of Casher v. Holmes, 2 B. & Ad., 592, where was involved a statute imposing certain duties on articles exported and imported. Under the head of "metals" certain specific duties were imposed on copper, brass, pewter, tin and "all other metals not enumerated." It was held that the latter words did not include gold and silver, the decision being based partly on the ground that, taking the words in their ordinary sense, these would not be included, because they are always spoken of either by name or as the "precious" metals, and partly on the rule that "general words following a particular enumeration should not be held to include things superior to those enumerated." 5a. Furthermore, the very language of the grant precludes the idea that Congress gave to any telegraph company the right to project its lines into the ocean, or to construct them partly in foreign territory. The words of the grant are "over, under or across the navigable streams or waters of the United States." The words "over, under or across" lack meaning, and are incomprehensible unless understood as granting a right to cross (i.e. go from one side to the other of) the navigable streams and waters of the United States. This a telegraph company may do by going "over" or "under" such streams or waters. Of course, in crossing the Pacific ocean the Commercial Cable Company will not cross any of the navigable streams or waters of the United States. The Act of July 24, 1866, did not intend nor does it purport, to confer any rights whatever upon a submarine cable company. 6. But not long after the passage of the Act of 8 July 24, 1866, the same Congress that passed the Act of July 24, 1866, gave a practical interpretation of that act as here contended, for on March 29, 1867 (St. vol. 15, p. 10) was passed an act entitled, "An Act to grant to the American Atlantic Cable Telegraph Company, of New York, the right of way and privilege to lay, land and operate a submarine telegraph cable on the Atlantic coast of the United States and establish communication between the United States and Europe, via the Bermudas and Azores Islands." From the operation of this act there was excepted the coast of Florida, and the privileges conferred were limited to the period of twenty years from the approval of the Act. If the act of July 24, 1866, so recently passed by this same Congress was deemed to have granted all, and even greater rights than the special act of March 29, 1867, is it not extraordinary that intelligent gentlemen should have applied for a special act, or that Congress should have acted? 7. The fact is that neither the officers of the Federal Government, nor those companies and corporations desiring to lay submarine cables, have ever claimed that the act of July 24, 1866, granted any rights in the high seas within one marine league of the shores of the United States. The message of the President of the United States, transmitting the report of the Secretary of State relative to the translations of certain telegraph and cable companies (Executive Document No. 122) clearly proves that no ocean cable was ever laid on the shores of the United States without application to the President, and express or tacit permission by the government. The Commercial Cable Company itself made application to the President for express permission, and 9 because the permission granted was coupled with conditions which it did not choose to accept, it has recourse to what M. Ward very correctly describes as the "Post-Road Act." It requires ingenuity to torture a "Post-Road Act" into a "Submarine-Cable Act." 8. That the Federal Courts are reluctant to give any wider scope or application to the act of July 24, 1866, than absolutely necessary is clearly manifested in several recent decisions. In Richmond v. Southern Bell Telephone & Telegraph Co. (174 U. S., 761), it was unanimously held by the Supreme Court of the United States, Mr. Justice Harlan delivering the opinion of the Court, that the provisions in the act of July 24, 1866, have no application to telephone companies, whose business is that of electrically transmitting articulate speech between different points. And yet it had been held on numerous occasions in the courts of England and America that a telephone company was a telegraph company. And in the City of Toledo, et al., v. Western Union Telegraph Company (107) Fed. Rep. 10), the United States Court of Appeals held that a district telegraph company, whose telegraphic operations were confined to a single city, were not within the purview of this act. It is hardly likely, therefore, that the Federal courts would hold that the act of July 24, 1866, grants to any submarine cable company, accepting its terms, the right to connect by a submarine cable the United States with European and Asiatic countries for the purpose of building up a vast and important international commerce. This would mean the creation of immense properties which the United States Government would be called upon to protect, even though 10 the greater value of such properties was at the bottom of the high seas and beyond the jurisdiction of the United Sates. It would mean the private invasion of the marine league off shore (the exclusive property of the United States), and the building up of an international commerce, peculiarly sensitive and irritable, leading, Heaven knows, to what international entanglement ; and all this without leave or license of the Federal Government and with no safeguard provided for the conduct of such business and the creation of such properties. No right to lay submarine cables in absence of government consent From the testimony of Mr. Ward hereinbefore quoted, it might be inferred that the Commercial Pacific Cable Company claimed the right to lay its submarine cable across the Pacific, to connect at Manila with a foreign cable company asserting exclusive franchises in the Orient, without the leave of the Government of the United States and without reference to the act of July 24 1866, for he tells the Senate Committee that ; "As a matter of fact, there is no law prohibiting the landing of cables, nor requiring executive permission, but Mr. Mackay thought it best to confer with the administration". That is to say, if the Commercial Cable Company, did as a matter of fact, solicit the good offices of our Chief executive, it was a mere matter of compliment ; if it did, as a matter of fact, formally accept the obligations of the act of July 24 1866, it was a superfluous formality. It should not for one moment be forgotten that when the Commercial Pacific Cable Company applied to the President of the United States it applied to the Government of the United States. The President in his own person constitutes of the three great co-ordinate branches of our government. His power and authority are greater than the power and- 11 -authority of any European monarch. He is equal, within his sphere, to the judiciary, or to the Congress, or to both combined. Moreover, it is his bounden duty to see that neither the laws nor the rights of the nation are infracted. It ought at least to be conceded that his power and authority are commensurable with those of a constable. Because Congress has never passed any general laws on the subject of submarine cables and has not, in express terms, prohibited the landing of cables, nor required executive permission, it does not follow that any citizen, company or corporation of the United States may do the acts contemplated by the Commercial Cable Company without governmental consent. Such action would be precluded for two reasons : First. Because the regulation of commerce with foreign countries is exclusively in the hands of Congress, and such commerce is regulated by treaty. Second. Because the open sea within three miles of the shore is government territory, and no one may go upon such territory without the consent of the government. We will consider briefly these reasons in the light of authority. Foreign Commerce. Commerce is intercourse, as was decided in Gibbons v. Ogden, ( 9 Wheat 1). Telegraphing is intercourse, and therefore commerce, as was decided in the Pensacola Case ( 96 U. S. 1). The Federal Constitution provides that Congress shall have power to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes. The purpose of the Commercial Cable Company is not simply to connect the United States 12 of America with its Philippine possession by a submarine cable, for in his testimony it was several times stated by Mr. Ward, and with particular emphasis, that such an undertaking would be a losing investment. But the Peculiar inducement to the undertaking is the fact that the Commercial Pacific Cable Company has made some arrangement with the Eastern Extension Telegraph Company, an English corporation owning more miles of submarine cable than any other company in the world, and claiming exclusive monopoly of the business in the Orient. The terms of the contract between the Commercial Cable company and the Eastern extension Telegraph Company are not revealed. The probing of Mr. Ward by the House Committee failed to elicit any information on this important subject. Whether this secret understanding between the companies would contravene in whole or in part the Sherman Act is a matter of conjecture. To the broad hints of various members of the House Committee to the effect that the foreign company was the real party in interest, Mr. Ward maintained a discreet silence. If the true inwardness of the relationship between the companies were known, it would probably appear that the Eastern Extension Telegraph Company was financing the enterprise and using the American Company as a catspaw. Then, indeed would the contemplated action be illegal on another ground, for it would be the case of a foreign corporation masquerading as a domestic corporation, and the law is clear that what cannot be done directly shall not be done in indirection. In the case of Manchester v. Massachusetts 139- 13 - U. S. 251 Mr. Joseph Choate argued for the proposition that ocean fisheries or coast fisheries were national in character and importance. He said that they "Enter into the national policy, affect national rights and may compromit national sovereignty." Can any less be said concerning the contemplated action of the Commercial Cable Company? The rights of fisheries, as well as all foreign commerce, are regulated by treaty ; and this must be for the protection of the sovereignty of the State, which alone answers to others for the dereliction of its citizens. As was said by Chief Justice WAITE, in Lord v. Steamship Company ( 102 U. S., 541), "The Pacific Ocean belongs to no one nation, but is the common property of all. When, therefore, the Ventura went out from San Francisco or San Diego on her several voyages, she entered on a navigation which was necessarily connected with other nations. While on the ocean her national character only was recognized, and she was subject to such laws as the commercial nations of the world had, by usage or otherwise, agreed on for the government of vehicles of commerce occupying this common property of all mankind. She was navigating among the vessels of other nations and was treated by them as belonging to the country whose flag she carried. True, she was not trading with them, but she was navigating with them, and consequently with them she engaged in commerce. If in her navigation she inflicted a wrong on another country, the United States, and not the State of California, must answer for what was done. To say that the United States must, under the law of nations, become liable for the acts and delinquencies of a cable company occupying the common highway of all nations, and yet shall have no control over such company, is a solecism. 14 Marine Territory Mr. Ward's contention is untenable for another reason. The "marine territory" (as it is called in the books), to wit, the bottom of the ocean three miles off shore from the State of California or the islands of Hawaii, Guam or the Philippines, must be utilized and occupied by the Commercial Pacific Cable Company when it lays its cable, and to say that it can thus appropriate the property of the government without its consent and against the expressed wishes of its Chief Executive, is a claim so bold that it amounts to arrogance. As to how much of the high seas may be claimed as the marine territory and exclusive property of a nation has occasioned more or less dispute. The older publicists set the limit at the distance of a cannon shot, which would obviously fluctuate with the improvement in ordinance. In Boyd's Edition of Wheaton's International Law, 3d Edition, p. 269, Section 177b, it is said: "No precise rule can be derived from the writings of publicists. The suggestion of Bynkershoek given in the text, that the sea, as far as cannon shot will reach from the shore, should belong to the State it borders, has been adopted by many writers, and generally has been assumed to be a distance of three miles. It is evident, however, that on this assumption, consistency requires the limit to be increased in proportion to the increased range of modern artillery." In Manchester v. Massachusetts, Supra, Justice Harlan says that, as between nations, the minimum limit of the territorial jurisdiction of a nation over tidewaters is a marine league from the coast, i. e., three miles. 15 In the case of Direct United States Cable Company, Limited, v. Anglo-American Telegraph Company, Limited, et al., 2 Appeal Cases, 394, involving the right to a cable landing in Newfoundland, Mr. Benjamin, in behalf of the respondents, said : "It is a fallacy to contend that the appellants are not chargeable with infringing the exclusive right of the respondents, because the point to which their cable is laid is more than three miles from the shore. The point in question is as much part of the island of Newfoundland as if it were dry land." And the Privy Council took this view of the case. Mr. Ward would probably argue that if he were a riparian owner on the banks of the Mississippi River, he would, in the absence of legislation to the contrary, have the right to erect a pier or wharf for his own personal convenience. But the precise question arose in the case of Atlee v. Packet Company, 88 U. S. (21 Wall) 389, and was decided otherwise by a unanimous court. Says Justice Miller, on behalf of the Court, (p. 392): "Some kind of a boom was necessary to enable him (Atlee) to keep these logs safely and economically. No question is made but that if he had a right to build a pier at that place it was built with due skill and care, and that he was blameless in every other respect, unless the absence of a light at night was a fault. * * * "In all incorporated towns or cities located on navigable waters, there is in their charters, or in some general statute of the State, either express or implied power for the establishment or regulation of these landings. "This may be done by the Legislature of the State or by authority expressly or impliedly delegated to the local municipal government. In all such cases there is exercised a control over the location, erectionsand use of such wharves or landings, which will pre- vent their being made obstructions to navigation and standing menaces of danger. * * * "He (Atlee) rests his defence solely on the ground that at any place where a riparian owner can make such a structure useful to his personal pursuits or business, he can, without license or special authority, and by virtue of this ownership, and of his own con- venience, project a pier or roadway into the deep water of a navigable stream, provided he does it with care, and leaves a large and sufficient passway of the channel unobstructed. "No case known to us has sustained this propsi- tion, and we think its bare statement sufficient to show its unsoundness. "It is true that bridges, especially railroad bridges, exist across the Mississippi and other navigable streams, which present more dangerous impediments to naviga- tion than this pier of Mr. Atlee's, and that they have, so far as they have been subjected to judicial consid- eration, been upheld. But this has never been upon the ground of the absolute right of the owners of the land on which they abutted to build such struc- trues. The builders have in every instance recognized the necessity of legislative permission by express statute of the State, or of the United States, before they ventured on such a proceeding. And the only question that has ever been raised in this class of cases is whether a State could authorize such an inva- sion of the rights of person engaged in navigating those streams. This court has decided that in the absence of any legislation of Congress on the subject, the State may authorize bridges across navigable streams by statues so well guarded as to protect the substantial rights of navigation. But Mr. Atlee has no such authority, and pretends to none. "We are of opinion that the pier against which libellant's barge struck was placed by him in the navigable water of the Mississippi River, without authority of law, and that he is responsible for the damage to the barge and its contents." In the light of this opinion, it is impossible to see how any person, company or corporation can have a right to go upon, use or appropriate any part of the Government's property without express or implied consent of the Government. See United States v. Cleveland & Colorado Cattle Co., 33 Fed. 323. To summarize the foregoing argument it appears: FIRST. That the Commercial Pacific Cable Company can find no warrant in the Act of July 24, 1866, for its contemplated action. SECOND. That in the absence of governmental consent it cannot lay a submarine cable within the marine territory of the United States; and that as a citizen of the United States it cannot engage in commerce with foreign nations except on terms pre- scribed by the United States II Means of Prevention . It is probable that the President of the United States, as the Chief Executive of the Government, whose duty it is to uphold the laws and prevent their infraction, would be justified, under the powers inci- dent to his office, to stay the unauthorized and illegal proceedings of the Commercial Pacific Cable Company without resort to the courts. Possibly he would be reluctant to do this, but would prefer to instruct the18 Attorney-General to institute legal proceedings. I would suggest that an action of quo warranto, or even the application for an injunction would raise the issues, and enable the Commercial Pacific Cable Company to show to a court, if it can, by what right or warrant it is proceeding. It is unnecessary to say that the foregoing was not prepared by me, a layman. It is the opinion of a lawyer in whose fairness and abilities I have great confidence. Respectfully, James A. Scrymser[[shorthand]] [*File*] United States Senate, Cleveland, Ohio. November 13, 1902. Honorable George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. My Dear Sir: I am very much obliged to the President for sending me the cartoon received with your note of the 10th. Please thank him for me. Truly yours, M A HannaPOST OFFICE DEPARTMENT UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Office of the Postmaster General, Washington, D. C. November 13, 1902 My dear Mr. Barnes:- Referring to your inquiry over the telephone concerning Letter Carrier M. A. Galvin, of Boston, Mass., I find, upon inquiry, that a memorandum on this case was furnished to the Postmaster-General from the Office of the General Superintendent of Free Delivery on October 24th, copy of which I enclose herewith. I believe the original was forwarded by the Postmaster-General to Mrs. Roosevelt, who was interested in this case. If I can be of any further service to you, I shall be pleased to have you call upon me. Very truly yours, F. H. Whitney Private Secretary. Hon. Benjamin F. Barnes, Assistant Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C.JACOB A. RIIS, 524 BEECH STREET, NORTH, RICHMOND HILL, BOR. OF QUEENS. NEW YORK, Nov 14 1902. [*File PPF.*] My dear Mr President : It was fine that you let me inscribe the book [to xxx] to you. Thank you ever so much. I did not like to ask it. But I caught the second edition being run off and stopped it long enough to put in another leaf. I will send you a book when I get it - another I mean. The first edition copy you should find on your return to Washington. I hope you have got a good big fat bear by this time. I spent weeks gunning for one this summer in the north woods, but though I struck it's trail again and again I never got sight of it. It was smarter than I. No doubt I might have followed it for months with the same result. My wife says "Thank God you did not meet it!" and when I tell her that I would rather be eaten up by a bear in a big fight [fo] for its skin than die in my bed, she says I am wicked. I am coming to Washington to lecture sometime in the middle of DEcember, and when I know [wh] the date I am going to ask if I may come up and talkJACOB A. RIIS 524 BEECH STREET, NORTH, RICHARD HILL, BOR. OF QUEENS. NEW YORK, ......19 ( 2 ) with you for fifteen minutes. I want especially to speak with you about some articles the Outlook insists I shall write for them next fall upon the topic "Theodore Roosevelt, The Citizen." I want to very much, if you think it well and will help me a bit. That I think perhaps I might do well. The more ambitious scheme that was in my mind a year ago I have given up. A bigger man with a grasp on policies and statesmanship is needed to write your "life" by and by. The Outlook articles are to be printed in modest book form, according to their scheme. Ever Yours Jacob A Riis P. S - You dont have to go slumming nowadays. Where you are we can all see you, and you are a constant inspiration to us. WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. November 14, 1902 Memorandum: Old male bear. Weight 235 pounds. Measured from tip of nose to tip of outstretched hind foot, 6 feet 7 inches. Female bear. Weight 180 pounds. Measured 5 feet 4 inches. Large female bear - 220 lbs. Killed 2 days after the others. [shorthand] [shorthand] POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY JOHN W. MACKAY, President. J. O STEVENS, Sec'y. WM.H. BAKER, V.P. & G.M. IN CONNECTION WITH THE COMMERCIAL CABLE COMPANY. JOHN W. MACKAY, President. ALBERT BECK, Sec'y. GEO. G. WARD, V.P. & G.M. Design Patent Dec. 30-19-- POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY COMMERCIAL CABLES MACKAY-BENNETT REGISTERED TRADE MARK. 16. TELEGRAM THE COMMERCIAL CABLE COMPANY ATLANTIC OCEAN MACKAY-BENNETT SYSTEM REGISTERED TRADE MARK. The Postal Telegraph-Cable Company transmits and delivers this message subject to the terms and conditions printed on the back of this blank. Received at (WHERE ANY REPLY SHOULD BE SENT.) No. 2 MH GO S. [*File*] 50 DH Stamp, Memphis November 15th, 1902 Howard, Thompson, Assd Press Corresponent, Smedew, Miss New-York World Special from Groton, says [the Odore] Theodore Roosevelt, Jr Left last night, Charge three Physicians Sufferering Eye trouble, Desiriable go Washington, at once, Associated Press Says Passed through New York Early Smorning Care two Physicians Bound Washington,. Conductor Charge car did no know cause trouble. Shall I wire further, particulars later? T.C. Ashcroft[*116*] [*[11-15-02]*] Exhibit NO. 40. Manila, May 21, 1902. Hon. Luke E. Wright, Vice Governor, Philippine Islands, My Dear Governor:- I enclose herewith three orders issued by the Municipal Presidente of Bacolod, Negros Island, which I think interfere unduly with the Church of that town. The Right Rev. Bishop has requested me to call this matter to your attention, as he feels confident that you will not countenance any such interference with Church affairs on the part of any civil official. Regretting having to bother you with such matters, I remain as ever Sincerely and respectfully yours, W.D. MC KINNON. MUNICIPIO OF BACOLOD: NEGROS OCCIDENTAL, P. I. President's Office. Bacolod, March 25, 1902. Sr. Mauricio Ferrere. Sir: Consideration having been given to your petition of yesterday's date, in which you ask for "permission for the passage through the principal streets of this town, on Holy Thursdaym Good Friday, and Resurrection Sunday, of the processions which, from time immemorial, it has been customary for the catholic people to hold on the days indicated"; the Municipal Council has resolved that, since the said processions pass precisely through the principal streets of this town and the "processions which from time immemorial have been formed by the catholic people" on Holy Thursday, Good Friday, and Resurrection Sunday are an outward manifestation of the faith, in which manifestation there are to be found, besides a compact multitude of people, many platforms carrying images of saints, which unquestionably are an obstacle and an impediment to the rapid transit of the non-catholic public, which has an equal right to use the streets, -- the Council, I repeat, bearing in mind this point, as well the ordinance in regard to the use of the streets and squares, has unanimously resolved to deny the permission which you request. The above is communicated to you for your information. Yours respectfully, J.V. L. GONZAGA, Municipal Prest. of Bacolod. F. B. MUNICIPIO OF BACOLOD: NEGROS OCCIDENTAL, P. I. President's Office. Bacolod, March 29, 1902. To the Catholic Parish Priest of Bacolod. Sir: I have the pleasure to transmit to you the resolution passed by the Municipal Board of Health of this Pueblo in regard to hygiene and health, that you may duly comply with the same, being as follows: #1. - That it is strictly prohibited to take corpses into the church, even in normal times; and the bodies of persons dying from contagious diseases, such as small-pox,[*117*] 2. measles, tuberculosis and others, must be conveyed directly to the Cemetery, without passing through the depository for corpses." "2 - The the Parish Priest shall be obliged to furnish the church, as soon as possible, with one hundred spittoons, conveniently distributed, so that persons attending the church shall not spit on the floor. Each of these spittoons shall be filled up to one-third of its total capacity with quicklime or with a one per thousand solution of corrosive sublimate. Every morning, after the termination of the religious functions the floor of the Church shall be mopped, and the contents of the spittoons shall be discharged upon the beach and the spittoons washed with salt water. The Parish Priest shall also be compelled to keep clean the Chapel used as a depository for corpses." Respectfully yours, J. V. L. GONZAGA, Municipal President, Bacolod. F.B. MUNICIPIO OF BACOLOD: NEGROS OCCIDENTAL, P. I. President's Office. Bacolod, March 31, 1902. To the Catholic Parish Priest of Bacolod. Sir: You are informed by the present communication that the ordinances in regard to health and hygiene of which you were apprised in my letter of the 29th instant, have been enacted because approved by the Municipal Council and have the force of law after five days counting from to-day, March 31, 1902, and a failure to comply with the provisions of the said ordinances will be punished by a fine of two hundred pesos or six months' imprisonment, or by both penalties, according to the circumstances which attend the infraction of the law. Respectfully yours, J.V.L. GONZAGA, Municipal President, Bacolod. Manila, P.I., May 26, 1902. Honorable Leandro Locsin, Governor of Occidental Negros, Bacolod, P. I. Sir: I have the honor to send herewith a communication from the Reverend W. D. McKinnon enclosing copies, which no doubt are accurate, of certain ordinances enacted by the municipal council of Bacolod, of which complaint is made by the authorities of the Catholic Church. Upon an examination of these ordinances I am impressed with the belief that they are objectionable and should be repealed. Whilst municipal authorities have an undoubted right to regulate street processions when the object is to prevent obstruction and disorder, they have no right under this guise to prevent a church procession because either the religion or the priest is obnoxious to them. It is difficult to understand how a religious procession in the streets of Bacolod, conducted in the ordinary way, could to any appreciable degree interfere with the use of the streets for ordinary purposes. It is hardly to be doubted that the authors of this ordinance would themselves admit that its real purpose is as stated.[*118*] 3. The second ordinance is equally objectionable in the extreme to which it goes. Undoubtedly municipal authoritities have the right by proper ordinance to prevent the spread of contagious diseases, and might well provide that the bodies of persons dying of such diseases should not be taken into churches where large numbers of people are congregated; but it is not perceived upon what proper theory the municipality can forbid the taking of the bodies of any deceased persons into churches for funeral purposes. An ordinance so broad as this is calculated manifestly to interfere with the free exercise of religious observances. Again, to require the parish priest to furnish his church with a hundred spittoons conveniently distributed, and requiring them to be filled with quick-lime or other disinfectant solution, and that every morning the contents should be discharged upon the beach and the spittoons washed with salt water, is to say the least of it a most extraordinary ordinance and one evidently directed against the priest and his congregation rather than for the purpose of protecting the public health. On my last visit to Bacolod I was aware of the feeling of a considerable portion of the people against certain Catholic priests then officiating in that city. It is to be hoped that the cause for this feeling will speedily be removed; and Governor Taft is now on route to Rome with a view, among other things, of accomplishing this end. Extreme action such as has been taken by the municipal council of Bacolod can only have the effect of embarrassing him in his efforts. Aside from this consideration, as I had the honor of explaining to the municipal authorities of Bacolod, it is a fundamental principle of American government that every man shall have the right to worship God according to the dictates of his own conscience, without interference from any source. Manifestly such legislation as the above does operate directly to interfere with the exercise of this right and cannot be justified or permitted. As I was careful to explain to the municipal authorities of Bacolod, under the existing regime no one can be compelled to contribute against his will to the support of any church, and if the Catholic priests now in charge in that city are objecttionable to the people they have the matter in their hands by refusing to contribute to their maintenance, but they cannot by legislation of the character referred to above interfere with these priests in the exercise of their functions, or with such persons as choose freely to seek their ministrations. Governor Taft some months since wrote a letter covering this general subject to the Hon. Wallis O. Clark, Governor of the province of Tarlac, a copy of which I herewith enclose for your perusal. It is a clear and admirable statement of the relations between Church and State, which makes further elaboration on my part unnecessary. I hope therefore that you will upon receipt of this call the attention of the municipal authorities of Bacolod to the objectionable nature of these ordinances and impress upon them the necessity of their immediate repeal. It is also my desire that you inform me of what action has been taken. With sentiments of distinguished consideration, I have the honor to be, Very respectfully, LUKE E. WRIGHT, Acting Civil Governor.[*119*] 4. OFFICIAL COPY respectfully furnished by direction of the Acting Civil Governor, to the Reverend W. D. McKinnon, Manila, P. I., for his information. A. W. FERGUSSON, Executive Secretary. TRANSLATION. OFFICE OF THE PROVINCIAL GOVERNOR OF OCCIDENTAL NEGROS. Bacolod, Occ. Negros, June 23, 1902 Hon. Civil Governor of the Philippine Islands, Manila, P.I. Sir:- I received your favor of May 26, last, together with a communication from Rev. W. D. McKinnon and copies of certain ordinances passed by the municipal council of Bacolod. Pursuant to instructions contained in the last paragraph of the aforementioned letter, I remitted the same and the accompanying documents to the municipal president of Bacolod, besides having a talk with him. Having brought the matter before the municipal council of Bacolod, the president returned the documents I had sent him, together with the answer of his council. As you have expressed the desire to know what steps would be taken in the matter, I beg to remit you herewith the answer of the municipal council of Bacolod, I also enclose the communication of Rev. W. D. McKinnon and the copies of the ordinances. Very respectfully, L. LOCSIN RAMA, Governor, Negros Occidental, P. I. Trsl. Leo Fischer. Translation. Municipality of Bacolod, June 22, 1902. The Hon. the Provincial Governor of Negros Occidental, Bacolod. Sir:- This council has informed itself of the communication of the Civil Governor in the Philippine Islands relative to the complaint made by Fr. McKinnon with regard to several resolutions of this municipality, which bad faith and the inveterate habit of misinterpreting meanings have qualified as an interference with church affairs, thereby making the municipality of Bacolod appear before the superior authorities as an entity sowing discord, or, what is still worse, as an oppressor of legitimate rights. This is not true, and this municipal council, convinced that it has acted lawfully, honorably and justly, believes to be entitled to defend itself and to explain its conduct, expecting from the justice of the Hon. the Civil Governor that he will not hurl an anathema at this council without first hearing it. We will be brief with our explanation. Here it is: The ordinance in regard to the use of the streets: - This ordinance has been passed with a view to regulate the use of the streets, and does not refer to any certain congregation as certain persons have tried to make it appear, but applies alike to all public gatherings and processions, profane or religious and the sole object of the council, who was acting in virtue of the authority conferred upon it by law, was to do what it said, to regulate the use of the streets and squares for the purpose of avoiding disorders and to pressure that traffic be unobstructed in the streets. The ordinance simply requires a permit to be applied for, in order to enable the authorities in charge of the maintenance of public order to take the proper measures to avoid conflicts and disorders if the permit is given.[*120*] 5. On a certain day the Catholic priest of Bacolod solicited permission to hold processions through the principal streets on Holy Thursday and Friday and on Easter Sunday, but the council disallowed his request, taking into consideration that these processions would doubtless obstruct the free circulation of the public in the streets which are very narrow here, as the said processions move along in a compact mass, carrying with them numerous images on carts and platforms. If we should have to go back - God forbid - to the times of Spanish rule, when the State was intimately associated with the Church, and the latter was an omnipotent power in the Philippine Islands, a religious procession on Holy Thursday would have been perfectly in order in the streets of Bacolod, even if the latter would be narrower than they are, because the procession would move along undisturbedly for the simple reason that nobody would dare to use neither streets nor squares while that manifestation of the Roman Catholic faith would be taking place. But to-day, when with the separation of Church and State and with religious tolerance the situation has undergone a thoroguth change and has made way to a respectable state of affairs, a procession like that requested by the Catholic priest, as they used to be held, would cause many objections on part of non-Catholics and of Catholics considering processions through the streets as outward manifestations of the faith which might just as well take place within the church or in its front-yard. These objections or protests might assume serious proportions at the present time when the animosity towards the friars is so marked, it being public and notorious that the majority of the people here were opposed to the friar coming to take charge of this parish, and there has been considerable excitement over it, as the Civil Governor was informed during his visit to this town. This feeling might easily have given rise to disorders as the friar who had arrived only recently was to participate in the procession, and the council therefore tried to avoid such a possibility. It appears from the communication of the Civil Governor that the ordinance passed by this municipality with regard to the use of the streets had been made for the sole object of prohibiting religious processions, while it refers to all and any gatherings or processions, whether of a profane or religious character, and was passed by this council in good faith and in the interest of the general public, whom it believed to serve. Furthermore, when the aforementioned ordinance was passed, the narrowness of the streets was principally taken into consideration, on this account the municipal council of Bacolod saw fit to regulate and later on to prohibit their being used for religious processions which in the opinion of its members were liable to obstruct the rapid transit of the public. This opinion, which is equally rational and in harmony with the present state of affairs, and not in opposition to law and justice, is corroborated by theory, or better, by the opinion expressed by the illustrious Mr. Taft who says in his letter to the governor of Tarlac: "The municipal council may also regulate or prohibit the use of the public streets for processions, whether religious or not, if in its judgment they obstruct the free circulation of the public in the streets". To do the opposite, or, in more concrete terms, to grant the Catholic priest the permission to hold processions, would have caused many protests from persons who had to use the streets freely, or at least would have compelled the municipality to make a distinction in granting privileges, which is always and everywhere objectionable. One must see, or rather have seen, what the holy week processions were like in Bacolod. If a person who has seen them would claim that they are not liable to obstruct the rapid transit in[*121*] 6. the streets, one may with right presume that that person does not know or understand what an obstruction of the streets means. As one of the worthy members of the Civil Commission, Mr. Luzuriaga is from Bacolod, we would appeal to his gentlemanly and truthful disposition and ask him to state whether or not the religious processions in Bacolod obstruct the free circulation of the public in the streets, if the Hon. Civil Governor would have reasons for doubting the word of an honorable council. The motives of the council in passing the ordinance above mentioned must not be attributed to bad will towards the priest, because nearly all the members of the municipality, being Catholics, would first consider - not the priest, that would be the least - but the religion which they profess, if their duties as councillors, representatives of the government and therefore without official religion, would not oblige them to consider before and above anything the welfare of the community which they represent, which is composed not only of Catholics, but also of people pertaining to other religious communities. We believe that we have given a sufficient explanation of the conduct of the municipal council of Bacolod in the matter of the prohibition of processions as far as the use of the streets and squares of the town is concerned, and ask the Civil Governor, not seeing any transgression of law and rights in the said ordinance, to consider it legitimate. The ordinance relative to corpses and the hygiene of the church, as public building. - This ordinance provides for: 1. The prohibition of the taking of corpses into the church. 2. The direst conveyance to the cemetery of the corpses of persons who have died from a contagious disease. 3. The cleaning up and placing in a sanitary condition of the church, as a public building, ordering the administrator or owner of the establishment to provide cuspidors with desinfectants to destroy the microbes. This ordinance was passed by the municipality as they believed in good faith to contribute thereby towards the laudable object of protecting the public health, furthermore this provision was already made by the Spanish laws. In fact, the sanitary laws issued by the Spanish government, of which we beg to enclose a copy, prohibited absolutely the holding of burial services over the corpse within the church, and in the royal order of April 16, 1856, the Spanish sovereign said as follows: "The depositing of corpses is permitted for the period advised by science and compatible with the public health, in chapels independent of the churches, in normal times, but not when there is any epidemic in the country, providing that these chapels be completely separated from the churches, that they be not habilitated for religious services, in order that not for this nor for any other reasons worshippers be allowed to enter them, and that the sanitary precautions with regard to ventilation and disinfection be strictly observed". The order of the board of health to which we refer is therefore not now, but has had the effect of law before, with the only difference that in those times the priests did not pay any attention to the laws if it was not favorable to their interests to do so. Everybody knows how powerful the monastic orders used to be in the Philippine Islands. Sanitary regulations have also been established relative to private dwellings, and if the orders of the board of health are obligatory for them, there is no reason why public buildings and establishments frequented by many people should be exempt. The sanitary regulations should even be stricter for them than for private dwellings, the number of persons assembling there being [*122*] -7- larger. In compliance - at least apparently - with the orders of the Spanish authorities, the priest ordered a chapel built adjacent to the church, but separate from the same. As that order of the Spanish Government is still in force, the council being of this opinion for the reason that the ordinance objected to provides so, and as in these times of epidemic the public health should be the principal consideration, disregarding all petty interests and monastic pride; what trouble would it be for the Catholic priest of Bacolod to hold the last rites over corpses in the chapel constructed for the purpose, instead of doing so within the church itself? Does he not receive the same fee? However, these are only profane considerations; this council does not know what scientific considerations may have prompted the municipal board of health to issue ordinances which are now considered in opposition to religious rites. The sanitary regulations in force at the present time are made so oppressive by the circumstances that their whole weight falls naturally on the poor people and on their way of living, the more respectable the poorer they are, but not on religious rites. However, the poor people bear this burden with smiling faces, as the public health demands this sacrifice. The same is the case with the cuspidors. Orders have been issued that every public establishment be cleaned up and provided with cuspidors, but nobody has complained except the Catholic priest, who by the way used to keep his church in an extremely filthy condition before the ordinance referred to was issued. If no private dwelling, evangelic church or public establishment is excused from the most rigid compliance with the sanitary ordinances, and all have to be kept clean within and without, no matter who are the inhabitants or owners, why should just the Catholic Church be exempt? The foregoing considerations have induced this council to pass the sanitary ordinances in force in Bacolod. If contrary to the opinion of the council these ordinances should be deemed in opposition to the free exercise of religious rites, the fault of this council consists in its desire to protect thereby the public health, but it must never be said that these ordinances were directed only and exclusively against the friar and his congregation, although the friars deserve that laws be made against them which might wipe out forever in the Philippine Islands their footsteps soiled with blood and crime, because in its resolutions the council always considers the public best and does not care whether its ordinances meet with a good or bad reception with the people of the surplice. The priest, Father McKinnon, who by order of the bishop filed a complaint with the Civic Governor regarding the ordinances of the municipality of Bacolod told a falsehood when he qualified them as an interference with Church affairs. It is evident that it would be an interference with Church affairs to meddle with the inner workings, the discipline, rites or ceremonies of the Church, but the municipality of Bacolod has not done this; it has simply passed ordinances with regard to hygiene and the use of the streets, and does not believe to have interfered with Church affairs in doing so, unless the Church is considered above all law and under the protection of the despised cloak of immunity as in times which have fortunately passed. The municipal council believes that the foregoing is a truthful statement of its motives in connection with the public welfare which prompted it to pass the ordinances referred to. They were not promulgated - as certain persons have tried to make the superior authorities believe - with the sole object of bothering[*123*] -8- the friar, but have a general character and are obligatory for everybody. Begging your pardon for these necessary remarks, the Municipal Council of Bacolod closes this report, explanation of its conduct in passing the ordinances objected to. For the Municipal Council of Bacolod: (Signed) I. V. L. Gonzaga, President, Bacolod, P. I. ---ooooo--- Manila, P. I., November 15, 1902. Governor Leandro Locsin, Governor of Occidental Negros, Bacolod, P. I. My dear Governor: I find on my desk you letter of the 28th of June to the Acting Civil Governor, concerning a communication from the Rev. W. D. McKinnon, and copies of certain municipal ordinances passed by the Municipal Council of Bacolod interfering with church affairs. Since this letter was written, the Commission has taken action and has remitted the parties to an appeal to the Provincial Board, and subsequently, if bad faith can be charged, to a resort to injunction before the courts. This relieves the Chief Executive of irregular action in the matter. I enclose a copy of the act, and when complaint is made to you concerning such matters, it will call your attention to the proper course to be taken. I have the honor to be, Sincerely yours, (Signed) Wm. H. Taft, Civil Governor. Mc[*File*] THE CENTURY CO. UNION SQUARE, NEW YORK November 17, 1902. George Cortelyou, Esq., Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir: We have received your letter of November 12th. We return the letter from Donna Miriam de Liguori Celli and have written her that providing she can secure a proper publisher we see no objection to her making an Italian translation of "The Strenuous Life." We have not asked for any royalty. Very truly yours, Ch. F. Winchester Treasurer. Inclosure.CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS. Publishers, 153-157 Fifth Avenue, New York, Between 21st and 22nd Streets. [*wrote Scribner's 11-21-1902*] November 17th, 1902. Mr. Cromwell Childe, Brooklyn Daily Eagle, Brooklyn, N. Y. Dear Sir: In reply to your letter of November 15th we would say that the picture "One of Stewart's Bobcats" published in SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE for October 1901 was supplied to us, as all the other pictures in this article were, with the text, by President Roosevelt, and we had simply the rights of publication again in the Magazine. We have no authority to extend permission to any one else to reprint the pictures. Yours very truly, Charles Scribner's Sons W.D.M. [*79*]CHARLES SCRIBNERS SONS, Publishers, 155-157 Fifth Avenue, New York, Between 21st and 22nd Streets. [*wrote Scribner's 11-21-1902*] November 17th, 1902. Mr. Cromwell Childe, Brooklyn Daily Eagle, Brooklyn, N. Y. Dear Sir: In reply to your letter of November 15th we would say that the picture "One of Stewart's Bobcats" published in SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE for October 1901 was supplied to us, as all the other pictures in this article were, with the text, by President Roosevelt, and we had simply the rights of publication again in the Magazine. We have no authority to extend permission to any one else to reprint the pictures. Yours very truly, Charles Scribner's Sons W.D.M. [*25108*] [*79*]NEW YORK BRANCH OF THE SOCIETY OF THE ARMY OF SANTIAGO DE CUBA. OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY. 119 Nassau [69 William] Street. NEW YORK, Nov. 17, 1902. [*Ackd 11/21/1902] Dear Sir:- There are two vacancies in the Council of the Society of the Army of Santiago de Cuba, to be filled by the selection of two Rough Riders, members of the Council, according to the constitution. One vacancy is that created by the death of Henry S. Van Schaick; the other by the resignation offered of Arthur F. Cosby as secretary of the society. It has been suggested that Mr. Van Schaick's place be filled by the election of Reginald Ronalds, and that of Mr. Cosby by the election of William Child as secretary. If these nominations, made as required by the constitution, by the members of the Council who were Rough Riders, meet with your views, will you kindly advise me? Very truly yours, Arthur F. Cosby Secretary. [*25109*]Central Trust Company of Illinois Chicago. Office of the President November 18, 1902. Mr. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Cortelyou: The reappointment of Mr. W. S. Summers as United States District Attorney for Nebraska is now under consideration. I think Mr. Summers has made a good record and deserves reappointment. I hope that you will see that his matter receives most full and fair consideration by the President. I understand that Senator Millard is for Summers, while Senator Dietrich has another candidate. In the absence of agreement on the part of the Senators I suppose the present appointment would stand. Yours, [*Charles Gates Dawes*] Charles G. Dawes [*25510*]In re Roosevelt & Son, Agents for Equitable Trust Company, 33 Wall Street. P.O. Box 1222 [*Ackd 11-24-1902*] New York, Nov 18, 1902. My dear Theodore I have just returned from a visit to my boys at school and stopped in Boston to have Christine's eyes examined and saw Dr. Morgan who told me about Ted. Knowing how concerned you & Edith would be about it & not knowing if Dr. Morgan had sent you any complete account I thought I would let you know what he told me. He said Ted [was] eyes were improving to the point where he was using both at the same time and being unaccustomed to that it upset him for a time but that would wear off & he would eventually be much better than before. This view was of course very encouraging. We were all much distressed at Ted's having to leave even for a [*25112*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. [*Ansd 11-18-1902*] 2 WU.HG.KQ. 32 dh - 12:25 p.m. St Lucie, Fla, November 18, 1902. Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Washington, D.C. Your letter forwarded here. I will not be in Washington until twenty-sixth. If this will meet the President's wishes I will ask Mr. Jones to meet me there. Please answer D.H. M.S. Quay. [*25111*]time. I fortunately found my own boys doing well and enjoying the school life & Jack working hard & ambitious so we were pleased. I hope your bear trip has been pleasant from the point of view of sport it does not seem to have been a great success. The labor problem seems to become clearer as we see the Unions discriminating against the National Guard, forbidding men to earn their living, and preventing the distribution of the necessities of life & interfering with the general liberty of our citizens. Unless they are made responsible for their acts & subject to government control they undoubtedly become conspiracies & threaten the power of government. Sincerely yours W. Emlen Roosevelt satisfactory. I am Yours Respectfully, R. Sheridan Prest. [*25114*] [*ppf*] R. Sheridan English Boot Maker 47 Broadway, New York 11/18 1902 President Roosevelt, I have this day shipped your new boots also the pair I put sock linings in. At your request I have made the new boots a little smaller in the heels also the instep leaving space so as you can draw the laces as tight as you wish Hoping they will be [*25113*] Olaf Schroder Captain of the Royal Danish Artillery Copenhagen, Denmark [*25116*] [*[Enc. in Wilson 11-29-02]*] [*[11-18-02]*] Mr. Theodore Roosevelt President of the US Dear Mr. President, I suppose ere this reaches you you will have heard of the death of our old friend & Confederate veteran Judge M.G. Henderson of Biloxi Miss, whom you appointed P.M. there about one year ago. Feeling as we do we beg of you to consider the matter & honor him & his dear old wife by appointing his son to fill his unexpired term. He is her only dependence and has had full charge of the [*25115*] office for some time & we know you could make no mistake as he is thoroughly competent & has the respect of all. We saw notice of his death in this mornings news & take this opportunity of writing you while you are here. Respectfuly Two old friends of his. Memphis Tenn. Nov. 18th 1902 COPY. Albany, November 19, 1902. Dear Senator: The result of the recent election in this State, although upon the face of the returns it would appear that the election was determined by local conditions largely (witness the result in Oneida, Clinton, Albany, Resselaer and New York), is, to my mind, most disappointing for the future, and I fear that with re-assembling of Congress our friends there may get into a tangle on the tariff wuestion which may have serious results. I find in conversation that many Republicans are advocating tariff reduction. Judge Wallace went so far in talking with me about this matter as to favor a horizontal reduction pending a general revision. The proposed creation of a tariff commission meets with no favor either from those who advocate reduction or from those who believe the tariff should be let alone. It is looked upon as a subterfuge in the interests of the protective industries by those who favor lower duties, and those who adhere to the time-honored policy of the party believe that Congress should not apologize for refusing to touch the tariff, but should point to the evils which came from the enactment of the Wilson bill and to the fact that the Dingley tariff itself has been in operation only five years. Some say that we should take off no duties without obtaining reciprocal trade relations. I can find little sympathy for the Cuban, many believing that this country has already done more than she should be called upon to do for any foreign land. There is a strong feeling on the part of many that the tariff should not be touched. This sentiment is stronger among the poorer than among the richer class. I am writing you this for the purpose of calling attention to what you undoubtedly have had brought to your notice, -- the unfortunate difference of opinion existing among Republicans upon the tariff question, a difference which I fear may lead to a serious breach of opinion among those who vote our ticket. [*25117*]COPY. 2 I know nothing about the President's policy except what I read in the newspapers, and I read that he is committed to a tariff commission. I do not believe that this will meet with approval, for the reasons that I have stated above. It is satisfactory to neither shade of opinion. Furthermore a large majority of the voters do not understand these questions and are willing to be led by their party leaders. A strong position taken now will meet with their approval if that position is backed up by argument, fact and newspaper support. It may be too much work to put upon the President, but it seems to me that he ought to get into touch with the leading Republican newspapers of the country, so that when the program is prepared they will understand it and will be prejudiced in its favor because they were consulted. Otherwise, I fear there will be a bedlam of tongues the day after his message is read. Very sincerely yours, (Signed) WILLIAM BARNES, JR. Hon. Thomas C. Platt, 49 Broadway, New York, N.Y. [*25118*][*[Enc. in Platt 11-22-02]*] Executive Chamber State of Arkansas Little Rock. Jefferson Davis, Governor. Chas. Jacobson, Private Secy. [*Ackd 11-24-1902*] November 19, 1902. To His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington, D.C. Mr. President: It has been my purpose to attend the reception given Gen. Luke E. Wright at Memphis today, which you are kind enough to honor with your presence, but serious illness in my family detained me at home. I trust your trip through the South has been a very pleasant one, and you will recall no doubt the prediction I made while in your office last winter, that you would be renominated without opposition. I still stick to that prophecy. It was my purpose to have a private interview with you, if possible, while at Memphis, in regard to the current rumor in this state that Sen. James K. Jones is slated for a place on the Panama Canal Commission. Of course I would not suggest to Your Excellency the solution of any matter of such grave moment as this appointment. We should feel very proud if in making the appointment of commissioners one should be selected from Arkansas, but at the same time the democracy of this state feels that repudiated members of the party should not receive all the Federal recognition; for instance, Breckenridge after he had been defeated for office was given a place on the Dawes Commission; P.D. Scott was at the suggestion of Senators Jones and Berry appointed a member of the World's Fair Commission. Scott is not in harmony, is entirely out of line with his party, and is not considered as a representative democrat of our state. I take the liberty to inclose you a copy of a petition in bankruptcy [*25119*]Executive Chamber State of Arkansas Little Rock. Jefferson Davis, Governor Chas. Jacobson, Private Secy. filed by Senator Jones in the federal Court of the eastern District of Arkansas, which you will observe is signed and sworn to by him. I have taken the liberty to note three items on his list of creditors, -- S. Spence, a hotel keeper against whom he bankrupted for his board; Sallie D. Eaten’s estate, of which he was guardian; and an old man by the name of Stewart from whom he burrowed all that the old man had. Mrs. Diffie, a widow woman from whom he borrowed $300, who is now a living witness in Bismarck, this state, states the the truth of what I have said. He has never paid any of these claims or any part of them. He is reputed to be very wealthy but has taken occasion to avoid the payment of any of his just debts. I call especial attention to these items because they are the most noticeable. A man that would bankrupt on his board, beat his wards, bankrupt on widow women and farmers ought not to be appointed in my judgment, to any Federal position. You will see that this petition is on file in the Federal Court, and I can state Your Excellency that the petition is written in the Senator’s own hand-writing. If I could see Your Excellency for ten minutes I could explain his history to you truthfully in such a way that you could not and would not consider him for a moment for this high honor. This is not a private letter, you are at liberty to show it to any one you please, even to Sen. Jones should you desire. Hoping you will pardon me for the liberty I have taken, I beg to remain, Yours very truly, Jeff Davis [*25120*][*[For 2 attachments see 4-17-02 to 11-19-02]*] [shorthand] [*Ackd 11/21/1902*] 53 Angier Ave. Atlanta, Ga., Nov. 19, 1902. President Roosevelt. Washington, D.C. My dear Sir, - I was as proud of your letter, as you were to see the picture. I made several attempts to see you while I was there, but in vain. You can imagine my disappointment on not seeing you, as that was my business there. I am very, very proud of the pictures. I only knew of [*25121*] [*[11-19-02]*] Davis, Jefferson, Little Rock, Ark. In connection with rumor that Senator James K. Jones is slated for a place on the Panama Canal Commission, encloses copy of a Petition in Bankruptcy filed by the Senator; calls attention to three marked items of creditors against whom the Senator bankrupted for his board and money borrowed. Governor Davis remarks that a man who would bankrupt on his board, beat his wards, and bankrupt widows and farmers, ought not, in his judgment, be appointed to any Federal position. Was the intention of the Governor to attend the reception given General Wright at Memphis; trusts the President's trip through the South was a pleasant one; still adheres to his prophecy that the President will be renominated without opposition. [[shorthand]] your mother, but Daddy Luke loved her so, that long before his death, gave the pictures to my father and myself. At my fathers death they were to come to me. They are to be handed down in my family. I have the frames they were in, but afraid they would get broken. Since it has become known I am in possession of the highly prized picture, several have wanted; I refused as Daddy Luke's request was, I should keep them always for the love he and Mom Charlotte had for them. When I was a child I was a favorite of Miss Susan - Mrs. Dr. West. Can you tell me where she is? Daddy Luke always said, "They are blessed people." I see it is handed down from mother to son. May God continue the blessing upon you and your dear family. I am very anxious to see and know you all. I hope I may see you soon, as I am interested in the family. I am respectfully Yours, E. C. Ford Mendham, NJ [*25123*][*[attached to Davis, 11-19-02]*] [*ackd 11-22-1902*] [*ppF pr*] [*Personal.*] WILCOX & MINER, COUNSELLORS AT LAW. Ansley Wilcox. Worthington C. Miner. Room 816 Ellicott Square, Buffalo, N.Y. Nov. 20th, 1902. My Dear Mr. President: -- I am sending you enclosed herewith a draft of a little sketch written by me, covering your two visits in Buffalo in September of last year. This is to be published early next week in a little newspaper issued in connection with the bazaar which is to be held here for the benefit of the school teachers' retirement fund. I was asked to write it by some of my friends on the Buffalo School Board, and felt that I could hardly refuse to aid in so good a cause. I expect to see this in proof by the first of next week, and it has occurred to me that it might be prudent, as well as civil, to send it on to you in advance and give you a chance to make suggestions. I think I have stated the facts correctly, but I am not sure about some little details connected with your trip into the Adirondacks, the name of the club, and just where the message from Mr. Loeb found you, &c. If you observe anything which requires correction, I should be glad to make it more accurate. Of course I am responsible for the article, and you are not supposed to have any views on some of the things which I have said by way of personal comment upon yourself, or about the suggestion that your present term of office may possibly not be the last one; but if there is anything of this kind in the paper which you object to or would like to have me omit, I should be glad to know of it. Very likely you may not find a chance to look at this before it goes into print, - if not, you might hand it to Mr. Loeb for suggestions as to the facts. I observe that you have got through with your outing in the Mississippi woods, and am glad that you have enjoyed it, but sorry that you did not get a good bear skin of your own shooting to take home with you. However, you are too good a sportsman to expect always to have good luck. I have been having some good rides in the Genesee Valley, though Austin's hounds have recently been affected with rabies, and this has put an end to the regular hunts for this month. Next month I expect my copyright case to be reached in the Supreme Court, and shall be in Washington for a day or two to argue it, when I shall hope to see you. With sincere regards, Your very truly, Ansley Wilcox. w. Encl. To the President, Washington, D.C. [*25124*][*[Attached to [?] 11-19-1902]*] [*[For 2 encs see 9-17-01 9-17-01]*] EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT THE CENTURY MAGAZINE UNION SQUARE NEW YORK R.W. Gilder, Editor. [*G*] R.U. Johnson, Associate Editor. C.C. Buel, Assistant Editor. [*Ackd 11-25-1902*] November 21, 1902. My dear Mr. President: Pardon me for thinking you have a great and immediate opportunity. Whatever the rule under which you have acted, or whatever your desire not to be involved on one side or the other, recent Executive action and certain outgivings of Cabinet officers and prominent politicians, have associated the Administration in the public mind with that side of the Addicks affair with which every one who knows you is perfectly sure you personally do not, in fact, sympathize. Now the anti-Addicks movement in the eyes of the people is somewhat like the anti lottery movement in Louisiana, and there is no doubt that the conscience of the country has been shocked, whether rightly or wrongly, at the Administration's apparent identification with the wrong side. This being so a great many of us are hoping -- and here comes my reference to an opportunity -- that, now that you see what an effect of identification your action has had, you will be able to do something to offset this in some conspicuous and characteristic manner. I began with an apology and I end with one -- on the plea that my Gilder ancestors were all from Delaware and my ancestral blood is aroused in behalf of the attempt to save the State from degradation. This requires no answer, and I am Always yours respectfully and faithfully, R.W. Gilder. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. [*25125*]United States, Senate, COMMITTEE ON PATENTS. WASHINGTON, D.C. [*Ackd 11-24-1902*] FIFTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS. MR. PRITCHARD, CHAIRMAN. MR. PLATT, CONN. MR. McCOMAS. MR. KITTREDGE. MR. MALLORY. MR. HEITFELD. MR. FOSTER, LA. R.H. McNEILL, CLERK. Charlotte, N. C., Nov. 21, 1902. Dear Mr. President:- I regret exceedingly that I did not have an opportunity to talk with you while on your visit South. I was in Washington the day before you left, but I did not call to see you, being under the impression that it would be several days before you started South. The Democratic papers are making it very uncomfortable for me - among other things they are stating that you are determined to punish me and those who are my friends for the policy I have pursued in North Carolina, and I have been called upon by all the leading journals both North and South to give out a statement with respect to the matter, but I have refrained from doing so, in order that I might have an opportunity to submit to you in advance what I have to say, that there may be no unnecessary clash between us. My chief object has been to build up a strong, respectable and effective Republican organization in North Carolina, and I have succeeded in doing so at this election. In the first place, as I have heretofore said to you, no one was excluded from the Greensboro convention on account of his race, color or previous condition, but it is true that a number of negroes, [*25126*]United States, Senate, COMMITTEE ON PATENTS. WASHINGTON, D.C. FIFTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS. MR. PRITCHARD, CHAIRMAN. MR. PLATT, CONN. MR. McCOMAS. MR. KITTREDGE. MR. MALLORY. MR. HEITFELD. MR. FOSTER, LA. R.H. McNEILL, CLERK. #2. headed by Cheatham, who is your personal enemy, and who came to the convention for the express purpose of creating trouble, were excluded upon the grounds that they were not elected by duly qualified voters, and that they did not represent the regular organization in their respective counties. I herewith send you a clipping from the Charlotte Observer of this place, which is self explanatory. Among other things you will see what I have to say with respect to the matter, in so far as any breach between you and myself is concerned. I also desire to say that if you wish it I will forward to you at once a copy of a statement which I have prepared for The World's Work, and also a copy of a general statement I have prepared for publication in the various papers throughout the country, in order that you may revise the same, and make any suggestions you may deem proper. I am your friend, as you know, and my chief desire is to serve the Republican party and do what I can to promote your welfare, and I believe that the best service that can be rendered the Republican party is to secure your renomination in 1904, but if I am to be required to recommend the appointment of colored people to prominent local positions, I will be forced to resign the positions which I now occupy, to-wit, that of National Committeeman and [*25127*]United States, Senate, COMMITTEE ON PATENTS. WASHINGTON, D.C. FIFTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS. MR. PRITCHARD, CHAIRMAN. MR. PLATT, CONN. MR. McCOMAS. MR. KITTREDGE. MR. MALLORY. MR. HEITFELD. MR. FOSTER, LA. R.H. McNEILL, CLERK. #3. Chairman of our State Executive Committee, because if I were to adopt such policy for North Carolina it would result in a complete -disintegration of the white forces of the State. Two years ago the Democrats carried North Carolina by 65,000 majority. At that time, they alleged that we had 120,000 negro voters in the State. At this election they only permitted about 8000 negroes to register and vote, and three-fourths of them voted the Democratic ticket, and their majority is only 67,000. We succeeded in polling over 68,000 white Republican votes. This will give you some idea as to the substantial gains we made in the State. I am detained here in the trial of an important case in the United States court, and will not be able to reach Washington before the first of December. Kindly let me hear from you at your earliest convenience. With best wishes and high regards, I am Sincerely yours, J C Pritchard [*25128*][*[For 1. attachment see Pritchard 11-21-02]*] Hotel Gordon Washington, D. C. [*File ppf*] November 21, 1902 My dear Sir I have had the pleasure in receiving your letter of todays date in which you inform me that the c/o G. B. Cortelyou Esq. White House [*25129*]President and Mrs. Roosevelt desire to have my wife and myself call at the White House on Monday after noon, the 24th instant to dine and to spend the night there. I beg to say that it will give my wife and myself great pleasure to accept the President and Mrs. Roosevelt's kind invitation. I also shall have the pleasure of calling on the President on Sunday evening at nine o clock very truly yours H Sternburg [*25130*]*] Nov. 22nd 1902 WHITE HOUSE, [*Stables*] WASHINGTON. .1 gent Sad Complete .1 Bridle " " .1 Blue Sad Pad with 3 rows gold Braid & Coat of arms .1 Plain cloth canvas Sad Pad with coat of arms .1 wool Sad Pad (all military) .1 extra Bit E. J. Conover [*25132*] [*[11-21-02]*] Pritchard, J. C. Charlotte, N.C. Democratic papers are making it very uncomfortable for him; among other things, are stating that the President is determined to punish him and those who are the Senator's friends for the policy pursued in North Carolina; has been called on by leading journals, North and South, to give a statement with respect to the matter; has refrained from doing so, in order that he might have an opportunity to submit to the President in advance what he has to say, so that there may be no unnecessary clash. His chief object has been to build up strong, respectable and effective Republican organization in North Carolina; succeeded in doing so at this election; no one was excluded from Greensboro Convention on account of color, race, or previous condition; it is true the Negroes, headed by Cheatham, who, the writer states, is the President's personal enemy, and who came for express purpose of creating trouble, were excluded upon grounds that they were not elected by duly qualified voters, and did not represent regular organization in their respective counties Encloses clipping from Charlotte Observer, regarding the Senator's relations with the President. Calls attention to gains made in the State. Will not reach Washington before Dec. 1. [*25131*][*[attached to Pritchard, 11-21-02]*] [*[attached to Forster 11-23-02]*] [*ackd 11-24-1902*] 49 Broadway New York. November 22, 1902. The President, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President: It occurs to me that you may be interested to read the attached copy of a letter which I have just received from our mutual friend William Barnes, Jr., the Chairman of our State Executive Committee, and the Editor of the Albany Evening Journal. There is, no doubt that he voices the sentiments of a large number of people, and you may find some of his suggestions, especially the one contained in his closing paragraph, to be of value. Very truly yours, TC Platt Hm [*25133*][*[For 1. enc. see Barnes 11-19-02]*] [*File*] Wheeler Ala Nov 22 1902 Dear Mr. President It was very complimentary and kind of you to speak so prettily of me in your Memphis [*25134*]speech and I write to express my thanks, and also to tell you how delighted the people were with your visit Sincerely yours, Joseph Wheeler. [*25135*] TELEGRAM [shorthand] WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. [shorthand] [*ansd 11-28-1902*] 2 WU O GI 18 Paid -- 1:25p Memphis, Tenn., Nov. 22. Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary to President, Washington. Telegram received. Leave for Washington tomorrow, Sunday evening. Will bring address with me unless you wish it sooner. Luke E. Wright. [*25136*] Conover says the outfit is "very fine" and and in his opinion is a splendid equipment. He does not, however, know if it will suit the President. It is a military outfit and some parts of it are very much ornamented with gold braid, etc. R.F. [*[Forster]*] [*11/23/1902*] [shorthand] [*25137*] [*(For 2 attachments ser 11-22-02 11-23-02)*] [*ca 11-23-02*] [*Wired 11-23-1902*] 101 East Nineteenth Street. My dear Theodore: It will give me the greatest pleasure to speak Monday night with you & Edith. We will have "squillions" of things to talk about. Ben & I will go to the White House at about three for our talk [*25138*]with you as he has to go back here that afternoon. I suppose I should have said "come back." Grant, alas, is in New NY and on business and only returns on Monday and is too much driven to get away again. He is wonderfully well and in good form. There is nothing for the Native American so good as rather too much to do. Yours faithfully Florence B. La Farge Mrs. C. Grant [*25139*] The Commercial Advertiser. Established 1797. 167 BROADWAY AND 5 & 7 DEY STREET, EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT NEW YORK Nov. 24th, 1902. [*Ackd 11/26/1902*] Dear Mr. President:- I enclose the article of which I spoke and also something that I have written to-day on your Philadelphia speech. Your touching farewell to the Antis delights me greatly. I notice that they let it pass in silence. I hope to see the Addicks statement in to-morrow's papers. Mrs. Bishop and myself had a very delightful visit and we have returned deeply sensible of yours and Mrs. Roosevelt's kindness toward both of us. Yours always, J.B. Bishop President Roosevelt. P.S. The enclosed cartoon will, I am sure, amuse you--especially the attitude of Lodge with the other terrified statesmen beneath the table. [*25140*] guide you aright. I know you are honest, and have the courage of your convictions. I believe you to be our greatest President since Washington and I am anxious to see you re-elected. Only the handling of this problem can defeat you. Only the Almighty can handle it, and I think he is taking it in hand. North and South the color-line is being drawn tighter and tighter. You are not responsible for it -- let it severely alone -- leave it to the Almighty who permitted it centuries before you were born. May God protect you from all harm, and preserve your services to your country, invaluable as they are, and only possible to the purest patriotism, the highest courage, and the finest judgment -- Most sincerely Jason Bullitt Dixon [*ackd 11-24-1902*] [*Bring the opal*] My dear Mr. Roosevelt I send you by the hand of your Secretary, Mr. Cortelyou, a magazine containing an article on Patrick Henry -- which I beg you to read. I have read many of your historic works with deep interest -- I have followed every step of your career since you began the reform of the government of New York City, where I was then residing -- I have agreed with you on all but two points -- One is -- I do not think that Patrick Henry made "a slip" in his opposition to the Constitution without amendments. The other -- I trust God and your own good sense may [*(ca 11-24-02)*] [*25141*][*Ack 1801 F. St. 11/25/02*] Nov. 24, 1902 My dear Mr. President Judge Holmes has agreed (S.?.) to dine with me the evening of Tuesday, Dec. 9, at eight o'clock, to meet his brethren and some other gentlemen, and you would do us great honor, as will as give us great pleasure, if you could be present My intention is to invite, in addition to the members of the Court, Secretary Hay, the Attorneys Seward, Secretary Root, Senators Hoar, Bacon & Spooner; and two others, say Chief Justice North and Mrs. Nelson Page. any person agreeable to you as I assume those men would would be. Very truly yours [*25143*] Melville W. Fuller the President [*[FULLER]*]DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE Office of the Attorney General Washington, D.C. 24 November 1902. Honorable George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. Dear Sir:- I have noted the contents of Mr. [*Charles Gates*] Dawes letter in the interest of the re-appointment of Mr. W. S. Summers as United States District Attorney for Nebraska, and return same herewith as requested. Yours Very Truly, PC Knox Attorney General. Enclosure. [*[see Dawes, C.G. 11/18/02]*] [*25144*][*Personal*] [*Ackd 11-28-1902*] Auditorium Annex, Chicago, Nov. 24th, 1902. To His Excellency, Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President:- I am on my way to Oregon. There are two matters which I have felt that I must see you in relation to before my departure for the West, but as that is impossible I take the liberty of writing you. One is the Delaware situation. I am daily hearing unpleasant comments by our friends. Addicksism will no more mix with Rooseveltism than oil with water, and I sincerely hope that wrong impressions, which have gained a foothold, may be eliminated. The other matter is in relation to the appointment of the United States District Attorney for Brooklyn, I have nothing but kindly feeling toward our mutual friend, Mr. Young; neither am I acquainted with my other candidate, but when Louis F. Payne was nominated for Superintendent of Insurance, I refused to vote for his confirmation on the ground that the people were entitled to an official in whom they had absolute confidence I very much regret to state that I do not believe, from all that I hear, that Mr. Young possesses this qualification in any considerable degree. [*25145*]-2- I hope you will pardon me for these suggestions, as I believe you know me well enough to know that they are prompted solely by my interest in the success of your administration. I am, with great respect, Yours very truly, Frank W. Higgins [*25146*]Philbin, Beekman & Menken, 111 Broadway, New York, (Trinity Building) Eugene A. Philbin. Charles K. Beekman. S. Stanwood Menken. [*Ackd 11-281902*] November 24th, 1902 The President, My dear Mr. President : - The enclosed copy of a letter from Father Wynne may prove of interest to you. In relation to his remark about the unwillingness of many to vote against the Republican ticket in this State a few weeks ago, because of appreciation of the position that you have taken in relation to the Phillipines, I beg to say that I think his view as to their attitude is entirely correct. Although I am opposed to Mr. Odell personally, because I believe that he has not acted for the best interests of the State, I sent word to him through Deputy Comptroller Gilman, that if during the campaign it was sought to use the friar matter as a mean of defeating him, that I thought I could off-set such an influence. I further told Mr. Gilman that I did not want Governor Odell to think that I was prompted by any desire for his election, but solely because I did not wish to have anything occur that might tend to give a false impression about you in this State. I also send you a second communication for Father Wynne and which explains his remarks about Masonry. I think that the strong feeling that exists in the Church in that regard is very much like that which existed in. the A. P. A. organization in relation to Catholics, and has just about as much basis in fact. Monsignor Kennedy, the head of the American College in Rome, is now in this city. If you have not met him I should like very much to have an opportunity of presenting him to you, providing his stay is of sufficient duration to permit it. He has been in this country for some time and is about to return, but owing to my absence from this city, I have not been able to meet him before tomorrow night. You probably already know that the American College provides education for young men entering the priesthood and who upon ordination are employed here. When I was in Rome last February, I visited the College and was gratified to learn of the very high esteem in which you were held. With sincere regards, I am, Yours respectfully, Eugene A. Philbin Enclosures. [*25147*][*For 1 attachment see Philbin ca 11-24-02 2 enclosures see Wynne 11-11-02 " 11-7-02*] [*File ppf Pm.*] [*[11-24-02]*] [*Ackd 12-8-1902*] Dear "Theodore": It is delightful to hear that you are pleased with your portrait -- It is four years since I begged you to let me have Encke paint it for Edith when you were fresh from you campaign with the military bead on! -- I told you than that you would be President -- but did not think it would be so soon -- And now Encke has caught you with the military -- the gubernatorial -- the Vice Presidential and the Presidential bead -- a perfect string of beads! For with your perpetual effervescence there is [*25148*]never a stagnant moment! You are like Cleopatra -- (this is "meant complimentary"). Age cannot wither you nor custom stale -- Your affectionate friend and subject Maria Longworth Storer Hotel d'Angleterre Biarritz -- November 24th 1902 P.S. We have a dim prospect of going to Vienna. Mr. McCormick may possibly consent to leave by New Year's Day! -- I have all my ambassadorial clothes -- but meantime I am only a "flanneled fool" upon the Biarritz golf links -- [*25149*] [*[ca 11-24-02]*] Philbin, Eugene A. New York. Monsignor Kennedy, head of the American College in Rome, is now in New York. If the President has not met him, Mr. Philbin would like to have an opportunity of presenting him. Encloses copies of letters from Rev. John J. Wynne, New York, commenting upon the President's recent address upon Masonry. Mr. Philbin says that he thinks that what Father Wynne says of the unwillingness of many to vote against the Republican ticket in New York a few weeks ago, because of appreciation of the position that the President has taken in relation to the Philippines, is correct. [*25151*] [[shorthand]] Higgins, Frank W. Chicago, Ill. Delaware situation: Says he is daily hearing unpleasant comments; that Addicksism will no more mix with Rooseveltism than oil with water; hopes wrong impressions, which have gained a foothold, may be eliminated. U.S. District Attorneyship, Brooklyn: Mr. Higgins says he has nothing but kindly feeling toward Mr. Young; neither is he acquainted with any other candidate, but when Louis F. Payne was nominated for Superintendent of Insurance, Mr. Higgins refused to vote for his confirmation on the ground that the people were entitled to an official in whom they had absolute confidence; regrets to state that he does not believe, from all he hears, that Mr. Young possesses this qualification in any considerable degree. Mr. Higgins is on his way to Oregon. [*[ca. 11-24-02]*] [*25150*]ORDNANCE OFFICE WAR DEPT. WASHINGTON Nov. 25, 1902. My dear Mr. Courtelyou: I am glad to learn that the President is pleased with his horse equipments. I enclose herewith the vouchers therefor, which I have been holding until I should learn of his approval of the equipments, and request that you will kindly have them signed and returned. I suppose the vouchers might be signed by yourself, or myself, for the President; but the Rock Island Arsenal would be glad to have the President's [*25152*]name upon them. Sincerely yours, William Crozier 2 encls - Mr. George B. Courtelyou, Secretary to the President, Executive Mansion. [*25153*]*] [[shorthand] ] [*ackd 11/29/02*] 1801 F.St. Nov. 25, 1902 Dear Mr. President My interview was quite satisfactory, and I have no doubt he will hold on until February 2 - The Court then takes a recess to Feb. 23, and I do not think it can make any difference to him if he named Feb 14 or 16; and of course he could go anywhere he liked after Feb 2 - I am telegraphing Judge Holmes that Harlan's silver jubilee will be celebrated Dec. 9, & asking [*25154*]him if he can accept for the 8th. I still entertain the hope that you might find it possible to dine with us though of course I can't feel hurt if it is not possible or convenient. Very truly yrs Melville W. Fuller The President [*25155*] of what is plain to many well wishers of yours on the outside - that a mistake at this crucial point would end your Negro policy without restoring you in the eyes of the White South. Very hastily, Leupp [*Ackd 11-26-1902*] 45 Wyatt Bldg. Nov. 25. [*[02]*] Dear Mr. President, Let me appeal to you again not to make a mistake in that Charleston case. They are making bets all over on your "backing down," and after the apparently [*25156*]authoritative announcements made in the Tribune, Herald, or other leading papers on the day you left for the South, only one interpretation will be placed on your change of plan. No letter or other publication can change this. Of course, I do not question your right to make your own decisions; but I take too deep an interest in the success of your administration & your position before the country to forbear warning you. [*25157*]and to contend for it in word and deed. Just at present, however, they cannot meet your enemies in the gate as they would like to. Believe me, never more faithfully yours than when writing this letter. Rollo Ogden. [*Personal. *] The Evening Post Editorial Rooms NEW YORK [*ackd 11-26-1902*] Nov. 25, 1902. Dear Mr. President. Will you allow me in all frankness, to tell you how deeply I have been hurt by this Addick's business? In a sense, I with some others in this office have been fighting your battles. We have stood up for you against older men who never liked or trusted you. [*25158*] Charles R. Skinner. State Superintendent. State of New York Department of Public Instruction Superintendent's Office Albany. [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 11/26/1902*] November 25 1902 My dear Mr President: It was a splendid demonstration of your interest in poplar education to attend the dedication of that Central High School building in Philadelphia, and to bring your cabinet with you. It is a most notable incident in the history of our country where the great head [*25160*] But this Addicks affair left us speechless. We had nothing to say to their sneers. Personally, I feel like a man who has received a foul blow. No friend of yours can have had a truer sense of enthusiastic loyalty to you than I have felt, and my pained dejection is all the deeper for my having believed in you so implicitly. My personality and my position here count for nothing. I am perfectly well aware; but you ought to know that my present pain and mortification are shared by very many whose good opinion you ought to value. They want nothing for themselves, but they do want decency in public life; and they will still hope that you [*25159*]of our government has indicated so clearly his faith in our schools. This was the most gratifying thought which came to me last Saturday, but I shall also carry forever in delightful recollection your pleasant recognition of Yours very sincerely, Charles R. Skinner Hon. Theodore Roosevelt The White House Washington, D.C. [*25161*] Tiffany & Co. Gold & Silversmiths Union Square New York [*File ppf*] 25 November 1902 My dear Mr. Cortelyou: Your letter regarding the Presidents' hunting knife has been referred to me, and I feel personally much mortified that the knife made by Tiffany & Co. proved so inefficient. It has not yet been received, so it is impossible to say where the fault lies, but I shall give my personal attention to having it made thoroughly right. Will you tender my sincere apologies to the President for the annoyance he has suffered to which I would add my satisfaction that the weakness evidenced itself [*25162*] before the weapon might have been previously called upon. Sincerely yours H. H. Treadwell George B. Cortelyou, Esq. Secretary to the President [*25163*] [*Ack Hotel Telegrafo 12-1-1902 ppF pr*] Havana Nov 26th '02 Dear Theodore, I arrived here a few days ago from the eastern end of the island, where I have some interests, and yesterday I called upon President Palma by appointment and had a long talk with him. We spoke of reciprocity and the Platt Amendment. I told him that I thought the reciprocity treaty might encounter difficulties in our Senate unless the Platt Amendment was embodied verbatim in a treaty of relations. [*25164*]After a long talk he finally said that he realized the necessity of this & felt sure that the Cuban Senate would see the matter in the same light. Palma is a good man, conservative and honest; and is slowly surmounting the difficulties with which he has been surrounded. As you know there has been a general strike here. It lasted but a few days & is now practically over. There was no damage done by the strikers and it was pleasant to see the good will and cheerfulness with which the police charged and disbursed any crowds that gathered. [*25165*] A few lives were lost and the hospital beds have about one hundred occupants. That is all & the city is as quiet & gay as ever. I shall be here a few weeks & if you like I'll write you what I see and hear & as I am close to the Cubans that is not a little. Yours sincerely Wm Astor Chanler [*Ackd 12-19-1902*] TO THE PERSON RECEIVING THIS LETTER: Do not come to visit prisoners on Sunday, Decoration Day, Fourth of July, Thanksgiving Day or Christmas. You will not be admitted. Parties corresponding with prisoners must observe carefully the following directions. Write plainly: confine yourself strictly to family and business matters. In directing letters put prisoner's name and register number plainly on envelope. Always use stamps enough to insure delivery. In sending money to prisoners, send money order or draft - personal checks, currency and stamps will not be received. All letters and papers are closely examined. Prisoners can write but once in two weeks, and can see friends not oftener than once in two weeks, except on special written authorization obtained of the Warden before coming to the prison. No food or wearing apparel sent to prisoners will be admitted. Cañon City, Colorado, Nov. 26 1902. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. Mr. President: I take the liberty of addressing you in regard to a letter of recommendation, feeling sure that you will be willing to state the facts at a time when such a letter would be of great value to me. I enlisted in the First U S. Volunteer Cavalry on the 4th day of May 1898 at Prescott Arizona and was in Troop "B", Capt. McClintock, Lieut's Wilcox and Reyning, was mustered out of the service at Montauk Point with an honorable discharge. I came to Colorado and got into trouble here. I am about to make an application for parole. If you would kindly write to the Board of Pardons, Capital Bldg. Denver Colo setting forth my record while in your Regiment I am sure that such a letter would be of great benefit to me at this time, I am very truly yours, Edward G. Collier [*37*] [* 25166*] Reg. No. 4876[shorthand] [*Copy sent to Mr White 11-26-1902*] Department of Justice Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D.C. 26 November 1902. Dear Mr. President:- It would be a great pleasure to me to comply with the request of Mr. W. A. White of Emporia, Kansas, to be present at the banquet to be given by the Kansas Day Club in January next. The condition of the public business in my Department, however, is such that it will be impossible for me after Congress convenes to arrange to be absent from Washington for the length of time required to go to Kansas. I very much regret this is so, in view of the expression of your personal feelings in relation to the matter. Yours Very Respectfully, PC Knox The President, [*25167*]U.S. Department of Agriculture Biological Survey Washington, D.C. C. HART MERRIAM, CHIEF A. H. FISHER, ASSISTANT CHIEF T.S. PALMER, ASST. IN CHARGE CASE PRESENTATION F. K. L. BEAL, ASST. IN CHARGE ECONOMIC ORNITHOLOGY November 26 1902. My dear Roosevelt: Very many thanks for your kindness and generosity in sending the Biological Survey the deer and bear obtained during your recent hunt in the South. The specimens came in good condition and have been made up. Will you kindly send me a memorandum containing the data for labeling -- the locality, data, and sex will be sufficient. The deer is evidently a doe and the bear skin appears to be a female. There are also two additional skulls of bears. During your absence I returned from California, and shall be glad to see you at your convenience. Very truly yours, C. Hart Merriam Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, White House. [*25168*]POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Office of the Postmaster General, Washington, D. C. November 26, 1902 My dear Mr. Cortelyou:- I return herewith the draft of the proposed letter to the Mayor of Charleston, with two or three trifling changes which I would suggest. The only change of any account is found on the third page, in the phraseology of the sentence which reads in the draft as follows: "if, as you hold, the great bulk of the colored people are not yet fit in point of character and influence to hold such positions, it seems to me it is worth while putting a premium upon the effort among them to achieve the character and standing which will fit them." I think to change the latter part of the sentence to read: "It seems to me they should be encouraged and not discouraged in the effort among them to achieve, etc.", would improve it. At first, yesterday, I thought it would be just as well not to write a letter at all, but after more consideration, and reading the letter enclosed, I am satisfied that it is very timely and a good thing to give to the public. Very truly yours, H C Payne Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. [*25169*]CHARLES R. SKINNER STATE SUPERINTENDENT STATE OF NEW YORK DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION SUPERINRENDENT'S OFFICE ALBANY. [*Ackd 10-26-1902*] Nov. 26, 1902, My dear Mr. President: Is there any special or personal service I can render you in this state, during the coming year? Some day I am going to ask to confer with you for ten minutes in reference to the situation here. There is but one man who can present your re-nomination. That man is yourself. Very sincerely, Charles R. Skinner [*25170*] Honorable Theodore Roosevelt President.[*129*] [*ca 11-26-02*] EXHIBIT NO. 44. Tambobong (near Malabon), November 24, 1902. Apostolic Administrator of this Archdiocese, etc.: With the greatest respect, I have the honor to inform you that this morning about eight o'clock I received notice from Padre Candide del Rosario and Padre Leandro de Pineda, by means of three persons who came, requesting that I go to the Concepcion chapel in the jurisdiction of this parish, because the schismatic priest, Gregorio Aglipai, and other of this followers were attempting to officiate in said chapel. I went immediately, going first to the house of the Acting President begging the intervention of his authority in order that he might keep the public peace, and explained to him the information which I had received. He replied that he would go, which he indeed did, meeting each other on the return to the parish house. When I arrived at the chapel, I found the two padres at the altar, surrounded by a large crowd, who were defending the right of the Catholic Church to said chapel, and several were exercising force to get the priests from the altar. When they said that I could not reach them on account of such a large crowd, they asked me to call the police, which I did without succeeding in getting any one of the police to follow me; and they merely told me that their lieutenant was already in the chapel. When I returned there I found that there was no crowd in the chapel, and one person told me that the two priests had been arrested or were in prison. I not having seen them on account of the large crowd, I do not know if they were injured. Therefore, I went back to this parish house in order to inform Your Excellency immediately of what has occurred this morning in the aforementioned chapel, not knowing what further occurred nor whether said schismatic priests come officially or not. God keep you many years, etc. (Signed) Lorenzo [Crixorio?.] Bishop's Palace, November 26, 1902. Mr. Wm. H. Taft, Governor General, P. I., Manila. Dear Mr. Taft: The Delegate has asked me to send you the enclosed letter, which relates to the disturbance of which we spoke yesterday. The circumstances seem to be getting worse, as you will see from the enclosed. With respectful regards from the Delegate and myself, believe me, Very sincerely yours, (Signed) M.J. O'CONNOR, Secretary 1st Endorsement. EXECUTIVE BUREAU Manila, November 24, 1902. Respectfully referred to the Attorney General for immediate investigation and report. (Signed) BERKMAN WINTHROP Acting Executive Secretary. 2nd Endorsement OFFICE OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Manila, November 25, 1902 Respectfully forwarded to the Provincial Viscal of Rizal for further thorough investigation of the facts relating to the within communication. Prompt return of these papers with report is requested. (Signed) L.R. WILFLEY Attorney General. [*25171*]Jno. M. Parker Jos. A. Airey JNO. M. PARKER & CO. [*[11-26-02]*] New Orleans, La. Memoranda- Large Bear Skull, - Old Male.- Very poor. - Weight 285#. Struck on head by Holt Collier with his rifle. - Little Sunflower River - Sharkey Co., Miss., Novr. 14/1902. Small Bear Skull. - Three year old female. - Very fat, weight 220#, caught by dogs.- Then shot in head.- Same location as above and same date. Old She Bear. - Poor condition.- Weight 235#. - Killed after long chase by Thos. McDougall, Novr. 17th, Kelso, Miss., Deer is young swamp doe. - Not weighed. - killed by Maj. Geo. M. Helm. - Sunflower River, Novr. 17/1902. [*25172*][*in re - letter to Geo F. Hoar - 12/23/02 on Mabini case*] Mr. President, Left by Secretary Root. I gave him your message about this correspondence. He said if you had thought of sending the letter to Senator Hoar he would have questioned the wisdom of retaining the portion marked on page 3. Geo. B. Cortelyou [*25173*] 12/27/1902.[*Personal File*] Russell B. Harrison ATTORNEY AT LAW Suite 708 NEWTON CLAYPOOL BUILDING, INDIANAPOLIS. Nov. 27, 1902, Col. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. My Dear Colonel:- I am very much concerned in your interest, about the District Judgeship matter. It is unfortunate that the fact of Judge Baker's resignation became public. The District Judgeship for Indiana, is the most important office in your gift, and it should be, in a measure, hung up as a prize to be awarded after nomination of 1904, with full knowledge of the conditions that will prevail at that time. My concern is entirely in your interest. I have no candidate. You will recall my conversation with you on the subject, after your operation at St. Vincent's Hospital in this city, and my deep concern in this matter. Since Judge Baker's resignation became public, lawyers and large interests of this state entered into active canvass for the appointment for their friends. There are many candidates. You can appoint but one, and such an appointment now, would leave a large number sore and disappointed. My advice, and it is solely in your interest, is not to act on this resignation until after the conventions of 1904. You can assign good reasons for letting Judge Baker have a longer term of service. Having the impression that Judge Baker was not anxious to retire, I had a long confidential talk with him Tuesday night, and he confirmed my impression. He stated that, while his resignation was placed in your hands in good faith to be acted upon when your judgment dictated, he was not anxious to retire, and much preferred court work - to which he is admirably trained and adapted - to enforced idleness, or entering the practice of law. He would be greatly pleased, if allowed to have a longer term. While he did not ask me to speak in his behalf, he [*25174*]made statements sufficient to justify my representing to you the actual condition of affairs. I feel that my judgment and advice in this matter, will appeal to you. It certainly has all the elements of safety, and none of danger. As you are are aware, I have been loyally for you for a nomination for the Presidency for a number of years, and want to see Indiana a solid delegation in the Roosevelt column. We can place it there, but do not turn loose a new Judge with obligations to pay to a Senator, prior to the 1904 conventions. Under my suggestion, I can have fifteen or twenty of the leading lawyers of this state working hard for you, and without any urging. I enclose a clipping from the Indianapolis News, the leading independent paper of this city, concerning an active aspirant for the position, and about whom I have previously expressed an opinion. Please note the closing sentence of this editorial. My father always avoided the appointment of a Judge, whose chief recommendation was his political activity. While the request may be unnecessary, I would ask that you take no action in this matter until after the holidays. In the meantime I will study the situation further, and visit Washington. Your friend and comrade, Russell B. Harrison [*25175*] [* [For 1. attachment see ca. 11-27-02] *] [*ackd 11/29/1902*] 242 - 4th Ave. New York. Nov 27th 1902. My dear Mr. Roosevelt, Not having heard from you since August, I write a few lines to let you know that I am still in New York, but want if possible to get back to Japan, or some part of the Orient next month or in January. As I told you in my last letter and when I saw you, if there is anything I can do for the Government in any part of [*25176*]Please forgive my troubling you, but I am following Grant's direction. With kindest regards, I hope that you and yours are well. I am – Cordially yours, James N. Morgan. 27 Nov. 02. [* [11-27-02] *] POST OFFICE. WATFORD. TELEGRAPH. WATFORD. TELEPHONE CO. ALDENHAM ABBEY, WATFORD, HERTS. My dear Mr. White. Grant La Farge has asked me to send this parcel of heavy wool socks, his card is enclosed. [in the f] to go in the Embassy mail-bag & to ask you to have them delivered to the President [*25178*] the Orient, I should be very glad to do it, but my knowledge of Japanese would make me of more use in Japan or Formosa, although I am thoroughly familiar with China and the Straits Settlements. I am ready to go at any time, and at a days notice, and will come on to Washington if you want me. I have seen all the family since I saw you, except Arthur, and they all wished to be remembered to you, if I saw you again, [*25177*] My daughter Nathalie saw Alice several times at Islesboro this summer, but I have never seen her yet. I meant to have called to see you again in hopes of doing so, but every time I heard she was at Oyster Bay, I put it off, as I also heard you were away or very busy. Hoping you are well, I am with best wishes for a Happy Thanksgiving Sincerely yours John F. Hooper.interested in this subject of Deer, Sheep, and Goats and would be greatly favored if you would let me know where white goats are to be found in Southern California. Hoping to hear of this Yours Sincerely C.B. Nordhoff Redlands California. [*Nordhoff*] [*Ackd 12-4-1902*] Nov. 27. Redlands Calif. Mr Roosevelt,– Dear sir, having read with the greatest interest your, "The Wilderness Hunter," I thought it might not be too great a liberty to ask you a question concerning it. I have hunted, to some extent, in Southern California, and the adjoining province of Mexico, Baja California, and had never, except in the extreme [*25180*]. [[4 lines shorthand]] Hooper, John F. New York City. Writer states that he wants to get back to Japan, if possible, or some part of the Orient next month or in January; if there is anything he can do for the Government in any part of the Orient, would be glad to do it; his knowledge of Japan would make him of more use in Japan or Formosa, although he is familiar with China and the Strait settlements; is ready to go at any time; will come to Washington if needed. Says he has seen all the family since he saw the President, except Arthur; they wish to be remembered to the President. Writer's daughter Nathalie saw Miss Alice at Islesboro this summer; etc. Good wishes. [*Ackd*] [* [ca. 11-27-02] *] [*25182*] southern end of Baja California, heard real of Wild Goats existing in this country. I was, therefore, naturally surprized, when in reading the chapter entitled "Mountain Game" I came on the following passage relating to Goats:– "Colonies are found among the high mountains to the southward, — and, strangest of all, in one or two spots among the barren coast mountains of Southern California." I have always been aware of the presen[t]ce of a few bands of Big Horn in this vicinity, but, up to the present date, have never heard of any animal at all like the white goat, in these parts. The goats of Baja California, if they are a goat, are a different animal, slimly built, with long, curling Ibex-like horns, and even these have never been heard of north of Cape San Lucas. I am extremely [*25181*]COUR D'APPEL MIXTE D'ALEXANDRIE [[4 lines shorthand]] [*Ackd 12-18-1902*] November 28, 1902 Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. Sir: At last, the honor conferred by you in designating me to the Egyptian Government for the post of Justice of the Mixed Court of Appeal, has been consummated by Khídivial decree and I have been regularly installed in my new functions. I avail myself of this occasion to thank you for the honor done me. I recently had a private audience with the Khídive to thank him for his participation in my advancement, and on that occasion His Highness requested [*25183*]GEBBIE AND COMPANY 1710 Market Street, Philadelphia, PA. [*Ackd 12-3-1902*] November 28th, 1902. Mr. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- In the series of President Roosevelt's books we are inserting a fac simile of his signature at the end of each preface, and we find the preface of the volume entitled "Hero Tales" is signed by both President Roosevelt and Henry Cabot Lodge. As we are very desirous of marking everything in connection with these volumes as uniform as possible, we should take it as a very great favor if you could procure for us Mr. Lodge's signature, so we could make a fac simile of it. Thanking you in advance, I am, Yours very truly, A. R. Keller President. [*25185*] me to convey to you his most respecful greetings, and to express his great satisfaction at the noble course you were pursuing in the interests of the American People, not only by your official acts, but also by your personal and most successful efforts in relation to the recent labor troubles in the United States. Permit me, Mr. President, to add my own most sincere praise and appreciation in the same behalf. I rejoice also in the result of the late Elections, and for this signal political triumph, offer you my sincere congratulations. The result is considered in all countries as a triumph of your will known principles and an approval of the courageous manner in which you have maintained them in the late crucial days of national anxiety. With renewed thanks and expressions of appreciation, I am, with great respect, most faithfully yours, Geo. S. Batcheller P.S. Accept also my thanks for the photograph, containing your autograph brought me by my daughter. GSB. [*25184*]GEBBIE AND COMPANY, 1710 MARKET STREET, PHILADELPHIA, PA. [*Ackd 12-3-1902*] November 28th, 1902. Mr. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- In the series of President Roosevelt's books we are inserting a fac simile of his signature at the end of each preface, and we find the preface of the volume entitled "Hero Tales" is signed by both President Roosevelt and Henry Cabot Lodge. As we are very desirous of making everything in connection with these volumes as uniform as possible, we should take it as a very great favor if you could procure for us Mr. Lodge's signature, so we could make a fac simile of it. Thanking you in advance, I am, Yours very truly, A.R.Keller President.[*Ackd 11-28-1902*] 55 Munn Avenue. East Orange.N.J. To the President. My Dear Mr. Roosevelt. You were very kind to allow me to dedicate this book to you in memory of old times. Please accept the accompanying copy with assurance of my loving regard. I am Sincerely yours, James M. Ludlow[*Personal.*] The Evening Post Editorial Rooms [*File*] NEW YORK Nov. 28, 1902 Dear Mr. President: My former letter to you required no answer, but I thank you for taking the pains to write to me as you have done. I see no occasion for recurring to the Addicks matter except to say that he was not, as you seem to imply, under any misapprehension as to what actually occurred in that deplorable affair. The factwere but too well known to too many. Believe me, Sincerely yours. Rollo Ogden Theodore Roosevelt, President.[*(Enc. in Miles 8-7-03)*] [*(11-28-02)*] REPORT OF INSPECTION BY LIEUTENANT-GENERAL NELSON A. MILES, COMMANDING THE ARMY, DATED MANILA, P.I., NOVEMBER 28, 1902. WASHINGTON: GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE. 1903.HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, Washington, November 28, 1902. SIR: I have the honor to submit the following report: I found in the Department of Dakota that during the past few years a very small amount of money had been appropriated to keep in repair the large and valuable military establishment in that northwest country. This is illustrated at Assinniboine, one of the most strategically important military garrisons along the northern frontier. It is a solidly built post, capable of accommodating a regiment of infantry, or six troops of cavalry, and four companies of infantry. The buildings are of brick, and are of comparatively recent construction, costing nearly $700,000, and yet the post is without proper hygienic appliances or a sewer system. In the Department of the Columbia I found the same conditions of affairs that has existed for several years and been repeatedly reported upon, namely, that the important artillery defenses guarding the entrance to Puget sound are entirely without proper shelter for the troops. At Fort Worden a powerful battery has been established for at least three yars, but the artillery garrison there is now partly sheltered in light temporary buildings erected for the engineers while building the fortifications, and the remainder of the garrison is in tents. The same thing exists at Fort Casey, where there is a garrison of two artillery companies. The men are in tents and the officers sheltered in huts that are not suitable for the shelter of public animals. Officers state that it is very disheartening to the troops, and will undoubtedly result in desertions, to say nothing of the effect of such exposure upon the health of the garrisons. On the right bank of the Columbia River, at Fort Columbia, barracks and quarters have been built within a few hundred yards of a strong battery of high-power guns, the nearest being within 108 feet, thus making it impossible to fire the battery without seriously injuring, if not destroying, the public buildings. At San Diego work was being done to prepare the grounds for public buildings, but the guns of this heavy battery are so placed that while they might prevent a foreign ship entering, they do not fully defend the harbor. A fleet could remain outside the harbor and shell the town or destroy the shipping in the harbor without being under the fire of the battery as it is now located. The garrison consists of two companies of artillery, at present stationed in the old infantry barracks at San Diego, 7 miles distant, and in sheds at Fort Rosecrans. At San Francisco the condition of some of the guns is similar to that at Fort Worden, Wash., and Fort Rosecrans, Cal. The batteries are not all placed where they would have the largest field of fire and could do a hostile fleet the greatest amount of injury while it was approaching, attacking, or entering the harbor, and when in the harbor. Some of the guns are so placed that their field of fire is very limited, and 34 they could only bear upon a ship or fleet during the few moments that it would be passing a given space within their range. The tide rolls into the harbor of San Francisco at the rate of 7 miles per hour, which would materially accelerate the great speed of a modern battleship, and one will realize the very short space of time that a hostile ship would be within the limited field of fire of several of the guns defending the harbor. Alcatraz Island, opposite the entrance to the harbor, is without any modern fortifications, although guns placed upon it would not only have a ship under their fire before it entered and all the time during its passage into the harbor, but would be in the most commanding position to render effective service should a ship succeed in gaining an entrance. While emplacements have been constructed and guns and carriages erected, yet they are almost entirely deficient of essential appliances, such as range finders, relocators, and proper telegraphic and telephonic communications, but the most serious defect is absence of suitable ammunition. Battleships with an average of only two or three rounds of ammunition per gun would be regarded as useless for war purposes, and coast defenses can not be regarded as of any greater value unless suitable ammunition, in proper quantities, is provided for the guns as they are established. This is the most serious defect in the whole Pacific coast defenses. It is useless to suppose that even if an abundance of ammunition were provided it would be available if stored at some arsenal where it would have to be moved along a line of defenses 1,500 miles in extent, with all the delays or dangers that might occur on a single line of railway. Having examined all the high-power guns on the Pacific coast, I found the mortar batteries in good condition and the guns mounted in barbette in perfect order, although supplied with obsolete loading appliances. Of the 39 guns on disappearing carriages, 11, or nearly one-third, were found to be defective from various causes. Attention has previously been called to this important subject. I consider it most injudicious to expend tens of millions of money on coast defenses, guns, mortars, fortifications, etc., and not at the same time supply suitable ammunition. Neither do I consider it wise or safe to rely upon a system of disappearing gun carriages so defective. Surely the present condition, where one-third of these guns are in perfect order, with not enough complete ammunition, on the average, per gun, to sustain a continuous fire for fifteen minutes, is not a proper condition for war, that is liable to occur at any time, and for which the coast defenses are constructed. The disposition of the troops is, in my judgment, most injudicious. All of the stations around the harbor of San Francisco are artillery stations, and should be heavily armed and properly manned. When properly equipped with modern guns and mortars no other than artillery troops will be required; yet, notwithstanding this, there were crowded into those stations, in addition to the heavy artillery, four batteries of light artillery, four troops of cavalry (assigned), and one-tenth of all the infantry in the United States Army. It is most objectionable for troops to be located on old camp grounds, and yet the Thirteenth and Nineteenth Infantry and part of the Seventh are now stationed on ground that has been occupied for years for recruiting camps and camps of detention at the Presidio and Angel Island. In fact, some $75,000 is now being expended in constructing 5 temporary barracks on ground of this character at the Presidio, and in addition to all this there is located there a recruit depot, presumably for furnishing recruits for the regiments stationed in the Philippine Islands. Now, all of this is unnecessary, very expensive, and, as will be seen, very inadvisable. In the first place, there is no necessity for a depot of recruits for the regiments serving in the Philippine Islands, and if there were a worse place could not be found than the Presidio of San Francisco. The regiments, if filled to their maximum strength, or up to 125 men to the company, as they go out to the Philippine Islands, would require no recruits during their stay there, and they should be brought back, if practicable, at the end of two years' service; certainly at the end of three years. Men can not be kept longer there, as very few reenlist, and two years is as long as the officers ought to be required to stay in that remote and unhealthful region. Therefore a recruiting depot for that division is wholly unnecessary. Recruiting depots were very wisely broken up several years ago, and the method of enlisting recruits and sending them to the nearest military stations has been found more economical and far better for the service. To recruit men for the Army in the States of Illinois, Missouri, Texas, Arkansas, Colorado, Nebraska, Iowa, Georgia, Utah, and Indiana, transport them to the Presidio of San Francisco, and then send them back, frequently over the same railroads, to Wyoming, Montana, Kansas, Texas, Colorado, Utah, Arizona, Nebraska, and Illinois, as has been and is being done, not only involves a useless expense to the Government, but is an injury to the service. During the six months ending September 30, 1902, 59 men deserted while en route to, and 276 deserted from, this recruit camp or depot. While the camp gained 1,511 recruits, its loss, by desertion en route to or directly from the camp, was 335 men, and there are no reports of the number of desertions while going back from this camp to the regiments to which they have been assigned. Adding to this number the 591 recruits assigned from this depot back to stations east of the Rocky Mountains, in many cases more than 1,000 miles from the Presidio, makes a total of 926 men transported over the country at useless expense or loss to the service. I also call attention to the very limited amount of funds for barracks and quarters allotted for artillery stations on the Pacific coast, where troops are compelled to be located and are at present exposed to the severe climate with, in several cases, only tents for shelter. I also call attention to the recommendations of the board of general officers composed of Major-Generals Brooke, Otis, Young, MacArthur, Bates, and Hughes, Brigadier-Generals Randall and Kobbe, and Colonel Randolph, and myself. After full and careful consideration of this most important subject, it will be observed that they recommended, among other things, that Benecia Baracks, Cal., be occupied; that Fort Wright, Wash., be enlarged; that a regiment be stationed near Los Angeles, Cal., and another one at Albuquerque, N.Mex. I would call attention to the fact that, regardless of their judgement, it is proposed to establish military posts at Monterey, Cal., and Whipple Barracks, Ariz. Both of these stations are at isolated points on branch lines of railroads; both are positions that were abandoned years ago as useless, of no military advantage, and objectionable in many ways. Besides, to establish these posts would necessitate the expenditure of6 upward of $600,000 that would be better spent for the shelter of troops where they are actually required. An examination of the map will show that between San Francisco, Cal., and Fort Grant, Ariz., a distance of 1,000 miles, and from San Diego, Cal., to Fort Douglas, Utah, a distance of 700 miles, there is a zone or district of country of at least 600,000 square miles in which there is not a single soldier of the United States located. No other area of this extent can be found in the United States where there are no troops, and it has been a good principle that the Army should be distributed equally, as far as practicable, in the different sections of the country; hence the judicious recommendation of the board referred to, that a regiment of infantry be located at Los Angeles, Cal., the center of six railroads, and a place of strategic importance. The dividing up of the Ninth Cavalry and sending the troops to stations that are occupied by white troops, and where there are not accommodations, is injudicious, and similar methods have resulted in serious disturbances and discredit to the service. The regiments should be located together for discipline and instruction. The sending of troops that have just returned from the arduous service in the Philippine Islands immediately to Alaska is, is my opinion, an injustice, and should never be repeated. In order to better the military service in respect to the matters or defects above referred to, the following changes should, in my judgment, be made: First. All artillery stations on the Pacific coast, whenever emplacements and guns are established, should be supplied with complete appliances of electrical plants, range finders, relocators, telegraphic and telephonic communications, and ammunition; and ample quarters for the garrisons should be provided in sufficient time so that the garrisons may be complete, however large or small, for effective service whenever the guns are ready to be mounted; otherwise, in case of war, the millions expended would be partially, if not wholly, useless. Second. Ample allotments should be made out of the present year's appropriations for building necessary quarters at Forts Casey and Worden, Wash., Bonita Point and Gravelly Beach, on the north side of the Golden Gate, Fort Rosecrans, near San Diego, Cal., and also for all artillery stations required on the Atlantic and Gulf coasts. Third. The recruiting depot at the Presidio of San Francisco should be discontinued; and whenever regiments are sent to the Philippines, they should be recruited to the maximum strength, or increased to 125 men to a company. Should it be necessary at any time to send men to the Philippine Islands, except in regular organizations, I recommend that the number required be obtained by calling upon the different department commanders to report the number of men who desire to be transferred to regiments serving in those islands, and that they be sent there. In that way men would be obtained who desire service in that division, and they would be less likely to desert en route. They should be gathered in the different departments and sent, under charge of officers, to the Philippine Islands, without any unnecessary delay on the Pacific coast. Fourth. I recommend that the Seventh Infantry occupy Benicia Barracks, Angel Island, and Alcatraz Island, temporarily; that the Fifteenth Infantry be sent to the Department of the Columbia for assignment to stations; that Fort Sherman be reoccupied, temporarily, 7 until the completion of Fort Wright; that the Nineteenth Infantry be directed to take station in the vicinity of Los Angeles, Cal., and that the Ninth Cavalry be concentrated in the vicinity of Albuquerque, N. Mex. The Thirteenth Infantry can be available for service in any of the eastern departments, or could take the place of the Seventh Infantry when that regiment goes to the Philippine Islands. Fifth. I recommend that Alcatraz Island be fortified. At Honolulu, Hawaii, I found the condition of affairs reversed from that prevailing at some of the artillery stations near San Francisco, namely, heavy artillery doing practically infantry duty. There is no service for artillery at these islands at present, and from present indications there probably will not be for some years. The Engineer Corps has commenced arrangements for dredging the entrance to Pearl Harbor for the future establishment of a naval station at that point. This enterprise will require years of time and some millions of money, but in the future, no doubt, a very safe and desirable naval station will be established. The military question of the first importance, in my judgment, is the defense of Pearl Harbor, which would be in part also a defense of the harbor of Honolulu. Strong fortifications should be erected on both sides of the entrance to Pearl Harbor and manned with suitable heavy artillery. Another fortification on diamond Head would possibly provide sufficient means of defense, at least for several years, to maintain the supremacy and interests of the United States at this point. The artillery now occupying an old cantonment could be better employed in manning the defenses already established in the United States, and if a garrison is required to support the civil government of Hawaii and maintain order in that Territory, a more suitable one would be a battalion of infantry, a troop of cavalry, and a battery of light artillery, under the command of a lieutenant-colonel. Major Davis, of the Artillery Corps, the present commandant, is a very efficient officer, and has fulfilled all the duties required at that important station in an intelligent, judicious manner, and would be an efficient officer for a mixed command, providing he had sufficient rank. The heavy artillery now under his command is entirely out of place, and will be until guns and mortars are mounted for the defense of the harbor. One of the important requirements of this station is the supplying of coal for naval vessels and army transports. The present method of supplying coal there is entirely inadequate, obsolete, and unnecessarily expensive. The transport stopped at Guam long enough to discharge 100 tons of freight for the Navy. The importance of this island is that it will be one of the cable stations for the Pacific cable, and could be made a place of refuge for naval and commercial vessels and a way station for supplying coal to war vessels. Yet it is impossible for ships to go near the shore, and the present harbor is regarded as unsafe, as the fate of the Yosemite would seem to indicate. The only means of going ashore at present is in a rowboat, and at low water it is extremely difficult to do that for at least 1 1/2 miles. If the island is worth holding, it would seem to be important that a suitable and safe harbor should be constructed and properly fortified. The proper garrison for the present purposes would seem to be two companies of infantry under the command of a field officer.8 There were two military prisoners remaining at that station, Mabini and Ricarte. They claim that under the President's amnesty proclamation of July 4 they should be sent back to the Archipelago, and if required to take the oath of allegiance, that it should be taken "before any authority in the Philippine Archipelago empowered to administer oaths." The first named is a cripple and has been for years. He is evidently a great sufferer. He looks to be a man 55 years of age, although I understand he is only 38. The lower part of his body is entirely paralyzed, and he has to be carried in the arms of his attendant. I should not think he weighs more than 80 or 90 pounds. I recommend that he should be released and sent to his relatives. At the time of my leaving San Fransisco there were a large number of army transports at anchor in the harbor. These vessels have been fitted up at a cost of millions of dollars, are very steady and safe, and in emergencies that are liable to occur at any time would be of inestimable value to the Government. Such as would be valuable to the Navy could be transferred to that Department, but I think it should be with the distinct understanding that their equipment for transporting troops is not to be destroyed and that they would be ever ready for that purpose, and be returned to the War Department when required. Concerning the other transports, I will refer to them in a subsequent report. Very respectfully, Nelson A. Miles, Lieutenant-General, Commanding U. S. Army. The Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. — Adjutant-General's Office, Washington, February 27, 1903. The reports noted below are replies to the letter of the Lieutenant-General of the Army, dated Manila, P.I., November 28, 1902, and are, by direction of the Secretary of War, submitted to the Lieutenant-General for his consideration and any remarks and recommendations he may have to make for the information of the Secretary of War. H. C. Corbin, Major-General, U. S. Army. Letter of the commanding general Department of California, dated January 24, 1903 (2 inclosures). Letter of the commanding general Department of Columbia, dated January 17, 1903. Letter of the Chief of Artillery, dated February 26, 1903 (1 inclosure). Letter of the Quartermaster-General, dated January 22, 1903. Letter of the Chief of Engineers, dated January 9, 1903. Letter of the Chief of Ordnance, dated February 16, 1903. Memorandum of Maj. H. A. Green, Assistant Adjutant-General, dated January 28, 1903 (9 inclosures), on the subject of recruiting for the Army. 9 Headquarters of the Army, Washington, March 13, 1903. Respectfully returned to the honorable the Secretary of War. My report was intended to call attention to existing defects and deficiencies at the time of my inspection which still, more or less, exist at the present time, especially as to the supply of ammunition and the means of communication and fire control for the effective use of the batteries. The communication is a most important subject and a very serious one. The remarks of all officers mentioned in this report appear to have been made in a respectful, soldierly way, with the exception of those of Major-General Hughes. I desire to invite attention to the evident disrespectful, unsoldierly, and unworthy tone distinctly expressed in his letter. I cite a single instance as an illustration: He says, on page 1, paragraph 2, that "the Lieutenant-General states that these batteries are 7 miles from San Diego town." His argument that the batteries are not intended to protect a seaport city, but only to prevent the use of the bay as a harbor, and as a base of operations, is erroneous. There are hundreds of places that an enemy's fleet could occupy and use as a base, but the coast defenses are intended to protect the principal cities, as New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Washington, New Orleans, San Diego, San Francisco, Portland, Seattle, and others, and prevent their falling into the hands of an enemy. If General Hughes has made any fair or intelligent consideration of this subject he would know that this remark was not made as to the distance along a straight line—the line of fire. If he does not know this he is ignorant as to the location of the batteries in that harbor. It is not over 5 miles from a point near Point Loma, where an enemy's fleet could lie, entirely protected from all guns in that harbor and destroy the town, coal bunkers, shipping, etc. It was to show the necessity of hastening the installation of heavier guns on Point Loma, which would command the approaches to the harbor and keep the enemy's fleet away, that this subject was referred to. Such guns ought to have been put in position first, and the other batteries later. I consider other statements and uncalled for arguments of his equally fallacious and misleading. Nelson A. Miles, Lieutenant-General. — Headquarters Department of California, Office of the Commanding General, San Francisco, Cal., January 24, 1903. The Adjutant-General, U. S. Army, Washington, D. C. General: In replying to the report of the Lieutenant-General of the Army, submitted to me for remark, the following is respectfully submitted: San Diego. The report distinctly indicates that the Lieutenant-General is under the impression that the batteries at the entrance to the Bay of San10 Diego are for the protection of the small town of San Diego. It is respectfully submitted that such is not the case. Those batteries are intended to prevent the use of that bay as a harbor and base of operations, as was formerly done by the Mexicans in their struggle with the Spaniards, and also in their efforts to hold the country against us. It will be noticed that the Lieutenant-General states that these batteries are 7 miles from San Diego town, and when the off distance of a war ship is added to 7 miles it is though that the danger to the town from open-sea bombardment is not serious. Since his inspection of the batteries on San Diego Bay, the garrison there has had its target practice, and three of the guns mounted on disappearing carriages are reported to be in good condition. The counter-recoil buffers of the carriage for the fourth gun have been ordered sent to Watertown for correction. The work of constructing barracks and quarters and all that pertains to a permanent post is under way at Fort Rosecrans, and the work will be continued until completed. SAN FRANSISCO. Criticism of any system of defense of a great harbor, to be logical, should include the whole, and not rest on such portions as may be seen while the work is in progress. It is true that the batteries are not all placed where they would have the largest field of fire, and where they could do a hostile fleet the greatest damage. But let me ask, How is it possible to place all of 25 batteries where each would have the greatest possible field of fire? The question is as to the effect of the whole, and as the system is projected there are quite a number of batteries, and additions to existing batteries, still to be constructed. Some guns and batteries have been located where the advantage of position and resulting force exceeds in value any extended field of fire. These positions have been carefully studied by our engineers for years, and when the system is completed it will meet all requirements. It is true that the ebb tide has, at gate, a surface velocity at times of 7 miles an hour. But as this ebb tide is our ally against all comers we should rejoice rather than complain. The flood tide, which would aid the enemy, has no such velocity. This is owing to the fractional resistance to be overcome in the much accidented tidal basin and to the countercurrent of five rivers and forty or fifty lesser feeders emptying into the bay It is true that there are deficiencies in appliances and ammunition, but this is, in part, at least, due to the uncompleted condition of the system. This deficiency is thought not to be so great as to justify the use of the word "entirely" as used in the report. Target firing at moving targets has just been held in both San Diego and San Francisco artillery districts, and the appliances, etc., were quite sufficient to enable the batteries to have this experience with the appliances pertaining to the established scheme of fire control, battery command, etc., in the various batteries. The reports have not all been received as yet, but from personal observation and from statements made by the artillery chiefs, the department commander feels safe in saying that the work ran smoothly, and the results were quite creditable. 11 A board of officers, consisting of the constructing engineer, the artillery inspector at this headquarters, and an artillery officer of the district, is at work trying to reconcile differences of opinion and recommendations submitted as to the best sites for fire control and battery commander's stations, lines of communication, etc. which have yet to be constructed, and which have been delayed owing to differences of opinion. The constructing engineer is putting the magazines in water-tight condition, etc. In good time the appliances and communications will be completed. During the practice firing above mentioned one mortar was put out of service by the breech lock refusing to go back into locking position after being fired. One disappearing-gun carriage refused to come up into position of "in battery" at the fourth round. I was present when the previous round was fired, and for some reason, not fully explained as yet, in coming into battery for that shot the gun not only came fully into position, but did it with entirely too much of a shock to insure safety to the carriage, as the weight of metal in a 12-inch gun strikes a heavy blow. I invited the attention of the commanding officer of the artillery district of San Francisco to what had occurred a few moments afterwards, but the mischief seemed to have already been done, as the gun would not rise for the next shot. Of course the indications are that there was either too little oil in the cylinders or too much weight on the counterweight, but there may have been some other cause. It is a fact, however, that out artillerists have to be educated up to caring for and manipulating these heavy machines, and in securing this education some materials will suffer, but thus far we have had no serious trouble from this cause during the time I have been here. I do not know what disappearing gun carriage the Lieutenant-General considered unserviceable in the portion of the Pacific coast in this department when he visited it, but at this time there is one disappearing carriage at Fort Rosecrans, San Diego, and three at the Presidio—Battery Lancaster—on which the counter-recoil buffers have given trouble, and which the Ordinance Department are now preparing to replace. I have been unable to determine how much of this trouble may be due to defective materials, and how much to the lack of experience and necessary carefulness in our artillerists. During the late target practice two notable mistakes were made by the artillerists, both of which were not justifiable. At Rosecrans one gun was fired with too little oil in the cylinders, and at Battery Lancaster one was fired with two heavy counterweight. Constant vigilance may be secured by experience. The other fifteen guns on disappearing carriages in this department are working satisfactorily. DISPOSITION OF TROOPS. The report states: This is, in my judgement, most injudicious. All the stations around the harbor of San Francisco are artillery stations and should be heavily armed and properly manned. When properly equipped with modern guns and mortars no other than artillery troops will be required. Yet notwithstanding this, there were crowded into these stations, in addition to the heavy-artillery, four batteries of light artillery, four troops of cavalry (unassigned), and one-tenth of all the infantry in the U. S. Army.12 The department commander was not called upon for any information on this subject, and the Lieutenant-General does not appear to have fully understood the situation. It is that that in course of time all posts about San Francisco harbor may become artillery stations, but because a site is appropriate for artillery does not make it necessarily an artillery station, Alcatraz Island, for instance. This report contains a previous statement that "Alcatraz Island is without any modern fortifications," which is the fact. Hence it is occupied by a battalion of infantry and the military prison, with some six hundred souls. As the report states in another place, "The artillery could be better employed in manning the defenses." The posts are not crowded as to barrack accommodations. The Presidio reservation contains between 1,400 and 1,500 acres. There are stationed on it a total of about 3,500 people. The regular garrison of the Presidio proper consists of two field batteries, five coast-artillery companies, and four troops of cavalry. The is barrack room in the post for 13 companies. In the general hospital, which is a separate command, the number varies, but it usually pivots about the figure 500. In the separate command of the depot of recruit instruction there are two regiments (the Seventh and the Nineteenth), together with the recruits and casuals, with a total of about 1,400. This command is cantoned on the southeast portion. Exception is taken by the Lieutenant-General to the side on which the latter command is located because the ground was formerly occupied as a camp. If the camp had been an ordinary field camp his objection would be well founded. But this was no ordinary camp. It was one planned especially to avoid the poisoning of the air and earth, and the tents were so floored as to leave the ground underneath well aired. All deleterious material of every character was hauled to the salt water and there dumped. Since getting the command into their frame buildings, under good roofs, the percentage of sick from all causes in the two regiments has gone down 50 per cent, so that the last monthly calculation shows the percentage of sick from all causes to be in the Seventh Regiment 2.2 per cent, and in the Nineteenth, 4.33 per cent. This would not seem to indicate that they were in the unsanitary situation, as the percentage of sick from all causes is probably below the average of other posts in the United States. The Thirteenth Infantry is stationed as follows: One battalion in charge of military prison at Alcatraz Island; one battalion in charge of Discharge Camp on Angel Island; one battalion scattered - one company with regimental headquarters at Fort McDowell, one company with convalescents at Benicia Barracks, and two companies at Fort Mason. So much of the report as relates to the recruit depot will be taken up in detail. It is stated that there is much useless expense in transporting recruits west who are again transported east when assigned. This applies to the past and not to the present. The depot did a heavy business in supplying recruits for the Philippines, especially at the time of the reorganization of the Army, and later when heavy losses occurred in the regiments in the Philippines through losses by discharge, etc. 13 When resistance ceased in the Islands the depot was found with a heavy supply of recruits on hand. When I arrived here in April last there were about 3,000 recruits and casuals to dispose of. As the forces were at once reduced in the Philippines, and all long-term men of organizations returning were transferred to remaining organizations, additional recruits were not forwarded from this depot. When regiments arrived here they were depleted by transfers made abroad, and our overstock of recruits here were applied to filling them up. The congestion ceased several months ago and further assignments of recruits t eastern commands are not now made. The plan suggested by the Lieutenant-General to improve the situation in doing away with the recruiting depot would seem to be sufficient argument to justify the maintenance of it. He proposes that 125 men be transported to the Philippines to do the duty of 65. In other words, he would send a soldier, and a substitute to take his place in case the soldier fell by the way. The providing for a possible contingency in each organization, instead of providing a central reserve t meet possible losses in the entire Philippine command, is such a violation of recognized economic methods that it is not thought the recommendation was given mature consideration. I do not know how the artillery stations are provided with building funds in the Department of the Columbia, but in so far as the Department of California is concerned, the allotments have been quite liberal. The posts of Miley, Baker, and Rosecrans have been provided for very well. The recommendation for barracks and quarters at Gravelley Beach, on Lime Point Reservation, is not concurred in. The plan thus far pursued has been to locate the artillerists assigned to that battery over the hill at Fort Baker. The batteries at Bonita Point are approaching completion, and the attention of the War Department was invited to that fact some months ago, and it will be provided with accommodations for troops in due time. As to the recommendation of the board of general officers that Benica Barracks should be occupied, I wish to say that they are fully occupied, and were so when the Lieutenant-General submitted his report, one company of the Thirteenth infantry and two companies of convalescents being stationed there. As to the isolation of Monterey, where a command is located, it will be seen by examining the situation that Monterey is at the terminus of a spur of the coast line of the Southern Pacific railway, only 15 miles from the main line at Castroville, and from there the interior line of the Southern Pacific or the Santa Fe roads can be reached by either a north or south movement. In addition to this, Monterey is always open to the sea. We are not spending $600,000 on this regimental station, but $125,000, and if such work was encouraged in the Army it is my opinion it would be very good for it. In so much as related to the territories between San Francisco, Cal., and Fort Grant, Ariz., and San Diego, Cal., and Fort Douglas, Utah, I have had that area carefully calculated, and the estimate made by the Lieutenant-General is excessive. . 14 In fact, the area is found to contain 317,492 square miles instead of 600,000. It is further found, by including Fort Douglas and Fort Grant as within the territory mentioned, that there are 6,010 soldiers in the territory named. They are summarized as follows: Cavalry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 882 Artillery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,892 Infantry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3,236 _______ Total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6,010 The proportion of troops to square mile of area is 2.97. The proportion of troops to population is 1 soldier to 156.96. But in the above the troops on the western extremity of the quadrangle and those at Fort Grant and Fort Douglas at the eastern termini of the lines specified have been included, and in order to meet the probable intention of the Lieutenant-General to exclude these troops, a different calculation has been made excluding them. Total area of quadrangle described, after excluding the territory to the west of a line bisecting California from north to south, and territory within a radius of 50 miles from Fort Douglas and Fort Grant, is footed up as 234,385 square miles. Population is given in census of 1900 as 213,593; population to square mile, 0.91. Taking an approximate area near the center of population of the United States, or the States of Ohio, Indiana, Kentucky, West Virginia, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Illinois—an area of 313,995 square miles—we find the population per square mile to be 55.28. Troops serving in above territory: Cavalry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136 Artillery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 250 Infantry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,136 _______ Total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,522 or 1 soldier to 6,878.65 population. But let it be considered that as a very general rule there are 6 of population to 1 able-bodied man. In the district concerned in the complaint there would be 1 able-bodied man in between 6 and 7 square miles of territory. What have we to guard against in such a sparsely settled territory? As to the recommendations submitted: Recommendation second. It is not thought that it would be good administration to construct a separate post at Gravelly beach, Lime Point, as Fort Baker is thought to be quite near enough to meet all requirements. The construction work at San Diego is under way and will be continued until completed. Third. Filling companies to 125 men on sailing for the Philippines is not thought to be in favor of economy. It is believed that a depot of recruits is more economical. Fourth. The Seventh Infantry is comfortably established at the Presidio. The Thirteenth is comfortably provided for, as given above. The Fifteenth Infantry is comfortably placed at Monterey. The Nineteenth Infantry is comfortably established at the Presidio. The Fifteenth Infantry at Monterey is within nine hours' railroad ride 15 of Los Angeles. Why should the Nineteenth be made uncomfortable in the dust and discomfort of a camp at Los Angeles? The squadron of the Ninth Cavalry at the Presidio is well quartered, and during half the year it is out guarding the national parks, which has been the custom for many years. The Presidio appears to be the most economical station for their winter quarters. The squadron of the Ninth Cavalry at Monterey has a comfortable camp, and it may be found advantageous to move this squadron to the Nacimiento tract in case its purchase is authorized; some command should take possession of it, and this squadron is near at hand and available. I am not aware that any arrangements have been made to quarter a regiment at Albuquerque, N. Mex. It will be observed that in this recommendation the Lieutenant-General proposes to leave the coast defenses without any supporting or protecting force. He locates two battalions on detached islands in the harbor and a third at Benicia, where an arsenal is located. This leaves the first line of coast defenses entirely unprotected against a land attack. In a previous part of the Lieutenant-General's report it is emphatically set forth that preparedness for immediate resistance is necessary in these works, and that dependence on railroad transportation is dangerous. If such is the case, a reasonable state of preparedness for protecting the defense is also necessary. By taking the map it will be seen that Drakes Bay, four hours' march north from the Lime Point batteries, affords a very good point of disembarking troops. Monterey Bay or Santa Cruz, sixty hours' march south from the Presido, affords a good landing. If all infantry is taken away, could not the works defending the waters about the Golden Gate be easily carried? That this is no figment of the brain it is only necessary to examine history. We need not go far from home to find an instance where such a thing occurred. Hoke got too far from Fort Fisher in 1865, leaving the works insufficiently protected. Before he could correct his mistake a small command landed in open boats from the open sea and planted itself between him and the works, and captured it before the error was remedied. But aside from the protection of the works there are other good and sufficient reasons why a brigade of infantry should be maintained on this coast. San Francisco can now be considered a center from which military commands may be expedited to meet disturbed conditions in various directions. To the south we touch on Mexico; to the west we have our new possessions of Hawaii and the Philippine Islands—and in close touch with them Japan and China; to the north we are separated from a foreign power by an imaginary line running over ground pregnant with the root of all evil, and no one can foresee when and where political complications may require troops. At or about San Francisco they are in a position to go promptly in any direction, as transportation by rail or water can readily be obtained. Is it not better to keep the Pacific coast command in a region where the density of population is 9.5 per square mile than to disseminate it in a sparsely settled, inhospitable country such as New Mexico, where16 the density of population is 1.6, or southern Utah, where it is 0.91, or Idaho, where it is 0.4? The necessity for holding troops in hand at central points and where the population is massed is becoming more and more accentuated from day to day, and the evidences that such is the case are too conclusive to admit of doubt. It is only necessary to invite attention to the fact that in this region the labor unions will not permit one of their order to join the national guard. The reasons for such a course on their part are too obvious to need remark. I again state that, in my opinion, it would be sound political and military policy to hold a brigade of troops within easy reach of San Francisco. Fifth. That Alcatraz be fortified. The system of fortifications for San Francisco includes a strong battery of six guns on Alcatraz Island. But as the island is by location in the second line it has been the object of the engineers to complete the first line before undertaking the second-line battery at Alcatraz. I think this was entirely correct. In due time a battery will be placed on Alcatraz which will meet the requirements. Respectfully submitted. R. P. Hughes, Major-General, U. S. Army, Commanding. Powders on hand, Benicia Arsenal. Pounds. I. K ... 1,000 Small arms ... 5,000 Black molded for 12-inch B. L. mortar ... 477 Smokeless Powders, California Powder Works. For 5-inch R. F. gun: Lot 1, 1900 ... 11,650 Lot 2, 1901 ... 26,259 For 6-inch R. F. gun: Lot 1, 1900 ... 24,566 1/2 Lot 2, 1900 ... 28,148 Lot 3, 1900 ... 23,337 For 8-inch B. L. rifle: Lot 2, 1901 ... 15,800 Lot 3, 1902 ... 24,845 1/2 For 10-inch B. L. rifle: Lot 1, 1900 ... 32,974 Lot 2, 1900 ... 13,396 Lot 3, 1900 ... 29,587 1/2 Lot 4, 1900 ... 41,638 1/2 Lot 5, 1901 ... 25,594 1/2 For 12-inch B. L. rifle: Lot 1, 1900 ... 42,418 Lot 2, 1900 ... 35,702 1/2 Lot 3, 1901 ... 25,300 Lot 4, 1901 ... 45,349 1/2 For 12-inch B. L. mortar: Lot 1, 1901 ... 24,642 1/2 Lot 2, 1901 ... 24,078 Lot 3, 1902 ... 27,523 Lot 4, 1902 ... 29,650 Lot 5, 1902 ... 32,835 1/2 For 3.2-inch B. L. rifle, model 1897: Lot 6, 1900, Du Pont ... 5,400 Total, 6,477 pounds black powder; 590,695 pounds smokeless powder. 17 Recruits forwarded to Manila, P. I., on U. S. army transports from June 1, 1899, to July 25, 1902. Date. Transport. Number of recruits. 1899. June 23 Zelandia 135 July 26 Newport 231 26 Ohio 476 Aug. 2 Indiana 802 11 Morgan City 671 15 St. Paul 160 16 Senator 642 19 City of Sidney 347 30 City of Puebla 641 Sept. 3 Warren 375 17 Belgian King 28 24 Sherman 351 26 Grant 239 Oct. 1 Sherman 70 6 Zelandia 40 6 Valencia 406 6 City of Pars 75 26 Pennsylvania 86 Nov. 15 Sidney 80 16 Senator 50 16 Ben Moore 22 21 Duke of Fiji 97 21 St. Paul 40 24 Indiana 73 Dec. 7 Sherman 132 1900. Jan. 11 Pennsylvania 291 26 Sherman 4 Feb. 18 Thomas 163 Mar. 2 Meade 30 18 Warren 21 May 2 Logan 325 17 Thomas 74 June 17 Grant 356 July 2 Rosecrans 296 Sept. 4 Thomas 87 19 Grant 346 Oct. 17 Sherman 428 Date. Transport. Number of recruits. 1900. Nov. 2 Sheridan 223 17 Meade 264 Dec. 2 Logan 181 16 Hancock 68 1901. Jan. 2 Lawton 23 Feb. 2 Name of transport not mentioned in records 84 17 do 59 Apr. 17 Ohio 54 21 Thomas 133 May 14 Warren 88 June 2 Sheridan 115 Aug. 17 Meade 85 Oct. 2 Hancock 111 Nov. 2 Kilpatrick 122 16 Grant 168 Dec. 17 Hancock 354 1902. Jan. 1 Sheridan 792 17 Kilpatrick 1,670 Feb. 1 Thomas 1,480 9 Crook 297 15 Warren 372 Mar. 2 Meade 724 16 Hancock 366 Apr. 2 Sheridan 234 12 Kilpatrick 87 17 Sherman 36 21 Crook 5 May 1 Logan 42 17 Thomas 35 June 3 Buford 28 17 Meade 27 July 17 Sherman 49 17,080 The greatest number of recruits under garrison in this department at any time was 4,136, which were shown on the morning report of July 17, 1899. Records back of June, 1899, incomplete. The above does not include assignment to regiments here just before sailing for Philippine Islands. J. T. Van Orsdale, Lieutenant-Colonel Seventh Infantry, Commanding Detachment. Headquarters Department of the Columbia, Vancouver Barracks, Wash., January 17, 1903. The Adjutant-General, U. S. Army, Washington, D. C. Sir: I have the honor to report that there are stationed at Fort Flagler three companies of coast artillery, two in permanent barracks and one in temporary quarters. At Forts Worden and Casey, two companies each sheltered in temporary barracks. Quarters for the officers at Fort Casey will be completed within ten days. The construction of temporary buildings at Fort Worden was authorized September 11, actual work begun October 1 and completed October 25. Temporary buildings at Fort Casey, except hospital and officers' quarters ---- 2. 18 ters, were authorized September 20, actual work begun October 17 and completed November 25. No complaints have been made by post commanders that the men are not comfortably housed. The 20 guns mounted on disappearing carriages are in good condition. No reports have been received from district commanders that these guns or carriages are in any way defective. The supply of ammunition on hand at the coast-artillery posts: Fort Stevens.—Four rounds for 12-inch guns, 19 rounds for 10-inch guns, 20 rounds for 6-inch guns, and 33 rounds for 12-inch mortars. Fort Canby.—No modern ordnance. Fort Columbia.—Forty-three rounds for 8-inch guns, 5 rounds for 6-inch guns, and 300 charges for 15-pounder. Fort Flagler.—Eighteen rounds for 10-inch guns, 11 rounds for 12-inch guns, and 34 rounds for 5-inch guns. Fort Worden.—Twenty rounds for 5-inch guns and 22 rounds for 10-inch guns. Fort Casey.—Sixteen rounds for 10-inch guns and 10 rounds for 12-inch guns. Requisition for reserve ammunition was submitted from Fort Worden on September 22 last and was returned from the Benicia Arsenal with the remark, "The Chief of Ordnance has directed that only ammunition for target practice shall be issued at present and that 'Reserve supply' will be forwarded later by orders from his office." A telegraphic and telephonic communication system has been formulated for each artillery post and forwarded to the War Department for approval. A temporary system is at present in operation at Fort Stevens. Forts Worden and Canby are not supplied with range finders. Fort Stevens, Columbia, and Casey have two each and Fort Flagler five. Mortar batteries are all supplied with modern loading appliances. The selection of the site for the building at Fort Columbia was made by a board of artillery officers prior to my assuming command of the Department. The buildings are badly located, being but a short distance in the rear of the batteries. The discharging of the guns will undoubtedly injure the buildings. Fort Wright has always been considered by me as an important point. I recommended in my last annual report that the post be enlarged to accommodate a regimental headquarters and two battalions of infantry. Should trouble occur again in the Cœur d'Alene mining district, troops could be sent into that section from Fort Wright twenty-four hours earlier than they could be shipped in from Vancouver Barracks or Fort Lawton. A recruiting depot should be maintained at San Francisco or in its vicinity for the purpose of supplying recruits to the commands stationed in the Philippine Islands, Honolulu, Department of California, and the Department of the Columbia. I recommend that a regiment of infantry be sent to this department not later than the 25th of June to temporarily replace the Seventeenth Infantry at Vancouver Barracks, Fort Lawton, and Fort Wright until the arrival of the Tenth Infantry. On being relieved by the Tenth Infantry, eight companies of this regiment could be stationed at Fort Lawton, where quarters are now being constructed for a command of that size, and one battalion temporarily at old Fort Sherman. I inspected Fort Sherman in May last, and recommended that it be temporarily occupied. With a small expenditure of money the troops could be made comfortable. 19 I recommend that in the future troops that have just returned from the Philippine Islands be not sent to Alaska for at least two months after their arrival at San Francisco. Very respectfully, GEO. M. RANDALL, Brigadier-General, U. S. Army, Commanding. ————— HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF ARTILLERY, Washington, February 26, 1903. THE ADJUTANT-GENERAL, U. S. ARMY. SIR: In compliance with your communication of January 7, 1903, I have the honor to submit the following report on the matters referred to by the Lieutenant-General in report submitted by him dated Manila, P. I., November 28, 1902: 1. "In the Department of the Columbia I found the same condition of affairs that has existed for several years and been repeatedly reported upon, viz, that the important artillery defenses guarding the entrance to Puget Sound are entirely without proper shelter for the troops." In a communication dated March 12, 1902, the Chief of Artillery expressed an opinion as to the strategic importance of the forts in the district of Puget Sound (Flagler, Casey, and Worden) and suggested that as the armament was practically ready for transfer to the artillery that steps be taken to provide temporary accommodations for an adequate garrison, a suggestion which has been reiterated on several subsequent occasions. Where a modern armament has been emplaced and transferred to the artillery, it is believed to be within the policy of the Department to garrison such places with coast artillery, even if the garrison has to undergo the discomfort of living in tents. The same causes which lead the Government to expend millions of dollars in fortifying the coast requires that the new forts be garrisoned; for it is a well-known fact that after the transfer has been effected, arduous and unremitting service is necessary to bring the defenses to a state of efficiency, which can only be acquired by the troops actually serving the guns. The premature occupation of coast artillery posts will undoubtedly result in some hardship on the troops, but if the needs of the country demand it, they must cheerfully accept their lot, bearing in mind that their foreign and tropical service is much less than that of the other arms. On January 10, 1903, the Quartermaster-General submitted the following for the information of the honorable Secretary of War and the Chief of Artillery: Bids for officers' quarters and barracks for one company coast artillery and all the necessary buildings for administration purposes of a complete post at Fort Worden have been called for and are to be opened on the 6th instant. It is proposed to follow this up in a few weeks by call for bids for officers' quarters and barracks for a second company of coast artillery at the same post. Instructions to call for bids for barracks and quarters for one company coast artillery and the necessary administrative buildings of a complete post at Fort Casey have also been given, and these will be followed early in the spring by calls for barracks and quarters for a second company at this post also, making in all two complete new two-company posts, or provision for four companies coast artillery to be fur[nished]20 furnished at these places from current year's appropriations, which it is hoped to have ready for occupation before the approach of next winter. It is contemplated by this office to recommend the construction of barracks and quarters for the third company coast artillery at Fort Casey, and for another company of coast artillery at Fort Flagler, as soon as next year's appropriations become available. This would complete the three posts-forts Flagler, Worden, and Casey-constituting the artillery district of Puget Sound, as far as regards accommodations for the garrisons assigned to them by General Orders, 126, Adjutant-General's Office, September 21, 1901. A part of the work under way and contemplated at each post is provision for storage for the usual quartermaster and subsistence supplies; also an ordinance storehouse. The latter have already been built at forts Flagler and Casey, but will probably have to be somewhat enlarged. The ordinance storehouse at Fort Worden is among the buildings for which bids are to be opened on the 6th instant. 2. "On the right bank of the Columbia River, at Fort Columbia, barracks and quarters have been built within a few hundred yards of a strong battery of high-power guns, the nearest being within 108 feet, thus making it impossible to fire the battery without seriously injuring, if not destroying, the public buildings." The conformation of the land at Fort Columbia makes it extremely difficult to locate a post at that point. As guns have been mounted there a garrison is required, and it is believed that the position selected by the Quartermaster's Department for the barracks and quarters, viz, the terraced conformation to the rear of and above the guns, is the best site that could be selected. It should be noted that the armament at this post consists of three 8-inch B.L.R. and two 6-inch R.F.G., and that the shock of discharge from these guns is much less than it is from the 10-inch and 12-inch. 3. "At San Diego * * * the garrison consists of two companies of artillery, at present stationed in the old infantry barracks at San Diego, 7 miles distant, and in sheds at Fort Rosecrans." On June 30, 1901, the Chief of Artillery recommended as necessary for their efficiency that the artillery companies stationed at San Diego should be ordered to Fort Rosecrans and, if necessary, go into camp until the Quartermaster's Department could make adequate provision for barracks, as it was considered desirable that the garrison should be near the guns. On February 27, 1902, in a communication to the Assistant Adjutant- General, Headquarters of the Army, the Chief of Artillery recommended that the Quartermaster-General make provision at Fort Rosecrans to accommodate two companies of Coast Artillery, remarking as follows: The quartering of troops in the city of San Diego, from a military point of view, has a bad effect, and it is essential for military discipline and instruction to have the quarters near the guns. I would recommend that the barracks be built without delay. 4. "While the emplacements have been constructed and guns and carriages erected, yet they are almost entirely deficient of essential appliances, such as range finders, relocators, and proper telegraph and telephone communication." * * * It is the understanding of this office that the Chief of Engineers and chief signal officer are ready and willing to undertake the installation of any system of position finding as soon as they are informed what the artillery desires. The question of the location of the position-finding system is now being considered by a board of artillery and engineer officers and their report may be expected in a very short 21 time. (See par. 1, S.O. 275, Headquarters Department of California, series of 1902.) Every effort has been, and is being made by this Office to provide a temporary system of fire control for all artillery posts; and in furnishing the needed supplies, the Chief of Engineers, Chief of Ordinance, and Chief Signal Officer have most heartily cooperated. Attention is invited to a circular letter sent on December 20, 1902, to the commanding officer of each artillery district. 5. Absence of suitable ammunition: "This is the most serious defect in the whole Pacific coast defenses." On July 6, 1901, on an official communication from the commanding officer, Fort Stevens, the Chief of Artillery stated: * * * This fortification is not ready for use in case of attack, owing to the fact that the guns are without ammunition. * * * The question of possible deterioration is one that will have to be faced, and the powder should be kept on hand, whether it deteriorates or not. * * * On April 2, 1092, the Chief of Artillery recommended that storage facilities be provided for 100 rounds per gun for each 8-inch, 10-inch, and 12-inch B.L.R. ; 50 rounds for each 12-inch B.L.R., 250 rounds for 4-inch R.F. guns and those of larger caliber, and 500 rounds for 15 and 6 pounders. Attention is invited to the requirements of paragraph 2, General Orders 62, Adjutant-General's Office, series of 1902, which provides for an immediate reserve of 10 rounds per gun for 8-inch, 10-inch, and 12-inch B.L.R., and 12-inch B.L.M. ; 100 rounds per gun for 4-inch, 4.7-inch, 5-inch, and 6-inch R.F. guns; 200 rounds per gun for 6 and 15 pounder R.F. guns, to be stored at each coast artillery post. 6. "The disposition of the troops is, in my judgement, most injudicious. All of the stations around the harbor of San Francisco are artillery stations and should be heavily armed and properly manned. When properly equipped with modern guns and mortars no other than artillery troops will be required; yet, notwithstanding tis, there were crowded into this station, in addition to the heavy artillery, four batteries of light artillery, four troops of cavalry (assigned), and one-tenth of all the infantry in the United States Army." Of the four batteries of field artillery, two are there permanently, and two temporarily until provision can be made for them elsewhere. 7. "The artillery now occupying an old cantonment could be better employed in manning the defenses already established in the United States, and if a garrison is required to support the civil government of Hawaii and maintain order in that Territory, a more suitable one would be a battalion of infantry, a troop of cavalry, and a battery of light artillery under the command of a lieutenant-colonel." There is no doubt that the two companies of coast artillery now stationed at Honolulu could be used to better advantage in manning some of the coast defenses in the United States where their services are badly needed, all of the posts being greatly undermanned, some of them having less than half the number of men required. If the above recommendation meets with approval it is requested that this office be informed, as the companies of coast artillery now at Honolulu have been there since April 12, 1899, and it is time that they should be relieved from further service in the Tropics. Very respectfully, WALLACE F. RANDOLPH, Chief of Artillery.22 WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE, Washington, December 20, 1902. THE COMMANDING OFFICER, Artillery District of ------. (Through Headquarters, Department -----.) SIR: The Secretary of War directs me to invite your attention to the fact that reports of inspectors have shown that at certain artillery posts no system of fire direction and control had, at the time of inspection, been established, a fact which seems to indicate that sufficient effort had not been made to adequately prepare the commands for the work which might be required of them. It will no doubt require a long time to thoroughly equip all the fortifications on our coast with a perfect system of fire control and direction, but in the meantime every endeavor should be made to establish the best possible system with the available material. Fault is not found with the absence of a perfect system, but with the fact that no system at all has been established. Very respectfully, WILLIAM ENNIS Lieutenant-Colonel, Artillery Corps, Assistant Adjutant-General. A true copy. WILLIAM CHAMBERLAIN, Captain, Artillery Corps. --- WAR DEPARTMENT, QUARTERMASTER-GENERAL'S OFFICE, Washington, January 22, 1903. THE ADJUTANT-GENERAL, U.S. ARMY, Washington, D.C. SIR: In compliance with the instructions of the honorable the Secretary of War, contained in your letter of the 7th instant, requesting a statement of facts in connection with certain extracts from a report made by Lieutenant-General Commanding the Army, under date of November 8, 1902, in so far as said report relates to the administration of the Quartermasters's Department, I have the honor to submit the following: Statement of the Lieutenant-General relative to matters pertaining to posts in the Department of Dakota and with special reference to Fort Assinniboine, Mont. : 1. Expenditures made for repairs on buildings at posts in the Department of Dakota during the past two or three years have been, as far as known to this office, commensurate with requirements of the service at those posts. That department has not, intentionally or knowingly, been either favored or neglected. After the outbreak of the Spanish war the Department of Dakota was almost wholly denuded of troops. The garrisons at all the posts were greatly diminished and at some of them reduced to small detachments of enlisted men. They remained in that condition until the cessation of active military operations in the Philippines brought the troops from there back to the United States. During the interval many buildings at all the posts in this Department were vacant and did not need nor receive the attention they would have had if they had been occupied. All the posts are now filled to overflowing, but as far as known the officers and men are comfortably provided for. The buildings at some of them were first erected from twenty to twenty-five years ago, when they were on the Indian frontier, and are of frame construction. They are, in many cases, not up to modern requirements in form, arrangement of rooms, and in other respects, and, having reached the limit of utility, are being replaced with more 23 modern structures. In such cases expenditures on repairs to the old buildings have, as a matter of policy, been limited to such work as is necessary to keep them in habitable condition until the new buildings being substituted for them are ready for occupation. This applies especially to conditions at Fort Snelling and Meade, two of the most important posts in the department, where permanent buildings of brick and stone are under construction to replace the old frame structures. Fort Yates has already been marked for abandonment as soon as the troops now there can be provided for elsewhere. Repairs and extensions have been carried on at Fort Yellowstone as conditions there demanded. The buildings at Fort Harrison and Missoula are in good condition. The buildings at the latter post are of frame construction and old. Repairs and extensions for the increased garrison at Fort Keogh have been made promptly when attention was directed to their need. The buildings at Fort Assinniboine have been kept in good repair. They were erected in 1880 and 1883, but are without modern sanitary appliances, because it has thus far been found difficult to arrange a satisfactory sewerage system at this post. Prior to 1897 the water-supply system was unsatisfactory and inadequate. This, however, has been developed since then, and following its establishment steps to construct a sewerage system were begun. Not much progress was made during the Spanish war for want of funds and on account of the uncertainty regarding the status of the post. On July 27, 1901, the chief quartermaster, Department of Dakota, was informed from this office that - condition of funds would not admit of heavy expenditures for a sewer system at this time; but if the water supply is ample, and if after inquiry it is decided that the permanency of Fort Assinniboine is such as to warrant the expenditure of the large sum of money required to make the improvements, the subject will be submitted by this office to the Secretary of War with the request that the expenditure be provided for the appropriation for the next fiscal year. The post authorities, to obviate the difficulty of obtaining a a proper sewer outlet, had recommended the utilization of cesspools; but this was not approved by the department chief quartermaster or the department commander, the department commander, Gen. E. S. Otis, remarking: * * * I lived at Fort Assinniboine a long time when we practiced the scavenger system, and we had no difficulty in thoroughly policing the post; but the absence of bathrooms in officers' quarters was a great deprivation, and out-of-door water-closets, when the thermometer was below 50 degrees, were uncomfortable. If an abundant supply of water can be replied upon, I recommend a complete sewer system, the pipes to be laid at least 8 feet below ground. * * * The question of the sufficiency water supply was taken up, and also the question of obtaining easement from property owners along Beaver Creek for the emptying of sewage into that creek. On September 10, 1901, the question of permanency of the post was submitted to the Adjutant-General, as follows: Respectfully referred to the Adjutant-General U. S. Army, with request for information as to whether Fort Assinniboine, Mont. is considered a permanent post upon which it would be warranted to make a large expenditure of probably $40,000 to $50,000 for plumbing and sewer system. On this the Lieutenant-General Commanding the Army remarked: Fort Assinniboine is a large and very important post, and recommends the expenditure for plumbing and sewer system. * * *24 After the receipt of the above paper the question was held in abeyance to await the final report of the board of general officers, which was convened for the purpose of making recommendations as to the occupation of posts throughout the country. On February 3, 1902, the chief quartermaster forwarded certain easements for the purpose of allowing the United States to have a sewer outlet into Beaver Creek. There were, however, property owners who refused to grant these easements, and the chief quartermaster remarked: The refusal of these parties makes the scheme of using Beaver Creek for sewer outlet as recommended by me in indorsement of August 23, 1901, to the Quartermaster- General, impracticable for the present. On August 28, 1902, the honorable Acting Secretary of the Interior, at the instance of the Commissioner of the General land Office, submitted to the Secretary of War a map showing location of Harve ditch and reservoir in the Helena land district, Montana, a portion of the ditch being within the Fort Assinniboine Reservation, and inquiring if the War Department had any objection to the approval of the survey. This paper was referred to the Department authorities, and on September 9, 1902, the department chief quartermaster stated: A careful study from maps and plats in this office shows that the proposed ditch is taken out below the post and far enough away to permit a post sewer to enter into the creek and above the dam. Therefore, if this construction is authorized, with the understanding that the creek receive the sewage, it would be a happy solution of the sewer problem for this post. The department commander recommended the granting of authority for the construction of the ditch on the reservation, provided the parties agree to allow the sewage affluent from Fort Assinniboine to be disposed of through it; and based upon this and upon the recommendation of this office the Honorable Assistant Secretary of War informed the Honorable Secretary of the Interior, November 6, 1902: I beg to say that upon the presentation to the Department of the proper application for authority to cross the reservation favorable action will taken thereon, subject to an agreement by the parties concerned to allow the sewage affluent from the reservation to be disposed through said ditch. The parties referred to have since made petition for right of way for the construction of an irrigation ditch across this reservation, and agreeing to the emptying of the sewage into said ditch. This matter was referred by indorsement from this office to the Honorable Secretary of War January 5, 1903, recommending that permission sought be granted by revocable license. On this latter paper it is understood action has not yet been taken. It is the intention of this department, should the Honorable Secretary of War grant the permission for the construction of the ditch above referred to, to proceed with the completion of plans for the construction of a proper sewer system for Fort Assinniboine and the installation of sanitary plumbing in the buildings there, which could not be done until the question of sewerage was disposed of. Allotments for general annual repairs of posts in the Department of Dakota upon estimates submitted with the annual inspection report of March 1 in each year for the past four years have been as follows: 25 For the fiscal year ending June 30— 1900 .... $14, 937.50 1901 .... $45,176.15 1902 .... $24,715. 40 1902 .... $23,213. 80 $108, 042. 85 The foregoing allotments were exclusive of those for miscellaneous repairs and emergencies throughout the year, and for construction of new buildings, roads, water supply, and sewerage systems at various posts. The allotments and expenditures for construction and extension of water supply and sewerage systems, electric-lighting plants at posts in this Department since 1899 have aggregated $138,232. 2. Department of the Columbia and defenses at the entrance to Puget Sound. Buildings for two companies of coast artillery were completed at Fort Flager, Wash., during the early spring of 1901. The garrison for this post was first intended to be one company, but was subsequently fixed at two, and later on at three companies of coast artillery. The post has fair, but somewhat crowded, accommodations now for the officers of a garrison of three companies of coast artillery, but barrack room for only two companies. The enlisted men of the companies are temporarily sheltered in frame buildings until another barrack, construction of which will begin as soon as appropriations are available, can be erected. Enlargement of one of the barracks heretofore built, when companies were smaller, is now in progress. The third company for the garrison of this was sent there in October, 1902. For want of permanent barracks the enlisted men had to remain in tents for a few weeks until the temporary frame buildings since erected for them were completed and ready for occupation. Soon after the Engineer Department began work on the armaments at Forts Worden and Casey, and when it became manifest that the land acquired by them for batteries would be insufficient for the buildings of the permanent garrisons at those posts, measures were initiated by this Department to secure additional land. The negotiations 3for the acquisition of the land by purchase from the owners proved unsuccessful, and legal proceedings in condemnation became necessary. These were followed, step by step, under instructions from this office, by officers of the Quartermaster’s Department on the ground, and brought to a successful conclusion at Fort Casey late in the winter of 1901, and at Fort Worden in the summer of 1902. Plans for the posts were made, and the work of clearing and otherwise preparing the ground was begun at each post in June, 1902. Bids for necessary buildings for one company of coast artillery at Fort Worden and one at Fort Casey have been called for, and proposals for barracks and officers’ quarters for the second company at each post will be invited a few weeks later. If approved by e War Department steps to erect the necessary barracks and officers’ quarters for the third company coast artillery at Fort Casey will be taken as soon as next year’s appropriations are available for the purpose. It is believed that allotments made from current appropriations will be sufficient to provide barracks, officers’ quarters, and necessary post administration buildings for two companies of coast artillery at each of the two posts named. Since the obstacles incident to the acquisition of26 land at these posts were removed the work of providing the necessary buildings for the accommodation of the garrisons has been pushed as rapidly as possible. Meanwhile temporary shelter in fairly comfortable frame buildings has been provided for the enlisted men. Some of the officers at Fort Worden are provided with quarters in the adjacent town of Port Townsend and in good buildings at the post furnished for their use by the Engineer Department. The officers at Fort Casey occupy one small frame building, erected by the Quartermaster’s Department several years ago, and others have been provided with comfortable accommodations in a small barrack building which was remodeled and refitted for their use. In providing quarters for the troops sent to Fort Casey late in the autumn of this year, shelter was first built for the enlisted men and for the sick in hospital. That for the officers was furnished as rapidly as circumstances permitted. There is no reason apparent to this office why officers at Fort Casey should have been “sheltered in huts that were not suitable for the shelter of public animals” when the Lieutenant-General visited that post. The climate of this region is mild and the weather was at that time not severe and they could have remained in tents without dis- comfort for the few weeks required to provide them with better and more permanent shelter. Other than as stated in the Lieutenant- General’s report no complaints, either direct or indirect, regarding privations or discomforts suffered by troops for want of proper shelter at Forts Casey, Worden, and Flagler have reached this office. When the companies first arrived there and it was known that permanent buildings could not be provided to shelter them for the winter and their wants were made known, prompt instructions were at once sent from this office by telegraph to an officer of the Quartermaster’s Department in charge of construction at Port Townsend to prepare and submit by wire estimates of probable cost of such temporary buildings as would be required for shelter of troops and their supplies for the winter. These estimates were in every case promptly approved by the Secretary of War and immediate instructions were wired to the officer in charge to proceed with the work of construction in the most expeditious manner. At Fort Worden the temporary buildings formerly occupied by the engineers have been remodeled and supplemented by additional temporary frame structures for the troops. 3. Location of buildings at Fort Columbia, Wash. On April 18, 1901, a board of officers appointed by the commanding general, Department of California (sic), met at Fort Columbia, Wash., for the purpose of carrying out the instructions of the Quartermaster-General contained in the following letter and indorsements thereon, namely: Washington, D. C., March 25, 1901. TO THE CHIEF QUARTERMASTER, DEPARTMENT OF THE COLUMBIA, Vancouver Barracks, Wash. Sir: I have the honor to inclose herewith, by direction of the Quartermaster-General, a plat of the reservation of Fort Columbia (Chinook Point). It is proposed at once to begin construction of necessary buildings for one and possibly two companies of coast artillery, and it is desired that you have indicated on the inclosed plat a suitable location for such buildings for at least two batteries, keeping in view necessary requirements as to drainage, sewerage, water supply, etc., and the location of the buildings sufficiently distant from any present or proposed batteries to insure 27 them against injury from the firing of the guns. In considering these locations, not only barracks and officers' quarters should be considered but all other buildings as well which are necessary for the post. It is desired, if practicable, also, that general area occupied by present or proposed batteries be indicated approximately, and that the location of the buildings be submitted to the engineer officer in charge of fortification work for his remarks as to whether there are any objections on the grounds of defense to such proposed locations. Other things being equal, consideration should be given to due economy in the roads and walks, length of sewer, water pipe etc. As it is proposed to pay for these buildings from the appropriations a current fiscal year, it is desired that action be taken as early a date as possible. M. C. Martin, Major and Quartermaster, U. S. Army. COPIES OF INDORSEMENTS ON MAJOR MARTIN’S LETTER. [First indorsement.] HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE COLUMBIA, Vancouver Barracks, Wash., April 2, 1901. Respectfully referred to Capt. J. D. C. Hoskins, Artillery Corps, for the information and guidance of the Board of Officers appointed by paragraph 1, Special Orders, No. 45, current series, from these headquarters. By command of Major-General Shafter. (Signed) W.F. Richards Lieutenant-Colonel Seventh Infantry, Acting Adjutant-General, U.S. Army [Second indorsement.] Fort Flagler, Wash., April 5, 1901. Respectfully referred to First Lieut. H. E. Clark, Artillery Corps, recorder, who will please communicate with the engineer officer in charge of fortification works, asking that he will cause to be indicated on the inclosed plat the location of such works as now exist at Fort Columbia, the location of such works as are proposed the location of roads, and such permanent features of the reservation as may govern in a study of sites available for the buildings of a two-company post. The engineer officer will facilitate the action of the board if he will cause information to be furnished and plat returned by the 16th instant. (Signed) J. D. C. Hoskins Captain of Artillery Corps. In its report the board gives the following description of the military reservation of Fort Columbia: The military reservation of Fort Columbia, the boundary lines of which are clearly shown in the accompanying maps, contains upward of 640 acres of land lying, generally, on the southwest side of a hill whose crest is 900 feet above the river. This altitude obtains within a horizontal distance of 3,000 feet, hence the resulting slopes are very steep. The average gradient is approximately 30 per cent (9/30), and the “benches” or modifications of this grade are so few and so limited as to render the selection of suitable sites for a purposes a very difficult proposition. The reservation may properly be considered as standing on its southwestern edge at an angle of about 20°. The eastern one-third section is extremely rugged, densely wooded and intersected throughout its entire length by a deep ravine-features which render it valueless for any of the purposes under consideration. The western one- third is also heavily wooded and intersected by several rugged and deep ravines, at the foot of which lies a considerable extent of swamp land at an elevation little above the level of the sea. This swamp is covered by an almost impenetrable jungle of forest trees and wild growths of all kinds. A narrow ridge through this affords lodgment for a wagon trail, giving communication with a fishing village (Chinook) and Fort Canby on the west, the latter being a very difficult trail. This section can in no way be considered as available for the purpose of a military post, and its elimination so reduces the proposition as to embrace only a middle one-third, which may be said to present some fair possibilities. Of this section only that portion within the full red lines on the map is considered approximately practicable, since the slopes therein are, in places, less steep, though extremely irregular. To render it suitable Maps omitted.. 28 for the purposes contemplated will be a difficult and expensive task. Its natural surface, wherever practicable, will have to be transformed into terraces and buildings distributed thereon as conditions and requirements admit. It is believed that an experienced landscape architect can so lay out and arrange much of the ground within this area as to secure sites for all the buildings required for the barracks and quarters of a two-company post. These will be at an elevation of from 100 to 150 feet, while the other buildings (storehouses, shops, stables, etc.) may be appropriately located at a much lower level. The reservation for the fortifications, as appears on the map, is much larger than necessary, and the board is informed that, in the opinion of the local engineer officer, its limits may be much reduced. Practicable sites for barracks and hospital are to be found therein, and those selected are indicated by the letters ‘‘B” and "H," respectively, in red pencil. The proximity of these barracks to the guns is regarded as unobjectionable. They are directly in rear of the batteries, and the caliber of the pieces is not so great as to produce disastrous or harmful concussions. Quarters for the accommodation of officers for a 2-company post may be erected on sites marked “AA.” Storehouses, shops, stables, and bakery may be located on sites now covered by buildings belonging to the Engineer Department, marked “E.” These will be in front of some of the batteries, but so far below them that no danger need be apprehended from the firing of the guns, none of which exceed 8 inches in caliber. Sites for quarters for the noncommissioned staff are marked ‘‘ NCS.” The report of the board was referred to the Chief of Engineers and by him returned to this office by the following correspondence: (Third indorsement.) Washington, May 13, 1901. Respectfully referred to the Chief of Engineers, U. S. Army, requesting information as to whether there are any objections to the location of buildings for a garrison at Fort Columbia, Wash., as indicated by the report of the board herewith. As the bids have already been invited for buildings at this post it is especially desired that this information be given at the earliest practicable date. The instructions of this office were to have the proceedings of the board submitted to the local engineer officer in charge of fortifications at this point for his remarks before they came to this office, so as to save necessity of returning papers to him at such a distance. It is understood that the constructing quartermaster at Astoria, Oreg., has a copy of these proceedings and it might be that the Chief of Engineers would be willing to obtain the views of the local engineer officer on the locations suggested by the board by telegraph. M. I. Ludington, Quartermaster-General U. S. Army. (Fourth indorsement.) Office Chief of Engineers, May 14, 1901. Respectfully referred to Capt. W. C. Langfitt, Corps of Engineers If the positions proposed by the board for the locations of all the buildings meet with Captain Langfitt’s approval, he is requested to telegraph the fact to the Chief of Engineers, and return these papers with an indorsement reciting the facts. If the positions are not approved, Captain Langfitt is requested to return these papers with his report and reasons, at the earliest practicable date, in order to avoid all unnecessary delay to the quartermaster construction work. By command of Brigadier-General Gillespie: F. V. Abbot, Major, Corps of Engineers. (Fifth indorsement.) U. S. Engineer’s Office, Portland, Oreg., May 20, 1901. Respectfully returned to the Chief of Engineers, U. S. Army. In compliance with directions contained in fourth indorsement hereon, the following telegram was sent this day: “So far as regards further construction of fortifications no objection to locations selected by Artillery Board for barracks, etc., Fort Columbia.” 29 It is presumed that report from me is to be limited in scope as to any objections there might exist to the locations selected by the Board as regards future extensions of fortifications or interference with present ones, and from that point of view only and having regard to the fact that present plans do not provide for further fortifications at Fort Columbia, there would seem, as stated in the telegram, no objections to the selected locations. W. C. Langfitt, Captain, Corps of Engineers, U. S. Army. (Sixth indorsement.) Office Chief of Engineers, U. S. Army, May 25, 1901. Respectfully returned to the Quartermaster-General, inviting attention to the preceding indorsement, in which Captain Langfitt states that ‘‘so far as regards further construction of fortifications no objection to locations selected by Artillery Board for barracks, etc., Fort Columbia,” in which views the Acting Chief of Engineers concurs. Attention is also invited to the accompanying report of Captain Langfitt. A. Mackenzie, Acting Chief of Engineers. In connection with the fourth and sixth indorsements, above quoted, the following copy of a letter addressed May 20, 1901, by Capt. W. C. Langfitt to the Chief of Engineers is furnished, together with further correspondence regarding locations of buildings at this post, from which it appears that the location of the hospital referred to in Captain Langfitt’s letter was changed by moving it farther up the hill to a second terrace, more remote from the battery, but the position of the barracks was not changed because there appeared to be no other place for it. U. S. Engineer's Office, Portland, Oreg., May 20, 1901. Brig. Gen. G. L. Gillespie, Chief of Engineers, U. S. Army, Washington, D. C. General: Referring to the fourth indorsement (E. D. 38728/1), on report of proceedings of board of officers convened at Fort Columbia by virtue of Special Orders, No. 45, Headquarters Department of the Columbia, and to fifth indorsement from this office thereon, dated May 20, 1901, I would respectfully state that while, as stated in the latter indorsement, the locations selected by the board of artillery officers for barracks, quarters, etc., for a two-battery post at Fort Columbia would not interfere with present fortifications or any proposed, it would seem to me that serious objections might be made to the location selected for the barracks and hospital, marked "B. B. H." on map accompanying the report of the board. While the board states that service of the guns will not be injurious to them on account of nearness, it seems to me, especially as regards the hospital, that the service of the guns would be very trying to occupants and patients therein. Again my impression is that the site for these buildings proposed by the board is almost immediately back of the two 8-inch emplacements at the top of a rear slope formed in excavating for a roadway past the gun platforms. It is evident that, as it is probable that the enlisted men may bring friends to their barracks, the compliance with the spirit of existing orders as regards allowing unauthorized persons to view fortifications would be difficult, if not impossible, to carry out. I believe that other sites for these particular buildings could be selected free from these objections. Not being certain what I should do in the premises, I thought it proper to lay before the Chief of Engineers, in separate letter, the fact that objections not immediately connected with the engineering features of the case existed as regards a portion of the sites selected. W. C. Langfitt, Captain, Corps of Engineers, U. S. Army. In a letter dated Astoria, Oreg., May 25, 1901, the constructing quartermaster in charge of the work at Fort Columbia forwards for approval a blue-print map of the post showing the sites of the new buildings to be erected, and states that the sites selected are the most. 30 desirable that could be found on the reservation, and in connection with the question of location of buildings at this post attention is invited to statements contained in indorsements on this letter which are quoted in full, as follows: (First indorsement.) War Department, Quartermaster-General’s Office, Washington, June 5, 1901. Respectfully referred to the Chief of Engineers U. S. Army. A board of officers was appointed to consider the question of locations of buildings at Fort Columbia, Wash., and on May 25, 1901, the Acting Chief of Engineers stated that no objection to these locations existed so far as the Engineer Department was concerned, but he inclosed a report of Captain Langfitt, Corps of Engineers, in which some objections not based on questions of defense were urged against the sites so selected. Report of the board, plat accompanying same, and report of Captain Langfitt are inclosed herewith. This office called attention to the objections suggested by Captain Langfitt and in reply received a telegram from the chief quartermaster Department of the Columbia, which is also inclosed herewith. Pursuant to this telegram the plat inclosed herewith, showing definitely the location of the various buildings at Fort Columbia, was submitted to this office. This plat can be connected with the plat submitted by the board of officers by reference to the location of the reservoir and the slope to the emplacement. It does not seem that the objection of Captain Langfitt to the location of the barracks has been over- come, though the hospital is somewhat better placed than was indicated in the very general recommendations of the board. Information is respectfully requested as to whether the Chief of Engineers has any objection to the locations of the buildings as indicated on the inclosed plat forwarded by Captain Downs. If no objections exist from the engineer’s standpoint the sites must be still further submitted for the consideration of the military authorities, and as bids have already been opened for the construction of necessary buildings, early action is desired. M. I. Ludington, Quartermaster-General U. S. Army. (Second indorsement.) Office Chief of Engineers, June 7, 1901. Respectfully returned to the Quartermaster-General. No objections on the grounds of defense will be made by the Chief of Engineers to the proposed location of buildings. It is, however, suggested that Captain Langfitt’s report be sent to the military authorities mentioned in the preceding indorsement at the same time as the suggestions of Captain Downs. G. L. Gillespie, Brigadier-General, Chief of Engineers U. S. Army. (Third indorsement.) War Department, Quartermaster-General’s Office, Washington, June 11, 1901. Respectfully forwarded to the Adjutant-General of the Army, requesting the views of the military authorities as to the proposed location of buildings at Fort Columbia, Wash., so far as relates to the question raised by Captain Langfitt that the proposed location will permit a view of the emplacements from the barracks and quarters. As award for the construction of these buildings has already been made, early action is requested. All papers pertaining to this matter, including the report of Captain Langfitt, are inclosed herewith. M. I. Ludington, Quartermaster-General U. S. Army. 31 (Fourth indorsement.) Adjutant-General’s Office, Washington, June 11, 1901. Respectfully submitted to the Lieutenant-General commanding the Army. Geo. Andrews, Assistant Adjutant-General. (Fifth indorsement.) Headquarters of the Army, Washington, June 13, 1901. To the Chief of Artillery. (Sixth indorsement.) Office of the Chief of Artillery, Washington, June 14, 1901. Respectfully returned to the Assistant Adjutant-General, headquarters of the Army. The available sites for barracks and officers’ quarters are, from the nature of the terrain, extremely limited, and it would be difficult to select one at this point which would not permit a view of the batteries. In view of the foregoing, it is recommended that the plan proposed by the quartermaster be adopted. W. Randolph, Chief of Artillery. (Seventh indorsement.) Headquarters of the Army, Washington, June 15, 1901. The Lieutenant-General concurs with the sixth indorsement. Thomas Ward, Assistant Adjutant-General. June 18, 1901. Approved by the Secretary of War. H. C. Corbin, Adjutant-General. (Eighth indorsement.) War Department, Adjutant-General’s Office, Washington, June 19, 1901. Respectfully returned to the Quartermaster-General, U. S. Army, with the action of the Secretary of War indorsed hereon. By order of the Secretary of War: Geo. Andrews, Assistant Adjutant-General. Received back, Quartermaster-General’s Office, June 21, 1901. Special attention is invited to the sixth indorsement of the Chief of Artillery above quoted, approved by the Lieutenant-General, which appears to express in brief and terse language the circumstances of the situation as explained in the statement of the board in its report that "the reservation may properly be considered as standing on its southwestern edge at an angle of about 20°.” 4. Limited amount of funds for allotment for barracks and quarters for artillery stations on the Pacific coast. Large sums were allotted from the appropriations for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1902, for construction of buildings at coast-artillery posts in and about San Francisco and at the mouth of the Columbia River.32 The necessity of providing shelter for troops returned from Cuba and the Philippine Islands in excess of the number that could be accommodated at existing posts in the United States absorbed some of the funds which could otherwise have been made available for extending the coast artillery post on the Pacific coast, yet, notwithstanding this fact, allotments were made by the Secretary of War approximating $550,000 for building new and extending existing coast artillery posts on the Pacific coast from appropriations for the current fiscal year, and work is still in progress on some of the posts near San Francisco, under contracts made during and at the close of the fiscal year ending June 30, 1902, from appropriations for that year. At San Diego, Fort Rosecrans: The work of preparing the ground for a two-company post is well advanced, and contracts were recently awarded for the construction of the necessary barracks and quarters and posts administration buildings for one company of coast artillery which are now under contract. It is intended to proceed with the construction of barracks and officers’ quarters for the second company when appropriations are available. 5. Construction work at the Presidio and Angel Island. The work authorized by the War Department at these stations had for its purpose furnishing temporary shelter, at least expense and in the shortest time, for two or more regiments released from service in the Philippines earlier than had been expected and for whom room could not be made elsewhere. All questions pertaining to the problem were thoroughly gone over in all their bearings in personal interviews had in this city in June and July with Major-General Hughes, the department commander, an officer of judgment and large experience, and the course pursued was, it is understood, authorized and approved by the War Department upon General Hughes’s recommendations and became a part of the project recommended by the Board of Officers and approved by the Secretary of War July 21, 1902. The same remarks apply to the construction of shelter for troops at Monterey. It is understood that that location was selected by General Hughes as a station for one of the regiments of infantry that had to be provided for on account of the favorable climatic and sanitary conditions, and the further fact that it was the only place where public land suitable for the purpose could be obtained, there being no authority of law for the purchase of land upon which buildings could be erected. 6. Recommendations of the Board of General Officers regarding establishment of posts at Benicia Barracks, Los Angles, etc., and the reestablishment of Whipple Barracks and post at Monterey. The action taken by the War Department upon recommendation of the Board of General Officers referred to has not yet been communicated to this office. Fort Wright, Wash., is now being enlarged by the construction of additional barracks to provide for a garrison of four companies of infantry at that post, and advertisements calling for bids for additional officers’ quarters were recently issued. The cause leading to the establishment of a post at Monterey, Cal., have already been alluded to. Whipple Barracks, Ariz., was vacated in April, 1898, under provisions of General Orders, 14, Adjutant-General’s Office, as a part of the movement leading to the concentration of troops prior to the outbreak of the Spanish war, although increasing difficulty regarding sewerage 33 and an adequate and satisfactory water supply for some time previous to the abandonment of the post by a garrison has paved the way to that step. Under date of December 15, 1897, General Otis, then department commander, stated in a report to the Adjutant-General of the Army that every one of the department posts except Whipple Barracks was from two to five days distant from railway transportation, and those near railway lines communicated only with insignificant stations. Whipple Barracks, on the contrary, is in the center of population and business interests of Arizona, and is near an important railroad point. "Also,” he states, 'it appears to me that Whipple Barracks has a present and future importance which no other post in Arizona or New Mexico possesses,” and adds that " the water supply is abundant.” On December 21, 1897, General Miles calls attention to the remote- ness of the Indians and states "There are strong reasons why it (Whipple Barracks) should be discontinued.” The worn-out condition of the buildings and water supply and sewerage are mentioned in various reports, the condition of the water supply apparently being the result of the new system put in by the town of Prescott, which caused the post system to run dry. On May 11, 1899, Secretary Alger, in a memorandum for the Adjutant-General, stated, "It is my intention to rehabilitate the post of Whipple Barracks.” On May 27 another memorandum states, "Let the necessary steps be taken to establish at once the post of Whipple Barracks,” and on July 31, 1899, an expenditure of $45,000 for the purpose was authorized, and on this date the commanding general, Department of Colorado, was directed by the Adjutant-General to forward estimate for the necessary work as soon as possible. August 3, 1899, department commander reports he has no officer available for that purpose. On account of this delay the Secretary of War directed, on September 14, 1899, that no proceedings be taken under the order of the Secretary of War of May 11 until after receipt of report of inspection called for by telegram of July 8, and of estimate called for by telegram of July 31. On January 30, 1900, the department commander convened a board to investigate the question of reoccupation of the post. The condition of buildings, water, and sewer were to be investigated, also provisions for a suitable target range for which the city of Prescott is understood to have offered to donate land. In the report of the board it is stated that the citizens’ committee made two propositions in regard to the water supply, both dependent on the then system from which Prescott procured its water. This water supply came from a sunken tunnel in the channel of a dry creek that received the seepage and surface drainage of the city of Prescott. In a communication signed by the mayor of the city of Prescott, agreement was made to furnish the Government of the United States necessary water for the use of Whipple Barracks, at the rate of 10 cents per thousand gallons, and also to furnish suitable target grounds, the consideration for this to be that the Government should rehabilitate and regarrison Whipple Barracks. On November 14, 1900, Governor Murphy writes to General Merriam stating that the town of Prescott has voted bonds to bring water - 334 from Chino, a distance of 20 miles, stating that this action was taken largely because of the promise of the War Department to reoccupy Whipple Barracks providing water of proper quality and sufficient quantity can be furnished. On January 13, 1901, General Merriam reports the result of his inspection of this water supply, and states that it will amount to 250,000 gallons per day. The city consists of 4,000 inhabitants, and assuming that they consume only 50 gallons per day for each person, this will leave only 50,000 gallons per day for the garrison. On March 18, 1902, General MacArthur, in a letter to the Adjutant-General of the Army, states: The town of Prescott has established a new plant which is in full operation, from which a constant supply of pure potable water in sufficient quantity is assured; also a target range is offered by the citizens of Prescott without expense to the United States at a point about 6 miles from the post. Looking to the future necessities of the country contiguous to Prescott for several hundred miles in all directions, I quite agree with General Otis, as set forth in his report of December 15, 1897, that it would be wise to occupy Whipple Barracks as a permanent station for the garrison of a battalion of infantry. In the third indorsement on this report the Secretary of War says: On the report of the board of officers convened by paragraph 1, Special Orders 11, headquarters Department of the Colorado, dated January 30, 1900, the people of Prescott were informed that upon their establishing a water system which would assure the constant supply of pure healthful water at Whipple Barracks my suspension of Secretary Alger's order of May 11, 1899, for the rehabilitation of that post would be removed and the work would be allowed to proceed. General MacArthur's recommendation is approved. In accordance with subsequent instructions received by the Quartermaster-General from the War Department steps were taken to have a survey and examination made of the reservation of Whipple Barracks and advertisements inviting proposals for the first portion of some of the new buildings to constitute the rehabilitated post have been issued. QUARTERS FOR ARTILLERY GARRISONS-ALLOTMENTS FROM PRESENT YEAR'S APPROPRIATIONS FOR FORTS CASEY, WORDEN, BONITO POINT, GRAVELLY BEACH, AND ROSECRANS. Existing conditions and work contemplated at Forts Worden, Casey, Flagler, and Rosecrans have already been explained. For information regarding the fortifications at Point Bonita at the northern entrance to the Golden Gate at San Francisco, Cal., attention is respectfully invited to the correspondence quoted below from which it will be observed that that post has not been overlooked by this office: HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF CALIFORNIA, OFFICE OF THE COMMANDING GENERAL, San Francisco, Cal., August 26, 1902. ADJUTANT-GENERAL U.S. ARMY, Washington, D.C. SIR: In going over the department preparatory to making the annual report, it was impressed upon me that the time had probably arrived when measures should be taken looking to locating at least one company of Coast Artillery at Point Bonita. Of course I am not informed as to when the armament will be installed, but the carriages for the high-power guns are being put in place, the emplacements for the mortars are approaching completion, and work is progressing on the work for the battery of rapid-fire guns. If it is the intention of the Ordinance Department to 35 put in the armaments as soon as the Engineers are prepared for them, it would appear advisable that measures should be taken at an early day by the Quartermaster's Department to prepare proper shelter for a company of Coast Artillery to care for them. The position is very exposed and the material will need close attention and care, while the soldiers will need good shelter. As building is slow in this locality now, if the work is undertaken at once it would be probably be a year before it would be completed. Very respectfully, R. P. HUGHES, Major-General, U.S. Army, Commanding. COPY OF INDORSEMENTS ON MAJOR-GENERAL HUGHES'S LETTER. [First indorsement.] WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE, Washington, September 4, 1902. Respectfully referred to the Quartermaster-General, U. S. Army. By order of the Acting Secretary of War. J. PARKER, Major of Cavalry, Assistant Adjutant-General. [Second indorsement.] WAR DEPARTMENT, QUARTERMASTER-GENERAL'S OFFICE, Washington, September 12, 1902. Respectfully submitted to the Honorable the Secretary of War. In the within letter the commanding general, Department of California, recommends the location of at least one company of coast artillery at Point Bonita, the extreme point of land at the northern entrance to the Golden Gate, San Francisco. Information is desired regarding the size of garrison for which accommodations will be required at this place, and when they should be ready. M. I. LUDINGTON, Quartermaster-General, U.S. Army. [Third indorsement.] WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE, Washington, September 15, 1902. Respectfully referred to the Chief of Engineers, U.S. Army, for remark. By order of the Acting Secretary of War. J. PARKER, Major of Cavalry, Assistant Adjutant-General. [Fourth indorsement.] OFFICE CHIEF OF ENGINEERS, U.S. ARMY, September 20, 1902. Respectfully returned to the Secretary of War, through the Adjutant-General, U.S. Army. On June 9, 1902, the Chief of Artillery was informed by this office that certain emplacements at Point Bonita would probably be ready for transfer to the troops on or before January 1, 1903. It is therefore suggested that this paper be referred to that officer, as his information regarding the probable size of garrison would be more recent and exact than any on file in this office. Eight 12-inch B.L. mortars, two B.L. rifles on disappearing carriages, four 6-inch R.F. guns, four 5-inch R.F. guns, and four 3-inch R.F. guns will constitute the ultimate armament at this point. G.L. GILLESPIE, Brigadier-General, Chief of Engineers, U.S. Army. [Fifth indorsement.] WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE, Washington, September 25, 1902. Respectfully referred to the Chief of Artillery. In a recent communication the Chief of Artillery recommended that, when necessary, one company of artillery should garrison Point Bonita. In view of the second. 36 and fourth indorsements, it is desired to know whether he desires to make any further recommendations concerning the strength of the garrison. By order of the Acting Secretary of War: William Ennis, Lieutenant-Colonel, Artillery Corps, Assistant Adjutant-General. (Sixth indorsement.) Headquarters of the Army, Office of the Chief of Artillery, Washington, October 18, 1902. Respectfully returned to the Adjutant-General U. S. Army. To man the armament intended for Point Bonita would require 348 men. General Orders, 126, Adjutant-General’s Office, series of 1901, provides for the permanent distribution of the 126 companies of Coast Artillery. San Francisco is by this order allowed 10 companies, viz, Presidio, 5; Fort Miley, 2; Fort Baker, 3. As there are no companies unprovided for, Point Bonita can only be garrisoned by robbing some less important point. Point Bonita is approximately 3½ miles by land from Fort Baker and on the same side of the Golden Gate. By increasing the garrison at Fort Baker (at the expense of that at Fort Casey) to 4 companies, instead of 3, as prescribed in General Orders, 126, it will be possible to care for the armament at Point Bonita by a small detachment from Fort Baker. This detachment should not be required to do more than to clean and protect the armament during the most suitable season of the year. The garrison from Fort Baker should be required to proceed to Point Bonita for target practice. This plan, while not conducive to a high state of efficiency, is believed to be preferable to that of stationing 1 company at Point Bonita and expect it to do the duty required of 3½ companies. Furthermore, it is not considered advisable at the present time to undertake the construction of barracks and quarters at Point Bonita, while there are at several places companies of Coast Artillery now serving with their guns, which are in camp. Until barracks and quarters are provided for these garrisons it is recommended that no additional posts for Coast Artillery be built. William F. Randolph, Chief of Artillery. Generally it may be stated that this office has kept itself advised of the needs of coast-artillery posts throughout the United States, and has the work at all of them well in hand and will continue to keep in touch with the needs as they develop, and endeavor to meet them as rapidly as appropriations made by Congress and allotted by the Secretary of War become applicable. Much work at these posts yet remains to be done, but if the estimates submitted to Congress at its present session are allowed, it is believed that sufficient construction work can be put under way to provide, when completed, accommodations for the troops at all the garrisoned seacoast posts. At some of these posts the difficulties and delays incident to securing the necessary land for buildings have heretofore retarded, and in some instances wholly prevented, the construction of necessary buildings. To have carried out the Lieutenant-General’s suggestions regarding allotments from this year’s appropriations for construction of buildings at Bonita Point and Gravelly Beach, “‘and also for all artillery stations required on the Atlantic and Gulf coast,” would have absorbed nearly all of the available appropriation after deducting fixed charges for rentals and repairs, thus leaving very little for other purposes. HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS—METHODS OF SUPPLYING COAL. It is not understood whether reference is made to matters of policy or methods of operation. As far as regards supplying coal to army transports the methods pursued have, it is believed, been the best that circumstances permitted. The constantly changing conditions of the 37 transport service at Honolulu—from a rush of ships at the rate of two, three, and on occasions five and six per week during the summer and autumn of 1898 and the spring and summer of 1899—to an almost entire absence of ships for months at a time since that date has, together with local conditions affecting harbor and wharfage privileges and facilities, prevented the Department from supplying at Honolulu mechanical labor-saving appliances for coaling its transports, and obliged it to accomplish this work by the methods adopted by all commercial lines and naval vessels landing there. The Navy owns and controls the principal wharves in the harbor of Honolulu—all others are the property of and controlled by the Territorial government of Hawaii. No mechanical appliances for coaling ships and no means of storing coal on or directly adjacent to the wharves where transports can land were found when military exigencies rendered it necessary to send transports via Honolulu and none have yet been provided by the authorities owning and controlling the wharves. To meet the very great demands for steam coal for the large fleet of chartered and owned transports in service from the summer of 1898 to 1901, large quantities of coal had to be purchased in advance and stored wherever room could be found for it, and it was then brought to transports as needed and placed in bunkers. As soon as conditions permitted other arrangements were made, and coal is now furnished to transports at Honolulu under a contract which provides that the coal shall be delivered and trimmed in ships’ coal bunkers by the contractor at the rate of 400 tons per day, in such quantities as may be required, for $7.15 per ton for good average Washington steam coal. These terms were secured by advertisement under open competition, and the rate does not justify the charge of being unnecessarily expensive. The methods of coaling used by the contractor are, as far as known, those in local use for coaling all naval and commercial ships at that port. Respectfully, M. I. Ludington, Quartermaster-General, U. S. Army. ———— Office of the Chief of Engineers, U. S. Army, Washington, January 9, 1903. Maj. Gen. H. C. Corbin, Adjutant-General, U. S. Army, Washington, D. C. General: In compliance with your memorandum of January 7, 1903, I have the honor to submit the following report upon “‘ all matters touched upon by the Lieutenant-General relating to the work ” of my department: 1. Criticism.—At San Diego work was being done to prepare the grounds for public buildings, but the guns of this heavy battery are so placed that while they might prevent a foreign ship entering, they do nor fully defend the harbor. A fleet could remain outside the harbor and shell the town or destroy the shipping in the harbor without being under the fire of the battery as it is now located. Answer.—The defenses are only partly completed; two 10-inch guns, four 6-inch high-power guns, and sixteen 12-inch B. L. mortars remain to be emplaced, and when these batteries are built the objection made by the Lieutenant-General will no longer apply. That battery was built first which would prevent an enemy from entering the38 harbor and using it as a base. That it serves its purpose well is indicated by the words of the Lieutenant-General himself, as quoted above. 2. Criticism (San Francisco).—The batteries are not all placed where they would have the largest field of fire and could do a hostile fleet the greatest amount of injury while it was approaching, attacking, or entering the harbor, and when in the harbor. Some of the guns are so placed that their field of fire is very limited, and they could only bear upon a ship or fleet during the few moments that it would be passing a given space within their range. The tide rolls into the harbor of San Francisco at the rate of 7 miles per hour, which would materially accelerate the great speed of a modern battleship, and one will realize the very short space of time that a hostile ship would be within the limited field of fire of several of the guns defending that harbor. Alcatraz Island, opposite the entrance to the harbor, is without any modern fortifications, although guns placed upon it would not only have a ship under their fire before it entered and all the time during its passage into the harbor, but would be in the most commanding position to render effective service should a ship succeed in gaining an entrance. Answer.—The wording of the first part of this criticism is so general as to render a reply in a few words impossible. Good reasons exist for the position of every gun in the defenses of San Francisco. The sites of the batteries have been selected and studied by a general engineer board, have been again investigated by the local engineer officer at the time funds for the construction of batteries became available, and have all received careful consideration in this office before any money for actual construction has been allotted. To the second part of this criticism a sufficient answer is that mortar batteries already built on extreme outer points on both shores will keep an enemy’s fleet well out to sea beyond bombarding range, and that 6 high-power guns will be emplaced on Alcatraz Island before the project is completed. Being so far to the rear these latter guns have little effect in preventing a bombardment of the city from ships lying off the coast, and have, in consequence, been postponed till more effective guns on the outer line had been emplaced. 3. Criticism.—While emplacements have been constructed and guns and carriages erected, yet they are almost entirely deficient of essential appliances, such as rangefinders, relocators, and proper telegraphic and telephonic communications. Answer.—This criticism is only applicable to the Engineer Department, so far as the construction of station buildings and the laying of cables are concerned. The buildings have been erected as fast as funds appropriated for the purpose by Congress have become available, and the desires of the artillery have been made known to the Chief of Engineers. Even at the present time the general principles guiding the artillery in the solution of the problems of fire control are undergoing constant changes, as experience shows the excellence or failure of new plans. There is still grave doubt as to whether a vertical-base or a horizontal-base system will be that finally adopted by the Artillery Corps. As soon as the Chief of Artillery approves site of a station its construction is promptly ordered by the Chief of Engineers and the necessary communication cables are laid. The instruments are supplied by other departments. 4. Criticism.—Neither do I consider it wise or safe to rely upon a system of disappearing gun carriages so defective. Answer.—This whole question has been studied exhaustively by an expert board of officers provided for by law, who came to a conclusion opposite to that expressed above. 5. Criticism ( Pearl Harbor).—Strong fortifications should be erected on both sides of the entrance to Pearl Harbor and manned with suitable heavy artillery. 39 Answer.—In the above the Chief of Engineers fully concurs, and has consistently so recommended to Congress for a succession of years. No funds have, however, been provided by that body. 6. Criticism.—Another fortification on Diamond Head (Oahu) would possibly provide sufficient means of defense (of Honolulu), at least for several years, to maintain the supremacy and interests of the United States at this point. Answer.—The Chief of Engineers believes that a stronger defense for Honolulu than that above indicated is essential at the earliest time that Congress can be induced to provide the funds. Such plans have been prepared and have received the approval of the Secretary of War. 7. Criticism.—The transport stopped at Guam long enough to discharge 100 tons of freight for the Navy. * * * If the island is worth holding, it would seem to be important that a suitable and safe harbor should be constructed and properly fortified. Answer.—The Chief of Engineers concurs in the above. Plans for defense have been prepared by the Chief of Engineers and approved by the Secretary of War. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, G. L. GILLESPIE, Brigadier-General, Chief of Engineers, U. S. Army. OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF ORDNANCE, U. S. Army, Washington, February 16, 1903. The Honorable the Secretary or War. (Through the Adjutant-General, U. S. Army.) Sir: Complying with instructions in War Department letter of January 7 last I have the honor herewith to submit remarks in regard to statements made in the report of the Lieutenant-General dated November 28, 1902, as follows: While emplacements have been constructed and guns and carriages erected, yet they are almost entirely deficient of essential appliances, such as range finders, relocators, and proper telegraphic and telephonic communications; but the most serious defect is absence of suitable ammunition. Battle ships with an average of only two or three rounds of ammunition per gun would be regarded as useless for war purposes, and coast defenses can not be regarded as of any greater value unless suitable ammunition in proper quantities is provided for the guns as they are established. This is the most serious defect in the whole Pacific coast defenses. It is useless to suppose that even if an abundance of ammunition were provided it would be available if stored at some arsenal where it would have to be moved along a line of defenses 1,500 miles in extent, with all the delays or dangers that might occur on a single line of railway. Having examined all the high-power guns on the Pacific coast, I found the mortar batteries in good condition and the guns mounted in barbette in perfect order, although supplied with obsolete loading appliances. Of the 29 on disappearing carriages, 11, or nearly one-third, were found to be defective various causes. Attention has previously been to this important subject. I consider it most injudicious to expend tens of millions of money on coast defenses, guns, mortars, fortifications, etc., and not at the same time supply suitable ammunition. Neither do I consider it wise or safe to rely upon a system of disappearing gun carriages so defective. Surely the present condition, where one-third of these guns are in imperfect order, with not enough complete ammunition on the average per gun to sustain a continuous fire for fifteen minutes, is not a proper condition for war that is liable to occur at any time, and for which the coast defenses are constructed.40 In order to better the military service in respect to the matters or defects above referred to, the following changes should, in my judgment, be made: First. All artillery stations on the Pacific coast, whenever emplacements and guns are established, should be supplied with complete appliances of electrical plants, range finders, relocators, telegraphic and telephonic communications, and ammuni- tion; and ample quarters for the garrisons should be provided in sufficient time so that the garrisons may be complete, however large or small, for effective service whenever the guns are ready to be mounted; otherwise, in case of war, the millions expended would be partially, if not wholly. useless. * * * * * 2. Referring first to the subject of range finders and relocators, there are projected for the 14 posts upon the Pacific coast where armament is established, or is in process of installation, 42 stations for primary range finders, known as those of type A. The construction of these stations is not the work of this Department, but 17 of them, at the 14 posts, are completed, and 3 are under construction and are nearing completion. For these 17 stations there were distributed among the posts at the time of the inspection of the Lieutenant- General 18 range finders, a very respectable supply, comprising one more than the number of completed stations and about 43 per cent of the total number projected. The information of this Department is that the construction of the remaining stations is not underway because the sites therefor have not yet been selected. For the imme- diate service of batteries, for more direct use than the type A instru- ments, smaller range finders, known as those of type B, are provided. Of these 20 are distributed among the 14 Pacific coast forts. No type of relocator has been adopted for the service; but each type A range finder has its own relocator. Several types are on trial, and of one of these 50 have been purchased and have been distributed for experi- mental use among the seacoast fortifications. All posts, however, have methods of relocating which can be used. No guns are without sights of the best known model, those for the guns of large caliber being of the telescopic variety. In sum it can be stated that far from being “‘ almost entirely defi- cient of essential appliances,” the fortifications of the Pacific coast are deficient in no appliances which are essential, and that while the pro- cess of installation of new refinements and improvements, which it is hoped will always be going on, is being pushed, the batteries are, and have been, supplied with accessories, of the character which are dealt with in this paragraph, incomparably better than any which have ever before been used in war. 3. The telegraphic and telephonic communications are not the charge of this Department. 4. Concerning the supply of ammunition it has been previously stated, in my letter of October 28, 1902, replying to criticisms of the Lieutenant-General, that in the early period of the reconstruction of the seacoast defenses it was supposed that magazines for the storage of powder would be so reasonably dry that ordinary packing cases for the powder would suffice to preserve it from deterioration. As knowl- edge advanced it was recognized as the result of some expensive experience, that this condition would not obtain, and that this Depart- ment would be obliged to provide hermetically sealed cases for the storage of powder. Some time was necessary, including that required for a certain period of storage, in order to determine upon the proper design of the storage case of which the cost would not be prohibitive; 41 and also to procure the necessary funds for the manufacture of the large number of cases required. The design and the appropriation have both been secured, the manu- facture of the cases has been ordered and is largely accomplished, and smokeless powder in these, it is hoped, secure cases has been issued to the posts of the Pacific coast in sufficient quantity to provide 10 rounds for each 8, 10, and 12 inch gun, 100 rounds for each 5 and 6 inch gun, and 200 rounds for each rapid-fire gun of smaller caliber; all in accord- ance with the provisions of General Orders, No. 62, Adjutant-General’s Office, of 1902, prescribing the supply of reserve ammunition. The varying mortar charges, for the different zones of fire of these pieces, have not yet been issued, but there is complete readiness to supply them upon notice of the number and distribution of the rounds in the different zones, required to be reported by Circular No. 43, Adjutant- General’s Office, of September 15, 1902. While awaiting the means for preserving powder stored at from injury by dampness, sup- lies were procured and placed where, upon occasion, they could have been sent with fair promptness to the fortifications, in the case of cir- cumstances arising which would have required either the prompt use of the powder or the risk of its deterioration. 5. In regard to projectiles for service use, as distinct from those for target practice, it was not until a year ago that a proper explosive for bursting charges was obtained. A supply of this explosive has been procured, but to charge the projectiles therewith requires a plant, for which appropriation had to be secured and which then had to be erected. The plant is now in course of construction and tempo- rary means are being pushed in advance for the preparation of an initial supply of projectiles. In the meantime quantities of projectiles have been procured and have been available for issue, if necessity had arisen for their use with a makeshift explosive. There are now dis- tributed among the fortifications of the Pacific coast 370 steel and 556 cast-iron projectiles for heavy guns and mortars. This is recognized as an entirely inadequate number, but the steel projectiles constitute a large shipment which will have to be returned to the place of filling for charging with the new explosive, with which they will be issued ready for use, as would have been necessary for any greater number which might have been distributed to the posts. 6. There are now on hand, issued, or under manufacture, the fol- lowing supplies of powder and projectiles for use with the armament of the entire seacoast: Rounds per gun. Gun | Powder | Projectiles | | Allowance | On hand | Allowance | On hand | | projected |issued, or | projected | issued or,| |under man-| |under | | ufacture | | manufacture | | Steel | Cast Iron | Steel | Cast Iron | 5-inch |250 |236 |175 |50 |225 |188 | 6-inch |250 |126 |175 |50 |85 |43 | 8-inch |100 |44 |85 |15 |64 |22 | 10-inch |100 |31 |85 |15 |63 |15 | 12-inch |100 |29 |85 |15 |56 |16 | 12-inch mortar |75 |25 |50 |10 |26 |15 | . 42 7. The Department is ready to issue the above-stated powder as rapidly as hermetically sealed cases can be manufactured, and the projectiles at once, if instructions to do so should be received; but such instructions are not recommended, as it is believed that the course which is now being followed is wisest. It is thought that no more powder than that already sent out should be issued for a reserve supply until some experience shall have been had with the method of storage now in use at posts; and no reason is seen for issuing projectiles which will have to be very soon returned to the depot for filling with explosive. It is recognized that the condition of lack of ammunition at the posts themselves has not been entirely satisfactory, but had a different course been followed it is believed that the Department might now be subject to call for explanation as to why it would have been without a supply of powder for which large sums had been appropriated and expended, and for the reasons which prompted an apparently useless shipment and return to the depot of a very large number of projectiles of great weight. 8. Ammunition for use in target practice has been and is supplied as required. 9. The statement that the loading appliances of the barbette carriages are obsolete is probably intended to apply to the method of hoisting the projectile for insertion into the breech of the gun, as this operation is the one which consumes the most time in the process of loading. The machinery for this purpose is of the spur gear windlass type with rope fall, which is the most rapid and efficient appliance known for raising weights with hand power. The consumption of time results from the height of the axis of the barbette gun above the platform of the emplacement, and can be lessened only by the substitution of mechanical power, introducing undesirable complications. 10. Referring to the unfavorable report on the disappearing carriages upon the Pacific coast, the following table summarizes the reports of the commanding officers of the posts of that coast at which there are guns mounted upon carriages of this type. All of the reports except two are for the quarter during which the visit of the Lieutenant- General was made, and these two are for the preceding quarter, those for the quarter of the visit not being at hand. —————————————————————————————————— Post. | Fort Rosecrans Disappearing carriages. | Four 10-inch Report of Commanding Officer. | For quarter ended Sept. 30, 1902: "The guns and carriages in Battery Wilkeson are all in good condition, except that the cylinder head of carriage No. 7, model 1896, Niles Tool Works, is to be repaired by the commanding officer, Benicia Aresenal, per G. O. 137, A. G. O., dated Oct 22 1901." Remarks. | This is a slight change in the counter recoil buffer to increase the cushioning effect upon return to battery. Post. | Fort Miley Disappearing carriages. | Two 12-inch Report of Commanding Officer. | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Remarks. | No remarks are made on the disappearing carriages. Post. | Fort McDowell Disappearing carriages. | One 8-inch Report of Commanding Officer. | For quarter ended June 30, 1902: "Everything is in excellent condition and well cared for." Remarks. | Post. | Fort Winfield Scott, Presidio of San Francisco Disappearing carriages. | Two 6-inch, three 8-inch, five 10- inch, three 12- inch. Report of Commanding Officer. | For quarter ended Sept.30, 1902: "Battery Lancaster.—This is a battery of three 12-inch B. L. rifles on disappearing carriages. "Needs: Additional electric power for operating the traversing motors on carriages in emplacements Nos. 6 and 7. "Battery Cranston.—Five 10-inch B. L. rifles on disappearing carriages. Remarks. | The only defect interfering with efficiency of service is in one carriage; this was due to the retaining pawls having been put on improperly, and has been easily corrected. 43 Post. | Fort Winfield Scott, etc.—Continued. Disappearing carriages. | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Report of Commanding Officer. | "Needs: Gun in emplacement No. 11 does not remain in loading position after firing, but immediately goes up to firing position. This defect was reported in May, 1902. Oil feed pipe for traversing worm gear missing; was not on carriage in October, 1901. "Batteries Godfrey and Saffold are quite completely equipped." Remarks. | Post. | Fort Baker Disappearing carriages. | Two 12-inch Report of Commanding Officer. | For quarter ended June 30, 1902: "Battery Kirby.— * * * The guns and carriages are in good condition except as herein noted. They have been freshly painted, and on this account were not tripped during this inspection. They have been frequently tripped during the quarter, and the counterweight of gun No. 1 was increased to overcome the sluggish start which frequently required assistance. The roller carriages on the chassis of this gun were shifted to the rear on June 21, 1902, to permit the gun to run fully into battery." Remarks. | No report of inefficiency of disappearing carriages. Post. | Fort Stevens Disappearing carriages. | Two 6-inch, six 10-inch. Report of Commanding Officer. | For quarter ended Sept. 30, 1902: "Battery Lewis.—Constructed for 4 limited-fire 10-inch B. L. guns and 2 all-around-fire 10-inch guns, all mounted on disappearing carriages. * * * Ten-inch disappearing carriages, L. F., model 1894, Nos. 3, 4 and 5, throttling device to be attached, safety tripping device to be attached, Top-sight standard to be closed by iron plates. Drainpipe with screw cap to be attached to worm box of traversing system. Half-degree marks to be removed from azimuth circle. All these alterations have been attended to. Ten-inch disappearing carriage, L. F., model 1894, No. 5, chain traversing sprocket wheel, hole for axle apparently worn, may require re- bushing. This has not yet been attended to, but will before mechanics leave the post. Ten-inch disappearing carriage, L. F., model 1894, No. 3 gun and carriage to be dismounted and platform leveled by the Engineer Department; this has been partly completed by them. It was not necessary to completely dismount the gun and carriage to complete this work. Six-inch battery constructed constructed for two 6-inch R. F. guns on disappearing carriages; * * * the carriages for these guns have been in position for over a year. The two 6-inch guns for them arrived at the post July 22, 1902, and were immediately mounted. When elevating band was placed on No. 1, model 1898, it was found to be too large. This was reported to the commanding officer of Benicia Arsenal, and instructions were given by him to have the mechanics correct this defect if possible. This was done by riveting on a band of iron on the inside of the ring." Remarks. | Only 1 carriage reported not in working order, and this is due to platform being out of level. Other items are unimportant and most of them are improvements, not repairs. Post. | Fort Columbia Disappearing carriages. | Two 6-inch, three 8-inch. Report of Commanding Officer. | For quarter ended Sept. 30, 1902: "Eight inch gun battery.— * * * The 8-inch disappearing carriages, L. F., model of 1896, Nos. 1 and 10, throttling device to be attached, safety tripping device to be attached, and stop for traversing to right to be provided. Emplacement No. 3. * * * The gun carriage in this emplacement (experi[mental)] Remarks. | All items improvements; no repairs. No report of anything out of order.. 44 Post. | Fort Columbia— Continued. Disappearing carriages. | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Report of Commanding Officer. | mental) has yet to have oil hole made in traversing sprocket wheel and drain hole to be made in rear transom of top carriage. The ordnance mechanics are now working at Fort Stevens, and when the work there is completed the above repairs will be attended to." Remarks. | Post. | Fort Worden Disappearing carriages. | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Report of Commanding Officer. | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Remarks. | No disappearing carriages at the post. Post. | Fort Casey Disappearing carriages. | Six 10-inch Report of Commanding Officer. | For quarter ended Sept. 30, 1902: "Ten- inch battery.—Four guns mounted on Crozier-Buffington carriages. Serviceable and in good condition, with exceptions noted below. * * * No. 1. elevating gear works hard; gun and carriage need painting; missing, two silk wipers. No. 2, depresses hard; gun and carriage need painting; missing, two handles for hammers. * * * No oil hole for hinge pin. No. 3, depresses hard; gun and carriage need painting. * * * No oil hole for hinge pin. No. 4 works well; dust guard rubs base ring in one place, traversing not affected thereby; no oil hole in hinge pin. * * * After the officers and gun detachments have had an opportunity to become perfectly familiar with the guns and carriages, after some extra paint has been removed and all bearings more thoroughly lubricated, it is thought no trouble will be found with the elevating gear." Remarks. | All items mentioned are insignificant. No report of unserviceability. Post. | Fort Mason Disappearing carriages. | One 8-inch Report of Commanding Officer. | For quarter ended Sept. 30, 1902: "Everything was well kept and in first-class condition." Remarks. | Post. | Fort Flagler Disappearing carriages. | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Report of Commanding Officer. | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Remarks. | No disappearing carriage at the post. —————————————————————————————————— From the table it appears that there were upon the Pacific coast thirty-six guns of 8, 10, and 12 inch caliber mounted upon disappearing carriages, and six 6-inch disappearing carriages upon some of which only were guns mounted. Of the the forty-two carriages three only are reported as being in a condition of inefficiency. Of the three, two—one at Fort Rosecrans and one at Fort Winfield Scott—are in such condition because of reasons in connection with the carriages themselves, although in both cases the defects were of minor character and easily and inexpensively remedied. One carriage at Fort Stevens was out of working order because of the platform of the emplacement being out of level. This number, three carriages, is very far from being one-third of those on the Pacific coast, and very far also from amounting to the eleven reported by the Lieutenant-General as being defective. To make up this eleven every carriage would have to be counted in regard to which the slightest element in which it fell short of perfection of condition was reported by the commanding officer. Counting all such the number is found to be just eleven; it would therefore seem that it was arrived at in this way. Below is a list of these imperfections, additional to the ones relating to the three carriages above mentioned. Additional electric power needed for two carriages. Hole for axle of traversing sprocket wheel apparently worn. Traversing stop to be provided. Oil hole in sprocket wheel and drain hole in transom to be provided. Elevating gear of three carriages works hard, but it is thought that no trouble will be found with it after extra paint has been removed, bearings lubricated, and greater familiarity acquired. 45 11. It would seem difficult to account for the report against the system as defective which is based upon such trifles otherwise than by the assumption of distinct prejudice against it. 12. As stated in his report, the Lieutenant-General has previously drawn attention to this subject, and all means which it has been possible to adopt has been taken to arrive at a proper decision in regard to the system of disappearing carriages at present in use. The last of these was a thorough examination of the subject by a board composed of officers of engineers, ordnance, and artillery of the Army, an officer of the Navy, and a civilian. The board was appointed pursuant to the direction of Congress, and made a test of the system in accordance with a programme as thorough and conclusive as could be devised, the ammunition alone for its execution costing about $25,000. The board found in favor of disappearing carriages, closing its report with these words: The board desires to report its opinion that the general mechanical principles involved in the chief elements and movements of the Buffington-Crozier disappearing carriage are admirably adapted for their purpose. 13. As the conclusion of the board was known before the departure from Washington of the Lieutenant-General on the inspection tour of which the report now considered was submitted, it seems that it must be admitted that no means within the power of the Government can suffice to alter his opinion in regard to the present service type of disappearing carriage. 14. The recommendation that whenever emplacements and guns are established all stations should be supplied with complete accessory appliances and that quarters for the garrison should be provided goes without saying; the special feature of this recommendation seems to be the statement that these should be provided so that the garrisons may be complete, whether large or small, for effective service whenever the guns are ready to be mounted. If this is to be understood as meaning that the formidable work of producing and installing the guns themselves should be held back until these accessories and quarters can be made ready at the same time, it is the view of this Department that the policy recommended should not receive approval; but that that which is now in operation should be continued, of providing first the essentials and following these by refinements of efficiency and by comforts. Very respectfully, William Crozier, Brigadier-General, Chief of Ordnance.. 46 Washington, D. C., January 28, 1903. Statement relating to extract from a report of the Lieutenant-General Commanding the Army, affecting the conduct of affairs of the recruiting division of the Adjutant-General’s Department, with particular reference to the depot of recruit instruction at the Presidio of San Francisco, Cal. This statement is made in compliance with the following personal letter from the Adjutant-General: War Department, Adjutant-General's Office, Washington, January 12, 1903. Maj. Henry A. Greene, War College Board. My Dear Major Greene: I inclose you extracts from the report of the Lieutenant- General relating to the enlistment division. I think, as the comment of the Lieutenant-General relates to the office when you and Johnston were in charge, I would be very glad to have, over your signature, a comprehensive statement of the facts. It might be well to let Johnston have an assisting hand at it. Faithfully, yours, H. C. Corbin, Adjutant-General, Major-General, U. S. Army. The statements of the Lieutenant-General are: First. There is no necessity for a depot for recruits for the regiments serving in the Philippine Islands. Second. If there were, a worse place could not be found than the Presidio of San Francisco. Third. That great useless expense of public money has resulted and is resulting from sending recruits to that depot and then bringing them back great distances, resulting in double travel. Fourth. Points to the number of desertions which have taken place en route to and from the depot at Presidio. Fifth. Comments upon the injustice of sending troops which have just returned from the arduous service in the Philippine Islands, immediately to Alaska. To correct the evils pointed out, the Lieutenant-General recommends: 1. That regiments be sent to the Philippines recruited up to the maximum strength, or up to 125 men to the company, adding that they would then require no recruits during their stay there, and they should be brought back, if practicable, at the end of two years’ service—certainly at the end of three years. 2. That the method of enlisting recruits and sending them to the nearest military stations be resumed, as was done after the recruiting depots were broken up several years ago. 3. That should it be necessary at any time to send men to the Philippine Islands, except in regular organizations, the number required be obtained by calling upon the different department commanders to report the number of men who desire to be transferred to regiments serving in those islands and that they be sent there. In that way men would be obtained who desire service in that division, and they would be less likely to desert en route. They should be gathered in different departments and sent, under charge of officers, to the Philippine Islands without unnecessary delay on the Pacific coast. In October, November, and December, 1901, the enlisted strength of the force in the Philippine Islands was 41,566, 39,963, and 35,221, respectively. The Volunteers had all been withdrawn. The Regular regiments were being reorganized under act of February 2, 1901. The time of service of the many men who had enlisted in 1898, after the close of the Santiago campaign (a large percentage of most organizations) was expiring. This necessitated the shipment of large bodies of recruits to the Philippine Islands. These could not be obtained in the immediate locality of the points of shipment, but must be gathered 47 from the entire country. Their concentration from hundreds of recruiting offices all over the United States to the shipping point in exact time to catch an outgoing transport, even if such a method of concentration of absolutely raw material were otherwise desirable, was practically impossible. The urgency of the commanding general of the Division of the Philippines for these recruits will be apparent upon reading cablegrams of General Chaffee of dates October 7 to December 14, 1901 (hereunto attached, marked "No. 1”). The inadvisability of sending raw recruits direct from stations to ship, without drill, without proper equipment or instruction, without being held under quarantine observation a sufficient length of time to preclude the possibility of sending cases of contagious and infectious diseases upon outgoing loaded transports, is apparent. These considerations led, naturally, to the establishment of an auxiliary to the recruit depot already at Presidio of San Francisco, and a camp of instruction was established, in consequence of correspondence between the Adjutant-General’s Department and General Young (hereunto attached, marked "No. 1 A”). The concentration of recruits at the depot and the shipment therefrom for the Philippine Islands was continued until the receipt of cablegram of February 9, 1902, from General Chaffee to “‘send no more recruits until called for except 300 for Ninth Regiment, U. S. Cavalry.” (Copy hereunto attached, marked ‘‘No. 2”.) This was sudden and unexpected, as is evidenced by my memorandum made upon it at the time, as follows: Call up to-morrow. In view of the urgent appeals of General Chaffee a short time ago, this sudden change of front is not understood. It would seem as if some explanation should be called for by cable. H. A. G. February 10, 1902. (See No. 2 attached.) The cable call for explanation was made on February 11, 1902, and reply received on February 13, 1902, to effect that he had suggested in personal letter of January 10 that three regiments of infantry may be ordered home and that recruits en route would fill other regiments to more than full strength until end of March; then, if the three regiments go home, he would get about 1,000 men having one year to serve for transfer to remaining regiments and would require—estimated— at least 1,500 recruits to fill vacancies occurring during April, May, and June, and that they could start about March 15. : On February 21 (date of first trimonthly report after receipt of cablegram of February 13) we had at the Presidio recruits as follows: Unassigned: Cavalry (white) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 664 Coast Artillery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 Field Artillery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Infantry (white) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,593 Assigned: Ninth Cavalry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 Tenth Cavalry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Twenty-fourth Infantry (colored) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Twenty-fifth Infantry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 ———— Total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,372 Ninth Cavalry recruits en route to Presidio February 20 . . . . . . . . . 100 ———— Grand total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,47248 Recruits had sailed for Manila between February 1 and 20, 1902, to the number of 2,141. (See No. 3, attached.) It will be seen, then, that the accumulation was no greater than the exigencies in the Philippines seemed to demand, or than transportation facilities would have removed in less than one month. On February 28 a long cablegram was sent, by special authority of the Secretary of War, to the commanding general. Division of the Philippines, fully explaining the situation as to the composition of his command after the movements then under contemplation were com- pleted and giving him the Department's estimate of his necessities as to recruits, informing him what we had on hand to meet demands, and that if sent it would obviate necessity of transferring long-term men of home-coming regiments, giving him, instead, men having nearly three years to serve for distribution among the regiments having long- est time to serve in islands. (For full text of cablegram and subse- quent cable correspondence, see No. 4, attached.) The necessity for this cablegram arose from various reasons, but the one most closely affecting the recruiting division was the assign- ment by the commanding general, Division of the Philippines, of many recruits to regiments which were slated to come home, and of which fact the general seemed to be without definite information. In subsequent correspondance by cable (No. 4 attached), although General Chaffee preferred to send home destined regiments intact, he was directed (April 3 and 7, copies in No. 4 attached) to transfer from home-coming regiments privates in first enlistment having two years or more to serve to remaining regiments having longest time to serve. The attached letter of March 12, 1902 (Exhibit No. 5), from the Lieu- tenant-General, and memorandum of Colonel Johnston thereupon show the Lieutenant-General’s views at that date, the history of an reasons for the previous adoption (a year before) of such a measure as a temporary expedient, and the statement that at that time the Lieu- tenant-General strongly recommended against such a measure; also arguments against its adoption. The forwarding of recruits to the Division of the Philippines was stopped upon dates as follows: White cavalry in February, 1902. White infantry and Coast Artillery in April, 1902. Field Artillery in June, 1902. Colored recruits in August, 1902, with recall of the last colored regiment from the Philippines (Page 48, Adjutant-General’s report, 1902.) The reduction in strength of organizations imposed by General Orders Nos. 48 and 63, Adjutant-General’s Office, respectively May 31 and July 1, 1902, still further lessened the demand for recruits for the Philippines. We were left, then, with 2,472 recruits at Presidio, duly enlisted. What should be done with them? It was the natural distributing center for recruits for the Department of California; but the organi- zations therein would not take them all. There was a demand for them from other localities. Naturally, some were sent to the nearby Department of the Columbia, which can not depend upon its own territorial resources to keep up the supply, although the recruiting officer at Portland and Seattle (the only one in the department) has authority to report directly to department commander all recruits desiring service in that department. 49 It was necessary to keep up some movement to prevent, as far as possible, stagnation, with desertion and other evils incident thereto; 419 recruits (some of whom, by the way, were enlisted upon the Pacific coast and most of whom were accumulated at Presidio primarily for supply of regiments in the Philippines), as already stated, and at a time when the needs for such recruits were reported by the division commander as most urgent, were assigned to other departments. The assignments in detail are shown in attached Exhibit No. 6, and that due regard was given, so far as circumstances would permit, to economy in travel, is shown in No. 6 A, attached, which shows that there was a net gain of 1,539 miles in distance traveled by these detach- ments over what would have been necessary had the organizations been supplied from the rendezvous at Columbus Barracks or Jefferson Barracks. Nothwithstanding the fact that since May 9, 1901 (see No. 7), no assurances had been given that men enlisting would get Philippine service, when the flow to the Philippines was checked as herein indicated, many of the recruits at Presidio naturally felt disappointed at not getting there, as they had confidently hoped and had reason to expect. The natural result was some desertions—many men in the early months of service desert, not only from Presidio, but from organizations. The causes are obvious—homesickness, disappoint- ment, unrealized expectations, and many other causes. More might be expected under the condition of disappointment about going to the Philippines, even after reaching the point of embarkation. But the figures do not show a very abnormally large rate. Consulting official records, we find (No. 8, attached) that during the six months ending September 30 the desertions were 267. Of this number 101 deserted the first month of the period (April), coincident with the stopping of the flow of infantry and coast-artillery recruits to the Philippines. During the calendar year 1901, 8,961 recruits passed through the recruit depot. There were 204 desertions, a percentage of 2.27. During the fiscal year ending June 30, 1902, the number of recruits passing through the Presidio was 10,416, of whom 533 deserted, a per- centage of 5.1. For the same year (fiscal) the percentage of desertions from the Regular Army was 3.7. As the number of desertions in the Philip- pines is relatively much smaller than in the United States, the per- centage of desertions to force in the United States would be much greater than the figures here given. (Statement A, Adjutant-General’s report, 1902.) After it became apparent that no more recruits would for some time be needed for the organizations in the Division of the Philippines, there was still the duty imposed upon the recruiting division of filling the organizations ordered to that division under General Orders, No. 5, January 18, 1902, and this could only be assured by having a reason- able accumulation of recruits at the Presidio. As a matter of fact, 565 recruits were assigned from the Presidio to these organizations between February 15, 1902, and June 11, 1902. The same necessity now confronts the division to prepare for the regiments going out under the provisions of General Orders, No. 122, of 1902, and subsequent orders as to the Engineer battalions. Aside from the provisions to anticipate these demands, no more recruits are sent to the depot at Presidio than may be needed, from -4 50 time to time, to meet the requirements of organizations in Departments of California and the Columbia, and possible some remote western post contiguous thereto. The Lieutenant-General speaks of "recruiting depots which were wisely broken up several years ago." At the time to which he refers the country was at peace with all the world; its little army of 25,000 men stationed entirely within the continental territorial limits. The recruiting division could anticipate almost to a unit the needs of any organization upon any particular future date. Even then, although we accept the judgement of the Lieutenant-General as to the wisdom of breaking up recruit depots, there were heretics who advanced strong arguments upon the other side; but the system, under the most favorable conditions possible, was working well enough. Then came the Spanish-American War, with its resulting expeditions. Organizations were at once increased. The recruiting division responded to the demand and large numbers of recruits were secured. Then came the deplorable situations unnecessary to dwell upon here. With no proper place for rendezvous, equipment, and training, large detachments were shifted from place to place, apparently only in the way. The hardships incident thereto are well known. Since that date, the rapid shifting of regiments abroad and at home, the organization, expansion, and contraction due to legislative enactments, and to reasons of public policy, have produced a situation of affairs under which it has been impracticable to carry out the old system of supplying organizations direct from recruiting offices and a partial return in a qualified way to the depot system has been a necessity. The so-called depots are really garrisoned posts, the organizations at which are somewhat reduced in number of privates, to permit the accommodation of a limited number of recruits attached for instruction for a short time until drafted away to supply demands as they become known. The direct supply from recruiting stations to organizations can be only partially carried out. Many of the posts between the Mississippi River and the Pacific coast are in thinly populated sections far from any recruiting station, so that to supply them with recruits, even directly from nearest stations, involves a considerable expense for transportation, while in such cases there is largely increased cost for subsistence, which, after the first twenty-four-hours, is at the rate of $1.50 per day, whereas by sending them in detachments from rendezvous, reduced rates of transportation are frequently obtained, and travel rations can be supplied. It is also the experience of the division that men will enlist for regiments or posts at a distance from most convenient recruiting stations, attention is invited to attached correspondence with the commanding general, Department of Texas (No. 6 B). As evidence that the recruiting division attempts to send recruits, as far as practicable, direct from stations to particular posts and organizations, the statement hereunto attached (marked "No. 9 A") is submitted. In addition, the post and department recruiting service is urged to recruit directly in the vicinity of posts to supply local requirements. Regarding the proposition to recruit all company organizations going to the Philippines to the maximum strength—or to 125 per company— 51 then to send out no recruits but allow the company to gradually shrink during a two-years' tour, it may be said that the present authorized organization (General Orders, No. 108, A. G. O., October 25, 1902) will not permit of its adoption. At the time this organization was under consideration it was proposed to temporarily increase the strength of organizations in the Philippines at the expense of organizations at home, but the proposition was disapproved by the Secretary of War. To replenish companies in the Philippines by drafts of men of organizations in the United States who volunteer for such service would result in constant transfers, which are open to all the objections formerly urged by the Lieutenant-General in 1901, to which reference has already been made (see quotations in memorandum attached to No. 5, herewith). In addition, it is feared that such transfers would in a large measure be confined to those restless, turbulent individuals— resentful always of wholesome discipline, desirous of any change of condition, simply because it is a change—whom captains are always willing to be rid of and whose transfers would doubtless be approved for the purpose of eliminating undesirable members of the company. However, General Orders, No. 122 provides for voluntary transfers to regiments now under orders for the Philippines, to be accomplished before departure from the United States. Practically coincident with the arrival of the Lieutenant-General's report, came a letter from Col. E. Rice, Nineteenth Infantry, stationed at the depot of recruit instruction at Presidio, of very similar tenor, upon the subject of that depot. Attention is respectfully invited thereto, as also to the indorsement of the commanding general, Department of California, thereupon (467522, A. G. O.). The Department's reply to that letter, of which a copy is attached (marked No. 9), covers the question quite fully. With reference to the matter of sending organizations at once to Alaska, after their return from the Philippines, the recruiting division had nothing to do with that matter. As far as known, but two companies have never had that experience—Companies I and M, Eighth Infantry. General Johnston (then lieutenant-colonel) was in charge of the recruiting division during the time covered by this report up to July 1, 1902. During that time I was his assistant, From July 1, 1902, until January 5, 1903. I was in charge of the division. While General Johnston was in charge he consulted me freely, and no plan or policy was ever inaugurated or executed upon which we did not fully agree, and while the official responsibility rested upon him, subject to his accountability to the Adjutant-General, I am as willing to share therein as to share what credit was due as the result of our joint efforts. Such measure of economy as is consistent with the procuring of the recruits required has always been a matter of close and earnest study in that division, particularly in the matter of travel involved in assignment of recruits. General Johnston would have been consulted in the preparation of this statement, but unfortunately he is out of town. Very respectfully, H. A. GREENE, Major of Infantry, Assistant Adjutant-General, Member War College Board.52 EXHIBITS TO ACCOMPANY STATEMENT PREPARED BY MAJ. H. A. GREENE, IN THE MATTER OF THE RECRUIT DEPOT AT THE PRESIDIO OF SAN FRANCISCO. JANUARY 28, 1903. COPY CABLEGRAMS. MANILA, October 7, 1901 ADJUTANT-GENERAL, Washington: * * * * * * * With reference to your telegram of 6th, refresh my memory regarding method sending soldiers San F; rancisco. Papers en route Washington request 500 recruits First U. S. Infantry, 350 recruits Ninth U. S. Infantry, to arrive by December 15. Papers also showing over 4,500 men discharged Department Northern Luzon by March 1; recruits should be sent replace them. CHAFFEE. MANILA, October 15, 1901. ADJUTANT-GENERAL, Washington: * * * * * * * * All reports indicate commands will be decreased about 50 per cent by March 31; these men ought to be replaced as they leave. CHAFFEE. MANILA, October 26, 1901. ADJUTANT-GENERAL, Washington: With reference to my telegram of the 7th, request 600 recruits each Twelfth, Thir- teenth, Sixteenth, Twenty-second Infantry sent as soon as possible. Effective strength troops Department Northern Luzon, including Manila, less than 8,000 by January 1. * * * * * * * CHAFFEE. (Oct. 28. Met by project prepared by Major-General and Colonel Johnston, sub- mitted to Adjutat-General for consideration by Secretary of War. [401920-D, Adjutant-General’s Office.] For final action see General Orders, No. 142, November 4, 1901; copy attached.) MANILA, November 10, 1901. ADJUTANT-GENERAL, Washington: * * * * * * * * Five hundred and fifty required to bring Third Regiment U. S. Infantry to maxi- mum strength March 1, next, recommended. CHAFFEE. MANILA, November 11, 1901. ADJUTANT-GENERAL, Washington: Suggest 600 men be drafted from each regiment in United States of America and forwarded here for assignment to regiments; some men have some instruction and would be available for work immediately. CHAFFEE. MANILA, November 21, 1901. ADJUTANT-GENERAL, Washington: Request 200 men home squadron fill vacancies First Regiment, U. 8. Cavalry. * * * * * * * * CHAFFEE. 53 MANILA, November 27, 1901. ADJUTANT-GENERAL, Washington: After December 10 there will be 496 in Fourth Regiment U. S. Infantry. CHAFFEE. MANILA, December 14, 1901. ADJUTANT-GENERAL, Washington: * * * * * * Greatly need cavalry recruits; pressing necessity in First Regiment U. S. Cavalry; Sixth Regiment U. S. Cavalry stationed Third Brigade; active work there now, but troops so reduced in men that care animals about all they can do. CHAFFEE. GENERAL ORDERS, 142 HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, ADJUTANT-GENERAL’S OFFICE, Washington, November 4, 1901. By direction of the Secretary of War, the following changes in stations of troops are ordered: 1. Eleventh U. S. Cavalry, from the its of the East and the Missouri to the Division of the Philippines, to proceed as follows: Second Squadron, from Fort Ethan Allen, Vt., to New York City, to sail on trans- rt Crook about December 1, 1901; headquarters, field, staff, band, and Third Squadron from Fort Myer, Va., to New York City, to sail on transport Buford about the middle of January, 1902; First Squadron, from Jefferson Barracks, Mo., to San Francisco, Cal., to sail on December 16, 1901. Twenty-eigth U. S. Infantry, from the Department of the Columbia to the Division of Philippines, to proceed as follows: Two battalions (to be designated by the a commander) to San Francisco, Cal., to sail on the transport Grant about November 15, 1901; headquarters, field, staff, band, and remaining battalion to San Francisco, Cal., to sail on the transport Warren about December 1, 1901. Each battalion and squadron will conduct a detachment of unassigned recruits, equal in number to its authorized strength, for assignment to regiments serving in the Division of the Philippines. These recruits will be assembled at points to be hereafter designated. The regiments named will be fully recruited all troops will be fully clothed, armed, equipped, and supplied, and provided with not to exceed 50 rounds of cartridges per man, to be carried on the person, except recruits for regiments in the Division of the Philippines for whom arms and ammunition will not be provided. Public horses of the Eleventh Cavalry will be left at its present stations in of the Quartermaster's Department. The baggage to accompany the troops by rail will be limited to 150 pounds per man, as directed in letter of April 6, 1901, from this office, to department command- ers; the heavy baggage will be forwarded by slow freight to the point of embark- ation in time to be transferred to the transport carrying the troops. Department commanders concerned will direct the embarkation of the troops and by concert of action arrange the details of the movements and advise the Adjutant- General of the Army as to the progress of the preparations, reporting by telegraph the hours of departures and arrivals and strength of organizations. 2. The Fourth, Seventeenth, Twentieth, and Twenty-second regiments of infantry will be relieved from duty by the commanding general, Division of the Philippines, and ordered to the United States as nearly as practicable in the order named as soon as the transports are available. Private soldiers of these regiments who are serving in first enlistments and who have six months or more to serve will be transferred by the division com- mander to other regiments serving in that division, and short-term privates of other regiments who signify their intention not to reenlist in the division will be trans- ferred to the regiments returning to the United States. The division commander is authorized to arrange the transfer of noncommissioned officers and enlisted men other than privates as the good of the service may require. 3. For the foregoing movements the Quartermaster-General will furnish the neces- sary transportation, the Subsistence Department suitable subsistence, and the Medi- cal Department proper medical attendance and supplies. H. C. CORBIN Adjutant-General, Major-General, U. S. Army. 54 ADJUTANT-GENERAL’S OFFICE, Washington, October 16, 1901. COMMANDING GENERAL DEPARTMENT CALIFORNIA, San Francisco, Cal.: Because of large prospective vacancies in Philippines in next few months, through expirations of service, it becomes necessary to begin the accumulation of recruits at Presidio for such regiments. Arrange to establish recruit camp, for necessary instruc- tion and equipment of such recruits, as heretofore, utilizing for the purpose officers returning to the Philippines and others available in your department. Advise this office at earliest date when prepared to receive and care for recruits that Department may give orders to assemble them. In this connection you are advised that General Chaffee has instructions to send soldiers whose terms are about to expire to San Francisco in time for their discharge. Estimated about 2,000 monthly will thus be sent for several months. Information also as to the number of regiments for Philippine service, in addition to above, you can shelter, subsist, and instruct, especially in target practice, using plant heretofore employed and an estimate of expense involved, with view having regiments ready for embarkation should Sec. War decide to send new regi- ments to relieve old ones. H. C. CORBIN, Adjutant-General. SAN FRANCISCO, CAL., October 17, 1901. ADJUTANT-GENERAL, Washington, D. C.: Replying to telegram 16th. Prepared to receive and care for 1,000 recruits imme- diately; 1,000 more in ten days. Can care immediately for two regiments preparing for Philippine service; facilities for target practice, one regiment per month. By November 1 can care for three additional regiments. Estimate expenses approxi- mately $5,500. This includes preparing camp, $2,000; maintenance of camp six months at $500 month; putting target range in condition, $500; request for labor and material to begin, $1, by telegraph. YOUNG, Major-General. No. 2. [Extract of cablegram received Adjutant-General’s Office.] MANILA, January 28, 1902—5.30 p.m. ADJUTANT-GENERAL, Washington: Do not need more cavaly; if sent must be for dismounted service; most expen- sive least useful arm these islands are mounted men: * * * * * * CHAFFEE. [Extract received recruiting division, January 29, 1902—2.45 p. m.] Probably refers to cavalry organization. JANUARY 29, 1902. C.W.S It is not understood that this refers to recruits for cavalry regiments now in P. I, J.A.J. 55 [Extract of cablegram received Adjutant-General’s Office.] MANILA, February 9, 1902. ADJUTANT-GENERAL, Washington: Send no more recruits until called for, except 300 for Ninth Regiment U. S. * * * * * * CHAFFEE. Seen: J.A. J. Call up to-morrow. In view of the urgent appeals of General Chaffee a short time ago this sudden change of front is not understood. It would seem as if some expla- nation should be called for by cable. H.A.G FEBRUARY 10, 1902. [Copy cablegram.] ADJUTANT-GENERAL’s OFFICE, February 11, 1902. CHAFFEE, Manila: Large numbers of recruits for infantry accumulating San Francisco to fill previous requisitions; therefore your cable send no more recruits except for Ninth Regiment, U. S. Cavalry, not understood. Cable particulars. CORBIN. [Extract of cablegram received Adjutant-General’s Office. ] MANILA, February 13, 1902. ADJUTANT-GENERAL, Washington: * * * * * * See my personal letter January 10, suggesting Third, Twelfth, Ninth regiments, U.S. Infantry, may be ordered home according our data. Recruits en route will fill other regiments to more than full strength until end March; then if three named regiments go home will get about 1,000 men having one year to serve for transfer remaining regiments. Number recruits required in order to fill vacancies occurring April, May, June is not yet known, but will need at least 1,500 which can start Match 15. Can send Third Regiment, U.S. Infantry, March 15. Am counting on Bell not wanting more troops. CHAFFEE No. 3. [Copy telegram.] SAN FRANCISCO, CAL., February 21, 1902. ADJUTANT-GENERAL, Washington, D. C. Following unassigned recruits at Presidio, 20th instant: Cavalry, white, 664; Coast Artillery, 30; field artillery, 3; infantry, white, 1,593. * * * Assigned: Cavalry, Ninth, 50; Tenth, 23. Infantry, Twenty-fourth, 6; Twenty-fifth, 3; YOUNG, Major-General Recruits that had sailed for Manila between February 1 and 20, 1902: Assigned Ninth Cavalry | 27 Other regiments | 24 51 Unassigned White cavalry | 390 White infantry | 1,664 Coast artillery | 30 Field artillery | 6 2,090 2,141 Note. - Nearly 100 Ninth Cavalry recruits were also en route to the Presidio, February 20. 56 FEBRUARY 28, 1902. CHAFFEE, Manila: With completion of all movements now under consideration, you will have in your command seventeen regiments infantry, seven and one-third regiments cavalry, namely: Infantry—First, Second, Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, Eighth, Tenth, Eleventh, Fifteenth, Sixteenth, Nineteenth, Twenty-fourth, Twenty-fifth, Twenty-Sixth, Twenty-seventh, Twenty-eighth, Thirtieth. Cavalry—First, Third, Fifth, Sixth, Ninth, Eleventh, Fifteenth, and one squadron Tenth, also battalion of engineers, U. S. Army, four companies coast, three batteries field artillery, aggregating 30,000 enlisted, exclusive of staff corps and Philippine Scouts. Twenty-ninth Regiment, U. S. Infantry, or Sixteenth Regiment, U. S. Infantry. We estimate you will then need about 2,000 recruits to include June 30. There are 1,600 infantry recruits besides complement for Ninth Regiment U. S. Cavalry now under instructions at San Francisco to meet this demand. Forwarding these will avoid necessity of transferring to remaining regiments long-term men from Third, Ninth, Twelfth, Thirteenth, Twenty-first regiments U. S. Infantry, also from Sixth or Sixteenth regiments U. S. Infantry, giving you instead men having nearly three years to serve for distribution as far as practicable to regiments having longest time to serve in the Philippine Islands, rather than to regiments nearing completion of their tour in Philippine Islands, notably Sixth, Sixteenth, Twenty-fourth, Twenty-fifth, Nineteenth regiments U. S. Infantry, and Third Regiment U. S. Cavalry, all of which left United States in above order before September 1899. Cable your views. Ward. ----- ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE, Washington, March 5, 1902. CHAFEE, Manila: With reference to my telegram of 28th ultimo and your reply March 4, do you recommend that Third, Twelfth, Ninth, Twenty-first regiments, U. S. Infantry, and other regiments to follow shall return without transferring long-term men therefrom, filling vacancies in remaining regiments with instructed recruits now San Francisco for purpose? Battalions Seventh Regiment, U. S. Infantry, probably last to leave, having six companies in Alaska. CORBIN. ----- ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE, Washington, April 7, 1902. CHAFEE, Manila: Orders April 3 regarding transfers from Ninth Regiment, U. S. Infantry will apply to Twenty-first Regiment, U. S. Infantry, and other incoming regiments. CORBIN. 57 WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE, Washington, March 21, 1902. Memorandum for Colonel Johnston. The Adjutant-General wishes to talk with you concerning the subject of the attached letter of the Lieutenant-General. Respectfully, W. H. ALLENSWORTH. ----- MARCH 12, 1902. THE SECRETARY OF WAR. SIR: I have the honor to invite attention to the last two lines of General Chaffee's dispatch of March 10, which reads as follows: "As a rule, best return regiments home undiminished by transfer long-term men." This is deemed not advisable, and General Chaffee should bee advised that as regiments can not be sent just at the time they are enlisted, they contain both long and short term men when they go to the Philippine Islands, and recruits have to be sent there to take the places of men who die or return on account of sickness or expiration of term of service. Therefore, as a rule, as the regiments are returned all the long term-privates should be transferred to regiments remaining in the Philippines where it can be done without injustice. Exceptions might be made in the cases of noncommissioned officers and men who have reenlisted once or twice in a regiment for the purpose of remaining in that regiment. Such exceptional cases would have to be left to the discretion of the division commander. Very respectfully, NELSON A. MILES, Lieutenant-General. ----- WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE, Washington, March 22, 1902. [Memorandum.] Upon the passage of the act approved February 2, 1901, "to increase the efficiency of the permanent military establishment of the United States," the regiments in the Philippine Islands were much beyond the strength prescribed for them under that act and published in General Orders, No. 66, Adjutant-General's Office, 1901. Their strength was still further increased by transfers to them from the home-coming regiments of long-term men, by which is mend men having over a year or in some instances over six months to serve. For these reasons it did not become necessary following the act of February 2, 1901, to send recruits to the Philippines until within the past six months during which period unassigned recruits have been collected, instructed, and forwarded in large numbers to Manila, with a view to assignment, so far as practicable, to organizations having the longest time to serve in the Philippines, the understanding being that such of these recruits as might be assigned to regiments subsequently designated to come home will be transferred to regiments remaining to fill vacancies occurring therein to June 30, 1902, and subsequently. One object sought has been to arrange that expirations of terms of service in the different regiments will be more evenly distributed in order to obviate the necessity of practically recruiting entire regiments again two and three years hence; this, in order that regiments sent to the Philippines need not in the future be kept fully recruited while there, except as it may be necessary in some emergency or to preserve an effective minimum strength. The system of transfers herein referred to was, to a certain extent, forced upon the Department by the fact that regiments about to be summoned home were under the system of distribution of enlisted strength prevailing prior to the act of February 2, 1901, filled to a strength per company largely in excess of that prescribed for home battalions or regiments, making it necessary for the latter to transfer their excess to remaining companies and regiments prior to departure for home, for the double purpose of reducing to a proper strength the incoming battalions or regiments and also to meet not only the losses in the field, but, in part, the extraordinary losses in the remaining regiments by expirations of service between October, 1901, and June 30, 1902. This system of transfers adopted as a temporary expedient for the reason stated met with the serious opposition of officers and men, especially company commanders. It has proved to be not only expensive, but disheartening to the men, discouraging. 58 them from reenlisting, injurious to the service, especially the general recruiting service, destructive of esprit de corps, and demoralizing to discipline and administration, besides rendering large numbers of men ineffective during their short service consequent upon such transfers in new organizations and under new officers. It has also made it practically impossible for the Department to trace men, either for its own purposes or at the persistent solicitation of relatives and friends. These considerations and representations from commanding officers in the Philippines, through the division commander, led the Department to look carefully into the whole matter and, as early as November 28, 1900, the Lieutenant-General expressed the opinion that the “transfer of men from one regiment to another or even from one battalion to another is injurious to the service and should be discontinued,”’ and that “the Army should be notified that it is not the policy of the Government to make such transfers in the future,” adding, ‘this will give to the Army a feeling of security, and assignments, with very few exceptions, will be permanent.”’ (350611 A. G. O.) The matter was held in abeyance, in view of pending legislation and the consequent uncertainty regarding future conditions, until February 21, 1901, when, by direction of the Secretary of War, the commanding general, Division of the Philippines, was notified that soldiers reenlisting there upon expiration of terms of service will not be regarded as in the category of long-service men who are liable to service in the Philippines after the departure of their organizations for home stations, and further, that it was contemplated—when the volunteers should all have been mustered out, the Army reorganized under the act of February 2, 1901, and the new conditions have had an opportunity to adjust themselves—to announce to the Army that transfers from one battalion to another or from one regiment to another shall not be made in future, and that assignments, as a rule, will be permanent, i.e., that offices and men will, as a rule, follow the fortunes of the organization to which they may be assigned. For letter of February 21, 1901, in full, see General Orders, No. 72, Division of the Philippines, April 15, 1901 (copy appended). “War Department, Adjutant-General's Office, "Washington, February 21, 1901. “The Commanding General, Division of the Philippines, Manila, P. I. “Sir: Under date of October 15 last, you furnished this office with official copies of a telegram from the commanding general, Department of Northern Luzon, repeating a request of Captain Hunter, Third Cavalry, to be informed whether assurances can be given enlisted men, who are discharged by reason of expiration of term of service, that they will be allowed to return to the United States when their troop does after reenlisting, adding that if this assurance can not be made under existing orders, he will lose a number of valuable men, concerning which you request the views of the Department as to action in this case, and if it is expedient to make it of general application to the entire regular force serving in the islands, and also with remark that trained soldiers are probably more needed now than they will be at any subsequent time. “In replying to the case herein presented, the Secretary of War decides that assurance may be given that men who are discharged by reason of expiration of term of service will be allowed to return to the United States with their organizations after reenlisting. In other words, reenlistment does not place them in the category of long-service men, who are liable to service in the Philippines after the departure of their organizations for home stations. “It is contemplated, however, when the volunteers shall all have been mustered out and the Army reorganized under the act of February 2, 1901, and the new conditions have had an opportunity to adjust themselves, to announce to the Army that it is not the policy of the Government to continue officers and men on foreign service for the mere reason that their superior physique has given them immunity from the diseases incident to tropical climates, or that their happier temperament restrains them from seeking to secure advantages over their associates, and that transfers from one battalion to another and sometimes from one regiment to another shall not be made in future, and that assignments as a rule will be permanent. This will mean that officers and men will, as a rule, follow the fortunes of the organization to which they may be assigned; that when the batallions, troops, batteries and companies are sent beyond the continental limits of the United States their officers and men will accompany them, unless invalided, in which event they shall follow as soon as able for duty, and that enlisted men serving beyond such limits, who are about to be discharged by reason of expiration of term of service and 59 desire to reenlist, will be assured that they will be allowed to return to the United States whenever the organization to which they belong so returns. "Very respectfully, “Geo. Andrews. “Assistant Adjutant-General." John A. Johnston, Assistant Adjutant-General. ———— Recruits sent from recruit depot, Presidio, to posts in United States other than in Department of California, from January 1 to October 31, 1902. ——————————————————————————————————————— | No. of | Date. | recruits. | ——————————————————————————————————————— To Department of the Columbia. Coast artillery, Fort Lawton, Wash. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . | 39 | Apr. 26, 1902 Seventeenth Infantry, Vancouver Barracks, Wash. . . . . . | 265 | Apr. 26, 1902 Eighth Infantry, Fort Lawton, Wash. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . | 20 | May 23, 1902 Field artillery, Vancouver Barracks, Wash. . . . . . . . . . . . . | 29 | May 20, 1902 Coast artillery, Fort Lawton, Wash. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . | 15 | July 1, 1902 Seventeenth Infantry, Vancouver Barracks, Wash. . . . . . | 70 | Oct. 27, 1902 Coast artillery, Fort Stevens, Ore. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . | 40 | Oct, 17, 1902 Field artillery, Fort Walla Walla, Wash. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . | 13 | Oct, 13, 1902 ————— 491 To other departments. Engineers, Jefferson Barracks, Mo. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . | a 31 | Jan. 9, 1902 Field artillery, Fort D. A. Russell, Wyo. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . | 40 | Apr. 12, 1902 Thirteenth Cavalry, Fort Keogh, Mont. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . | 25 | May 15, 1902 Eighteenth Infantry, Fort D. A. Russell, Wyo. . . . . . . . . . . . | 40 | May 28, 1902 Twelfth Infantry, Fort Duchesne, Utah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . | 40 | June 6, 1902 First Cavalry, Fort Washakie, Wyo. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . | 34 | June. 4, 1902 Eighteenth Infantry, Whipple Barracks, Ariz. . . . . . . . . . . . | 13 | June 12, 1902 Twelfth Infantry, Fort Bliss, Tex. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . | 75 | June 12, 1902 Twelfth Infantry, Fort Apache, Ariz. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . | 40 | July 3, 1902 Eighth Cavalry, Fort Riley, Kans. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . | 50 | July 20, 1902 Field artillery, Fort D. A. Russell, Wyo. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . | 25 | July 24, 1902 Eighteenth Infantry, Whipple Barracks, Ariz. . . . . . . . . . . . | 6 | Oct. 29, 1902 ————— 419 ——————————————————————————————————————— a These engineer recruits were accumulated at the Presidio to provide for vacancies in the First and Second battalions of Engineers in the Philippines; in the meantime, the First Battalion was ordered to the United States, and General Chaffee cabled for authority to fill vacancies in the Second Battalion by transfers from the First Battalion, which was done. The First Battalion returned via the Suez Canal, which necessitated the sending of these recruits to the nearest Engineer station. The other recruits were assigned to bring the organizations concerned, many of which had recently returned from the Philippines, partially up to the authorized strength. The forwarding to the Philippines of white recruits of different arms was discontinued as follows: Cavalry in February, 1902; infantry and coast artillery in April, 1902; field artillery in June, 1902. DISTANCES. Miles. Fort Bliss to Columbus Barracks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,615 Fort Bliss to San Francisco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,299 ——— 316 Fort Duchesne to Columbus Barracks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,902 Fort Duchesne to San Francisco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,083 ——— 819 Whipple Barracks to Columbus Barracks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,051 Whipple Barracks to San Francisco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 858 ——— 1,193 Fort Apache to Columbus Barracks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,938 Fort Apache to San Francisco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,037 ——— 910 Gain in distance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3,229 Fort Keogh to San Francisco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,612 Fort Keogh to Jefferson Barracks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,328 ——— 284. 60 Miles. Fort Washakie to San Francisco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,292 Fort Washakie to Jefferson Barracks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,260 ——— 32 Fort Riley to San Francisco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,209 Fort Riley to Jefferson Barracks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,228 ——— 981 Fort D. A. Russell to San Francisco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,322 Fort D. A. Russell to Jefferson Barracks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 942 ——— 380 Fort D. A. Russell to San Francisco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,322 Fort D. A. Russell to Columbus Barracks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,309 ——— 13 ——— Loss in distance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,690 ——— Net gain in distance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,539 War Department, Office of the Adjutant-General. Memorandum for Colonel Kerr: General Grant asks that men enlisted in Texas be assigned to regiments serving outside the State. H. C. C. January 5, 1903. Approved and directed by the Secretary of War. J. B. K., A. A. G. January 13, 1903. The recruiting officer at Houston is the only general-service recruiting officer in Texas who has authority to make enlistments for organizations in that State, namely, to fill vacancies in the two field batteries at Fort Sam Houston when requested by the post commander. This authority has now been withdrawn by telegraphic instructions this date, receipt of which has been acknowledged. Under army regulation 954 the recruiting officer at any post may make enlistments to fill vacancies in troops of the line serving thereat, and, when authorized by the department commander, for those serving at other posts in the same department. It is not supposed it is intended this regulation shall be amended. The recruiting officers at Dallas and Houston formerly had authority to make enlistments for the Fourth and Twelfth Infantry and the Twelfth Cavalry, in Department of Texas, but this authority was withdrawn in October last. No further action is necessary. J. B. K., A. A. G. January 13, 1903. ———— (Copy—telegram.) Adjutant-General's Office, Washington, January 13, 1903. Recruiting Officer, Shaw Building, Houston, Tex.: Authority of December 11 to fill vacancies in field batteries Fort Sam Houston when requested by post commander is now withdrawn. Acknowledge receipt. Frederick, Assistant Adjutant-General. Copy furnished C. O., Fort Sam Houston, Tex., through Headquarters Department of Texas. ———— War Department, Adjutant-General's Office, Washington, January 14, 1903. Official copy respectfully furnished the commanding general, Department of Texas, San Antonio, Tex. All authority heretofore given by this office for officers of the general recruiting 61 detail stationed in Texas to make enlistments for organizations within the Department of Texas has now been withdrawn. By order of the Assistant Secretary of War: J. B. Kerr, Lieutenant-Colonel of Cavalry, Assistant Adjutant-General. Copy furnished Maj. H. A. Greene, A. A. G ———— General Orders, } Headquarters of the Army, } Adjutant-General's Office, No. 127. } Washington, December 16, 1902. By direction of the Secretary of War, the following is published for the information and guidance of all concerned: 1. The necessity for the close restriction upon recruiting for the Army imposed by General Orders, No. 108, October 25, 1902, from this office, having now passed, active recruiting for all arms will be resumed as follows: At military posts, under the provisions of paragraphs 953 and 954 of the Regulations. At city stations of the general recruiting service, under such special instructions regarding the same as have been or may be given from time to time by the Adjutant- General. 2. Until further orders persons under the age of 21 years will not be enlisted, and extreme caution must be exercised in the cases of young men applying for enlistment who claim to be 21 years of age or a few months over that age. The unsupported statements of such applicants must not be accepted, but to be eligible for enlistment they must furnish competent proof to remove any doubt regarding age. 3. Enlistments and reenlistments must be without conditions, and no promise must be made to men upon enlistment regarding service at home or abroad, as they will be assigned according to the best interests of the service. By command of Lieutenant-General Miles: H. C. Corbin, Adjutant-General, Major-General, U. S. Army. ———— (Copy—telegram.) Adjutant-General's Office, Washington, May 9, 1901. Recruiting Officer, 513 Broadway, Albany, N. Y.: Withdraw from all advertisements by newspaper or poster, statement that recruits are especially desired for Philippine service. Hereafter give no assurance of Philippine service to any recruits, whether enlisted for general service or particular regiments. Johnston, Assistant Adjutant-General, Similar telegrams, same date, to all recruiting officers of the general detail. See also G. O. 127, December 16, 1902. ———— DESERTIONS. 1. During the six months ending September 30, 1902, from the recruit depot, Presidio. as shown by the returns and muster rolls: April . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 May . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 June . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 July . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 August . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 September . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 ——— Total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 267 Two hundred and seventy-six is the number given in the Lieutenant-General’s report. Joined from desertion during same period, 16.62 2. Data taken from a special report of an inspection of the recruit depot, Presidio, and an investigation regarding desertions made by the inspector general, Depart- ment of California, in June, 1902. (432272, Adjutant-General’s Office): Number of men passing through the recruit depot during the calendar year 1901 | 8, 961 Number of desertions during same year | 204 Percentage of desertions to the whole number passing through the depot. | 2. 27 3. Page 67, Adjutant-General’s last report, shows the number of recruits at and ing through recruit depot, Presidio, during the year ending June 30, 1902, was 10,416; number of desertions therefrom during same period, 533; percentage of desertions to the whole number, 5.1. 4. Percentage of desertions from the Regular Army to average strength during the year ending June 30, 1902, 3.7. It appears, however, from statement A, Adjutant-General’s report, that the per- centage of desertions from organizations serving in the United States was consider- ably more than from those serving in the Philippines. WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL’s OFFICE, Washington , January 10, 1903. The COMMANDING GENERAL, Department of California, San Francisco, Cal. Str: I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of the communication of the 19th ultimo, from Col. E. Rice, Nineteenth Infantry, Presidio of San Francisco, Cal., recommending, for reasons stated, that no more recruits be sent there for instruction, forwarded by your indorsement of December 26, 1902. In reply, I have to state that the Department, in deciding upon the establishment of the recruit depot upon the Presidio Reservation, had to pry into consideration many requirements of the service, among others the absolute need of a recruit depot on the Pacific coast for the purpose of supplying recruits to organizations stationed in the Departments of California and the Columbia, those serving in the Division of the Philippines, and those en route to that division via San Francisco. The range of territory from which recruits are drafted to the depot at the Presidio, under instructions from this office, varies with the varying needs of the service. The aim has been, and is now, to send recruits to that point in such numbers, only, as will insure an accumulation of instructed men of the various arms sufficient to meet the probable drafts upon them as indicated above. As regards other drawbacks pointed out by Colonel Rice, it is remarked that, as indicated in your indorsement, most, if not all, of these would be common to an other location on the Pacific coast that might be selected for a recruit depot, that they probably may be minimized through proper efforts on the part of all con- cerned in the instruction and care of recruits as well at the Presidio as at any other possible location. It is believed that these considerations, added to those of the generally advan- tageous location of the present recruit depot and the money already expended thereat for construction of barracks, etc., outweigh any reasons that have been advanced for a change of location while present conditions obtain, and this opinion is understood to accord with your own views. It may further be remarked that the recruit depot at the Presidio supplements those at Fort Slocum in the far East and Columbus Barracks and Jefferson Barracks in the Middle West, making with these as convenient and practical an arrangement of rendezvous for recruits as seems possible with the facilities at the disposal of the Government. Very respectfully, H. C. CORBIN Adjutant-General, Major-General, U. S. Army. From the following recruiting stations coast artillery recruits are sent direct to particular posts as indicated, when needed, for actual vacancies; otherwise, to nearest rendezvous: Boston, Mass........ To Forts Banks, Warren, and Strong, Mass., or Fort Constitution, N. H. . Portland, Me........To Forts Preble and Williams, Me., or Fort Strong, Mass. New Haven, Conn & Povidence, R. I........ Fort Trumbull, Conn. 63 Baltimore, Md........To Fort Howard, Md. Atlanta,Ga...... To Fort Sereven, Ga. New Orleans, La., Birmingham, Ala., Nashville, Tenn........ To Fort Barrancas, Fla. Mobile, Ala, auxiliary to New Orleans........ To Fort Morgan, Ala. Portland, Oreg........ Recruiting officer reports recruits to commanding general Department of Columbia, for assignment in his department. Des Moines, Iowa ........To For Flagler, Wash. Omaha, Nebr........ To Fort Worden, Wash. Dubuque, Iowa, St. Paul, Minn........ To Fort Stevens, Oreg. Los Angeles, Cal....... To San Diego Barracks, Cal From the following recruiting stations field-artillery recruits are sent to particular post as indicated, when needed for actual vacancies; otherwise, to designated ren- dezvous: ; Kansas City, Mo........ To Fort Levenworth, Kans. Omaha, Nebr........ To Fort Douglas, Utah. Denver, Colo........ To Fort D. A. Russel, Wyo. Portland, Oreg......... Recruiting officer reports recruits to commanding general, Department of Columbia, for assignment in his department. From the following recruiting stations infantry and cavalry recruits are sent to particular posts, as inicated, for assignment to organizations thereat: INFANTRY. Kansas City, Mo., New Orleans, La., St. Lousi, Mo. ........ To Fort Leavenworth, Kans. Little Rock, Ark.........To Fort Logan H. Roots, Ark., and Fort Leavenworth, Kans. CAVALRY. Kansas City, Mo....... To Forts Leavenworth and Riley, Kans. Note —It is not practicable under present conditions to authorize enlistments (a) for particular regiments owing to the provisions of General Orders, No. 122, of 1902. See note under No. 6. The following stations are the only ones sending recruits to the recruit depot, Presidio, under existing instructions: San Francisco, Cal., | For cavalry, infantry, coast and field artillery (a) Los Angeles, Cal. | For cavalry, infantry, coast and field artillery (b) Denver, Colo. | For cavalry, infantry, coast and field artillery (c) Omaha, Nebr. | For cavalry, infantry, coast and field artillery (a) St. Paul, Minn. | For cavalry, infantry, coast and field artillery Dallas, Tex. | For cavalry, infantry, coast and field artillery Houston, Tex. | For cavalry, infantry, coast and field artillery Portland, Oreg. | For cavalry (a) Des Moines, Iowa | For infantry and coast artillery (a) Dubuque, Iowa | For infantry and coast artillery (d) Kansas City, Mo. | For cavalry, infantry, coast and field artillery (a) Coast artillery when not needed at particular posts. (b) Field artillery when not needed at particular posts. (c) Coast and field artillery when not needed at particular posts. (d) Cavalry, infantry, and field artillery when not needed at particular posts. Note.—As soon as conditions warrant it some of the above stations, such as Omaha, and St. Paul and possibly Dallas, may be directed to send cavalry and field artil- lery recruits to Jefferson Barracks, or to particular organizations, instead of to the Presidio; and later it may be possible to turn some of the stations on to particular infantry regiments. (a) At other stations. to identify myself with my own profession. I am sure that you will understand that this request is promoted by no unworthy considerations. With best wishes for a Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year, I remain, Mr. President, Very sincerely yours, Albert Gleaves. The President of the United States. [[shorthand]] [*ackd*] Washington, D.C. November 29th, 1902. My dear Mr. President: The Publishers say that they will have the proof sheets of "Captain James Lawrence, U. S. Navy, ready about the first of January. We will then be in the West Indies, but after I have corrected them, may I send them to you for your criticism? I also want to ask a very great favor. After reading the proofs and if you approve, would it be possible for you to write a few words of introduction to the book? I ask this because your name is indissolubly connected with the History of the War of 1812, and a word from you would mean much to the "bubble reputation" I am seeking in the sincere endeavor DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D. C. [*File*] November 29, 1902. My dear Mr. President: — Referring to the McSweeney case and Mr. Williams' letter to you, which you sent me on November 24th,— I gained a different impression from Mr. Van Ingen's statements than Mr. Williams himself gives. Mr. Williams asks that in no event shall certain undisputed facts be lost sight of, nor the entire correctness of the action of the Treasury Department and his own office be in any way impugned, from which the necessity of vigorous prosecution is to be inferred. I understood from Mr. Van Ingen that while Mr. McSweeney made an ex parte statement only, which was by no means to be accepted as true; and while that statement did not require the Government at this time to show illegal motive or intent, nevertheless as the Government has recovered all of the documents and records in question, nd it is fairly doubtful whether anything more than a technical violation of the statute could be established, the Immigration Office at New York would be willing to drop the matter unless the SecretaryThe President, 2. thought it should be pursued. It seems, however, from a letter from United States Attorney Burnett received this morning, that Mr. Van Ingen now asks for an opportunity to submit the evidence possessed by Commissioner Williams regarding the complaint against Mr. McSweeney. This request of Mr. Van Ingen is in pursuance of a direction from the Secretary of the Treasury to present evidence of fraudulent intent. I have directed Mr. Burnett accordingly, and in the meantime he will withhold his report upon Mr. McSweeney's statement, so that the bearing of the evidence to be adduced may be included. Very sincerely yours, P C Knox To the President.Write to Gen Burnett about McAulay case very wrong [*[?] about Greene*][*Personal*] [*File ppf pr*] OFFICE OF MISSISSIPPI BUREAU NEW ORLEANS PICAYUNE EDGAR S. WILSON MANAGER JACKSON Nov. 29, 1902. My dear Mr. President: I beg to return the enclosed letter sent me with yours of Nov. 22, touching the appointment of the son of Judge W. G. Henderson as postmaster at Biloxi and asking if in my opinion this appointment could properly be made, with the following statement: After receiving your letter I had a conference with Collector Swan of Biloxi and he advised me that it would be dangerous to appoint this young man. This confirmed what I apprehended, to-wit: that the young man is wild and does not possess the confidence of the business community. This view of mine has since been verified by the withdrawel of the candidacy of Mr. Henderson, he having failed to receive support of local sources which he had hoped for. The daughter of Judge Henderson stands high, I am informed, and I am investigating and hope to be able to reach a conclusion as early as possible. If she is not quite equal to the postmastership - it is one of the best offices in the state - it may be that she can take the assistant's position. There is a staunch Republican applicant and I must handle the matter not only for the best interests of the public service but for you, with delicacy and care. My heart goes out to widowhood and orphanhood, but a position of this sort involves great responsibility and considerable power and I am always mindful of your future. I will try and work it out diplomatically and satisfactorily to the community, to the aspirants, with an eye to the future. Very sincerely, Edgar S. Wilson Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C.[For enc see 11-18-02][*CF*] [*V*] WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. November 29, 1902. Memorandum: Dr. Hill wants the President to know, confidentially, that the German Ambassador has called and requested our good offices in the case of Venezuela, as was requested by Great Britain through the British Ambassador here. Dr. Hill also stated that he felt sure Secretary Hay had very decided views on the matter of the Venezuelan claims. He did not know whether Mr. Hay would be back in time to keep the appointment for 8:30-9 o'clock tomorrow (Sunday) evening, but he said that it would be a very hazardous thing for any American financier to take up this matter, particularly if he did so with the expectation of this government seeing him through; and it would be an undertaking without precedent if the government should do anything of this sort.[[shorthand]] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. IPO. T. FD. 30 D.H. Stamp. Nite Entd W. 7:33 a.m. New-York, 29. November 30th, 1902. Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou, White House : - Just arrived. Believe have indisputable information differing from Catholic papers and conventions. If agreeable have me ordered via Washington would have wired Hon. Secretary Root but am not sufficiently acquainted. E. J. Vattman. [[shorthand]]For 1 attachment see ca 11-30-02 "Chaplin Vattman"9 30 [[shorthand]] [*[ca 11-30-02]*] [*cr*] Chaplain Vattman is here at the Adjt. Genl's office. What day shall he be asked [for] to lunch?[attached to Vattman 11-30-02][*Nov -- 1902*] 236 THE CLASSICS OF OLD VENERY. I. Sport, in the opinion of our forefathers, was a thing about which there was little to put on paper, and England's literature on venery up to the last generation betrays, when we compare it with that of France and Germany, both quantitatively and qualitatively, this British idiosyncrasy. That a great revulsion of feeling has come over the present generation in this respect the immense output of sporting books plainly proves, but it is a question concerning which our sons will be better able to judge whether more intimate knowledge and deeper research have bone hand in hand with this amazing increase. In setting oneself the task of giving a brief summary of the principal fountain-heads of mediæval sporting lore it is not necessary to extend our cosmopolitan investigations beyond France, Germany and Britain. For from the fall of Rome no Latin race has exhibited those mental and physical attributes that characterise a sport-loving nation. Neither the Italians nor the Spaniards were ever addicted to the chase, though both were partial to the less robust amusement of hawking. And neither the Sclavonic, nor, to go a step further back, the Semitic races ever produced veneurs. For these reasons we can confine our researches to the three dominant peoples who between them have ruled the destinies of Europe since it emerged from the dark ages. Taking French sporting literature first, we soon discover that its superiority over any other is qualitatively much greater than quantitatively, for in the latter respect it is run very close by that of Germany, while Britain's literature up to forty years ago did not exceed a fifth of that of either France or Germany. The three fountain-heads of venery are French; no other country produced, or, indeed, could have produced, a "Roy Modus," a "Gaston Phœbus," or a "Venerie." From these three classics English, German, Italian, Dutch, and even Spanish authors "borrowed" with an unconscionable freedom for nearly three centuries. Of the oldest known French work on the case, a treatise in rhymes on staghunting, called "La Chace dou Serf," composed by an unknown author in the latter half of the thirteenth century,* it is not necessary to give a long description, for it is of a somewhat elementary nature and contains almost nothing which is not given more clearly in "Roy Modus," the next work, chronologically, with which we have to deal. To judge by the remarks made by writers quoting this classic, it is not as often perused as might be, though it needs no great practice to read it in the original old French when printed. It was written between 1318 and 1331; none of the experts who have attempted to fix a more definite date have so far adduced convincing proof as to the precise year of its completion; neither is . Blaze's † chain of reasoning, that because the writer saw King Charles († 1328) take on one occasion 120 "black beasts" in the Forest of Breteul, --------------------------------------------------- * Two MSS., both in Paris, are in existence, and there are three modern reprints to assiste the student's researches. † Elzéar Blaze, "Le Livre du Roy Modus." Paris, 1839. 1902) A VERY ROUGH DAY 235 house, I propose going in to lunch and having a partial thaw, John agreeing with alacrity. I am received with a pleasure bordering on derision, but I make a good hot lunch and then somewhat reluctantly go out to John, who has been doing the same thing. My thick shooting-coat being now dry, I get into that, discarding my great coat and learn from John that he has got my rabbit and another one that was behind, making ten in all. "Well done, John; but we must get ten more." John says, "We'll no do it," as we have only an hour and a half to do it in, but I have a idea in my head which I open on John half an hour later. We now go some way from home, bolting three rabbits out of three holes, of which I get two; then I broach my idea (with my teeth chattering), which is to give up ferreting and beat all the rushy fields adjoining the wood, where we had been ferreting yesterday, John gladly agrees, and we make a good start by "seehoing" two rabbis close together on their forms, and getting between them and the wood, I kill them both; we afterwards kick up three more in the same filed, which I kill with the first barrel, and going down by the "March" flush a hen pheasant at which I do not fire. The day is now waning and a flutter of wings produces what I thought was another hen pheasant, which as it mounts against the sky I see is a woodcock, and although I was well on him and gave him both barrels, he went on and pitched again not far off just outside the boundary. I did not go and look for him, as my host is adamant on the question of boundaries, but I shall always believe from the way he alighted that he was a dead bird. John says not a word. I am afraid I say a few bad ones; I know that I kick up and knock over two rabbits in the next field with a viciousness that I hope is foreign to my nature. "Come on, John," I say, ignoring his very congratulatory remark on the last shot, which was a good one, let us "try the moss on our way home and make up the twenty." In crossing the plank over the little stream by the moss a snipe gets up, which I miss, and as the moss produces nothing and we both think we have marked the snipe down, we go and look for him; just where we thought we had last seen him a rabbit gets up, which I knock over, and the report flushing the snipe I kill that also with my second barrel, and it falls into the loch, where we get it the next day, and going to the edge to mark the spot, as it had fallen by a little bush, I start and kill another rabbit, and then hurry into the house with a bag of twenty-one rabbits, a woodpigeon, a snipe an a rat, a fair day's sport for such a "very rough day," saddened only by two reflections in spite of having shot well: the first and worst that I had only one day left, and the other that I had not got that confounded cock; but oh, the luxury of tea and hot cakes, as I was plied with good things, thawing myself by the drawing room fire of that snug shooting lodge. E.C.P.[*Nov -- 1902*] 236 THE CLASSICS OF OLD VENERY. I. Sport, in the opinion of our forefathers, was a thing about which there was little to put on paper, and England's literature on venery up to the last generation betrays, when we compare it with that of France and Germany, both quantitatively and qualitatively, this British idiosyncrasy. That a great revulsion of feeling has come over the present generation in this respect the immense output of sporting books plainly proves, but it is a question concerning which our sons will be better able to judge whether more intimate knowledge and deeper research have bone hand in hand with this amazing increase. In setting oneself the task of giving a brief summary of the principal fountain-heads of mediæval sporting lore it is not necessary to extend our cosmopolitan investigations beyond France, Germany and Britain. For from the fall of Rome no Latin race has exhibited those mental and physical attributes that characterise a sport-loving nation. Neither the Italians nor the Spaniards were ever addicted to the chase, though both were partial to the less robust amusement of hawking. And neither the Sclavonic, nor, to go a step further back, the Semitic races ever produced veneurs. For these reasons we can confine our researches to the three dominant peoples who between them have ruled the destinies of Europe since it emerged from the dark ages. Taking French sporting literature first, we soon discover that its superiority over any other is qualitatively much greater than quantitatively, for in the latter respect it is run very close by that of Germany, while Britain's literature up to forty years ago did not exceed a fifth of that of either France or Germany. The three fountain-heads of venery are French; no other country produced, or, indeed, could have produced, a "Roy Modus," a "Gaston Phœbus," or a "Venerie." From these three classics English, German, Italian, Dutch, and even Spanish authors "borrowed" with an unconscionable freedom for nearly three centuries. Of the oldest known French work on the case, a treatise in rhymes on staghunting, called "La Chace dou Serf," composed by an unknown author in the latter half of the thirteenth century,* it is not necessary to give a long description, for it is of a somewhat elementary nature and contains almost nothing which is not given more clearly in "Roy Modus," the next work, chronologically, with which we have to deal. To judge by the remarks made by writers quoting this classic, it is not as often perused as might be, though it needs no great practice to read it in the original old French when printed. It was written between 1318 and 1331; none of the experts who have attempted to fix a more definite date have so far adduced convincing proof as to the precise year of its completion; neither is . Blaze's † chain of reasoning, that because the writer saw King Charles († 1328) take on one occasion 120 "black beasts" in the Forest of Breteul, --------------------------------------------------- * Two MSS., both in Paris, are in existence, and there are three modern reprints to assiste the student's researches. † Elzéar Blaze, "Le Livre du Roy Modus." Paris, 1839.1902.) THE CLASSICS OF OLD VENERY. 237 and, nevertheless, live to become the historian of Charles V., who dies only in 1380, quite as much to the point as he believes. Of this interesting work there exist no fewer than thirty MSS., many being adorned with remarkable illuminations that cast valuable light upon the manner of hunting, customs and costumes prevailing at that early period. Half-a-dozen historians have tried to unravel the mystery of its authorship; the most recent researches point to the same Sieur de Tancarville as its author, who appears in it as the great hunter Tancarville, Sieur of the château Blandy, near Melun, the ruins of which still existed in the days of Blaze. One of the quaintest portions of the "Roy Modus" is the rhythmical description of the dispute that raged between two fair huntresses anent the much vexed question whether Venery or whether Falconry is the better sport. The two lady champions select Count Tancarville to act as judge, and a messenger who is dispatched to Castle Blandy finds the great hunter at home: "Sur son poing tenoit ung faulcon." By him is rendered the famous decision that the sport that can be heard and seen is superior to the sport which can be seen only. The "Roy Modus" consists of two parts. The one devoted to hunting, falconry and fowling is almost entirely in prose; the other deals in an allegoric manner with dreams, the pestilence and human virtues and morals. Not all the thirty MSS. contain the two parts entire, and all vary as considerably in spelling and accuracy as they do in the date when they came into existence by the hand of mediæval transcribers. The comparatively great number of ancient MSS. of "Roy Modus" that have come down to us, exceeded only by those of "Gaston Phœbus," show what a favourite book it was; very probably every large hunting establishment in France possessed a copy. No fewer than seventeen of the thirty MSS. are in France -- eleven being preserved in the National library -- three are in Brussels, two in Vienna, one each in Dresden,* Turin, Geneva, and Copenhagen, while of the three copies in England, two incomplete ones are in the Bodleian and in the Gray's Inn Library, and the third forms part of the grand library of the late Sir Th. Phillipps, now being gradually sold off. Critics have suggested that the "Roy Modus" is but an adaptation of a much older hunting book, of whose apocryphal existence they, however, adduce no evidence. It is the fashion of some modern writers on sport to condescendingly express mild surprise that the old authors on venery should have known so much about the habits, nature and chase of their quarry. As a matter of fact, these hunting books were written by sportsmen whose sole occupation was the chase and who in the course of long lives passed in the forest had become far more familiar with wood-life and wood-craft than are the best of us to-day. For game, though present in far larger quantities than to-day, had to be tackled with primitive weapons which placed hunter and hunted on more equal terms than would be quite acceptable to many of us now-a-days. To receive at the point of a short spear the charging bear or boar of the enormous size attained by these beasts five hundred years ago, was an every-day test of personal courage and strength, and to finish off with the short hanger the great hart ----------------------------------------------- * All these I have seen myself.238 BAILY'S MAGAZINE (OCTOBER brought to bay by the hounds also require both nerve and skill. It must suffice to give the briefest possible account of the contents of "Roy Modus." A short introduction in verse and prose is followed by treatises on the nature and venery of: (a) "The five red beasts that are taken at force," i.e., hunted, namely the stag, hind, fallow-deer, roe-deer, and hare, by far the most space being devoted to the first-named game and its chase. (b) "The five black beasts that are taken at force," namely, the wild boar, the wild sow, the wolf, the fox, and the otter. (c) A treatise on the use of nets and "hayes" or artificial enclosures. (d) Instructions concerning archery and shooting ambushes. (e) A description of nooses, traps, and other contrivances by which, besides the above-mentioned "red and black beasts," also squirrels, rabbits, and badgers were captured. A word or two about the reprints of "Roy Modus," and we can proceed to the next old classic. Curiously enough, the first print of it was issued in the same year -- 1486 -- that saw a similar fate befall that apocryphal hunting book of England, the "Boke of St. Albans." It was followed by five editions, the latest of which was issued in 1839 by M. Elzéar Blaze. All the old reprints are excessively rare, the first by Anthoine Neyret, of Chambéry, so much so, that when Prince Esslingen's copy was sold at Baron Pichon's sale in 1869 it fetched the respectable sum of 10,000 francs, and a copy recently sold by Sotheby's in the second sale of the Ashburnham Library fetched £595 ! Even Blaze's edition, which was a small one, has become somewhat scarce, but the student must not shirk the £5 note it may cost him, for it is one of the very first books he must have on his shelf. Of Gace de la Buigne, or Vigne's book, which deals with falconry and staghunting, we cannot spare the space to give a length account. To Englishmen it is of special interest, for it was commenced in 1359 at Hertford, during the captivity of King John of France at that place. Of the twenty MSS. that exists of it many are very incomplete; there are there old reprints as well as some modern treatises on it, amongst which those by the erudite Duke d'Aumale and Dr. Werth contain much interesting lore. We now come to the second of the three text-books, the famous "Livre de Chasse," by Count Gaston III. of Foix. It is better known as "Gaston Phœbus," from the author's nickname which, as Froissart tells us, was given him when a youth on account of his beauty and long hair. The author, who was born in 1431, tells us in his prologue the exact date when he commenced the book -- 1st May, 1387. As we know that he died about four years later, at the age of 60, his book is the outcome of mature experience. The lord of the vast county of Béarn in the south of France, the husband of the King of Navarre's sister, he was from early youth distinguished by great strength and by a fiery temper. some say that he killed his only son in a fit of uncontrolled wrath, though the more generally accepted theory is to the effect that the wound was accidentally inflicted. As we are told that "Roy Modus" afforded his father, Count Gaston II., great pleasure, we can well imagine that the untamable1902.) THE CLASSICS OF OLD VENERY. 239 young Gaston had learnt it off by heart by the time the great woods of Béarn became his playground. To this circumstance we must probably ascribe the resemblance that exists between the two works. In some instances a slight transposition of words suffices to make whole sentences identical with each other. Unlike the older book, which is still in the ancient form of a catechism, in which the questions asked by the young hunter are answered by the huntsman, "Gaston Phœbus" is written on more modern lines. Both works are pleasantly free of all vaunting of personal prowess; that is left to others, a sacrifice some modern Nimrods will be able to appreciate ! "Gaston Phœbus" treats not only of all the animals described by "Roy Modus," but also of others with which Count de Foix became acquainted in his extensive travels in foreign lands; thus the accounts of the ibex and chamois, and of the reindeer are probably the most ancient descriptions we possess by one who hunted these beasts himself. There exist forty, or possibly forty-one, copies of this most important manuscript on hunting. Seventeen are in Paris, and of the eight that we know this country possessed a generation or two ago two came under the hammer when the Ashburnham Library was dispersed. One of them, I believe, wandered back to its native land, the other was secured by myself, both being by early fifteenth-century scribes. The very beautiful illuminated copy over which Dibdin "enthused" in no measured terms, when in 1815 the Duke of Marlborough bought it for the comparatively trifling sum of £161, had, strange to say, disappeared. It was said that it passed into the possession of the Duke of Devonshire, but in spite of long continued enquiries, no trace whatever can be found of a volume worth some thousands of pounds.* Great havoc was played with "Gaston Phœbus" by the early printers, but this fact has not impaired their value in the eyes of collectors. A copy of the first edition by Verard (circa 1507) sold at the Pichon sale for 9.,900 francs, or about £4 less than the copy of "Roy Modus" which changed hands on the same famous occasion. Considering the immense appreciation in the value of black-letter books, these volumes would to-day fetch yet higher prices, a surmise borne out b y the fact that in 1880 already as much as 12,650 francs was given for a less ancient and less interesting work, namely, King Charles IX."s "La Chasse Royale." M. Joseph Lavallée's edition, published in 1854, is the latest as well as the best one which the student can consult. Of other French hunting-books of the next hundred years, such as the "Trésor de Vénerie," by Hardouin, 1394 (twice reprinted), Jehan de Francieres and Guillaume Tardif's works on falconry and hunting dogs (with twelve and nine reprints), Cretin, Jacques de Bréze's "Le Livre de Grand Senechal de Normandye" (twice reprinted), Budé's "La Chasee de Cerf" (twice reprinted), Clamorgan's book on wolf-hunting, of which no fewer than 110 editions are cited by Souhart, Liebault's "Maison Rustique" with 98 or 99 editions, of all these and a dozen others of less note only the names can here be given, for the little space left to French literature must necessarily be devoted to ------------------------------------------------ * Since writing the above an examination of the "Gaston Phœbus" in the Phillipps collection leave little doubt in my mind that it is identical with the missing MS. The miniatures are unquestionably by the same master who illuminated the famous MS. 616 in the Paris library. VOL. LXXVIII. -- NO. 512.240 BAILY'S MAGAZINE. (October the last of the three text-books, namely, Jacques du Fouilloux's "La Venerie." This great sportsman was in every way worthy to rank as one of the triumvirate of Nimrods produced by the favourable conditions of feudal times, though the remarks I made concerning "Gaston Phœbus's" similarity to the earliest of the three masterpieces apply with equal force to Du Fouilloux. The lines upon which these three classics were constructed bear, in the absence of all personal self advertisement, a family resemblance less striking to the casual reader than to the serious student who has compared them page for page. Writing as Du Fouilloux did in the second half of the sixteenth century -- his first edition was printed 1561 -- one almost regrets that the art of printing had been invented by that time, for one sadly misses the vellum MSS. with their beautiful illuminations that delight the student in good copies of "Roy Modus," or Gaston Phœbus." No such MSS. of "La Venerie," exists, so far as is known. It was probably at once printed, and the pictorial embellishment consists of rough, badly designed woodcuts that detract from, rather than enhance, the value of the book to all but the bibliophile. Du Fouilloux's work was probably the most widely read of the three old hunting books, to judge by the fact that twenty-four French, four German, an Italian or two, and two pirated English editions were issued. Some of the earlier ones have become somewhat rare. Du Fouilloux devotes more space than either of his predecessors to hounds. His first fourteen chapters deal with the history -- very ancient some of it is -- the breeding, breading in, and training of the various hunting dogs then known, such as the Baux or Greffiers, the chiens fauvres, gris, noirs, St. Hubert d'Ardenne, &c., the management of the kennel coming in for intelligent treatment by his competent pen. Then follow thirty-one chapters -- by far the most interesting ones in the book -- dealing with the nature, venery and chase of the stage. It is only after reading these chapters that one realises how much the average modern sportsman does not know about the habits and natural history of the tall deer, the chase of which our forefathers had raise to a science of high degree, the mastery of which only the noblest and bravest in the land could aspire to attain. In those days, when the element of racing had not yet entered the spirit of hunting, the staunchness of the hounds played the most important rôle. The worst quality a hound could possess was to be addicted to change scent. It is absolutely wrong, therefore, to say, as did the author of "poetry in Sport" in the Badminton Library, that the huntsmen of old never troubled their minds about the hounds frequently changing scent. The staghunting chapters are followed by nine chapters on wild-boar, five on harehunting, four on fox and badger hunting, and a lengthy treatise on remedies for sick hounds, some of the cures being of a very quaint nature. The volume closes with two poetic pieces: "L'adolescence de Jacques de Fouilloux" and a quaint "Complainte de Cerf." * A contemporary of Du Fouilloux, ------------------------------------------------ * The first four editions of "La Venerie" terminate thus: from the fifth, issued in 1573, onwards, the publisher caused a considerable part of "Gaston Phœbus" to be added to Du Fouilloux's book, DeFoix's name being duly mentioned at the head, a fact which, however, did not prevent several writers from erroneously ascribing the whole to Du Fouilloux.1902.) THE CLASSICS OF OLD VENERY. 241 the Seigneur J. de Clamorgan, published in 1566 his treatis of wolfhunting, which he dedicated to Charles IX. It ran through no fewer than one hundred and ten French, Italian, and German editions. It is almost always found bound into the same volume with another exceedingly popular French work by Estienne and Jean Liebault called "L'Agriculture et Maison Rustique." The seventeenth century produced half-a-dozen very notable French writers on our subject. Réné de Maricourt, Jean de Ligniville, Robert de Salnove, Jacques de Selincourt, and D'Yauville wrote books of the first importance to the student not only of French but also of English hunting, for they deal with a period when English hunting shaped itself entirely after the French pattern, when French hunt-servants, French horses, French hounds, nay even French terms of venery, were introduced, or rather re-introduced, in the English hunting-field, re-infusing for a second time a dash of the blood that five hundred years before had revolutionised Britain's venery. The eighteenth and first half of the nineteenth century did not produce any noteworthy French authors; in fact, public interest in everything connected with the chase, then imposing scandalous abuses upon the peasant class, was on the decline, and the great social upheaval with which the eighteenth century closed threw its dark shadow far ahead. Under Napoleon III. hunting literature received again an immense impetus by the re-establishment of La grande Venerie Française. In the eleven years between the Italian and the German wars, far more new books were written and old works re-published than in the preceding hundred years, Among the writers of the present century (19th) with whom the student should be quite familiar may be mentioned Elzéar Blaze, Joseph Lavallée, Aubry, Houdetot, Count La Ferriere, Baron Pichon, Baron Noirmont, and Baron Le Coulteux de Canteleu. W.A. BAILLIE-GROHMAN. (To be concluded.)1902.) THE CLASSICS OF OLD VENERY. 333 II. In our last article French literature on Venery was passed in a brief review; it is now the intention of doing the same respecting that of Germany. In doing so there is no need to test the reader's memory with anything like the same array of names. for, as already pointed out, neither Germany nor England can claim as their own any hunting book approaching the three classics to which we have devoted so much space. Indeed, it is not till the beginning of the eighteenth century, with its H. von Fleming, Döbel, Täntzern and Pärsons, that Germany furnishes us with any comprehensive literature of a practical nature. If we examine into the subject matter of German literature we are struck by the great number of academic treatises on forest laws and legal questions connected with the chase. Next in number are dissertations on the natural history of game animals, and theoretical discussions of hunting matters, many of which betray the pedantic spirit of a science-loving people to a somewhat wearisome degree. At the same time, the writers evince a punctilious regard for accuracy, and they do not undertake the task of instructing others without serious study having been devoted to the subject upon which they treat. In one respect Germany's contributions to our knowledge of old sport stands out without rival, i.e., the skill of numerous artists in depicting hunting scences and the feræ naturæ known to the Jäger. Already in the fifteenth century, almost as soon as the printer's art had provided the means of manifolding MSS., the gravers of Hans Burgkmair, Schäuffelin and Leonhard Beck produced sporting pictures which we find in Emperor Maximilian's "Weisskunig" and "Theuerdank," while hunting scenes by the brushes of the two Cranachs, scattered about as they are in the principal galleries of Europe, recall to us the great State hunts of Charles Quint and the Saxon Electors. Jost Amman and his Flemish colleague, Stradanus, also produced hundreds of woodcuts that illustrate the chase on the Continent during the sixteenth century, while Merian, Wenzel Hollar (who worked for years in England), Georg and Kilian Fabricius, Wolf Pirkner, Hamilton, Snyders, and a host of others did the same for the seventeenth century. The following one, unproductive in numerical respects, saw the rise of one of the best and certainly most prolific delineators of sporting scenes that ever existed, the great Johann Elias Ridinger, of Augsburg (1698- 1767), whose pencil or graver produced no fewer than some fifteen hundred pictures, of which the majority relate to hunting scenes, game, horses and dogs. Amongst the most famous book-writing German sportsmen, we must not forget to mention Emperor Maximilian, who is often spoke of as the "Last Knight." He might better be described as a sportsman errant among kings and a king errant among sportsmen. When he died America had been discovered, and that great state of transition which upheaved society of the old world about the same time had brought into the world what the historian calls Modern Times. Maximilian in one respect showed the spirit of the new age, for there can be 334 BAILY'S MAGAZINE. (NOVEMBER little doubt that he loved to see himself in print. Worthy of immortality as were many of the feats of prowess and skill performed by this great Nimrod, we can be sure that the scribes were well aware of their patron's weakness. His two great autobiographical works, "Theuerdank" and "Weisskunig," with their splendidly executed woodcuts by the first masters of the day, are too well known to require a lengthy description. Less so are two quite recently unearthed MSS. sporting books of the Emperor, one devoted to shooting stags and chamois, the other dealing with fishing. The former was commenced by Maximilian's head forester in the year of 1498 or 1499, while the other is a trifle less ancient. Both contain highly interesting miniatures which throw much light upon the methods employed four hundred years ago. As they have recently passed through modern printing presses, it is unnecessary to speak of them at greater length,* for we have still to deal with the last part of my task -- England's sporting literature in past centuries. The practical English sportsman never wielded the facile pen of his French confrère, nor did he at any period evince any disposition to curtail his sport by sacrificing time to literature, and much less to dry research. To no people is the red tape of technical vocabulary more distasteful than to the "hard-playing" Britisher. Of the earliest treatises on the forest laws by Canute and King John, which, like the Burgundian, Capitian, and Longobard capitularies, refer less to sport itself than to its laws and to the punishments inflicted for transgressing them, it is hardly necessary to speak in this place. The oldest existing treatise by an Englishman is the "Art of Hunting," an unfortunately very short little book by King Edward II.'s chief huntsman, Guyllame Twici, written about the year 1320 in the French language. Neither of the three MSS. know to the student are the original work; the oldest of the three being the Phillips' MS. copied about the latter end of fourteenth century. Its French text has been republished three times, twice by the late Sir Henry Dryden, the famous antiquary, and once by the Frères Pairault, who made a sad muddle of it. A slightly later copy is preserved at Cambridge, where it seems to have remained quite unnoticed until the present writer drew the attention of the authorities to it. The latest of the three is an English version, written in the first quarter of the following century, which is preserved at the British Museum, and of which Wright and Halliwell have given us a reprint. The treatise consists of about 2,4000 words, and contains technical instructions on the science and language of venery perhaps more curious than useful. To the student this quaint catechism, in which the eager young sportsman asks questions that are answered by the master veneur, contains many details deserving research. Quite recently I came across another later, and considerably modified, version of Twici's treatise among the Lansdowne MSS. in the British Museum (Lansd. No. 285) which contains some interesting additional matter. In a -------------------------------------------------------- * The hunting MS. which I discovered some years ago in the Royal Library at Brussels was edited by me in conjunction with the Director of the Imperial Archives at Innsbruck and published by an Austrian firm of publishers. It can be seen at the latter's agents in London, Messers. Sampson Low and Co.1902.) THE CLASSICS OF OLD VENERY. 335 passage towards the end of the MS. which relates to the rewarding of hunters, we are told that "the lord shall have the neck and head of every beast that is taken in his presence. He that owneth the knife wherewith the deer is undone shall have the chine and one shoulder, the forester receiving the other shoulder. If the beast (speaking of foxes) be pinched by the greyhound, and escapeth, notwithstanding the archer wounded it, the greyhound that took the beast shall have the fox, and the archer shall have a penny for his shot. But in parks may no man ask for a fee except at the will do the lord." Though the MS. was written about the year 1500, the close affinity between it and the earlier MS. of Twici indicates a much earlier origin. Next in chronological sequence come the "Master of Game," written by the gallant Duke Edward of York, who, leading the van of the English at Agincourt, fell mortally wounded by Alençon's sword, and whose body, if the legend be true, was boiled so as to enable the bones to be taken to Britain.* This is the oldest book on hunting in the English language, but only four or five chapters are original, for the bulk of it is a translation from Gaston de Foix's famous "La Chasse. The original parts are, however, of the greatest interest, for not only do they accentuate the differences between English and French hunting, but they throw perfectly novel light upon English hunting customs in the time of the Plantagenets. Unaccountably it has remained unpublished hitherto, but having been working for the last three years in getting it ready for the Press, this interesting classic will be in the hands of book-reading sportsmen before very long, hence it is not necessary to say much more about it on this occasion. Of the existing nineteen MSS. of the "Master of Game," thirteen are in the British Museum, three in Oxford, one in Cambridge, the others in private hands, though one of the latter has apparently shared the fate of so many English MSS., and has disappeared in a most mysterious manner from the country mansion where it was kept. There are only three really good copies extant, two of which are on the shelves of the Bloomsbury treasure house, the other in the Bodleian Library. In the Bodleian and in one or two of the Cambridge libraries as well as in the British Museum there are a few MS. treatises on the chase and on hawking that repay perusal by the student, but they are not of sufficient general interest to be enumerated here. Reaching the age of printing, the Book of St. Albans, first issued in 1486, is the one that holds the position as the oldest printed book in English on venery. But a poor first it makes, and it is absolutely incredible that while the last-named great book by a Plantagenet prince remained five hundred years without appearing in print, this worthless compilation from all sorts of heterogeneous sources should have been honoured by as many as five-and-twenty editions ! And not only that, but the earlier editions fetch great prices, a copy of the first one bringing the manner down at the Ashburnham sale only when £385 was bid, while the second -------------------------------------------------- * As nearly all English writers when referring to this work state that it was written by Edmund Langley, Duke of York, it is perhaps advisable to expressly say that this is a mistake, for his con Edward, Second Duke of York, wrote it, as there is ample evidence to show. This error shows to what extent writers on our subject are in the habit of copying from each other; a whole chapter might be filled with instances of this. 336 BAILY'S MAGAZINE. (NOVEMBER edition fetched as much as £160. Both prices have since then been topped. During the century following the 1486 edition England's printing presses turned out but two or three original works on our theme, amongst which is a good little treatise by Sir Thomas Cockayne. In the year 1575 they gave the world a cribbed translation of Jacques du Fouilloux's captivating sporting classic to which we have already referred. Its English editor is supposed to have been the same George Tubervile who wrote the "Book of Falconry" (also largely cribbed), and with which it is usually found bound together. Had he live to-day this gentle pirate would probably have come into serious conflict with international copyright law, for he omitted to mention the fact that practically the whole (about nineteen-twentieths) of his precious "Noble Art of Venery" is filched from a French author. And not only the text is translated word for word, but forty-eight of his fifty-three illustrations came from the same source. To the unwary would-be student this book has proved a dangerous pit-fall ! To think one is reading an English sportsman's account of British sport while one is really perusing a Frenchman's description of hunting in the forests of Poitou, is, to say the least, somewhat disconcerting when one is told about it. For those who profess to be authorities on British hunting lore there is, however, little excuse, for the true origin of the "Noble Art" has long been known. Gervase Markham is the next name we encounter. Again we have to complain that his work is more that of a compiler than of an original writer. His "Gentleman's Academie" (1595), "Country Contentment" (1611), "Cheap and Good Husbandrie," "The Young Sportsman's Delight and Instructor," and "Hunger's Prevention," are the names of his principal compilations dealing with sport. Surflet, a contemporary of Markham, followed the same path, for "The Countrey Farme" is a translation of the French "Maison Rustique," one of the most popular works on country life ever published, no fewer than ninety-eight French and eight Italian editions having been published, as well as a German one. Lathom, Phillips, Barlow, Cox, and Blome -- the two latter authors of works they each called "The Gentleman's Recreation" -- are some of the seventeenth-century British writers. The following century brought very few original authors on sport. Reprints of older works, translations from one or two classics, and adaptations from French and Italian works, appear to have satisfied readers during that stagnant period. Jacob, Peter Beckford, Osbaldiston, and Blane were the principal contributors to our literature. The opening of the nineteenth century was marked by Strutt's and by colonel Thornton's books, the one dealing from an historical, the other from a practical point of view with sport. More important are two subsequent writers, authors of what may be pronounced the two best sporting books ever written in the English language. I refer to the delightful "Lays of the Deer Forest," by the Stuart Brothers, and Scrope's classic on Deestalking, which did so much to direct the attention of English sportsmen to the hitherto quite unknown pleasure of Highland deerstalking. Short, indeed, is man's memory for favours received: in a 1902.) A REVIEW OF THE RIVER SEASON. 337 new "Encyclopædia of Sport" the author of the article on Deerstalking, when giving a bibliography of the subject, fails to mention "Lays of a Deer Forest," the one book of all others that should head the list, though he does not forget to mention three publications of his own! W.A. BAILLIE-GROHMAN. ----------------------------------------------------- A REVIEW OF THE RIVER SEASON. it is now a matter of history that, socially, the river season of 1902 was little short of disastrous. From a boating point of view, as distinct from rowing proper, too, boat-builders, &c., have grave cause for anathematizing the weather. By common consent, not since 1865, at least, have we experienced such a bad season. Coronation year will, I fear, be remembered for more reasons than one. From a titular point of view, however, nothing but honied words can be spoken again. On the whole, there has been plenty of class rowing, quite as many class regattas as usual, and a fairly sound exposition generally. Opinions differ on the latter point, I am aware, yet the fact remains. It is doubtful if more consistently-sound rowing has ever been witnessed at Royal Henley than this year, for instance. Some of the crews were quite first-class, very many nearly up to that standard, while there was not really one bad crew en evidence. In the face of this statement, it is paradoxical, perhaps, to assert that the Universities' crews again ruled the roast. Between them, Oxonians and Cantabs won seven out of the eight events. The reason is not far to seek, however, i.e., although the Metropolitan crews were much smarter than for many seasons past, the 'Varsities' ditto were exceptionally good. It is my opinion that the Third Trinity "Grand" eight was the very finest ever yet seen at the Royal meeting. With all the disadvantages of an eleventh-hour stroke, and the worst station, they literally "made hacks" of the powerful Leander crew, which, a few weeks later on, won the International race at Cork regatta. It has been urged that the Leander crew improved vastly during the interim, but such petitio principii argument avails little. My point is, that smart as the Metropolitan and foreign crews and competitors were this year, the Light and Dark Blues were much smarter. This was the general opinion also, presumably, for the question was once more raised: Why this undoubted supremacy of the 'Varsities' crews year after year? One critic was bold enough to say that, considering the numerical strength of the leading Metropolitan clubs, such a state of things is scandalous. One fears this gentleman lacks the Socratic knowledge, i.e., the knowledge of his own ignorance on such matters. As a matter of fact, the material available for the manufacture of the Metropolitan oarsman is not so promising as that at the disposal of the 'Varsities. Oxford and Cambridge have an annual influx of "ready-made" oarsmen from Eton, Radley, Shrewsbury &c. Per contra, the London, Thames,338 BAILY'S MAGAZINE. (NOVEMBER and other Metropolitan clubs have to rely, in the main, upon vastly different material -- principally older men who have never received the benefit of earlier coaching. This is one reason why the 'Varsities turn out better crews season after season. It has been alleged that this superiority first became pronounced with the recrudescence (so to speak) of the Leander Club in 1890, and there is some amonnt of truth in the statement. Anyway, 'Varsity oarsmen do not now join the Metropolitan clubs so freely as they did prior to that date. They now join the Leander Club, hence the last-named body practically have the pick of class oarsmen from Oxford and Cambridge. It is a mistake, however, to say, as some do, that 'Varsity oarsmen devote more time to rowing than their Metropolitan confreres. Nothing of the sort. Th ordinary college oarsmen does uncommonly little rowing in the course of the year -- certainly not more than the London and Thames men. No; but they spend their time to better advantage. And why? Simply because they 'Varsity coaches understand their work better. This is the real secret of the 'Varsities supremacy. It is the lack of good coaching, rather than the lack of material or scope, that makes Metropolitan rowing such a negligible quantity nowadays. Verb. sap. The first essential of good rowing, for instance, is good leg-drive. This had certainly been inculcated in the case of many Metropolitan crews, but not to the extent it should. Others, alas, appeared to have neglected it altogether. All the same, a distinct advance in uniformity &c,. was observable this year, and I trust Metropolitan coaches will insist upon the mastery of all the essentials of good rowing henceforth. Might one also reiterate one's opinion that Metropolitan coaches might study 'Varsity methods with advantage. It is at least possible that a blend of the 'Varsities' and Metropolitan styles might produce surprising results. Messrs. Gridley, Moore and Fairbairn did not hesitate to adopt a vice versâ enquiry some twenty years ago. Amateur sculling is, happily, appealing to more and more "wet-bobs" every season. It cannot be said that 'Varsity exponents excel in this direction especially, despite the wondrous showing of Mr. Kelly (Oxford) at Henley this year. If anything, there are more really sound scullers up river than on Cam and Isis. This, I take it, is due to the fact that they have been coached thoroughly by professionals, who know their business well. It is a truism that "a correct theory produces a successful practice." This being so -- and few will care to gainsay -- is it not folly, or worse, to talk of making professional coaching illegal? Brought to its logical issue, it is nonsense to even think of such action. Unless sculling is to become a lost art, plenty of capable coaches are imperative. Now I venture to assert there are not a dozen properly-qualified amateur coaches in England. What, therefore, do those people who advocate the abolition of professional coaches propose to do? Tom Sullivan recently asked the pertinent question: "What are the disadvantages connected with professional coaching?" So far no answer has been vouchsafed -- and with a good deal of reason. Anybody who tried to set forth any real disadvantages would find himself in the same predicament as the would-be essayist on "Snakes in Ireland!" [*ackd 12/2/1902*] [[shorthand]] COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK PRESIDENT'S ROOM December 1, 1902 My dear Mr. President: Mr. Parkin of Toronto, who is acting in some capacity as a representative of the Rhodes trustees, will shortly call upon you to pay his respects and begin his inquiries as to the best method in which to carry out the purposes which Mr. Rhodes had in mind in founding his International Scholarships for study at Oxford. In my mind and in the mind of many of us, there is grave danger of serious error being made in our relation to the Rhodes Scholarships , and we feel that haste should be made slowly lest the blunders become irreparable. Last summer I received a request from Mr. Choate, writing at the suggestion of the Rhodes trustees, that I express my views on the subject for their benefit. I did so in a letter to Mr. Choate dated July 28, 1902, and I enclose a copy of that letter thinking that you may care to look it over before meeting with Mr. Parkin and talking with him. Commissioner Harris of the Bureau of Education is deeply interested in the success of the project, and while he may not yet have formulated any views I hope that Mr. Parkin will consult him while in Washington. Sincerely yours, Nicholas Murray Butler To the President, White House, Washington, D.C.[For enc. see Butler to Choote 7-28-02]conditions out here several time worse, in many places. You will admit that the task which our soldiers have to find the gorrillas who hide in the brush is a difficult one. But they find them all the same and in due time will be entitled to receive your thanks because of a duty fully accomplished. Mrs. Chaffee and I had pleasure in meeting with Mrs. Rosevelt in Havana & I beg to offer expression of our kind regards for her. Very Sincerely Adna R. Chaffee Adna R. Chaffee [*Ackd 1-15- 1902*] [*CF*] Manila. Dec 1. Dear Mr. President: -- I have delayed a proper season as it seems to me, hence believe that it will not be an impropriety for me to now send you a note and beg you to receive my very best wish for success of your Administration; to which I add my sincere hope that your health may continue good to the end that you will be able to sustain and bear the onerous duties which as President of the United States you cannot transfer to any one. One factor in your great care possibly one that causes you some anxiety is far away from you, the Philippines Islands, but I can assure you in all truth that the situation improves every day out here Day by day there are converts on the Alter of Order & Peace and a better understanding of advantages thereto belonging. As the masses gain in knowledge of personal liberty, loose fear of hitherto leaders, the conditions improved. The country is well adapted to the use of the dagger & bolo, and robbery is but a pleasant past time to many. You must not think that life can be made as sure here as in the State of New York for yet a long while, but you may hope for and be certain of steady progress in the direction you desire. If occasionally you permit yourself to think of the jungle in the vicinity of Santiago and imagine [*File CF*] WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT GENERAL'S OFFICE, WASHINGTON December 1, 1902. My dear Mr. Cortelyou: At the instance of the Secretary of War I send you, for the information of the President, a copy of a cablegram received to-day from General Davis. Very respectfully HC Corbin Adjutant General Major General U.S.A Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. [*[For 1. enc. see Davis 12-1-02]*]Manila, P.I. December 1, 1902. Adjutant General Washington. Lieutenant General Nelson A. Miles on Ingalls left here night of the 28th; no itinerary; took with him Major George K. Hunter, touched Olongapa, then Laong, north of Vigan, there landed Major George K. Hunter probably to investigate killing Filipinos during command of Major General Samuel B. M. Young. Ingalls with party sailed from Laong for Hongkong noon November 30th. I have cabled Lieut. General Nelson A. Miles to Hongkong order of the President. Delivery will be reported to me. Davis.[*[Enc. in Corbin 12-1-02]*] [[shorthand]] [*Telephoned [Dr.] Hill 12-1-1902 CF*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE WASHINGTON Dec. 1, 1902. Dear Mr. Cortelyou: Will you please say to the President that I have a telegram from Mr. Hay saying that he has been kept in New York by private affairs later than he expected. He says in the telegram that there is no need of waiting for him, for, while he would be glad to have the matter in which Mr. S. is interested settled, our Government [should] can assume no responsibility. Faithfully yours, David J. Hill Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to The President.[*Ack'd 12-2-1902*] [*OK*] [*open copy returned Enciphered copy Sent 12-1-1902 CF*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE WASHINGTON December 1, 1902. Dear Mr. Cortelyou, I enclose a message which the German Ambassador desires to have sent to our Minister to Venezuela instructing him, in case of the rupture of diplomatic relations, to take charge of German interests. He has already been instructed to take charge of British interests in the like eventuality. If the President approves, please have the enciphered copy sent to-night, as the German Ambassador has requested this. Be sure that the open copy is not sent but the enciphered one, for the occasion for action may not arise. The whole subjectis of course confidential. Very truly yours, David J. HillUnited States Senate, Personal. Dec.1, 1902. Dear Mr. Cortelyou:- I return the note of Gebbie & Company together with my autograph and I take great pleasure in doing so. The question that really interests me in this connection is what I am going "to get out" of this new and splendid edition in which my name is to be immortalized? Sincerely yours, H.C. Lodge George B. Cortelyou, Esq. WILLIAM H. MOODY, SECRETARY. NAVY DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, Dec. 1, 1902. My dear Sir:- I have your letter of November 29th inquiring about the coal belonging to the United States Government at Havana. There are 997 tons of coal still remaining on shore there. I have brought your letter to the attention of the Chief of the Bureau of Equipment with directions to inform me as to the earliest date when this coal can be removed, and upon receipt of his report will advise you. Yours very truly, W.H. Moody Secretary. Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C.[*ansd 12/1/1902*] TELEGRAM White House, Washington. 2 PO.M.KQ. 38 Paid - 4:41 p.m. ALBANY, N.Y., December 1, 1902. Hen. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary Washington, D.C. I intend going to Washington on eleventh and returning on the twelfth, but will be glad to remain over to dine with the President on twelfth. Would prefer that matter of guests be left entirely to the President. B.B. Odell Jr.[*File ppp pr.*] Groton School Dec. 1, 1902 Dear Father; We have Mr Ogilby at our table now instead of Mr Hinchman, he is awfully nice and yesterday morning he did such a funny thing. One of the boys named Webb had his mother here, and as she was going away before breakfast ended he wanted to see her and he hadn't got permission from Mr B. so Mr Ogilby told him to try to upset his glassand then sent him away from the table and told him to leave the room and not to come back Yesterday we had some snow and the second form made a fat and the first form attacked it but soon the part of third and fourth joined in with us and the 6th form joined in with the second form we had great fun Your loving Kermit [*ROOSEVELT*]. [[2 lines shorthand]] BOOKER T. WASHINGTON. TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED. Personal. Crawford House, Boston, Mass. December 1, 1902. [*Ackd 12/2/1902*] My dear Mr. President:– First I want to thank you for your strong and clear letter on the subject of appointing Negroes to office. It seems to me that this letter states the whole matter for all time so far as you are concerned. Even Professor Norton of Harvard commended your letter to me yesterday without reservation. Now in regard to Dr. Crum. I have no means of knowing just what the nature and strength of the protests are which you have received from the white people in Charleston, neither do I know very definitely the source and strength of the charges urged against Dr. Crum's character. I have been seeking information as best I could since these charges were made and I have not been able to get hold of anything that would cause me to change what I said to you when you requested my opinion regarding Dr. Crum when I saw you some weeks ago. I have known him for fifteen years and he is as far different, in mymind, from the old irresponsible and purchasable Negro politician as day is from night. When the white people of Charleston were seeking some one to take the active head of the Negro Department of the recent Charleston Exposition, some one who could command the respect and confidence of both white and colored people, they selected Dr. Crum, and whenever a position of responsibility is to be filled both races usually turn to him in that city. In regard to his bargaining away his vote in the National Convention I repeat I have no definite information, except I do know that it is hardly possible for any man from the South to go to one of these conventions without some stories being circulated regarding his vote. I regarded these stories of such little consequence that I did not think it worth while to mention them to you. I should be the last man to recommend Dr. Crum or anybody else for office at your hands who is unworthy or has the least connection with dishonest acts. The only one I have recommended about whose character I was not sure is Dr. Crossland, Minister to Liberia. The appointment of Durham and Fortune has given the greatest general satisfaction. This will be my address for ten days. If I can serve you further please be kind enough to let me know. Yours truly, Booker T. Washington.[*File CF State*] WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. December 1, 1902. Memorandum: Dr. Hill called to say that Mr. Herran, Secretary of the Columbian Legation, called upon him this morning and made the following statements: First, that Mr. Concha, because of the condition of his health and of his private affairs, had gone to New York to spend some time. Second, that he, Mr. Herran, would be charge d'affaires ad interim. Third, that he, Mr. Herran, would continue the negotiations.DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE Office of the Attorney General, Washington D.C. [*File*] December 2, 1902. My dear Mr. President:- In response to your note of December 1, enclosing a communication from Mr. William A Gaston, I beg to say that I have instructed General Burnett to report in Washington without delay for a personal conference with you. Very sincerely yours, PC Knox To the President.[*File ppp pr*] 2 Dec 1902 Dear Mr President I beg to offer you my heartfelt thanks for your kind expression of sympathy. This is the only New Year's Day Reception which I have missed for 12 years, & it is the one which Idesired most particularly to attend! Your gracious message to the king will be forwarded by me to Lord Lansdowne by tomorrow's mail for delivery to His Majesty, who will I am sure greatly appreciate the sentiments to which it so happily expresses I am dear Mr President very respectfully yours Pauncefote[*Enc. returned 12-4-1902*] THE POSTMASTER GENERAL - WASHINGTON December 2, 1902. Dear Mr. President:- I enclose herewith copy of the letter sent to the two Postmasters in Delaware, together with the letter of complaint, and the circular letter of the Department bearing upon this subject, Very truly yours, HC Payne To the President. [*Luke Wright C.S. meeting*]CABLE ADDRESS, "RYRAPORT, NEW YORK." DOUGLAS ROBINSON 160 BROADWAY TELEPHONE CONNECTION. [*File ppp pr*] NEW YORK, December 2nd, 1902 Dear Mr. Cortelyou:-- I am in receipt of your letter of the first instant enclosing the President's check for $5,000. to my order to be placed to the credit of his principal account. Will you please inform him that I have placed the check to the credit of his account at the Union Trust Company, and will invest it as soon as possible. Yours very truly, Douglas Robinson George B. Cortelyou, Esq., Secretary to the President, White House, Washington, D.C. TELEGRAM. [[shorthand]] [*Wired him 12-2-1902*] White House, Washington. 2 NY.RH.KQ. 5 dh - 3:25 p.m. BN., New York, December 2, 1902. President Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. Mr. Wales died this afternoon. Elihu Root.[*Ackd 12-4-1902*] 2 December 1902 Mr President Leaving the country for a long voyage I ask the permission to express my gratitude for your kindness, attention and help Your image as warrior statesman and charming host will all ways remain with me- With best wishesfor you and your Family, I remain Your obedient servant W. Vereshchagin Moscow, Barriers [Terpukoff?][[shorthand]] [*ackd 12-6-1902*] STATE OF KANSAS. ----------- EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT. ----------- GOVERNOR'S OFFICE. Topeka, Dec. 3, 1902. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. My Dear Sir: I am quite sure that in the choice of George B. Cortelyou as Secretary of the coming Department of Commerce, your act will receive the hearty approval of the Republicans of the west. I was introduced to you by Congressman Reeder on the 29th day of March at the White House. I am Congressional Committeeman of the Third District of Kansas. With best wishes, I am, Yours very truly, W D Ford Secretary to the Governor[*Have they come?*] [*Received Dec 8th L.*] [*ackd 12/8/1902*] To His Excellency President Theodore Roosevelt, My Dear President Roosevelt, I have asked my publishers to send you a set of the books they have gotten out for me. I beg you to accept these volumes as a very slight token of the respect and admiration I have for you. Very faithfully and sincerely yours, J.L. Spalding Bishop of Peoria Scranton Dec 3d 1902 [[shorthand]]Phoenix Post Office. ---------- OFFICE OF THE POSTMASTER ---------- Phoenix, Maricopa Co., Ariz., Dec. 3, 1902. 190 The Board of Pardons, State of Colorado, Denver, Colo. Gentlemen: E. G. Collier, No.4876 in Colorado State Penitentiary, Canon City, has asked that I send testimony to you in support of his application for parole. I take sincere pleasure in doing so. I believe he has made no protestations of innocence. This should militate in his favor. To me he has expressed penitence and a conviction that he has had a lesson that he will never forget. I knew him mainly as a member of my troop of the First U.S.Volunteer Cavalry during the Spanish War. The command is usually known as Roosevelt's Rough Riders. He was a good soldier--all that any captain could wish. If my memory serve, he fainted in the ranks on final inspection prior to embarcation for Cuba, when it was found he had been seriously ill for a week and he disguised it, for fear of being left. For a while he was made acting corporal. I hope that you may see fit to give the young man another trial as a citizen. He tells me his prison record is without flaw. Let us hope that his civil record henceforth may correspond. I would further identify myself by adding that I am postmaster of Phoenix and as well Colonel of the First Regiment Infantry, National Guard of Arizona. Sincerely,[* [Enclosed in Hay, 12-15-02] *] [WEDNESD]AY, DECEMBER 3, 1902. ———————————————————————— His own efforts in this direction have, he informed the House, been defeated by the closure. Considering that more time has been spent over this Bill than over any measure of the same sort that has been carried through the House of Commons, this is a somewhat astonishing statement. But, though no policy has been clearly stated by the leaders of the Liberal party, they have allowed it to be inferred that what they desire is to sweep away denominational schools altogether and to establish primary instruction on a strictly secular basis. Apart from the financial consequences of such a change, which would involve the compulsory buying up of the voluntary school buildings—at a cost, as MR. LONG says, of some twenty-five millions—and of the moral drawbacks as shown by Continental and American examples to secularizing elementary teaching, it would excite strong feelings of repulsion, to which SIR JOHN KENNAWAY gave vigorous expression in yesterday's debate, which would assuredly not make for educational progress. We do not say that the Bill does all that can be done, and ought to be done, to make primary education in this country efficient, while it leaves the problems of secondary education, in many respects, almost untouched. But it is, as the ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY said yesterday, a "very straightforward attempt" to grapple with the difficulties of a complicated question. From the educational point of view the extrication of our schools from the chaotic system that has been deplored by high authorities in both political parties can hardly fail to have a most beneficial influence. The Board of Education, which will exercise a powerful influence in the way of guidance, will, SIR WILLIAM ANSON assured the House, co-operate cordially with the local authorities. The unification, so far as is practically possible, of educational powers ought to contribute to efficiency, and nobody is entitled to say beforehand that it will not. The assumption that the new education authorities will not be as keenly interested in keeping up efficient and progressive schools as the School Boards have been is based on no substantial evidence. When it is said that politics will be thus introduced into the election of local governing bodies the obvious answer is that they have already a power there as they have had throughout in School Board elections. It is eminently desirable that public instruction should be made effective in all its parts, and that the ascent of what has been called the educational ladder should be facilitated. It is necessary, however, to draw a clear line of demarcation between the work of primary and that of secondary schools, a distinction which the Opposition resent as invidious. But, as SIR WILLIAM ANSON pertinently remarked, whatever we want, it is not "schools always attempting to "do something different from what they were "intended to do." We hope, though not too confidently, that in to-day's debate, in which SIR WILLIAM HARCOURT will speak in the afternoon, while MR. BALFOUR and MR. ASQUITH will wind up the discussion in the evening, more attention will be bestowed upon the larger educational interest which the Bill touches and less upon squabbles about machinery and upon sectarian jealousies. ================= What first strikes the reader of PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S Message to Congress is its identity in all substantial points with his Message of a year ago. There are slight differences of form in his allusions to questions such as the Isthmian Canal and the Philippines, but they are only such as are fully explained by the developments of the last twelve months. In policy, in tone, in aspiration, and in form of argument the two Messages are so similar that only a very meticulous criticism could extract the semblance of a difference from mere alterations in phraseology. The present Message, according to our New York Correspondent, is thought to strike a note of conciliation if not of compromise. That may be so if the Message be compared with some of the PRESIDENT'S speeches to popular audiences, but these two modes of expression are subject to different rules. If Message be compared with Message, it will be found extremely difficult to show that the present one is less emphatic or less clear than its predecessor. It would be equally difficult to show that the policy proposed in the former Message was less carefully qualified by recognition of the need for caution than is the policy now set forth. In dealing with trusts, the PRESIDENT does, to a certain limited extent, justify the apprehensions which, as our Correspondent intimates, have led persons interested in these things to take preliminary steps towards "lobbying" in defence of their position. Referring to his previous Message in that connexion, he says, "the experience of a year has "emphasized the desirability of the steps I then "proposed." He thinks now, as he thought then, that Congress ought to regulate inter-State business; that an effective check against fraudulent over-capitalization should be devised; that when the law sanctions the creation of great joint-stock concerns to which large sums of public money are attracted, it ought at the same time to give the investor the protection of a degree of publicity which is not called for in respect of private businesses; and that the great powers incidentally conferred upon corporations by society, entitle society to take measures to prevent their abuse. That is what the PRESIDENT said a year ago; and he goes on to say now, as he said then, that the greatest care must be taken to avoid anything like indiscriminate hostility to corporations or combinations of corporations as such. They are alike inevitable and indispensable in the conditions of modern industry. They have done immense good, as he was careful to point out on both occasions, not only to the rich but also to the poor; and immense evil would result to the wage-earner no less than to the capitalist from vindictive, excessive, or merely clumsy interference. At the same time these things have their defects, which the PRESIDENT thought and still thinks ought to be remedied by legislation, although he does not now, any more than a year ago, attempt to lay down specific measures. He goes even further, though not for the first time. He thinks that if the Constitution does not provide the powers necessary for dealing with these evils, then the Constitution ought to be amended. In the abstract he is perfectly right, but it is more doubtful whether the evils he has in view can be removed by legislation. In this country we have made efforts in this direction, and in America, as well as here, the principle of enforcing publicity has been applied in the case of banks. It is, however, very difficult to protect a people against itself, and at bottom that is the problem before us. Passing to the tariff question the PRESIDENT declares that it stands quite apart from the question of trusts. He considers that American prosperity is largely due to protection, and argues quite soundly that free trade would not help the small producer to meet the competition of gigantic combinations, which can starve him out by their superior staying power. His view in short is, that to attack the trusts through tariff revision would injure all business without diminishing their relative power. He occupies strong ground when he contends that great or frequent tariff changes are bad for everybody. No sane person would recommend violent interference even with a bad system. The PRESIDENT, however, sighs for such a state of things as would enable cast-iron rules to be set aside. He wants every fiscal arrangement to be revised from a purely business standpoint, the interests of sections and of the community being alike carefully consulted. It is a counsel of perfection, an ideal to be kept in view, but one hardly to be realized in this imperfect world. Turning from business to finance, the PRESIDENT desires "an element of elasticity in the monetary "system." He holds that upon the banks should be placed as far as possible the burden of furnishing and maintaining a circulation adequate to the needs of industry and commerce. Yet he does not hope for any immediate reconstruction of the financial system, though he thinks that some partially ameliorative legislation is possible. He touches upon the trade union question to the extent of declaring the right of every man to be protected in the disposal of his own labour as he sees fit. That right is seriously assailed in America, as in the Old World, but the best hope of a remedy perhaps lies in general recognition of the fact he insists on, that general disaster must in the long run overtake all if employers and employed, disregarding the laws of equity, take up an attitude of sour hostility and distrust towards one another. The PRESIDENT declares that "no policy ever "entered into by Americans has vindicated itself "more signally than the policy of holding the "Philippines." Regarded in itself, that particular transaction may seem to some hardly deserving of so emphatic a eulogy. The PRESIDENT, however, probably regards it in its larger aspect as a part of the definite entry of the United States upon the career of a world Power. That view would naturally lead to the strong recommendation which follows in favour of greatly increasing the strength of the navy. In the Isthmian Canal, which, by inference, he identifies with a Panama canal, he finds another argument for increase of naval strength, without which, he says, the canal would merely be a hostage in the hands of nations having naval superiority. The Monroe doctrine is again asserted, and the absurdity of pretending to enforce it without an adequate navy is pointed out. The South American States are at the same time warned that the Monroe doctrine is not to be invoked by them as a protection in case of wrong- doing. They will be left to bear the consequences of their own actions, subject to the limitation that the Monroe doctrine forbids the acquisition of their territory by European Powers. They are at the same time assured that so long as they behave properly, maintaining order at home and discharging just obligations abroad, they need never fear interference on the part of the United States. While advocating arbitration instead of war for the settlement of disputes, and resort to the tribunal of The Hague rather than to arbitrators chosen for special cases, the PRESIDENT perceives no cloud upon the horizon and not the slightest chance of trouble with a foreign Power. But the way to ensure the continuance of this state of affairs is, he declares once more, the provision of a thoroughly adequate navy. ================= We are requested by the Lord Chamberlain to give notice that the King will hold an Investiture of the various Orders at Buckingham Palace on Thursday, the 18th inst., at 11 30 o'clock a.m. Levée dress, Orders, and Decorations. ———————— A Cabinet Council was held yesterday at the Foreign Office. The Ministers present were the Right Hon. A. Balfour, the Marquis of Lansdowne, the Right Hon. A. Akers-Douglas, Lord Balfour of Burleigh, the Right Hon. G. Balfour, the Right Hon.St. John Brodrick, the Right Hon. A. Chamberlain, the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Chancellor of Ireland, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Duke of Devonshire, Lord George Hamilton, the Marquis of Londonderry, the Right Hon. W. H. Long, the Earl of Selborne, and the Right Hon. G. Wyndham. ================= THE QUEEN'S BIRTHDAY. ———⬬——— On the occasion of the Queen's birthday the Lord Mayor telegraphed to her Majesty as follows:—"The citizens of London offer their respectful congratulations to your Majesty on this interesting anniversary,of which they trust many happy returns will occur.—MARCUS SAMUEL, Lord Mayor." Her Majesty yesterday sent the following reply:—"Sandringham, Dec. 2. I thank you and the citizens of London most sincerely for the telegram of congratulations on my birthday.—Alexandra." The Royal Warrant Holders Association (Limited) sent the following telegram to the Hon. Charlotte Knollys at Sandringham: "Her Majesty's Royal Warrant holders desire most respectfully to wish her Majesty very many happy returns of her birthday.— CARRINGTON SMITH, president, 8, Hanover-square, London." The following reply was received:—"I am commanded by the Queen to ask you to convey her Majesty's thanks to the Royal Warrant holders for their telegram of congratulations.—GREVILLE." Mr. A. W. Shipley, Mayor of Windsor, received yesterday afternoon the following gracious reply to the congratulatory message sent on Monday to her Majesty at Sandringham:—"The Queen thanks you and the loyal burgesses of Windsor for the kind telegram of congratulations." ================= BARBADOS INSCRIBED STOCK.—The Treasury give notice in the current issue of the London Gazette that Barbados 3½ per Cent. Inscribed Stock (1925-42) has been added to the list kept by that department under section 2 of the Colonial Stock Act, 1900. REWARD FOR GALLANTRY.—At Boston yesterday, Joseph Nixon and Joseph Hubbard, fishermen of the steam trawler Flavian, were presented with silver medals and certificates, which had been sent by the Grand Duke of Oldenburg in recognition of their services to the German sloop Heinrich when in distress in the North Sea. Nixon and Hubbard put off in their small boat in a heavy sea, and rescued the Heinrich's crew at great peril to themselves. THE DUNLOP PNEUMATIC TYRE COMPANY (LIMITED).—The directors' report for the year ended September 30 states that "the combined earnings of the company itself and its subsidiary companies exceed those of the previous year." The profits which appear in the balance-sheet for 12 months to September 30, 1902, before providing for interest on debentures as shown below, including £178,580 carried forward on September 30, 1901, amounted to £365,168. From this sum the following appropriations have been made:—Interest on debentures to September 30, 1902. £22,127; preference dividend for half-year paid, £24,874; leaving a balance of £318,167. Out of this sum the directors recommend a further payment of 5 per cent on the preference shares for six months to September 30, 1902, and 5 per cent. on the ordinary shares for 12 months, which will absorb £74,874. They also recommend that a sum of £45,371 be written off patents, £20,000 off investments, leaving £177,922 to be carried to next account. The directors add that the total profits which accrued in the subsidiary companies to the end of the financial year amount to £146,099, and of this sum £34,000 only is taken to account in the balance-sheet. The balance (£112,099) remains in these subsidiary companies still undivided, "to provide them with additional free capital in order that they may be enabled to cope independently with the great increase of business which is being developed in these companies. The item proposed to be appropriated for depreciation of investments mainly applies to securities which did not appear in the previous balance-sheet, but which were acquired by the company during the year as consideration for the issue of licences." THE IMPERIAL TOBACCO COMPANY.—Yesterday morning the customers of the Imperial Tobacco Company received details of the new bonus scheme. In a circular accompanying the agreement form the company says:— "After careful consideration we have decided to offer a modification of our original scheme, which, while it remains in force, will give the customers signing it substantially the same benefits as are conferred by the original scheme itself." Customers who approve the scheme are asked to sign and return it before December 10. The London executive of the United Kingdom Tobacco Dealers' Alliance met yesterday afternoon and passed resolutions recommending the secretaries of the various branches and associations throughout the United Kingdom and Ireland to call meetings to discuss the situation. In the meantime, they advise retailers not to tie their hands by signing any agreement and to refrain from pushing any proprietary goods which do not carry the 20 per cent. or 25 per cent. minimum schedules. The London combined associations will hold a general meeting of the trade at Anderton's Hotel on Friday next at 3 p.m., to which all retailers are invited. A Bristol correspondent says the new bonus scheme of the Imperial Tobacco Company has been well received there by the trade, the majority of retailers regarding the terms as liberal, especially towards those who hitherto have refused to sign the agreement.[*and see p 9*] THE TIMES, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1902. 5 LATEST INTELLIGENCE. THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. (From Our Own Correspondent.) NEW YORK, Dec. 2. The Message which the President has addressed to Congress, the country, and the world in general is regarded as a Message of conciliation, if not of compromise. Such is the first impression it makes on friends and opponents alike. Both these pass over his first column as rhetorical. He preaches once more the gospel which has been heard often from his lips and pen. When he gets down to business he discusses chiefly three subjects -- trusts, the tariff, and Cuba -- with the Panama Canal as a good fourth. It may be doubted whether, if the trust managers could have read the Message in advance, they would have thought it worth while to engage rooms in a Washington hotel and to organize a lobby to resist the President's encroachments. With one exception everything he urges might be passed into law without limiting the activity of any important trust. The exception is publicity plus supervision. Financial magnates prefer a policy of blind pool. The evening Post thinks that these proposals are vague and inconclusive and will frighten nobody -- in short, that they are an effort to qualify and minimize the President's previous declarations about trusts. I suppose President Roosevelt has, in fact, considered not only what he would like to have done, but what Congress can be induced to do. He hopes to get a law enabling him to enforce national supervision over all corporations doing inter-State business. He makes no specific recommendations. The President's tariff suggestions, for they are hardly more, reduce themselves to a proposal for a commission, and even that is not urged very strenuously. General tariff reductions he puts aside. So he does tariff reduction as a remedy for trust evils. He would like reciprocity, but does not strongly hope that any reciprocity treaty can be passed. He wants "economic stability," and deprecates disturbance of industrial or financial conditions, but thinks certain unspecified duties might be lowered as an indirect means of obtaining reciprocity provided the door be not opened to foreign competition. It would be difficult for the foreign manufacturer to find much comfort in all this, or domestic industry much cause for alarm. Even reciprocity with Cuba, which last summer the President proclaimed "as sure as fate," is now urged with caution. He hopes soon to submit a treaty to the Senate. He hardly ventures to hope that the Senate will ratify it. His own convictions of justice and necessity are unchanged. But he seems to fear that the Senate is unchanged also. What is said about the Isthmian Canal assumes that the canal is to be Panama. Oddly enough, it is in connexion with the canal that the President discusses, though without naming the State, Venezuela's difficulties with England and Germany. He plainly tells the South American Republics that hey must keep order and discharge their just obligations to foreigners. That done, they need fear no outside interference, European or American. General foreign relations are also brought in by a side-wind as affecting naval affairs. He wants, of course, more ships and more officers and men. Yet "there is not a cloud on the horizon at present, and there seems not the slightest chance of trouble with any foreign Power." Alaska is mentioned, but only with reference to internal legislation. On the whole, the Message is considered able and informing, a very sensible, weighty, conservative State paper. What some of the President's friends miss is the note of authority and of leadership. He is thought less confident, less peremptory, less strenuous that in his platform speeches. These criticisms do not, perhaps, take account of the fact that primarily the President is now addressing Congress, a very susceptible body, quick to resent dictation. But there is not the least reason to believe the President less convinced than formerly, less resolved to use all his immense power to promote such legislative reforms as he desires. WASHINGTON, Dec. 2.* President Roosevelt's Message was read to-day in the Senate and the House of Representatives. "We still," says the President, "continue in a period of unbounded prosperity. As a people we have played a large part in the world, and we are bent on making our future part even larger. The events of the past four years have definitely decided, for weal or woe, that our place must be great among the nations. Even if we would we cannot play a small part, but our people face the future high of heart and resolute of will. Ours is not the creed of the weakling and the coward; it is the gospel of hope and triumphant endeavour. We do not shrink from the struggle before us. There are grave problems to face abroad and still graver at home, but we can solve them well. Our present high plane of material well-being is due to the play of economic forces over a century, to our laws, to our sustained and continuous policies, and, above all, to the high individual average of citizenship. Never before has material well-being been so widely diffused among the people, and great fortunes have been accumulated. Of course, when conditions have favoured the growth of so much that is good, they have also favoured somewhat the growth of what is evil. We should fail in our duty if we did not try to remedy evils, but we shall succeed if we proceed patiently with practical common sense as well as resolution, separating the good from the bad, and holding to the former while endeavouring to get rid of the latter." THE REGULATION OF TRUSTS. The President mentions his discussion in his previous Message of the regulation of corporations, popularly known as trusts. "The experience of a year," he say, "has emphasized the desirability of the steps I then proposed. A fundamental base of civilization is the inviolability of property; but this is in no wise inconsistent with the right of society to regulate the exercise of the artificial powers it confers upon the owners of property under the name of corporate franchises, in such a way as to prevent the misuse of these powers. Corporations, especially combinations of corporations, should be managed under public regulations, and supervision must be achieved by national action. Our aim is not to do away with corporations; on the contrary, these big aggregations are the inevitable development of modern industrialism, and any effort to destroy them would be futile, unless accomplished in ways that would work the utmost mischief to the entire body politic. We can do nothing of good in the way of regulating and supervising these corporations until we fix clearly in our minds that we are not attacking the corporations but are endeavouring to do away with any evil in them, and that we are not hostile to them, but merely determined that they shall be so handled as to subserve the public good. We draw the line against misconduct, but not against wealth. We wish to favour a man when he does well. Publicity can do no harm to the honest corporation, and we need not be over tender about sparing the dishonest one. In curbing and regulating may become injurious to the public we must be careful not to stop great enterprises which have legitimately reduced the cost of production, not to abandon the place our country has won in the leadership of the international industrial world, not to strike down wealth, with the result of closing factories and mines and turning the wag-worker idle into the streets, and leaving the farmer without a market for this products. Insistence on the impossible means delay in achieving the possible. No more important subject can come before Congress than the regulation of inter-State business. I believe that monopolies are unjust discriminations, preventing or crippling competition. Fraudulent over-capitalization and the other evils occurring in annexion with trust organizations and those practices which injuriously affect inter-State trade can be prevented, both under the power of Congress to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the States, and through regulations and requirements operating directly upon such commerce, the instrumentalities thereof, and those engaged therein. I earnestly recommend the subject to Congress, with a view to the passage of a reasonable and effective law upon which those questions can finally be adjudicated that now raise doubts." CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT. The President goes on to make the following pronouncement: -- "If it should prove impossible to accomplish the purpose mentioned by such a law, then we should not shrink form amending the Constitution so as to secure the power. The reduction of the tariff as a means of reaching the evils of the trusts would be wholly ineffective. The only relation the tariff has to big corporations as a whole is that the tariff makes manufactures profitable; and the tariff remedy proposed would be in effect simply to make manufactures unprofitable. To remove the tariff as a punitive measure against trusts would inevitably ruin the weaker competitors struggling against them. Our aim should be not by unwise tariff changes to give domestic competition fair chance. And this cannot be reached by any tariff changes which wold affect unfavourably all domestic competitors, good and bad alike. The question of the regulations of trusts stands apart from the question of tariff revision. TARIFF REVISION. "The country has acquiesced in the wisdom of a protective tariff in principle, and it is exceedingly undesirable that the system should be destroyed or that there should be violent or radical changes therein. Experience shows that the great prosperity of the country has always come under a protective tariff. The country cannot prosper under fitful changes at short intervals. Moreover, if the tariff laws as a whole work well and business prospered under them and is prospering, it is better to endure for a time slight inconveniences and inequalities in some schedules than to upset business by too quick or too radical changes. It is most earnestly to be wished that we could treat the tariff from the standpoint solely of our business needs. Unquestionably business interests will best be served it, together with fixity of principle as regards the tariff, we combine a system which will permit us from time to time to make the necessary reapplication of the principle to the shifting of national needs. WE must take scrupulous care that this reapplication is made in such a way as not to amount to a dislocation of our system, the mere threat of which would produce paralysis in our business energies. The first consideration in making these changes would, of course, be to preserve the principle underlying the whole tariff system, the principle of putting American business interests at least on full equality with interests abroad, allowing sufficient duty to more than cover the difference with the labour cost here and abroad. The well-being of the wage-worker, like the well-being f the tiller of the soil, should be treated as an essential in shaping our whole economic policy. There must never be any change jeopardizing the comfort and wages of the American worker. RECIPROCITY TREATIES. "One way in which the readjustment sought can be reached is by reciprocity treaties, which are greatly to be desired. Where such may be adopted they can be used to widen our markets, and give a greater field for the activities of producers on the one hand, and, on the other, to secure in practicable shape the lowering of duties when no longer needed for protection, or when the minimum of damage done may be disregarded for the sake of the maximum of god accomplished. If it prove impossible to ratify pending treaties, and if there seem to be no warrant for an endeavour to execute others or to amend pending treaties so that they can be ratified, then some end to secure reciprocity should be met by direct legislation. Wherever the tariff conditions are such that the needed change cannot with advantage be made by the application of the reciprocity idea, then it can be made outright by lowering the duties on a given product. If possible such change should be made only after the fullest consideration by practical experts, who should approach the subject from a business standpoint, having in view the particular interests affected and the commercial well-being of the people as a whole. The machinery for providing such investigation can readily be supplied. If Congress desires additional consideration to that which will be given to the subject by its own committees, a commission of business experts can be appointed to recommend action by Congress after deliberate scientific examination of the various schedules as they are affected by changed and changing conditions. The report of this commission would show what changes should be made in the schedules, and how far the changes could go without changing the great prosperity of the country or upsetting its fixed economic policy. Cases i which the tariff can produce a monopoly are so few as to constitute an inconsiderable factor in the question, but, of course, if any case be found in which a given rate does promote a monopoly which works ill no Protectionist would object to such a reduction as would equalize competition. "The tariff on anthracite coal should be removed. FINANCIAL LEGISLATION. "To prevent financial stringencies an element of elasticity in the monetary system is necessary. Upon the banks should be places as far as practicable the burden of furnishing and maintaining a circulation adequate to the needs of industries and commerce, and the issue of this should be so regulated that a sufficient supply will always be available. It would be unwise and unnecessary at present to attempt to reconstruct the financial system, but some additional legislation is desirable. Future legislation on the subject should be with the view of encouraging the use of such instrumentalities as would automatically supply every legitimate demand in the amount and character of the circulation ad of making all kinds of money interchangeable and, at the will of the holder, convertible into a gold standard." CAPITAL AND LABOUR. The President recalls attention to the need for a proper immigration law, and proceeds: -- "How to secure fair treatment alike for labour and capital and how to hold in check unscrupulous men, whether employer or employé, without weakening individual initiative and without hampering and cramping the industrial development of the country is a problem fraught with great difficulties, and one which it is of the highest importance to solve on the lines of sanity and far-sighted common sense as well as of devotion to right. This is an era of federation and combination. Both kinds of federation, capitalistic and labour, can do much good and can do evil. Opposition to each kind of organization should be to whatever is bad in their conduct, and not consist of attacks upon corporations and unions as such; for some of the most far-reaching and beneficent work for the people has been accomplished through corporations and unions. Each must refrain from arbitrary and tyrannous interference with the rights of others. Organized capital and organized labour should remember that in the long run the interest of each much be brought into harmony with the interest of the general public; and the conduct of each must conform to the fundamental rules of obedience to the law of individual freedom and of justice and fair dealing towards all. Every employer and wage-worker must be guaranteed the liberty and right to do as he likes with his property or labour so long as he does not infringe the right of others. Sure disaster will come to both in the long run if either grows to take up an attitude of sour hostility and distrust towards the other. We are neither for the rich man nor the poor man as such. We are for the upright man, rich or poor. So far as the constitutional powers of the Government touch these matters they should be exercised in conformity with these principles." COMMERCIAL POLICY. The President earnestly hopes that a Secretary for Commerce with a seat in the Cabinet will be created. He urges reciprocity with Cuba, a convention with Great Britain, and reciprocal trade with Newfoundland substantially on the lines of the convention which Mr. Blaine negotiated and laid before the Senate once. Mr. Roosevelt believes that such a convention would be greatly to the advantage of the United States and Newfoundland. ARBITRATION. Wherever possible, arbitration or a similar method should be employed in lieu of war to settle differences between civilized nations. The formation of the tribunal of The Hague was an event of good omen, and ti would be far better where possible to invoke such a permanent tribunal than to create special arbitrators for a given purpose. EXTERNAL POLICY. The Message continues: -- "Negotiations are pending with Colombia to secure her consent to the building of the Isthmian Canal by the United States. "No independent nation in America need have the slightest fear of aggression from the United States. It behoves each one to maintain order within its own borders, and to discharge its just obligations to foreigners. When this is done they can rest assured that, be they strong or weak, they have nothing to dread from outside interference. The more and more increasing interdependence and complexity of international, political, and economic relations render it incumbent upon civilized ad orderly Powers to insist on the proper policing of the world." Mr. Roosevelt narrates the Government's action relative to the commercial Pacific cable and events in the Philippines. No policy, he says, ever entered into by Americans has vindicated itself more signally than the policy of holding the Philippines. THE ARMY AND NAVY. The army has been reduced to the minimum allowed by law, and is very small for the size of the nation. A general staff is urgently needed, and the President earnestly urges an increase of the appropriation for improving marksmanship. The navy should not be at a halt, but should provide additional fighting craft every year. "We have deliberately made our own," says the Message, "certain foreign policies demanding the possession of a first-class navy. The Isthmian Canal will greatly increase the efficiency of our navy if the navy is of sufficient size, but if we have an inadequate navy then the building of the canal will be merely giving a hostage to any Power of superior strength. The Monroe doctrine should be treated as a cardinal feature of American foreign policy, but it would be worse than idle to assert it unless we intended to back it up. It can be backed up only by a thoroughly good navy." The President points out the need for additional officers and men for the navy. In conclusion he says: -- "There is no cloud on the horizon at present, and there seems not the slightest chance of trouble with a foreign Power. We most earnestly hope that this state of things will continue, and the way to ensure its continuance is to provide a thoroughly efficient navy. Refusal to maintain such would invite trouble, and if trouble came it would ensure disaster." In the Senate, Mr. Cullom introduces a Bill to amend the Sherman Anti-Trust Law. The Bill prohibits inter-State commerce for violations being a fine of $500 to $5,000. In the House of Representative, Mr. Hull, chairman of the Military Committee, introduced a Bill for the establishment of a general staff for the army. (From Our Correspondent.) NEW YORK, Dec. 2. When, as a well-known political writer remarked to me to-day, the President has been stating his views on all the important questions before the country for the last six months, it can hardly be expected that his Message to Congress will contain anything strikingly novel. Some papers, in repetition on the Message, complain that it is a repetition of the familiar argument of President Roosevelt, but surely they have no right to criticize the President because he has not changed his views. With regard to the trust question, the gist of the Message, as the New York Times will say to-morrow, is that a case will be made up for the Supreme Court. This is its meaning distilled out of the phrases of caution and conservatism that the President has made the vehicle of its communication to the public. He believes that monopolies, unjust discrimination, destruction of competition, fraudulent over-capitalization, and other evils of the trust system which injuriously affect inter-State trade can be prevented under the power of Congress to regulate commerce between States. The Sherman Anti-Trust Law of 1890 having failed to cure trust evils, the President recommends congress, in the exercise of its power over inter-State commerce, to enact a reasonable and efficient law, in the attempt to enforce which the whole matter would of necessity go to the Supreme Court for final adjudication. The New York Times will say with regard to the tariff that the President is not in unity with himself. He appears to believe that the present law covers abuses which ought to be corrected, but his loyalty to the Republican policy of protection prevents him from making any recommendation that the tariff should be revised. The New York Times will say that the commission of experts which is suggested is the familiar Republican policy of putting off any change in the tariff schedules. THE DEVELOPMENT OF JAMAICA. KINGSTON, Dec. 2.* The extensions of the Constant Spring Hotel were opened to-day amid much popular rejoicing. Nearly a thousand persons were present at a garden party at the hotel. Sir Augustus Hemming, the Governor, opened the extensions, which include all the requirements of a modern hotel. His Excellency subsequently made an interesting speech, in which he paid a tribute to the efforts of Sir Alfred Jones and Messrs. Elder, Dempster, and Company to resuscitate Jamaica's prosperity. He said it was most satisfactory to know that Jamaica's tourist business was growing so rapidly that the necessity for enlarging its hotels was already manifest. The charms of Jamaica, its healthful climate, and glorious scenery were becoming appreciated in England, America, and other countries, and the colony would apparently soon become in truth the "Riviera of the world." Jamaica was recognized as an ideal resort for tourists, and their cousins in the United States were beginning to understand that Jamaica possessed a magnificent climate and every attraction for tourists, and that they might derive great pleasure and benefit from a visit. So, too, with English people, who were coming out in great numbers by the steamers of the Imperial Direct West India Mail Company. They had reason to feel grateful in Jamaica to Sir Alfred Jones for all he had done for them. Of course, Sir Alfred did not pose as a philanthropist, but while he made the enterprise of his company successful, he developed Jamaica's resources and made the colony more prosperous. THE SUGAR CONVENTION. (From Our Correspondent.) BRUSSELS, Dec. 2. By a unanimous vote, the Dutch Second Chamber to-day ratified the Brussels Sugar Convention. In the course of the debate the Minister of Finance expressed the view that England would be obliged by the terms of the convention to levy countervailing duties on bounty-fed sugar from her autonomous colonies and British India. MONTENEGRO AND RUSSIA. (From Our Correspondent.) VIENNA, Nov. 30. The Montenegrin official organ, the Glas Crnogorca, publishes particulars of the presentation by the new Russian Minister at Cettigne of his credentials. In the course of his remarks, which are described by a leading Vienna journal as a political speech, Prince Nicholas said: -- "Russia and Montenegro are united by indissoluble bonds and a fraternity that has been sealed by a common fame and the trials which they have undergone together. That union, which has been created by their history, is deeply engraved in the heart of every true Serb. My fatherland is the faithful and invincible outpost of the Slave south. Mighty Russia is its guardian and protector, and in return Montenegro is always read to accept with a whole heart all trials and to make every sacrifice." THE PARLIAMENTARY CRISIS IN GERMANY (From Our Own Correspondent.) BERLIN, Dec. 2. As this despatch is being written the Reichstag is closing another prolonged sitting amid scenes of disorder. The situation is from day to day becoming more critical. It is not only on the Left that a very serious view is taken with regard to the issues at stake. Some of the speakers to-day referred to the ominous date, December 2, the anniversary of Louis Napoleon's coup d'État in Paris. Among the members of the Right similar forebodings, the warrant for which is beyond my knowledge, appear to prevail. That reactionary of the reactionaries, Herr von Kröcher, President of the Prussian Chamber, said in the course of yesterday's debate: -- "I address to the members of the parties (which form the present majority) the request that the number of absentees should be diminished. Whoever has read Carlyle's 'French Revolution' must realize that at no time in the history of France was frivolity and the practice of subordinating duty to pleasure so prevalent as immediately before the Revolution. Many of the grands seigneurs and petits seigneurs of the ancien régime only awoke from their dream of self-indulgence when they stood on the scaffold (sensation). See that you make no mistake; our present situation is desperately like the period that preceded the French Revolution. It is because I am convinced that this is a case of neck or nothing and that the existence of everything which we desire to reserve is at stake that I ask those members who have not yet been present at our debates to make a point of attending in the future. (Cheers on the Right.) I must say that in my opinion we should have had a quorum on Saturday if the only gentlemen absent had been those who were kept away by pressing official or private business, and if those gentlemen had been here who were shooting pheasants for hares." Herr von Kröcher's proceeded to say that he had written a newspaper article containing a list of the names of those whom he considered to be the guilty Conservative absentees and had offered it to several Berlin Conservative journals, who had one and all refused to publish it. He had managed, however, to get it inserted in a local journal in Pomerania, though it was, perhaps, too much to hope that his black list would be copied by other organs of the party. This complaint of Herr von Kröcher's is identical with the indictment brought by the Left against the Right. On ordinary days the Right leaves it to the Left to keep a House, and at most appears in Berlin on one or two days in the week for critical divisions. The united Social Democrats and Moderate Radicals, numbering what would be, by proportion, a House of Commons minority of 134 members -- and this calculation by no means includes the whole Opposition -- are protesting against this state of things by insisting upon frequent division which necessitate the presence of 199 of the majority that is trying to force through the tariff scheme without giving any opportunity for debate on the second reading. One of the organs of the majority endeavours to-day to defend the action of its patrons by appealing to the course followed by Mr. Gladstone in 1881 when he carried through the rules with regard to "urgency." In order to recommend this classical instance it goes out of its way to extol the Gladstone Cabinet of that date for having "restored liberty to the Transvaal after it had been place under the yoke of England and annexed." One can only say that, if there were in Germany, in Prussian Poland, for example, a sanguinary conspiracy against law and order and against the Government of the country such as the Irish troubles which rendered the reform of the procedure of Parliament necessary, it would only take five minutes instead of days in the Reichstag to suspend the whole German Constitution. But in Germany there is no such political crisis. Here we have a Government which has swallowed its own professions, broken its pledged work, and has made to the prejudice of the capitalist and of the industrial and the labouring classes of this great Empire the very concessions to the noisy Agrarians which it had sworn never to make. The British Parliament of 1881 came with a fresh mandate from the electorate given in the March of the previous year. The present German Reichstag is moribund, being at the end of its legislative period of five years. The members of the government are not members of the House; they are able to evade all personal responsibility for the tactics of the majority, though they pull the wires behind the scenes at private conferences with the President of the Reichstag and with the leaders of parties held in back rooms behind the President's chair and at the official residence of the Imperial Chancellor. This is the meagre substitute for "Parliamentarism" in Germany; and it is hardly surprising that the representative of the working and other important classes should fight tooth and nail and employ methods which in themselves cannot be approved in order to expose this Parliamentary farce. The tariff scheme in the form in which it passed the committee is an anomaly and, as it has been called, a "monstrosity," and the Government itself had repeatedly declared that it could not accept many amendments which were carried in the committee. Duties proposed by the Government scheme have in many instances been doubled, and in some instances increased five, six, and even seven fold. The Government could now obtain all it wants as a basis for its future diplomatic negotiations for commercial treaties, and all that it is prepared, by an ignominious surrender, to concede to the Agrarians, if it would proceed by way of selection or by a few general resolutions instead of endeavouring to force this whole monstrous scheme of 946 tariff items at one gulp down the throat of the minority. The reasons for the policy of the majority and of the Government are becoming plainer. They have recklessly entered upon a trial of strength, and they are afraid to compromise themselves by retreating from the absurd position they adopted. They are willing to contemplate incalculable confusion and bitterness throughout the country, the collapse of the Parliamentary traditions of the Reichstag, and the final disintegration of what, from their own point of view, is a serviceable political party -- the National Liberals -- if only they can "save their face" by being able to say that they have got the tariff scheme through in any form. Among the majority other and still more perilous ideas are prevalent. The Kreuz Zaitung actually gives prominence to a communication from an anonymous Reactionary, who suggests that the President should upon occasion telephone for a corporal and a section of infantry to restore order. A Government by bayonets is still the ideal of too many in Germany, as it was of Louis Napoleon in 1851. It is to be hoped that there is in Germany enough political intelligence to prevent the fatal resort to the 'corporal's guard" of the Kreuz Zeitung. The bark of many people in this, as in other countries, is worse that their bite, but the experience of the last few days furnishes a fresh illustration of the futility of attempting to manage a German Parliament by the instrumentality of German statesmen who are not trained in German Parliamentary traditions. No one would dream of setting up Bismarck as the model of a Parliamentary statesman; but he had at least been familiar with the constitution and the working of Parliamentary bodies from the earliest days of his political life. Prince Hohenlohe was enfeebled by age when, as a last sacrifice to duty,he entered upon his Chancellorship; but he, too, had been in his prime a Parliamentary Minister in Bavaria. It is the fashion among those who form the present majority in the Reichstag to deride Count von Caprivi as the "troupier" and to question the natural talent for statesmanship which he undoubtedly possessed. In any case, it is certain that the second Chancellor of the German Empire had far too much tact and far too keen a sense of fairness, dignity, and propriety ever to lend himself to a policy like that which is now being encouraged and planned by the sole responsible Minister of the German Empire. Several evening journals recall the fact that the President of the Reichstag, Count Ballestrem, expressed the gravest doubts as to the legitimacy of the action of the majority at the opening of the debate, and that Vice-President Büsing was entirely opposed to the course that has been adopted. The doubts of count Ballestrem are understood to have been strengthened by the events of the past few days, and he appears to have had a keen dispute on the subject with the leaders of his own party, the Clericals, and even to have seriously quarrelled with their chief, Dr. Spahn. He is further said to dissent from the views of the majority as to the interpretation of the rules of procedure, and to be contemplating resignation. It was also reported in the lobbies that Herr Büsing threatens to resign. There would remain the Vice-President, Count Udo Stolberg, a man advanced in years and very reactionary in sentiment, whose conduct of the business of the House this evening was very far from being efficient. The unfortunate accident to the President's bell which occurred during the scenes of this evening is perhaps only too symbolical of the collapse of all guidance of the House from the Presidential chair. The Frankfurter Zeitung calls attention to unmistakable symptoms of a plot on the part of the Right to perpetuate the present policy of the majority with the view to inaugurating one of those campaigns of repression against the Social democracy which have ended so disastrously on former occasions and the futility of which was illustrated by Prince Bismarck's anti-Socialist Law and its repeal in 1890. May I be permitted to correct a telegraphic error in my despatch of November 30, which I discover on comparing my manuscript with the printed telegram in your issue of December 1? In the quotation from the Stettiner Ostsee Zeitung the words "Sovereign Majesty" ought to be "sovereign majority" without capitals. THE REICHSTAG AND THE TARIFF BILL. (From Our Own Correspondent.) BERLIN, Dec. 2. The proceedings in the Reichstag to-day have been of the most complicated character. Mine and the counter-mine have followed each other in quick succession, and at the end of the sitting even experienced Parliamentarians confessed to a sense of confusion. When the House assembled this morning the discussion was resumed of the question whether the proposal of the Clerical Conservative majority to adopt the tariff en bloc was in order or not. After the Moderate Radical Dr. Pachnicke had been heard against the proposal, the President, Count Ballestrem, informed the House that the Conservative Herr von Kardorff had proposed the closure of the debate on the point of order. The Radical leader, Herr Singer, immediately made a counter-proposal to pass to the order of the day over the motion of Herr von Kardorff. These tactics were repeated with variations for ten hours. The President ruled that Herr Singer's proposal was in order, and, in accordance with the procedure rules, one speaker for and one against it were heard. Herr Singer, in support of his proposal, pointed out that it was absurd to closure a debate on a point of order. The only result would be that Deputies who had desired to speak upon it would promptly raise another point in order to be able to give expression to their views. Herr Singer's prophecy was amply justified during the sitting. After Herr von Kardorff had been heard against Herr Singer's proposal the House proceeded to a division. The President announced that, as half-an-hour would be required for counting the votes, the House must adjourn for that period. The sitting was accordingly interrupted. At the expiration of half-an-hour the chair was taken by the Vice-President, Count Stolberg-Wernigerode, who declared that the proposal to pass to the order of the day had been rejected by 216 votes to 75. The proposal of Herr von Kardorff that the debate on the point of order should be closured was then carried without a division. The main question whether the proposal of the majority to adopt the tariff en bloc was in order or not was answered in the affirmative by 198 votes to 45. Eleven members abstained from voting. After the numbers had been announced Herr Singer stated that the Social Democrats had abstained from voting as a protest against a proposal which they considered to be out of order and unconstitutional. This statement was received with loud cheers by the Social Democrats, and the Vice-President had to ring his bell vigorously before he could contrive to call Herr Singer to order for the use of the expression "breach of the Constitution." The Vice-President then announced that an alteration had been made in some of the details of the proposal to adopt the tariff en bloc. This called forth a vigorous protest from the Moderate Radical Herr Gothein, who pointed out that now the proposal in a definite form had been declared to be in order it was improper to make alterations in it. Shortly after the conclusion of his speech the second Vice-President, Herr Büsing, replace Count Stolberg-Wernigerode in the Presidential chair. A long speech by the Socialist Deputy Herr Molkenbuhr exhausted the patience of the majority, and they proposed once more to closure the discussion on the point of order. The Socialists replied by again proposing to pass to the order of the day. Their proposal was negatived on a division and the closure carried. By another division the revised proposal to adopt the tariff en bloc was carried. The Socialists were, however, equal to the occasion, and at once raised a new point of order. They once again met a motion for the closure with a proposal to pass over it to the order of the day, and it was not until 9 o'clock this evening that the closure could be applied for the last time. The question whether it is permissible to move that the House pass to the orders of the day over a motion for the closure was referred to the Standing Committee on Procedure, and the House adjourned shortly after 9 15 p.m. There was a large attendance in the House all day, and during the concluding hours of the sitting feeling ran very high. Count Ballestrem, the President, retired from the Chair early in the afternoon, and it is believed that both he and the second Vice-President, Herr Büsing, have suffered in health from the strain of the past few days. The Vice-President, Count Stolberg-Wernigerode, throughout the day had the greatest difficulty in making the authority of the Chair respected. Towards the close of the debate he appeared for a few moments to become confused among the tangle of motions, and the Social Democrats took the opportunity to complain that the last motion for the closure was not put to the vote in the form in which it was originally submitted to the House. They crowded round the steps leading to the tribune, and for several minutes refused to allow the Vice-President to make himself heard. The noise in the Chamber was so great that even the Presidential bell was scarcely audible. Finally, the bell slipped from Count Stolberg-Wernigerode's hand, fell with a crash upon the tribune, and apparently cracked. There was a roar of laughter throughout the House, and for the moment order was restored. Armed with a new bell, the dismal tone of which again provoked the Deputies to laughter, Count Stolberg-Wernigerode managed from time to time to obtain sufficient order to allow the House to deal with the remaining motions. FRANCE. (From Our Own Correspondent.) PARIS, Dec. 2. The Ministerial Council decided to-day to suppress the salaries of four or five of the prelates who organized the collective petition against the Associations Bill. The Bills relating to the requests for authorization formulated by the male religious orders were presented to the Chamber to-day. There were 54 in all, and in the case of all of them the Government concluded in favour of non-authorization. An amusing and somewhat surprising incident attended the purely formal reading of the list. Inasmuch as the enumeration presented a certain monotony, the Right, the champions of the cause of religion, thought it clever to punctuate each item with the phrase, repeated in chorus, Ora pro nobis, and M. Lasies exclaimed from his place, "M. Combes, you look as if you were reciting litanies; it rejuvenates you." PARIS, Dec. 2.* The Senate to-day, by 166 votes to 75, passed the Bill completing the law on religious associations by prohibiting the opening of congregational establishments without special authorization. SIR E. MONSON ON DIPLOMACY* (From Our Own Correspondent.) PARIS, Dec. 2. At to-night's annual banquet of the British Chamber of Commerce, Sir Edmund Monson, the British Ambassador in Paris, made a speech, from which I extract the following interesting passages. After a few preliminary remarks, his excellency, referring to the memoirs of Sir Edward Blount, said: -- "The name of Sir Edward Blount can never be mentioned without evoking in our minds the recollection of all that he did for the British community during a long series of years, and at one time during a period of intense anxiety and danger. Many of those -- most of them probably -- who owed so much to his efforts during the siege of Paris have passed away, and the majority of those present have known him only as the acknowledge head of our commercial community, and not as the courageous and unselfish philanthropist who stuck so valiantly to his fellow-countrymen in the time of their distress, and whose sense of his duty towards them induced him to cast in his lot with them instead of yielding to the temptation to escape, as he might have done, from the trials and hardships which befell those who were left in the beleaguered city. . . . "You will all have been struck, as I was, by the happy allusion in the recent essay of an eminent French economist to the position of Great Britain as the most important colony of France, and I need not remind you of the frequency with which representative Frenchmen of every shade of policy refer to the immensity of the commercial and monetary relations between our two countries as the best of guarantees for the maintenance of a good understanding between them. . . . "I should like this evening to touch, for a few moments and in the most academical manner, upon the change which had gradually crept over the profession to which I have the honor to belong. I say academically because I have no other object than to interest you in the change itself and in the causes which have brought it about, and because I have no pretension to do more than this. But there is, I am convinced, no profession of which its members can say tempora mutantur, nos et mutamur in illis, more truthfully than the members of the Diplomatic Service. I can well recollect, if you will allow me this persona retrospect, the very vague and at the same time very respectful sentiments which as a neophyte I entertained of the profession into which I had set my heart on entering now nearly half a century ago. As a student of history and of international law at the University my interst and attention had long been attracted to the Diplomatic Service, but I must own that, in spite of my studies, I had at that time only a very faint, I may say a very ignorant, idea of what that service had already become. It is true that I had learned that the principles and practice of the art of diplomacy in the middle of the nineteenth century were widely different from those rendered notorious and illustrious by such masters of the craft as Machiavelli, Richelieu, and Mazarin, as Renard at the Court of Queen Mary, or even, to come to much later times, as Lord Malmesbury at that of Catherine II. of Russia. But I was penetrated with the conviction that personal intrigue, personal influence, and possibly personal unscrupulousness were still potent factors in the management of international concerns, and that there still existed in the field of diplomacy a wide scope for those who trusted to the employment of their own personal qualities for success. Although the old doctrine of diplomacy, that it was base to lie for oneself, venial to lie for one's friend, but a duty under some circumstances to lie for one's Sovereign and country, had long been exploded, as far, at any rate, as British diplomacy was concerned, I still believed in the prevalence of secret diplomacy and int the possibility that the real direction of the foreign policy of a country was inevitably centered in the hands of a few individuals whose mysterious actions and influence remained unsuspected by the public. "I will not say that all these notions were at once dispelled. The times were still such as to favour, to a certain extent, the lingering existence of the traditions of the past, but the transition from these traditions to the systems of the new school was already far advance. The importance of the Ambassador, arising in old day from the absence or scantiness of common means of information about foreign countries and the acts and characters of people at a distance, had already been seriously impaired by the invention of the railroad, the telegraph, and the all-pervading newspaper correspondent. The functions of the diplomatic representative in collecting information had been superseded. Under the altered conditions of modern life few political secrets were to be picked up in a society, and the collection of all intelligence accessible to the public had become the business of professional journalists, whose accuracy and despatch have, especially in recent years, becomes so trustworthy and so enterprising that we diplomatists cannot attempt to cope with them on ground which they have made their own. Yes, it is to the gentlemen of the Press that a serious change in the character of diplomacy is by no means in a slight degree due. We cannot compete with them in the daily transmission of local and special intelligence, and many of these able men have still further invaded the field of our functions and transmit by telegraph to the great journals which they represent their own enlightened comments upon current political events or official utterances and actions. "Step by step with these changes, or, rather, by leaps and bounds with which they have hardly kept pace, the commerce of the nations, and not the least of Great Britain, has developed and extended itself. Not only does our flag float upon every sea, but the pioneers of our foreign trade are to be found far inland in every clime and in spite of every obstacle. It is to out country that the policy of the open door, now adopted by friends and rivals alike, owes its inception and its popularity, and it is to the colossal growth and importance of our commerce that the final transformation of our diplomacy is due. I am certainly divulging no professional secret when I assert that the importance of the large proportion of international questions is in these days to be ascribed to their bearing and influence upon the wellbeing of our foreign trade. The genius of commercial expansion has supported the footsteps of the explorer and the missionary, and the necessities and demands of the home producer have inspired the councils of Downing-street on equal terms with the political expediency and patriotic assertion of Imperial ambition. "Thus has diplomacy become the intimate associate, if not the handmaid, of commercial progress, and thus have we diplomatists taken upon ourselves the likeness of commercial agents in the discharge of duties which are now, for the most part, politico-commercial. In this capacity we do not, unfortunately, seem always to give entire satisfaction to those with whom we come in contact, nor to certain portions of the public at home. There is, undoubtedly, a general idea that our Diplomatic Service is not so energetic in the defence of individual interests, nor yet so enterprising in the procuring of information of importance to the commercial world, as that of other countries. We are even accused of almost criminal negligence in leaving without vindication the claims of our fellow-subjects against foreign Governments and in failing to obtain redress for their legitimate grievances as effectually as other most positively that our countrymen are at no disadvantage in this respect in comparison with -------------------------------------------------------------------- * Through Reuter's Agency. THE TIMES, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER3, 1902. 9 CONTENTS. PAGE COLONIAL AND FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE 5 &6 PARLIAMENT: HOUSE OF COMMONS: EDUCATION BILL : THIRD READING DEBATE (SPEECHES BY SIR H. CAMPBELL- BANNERMAN, MR. LONG, MR. BRYCE, AND SIR W. ANSON) 10 & 11 PARLIANETARY NOTICES 7 THE QUEEN'S BIRTHDAY 9 POLITICAL NOTES 9 THE EDUCATION BILL 7 THE LONDON WATER BILL 6 GALES AND WRECKS 6 SERIOUS FIRE AT DERBY 7 THE WAR COMMISSION 8 (?) THE ARMY IN SOUTH AFRICA 7 RUGBY WAR MEMORIAL 12 IRELAND 7 AGRICULTURAL CO-OPERATION 6 LONDON COUNTY COUNCIL 8 GENERAL MEDICAL COUNCIL 4 MUNICIPAL TRAINING 4 ST. JAMES HALL 7 HAYMARKET THEATRE 6 FROM "THE TIMES" OF 1802 2 COURT NEWS 6 TO-DAY'S ARRANGEMENTS 7 THE LONDON GAZETTE 8 THE WEATHER 7 UNIVERSITY INTELLIGENCE 6 ECCLESIASTICAL INTELLIGENCE 12 NAVAL AND MILITARY INTELLIGENCE 7 SPORTING INTELLIGENCE 12 OBITUARY 6 ELECTION INTELLIGENCE 6 THE MONEY MARKET 13 STOCK AND SHARE LIST 13 MINES 13 PUBLIC INCOME AND EXPENDITURES 13 LLOYD'S AND MARINE INSURANCE COMPANIES 4 RAILWAY AND OTHER COMPANIES 14 HOME AND FOREIGN MARKETS 12 & 14 MAIL AND SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE 7 LAW REPORT 3 CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT 4 POLICE 4 CORRESPONDENCE; DRINK AND CRIME (MR. CRACKANTHORPE, K.C.) 12 THE RAFFANELLI SOLID OIL COLOURS (MESERES. WINDSOR AND NEWTON 6 IRISH DISTRESSED LADIES' FUND (LORD ERNE AND LORD FREDERICK FITZGERALD 7 LEADING ARTICLES: THE THIRD READING DEBATE ON THE EDUCATION BILL; PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S MESSAGE 9 ADVERTISEMENTS Apartments 15 Art Exhibitions 1 Banks 15 Births. Marriages and Deaths 1 Board and Residence 15 Cautions and Notices 1 Charities 2 Colleges and Public Schools 15 Companies 15 Concerts 1 Educational 2 Entertainments 1 Funerals 1 Horses, Carriages, &c. 2 Hotels 2 Houses 15 Insurance Companies 15 Legal Notices 2 Loans 8 Miscellaneous 1 & 2 Money 15 Nursing Institutions 1 Partnerships 16 Personal &c. 1 Pleasure Tours 1 Publications 2 & 4 Public Appointments 1 Public Notices 8 Railway Companies 15 Sales By Auction 16 Shipping 2 Situations 16 Theatres 8 Times Column New Books 8 Trades 12 & 16 Want Places 16 LONDON, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1902. A CABINET COUNCIL was held yesterday at the Foreign Office. (p. 9) PRIVATE BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. The report of the Select Committee on Private Business has been issued as a Parliamentary paper. It embodies a long series of recommendations. THE WAR COMMISSION, at yesterday's sitting, heard evidence from Mr. S.J. Graft, Assistant-Director of Transports at the Admiralty, Captain Pitt, R.N., and Rear-Admiral Sir E. Chichester, Chief Transport Officer at the Cape during the war. (p.8) THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY, speaking at Canterbury yesterday, described the Education Bill as a very straightforward attempt to do a great deal for education, though he thought it drove a rather hard bargain with the Church in some respects, and they must try to amend it in the House of Lords. (p.7) LONDON COUNTY COUNCIL. - At yesterday's weekly meeting an estimate of L133,000 for the further electrification of the Council's tramways on the south side of the Thames was approved. The report of the Parks Committee in reference to the undertaking given by Sir J. Whittaker Ellis not to build on his land on the Twickenham side of the Thames so as to interfere with the amenities of the view from Richmond-bill, with the recommendation that the necessary steps be taken for the endorsement of the promise, was unanimously approved. (p. 8) MUNICIPALITIES AND TRUSTS. - At a meeting of the Christian Social Union, held yesterday in St. Paul's Chapter - house under the presidency of Canon Scott-Holland, Mr. P.W. Wilson gave an address on "Municipalities and Trusts," in the course of which he referred to the recent articles in The Times on "Municipal Socialism," and contended that hard-and-fast lines should not be laid down in the matter of municipal enterprise. (p.4) RUGBY WAR MEMORIAL - At a meeting of old Rugbeians, held last evening at the Westminster Palace - hotel under the presidency of Lord Goschen, it was resolved that a memorial should be established to those old Rugbeians who fell in the South African war. (p.12) THE LAW COURTS. - In the Probate and Divorce Division, before Mr. Justice Barnes and a special jury, the trial of the Hartopp-Cowley divorce suit was resumed. The examination-in-chief of the respondent, Lady Hartopp, was concluded, and she was under cross-examination when the Court adjourned. (p.3) THE WEATHER forecast for Southern England (London and Channel) anticipates for to-day wind backing to south-west or south, and subsequently veering again, fresh or strong, perhaps a gale in places; unsettled; rain at times; temperature changing but little. (p.7) HAYMARKET THEATRE. At this theatre, last night, there was produced a new play by Captain Robert Marshall, entitled The Unforeseen. (p. 6) THE CITY. - The Money Market was much easier yesterday, and the rates for loans and discounts declined. The Paris and Vienna exchanges moved in favour of London, and the price of gold fell. Silver was fixed 1/2d lower. On the Stock Exchange there was not much fresh business, but the tone was cheerful in all departments, and prices, as a rule, left off higher. Consols rose 3/16 to 92 9/16 and 92 15/16. The Foreign and South African markets were very firm, and the American market was well supported from New York. The report of the Peninsular and Oriental Steam Navigation Company is published. An important amalgamation of iron and steel tube-makers is announced. (p. 13) SOMALILAND. - General Manning has returned from Tohnotle to Berbera. It is believed that he will be unable to take the field before the middle of January. The Italian Foreign Minister stated yesterday in the Chamber in Rome that permission had been given to the British Government to enter the Italian zone of influence in pursuit of the Mullah, on condition that there should be no prejudice to the interests of the Benadir colony. (p.6) THE UNITED STATES. -The United States Congress met yesterday, and President Roosevelt transmitted his Message, in which, after referring to the continued prosperity of the nation and the increase of its international responsibilities, he insists on the need of legislation for the public regulation and supervision of trusts and corporations. He earnestly recommends the subject to Congress with a view to the passing of a reasonable and effective law, and adds that if the purpose mentioned cannot be accomplished by such a law the Constitution ought to be amended so as to secure the necessary power. The reduction of the tariff as a means of reaching the evils of the trusts would be wholly ineffective. The President deprecates the destruction of the protective tariff, or any violent or radical changes therein, but advocates treatment of it from the sole standpoint of American business needs, which can best be accomplished by reciprocity treaties, and suggests the appointment of a commission of business experts to consider such treaties. Additional legislation is desirable with regard to the monetary system. After insisting on the need for fair treatment for labour ad capital alike, the President hopes that a Secretary for Commerce will be appointed, with a seat in the Cabinet. He urges reciprocity with Cuba, and the conclusion of a convention with Great Britain for reciprocal trade with Newfoundland. He favours arbitration in place of war for the adjustment of international differences, vindicates the policy of holding the Philippines, and dwells on the necessity for strengthening the navy, as the surest way of preserving the present satisfactory relations with foreign Powers. (p.5) FRANCE. - The Ministerial Council decided yesterday to suppress the salaries of four or five of the prelates who organized the collective petition against the Associations Bill. The Bills relating to the requests for authorization formulated by the male religious orders were presented to the Chamber yesterday. There were 54 in all, and in each case the Government propose that authorization be refused. - Speaking last night at the annual dinner of the British Chamber of Commerce in Paris, Sir E. Monson, the British Ambassador, delivered a speech in which he dealt with recent changes in the nature of diplomatic work. (p.5) GERMANY. - The debate on the question of procedure was continued in the Reichstag yesterday, and was again adjourned after a prolonged sitting, marked by scenes of disorder. Our Berlin Correspondent dwells on the increasing gravity of the political situation created by the endeavor of the Government and te protectionist majority to force through the tariff without detailed discussion. HOLLAND. The Dutch Second Chamber yesterday ratified the Brussels Sugar Convention. (p.5). In the House of Commons, yesterday, The motion for the third reading of the Education Bill was the first order of the day. MR. JAMES LOWTHER, who moved the recommittal of the measure in respect of Clauses 19 and 20 (expenses and borrowing), gave reasons for questioning the wisdom of spending annually out of taxes and rates so vast a sum as $20,000,000 on education. He warned the House against pledging itself to this huge expenditure, over which it would, as things stood, be unable to exercise effective control. MR. BALFOUR hardly thought that the view of the right hon. gentlemen that education supported out of public funds should be limited to the three R's would meet with much favour. But he was not concerned to deny that there were people who had not received that kind of education which was best suited to their wants, and he should regret the multiplication of persons who were incapable of earning a living in learned occupations and unfitted to do so in unlearned vocations. But the extension of this class of persons was less likely under the system of devolution which the Bill introduced than under the existing system, because in future education, he hoped, would be managed by the local authorities in such a way as to meet the genuine needs of their localities. He assured the right hon. gentleman that is any local authority got into difficulties through extravagance it would not be extricated by the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER: but, of course, as the population grew an increased grant might have to be made. The amendment was withdrawn. SIR H. CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN,w who moved the rejection of the Bill, said that from the first he had entertained strong objections to the scheme which it proposed to establish. It endeavoured in the first place to reconcile two things which were incompatible -namely, a national system of education and a denominational system. The second reason why this was a bad Bill was that it did not provide for direct and complete public control. Such popular control as it did provide for would be partial, remote, indirect, and diluted. The system of Government would fail to bring about the very thing that was wanted - namely, an educational ladder for the boy with average brains and energy. The School Boards, which had done such excellent work in their continuation schools, were to be superseded, the insufficient reason given for this step being the overlapping was undesirable. It was absurd to suppress the School Boards because they might have done a little too much in the field of education. The country wanted a continuation system of higher education founded upon a complete primary system, but the Bill only provided for a permissive, limited, and indefinite secondary system. It gave no guarantee of efficiency in the primary schools,and the pressure of the rates would probably be such as to suggest to the new authorities the economical expedient of leveling down the provided schools to the admittedly low level of the Church schools. The principle of establishing a single education authority for each area -which was supposed to be the cardinal principle of the measure - had not been adhered to, and there would be a multiplicity of authorities - the Board of Education, the county councils, the education committees, the sub-committees, the provided school managers, the denominational managers, and lastly the Bishop. The Bill was full of inconsistencies, but its crowning defect was that it would alienate and smother all public interest in education. MR. LONG questioned whether the leader of the Opposition realized the practical difficulties which faced the Government when they framed their Bill. The right hon. gentleman should recollect that outside the large School Board areas it had been found impossible hitherto to effect improvements in secondary education. The Government hoped to remedy the deficiency by this Bill. Replying to the objections to the multiplication of authorities, he asked whether the Opposition would be willing to ignore the claims of the non-county boroughs and urban districts which at present enjoyed powers of rating and administration in connexion with education. There would, however, be many fewer education authorities when the Bill came into operation than there were now. Justifying the retention of the denominational school system he declared that the compulsory purchase of the schools, even if such appropriation had been just, would have been an act of folly, for the cost would have amounted to L25,000.000. He asserted that the proposals of the Government, as far as they affected local government,, were all in accordance with precedent, and he contended that the local authorities would have amply sufficient control over the schools in their areas, for they would have full control over secular education; they would appoint one-third of the managers in denominational schools; they would have a right to inspect all schools; their consent would be required to the appointment or dismissal on educational grounds of denominational teachers; and they would have power to provide new schools where that might be necessary. They would also have the power of the purse. It could not be denied, he thought, that there was much in the Bill that was useful. He did not for a moment believe that any county councils would stand aloof merely because the denominational schools were preserved. They would all, he felt certain, do their best to make the measure a success. SIR C.DILKE attacked the Bill on a variety of grounds, while MR. CRIPPS defended it as being a great step in advance. It was an error, he urged, to regard, as the leader of the Opposition did, the national system of education and the denominational system as necessarily inconsistent, and he pointed out that they were not considered as inconsistent by the Liberals in 1870. MT. HERBERT SAMUEL, in a maiden speech, declared that he had been sent to the House from a great industrial centre with a direct message to oppose the Bill, which was saturated with the spirit of sectarianism. MR.WANKLYN viewed the Bill as the legitimate descendant of MR. FORSTER'S memorandum of October 1869, in which he expressed the opinion that the right thing to do was to supplement, not to supplant, the voluntary system. SIR T. ESMONDE supported the measure in the interests of the Roman Catholic schools in England, but asked that in the House of Lords a proviso should be inserted for the exclusion of these schools from the scope of the KENYON-SLANEY subsection. SIR J.KENNAWAY, who protested warmly against the misrepresentation of which the enemies of the voluntary schools had been guilty, explained that Churchmen could never assent to a wholly undenominational system of education because they feared that a secular system might lead to indifference to religion. At the evening sitting, After a speech in support of the Bill by MT. ABEL SMITH, MR. PERKS complained that serious Nonconformist grievances would be aggravated when the measure became law. There was not to be any application of the conscience clause to the training colleges; in 12,000 public schools, supported almost entirely out of public funds, Nonconformists would be excluded from the post of headmaster or mistress; the Bishops and the clergy of the Anglican Church were to be given the right of determining what was to be the religious teaching of some 700,000 Nonconformist children in Church schools, and lastly special facilities were to be afforded for the erection and enlargement of sectarian schools. MR. BRYCE, after referring to the fact that a large portion of the Bill had not been discussed in Committee at all, owing to the application of the closure, said that none of the original objections of the Opposition to the measure had been removed. In fact,in some respects the Bill was distinctly worse than when it was introduced, and no concession of any value had been made. In a searching criticism of the proposals of the Government he condemned the attitude which they had taken up in regard to the teachers' dwelling-houses, to endowments, and to the fee question. The concessions made to the Church, taken together, amounted to a violation of the understanding that the denominational school buildings would be maintained out of voluntary contributions. The passing of the Bill would not be the end but the beginning of a great struggle. SIR W. ANSON, alluding to a remark made by MR. BRYCE to the effect that there was great excitement in the country, drily observed that this excitement was very imperfectly reflected in the House of Commons that evening. Dealing with the arguments of SIR H. CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, he sought to show that the different local authorities set up by the Bill would be so constituted that it would be easy for them to work together. Having explained exhaustively the educational objects which the Government had in view, he assured the House that it would be the desire of the Board of Education to co-operate as cordially as possible with the local authorities. He repudiated the suggestion that the Bill was designed for the purpose of relieving the Church and of damaging Nonconformity. Describing the position of the denominational schools, he said that as the denominations were to find the school buildings it was not unreasonable that they should ask in return that their religious teaching should be safeguarded. In that arrangement he saw nothing unfair; nor was it unfair that they should charge rent for teachers' dwellings and share in the sums derived from endowments, and apply the money to the maintenance of the fabric. That the KENYON-SLANEY subsection should at first have caused some irritation among the clergy did not surprise him; but that irritation would pass away and the clergy, he believed, would work loyally with the other managers. He did not pretend that the Government had found the final solution of the religious difficulty, but some day it would be generally recognized that religion must be an integral part of all education and the bitterness which the question caused now would disappear. DR. MACNAMARA continued the debate, and was speaking at midnight when the debate stood adjourned. The House adjourned at a few minutes after midnight. The debate on the third reading of the Education Bill, which was opened yesterday, and which, it is understood, will be brought to a conclusion at the close of the evening sitting to-day, is, we are bound to say, a disappointing one so far. It was intelligible that during the discussions in Committee the attention of the critics of the Bill should have been fastened up the machinery of educational administration, the constitution of boards of managers, and other details, leaving out of sight any general survey of the effect of the measure in regard to its main object -the instruction of the children of the nation. We had looked for a larger view of the subject when the principle of the Bill came up finally for consideration before it passes out of the control of the House of Commons. The discussion yesterday will be regarded as unsatisfactory by those who hoped that educational interests would at last find their proper place in the controversy. SIR HENRY CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN,SIR CHARLES DILKE, AND MR. BRYCE spoke yesterday at great length, in the debate on the third reading, but when their speeches are examined, it will be found that there is hardly a single point in any of them that has not been worn threadbare in Committee. It is to be regretted that a measure of this magnitude and importance has been treated by the Opposition in what must be called a narrow way. The policy of the Government, together with is reasons for acting and its hopes of success, was expounded and defended by MR. LONG, who replied to SIR HENRY CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, and by SIR WILLIAM ANSON, who afterwards answered MR. BRYCE. But, substantially, there was little to be added to MR. BALFOUR'S exposition of the measure when it was introduced, and to his defense of its scheme and principles in the second reading debate. What the country was entitled to expect from the Opposition, after so prolonged a campaign over details, was something like a disclosure- o course, on broad and general lines - of an alternative method of dealing with the question. SIR HENRY CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN'S treatment of the Bill is purely negative and destructive, and MR. BRYCE, though he has always been regarded as an authority on educational questions, is equally cautious and reserved. But if the plan brought forward by the Government, with the hope, as SIR WLLIAM ANSON said, of evolving order out of chaos in educational matters, is to be rejected on the grounds that figure most prominently in the speeches of the opponents of the Government, what is to take its place? Most of the objections to the Bill are not concerned, in any true sense, with the instruction of the people, but with controversial issues about machinery and control. If all of these had been decided in the sense insisted upon by SIR HENRY CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, MR. BRYCE, and their party, we should still be very far from knowing what definite steps a Liberal Government would take, if it had the opportunity, to improve and advance the education of the country. DR. MACNAMARA derives comfort from the fact as he believes it to be, that the Bill is a blessing in disguise, because, whatever its defects from his point of view, it has stirred up the nation to a sense of the importance of educational progress. We are not so sure of this. The diversion of the stream of controversy into the channels of detail is by no means likely to promote a healthy awakening, but rather to produce a feeling of weariness and disgust. When MR. BRYCE dwelt last night upon the fire which, he said, the Bill had lit up throughout the country, SIR WILLIAM ANSON very truly retorted that there was a very inadequate reflection of it in the House of Commons. SIR HENRY CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN contends that the Ministerial measure will alienate and smother all public interest in education. We should say, however,that this is not the effect of the Bill, but of the way in which the discussions upon it have been conducted. The country is sick of wrangles over such artificial issues as the fallacious antithesis, which, as MR. CRIPPS pointed out, is merely a verbal one, between a national and a denominational system of education. What a national system of education means as opposed to a denominational one, neither MR. BRYCE nor his leader has explained. The denominational schools have,from the first, been, not only in name, but in reality, national schools. MR. BRYCE, with an ingenuous simplicity that is all is own, says that the Opposition have an alternative policy, but they have never had an opportunity of placing it before the country His own efforts in this direction have, he informed the House, been defeated b the closure. Considering that more time has been spent over this Bill than over any measure of the same sort that has been carried through the House of Commons, this is a somewhat astonishing statement. But, though no policy has been clearly stated by the leaders of the Liberal party, they have allowed it to be inferred that what they desire is to sweep away denominational schools altogether and to establish primary instruction on a strictly secular basis. Apart from the financial consequences of such a change, which wold involve the compulsory buying up of the voluntary school buildings - at a cost, as MR. LONG says, of some twenty-five millions - and of the moral drawbacks as shown by Continental and American examples to secularizing elementary teaching, it would excite strong feelings of repulsion, to which SIR JOHN KENNAWAY gave vigorous expression in yesterday's debate, which would assuredly not make for educational progress. We do not say that the Bill does all that can be done, and ought to be done, to make primary education in this country efficient, while it leaves the problems of secondary education, in many respects, almost untouched. But it is, as the ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY said yesterday, a "very straightforward attempt" to grapple with the difficulties of a complicated question. From the educational point of view the extrication of our schools from the chaotic system that has been deplored by high authorities in both political parties can hardly fail to have a most beneficial influence. The Board of Education, which will exercise a powerful influence in the way of guidance, will, SIR WILLIAM ANSON assured the House, co-operate cordially with the local authorities. The unification, so far as is practically possible, of educational powers ought to contribute to efficiency, and nobody is entitled to say beforehand that it will not. The assumption that the new education authorities will not be as keenly interested in keeping up efficient and progressive schools as the School Boards have been in based on no substantial evidence. When it is said that politics will be thus introduced into the election of local governing bodies the obvious answer is that they have already a power there as they have had throughout in School Board elections. It is eminently desirable that public instruction should be made effective in all its parts, and that the ascent of what has been called the educational ladder should be facilitated. It is necessary, however, to draw a clear line of demarcation between the work of primary and that of secondary schools a distinction which the Opposition resent as invidious. But, as SIR WILLIAM ANSON pertinently remarked, whatever we want, it is not "schools always attempting to "do something different from what they were "intended to do." We hope,though not too confidently, that in to-day's debate, in which SIR WILLIAM HARCOURT will speak in the afternoon, while MR. BALFOUR AND MRS. ASQUITH will wind up the discussion in the evening, more attention will be bestowed upon the larger educational interests which the Bill touches and less upon squabbles about machinery and upon sectarian jealousies. What first strikes the reader of PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S Message to Congress is its identity in all substantial points with his Message of a year ago. There are slight differences of form in his allusions to questions such as the Isthmian Canal and the Philippines, but they are only such as are fully explained by the developments of the last twelve months. In policy, in tone, in aspiration, and in form of argument the two Messages are so similar that only a very meticulous criticism could extract the semblance of a difference from mere alterations in phraseology. The present Message, according to our New York Correspondent, is thought to strike a note of conciliation if not of compromise. That may be so if the Message be compared with some of the PRESIDENT'S speeches to popular audiences, but these two modes of expression are subject to different rules. If Message be compared with Message, it will be found extremely difficult to show that the present one is less emphatic or less clear than its predecessor. It would be equally difficult to show that the policy proposed in the former Message was less carefully qualified by recognition of the need for caution than is the policy now set forth. In dealing with trusts, the PRESIDENT does, to a certain limited extent, justify the apprehensions which, as or Correspondent intimates, have led persons interested in these things to take preliminary steps towards "lobbying" in defense of their position. Referring to his previous Message in that connexion, he says, "the experience of a year has emphasized the desirability of the steps I then "proposed." He thinks now, as he thought then, that Congress ought to regulate inter-State business; that an effective check against fraudulent over-capitalization should b devised; that when the law sanctions the creation of great joint-stock concerns to which large sums of public money are attracted, it ought at the same time to give the investor the protection of a degree of publicity which is not called for in respect of private businesses; and that the great powers incidentally conferred upon corporations by society, entitle society to take measures to prevent their abuse. That is what the PRESIDENT said a year ago; and he goes on to say now, as he said the,that the greatest care must be taken to avoid anything like indiscriminate hostility to corporations or combinations of corporations as such. They are alike inevitable and indispensable in the conditions of modern industry. They have done immense good, as he was careful to point out on both occasions, not only to the rich but also to the poor; and immense evil would result to the wage-earner no less than to the capitalist from vindictive, excessive, or merely clumsy interference. At the same time these things have their defects, which the PRESIDENT thought and still thinks ought to be remedied by legislation, although he does not now, any more than a year ago, attempt to lay down specific measures. He goes even further, though not for the first time. He thinks that if the Constitution does not provide the powers necessary for dealing with these evils, then the Constitution ought to be amended. In the abstract he is perfectly right, but it is more doubtful whether the evils he has in view can be removed by legislation. In this country we have made efforts in this direction, and in America, as well as here, the principle of enforcing publicity has been applied in the case of banks. It is, however, very difficult to protect a people against itself, and at bottom that is the problem before us. Passing to the tariff question the PRESIDENT declares that it stands quite apart from the question of trusts. He considers that American prosperity is largely due to protection, and argues quite soundly that free trade would not help the smaller producer to meet the competition of gigantic combinations,which can starve him out by their superior staying power. His view in short is, that to attack the trusts through tariff revision would injure all business without diminishing their relative power. He occupies strong ground when he contends that great or frequent tariff changes are bad for everybody. No sane person would recommend violent interference even with a bad system. The PRESIDENT, however, sighs for such a state of things as would enable cast-iron rules to be set aside. He wants every fiscal arrangement to be revised from a purely business standpoint, the interests of sections and of the community being alike carefully consulted. It is a counsel of perfection, an ideal to be kept in view, but one hardly to be realized in this imperfect world. Turning from business to finance, the PRESIDENT desires "an element of elasticity in the monetary "system." He holds that upon the banks should be placed as far as possible the burden of furnishing and maintaining a circulation adequate to the needs of industry and commerce. Yet he does not hope for any immediate reconstruction of the financial system, though he thinks that some partially ameliorative legislation is possible. He touches upon the trade union question to the extent of declaring the right of every man to be protected in the disposal of his own labour as he sees fit. That right is seriously assailed in America, as in the Old World, but the best hope of a remedy perhaps lies in general recognition of the fact he insists on, that general disaster must in the long run overtake all if employers and employed, disregarding the laws of equity, take up an attitude of sour hostility and distrust towards one another. The PRESIDENT declares that "no policy ever entered into by Americans has vindicated itself more signally than the policy of holding the Philippines." Regarded in itself, that particular transaction may seem to some hardly deserving of so emphatic a eulogy. The PRESIDENT, however, probably regards it in its larger aspect as a part of the definite entry of the United States upon the career of a world Power. That view would naturally lead to the strong recommendation which follows in favour of greatly increasing the strength of the navy. In the Isthmian Canal, which, by inference, he identifies with a Panama canal, he finds another argument for increase of naval strength, without which, he says,the canal would merely be a hostage in the hands of nations having naval superiority. The Monroe doctrine is again asserted, and the absurdity of pretending to enforce it without an adequate navy is pointed out. The South American States are at the same time warned that the Monroe doctrine is not to be invoked by them as a protection in case of wrong-doing. They will be left to bear the consequences of their own actions, subject to the limitation that the Monroe doctrine forbids the acquisition of their territory by European Powers. They are at the same time assured that so long as they behave properly, maintaining order at home and discharging just obligations abroad, they need never fear interference on the part of the United States. While advocating arbitration instead of war for the settlement of disputes, and resort to the tribunal of The Hague rather than to arbitrators chosen for special cases, the PRESIDENT perceives no cloud upon the horizon and not the slightest chance of trouble with a foreign power. But the way to ensure the continuance of this state of affairs is, he declares once more, the provision of a thoroughly adequate navy. We are requested by the Lord Chamberlain to give notice that the King will hold an Investiture of the various Orders at Buckingham Palace on Thursday, the 18th inst., at 11:30 o'clock a.m. Levee dress, Orders, and Decorations. A Cabinet Council was held yesterday at the Foreign Office. The Ministers present were the Right Hon. A. Balfour, the Marquis of Lansdowne, the Right Hon. A. Akers-Douglas, Lord Balfour of Burleigh, the Right Hon. G. Balfour, the Right Hon. St. John Brodrick, the Right Hon. A. Chamberlain, the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Chancellor of Ireland, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Duke of Devonshire, Lord George Hamilton, the Marquis of Londonderry, the Right Hon. W.H.Long, the Earl of Selborne, and the Right Hon. G. Wyndham. THE QUEEN'S BIRTHDAY On the occasion of the Queen's birthday the Lord Mayor telegraphed to her Majesty as follows: - "The citizens of London offer their respectful congratulations to your Majesty on this interesting anniversary, of which they trust many happy returns will occur. - MARCUS SAMUEL, Lord Mayor." Her Majesty yesterday sent the following reply: - "Sandringham, Dec. 2. I thank you and the citizens of London most sincerely for the telegram of congratulations on my birthday. -ALEXANDRIA." The Royal Warrant Holders Association (Limited) sent the following telegram to the Hon. Charlotte Knollys at Sandringham: - "Her Majesty's Royal Warrant holders desire most respectfully to wish her Majesty very many returns of her birthday. - CARRINGTON SMITH, President, 8, Hanover-square, London." The following reply was received: - "I am commanded by the Queen to ask you to convey her Majesty's thanks to the Royal Warrant holders for their telegram of congratulations. - GREVILLE." Mr. A.W. Shipley, Mayor of Windsor, received yesterday afternoon the following gracious reply to the congratulatory message sent on Monday t her Majesty of Sandringham: - "The Queen thanks you and the loyal burgesses of Windsor for the kind telegram of congratulations." BARBADOS INSCRIBED STOCK. - The Treasury give notice in the current issue of the London Gazette that Barbados 3 1/2 per Cent. Inscribed Stock (1925-42) has been added to the list kept by that department under section 2 of the Colonial Stock Act, 1900. REWARD FOR GALLANTRY - At Boston yesterday, Joseph Nixon and Joseph Hubbard, fishermen of the steam trawler Flavian, were presented with silver medals and certificates, which had been sent by the Grand Duke of Oldenburg in recognition of their services to the German sloop Heinrich when in distress in the North Sea. Nixon and Hubbard put off in their small boat in a heavy sea, and rescued the Heinrich's crew at great peril to themselves. THE DUNLOP PNEUMATIC TYRE COMPANY (LIMITED). - The directors' report for the year ended September 30 states that "the combined earnings of the company itself and its subsidiary companies exceed those of the previous year." The profits which appear in the balance-sheet for 12 months to September 30, 1902, before providing for interest on debentures as shown below including L178.580 carried forward on September 30, 1901, amounted to $365,168. From this sum the following appropriations have been made: - Interest on debentures to September 30, 1902, L22,127; preference dividend for half-year paid,L24,874; leaving a balance of L318,167. Out of this sum the directors recommend a further payment of 5 per cent, on the preference shares for six months t September 30, 1902, and 5 per cent, on the ordinary shares for 12 months, which will absorb L74,874. They also recommend that a sum of L45,371 be written off patents, L20,000 off investments, leaving L177,922 to be carried to next account. The directors add that the total profits which accrued in the subsidiary companies to the end of the financial year amount to L146,099 and of this sum L34,000 only is taken to account in the balance-sheet. The balance (L112,099) remains in these subsidiary companies still undivided, "to provide them with additional free capital in order that they may be enabled to cope independently with the great increase of business which is being developed in these companies. The item proposed to be appropriated for depreciation of investments mainly applies to securities which did not appear in the previous balance-sheet, but which were acquired by the company during the year as consideration for the issue of licenses." THE IMPERIAL TOBACCO COMPANY. - Yesterday morning the customers of the Imperial Tobacco Company received details of the new bonus scheme. In a circular accompanying the agreement form the company says: - "After careful consideration we have decided to offer a modification of our original scheme, which, while it remains in force, will give the customers signing it substantially the same benefits as are conferred by the original scheme itself." Customers who approve the scheme are asked to sign and return it before December 10. The London executive of the United Kingdom Tobacco Dealers' Alliance met yesterday afternoon and passed resolutions recommending the secretaries of the various branches and associations throughout the United Kingdom and Ireland to call meetings to discuss the situation. In the meantime, they advise retailers not to tie their hands by signing any agreement and to refrain from pushing any proprietary goods which do not carry the 20 per cent or 25 per cent, minimum schedules. The London combined associations will hold a general meeting of the trade at Anderton's Hotel on Friday next at 3 p.m. to which all retailers are invited. A Bristol correspondent says the new bonus scheme of the Imperial Tobacco Company has been well received there by the trade, the majority of retailers regarding the terms as liberal, especially towards those who hitherto have refused to sign the agreement. POLITICAL NOTES. The London Liberal members intend to utilize to the full the opportunities which the Committee and Report stages will afford for moving amendments to the London Water Bill. One of the most important of the pro- posed modifications stands in the name of Sir J. Dickson-Poynder, who, following the line taken by Mr. Buxton earlier in the Session, suggests that the new Water Board should consist of 35 members (14 of whom would be appointed by the London County Council), instead of 73, the number fixed by the Government. Upon this amendment a discussion of some length may be anticipated, the contention of the Opposition being that an authority of the size contemplated would be heterogeneous, unworkable, and unbusinesslike. Another point likely to make inroads upon the time available for debate is the desirability, upon which Mr. Buxton and his friends insist, of making the selection of the chairman and vice-chairman of the Board an annual instead of a triennial business, and that the tenure of office of the first chairman and vice-chairman, who are to be nominated by the Local Government Board, should be for one year only, not four years as the Government propose. Amongst the remaining amendments, many of which will probably be wiped out by the closure, especial interest is attached by the Opposition to those withholding from borough councils the right of representation on the Water Board (on the ground that the water question is one which should be dealt with solely b a central authority), depriving members of their seats on the Board if they cease to be members of the constituent authorities electing them and applying the arbitration clauses in the case of all the companies impartially, it being held that the Board ought not to come to agreement with individual companies, but that a fair price should be paid all round. It is also submitted that the Board should have power to equalize water rates and to deal with water rates with an entirely free hand. It has now been definitely arranged that the division upon the third reading of the Education Bill in the House of Commons shall take place at the end of the evening sitting to-day. This being so, the House of Lords will not meet until late at night, the only business for the peers to transact being the reading of the measure a first time, so that the second reading stage may be entered upon to-morrow. The Duke of Devonshire will have charge of the Bill in the Upper House, and it is understood that Lord Spencer will propose its rejection on the motion for second reading. A question having arisen as to whether, as provision has been made in the Education Bill for compensation to teachers now employed in Board schools who are not re-engaged by the new education authority, this provision will be extended to voluntary school teachers in corresponding cases, Sir William Anson announces that the measure will not invalidate existing contracts between teachers and School Boards or the managers of voluntary schools. In the case of School Boards such contracts are transferred by express provision to the new authority, because one of the parties to the contract - the School Board - will cease to exist. In the case of the voluntary schools both parties will continue in existence, and there is, consequently, no necessity for any such provision. The Bill gives no compensation to teachers in either class of school who are not re-engaged at the termination of their present contracts. It is expected that Sir William Harcourt will speak in the House of Commons before thne dinner adjournment this evening, and that the education debate will be wound up by Mr. Balfour on behalf of the Government, and Mr. Asquith on behalf of the Opposition. The standing orders regulating the sittings of the House of Lords will be suspended in order that the Bill may be received after midnight. THE ROYAL SOCIETY DINNER - In referring to Sir William Huggins at the Royal Society dinner, Mr. Courtney said: - "Their president had enabled them to know the composition of the most distant stars" - not the "position", as erroneously reported. SMALLPOX AND FEVER IN LONDON. - A case of smallpox, from Hackney, was yesterday admitted to the South Wharf Shelters of the Metropolitan Asylums Board. At midnight on Monday there were 21 patients under treatment in the Board's smallpox institutions. Inclusive of 72 patients admitted on Monday, there were, yesterday morning, 4,077 sufferers from fever and diphtheria under treatment in the several fever hospitals of the Board. THE NATURALIZATION ACT. - During last month 97 certificates of naturalization were granted to aliens by the Home Secretary under the provisions of the Naturalization Act, 1870. Of these aliens 64 are described as coming from Russia,13 from Germany, six from Austria-Hungary, three from the Ottoman Empire, two each from Italy and Rumania, and one each from Denmark, France, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United States of America, and one is stated as being a subject of no foreign State. ACCIDENT TO A HUNTSMAN. - Charles Travers, for 30 years a huntsman to the Cotswold hounds, met with a serious accident yesterday in the Severn Vale, close to Cheltenham. His horse struck and broke down some barbed wire at the first fence it encountered, but at the next fence more barbed wire led to the fall of his horse, which rolled over on him. After he had been conveyed to his home in Cheltenham it was ascertained that the left ankle bone was broken, and that he was suffering from concussion of the brain. DEPARTMENTAL COMMITTEE ON WORKHOUSE NURSING. - The report of the departmental committee appointed by the President of the Local Government Board to inquire into the nursing of the sick poor in workhouses was issued yesterday as a Blue-book (Cd. 1,366). It was summarized in The Times under the heading Political Notes on November 26. SCOTTISH SLANDER ACTION. -In the Court of Session, Edinburgh, yesterday, before Lord Kincairney, Florence McMillan, barmaid, New City-road, Glasgow, sued Mr. Walter De Frece, Tulse-hill, London, for L5,000 damages for alleges slander stated to be contained in statements by the defendant regarding her character. Mr.A.S.D. Thomson, counsel for the defendant, renewed the application that the action should be dismissed and the defendant found entitled to expenses. The plaintiff had put into the defendant's hands a letter withdrawing the action. He then read the following letter sent by pursuer to his own agent about a fortnight ago: - "Dear Sir, -I informed you about a fortnight ago that I would go no further in the case, but I see by last night's paper that you have ignored my last letter. Let this be final; I will go no further." Counsel maintained that, if the pursuer chose to go so far and then to abandon the action, she ought to be found liable in expenses. Mr. Munro, for the pursuer, read a letter he had received that morning from the Glasgow agent of the pursuer, which stated that the agent severed himself from the case. Lord Kincairney dismissed the action, but did not allow expenses. SIR WILLIAM WEDDERBURN ON INDIAN POLICY. - At the New Reform Club, 10, Adelphi-terrace, Strand, last night, Sir William Wedderburn, chairman of the Indian Parliamentary Committee, delivered an address on "Indian Policy." He said that the immediate question with regard to India was What could be done to minimize the unavoidable evils of our foreign rule and to develop whatever good was possible. The problem was a grave one, affecting as it did one-sixth of the human race. We must strive to cultivate a high ideal of national duty. He went on to speak of the present organization of our rule, and observed that in India the absence of all popular control gave free scope to autocratic methods, and the evil effects showed themselves in every branch of the administration, and especially in legislation, which was invariably initiated by the great centralized departments for the purpose of increasing their own resources and consolidating their authority. It was the increasing irritation and unrest throughout the country by years of such a system that constituted the real danger to our rule. With regard to the Indian population, the two classes which stood foremost in political importance were the peasant cultivators and the educated class. The main object of our Indian policy should be to understand those two classes and make them our friends. The Indian village had for centuries remained a bulwark against political disorder. To be prosperous and happy all that the village communities asked from the central power was to be taxed in moderation and to be left alone in the management of their internal affairs. The special purpose of Lord Ripon's scheme of decentralization and local self-government was to protect the villages from the direct action of the great departments, and what was now wanted was to carry out that policy to its full conclusions, and to encourage and help the villagers to work out their own salvation. As to the educated classes he said that having accepted our Government as their national Government, they were anxious to help in solving those great problems upon which the popularity and strength of that Government depended, and it would be a graceful act if the Viceroy, in answer to the address of the Indian National Congress,were to make a general declaration of the views and intentions of the Government in regard to the various burning questions brought forward. In conclusion, Sir William (?) referred to the structural changes which might be made in our machinery, with a view t control expenditure in the interests of the taxpayer and to bring the Government policy more into harmony with the popular feeling. In this connexion he drew attention to the minority report of the Royal Commission on Indian Expenditures, which, he said, fairly represented the Indian view of the case. A discussion followed. TIMES PAST FUTURE THE TIMES OF CEYLON ——————————————————————— WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1902. ========================================= AN IMPORTANT FAR EASTERN MISSION. ———⬬——— [* [12-3-02] *] MR. BARRETT'S LABOURS FOR THE ST. LOUIS WORLD'S FAIR. On the eve of the departure of the Hon. John Barrett for India, where he will confer with Lord Curzon and later attend the Coronation Durbar and the opening of the Art Exhibition at Delhi, we wish him God-speed and the same gratifying success there in the execution of his high mission on behalf of St. Louis World's Exposition of 1904 that has rewarded his diplomacy and diligence not only in Ceylon but in other nations and dependencies of Asia. Coming from the United States as the Commissioner-General to Asia and Australia of this great international exhibition, which will celebrate the centennial of the purchase by the United States from France in 1803 of the vast Louisiana Territory, he has aroused the responsive interest of both government and business community to an unusual degree. It can be safely said that this Colony will, as a direct result of his endeavours, double its original appropriation for participation, making a new total of R225,000 ; send a representative in the near future to St. Louis to conclude final arrangements; and prepare a comprehensive exhibit, with tea as the main feature. What the Commissioner-General has accomplished here is in the harmony with what he has done in Honolulu, Japan, China, Korea, Eastern Siberia, Philippines, Siam, and the Straits Settlements, all of which he has visited since leaving America last April. Considering the fact that none of these Asiatic countries, which have now promised to take part on an unsurpassed scale, entertained a correct idea of the real plan and scope of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition before Commissioner Barrett arrived at their capitals, and that nearly all were first impelled from reasons of budget deficits to refrain from extensive participation, the compass of his task and the success of his efforts are both exceptional. His coming interview with the Viceroy, and his attendance at the Durbar, where he will have an opportunity of meeting in person all the Princes of India and inviting their presence at the greatest Exposition in history, will be a fitting conclusion to his mission in Asia. On his approaching return to America in February, the Commissioner in less than a year will have made—through official audiences— diplomatic representations for their participation at the World's Fair to the Sovereigns and Viceroys of fourteen independent and dependent governments, met the statesmen who control the destinies of half the world's population, and travelled more than the distance round the world, or over thirty-three thousand miles. The inspiration of the positive, forceful interest which Commissioner Barrett displays in his mission and which is happily conveyed to those who meet him privately, or hear him in public meetings, by a presence, voice, and manner that carry conviction, is readily understood. He is a staunch advocate of the development of close relations between the United States and the countries of Asia and Australasia, and he has laboured for the last ten years to make his fellow Americans appreciate their material opportunities and moral responsibilities in lands bordering on the Pacific. He believes that the St. Louis World's Fair will do more in a practical way to make Asia, Australasia, and America well acquainted, commercially and politically, with each other than any other influence in the history of their relations. He desires to see Asia, (including Ceylon and India) and Australasia, reproduced in miniature as it were at St. Louis, with their resources, products, peoples, and problems of life, commerce, and government displayed just as they are. He, moreover, holds that all exhibits should be strictly legitimate and representative. He opposes spectacular features, such as native dances that are suggestive of low moral tone, and in this position he is cordially supported by Asiatic monarchs and governors who are jealous of the good name of their peoples. The recent action of the Woman's Board of Managers of the Exposition, in adopting a resolution introduced by Miss Helen Gould, the noted American philanthropist, governing the character of concessions, is in line with Mr. Barrett's attitude. As one of the younger men in American Public life to-day who belong to what is termed by our American brothers the "strenuous" set led by President Roosevelt, Mr. Barrett is carrying out this responsible mission with the same energy and good judgment that characterized his career as American Minister to Siam, as a student of the Philippines, and as Plenipotentiary of the United States to the recent International American Conference in Mexico. In Bangkok, Siam, where he went as the youngest Minister ever despatched abroad by Uncle Sam, he settled successfully in the face of great difficulties the famous Cheek Claim Case, involving several million dollars and American treaty rights in all Asia. He has addressed the leading Chambers of Commerce in both America and England, and written numerous articles for American reviews and magazines on Asian or Pacific problems and politics that have attracted widespread attention and place him in the front rank of American authorities on those subjects. The American edition of "Who's Who," which we have consulted, states that he was born at Grafton, Vermont, in 1866, and graduated at Dartmouth College, in 1889, with honours, is successful in business as well as in public affairs is a frequent contributor on economic subjects to the reviews, has written one book on the Philippines entitled "Admiral George Dewey," and is preparing another on "America in Asia" from the American standpoint, somewhat on the lines of Lord Curson's work on the Far East from the British point of view. The Ceylon community appreciates the particular concern Commissioner Barrett has manifested in the success of its exhibit, and the comment he made in his Chamber of Commerce address on the enterprise and progressive spirit of this Colony. The dinner in his honour by H. E. the Governor, the Right Hon. Sir West Ridgeway, G.C.M.G., K.C.B., K.C.S.I., and the references to the St. Louis Exposition in the Governor's speech at the St. Andrew's Banquet show that the Commissioner's interest has been reciprocated. Au revoir and bon voyage to the Commissioner- General and his efficient Secretary, Mr. Theodore Hardee.The Outlook Company 287 Fourth Avenue New York December 4, 1902. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: I enclose here what The Outlook says this week on the color question, because you had intimated your desire to have my view on the subject, and we had little time to speak concerning it. I would like to add to what I have said in the second of these two paragraphs that it seems to me, as I am sure it does to you, that it is generally wise to capture a hostile position by a flank movement rather than a direct attack, and that for this reason I should myself doubt the expediency of appointing a colored man to such an important post as Collector of the Port in such a hotbed of race prejudice as Charleston, South Carolina, for the reason that such an appointment would probably do more to arouse anti-negro prejudice than it would to vanquish it, and therefore be liable to delay rather than to expedite the recognition andThe Outlook Company 287 Fourth Avenue New York 2 acceptance of the principle of equal rights for all men in the Southern States. There is evidently a considerable and increasing number in the Southern States who are striving to settle the race question on lines of justice, and who are endeavoring to secure for the negro better educational facilities and to establish between the negro and the whites better relations. It seems to me of the utmost importance that we of the North should as far as possible coöperate with these men, and not do any avoidable act which will intensify Southern prejudice against them and make their work more difficult. I want to seen the Administration stand firmly for the principle of justice to the negro; but I also should regret to see it take any action which would make it practically impossible for those in the Southern States who believe in justice to the negro, to give to you their moral support,. I cannot too strongly reaffirm myThe Outlook Company 287 Fourth Avenue New York 3 hearty agreement with you in the fundamental principle expressed in your letter to the Charleston gentleman. I have only wished in this letter to supplement that by my opinion, which you will take for what it is worth, as to the method by which this principle can be practically worked out with the least friction and the largest possible results in the Southern States. Yours sincerely, Lyman Abbott The Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C.[For 1. enclosure see 12-6-02][*accd 12/5/1902*] Department of State, Washington, December 4, 1902. Dear Mr. President: -- Mr. Parsens has resigned his place as Second Secretary at Rome. I understand it is your wish that Mr. Thomas, of Philadelphia, be appointed to the place he leaves vacant. I should recommend the appointment of one of the third secretaries to that place, but they have all served as short a time in their present positions that a promotion seems hardly called for. Yours faithfully John Hay[*Personal*] Springfield O. Dec. 4th., 1902. Dear Mr. Clarkson: I have just returned from the West. I saw a good many well informed people and a number of your good friends. The political situation is very satisfactory. I tried to get close to the people and I have I think something of that sensitiveness to popular thought and sentiment which is born with the "news instinct" The people are for President Roosevelt. They are as clearly and heartily for him as they were for MacKinley in the Spring of 1896. It was the personal popularity and vital prestige of the President that carried the day in the elections in Idaho Montana, and Colorado and brought them back into line. I will go into details when I see you. If you are writing the President I wish you would tell him I am back from the West and that I have picked up a little information that may be of use to him. I think too that I may be of real service to him in case there is any important development in respect to Venezuelan matters through the action of Germany or Great Britain. I have expert information on Venezuela and it covers every phase of the situation. I know more people, and have been to more places in Venezuela than almost anyother person in this country. I have visited every pos[r]t and been fifteen hundred miles into the heart of the country. Four years ago, I had a military expert go down there and look over the whole country and he made some valuable reports to the War Department. I will be in Washington on Tuesday of next week and shall remain there for six or eight days in all probability. I want2 if possible to get trasferred to a more active post. Portugal is very pleasant ,and all that ,but there is no real work there, and I am too young to retire from hard work. I have had more all- round varied diplomatic experience than any Minister in our service with the exception, of course of Mr.Conger. I was in Venezuela during three revolutions, one of them the bloodiest they ever had . There were times when a guard had to be kept for weeks around the Legation. During the Spanish war I organized a scout service for the Venezuelan coast and adjacent islands and it was one of my men who first saw and reported Cerverra off Cura[o]cao when he had been lost to the world for two weeks. I have had to tackle in a practical way every diplomatic question a state of war can suggest--and I have filled every function in the service from Commercial Agent and Consul to Minister. We hope to see you and Mrs.Clarkson when we stop in New York and I trust you are both well. My address in Washington is in care of the Department of State. Sincerely yours, Francis B. Loomis Hon. J. S. Clarkson, New York, Surveyor of Port.[*[Enc. in Clarkson to Loeb 12-12-02]*]Adams Building. 23 Court St. Boston. December 5th, 1902. The President, White House, Washington, D.C. Sir: We desire respectfully to lay before you the following facts: Apolinario Mavini, once President of the Council of the Philippine Republic, and native of Batangas Province in the Island of Luzon, was captured by the military forces of the United States on or about December 10th, 1899, and was imprisoned in the city of Manila. Though a cripple, and consequently a non-combatant, he was held as a prisoner of war, and no formal charges were preferred against him. Since the day of his capture he has been continuously in confinement. On December 25th, 1900, General MacArthur, then commanding the United States forces in the Philippine Islands, cabled to the adjutant General that he desired to emphasize the new and more rigid policy which had had just initiated "by deporting to Guam at an early date a few prominent leaders now in my hands", and requesting authority to do so. On the following day the Adjutant General replied, giving the desired authority as follows: "Adjutant General's Office, Washington, December 25, 1900. MacArthur, Manila. Secretary of War authorizes you to deport insurgent leaders Guam. 2 Adams Building. 23 Court St. Boston. Send them under orders to deliver to the custody of naval officer in command who will be instructed by Secretary of Navy to receive and keep. Corbin." On January 7th, 1901, General MacArthur issued the following general order: "General Order} No. 4 } HDQRS. DIVISION OF THE PHILIPPINES. Manila, P.I., January 7th, 1901. In pursuance of authority obtained from the War Department by cable under date December 27, 1900, the following named persons, whose overt acts have clearly revealed them as in aid of, or in sympathy with, the insurrection and the irregular guerrilla warfare by which it is being maintained, and whose continued residence in these islands is, in every essential regard, inimical to the pacification thereof, will be deported at the earliest practicable date to the island of Guam, there to be held under surveillance or in actual custody, as circumstances may require, during the further progress of hostilities and until such time as the restorations of normal peace conditions in the Philippines has resulted in a declaration of the termination of such hostilities. . " Then followed a list of names among which, under the general heading of Civil Officials, Insurgent Agents, Sympathizers and Agitators, -- appears that of Apolinario Mabini, and under the title of Generals, that of Artemio Ricarte. In pursuance of this order these prisoners, with others, were immediately deported to the Island of Guam. There was, so far as we know, no other warrant, and no formal charges were made against 3 Adams Building. 23 Court St. Boston. them other than those above quoted. On July 1st of the present year an act was passed by Congress and was signed by the President temporarily to provide for the administration of the affairs of civil government in the Philippine Islands. That act is now in full force and effect. Among its provisions is one directing a census of the Islands "whenever the insurrection shall have ceased and a condition of general and complete peace shall have been established therein, and the facts shall be certified to the President by the Philippine Commission." Before the 25th of September, 1902, the Commission certified to the President that the recently existing insurrection had ceased, and that a condition of general and complete peace had been established in the Islands except in a part of Mindanao. On the 4th of July of this year you issued a proclamation declaring that the insurrection was at an end, and that peace had been established in all parts of the archipelago except the country inhabited by the Moro tribes, and proclaimed a full and complete pardon to all persons in the Philippine archipelago who had participated in the insurrection against the United States, for offences of treason or sedition committed in the course of the insurrection, provided under certain conditions, that each person who should seek to avail himself of the pardon should take and subscribe a certain oath of allegiance before the designated Philippine authority. On the 22nd of August the prisoners confined in the Island of Guam were informed by the officer in charge that the Governor had orders 4 Adams Building. 23 Court St. Boston. to embark in the next transport of Manila all those who would sign an oath in accordance with the formula contained in the proclamation which was read to them. Mabini and General Ricarte refused to take the oath; the other prisoners did so. The latter were taken to Manila and released; the former are still in prison. On August 25th Mabini wrote a letter, since published, in which he stated his reasons for refusing to sign. They are best given in his own language: "1. According to the formula I ought voluntarily to recognize and accept the supreme authority of the United States in the Philippines and maintain true faith and allegiance thereto without any mental reservation or purpose of evading this obligation. My conscience refuses to undertake so grave an obligation without knowing first the laws and regulations which the United States has promulgated in the Philippines and also its proposals and intentions in regard to the future, as well as the state of public opinion with respect to these several points. I have been away from the Islands since January of last year, and it is impossible for me to decide here whether or not I can comply with such an obligation. 2. The oath must be taken in the Philippine Islands, and the proclamation itself orders that it be taken before any authority in the Philippine Archipelago authorized to administer oath. As this island is not included in the Philippine Archipelago I believe that the aforesaid proclamation authorizes me to take the oath there, after having ascertained5 Adams Building. 23 Court St. Boston. so far as I am allowed, the conditions there existing. 3. Finally, the order of deportation is clear and conclusive; we have been exiled from the Philippines until the re-establishment of peace. According to the amnesty order peace actually exists in all the archipelago except that part inhabited by the Moros. Therefore, this first order also supports my desire to return and decide upon my future course after arriving." As proclaimed by you on the 4th of July a state of perfect peace exists in the Philippine Islands, yet this man and his companion who were placed in the custody of the Governor of Guam by order of General Mac Arthur "until such time as the restoration of normal peace conditions in the Philippines has resulted in a declaration of the termination of such hostilities", are still deprived of their liberty. We have been advised that the detention of these prisoners under the order above quoted is illegal, and we are not aware that they are held under any other order or process. For this reason we have felt it becoming to place the facts before you, and to ask for the liberation of these men as an act of justice. The prisoner Mabini, a man much beloved by the Philippine people, is recognized by all among his countrymen as a statesman and patriot, whose crime, if such it is, has been a devotion as unselfish as absolute to his country's cause. Unable to stand upon his feet, --- for he has been a cripple ever since his imprisonment by Spain n 1986, -- of a highly sensitive organization, the privations of a prisoner's life have borne more hardly on him than they would have borne on ordinary men. This, and even more the exile from a country dearly loved by him. 6 Adams Building. 23 Court St. Boston. have made of Mabini an old man before his time, and threaten soon to close his career by death. We believe you certainly do not wish it to be recorded that this great republic of ours shortened the life of an honorable political opponent by illegal captivity, as ToussaintL'Ouverture's life was cut off by his imprisonment in a French fortress under the despotic rule of the first Napoleon. Trusting that the foregoing statement of facts may receive early consideration on your part, and consequent favorable action, we remain, Yours respectfully, Charles Francis Adams, C. Schurz Edwin Burritt Smith Herbert Welsh. (S. L.) COPY. No. 989. AMERICAN EMBASSY, LONDON. December 5th, 1902. Sir, I have the honor to report in reference to your Instruction No. 947 of July last that upon its receipt I conveyed the invitation to join in the International Harbor Commission to His Majesty's Government, by addressing a note to the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs on the 15th day of July, of which I enclose a copy, and as you will observe I asked for as early an answer as possible. Knowing that the routine in such cases requires the submission of the matter to Canada and to several of the Departments here I did not further call for an answer until the receipt of your cipher cable of December 2nd, of which I enclose a copy. I thereupon on the same day addressed a note to Lord Lansdowne, with whom I had an appointment for an interview on the following day, calling his attention to the matter. At my interview on the 3rd he promised to make immediate inquiry, and to send me a note, which came on the 4th. In it he said:- "I am afraid there has been great delay in replying to your Note of the 15th July relative to the proposal of the United States Government that we should take part in an International Commission to investigate the rivers and other waters onthe confines of the United States and Canada. The question was referred to Sir Wilfred Laurier who was here at the time, but he does not appear to have given any opinion, and I understand that he wished to consult his Cabinet on his return. But we have heard no more and have therefore telegraphed to Canada for an early answer. We are not likely to raise any objection on this side of the water." I have accordingly to-day sent you a cipher cable of which I enclose a copy. As soon as anything further is heard in the matter you will be promptly advised. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, Joseph H. Choate. Hon. JOHN HAY, &c. &c. &c. Secretary of State. Enclosures. Mr. Choate to Lord Lansdowne, July 15th, 1902. Telegram from State Department to Mr. Choate, Dec. 2nd, 1902 "Mr. Choate, to State Department, Dec. 5th, 1902.AMERICAN EMBASSY, LONDON. July 15th, 1902. My Lord, Under instructions from my Government I have the honor to enclose herewith four copies of a print of the Act of Congress, approved June 13, 1902, making appropriations for the improvement of rivers and harbors, and at the same time to draw Your Lordship(s attention to Section IV, page 47, of the same, which provides for the appointment of an International Commission to be composed of three members from the United States and three who shall represent the Dominion of Canada, whose duty it shall be to investigate in general the waters adjacent to the boundary line between the United States and Canada, the effect upon the shores produced by changes in the water levels, and the erection and location of a dam at the outlet of LakeErie. In bringing the matter to the attention of your Lordship, I am instructed to invite His Majesty's Government to take part in the formation of the Commission in question, and I should be much obliged if Your Lordship would be so good as to cause me to be informed at the earliest moment which may be practicable, whether His Majesty's Government would be disposed to accept the invitation of my Government in this connection. I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, My Lord, Your most obedient, humble servant, Joseph H. Choate. Enclosures. Four copies of Act of Congress, approved June 13th, 1902.Copy of Telegram from Secretary of State Washington to Mr. Choate, December 2nd, 1902. Referring Departments 947 July 1 urge early acceptance of invitation to join in International Water Commission. Do everything possible to expedite favorable action. Important. Hill, Acting.Translation of a cipher telegram sent from the Embassy today, (Dec. 5th, 1902.) Sec. of State, Washington. Lord Lansdowne explains great delay answering my note of July 15 inviting to join in international Harbour Commission referred to Laurier here at that time. He gave no answer but wished consult Cabinet on his return to Canada. Nothing having been heard he has not been cabled for early answer. Lord Lansdowne adds "We are not likely to raise any objection on this side of the water." I leave to night. White in charge. Choate.TELEGRAM. [*Ansd 12/5/1902*] [[shorthand]] White House, 3 PO.SU.KQ. 14 D.H., stamp - 1:06 p.m. Washington. Vhicago, Ill., December 5, 1902. President Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. If you have not settled on Buck's successor I would like to see you. H. H. Kohlsaat.TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. SWU.JO.RA. 55-Paid 2 ex. 5:52 pm. Rockingham,Junction, New-Hampshire, Dec. 5,1902. His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. For one month Mascagni and his artists have been persecuted by false arrests and vexatious attempts at attachments. These continue and I appeal at last to you for justice. Italian Ambassador fully informed of situation. Richard Heard, Manager, Mascagni Grand Opera Company, Heard was director of our Glee Club and deserves full support. Francis C. Martin, "Seventy Nine.Dec 5 1902 [*Ackd 12/17/1902*] Mr. H. C. Richards KCMP presents his compliments to His Excellency, the President of the United States for the very valued gift of his autograph Portrait & & to inform him that it has been much admired in this House, and it will be treasured as one of his heirlooms. Mr. Richards has ventured to send to the President one of his own pictures or robes. [*[H. C. RICHARDS]*]THE AMERICAN MONTHLY REVIEW OF REVIEWS 18 ASTOR PLACE, NEW YORK ALBERT SHAW, EDITOR [*Ackd 12/6/1902*] December 5, 1902 Dear Mr. President: In the course of a pleasant talk yesterday with General Luke Wright, I discovered that he was almost pathetically anxious to have a little rest and a little visit at home in Memphis, realizing that his furlough is comparatively short. He was hesitating about the invitation to speak before the Civil Service Reform crowd at Philadelphia, because to do so would keep him away from Memphis for a considerable number of days longer then he would otherwise have to stay North, and he is feeling pretty tired. I suggested to him that the important thing after all was not his being present in the body at this Philadelphia meeting,--which, after all, I think, will be a rather bloodless affair,--but in the newspapers of the country getting hold of the remarks that this meeting would give him occasion to express. I therefore took the liberty to suggest that he go back to Memphis and discover that he could not conveniently attend the Philadelphia Civil Service meeting, but instead send a very carefully prepared letter of some length to be read on occasion of the banquet with which the session will wind up, sending this letter in time to have it amply duplicated for the Philadelphia press and for the Associated Press, so that it will have all the effect for the country at large that his being there and making a speech could have. His only hesitation about the whole matter was that he thought you wanted him to go to Philadelphia. I took the liberty to say that I was perfectly sure that you would be the first man in the world to urge him to go straight to Memphis as soon as he could get away from the important duties that now keep him near Congress and2 yourself at Washington, and I was sure you would see that the letter would serve quite as well and , in some respects, better than. his actually going to Philadelphia. Without personal acquaintance with the candidates for that judgeship in Indiana, I have become clearly convinced that your disposition to appoint Anderson is sound, judged by the legal and judicial tests, and that it would be very expedient indeed from the political point of view. It would please and strengthen the Landis boys, who are, I believe, valuable and “dependable” allies. I should be much pleased to see by the papers that Anderson's name had gone in promptly. [*( Later! Afternoon papers at hand. Glad Anderson has it.)*] I greatly hope that the Senate may head off New Mexico and Arizona without the thing coming up to you. But if the Omnibus Bill should be worked through the Senate, you should, I believe, remember that although a Republican Congress has passed the measure, it has done so not only in the face of the best Republican opinion of the country, but also in contradiction of the real, inward sentiment of the Republican Congress itself. Through log-rolling and compromise methods men often find that they have committed themselves to vote for a measure which does not have their deepest approval, and I believe that a veto message could be written that would not take the censorious tone towards Congress nor give serious offense in that quarter, while I also believe such a message might be a history-making document in relation to a matter belonging in the highest sense in the realm of constitutional history. My discussion of that question in the December number of the Review of Reviews is not exhaustive, but it contains some points and suggestions that I should be very grateful if you would take the trouble to consider. It also includes certain comparative statistics that have [a little] pertinent bearing. The arguments and3 statements that I have marshalled there, plus the extremely important material that Beveridge's report will contain, give a basis of absolutely conclusive fact and argument, it seems to me, against the admission of Arizona and New Mexico. I had a long talk with Senator Spooner in his rooms Wednesday afternoon, and he was extremely emphatic in his position on this territorial question. I also had a long talk with Secretary Root about it all last night coming over from Washington on the train. The people of the United States are in the habit of expecting from you bold and decisive action in a moment that calls for action rather than discussion. Statehood just now for Arizona and New Mexico would not only humbug and injure the United States at large, but it would also humbug and injure the bona fide population of those two Territories who are now protected by the admirable system of government under federal supervision that the territorial system maintains, but who in statehood would be at the mercy of financial and political adventurers and exploiters. Senator Quay's connection with this statehood movement is thoroughly disreputable, and Pennsylvania will not sustain him in it. The only people in this country who would find any fault with a veto message from you would be Democrats who want a bunch of electoral votes to use against your reelection. There is no well-informed person in America who wants Arizona and New Mexico admitted on the actual merits of the Statehood demand. I appreciate, of course, the considerations which would lead you to hope that the matter might not come to you in such a way as to invite a veto; but I have also been thinking that if your position were known in confidence to certain senators to be clearly with that of nearly all the leading4 Republican members of the Senate, it might help to keep a few men like Foraker, for instance, from getting too deeply involved on the wrong side. Faithfully yours, Albert Shaw Hon. Theodore Roosevelt President, White House, Washington, D.C. For 1 attachment see 12-5-02 Shaw Dr. Albert Shaw, 19 Astor Place, New York, N. Y. Dec. 5, 1902. In re Gen. Luke Wright's attendance at Civil Service Reform meeting, Philadelphia; the General is anxious to get a rest in Memphis. Commends appointment of Judge Anderson. Hopes New Mexico and Arizona will not be admitted at this time.[*[attached to Shaw, 12-5-02]*]. Harvard University Cambridge, December 6, 1902 [*File PPY Pr*] Dear Mr. Roosevelt, A great deal depends on the boy's capacity, physical and mental; and a great deal depends on his mode of working. If he is a systematic and efficient worker, he can doubtless take the college course in three years, and have some time for social and athletic interests. Malcolm Donald, whose career as an athlete and as president of his class, is well known, graduated cum laude, and at graduation had done all the work for the degree of A.M., besides that for the degree of A. B. He was, however, a man of exceptional strength in many directions. Barrett Wendell, Jr. had finished his work in college at the end of his third year, and took his fourth year in the Law School with leave of absence from the college. He was, as you know, a member of the University Base-ball team for the greater part of his college course, Captain of his Freshman Base-ball team, and something of a football player; and he was not particularly enduring. With these drawbacks to scholarship, he had a really good, though not a distinguished, record in his studies. It should be added, however, that at the time of his admission, he had anticipated a considerable part of his Freshman work. Whether Donald had done likewise, I do not remember. If your son can, at Groton, anticipate one, two, or three studies of the Freshman year, passing them off at the time of his admission examinations, his problem in college will be much simplified.One sentence in your letter has strengthened an opinion of mine about the boy. If you should give him four years in college, might there not be less risk about his eyes, especially if he has any tendency whatever toward progressive nearsightedness? Please write to me again if you care for statistics, or detailed information of any kind on the three years course. Sincerely yours, L. B. R. Briggs. Hon. Theodore RooseveltTELEGRAM. [*Sent Sd trans. 332p*] White House, Washington. 4 PO P JM 32 Paid 3:24 p.m. New York, Dec. 6, 1902. Monsier le President des Etats Unis, White House, Washington, D. C. Ou momment on je quitte New York permettez moi de vous adresser avec mes remerciements pour l'accuauil que vous m avez toujours fait mes resspectueux souvenirs pour vous et pour Madame Roosevelt. Jules Cambon.TELGRAM White House, Washington. ackd 12/6/1902 TRANSLATION. New York, December 6, 1902. The President, Washington. On my leaving New York permit me to address you (to express) my thanks for the reception you have at all times given me. My respectful remembrances to yourself and Mrs. Roosevelt. Jules Cambon. [[shorthand]] [*ackd 12-8-1902*] THE CENTURY CO. UNION SQUARE, NEW YORK December 6, 1902. George B. Cortelyou, Esq, Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir: We are in receipt this morning of your letter of December 2nd inclosing a communication from an Armenian doctor in Philadelphia, requesting permission to translate into the Armenian language "Strenuous Life". We are writing him saying that we accord the necessary permission with pleasure, asking no remuneration. I take it we have the President's authority to grant such request. Indeed there is no copyright and any one might translate the book if they chose to do so without our sanction or approval. As you probably know we have already granted permission that the book to be translated into Italian. Very truly yours, Chas F. Chichester Treasurer.ackd 12/8/1902 Collier's Weekly Editorial Department Robert J. Collier, Editor. 416-424 W. 13th St. New York. Dec. 6, 1902 His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, White House, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President: Understanding that Mr. Sargent is coming to this country within a few weeks to paint your portrait I write to ask you if the suggestion that Collier's Weekly is extremely desirous of securing the right to reproduce it is premature? The plan would be to print the portrait in full color as a double page. I should be glad to pay Mr. Sargent a thousand dollars for this privilege, and to assure both yourself and him that the reproduction would be a worthy one. Should this in nowise conflict with your arrangements, will you permit me to inform Mr Sargent that I have obtained your sanction before making the suggestion? Would it be taxing your good nature to ask a further favor- that in the case of Charles Dana Gibson going to Washington in the interest of the Weekly, to picture some "social phases" of your administration, you accord him, as the representative American illustrator, whatever opportunities your preoccupations may permit? With renewed assurances of my esteem and admiration, I am, my dear Mr. President, Very sincerely, yours, Robert J. CollierTHE CHICAGO RECORD HERALD OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT [*File p.p.F*] December 6, 1902 To President Roosevelt Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President:- I was surprised and delighted to receive your photograph so promptly. It arrived a few hours after I got home. The inscription pleases me and my family very much. I have arrived at that time of life when a man likes to have his friend sign himself "with affectionate regard". I assure you that I appreciate that term very highly. The friendship which has existed since you and I met on Mr. Morton's private car has been one of the sweetest passages of my life. I received Mr. Cortelyou's telegram last night, saying that you would appoint John Barrett as Minister Buck's successor. I had in view a mutual friend who is very anxious to close his career in the diplomatic service. I will talk to you about him sometime when Iam in Washington. I think Barrett is exceedingly well equipped for the position. Thanking you for sending your photograph to Mr. Blake and Miss Hare, I remain Sincerely yours H.H. Kohlsaat[*Ackd 12-9-1902*] December 6th 1902 122 EAST 34TH STREET Dear Mr President. If it can be done I shall be very grateful if you will name Clifford, "one of the such persons as the President may designate," under section 3547 of the Revised Statutes, to be one of the assay commissioners to visit the mint at Philadelphia on the second Wednesday in February next,to examine the coinage of the various mints for the past year Faithfully yours Teresa Richardsonthem to Washington & back to Miss Kane; her address is 23 West 49th St. I was so much obliged to you for the photographs of my brother but do not know how much I owe for them. Very sincerely yours Corinne Roosevelt Robinson [[shorthand]] 422 Mad Ave Dec 6th [*Ackd 12-8-1902 GSC B*] [*Have they come?*] [*B*] My dear Mr Cortelyou Miss Sybil Kane the sister of Captain Woodbury Kane who was in the Rough Riders is very anxious to have the President put his name in a couple of his own books, which she wishes to sell for the benefit of aautographs, I hated to bother him again, but just because Miss Kane is Captain Kane's sister I felt that the President might wish to do it, so I wrote to you- Miss Kane is sending the books to you also, & the trouble is that the sale is on the 11th & thus there is but little time to get charity in which she is deeply interested - She says her brother would be annoyed if she used his name to make the President feel obliged to do this, & begs one to arrange it - Having so lately troubled my brother for[* [Enclosed in 12-4-02] *] The Outlook Published Weekly Vol. 72 December 6, 1902 No. 14 The President on the Appointment of Negroes The President gives to the public his views on the question of appointing colored men to office in the South, through the medium of a reply to a letter addressed to him by a prominent citizen of Charleston, South Carolina. This citizen, whose name is not given, had joined with a number of others in protesting against the appointment of Dr. Crum, a colored physician of that city, as Collector of the Port. In his protest he made certain specific charges against Dr. Crum, and added: "We have sworn never again to submit to the rule of the African, and such an appointment as that of Dr. Crum forces us to protest unanimously against this insult to the white blood." In his reply to this letter the President declares that the specific charges are entitled to the utmost consideration, that he will go over them carefully before taking any action, and that he does not intend to appoint any unfit man to office. But he distinctly repudiates the idea suggested by his correspondent that he is not to appoint colored men to office in the South. He points out that he has made such appointments in Mississippi, in Alabama, in the District of Columbia, in New Orleans, and in Pennsylvania; that the appointments of colored men have in no State been more than a small proportion of the total number of appointments, and that he sees no reason why he should make an exception in South Carolina to the general principle which governs him. That general principle he states in the following words: I do not intend to appoint any unfit man to office. So far as I legitimately can, I shall always endeavor to pay regard to the wishes and feelings of the people of each locality, but I cannot consent to take the position that the door of hope—the door of opportunity—is to be shut upon any man, no matter how worthy, purely upon the grounds of race or color. Such an attitude would, according to my convictions, be fundamentally wrong. If, as you hold, the great bulk of the colored people are not yet fit in point of character and influence to hold such positions, it seems to me that it is worth while putting a premium upon the effort among them to achieve the character and standing which will fit them. He adds, with characteristic frankness, that it is not for the true interest of either the white man or the colored man of the South to assume the attitude that under no circumstances shall a man of color, no matter how good a citizen, be permitted to hold any office under our Government; that, on the contrary, "it is a good thing from every standpoint to let the colored man know that if he shows in marked degree the qualities of good citizenship— the qualities which in a white man we feel are entitled to reward—then he will not be cut off from all hope of similar reward." ❀ A Right Attitude The President's attitude on this subject appears to The Outlook absolutely right, and one to which sooner or later the people of the South will themselves come. It is not strange that in the reaction against carpetbag government the race prejudice should have been intensified, and the resolve reached that no colored man should be elected or appointed to any office. The corollary would almost necessarily follow that no colored man should be allowed to vote, and both positions would inevitably lead to, as they would be founded upon, the undemocratic notion that there are to be at least two hereditary classes in the community, one white, possessing exclusively political privileges and powers, the other colored, possessing none. This would be wholly inconsistent with the fundamental principles of the Republican party. It is impossible for us to understand how any man could have 759[* [Enclosed in 12-4-02] *] 760 The Outlook [6 December thought that Mr. Roosevelt could take any such position. His whole course and career from boyhood has been an expression of the doctrine that "a man's a man for a' that," which means that no man is to be discriminated against on account of his class, his social position, his religious opinions, or his race. Politically he has always stood for the principle initiated and acted upon by Napoleon in the organization and administration of his army— "a career open to talent of every sort." It is true that the doctrine is recognized and acted upon in diplomatic appointments that one who is persona non grata should not be forced upon a hostile community; and this doctrine should be, within limits, recognized and acted upon in Federal appointments. It would be a mistake to appoint a Roman Catholic postmaster in a community made up of Orangemen, or a postmistress in a village where the public sentiment was universal against appointment of any woman to office; but it would be a still greater mistake for a President to refuse to appoint any Catholic to office because of some anti-Catholic sentiment in the community, or any woman to office because of some masculine prejudice against women office-holders. The President, in the paragraph which we have quoted, recognizes, first, that the door of opportunity is not to be shut upon colored men by any Federal action; secondly, that, as far as possible, consistently with this principle, the feelings of the people of each locality are to be taken account of in appointment to office. We ask the people of the South who read this paragraph to give due consideration to these two principles thus enunciated, and see whether, in the light of democratic principles, not to say Christian principles, the President of the Nation could legitimately take any other ground. ❀ The Delaware Appointment In The Outlook of November 22 we said apropos of the President's appointment of Mr. Byrne in Delaware: "His course can be defended only on one ground, namely, that Mr. Byrne has proved himself by his past record the best possible candidate for the office to which he has been appointed;" and we at the same time expressed our disbelief in the notion that the President's appointment signified his approval of the doctrine that the Addicks faction must be recognized as the true representative of the Republican party in Delaware and entitled to dictate Federal appointments in that State merely because it had a majority of the Republican votes in the last election. The following semi-official statement given out from Washington justifies our interpretation of the President's act: Mr. Byrne was originally appointed Untied States Attorney for Delaware by President McKinley. President Roosevelt knew him personally. In the opinion of the President, he had rendered excellent service for the public good in more than one direction, and he had been a stanch supporter of the President when he ran for Governor and afterward. He was reported by the Department of Justice as a fit and competent district attorney, and the President had entire confidence in his ability and integrity. He accepted the nomination for Congress. Other district attorneys and marshals had accepted such nominations without being requested to resign, but, in view of the factional fight in Delaware, the President thought that Mr. Byrne should resign, which he accordingly did. When the election was over the President reappointed him, without having given him the slightest previous indication that such was his intention. He would have been reappointed without regard to the circumstances under which he ran or the faction with which he was allied. If we have to choose between accepting newspaper estimates of the ability of a candidate for public office and those of the President and the Department of Justice, we prefer the latter. We still regret that the President did not see his way clear to leave the former incumbent in possession of the office rather than make an appointment which subjected him to the charge, even by some of his would-be defenders, of giving his support to Mr. Addicks's attempt to buy his way into the Senate; but we think the country at large, which has implicit faith in the President's integrity of purpose, will believe that no such motive actuated him, and that the appointment was made with the intent of promoting the good of the service. That Mr. Addicks and his friends should have made the most of the appointment was natural. ❀ The Opposition to a Mormon Senator The Ministerial Alliance of Salt Lake City last week adopted a set of resolutions setting forth the grounds of their opposition to the election of ReedTELEGRAM. [*Main 1075*] White House, Washington. 2WU. AF. RA. WH New-York says please give address your 2 today Cambon sgd. Roosevelt, Message undelivered. Harne, Washn. December 7, 1902. 10:30 pm.. The Commercial Advertiser. ESTABLISHED 1797. 187 Broadway and 5 & 7 Dey Street, Editorial Department [*File PPF*] NEW YORK, Dec. 8th, 1902. Dear Mr. President:-- The picture has arrived and I am unspeakably delighted with the Inscription. I am very sorry that the framer had reduced the former one to such a condition that you found it necessary to send a new one. I am sure you will understand that there was no indignity in the treatment of it, since he had cut it down in order to make it larger,—excuse the Hibernianism—by enclosing it in a mat. I hope all goes well with you. Your message, whatever else the commentators may think of it, has had the excellent effect of increasing confidence in your conservatism. I was talking the other night with the president of a large trust company who assured me that the alleged bitterness against you in financial circles was confined entirely to the speculative class, and that the large interests with whom he associated were all behind you. If this is not so now, it is certain to be so in the near future; for even the “Money Kings” cannot all be hopeless idiots. Yours always, J. B. Bishop . President Roosevelt.[*File ppp pr*] 14 West 29th st Dec. 8 1902 Dear Mr. Roosevelt - Many thanks for your kind invitation for Jan. 8. The only thing that prevents me from accepting with great pleasure is that I am to be married tomorrow and thenceforth will not be accountable for my own actions. I expect to go to Washington next week, when I hope to have the pleasure of calling on you. Thankingyou again for the invitation. I am Very Respectfully yours, F. P. DunneDepartment of State, Washington, December 8, 1902 Dear Mr. President:- I enclose the papers in the case of Crossland. Mr. Morgan has made a careful precis, which will probably be all that you have time or patience to read. I add a memorandum of Crossland's recommendations. Yours faithfully John HayDepartment of State, Washington, December 8, 1902. Dear Mr. President: - I enclose a copy of this report on Mr. Dickey's case, which has been received from Mr. Dudley, our Minister at Lima. Yours faithfully John Hay[*[For 1 enclosure see ca 12-8-02]*] Department of State Washington. [*C F*] Dec. 8. 1902 Dear Mr. President 1. I inclose memorandum of impending visit of Japanese visitor. I fear he is going to declare Barrett non gratus - which any power has a right to do- but perhaps I can smooth his ruffled fur. 2. Bartlett Tripp asks for Japan; says McKinley promised it to him, in fact urged him to choose a place. He probably believes it, and yet some people say this it not an age of Faith.Herbert has persuaded Lansdowne into adopting the scheme of submission to a mixed tribunal. I shall go to work on a plan which I hope to be able to show you in a day or two. Yours faithfully John HayTELEGRAM. White House, Washington [*Ackd 12-9-1902*] 6PO.BA.RA. 43-Paid 6:10 pm. Albany, New-York, December 8, 1902. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, White House. Owing to the death of Speaker Reed my plans have been changed and I will not be able to go to Washington this week. That is if you will excuse me and permit me to come a little later on to see you. B. B. Odell, Jr.State of New York Executive Chamber Albany [*File*] December 8, 1902, Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr.President— Speaker Reed’s death has caused a postponement of Littauer’s dinner, and, with your permission, I will ask you to postpone your dinner until I can get over to Littauer’s. This would suit me very much better than coming over this week. I suppose that will be time enough for the matters which you would like to discuss. If, however, it is urgent that I should come, wire me. Yours sincerely, B. B Odell[*File ppF Pr*] THE POSTMASTER GENERAL WASHINGTON December 8, 1902. My dear Mr. President: - Senator Hanna went to New York yesterday, and will be gone two or three days. I was surprised and annoyed to see the letter to which you refer, in the paper this morning, but I do not know of anyone who has not suffered from the over-zeal of friends. H C Payne To the President.BOOKER T. WASHINGTON, Principal WARREN LOGAN, Treasurer TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTION. (INCORPORATED.) FOR THE TRAINING OF COLORED YOUNG MEN AND WOMEN. COMMITTEE ON INVESTMENT OF ENDOWMENT FUND: MR. WM. H. BALDWIN, JR., President Long Island Railroad, 128 Broadway, New York City. MR. J. G. PHELPS STOKES. 47 Cedar St.. New York City. MR. GEORGE FOSTER PEABODY, 27 Pine St.. New York City MR. ROBERT C. OGDEN, Tenth St. & Broadway, New York City. Tuskegee, Ala., Dec. 8, 1902. [*File*] Hon. George B. Cortelyou, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir : - - Yours of December 5th, addressed to Principal Washington, with enclosure of communication from Dr. Lyman Abbott to the President, is being forwarded to Mr. Washington at his northern address where he happens to be at this time. Trusting this will be satisfactory for the present, I am, Very truly yours, Emmett J. Scott Private Secretary.[*[Enclosed in Hay 12-8-02]*] Count H. Mutsu First Secretary to the Legation of Japan[*?*] [*?*] [*Ackd 12-11-1902*] [*?*] Department of Justice. United States District Court, District of South Carolina, Charleston. December 9, 1902. My dear Mr. Roosevelt:- I have your letter of December 3. As to the Marshalship I understand your position thoroughly, and agree with you entirely. In recommending Cunningham I felt that you would assure the faithful and satisfactory discharge of the duties of the office, and at the same time have there a friend who had the political sagacity, the experience and the means to prevent a hostile demonstration against your administration. There is absolutely no one that I can recommend to you to take his place who will fill all of the requirements. The Republican Party in this State in so dar as it is organized exists for and by the Federal offices and any delegation sent by that organization will be purchasable either by money or promises of office. There are a few men of respectable character who may be sent to a National Convention, but the majority of them will be controllable only by the influences just mentioned. If it was practicable in making your appointments here to secure food officials and at the same time curb these malign influences it would be on the line of right and duty to do so but I apprehend that this is difficult if not impossible and you will have to do the best you can and let the consequences "lie on the laps of the Gods".-2- As to the Collectorship it was not my intention to say anything on a subject of which you must be weary, and upon which I can throw no special light but supposing that you had determined not to appoint Crum I commended that resolve. I am still of opinion that it would not be a good appointment. Crum has no standing in this community which would lead any one to consider him for the place if he were not a colored man. His appointment would be deeply offensive to all who have business with the Custom House. His own race has no business connection with that office as importers, exporters or ship owners. Of his character I have no personal knowledge. I know that Cunningham had a poor opinion of him. Of the capacity of his race generally for holding office I have had most painful official experience. When your letter was received I was engaged in a term of Court where two colored postmasters were tried for embezzlement. In both cases white men testified to their exceptionally good character, in the communities in which they lived, but both were justly convicted and in one case which greatly touched my sympathy I had to strain the law to moderate the sentence it imposed. I can conceive of no greater disservice to the race than to stimulate its appetite for public office. It is impossible without going over too much ground to give you the reasons for this conclusion, but I think that I can say that it does not spring from any prejudices toward the race. The greatest enmities that I have aroused in my public life, some of which-3- have [now] not entirely died out came from my endeavors to protect the negro from injustice when I was Solicitor of the 6th Circuit during the Kuklux period, and the effort to secure justice for them now when the race is practically deprived of all political rights taxes the powers of all right thinking men among us. Those efforts are hindered rather than helped by putting them in positions which awaken resentments. It may be impossible for us surrounded as we are to see aright those vexed questions the correct solution of which seems far beyond our day. Your views abstractly are unanswerable, and in appearing to differ with you I do not wish to be understood as having the slightest shadow of doubt as to your high-mindedness and conscientiousness. As to so much of your letter as indicates an intention to refer to me the names of persons submitted to you for the Marshalship, I need only say that it will at all times be a pleasure to give you any information that will be in any wise helpful. Nobody knows better than I do how difficult it is for you to find out the right thing to do in the perplexing situation here and nobody is more certain of your intention to do the right thing here as else where. Yours faithfully, Wm. H. Brawley[*[For 1 attachment see ca 12-9-02]*]PERSONAL [*Ackd 12/10/1902*] N.N. STRANAHAN. CUSTOM HOUSE. NEW YORK CITY. December 9,1902. The President, The White House, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President: I recently had an interview with Governor Odell on the subject he indicated he would discuss with you in Washington to-morrow. Of course if you wish to see me on the subject after the interview, you will command me. I do not trouble you with frequent calls, knowing the great pressure on your time, but of course it is a pleasure to see you when you desire it. I am happy to say that I believe matters here are proceeding with satisfaction to myself and the public. I am, Very sincerely Yours, N. N. Stranahan[*ca. 12-9-02*] Brawley, Wm. H Charleston, S. C. In re Marshalship and Collectorship: Writer understands the President's position regarding Marshalship and agrees with him; cannot recommend anyone who will fill requirements to take place of Mr. Cunningham; Republican party of the State exisits for and by Federal offices and any delegation sent by that organization will be purchasable. Appointment of Crum would not be a good one; has no standing in the community; appointment would be offensive to all who have business with the Custom House. Writer has had painful experience as to capacity of colored race generally for holding office.[*[attached to Brawley 12-9-02]*][[shorthand]] [*Wrote Mr Jenkins 12/9/1902*] Rep. Jenkins says Rep. Morrell of Pa. has called his attention to the President's wishes regarding a Trust bill. Mr. Jenkins says if the President would like to talk with him regarding it he will take pleasure in calling. Asks that a note be sent him in reply, so as to reach him without fail. 12-9-1902. [* [ca 12-9-02] 130*] -2- 3rd Endorsement. OFFICE OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Manila, December 15, 1902. Respectfully referred to the Honorable the Civil Governor, inviting attention to the enclosed report by the Provincial Fiscal of Rizal. (Signed) L. R. WILFLEY, Enc.: Report. Attorney General. (The Report mentioned in this endorsement cannot be found.) –––ooooo––– (The opinion of the Attorney General dated December 23, 1902, instead of December 24, 1902, is copied in full and marked "Exhibit No. 46".) –––ooooo––– Manila, P. I., November 27, 1902. To Whom it may concern: This is to certify that Mr. George H. Harvey, the bearer of this letter, is an assistant attorney in the Attorney General's office, and specially deputed by me to visit Tambobong and investigate the circumstances of the alleged disturbance in the chapel of that barrio. Very respectfully, (Signed) WM. H. TAFT, Civil Governor. –––ooooo––– DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. OFFICE OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL. Manila, P. I., November 28, 1902. Hon. L. R. Wilfley, Attorney General, Manila, P. I. Sir: Pursuant to your instructions and the deputation of the Civil Governor, dated November 27, 1902, I went to Malabon yesterday afternoon for the purpose of investigating the circumstances of the alleged disturbance in the "Ermita de la Concepcion" in the barrio of Tambobong. I was accompanied by Inspector Boone of the Philippines Constabulary. Upon arrival in Malabon, we went to the convent and interviewed Sr. Lorenzo Gregorio, the curate of the parish, who made the complaint to the Archbishop in this matter. He knew but little of the facts in connection with the alleged disturbance. He told me that he had understood that Padre Candido del Rosario and Padre Leonardo de Pineda, the two Catholic priests who were in the chapel at the time of the disturbance, had been arrested at the time, but that yesterday afternoon they were in Tondo Convent in Manila; hence, I was unable to interview them. Father Gregorio furnished us transportation and a guide to the chapel where the disturbance took place. Adjoining the church or chapel is the police station of the barrio and upstairs is the "Presidencia". The President was not there, but I interviewed the Lieutenant of Police in charge of the police station, and he gave me a fairly complete story of the occurrence, and it may be best told in his own language, as follows: "At half past six o'clock on Wednesday morning, November 26th, I was here in the sacristy and saw Padre Candido del Rosario enter the sacristy of the church. A moment later Don Lorenzo Tuason, who was in charge of the church in the absence of his brother (who was the 'Hermano Mayor de las Visita') arrived in the sacristy. He asked Padre del Rosario what he wanted, and the Padre answered that he was going to obey the Mc-3- orders of the Bishop and prevent anybody of the independent Filipino church from celebrating mass in this church. Don Lorenzo Tuason asked the Padre by what right he would prevent them, and he answered that in former times only the Romanists celebrated mass in this church. Then Don Lorenzo Tuason said that neither the Bishop nor any Romanist could prevent Father Aglipay or others of the Filipino Church from celebrating mass in this church, because it is the property of the barrio, and that the church is in the possession of the barrio. In spite of this, the Romanist Padre insisted that he would prevent the celebration of mass in this church by Aglipay or others of the Filipino Church. "A few moments later, Father Aglipay and a companion arrived and went into the sacristy. He asked the Romanist Padre why he prevented the celebration of mass, and he answered that it was the order of the Bishop that he should prevent it, event though it would cost him his life. Then Father Alipay replied, 'If you have the right of property in the church, you should resort to the courts of justice to establish it, and prevent me from celebrating mass", and the Romanist Padre told him that he would prevent him from celebrating mass in the church because it was the order of the Bishop. "During the conversation, Leonardo Taylo (the same person who is referred to above as Leonardo de Pineda), a companion of Padre del Rosario, arrived at the sacristy. A moment later Father Taylo went in front of the altar and said that he would put out anyone from the Filipino Church who tried to celebrate mass in this church. Then the Romanists in the church said that the would not stay to hear the mass in the church. In view of this, Padre Aglipay and companion left and went upstairs into the Presidencia. Father Aglipay then said that he did not care to discuss the question and that they would hold mass somewhere else. When they were preparing outside of the church to put up an altar to celebrate the mass Don Leonardo Tuason started to take "la piedra ara" (the consecrated stone on which a consecrated linen is laid during the celebration of the mass) from the altar in order to make an altar outside of the church. When Don Lorenzo Tuason had that stone, the two priests went and took it away from him. During this struggle, I was upstairs and heard that they were calling policemen, and I went down, and when I arrived there I saw the people were all right, because the Municipal Secretary told them to be quiet and that they had to speak politely. Then I asked the people whose was that stone, and Don Leonardo Tuason replied that he was in charge of it and that these two priests were taking it away from him. First letting them know that I was a Lieutenant of Police and that beside me was the Sergeant of Police, I told those two priests to give this stone to the man who was properly in charge of it or to me that I might arrange the matter. The two priests did not obey me. Then I told the Sergeant to take the stone from him and to take the two priests and Tuason to the police station. They did not even recognize my authority, and I told the corporal to arrest Padre del Rosario and by another guard to arrest the other priest and also Don Lorenzo Tuason for their disorderly conduct. The people in the church, seeing the resistance of the two priests, wanted to go against them, and then we protected the priests and I received a blow on the head, and I think my finger is broken. (A finger of the Lieutenant was wrapped with a cloth.) Then when Don Lorenzo Tuason and the priests arrived at the police station, I sent them upstairs to the Presidencia, charging them with disorderly conduct and making known to the -4- President what had happened; and I stated that the two priests seized the stone from the hands of Lorenzo Tuason and there was a tumult and scandal inside the Church of the Conception, in front of the altar. The President sent the matter to the Justice of the Peace, who said that he had no authority to proceed against them because the complaint did not state the charge against them. Then the Justice of the Peace sent the case back to the President, who told Tuason and the two priests to go to another court where they could make complaint. Then they were released. "Father Algipay held a mass outside of the church during the time that the other two priests and Lorenzo Tuason were under arrest. Someone of the Filipino Church asked the President if he could get the stone for the in order that they might hold a mass ourtside of the church, and the President fot the stone, but I do not know from whom he got it. There was no further trouble. After the mass was over, everybody left in peace. Don Lorenzo Tuason was in charge of the church in the absence of his brother, and he took charge of the stone when the mass was over. Don Samuel Tuason, the "Hermano Mayor", is the man who had charge of the church, but he is absent in Pampanga, and his brother, Don Lorenzo Tuason, was in charge yesterday in his absence. "During the tumult in the church, I did not see Father Lorenzo Gregorio, the curate, but he may have been there. After the mass had been held outside, I saw him in the Presidencia. I do not know whether the two priests (del Rosario and Taylo) are here now. Padre Candid del Rosario is in charge of a little chapel in the barrio of Flores, and Father Leonardo Taylo lives in Navetas. Father Aglipay celebrated mass in this church last Sunday." Father Lorenzo Gregoria told me that he was recently placed in charge of the parish and was unacquainted with the people who were in the church at the time of the disturbance, except the two priests. He had made no subsequent investigation, and was unable to give me any facts in addition to what he had stated in his communication to the Archbishop, which communication I attached hereto. Very respectfully, (Signed) GEROGE R. HARVEY, Assistant Attorney. ---ooooo--- 1st Endorsement. OFFICE OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL OF THE PHLIPPINE ISLANDS Manila, P. I., November 26, 1902. Respectfully forwarded to the Honorable the Civil Governor, inviting attention to the within report of Mr. George R. Harvey, in regard to the alleged church disturbance at Tambobong. (Signed) L. R. Wilfley, Attorney General. ---ooooo--- 2nd Endorsement. OFFICE OF THE CIVIL GOVERNER OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Manila, P. I., December 1, 1902. Respectfully returned to the Attorney General, requesting the expression of an opinion by the Solicitor General as to the ownership and possession, under canonical law, of the churches erected in barrios by the people of the barrio for the celebration of mass by a Roman Catholic priest at the stated or infrequent intervals. My impression is that, where people erect a chapel and devote it to the purposes of the Roman Catholic Church, it thereby becomes the property of the Church and subject to the [*133*] -5- disposition of the bishop, solely, however, for the benefit of the Roman Catholics of the barrio in which it is erected; and that the retention by any member of the barrio of the key is as the agent of the priest or bishop of the diocese, and that the possession is therefore the possession of the Roman Catholic Church. I should be glad to be advised, however, by one familiar with the subjects, as is the Solicitor General. In immediate opinion is requested. (Signed) WM. H. TAFT, Civil Governor ---ooooo--- 3rd Endorsement. OFFICE OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Manila, December 15, 1902. Respectfully returned to the Honorable the Civil Governor, inviting attention to the enclosed opinion of the Solicitor General. (Signed) L. R. WILFLEY Attorney General. ---ooooo--- December 9. 1902. To the Honorable William H. Taft, Civil Governor of the Philippines. Sir: I have the honor to reply to your request for an opinion regarding the ownership and possession, under canonical law, of chapels erected in barrios by the people of the barrio, for the celebration of mass by a priest of the Roman Catholic Church at stated intervals. OPINION. "Certain small churches situated in the country or in the towns, as well as those erected in houses by private individuals extraordinarily dedicated to divine worship, are called chapels or oratories. There are public oratories and private oratories. The doors of the former are open to the public, and anyone who desires may enter therein, while a private oratory is exclusively at the disposition of the owner." (Devoti, Canonical Institutions, section III, title VII, book II.) "A public oratory, once dedicated to divine worship, may not be put to profane uses; this not being true of private oratories. In public oratories the faithful not only engage in prayer, but in them the hold sacrifice is also celebrated before a duly consecrated altar. Therefore, the authority of the bishop should intervene in their erection. It is necessary that they be blessed, and they have a bell to call the people to religious worship." (Idem.) "As to the private oratory, any person may have one, but may not celebrate the sacrifice of the mass therein without obtaining this privilege from the Apostolic See." (Idem.) Under the canonical law, public oratories are entitled to the consideration given to sacred ecclesiastical places or things. Canonists differ as to the entity in whom vests the ownership of ecclesiastical property. Devoti, in title XX, book II, of the work above cited, says: "Ecclesiastical property is that which belongs to the Church, the revenues from which should be applied to the maintenance of the ministers of the altar and to the sustenance of the poor. It is said that this property belongs to the Church, because the Church has the administration and custody thereof; but in reality God is the true owner, and for this reason such property is excluded from the traffic of man." Gomes Zamors, in his "Spanish and Indian Royal Patronage", -6- cap. XXI, page 632, says: "Canonists differ as to the person in whom vests the ownership of ecclesiastical property. Some say it is the Pope, others the clergy, others the poor, others the Universal Church, and still others the individual churches. Without going into an examination of each of the opinions mentioned, we deem most preferable the one which holds that the individual churches are as minors placed under the charge of a guardian, and maintain that the ownership of the property vests in the respective individual churches, and that the administration of the property rests with the clergy of said churches, its guardianship and control with the bishop, and the eminent domain thereof with the Roman Pontiff, who may designate and reserve a part of the same for the general needs of the Church, and may decree laws for the administration and alienation of ecclesiastical property be applied to the end indicated by the donors, to the maintenance of worship, of the clergy, and of the poor in general, and of the parish poor in particular....." The consideration which the canonical law gives the ecclesiastical things has been confirmed in may of the laws of Spain published prior to the Civil Code, and according the said laws ecclesiastical things are excluded from the commerce and ownership of men. Beginning with the Forum Judicum, promulgated during the Visigoth monarchy, we find that Law I of Book 7 thereof provides that: "Things which may be given to the Church, either by princes or others of God's faithful, shall always be held and possessed by the Church." Law XVIII of the same book says: "A thing once given to God should never be returned to the power of man." Law I, title 7, book I of the Fuero Real, promulgated in the reign of Alfonso the Wise, reads: " And we therefore order that all things which may now be given to the churches, or which may hereafter be given by the kinds, or by others of God's faithful, such things being rightfully given, shall be held and possessed by and be in the power of the Church." This law was afterwards incorporated in the Novisima Recopilacion of the laws of Spain, ordered published in 1805 by the King, Charles IV, and is found in Law I, title V, book I, of said work. The laws known as the "Partidas", also published in the reign of Alfonso the Wise, contained analogous precepts on the subject. Law I, title VII, of the Partida I, recognizes the following as religious places: monasteries, hermitages, churches, hospitals and other places specially dedicated to the service of God, and even oratories erected in houses with license from the bishop. It refers to edifices with license from the bishop, such as churches, monasteries and other places dedicated to the service of God, as sacred religious places, and to hospitals and other placed dedicated to charitable works as simply religious places. Law II of the same title declares that religious places should be under the control of the respective bishops. Law III provides that things given to the service of God may not thereafter be returned to the service of man. In accordance with this last-mentioned precept, Law XIII, title XXVIII, of Partida III, declares that no one may acquire ownership of sacred, religious or holy things, and that these may not be considered to be the property of man, and for this reason says that sacred things are excluded from the traffic of man.[*135*] -7- Canonical law conceded the right of patronage to him who grants land for the building of a church, or who pays all the expansion of the construction of a church, or who, after the construction thereof, maintains the same in whole or in part, setting aside a sufficient sum for the ministers of the altar and for the expenses of the church. The right of patronage consists in the presentation of a clergyman for the service of the church. It is the duty of the patron to care for and defend the church, but without meddling either in its jurisdiction or any administrative matters, this being by common law to the province of the prelate or rector of the church. (Gomes Samora, "Spanish and Royal Patronage", cap. IV.) The foregoing relative to the patronage of churches, in applicable to the public oratories, these being given the same consideration as that accorded to churches. The chapels referred to in the present inquiry, although erected for the benefit of the residents of the respective barrios, from the fact that they are open to the public, are unquestionably entitled to be considered as public oratories. As such, they are sacred ecclesiastical places. Their ownership, according to the commonly accepted opinion of canonical law writers, vests in the Roman Apostolic Catholic Church of the Philippine Islands, their administration pertaining to the priest of Catholic minister appointed by the Bishop, subject to the supervision of said bishop, and to the eminent domain of the Roman Pontiff. All this is without prejudice to any right of patronage that may have been acquired. The priests who administer said chapels have the right of possession thereof, and the holding of the keys by a patron or other person is not a possession adverse to that of the administrative, but, on the contrary, is a right exercised in behalf of said administrator or of the Catholic Church. Very respectfully (Signed) GREGORIO ARANETA Solicitor General.[*File*] [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 12-11-1902*] Dec. 10 1902 33 EAST 30th STREET. Dear Mr. President I have heard nothing from the Governor since I saw you on the 1st, and the time has now gone by for carrying out his plan. He has since talked with Mayor Low, and has probably decided that the plan was too bold. Sincerely Yours, Gen F.V. Greene[*ackd 12-10-1902*] Supreme Court of the United States, Washington.D.C. December 10, 1902. Mr. President:- I will esteem it a very great personal favor if you will dictate to your stenographer what you said last night, so that I can preserve it for my family. Again thanking you for your coming to the banquet last evening, I am, Yours respectfully, J. Marshall Harlan [[shorthand]][[shorthand]] [*ackd 12-13-1902*] H. C. HANSBROUGH, CHAIRMAN. KNUTE NELSON, J. H. BERRY C. D. CLARK, S. D. MC ENERY, T. R. BARD, HENRY HEITFELD, THOS. KEARNS, A. J. MC LAURIN, R. J. GAMBLE, PARIS GIBSON, J. R. BURTON, C. H. DIETRICH, FRED, DENNETT, CLERK. United States Senate, COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC LANDS, Dec. 10th 1902. The Honorable The President of the United States, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- You will recall our conversation with respect to Major A. W. Edwards, Of Fargo, N. D. whom the North Dakota delegation are backing for the position of Assistant Secretary in the new Department of Commerce. The delegation is united in this and the newspapers throughout the state are favorable. Our State certainly deserves this recognition. I am going away from the city for a time or would again see you personally about it. Very truly, H. C. Hansbrough[*File*] Department Of State, Washington, December 10, 1902. Dear Mr. Cortelyou:- I have received your letter of the 8th of December, enclosing a telegram from Mr. Martin to the President, Which I return as you request. I have had some conversation with the Italian Ambassador in regard to this subject, and he entirely understands that it is a matter in which the general Government has no duty, or power of interference. Very sincerely yours John Hay George B. Cortelyou, Esquire, Secretary to the President. [*See Francis C Martin - 12/3/02*][*Ackd 12-11-1902*] LAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER AND BURGHARD, 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. FREDERICK WM. HOLLS. LOUIS A. WAGNER. EDWARD M. BURGHARD. [[shorthand]] [*Private: Not for Public Files.*] December 10th, 1902. Dear Mr. President: I am naturally greatly interested and very much surprised at the reports of alleged opposition on the part of Japan to the appointment of John Barrett as Minister and I write to ask, in justice to Mr. Barrett, that before an adverse decision is rendered against him, the facts should be most carefully examined and an opportunity should be given to Mr. Barrett to be heard. I ask this with all the more urgency since I have been informed, upon what seems to me the most reliable authority, that the late Minister, Colonel Buck, was much annoyed at the reports which gained circulation, I am sure, without Mr. Barrett's fault, that Mr. Barrett would probably succeed him, and I have also heard, through this, of course, is more hearsay, that he expressed the opinion that the Japanese government might raise objections. Col. Buck used some very severe language about Mr. Barrett in letters to the St. Louis authorities, and I think it is entirely reasonable to suppose that he may have communicated his opposition, directic or indirectly to the Japanese government and that there may be persons in authority in Tokio who believe that they are carrying out Mr. Buck's wishes in raising frivolous objections.2. Law Offices of Holls, Wagner & Burghard. 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. FREDERICK Wm HOLLS. LOUIS A. WAGNER. EDWARD M. BURGHARD. I certainly do not wish to do any injustice to a dead man, (whom I have never seen,) but in so delicate a matter as this, where an adverse decision would affixed a more or less permanent stigma to the name of one of our ablest, brightest and most loyal younger Republicans, I think it is permissible to communicate to you even surmises and hearsay, so far as they may possibly throw light upon the question under discussion. To my own mind it seems very probable that the alleged opposition, if it is not based on personal feelings of Mr. Buck or his friends, probably arises from the conceited feeling, which is very strong in Japan, that the Ministership to Tokio is as important a diplomatic mission as the mission to St. James, Berlin or St. Petersburg and that no one should be appointed who would not be considered for one of those latter positions. So far as the opposition is based upon the fact that Mr. Barrett hails from Oregon, where there is anti-Chinese and anti-Japanese feeling, it of course deserves no notice whatever. I wish, however, to state most emphatically that according to diplomats and minsters of foreign affairs in Europe, in various countries, there is no doubt whatever that Japan is, so to speak, feeling its oats in its foreign relations and that it is inclined to be fin[n]ical, and, if necessary, offensive about3. Law Offices of Holls, Wagner & Burghard. 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. FREDERICK Wm HOLLS. LOUIS A. WAGNER. EDWARD M. BURGHARD. trifles, in order to show its equality with great Powers. All this is not argument in favor of sending Mr. Barrett if there is really good reason against it. The interests of our country and of your administration must be paramount to those of any individual, and no one would more cordially agree with this than John Barrett himself. I feel absolutely certain that if he goes to Tokio his course there will amply and abundantly vindicate the wisdom of your choice, and that the Japanese themselves will be the first to acknowledge this truth. Hoping to be give a further hearing, if necessary, before any adverse decision is made, I have the honor to remain Dear Mr. President, Very respectfully, Your obedient servant, Frederick W. Holls.TELEGRAM. [*Ansd 12-10-1902 & phoned Richards CR*] White House, Washington. 12WU.RN.RA.171-Collect G.R....9:45 pm. St-Augustine, Florida, December 10, 1902. The President, White House, Washington D. C. Have just received following message from Richards: "Today Senator Hoar sent for me and informally stated that Judiciary Committee desires to hear you personally respecting suggested amendment anti-trust law and also if proper would like me to appear before it. I explained that while willing to aid committee by describing what has been and is being done in enforcing the law, I deemed it improper, except by your direction, to make any suggestions or recommendations as to legislation. Within those limitations committee will hear me next Monday. Senator Hoar’s action respecting you is result of personal request of President’s, made Saturday. What shall I say to Senator Hoar for you.” I do not care to have Richards appear until I see him. Have not talked it over with him at all. It is much better this should go over until after adjournment. We will be better prepared. Please let me know at Alcazar Hotel so I can make arrangements accordingly. P. C. Knox.to me under the circumstance sound - that is all things else being equal or nearly so - The Position however is one of the utmost importance and professional equipment seems to me to be the first consideration. Of course What is here written will not be considered as doing more than expressing the opinion that Mr Davis is worth investigation and consideration. Sincerely yours, Luke E. Wright Hon Geo B. Cortelyou Sec'y to the President [*INSULAR BUREAU DEC 16 1902 WAR DEPARTMENT [*5312 16*]*] Washington Dec 10 1902 My dear Mr Courtelyou Referring to the matter of the appointment of a judge of the Supreme Court of the Philippine Islands to fill the vacancy occcasioned by the appointment of Judge Smith upon the Commission and pursuant to a suggestion of the President I beg to suggest that the claims of MrHerbert J. Davis should be considered in that connection. He is warmly endorsed by Col. E.H. Crowder of the Judge Advocates Dept who informs me that Mr Davis is a lawyer of the 1st Clap- now the Counsel of the Western Union in Chicago and that he was a District Judge in Omaha Neb where he formerly lived. Col. Crowder further states that Mr Davis is well known to Mr Justice Brewer of the Supreme Court who regards him highly both personally and professionally. I am also informed that Judge Taft knows him and tendered him a position as one of the Judges of the Court of 1st Instance - Which was declined because of the then condition of Mr Davis health - The suggestion made by Gov'r Taft that the appointee should preferably be a Catholic seemssafe from annoyance anywhere. I sail on Saturday & shall be in Washington after the New Year when I hope to see you. I wish you & yours a Merry Xmas Yours faithfully Wm Astor Chanler [*Wm. Astor Chanler*] [*File PPF P*] Havana Dec 11th '02 Dear Theodore, From what I hear the reciprocity treaty should go to you by the mail which takes this letter. The British & in fact all the foreign representatives did their best to prevent its being a success as naturally they preferred the existing state of affairs. I do not believe for an instant that this government is in any way flirting with Europe. Many rumors and fanciful talesgood. Some of the methods used by the Corporation called the Cuba Company are delicious. The Cubans were informed that unless duties were promptly remitted in the rail road material of that company the U.S. would feel that the Cubans were an ungrateful people & that annexation would be hastened. On Sunday I rode 50 miles in the country alone & unarmed, a thing I should be careful not to do in Arizona or even Colorado. This city in in capital condition as regards health & order. I have prowled about at night & feel are sent to Washington & New York from here, with the object of creating difficulties for the Cubans & so hastening annexation. For instance stories that Havana is unsanitary; that there is hostility to Americans; that the present government is weak and unable to control a fierce and lawless population. Many Americans here, some unofficially attached, are suffering from a bad attitude of Furor Consularis. They think news must be sent & bad. News is more interesting than[*[For enclosure see ca 12-11-1902]*] Department of State, Washington, December 11, 1902. Dear Theodore:- Perhaps you have not seen this speech of Mr. Choate's, and it may give you a moment's amusement. Yours faithfully John Hay[[shorthand notation]] [[/shorthand notation]] [*Wrote Board of Pardons 12-19-1902*] Phoenix, Arizona, December 11, 1902. The President, Washington, D.C. Sir: In answer to your letter of December 4, concerning application for parole of Edward O. Collier, now a convict in the Colorado State Penitentiary: He has made the same application for recommendation to me. I inclose a copy of letter addressed by me to the Colorado State Board of Pardons on the subject. The man's service record was very good, though he was prevented from going to Cuba by a severe attack of measles that materialized about the time of sailing. He is a skillful miner and had no difficulty in securing employment in Arizona. Assuredly he is no angel, but he appears to have had "enough." If my memory serve, Collier was committed in the fall of 1899. Very respectfully, Jas. H. McClintock[*File*] [1773 Massachusetts Avenue.] Scranton Penn Dec. 11th. 1902 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States Dear Mr. President I beg to acknowledge your thoughtful and generous courtesy in writing me in regards to the recent episode which occurred during a session of our Commission. My action was spontaneous and I am more than gratified to learn that it has met with your approbation as well as that of every lover of the Country over which you preside with suchdignity and ability. The members of the Commission, desire me to thank you most cordially for your expressions of satisfaction at their action in the matter; Judge Gray instantly stated that my objection was well taken and he was unanimously sustained by the Commission. We are plodding along and have already had before us, over eighty witnesses for the miners: we have intimated, on more than one occasion, that we might be spared the constant repetition of individual grievances, but we deem it best not to shut of either side until it shall have practically exhausted itself. Thanks to your energy and forethought the mines are being operated with a large force and are turning out more coal daily, than ever before. Yours very sincerely John M Wilson Brig. Genl. U.S.A Retired[[shorthand]] [*Ackd 12/13/1902*] Pennington, N. J. Dec. 11, 1902 Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. My Dear Sir: I am instructed to inform you, in consideration of the many honorable deeds which are accredited to you, that the Philomathean Fraternity of Pennington Seminary in order to show their appreciation have elected you an honorary member. In behalf of the Fraternity: George W. Yard Sec.Address all official communications to the Superintendent. STATE OF NEW YORK Banking Department. Albany,December IIth, 1902. Frederick D. Killburn, Superintendent. [*Ackd 12-13-1902*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt , President, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- I noticed by yesterday's papers that my nomination has been confirmed by the Senate and the ambition of a lifetime when I shall take the oath and assume the duties of the office will have been gratified through your kindness and generosity. I hasten now to write you to know if the following suggestions will meet your approval. The two deputies are Messrs. Brush and Howell. Howell comes to me beautifully recommended and is, I understand, a first class man in every particular. Mr. Brush, I hear, does not desire to be retained in his position. At all events he has published a card in the newspapers saying that he has resigned to Mr. Pettit, and expects to go into private practice on January first.#2. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. It would have been my desire to have retained both of these gentlemen for a short period. At any rate until I got the run of the business. Mr. Brush's resignation, however, will probably prevent my doing so. Now I do not want and will not have, if I can prevent it, any but the very best men that I can procure for these positions, and I would like very much indeed to have Mr. George Davidson whom you know very well, who was assistant when I was District Attorney of Queens County, afterwards District Attorney and a member of, and secretary [of] to the Charter Revision Commission whom you appointed, as my first assistant, provided this can be done without antagonizing the Republican organization in Brooklyn. Davidson now lives in Brooklyn, and he would make a very strong man for us there in political work. Of course, my desire is to follow your example, and do what the organization wishes in making appointments, provided they give me a high class and a high charactered man who in addition must be a gentleman. I would not and will not do anything, however, without your approval. I expect to leave the Department here on the 19th, and in the mean time will go down and take the oath of office and be prepared on the 20th to assume my new duties. With very kindest regards I am Yours most respectfully, Wm J Youngs[*[Enclosed in Hay 12-11-02]*] to give herself away to any of them. (Laughter and cheers.) She intends, like the great Elizabeth, to maintain her virgin independence to the end, so that while she is ready, on these conditions, to accept the overtures of friendship and good will from all her brethren, from all her sisters represented in all the nationalities of the earth, it must be upon that condition. (Cheers.) And yet I may say also for her it cannot be concealed that she best understands and most familiarly receives and very enthusiastically reciprocates these overtures of kindness which come to her from her kindred all round the globe, who are of her own race and speak her own tongue. (Cheers.) THANKSGIVING DAY. But it is my duty, having performed this pleasing office of responding to what Mr. Asquith has so happily said, to propose the sentiment of the night, the sentiment of the day, "Thanksgiving Day." (Cheers.) That day calls all Americans together for a home festival, when we come together with our wives, and our sweethearts, and our children, gathering about the homestead and rejoicing in the common prosperity with which God has blessed us. (Cheers.) Now I find such abysses of ignorance along this table to-night as to what Thanksgiving Day is ; such strange questions have been asked me orally and on paper from various parts of this table, from those who have never been in our beloved country, as to what the day is that perhaps I ought to tell them a very few words about its history. I never can help thinking—when we come together rejoicing as we do in all the blessings with which Providence has crowned our lives—of the first thanksgiving that was celebrated on our continent, the story of which has come down to us through nearly 300 years. It calls to mind the men and the women who first made the day and made it famous. You all remember that thrilling and pathetic story of how the 100 passengers of the Mayflower, after their stormy and tempestuous voyage of months across the Atlantic, having coasted along for full five weeks, seeking a place where they might land, and, having discovered Plymouth rock, the only rock on the whole of that sandy shore, disembarked, bringing with them no wealth, no cattle, no horses, no money—nothing but the English Bible, and the English law, and the English tongue. (Cheers.) You do not need to be reminded of the terrible perils and sufferings of that first winter, how 51 of the 100 men, women, and children perished under the perils and hardships that beset them ; how the 49 hardly had among themselves at times more than six or seven able to keep about and tend the sick and bury the dead. They struggled through the year. I think the first harvest was gathered in what they called an abounding harvest from 26 acres, and they built cottages enough, cabins enough, to cover their suffering heads, and so they deemed the time had come to give thanks to God for the perils that they had escaped and for the triumphs that they had won—greater triumphs by far than they had ever dreamed of—and so Governor Bradford, at Plymouth, issued his proclamation, on which every proclamation of every Governor and every President from that time to this has been fashioned, calling them all together to assemble in their little church, and to bring all their families with them, that they might share in a very modest banquet, but the best that their times afforded, to express their gratitude and satisfaction to the Giver of all good. (Cheers.) That was the first Thanksgiving ; and now you get from President Roosevelt's Proclamation some idea of the Thanksgiving of to-day, when you find the whole continent replenished and possessed by a vigorous, a happy, a powerful, I do not know but that I might say now, a luxurious, people, assembling in every city, in every town and hamlet, and celebrating what has been accomplished in this last year, in this last 100 years, in this last 280 years. (Cheers.) Since the life of the nation began in the small way that I have indicated, their prosperity has become so great that I will not mention it, because the bare mention of it would seem almost like American boasting and vainglory ; and they are under the lead of a President so strong, so brave, so true, that he himself might have been the leading spirit of the Mayflower. (Cheers.) I heard what Mr. Asquith said, and what the Attorney-General said, of the troubles that have, from time to time, disturbed and separated the people of these two great nations ; but I have learned to believe and to know that some of the greatest blessings for which we have to be thankful to God are those blessings in disguise which are of common interest to the people of both these nations. I may refer to only two great and signal events that the Providence of God has turned into mutual and common blessings in which these two peoples may unite rejoicing. I mean, first, the causes which led to that great Puritan exodus in the 17th century, between the years 1629 and 1640, between the days when John Eliot was imprisoned in the Tower as the great martyr of liberty, and the days when the Long Parliament met ; and those 11 years of oppression sent forth to the shores of New England, the best of British blood, men and women of the finest stock, ambitious, eager to find upon the other side of the Atlantic another England that should be absolutely free. That was an event, I think, in which the people of England now take as much pride and feel as much gratitude as those who are the descendants of the emigrants to whom I have referred on our side of the water. (Cheers.) Then, near the end of the 18th century there was that great event, I mean our War of Revolution, when we were driven to ask our independence and our liberties. One would have supposed, an outside visitor to the planet at that time might have supposed, it was the greatest catastrophe that had ever befallen the people of either nation, and yet to-day such changes have come over public sentiment on both sides of the water that I believe that that, the greatest event in our common history, in the common history of these two great peoples, is accepted universally by them all as the happiest solution of the difficulties that have encompassed them and the happiest for the welfare of mankind, bringing these two great nations to stand side by side, working out a common destiny, each in its own independent way and on its own lines, but working for the welfare of mankind, the development of civilization, and the spread everywhere round the globe of the fundamental principles of justice and of liberty. (Cheers.) I shall not expect to hear any dissent from that sentiment from any man or woman along this table, which embodies so much of the best of English and American representation. PUBLIC LIFE IN AMERICA I believe it is usual for anybody proposing the toast of Thanksgiving Day to go over the great events of the past year in our country ; but time has its limits, and I do not propose to do that. We should not all agree as to what was the greatest event of the past year. (Laughter.) Some would insist that it was the universal peace which our country enjoys among its members, in its own possessions, whether in the original continent or the islands of the sea ; others would say the abundant harvest, the abounding harvest, the greatest, I believe, which ever has been known, which our people have gathered in. They have gathered it in not for themselves alone. The American farmer, when he gathers in his wheat, knows that a great proportion of it is for the support and sustenance of our British brethren. (Laughter.) Certainly, they will be our friends. I am sure they will always be ready to kiss the hand that feeds them. (Laughter and cheers.) Well, then others would name the miraculous escape that we had from one of the most signal catastrophes that ever, as suddenly as a bolt of lightning from a clear sky, came upon our people, that which came in the form of the coal strike, and would point to the vigour and wisdom, the courage, the human sympathy, with which it was taken in hand and brought to a successful issue by our beloved President. (Cheers.) But I do not refer to any of these things, because there is one point which I wish to bring home to you and to our English friends here to-night, which it seems to me strikes deeper and has more lasting consequences than any ephemeral success of the last year, or of anything that can be bounded by years or tickets. I will here thank the Attorney-General for the kind things that he said about our President, but I was not going to speak of his achievements, of any of his expressions of opinion on public questions, in regard to any of his utterances or views on national or international issues. It would not become me to discuss them here. But, nevertheless, there is one subject which does closely appertain to him, and I mean to say that we as Americans, and I am sure our English friends here will give us their full sympathy in our gratitude, feel that by the influence of his personality, of his public spirit and public conduct, an immense change has been worked upon the young men of America, who look up to him as an example. (Cheers.) Perhaps you will remember—you are all, I am sure, old enough to remember—that a reproach has often been cast in our teeth by critics and Pressmen—shall I say of other nations ?—that the best of our young men, of our educated young men, of our young men of character, refrain from any part in political life. Mr. Bryce, one of our best friends—I think I may say one of our most unqualified admirers—came ever 15 years ago and wrote a book about us, in which he had to have a chapter headed " Why do the best citizens not enter into politics ? " I was in America last year at the time of one of the greatest and most thrilling elections they have had there for a long time, and I found that the conduct of political affairs was very largely in the hands of the educated young men of America ; and I solemnly believe that in that great municipal struggle of last year in New York every college graduate was found working in that contest on one side or the other. (Cheers.) Now that is a very great advance, and I think it is very largely due to the influence of the man who is now occupying our Presidential chair. (Cheers.) He says in his proclamation— I find one sentence that seems to me to reach the point— that not only for our material success we have abundant reason to give thanks to God. " We now abundantly enjoy material well-being, and under the favour of the Most High we are striving earnestly to achieve moral and spiritual uplifting." (Cheers.) And this moral uplifting has come very largely by his influence, and the reproach has passed away from us, and when Mr. Bryce or any other friendly or unfriendly visitors who may visit our shores hereafter arrive they will have no occasion to insert the chapter in their book " Why do the best citizens not enter into politics ? " (Loud cheers.) The HON. H. CLAY EVANS proposed the toast of " Our Guests," which was acknowledged by LORD REAY and SIR H. NORMAN, and the health of the chairman was afterwards proposed by the VICE-CHAIRMAN. MR. CHOATE ON AMERICA. ———⬬——— The American Society in London gave their annual Thanksgiving Day banquet last night at the Hotel Cecil. There was a very large attendance, the grand hall being crowded. Mr. D. C. HALDEMAN was in the chair, and among those present were the American Ambassador and Mrs. Choate, Mr. Asquith, K. C., M. P., the Attorney-General and Lady Finlay, Sir Henry and Lady Bergne, Mr. F. B. Blake (vice-chairman) and Mrs. F. B. Blake, Miss Choate, Captain Richardson Clover (American Naval Attaché) and Mrs. Richardson Clover, Lieutenant-Colonel Montagu Cradock, C. B., Mr. R. Newton Crane, Mr. J. H. Dalxiel, M. P., Lord and Lady Denbigh, Sir Alfred and Lady Dent, Mr. Harry De Windt, the Hon. H. Clay Evans (United States Consul-General) and Mrs. H. Clay Evans, Lord Fairfax of Cameron, Mr. and Mrs. Almerio FitzRoy, the Hon. George T. Fulford, Mr. J. B. Gilder (United States Government Despatch Agent), Lord Glenesk, Commander George Washington Gubbins, R. N., and Mrs. Gubbins, Mrs. Donald C. Haldeman, Lady Home, Sir James Home, Mr. Edward Hooper, Mr. and Mrs. Imre Kiralfy, Lord and Lady Knutsford, Mr. D. Selby Lowndes, Sir Hiram and Lady Maxim, Mr. Robert S. McCormick (American Ambassador, St. Petersburg), Field-Marshal Sir H. W. Norman, and Lady Norman, General Sir Harry Prendergast, V. C., Lord Reay, Mr. J. Morgan Richards (hon. treasurer), and Mrs. J. Morgan Richards, Sir James Sivewright, the Hon. C. H. S. Stanhope, Mr. and Mrs. H. Yates Thompson, Admiral Sir Richard Tracey, Mr. F. C Van Duzer (hon. secretary) and Mrs. F. C. Van Duzer, Mr. Richard Westacott (United States Vice Consul-General), and Mr. Henry White (Secretary American Embassy) and Mrs. Henry White. The CHAIRMAN proposed "The King," and the ATTORNEY-GENERAL proposed "The President of the United States," both toasts being enthusiastically received. Mr. ASQUITH, in proposing "The Health of the American Ambassador," said that they had most of them read a great deal during the last year about what was called the American invasion. Some people seemed to have before their mind's eye a prophetic vision of a time when American food would be conveyed in American ships to this country at the cost of American philanthropy (laughter) to keep alive the last starving remnants of an effete and played-out population. (Renewed laughter.) He was a sufficiently ardent and perhaps infatuated optimist to hope that that time would not come. In the meantime he did not think they could be better employed than in exchanging mutual good offices, and endeavoring, as far as they could, to help one another. (Cheers.) Mr. Choate belonged to a great profession of which he himself was also a humble member, and in the common possession of the common law American and English lawyers found a common ground of greeting and of sympathy which he was afraid those who were outside the profession could not appreciate. He concluded with an eloquent tribute to Mr. Choate for his great services in the promotion of good feeling between the two countries. The toast was most heartily drunk. Mr. CHOATE, who was received with loud cheers, said:— Your Excellency, for I may still cherish that endearing name in the singular number, my Lords, Ladies, and Gentlemen,—I rise with great diffidence, and I must confess with conscious blushes, to respond to the noble sentiments which Mr. Asquith has so happily expressed. The devil, you know, is never half so bad as he is painted (laughter), and I can say in corresponding strain that the American Ambassador is never half so good as he is painted by his English friends. (Laughter.) He touched me very nearly when he referred to that noble profession of which we have both been such arduous devotees. Mr. Phelps said to me before I came over, " The best days you will have in England will be with the Judges and the lawyers " (cheers and laughter), and I must confess that with one exception he was absolutely right, and that is the exception of the present company— I always except the present company wherever I go. (Laughter and cheers.) He has referred to a combine which has evidently excited his apprehensions, whether as a lawyer or as a member of the House of Commons I am not sure, but it has excited vast apprehensions, which have been expressed by our brethren of the Press—those constant exponents of distress and apprehension, of joy and hope, on every event that transpires. But there is a combine—an Atlantic combine—which I am sure will command the approval and enthusiasm, not only of Mr. Asquith, but of all the members of the House of Commons, of every party and of all the members of the Press, and all the papers that they represent—I mean this particular Atlantic combine which unites the men and women of the two great countries on either side of the Atlantic. (Cheers.) ATTITUDE OF THE UNITED STATES. Mr. Asquith's kind expressions are but the echo—a most happy, sonorous, and delightful echo—of what I have been hearing in the last four years in every part of England and from all sorts and conditions of men—I mean that expression of cordial and hospitable friendship and good will towards my countrymen which is universal among the English people. (Cheers.) For the matter of that my countrymen just now are the happy recipients of manifestations of good will from all the other countries of the earth. (Laughter.) Columbia finds herself in a novel and happy condition in the family of nations—that all the other members of it are pressing forward as rivals to see which shall be the most earnest and the most ardent aspirants—shall I say for her hand and her heart ? —no, I will say for her affection. It is very embarrassing for a coy and blushing maiden like her to find herself the devotee of all the suitors from all the quarters of the world before the public at one and the same time ; but I wish to say for her, once for all, that she does not mean [????] stead, and rejoicing in [????] which God has blessed us. (Cheers.) Now I find such abysses of ignorance along this table to-night as to what Thanksgiving Day is; such strange questions have been asked me orally and on paper from various parts of this table, from those who have never been in our beloved country, as to what the day is that perhaps I ought to tell them a very few words about its history. I never can help thinking - when we come together rejoicing as we do in all the blessings with which Providence has crowned our lives - of the first thanksgiving that was celebrated on our continent, the story of which has come down to us through nearly 300 years. It calls to mind the men and the women who first made the day and made it famous. You all remember that thrilling and pathetic story of how the 100 passengers of the Mayflower, after their stormy and tempestuous voyage of months across the Atlantic, having coasted along for full five weeks, seeking a place where they might land, and, having discovered Plymouth rock, the only rock on the whole of that sandy shore, disembarked, bringing with them no wealth, no cattle, no horses, no money - nothing but the English Bible, and the English law, and the English tongue. (Cheers.) You do not need to be reminded of the terrible perils and sufferings of that first winter, how 51 of the 100 men, women, and children perished under the perils and hardships that beset them; how the 49 hardly had among themselves at times more than six or seven able to keep about and tend the sick and bury the dead. They struggled through the year. I think the first harvest was gathered in what they called an abounding harvest from 26 acres, and they built cottages enough, cabins enough, to cover their suffering heads, and so they deemed the time had come to give thanks to God for the perils that they had escaped and for the triumphs that they had won - greater triumphs by far than they had ever dreamed of - and so Governor Bradford, at Plymouth, issued his proclamation, on which every proclamation of every Governor and every President from that time to this has been fashioned, calling them all together to assemble in their little church, and to bring all their families with them, that they might share in a very modest banquet, but the best that their times afforded, to express their gratitude and satisfaction to the Giver of all good. (Cheers.) That was the first Thanksgiving; and now you get from President Roosevelt's Proclamation some idea of the Thanksgiving of to-day, when you find the whole continent replenished and possessed by a vigorous, a happy, a powerful, I do not know but that I might say now, a luxurious people, assembling in every city, in every town and hamlet, and celebrating what has been accomplished in this last year, in this last 100 years, in this last 280 years. (Cheers.) Since the life of the nation began in the small way that I have indicated, their prosperity has become so great that I will not mention it, because the bare mention of it would seem almost like American boasting and vainglory; and they are under the lead of a President so strong, so brave, so true, that he himself might have been the leading spirit of the Mayflower. (Cheers.) I heard what Mr. Asquith said, and what the Attorney-General said, of the troubles that have, from time to time, disturbed and separated the people of these two great nations; but I have learned to believe and to know that some of the greatest blessings for which we have to be thankful to God are those blessings in disguise which are of common interest to the people of both these nations. I may refer to only two great and signal events that the Providence of God has turned into mutual and common blessings in which these two peoples may unite rejoicing. I mean, first, the causes which led to the great Puritan exodus in the 17th century, between the years 1629 and 1640, between the days when John Eliot was imprisoned in the Tower as the great martyr of liberty, and the days when the Long Parliament met; and those 11 years of oppression sent forth to the shores of New England, the best of British blood, men and women of the finest stock, ambitious, eager to find upon the other side of the Atlantic another England that should be absolutely free. That was an event, I think, in which the people of England now take as much pride and feel as much gratitude as those who are the descendants of the emigrants to whom I have referred on our side of the water. (Cheers.) Then, near the end of the 18th century there was that great event, I mean our War of Revolution, when we were driven to ask our independence and our liberties. One would have supposed, an outside visitor to the planet at that time might have supposed, it was the greatest catastrophe that had ever befallen the people of either nation, and yet to-day such changes have come over public sentiment on both sides of the water that I believe that that, the greatest event in our common history, in the common history of these two great peoples, is accepted universally by them all as the happiest solution of the difficulties that have encompassed them and the happiest for the welfare of mankind bringing these two great nations to stand side by side, working out a common destiny, each in its own independent way and on its own lines, but working for the welfare of mankind, the development of civilization, and the spread everywhere round the globe of the fundamental principles of justice and of liberty. (Cheers.) I shall not expect to hear any dissent from that sentiment from any man or woman along this table, which embodies so much of the best of English and American representation. PUBLIC LIFE IN AMERICA. I believe it is usual for anybody proposing the toast of Thanksgiving Day to go over the great events of the past year in our country; but time has its limits, and I do not propose to do that. We should not all agree as to what was the greatest event of the past year. (Laughter.) Some would insist that it was the universal peace which our country enjoys among its members, in its own possessions, whether in the original continent or the islands of the sea; others would say the abundant harvest, the abounding harvest, the greatest, I believe, which ever has been known, which our people have gathered in. They have gathered it in not for themselves alone. The American farmer, when he gathers in his wheat, knows that a great proportion of it is for the support and sustenance of our British brethren. (Laughter.) Certainly, they will be our friends. I am sure they will always be ready to kiss the hand that feeds them. (Laughter and cheers.) Well, then others would name the miraculous escape that we had from one of the most signal catastrophes that ever, as suddenly as a bolt of lightning from a clear sky, came upon our people, that which came in the form of the coal strike, and would point to the vigour and wisdom, the courage, the human sympathy, with which it was taken in hand and brought to the successful issue by our beloved President. (Cheers.) But I do not refer to any of these things, because there is one point which I wish to bring home to you and to our English friends here to-night, which it seems to me strikes deeper and has more lasting consequences than any ephemeral success of the last year, or of anything that can be bounded by years or tickets. I will here thank the Attorney-General for the kind things that he said about our President, but I was not going to speak of his achievements, of any of his expressions of opinion on public questions, in regard to any of his utterances or views on national or international issues. It would not become me to discuss them here. But, nevertheless, there is one subject which does closely appertain to him, and I mean to say that we as Americans, and I am sure our English friends here will give us their full sympathy in our gratitude, feel that by the influence of his personality, of his public spirit and public conduct, an immense change has been worked upon the young men of America, who look up to him as an example. (Cheers.) Perhaps you will remember - you are all, I am sure, old enough to remember - that a reproach has often been cast in our teeth by critics and Pressmen - shall I say of other nations ? - that the best of our young men, of our educated young men, of our young men of character, refrain from any part in political life. Mr. Bryce, one of our best friends - I think I may say one of our most unqualified admirers - came over 15 years ago and wrote a book about us, in which he had to have a chapter headed "Why do the best citizens not enter into politics?" I was in America last year at the time of one of the greatest and most thrilling elections they have had there for a long time, and I found that the conduct of political affairs was very largely in the hands of the educated young men of Ameria; and I solemnly believe that in that great municipal struggle of last year in New York every college graduate was found working in that contest on one side or the other. (Cheers.) Now that is a very great advance, and I think it is very largely due to the influence of the man who is now occupying our Presidential chair. (Cheers.) He says in his proclamation - I find one sentence that seems to me to reach the point - that not only for our material success have we abundant reason to give thanks to God. "We now abundantly enjoy material well-being, and under the favour of the Most High we are striving earnestly to achieve moral and spiritual uplifting." (Cheers.) And this moral uplifting has come very largely by his influence, and the reproach has passed away from us, and when Mr. Bryce or any other friendly or unfriendly visitors who may visit our shores hereafter arrive they will have no occasion to insert the chapter in their book "Why do the best citizens not enter into politics?" (Loud cheers.) The HON. H. CLAY EVANS proposed the toast of "Our Guests," which was acknowledged by LORD REAY and SIR H. NORMAN, and the health of the chairman was afterwards proposed by the VICE-CHAIRMAN. Staunton, Va., Dec.12th,1902. Col.Campbell Slemp, Big Stone Gap, Va. My Dear Slemp;- I wrote you some time ago not only to express my gratification at your election, but the hope that you would receive the certificate to which you were entitled, and to express the further hope that through you, with careful management, coupled with a little political diplomacy, the Ninth District might be brought into cordial and harmonious relations with the organization of the party in the State, This never could be done under the leadership of Gen. Walker, chiefly because he was no part of a politician and would not permit the existence of friendly relations for twenty four hours at a time. By this unwise course, as you know, he forfeited his right to expect the support of the party at large, crippled his own influence, and greatly damaged political conditions in his own District. You will find persons, many persons in your District, who, inheriting Gen.Walker's prejudices, will be hard to manage, but with your long and extended experience, with your foresight into the depths of human nature and with your genial disposition, you are the best equipped man in the Southwest for the great work that lies before you.2. Republicans in the Valley not only hope but expect before another Congressional election rolls around, you will have at your back, not only our party friends of your own District, but of the entire State, and that you will receive the full benefit of all the moral force that such a [that such a] condition would undoubtedly inspire. From what I have heard, I do not think you clearly understand the situation in this the Tenth Congressional District, and I know you will pardon me, if in this connection, I shall briefly give it. The Republicans here are practically unanimous in supporting the organization. I do not exaggerate the matter when I say, that ninety-nine one hundredths of them, in every county and city of the District, except, perhaps, in the single county of Buckingham, are uncompromising[ly] promoters and supporters of the organization. The opposition led by the Yosts, who have never at any time for the last twenty-five years been in accord with our party leadership, its organization or its candidates. The Yosts, who when in 1889, you ran on the State ticket with Mahone for Lt-Governor, sold out the columns of the Valley Virginian to John S.Barbour, the Chairman of the Democratic party for twelve hundred dollars--th money being drawn by Jake Yost himself in two sight drafts, through the Augusta National Bank of this City, and who during the trying ordeal of that great campaign, vilified3. and abused the personnel of our ticket, until the Republicans in this community felt like applying a torch to the editorial sanctum. These, my dear Colonel, are the persons, who under- took to measure lances with us in the primaries and meetings preparatory to, and leading up to the Congressional Convention that assembled in Buchanan on the 26th day of September to re-organize the party and to nominate a candidate for Congress. In this Yost's own home county, as well as mine, both sides prepared for a trial of strength, with the result that we had the largest and most representative meeting of Republicans that ever assembled in this or in any other county in the State. Pull fifteen hundred stalwart Republicans responded . to the call. We have the only hall in Virginia that would have held them. On a test vote it was found that ten to one were for us and against Yost on every possible phase of the contest. We stood before the people of Augusta with the power to crush them out. Our ability to do it was demonstrated; still in the interest of party harmony and to the end that we might in peace work together to promote the party strength and growth, and against the solemn protests of my associates, I proposed to shake hands, be friends and let the dead past bury its dead. Yost at that critical moment, after some hesitation, but as I believed in sincerity, took my profered hand, and it was on my motion that the county4. organization was divided, the delegates to the Congressional Convention divided, and the whole instructed to vote for his nomination for Congress. It was understood and agreed in the presence of fifteen hundred Republicans, that Yost's unholy and inexcusable fight against Allen and against the organization of the party should cease. But in less than twenty four hours we had abundant proof that he was in close conference with the delegates we had given him, to overthrow, if possible, the District organization. When we reached the Buchanan Convention, On receiving this information I sent for him; he came to my office and I begged him, with all the force and emphasis, I could put in the language employed, not to precipitate another fight at the coming Convention, but he doggedly resisted my appeals, upon the ground that he should have the privilege of naming the Chairman, or the person who was to run his individual campaign. I said certainly; I agree with you. You may select anybody you choose to perform that work, but it is not an individual campaign exclusively. The party feels as much interest in the work of the campaign, said I, as the individual, and the party, in pursuance of the party law, should be permitted to elect the Chairman of the Committee, who is to conduct the campaign on its part. He finally took the position that he must be allowed5. to name the entire organization, or practically so, and when we reached the District Convention at Buchanan, the delegates were thoroughly disgusted with him and his tactics. So when we reached a vote, out of sixth-eight delegates, he and his friends were only able to control sixteen and one-third, and this included one-half of the Augusta County delegation, that we in our effort to secure harmony, had given him, Notwithstanding this evidence of duplicity and bad faith that was seen and known of all men, the Convention on my motion, tendered him, by acclamation, the nomination, that he in an ill concealed fit of bad humor declined, And now, my dear Colonel, I think you know me well enough to believe that I am not in the habit of exaggerating political conditions, and I want to say to you now, measuring fully the force and extent of my words, that a Republican Convention in this section of Virginia, will never again give the slightest recognition, either to Mr.Yost or his pretensions. He understands this situation fully as well as we do, and is therefore venting his spleen in the foul misrepresentation of our organization and the cold blooded subversion of recent political occurrences--both in pamphlet form and through the . columns of the Old Dominion Sun. The only feeling, I assure you, I have in this matter is one of regret that he has seen fit to trample upon our oft repeated efforts to restore peace. The same feeling prevades the ranks of the whole party, but let me6. give you the positive assurance that we will be found in all coming Conventions with a solid and unbroken column of sixty-eight delegates, standing shoulder to shoulder with you and in holding up your hands to promote party strength, to advance party growth, to the end that you may be able to hold your own District and that other laurels may be added to the crown that you will so worthily and proudly wear. What I have said of our own District applies with equal force, I believe, to the Seventh, but I will not burden you with a further recital of these conditions at this time. You will permit me, as I commenced, to conclude with the hope that your election to Congress may mark an era of good feeling in our poor old Bourbon ridden State, that will cement the bond of brotherly love, both personal and political, and make perpetual the union of our hands and hearts. With best wishes for you and yours, I remain as ever, Yours very truly, S. Brown Allen[enclosed in Payne 12-26-02]The Commercial Advertiser, ESTABLISHED 1797. 187 BROADWAY AND 5 & 7 DEY STREET, EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT NEW YORK, Dec. 12th, 1902. [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 12-13-1902*] Dear Mr. President: -- I don't want you to miss the enclosed and so send it to you specially. The Civil Service Reform League must have got away from the control of the Schurz element or otherwise they would not have told all this truth about you. This view of the case is confirmed by the conduct of the Post which neither prints a line of the commendation of you nor refers to it in any way. That's a fine example of fair criticism, is it not? I hope all goes well with you and yours. Your picture hangs in the place of honor over my book-cases and the whole family is proud and happy because of its presence. Yours always, J. B. Bishop President Roosevelt.Personal Department of Justice. United States District Court, District of South Carolina, Charleston. [*Ackd 12-13-1902*] December 12th, 1902. Dear Mr. Roosevelt:- In the matter of Crum I have just learned some facts from a perfectly reliable source which I think you ought to know. During Mr. Harris[s]on's term the dispensers of the Federal offices in this State promised him the appointment of postmaster in this City, but Mr. Harrison, influenced largely it is supposed, by the friends of Mr. Mowry, the then incumbent, did not appoint him. Just before the Minneapolis Convention Crum insisted upon going as a delegate to that Convention, and there was an understanding, that he was to vote for Mr. Harris[s]on's re-nomination. At Minneapolis, as you know there was a strong effort made to secure Mr. Blaine's nomination, and friends of his obtained from Crum an[d] assurance of support of his candidacy. The leaders of the South Carolina delegation, Mr. Webster, Mr. Cunningham, and Mr. Lathrop were informed of Crum's treachery, and they brought influence to bear upon him to bring him back into the Harris[s]on column, and through Mr. Michener and Mr. Mason formerly Commissioner of Internal Revenue assurances were given to Crum that if he stood by Harris[s]on he would receive the appointment, and thereafter he voted straight. I learned further that in the politics of this State Crum has been always one of the men who had to be placated by promises of office, and further that at the last State Convention -2- when Dean was a candidate for State Chairman Crum supported him against he wishes of Webster and others who were endeavoring to select another man. My informant is one of the few men who has been associated in politics in the Republican Party in this State, who I regard an entirely trustworthy, and I am so satisfied as to the truth of his statements, that I am sure that you will make a great and most regrettable mistake if you select Crum, for any responsible Federal Office, in this state. Mr. Wolcott who was a Blaine man at the Minneapolis Convention will doubtless confirm this statement as to Crum's promises of support to Blaine. Yours faithfully, Wm. H. Brawley[*[For 1 attachment see ca. 12-12-02]*]RÉPUBLIQUE FRANÇAISE. Ministère de la Guerre. Paris, le 12 Décembre 1902 [*Ackd File*] Monsieur le Président, Vous m'avez fait un grand Honneur, le 25 mai de cette année , en me donnant votre photographie et vous m'en faites un plus grand encore en m'autorisant, par l'intermédiaire du Colonel Bingham, à vous adresser la mienne. Je vous prie de vouloir bien l'accepter comme un gage de ma respectueuse sympathie et un témoignage de ma profonde reconnaissance pour l'accueil particulièrement cordial que vous avez bien voulu me faire en ma qualité de chef de la mission Française aux Etats-Unis. Je conserve un si bon souvenir des instants malheureusement trop courts que j'ai passés auprès de Vous, que je tiens à vous offrir, à l'occasion du renouvellement de l'année, mes meilleurs souhaits pour votre bonheur personnel, pour celui de votre famille et pour la prospérité du grand à Monsieur le Président des Etats-Unis Théodore Roosevelt. [*N°15 - 564-63-1902.*]peuple à la destinée du quel vous présidez avec tout de dignité de savoir et de dévouement. Veuillez agréer, Monsieur le Président, l'hommage de mon respectueux attachement. Gal. Brugère Vice président du Conseil supérieur de la guerre 20 avenue Rapp.[*Ackd 12-13-1902*] COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK PRESIDENT'S ROOM December 12, 1902 My dear Mr. President: Very much thanks for your kind note. Mrs. Butler had another sinking turn yesterday morning and in consequence the day was a most anxious one. Delafield and James came in consultation in the afternoon, and confirmed everything that had been done and offered no new suggestions. They agreed with our own physician that desperate as the case is and has been, there is still ground for hope, We are greatly encouraged this morning by the fact that Mrs. Butler passed through the night without any return of the sinking spells, and that her general condition seems brighter and better, You must not bother to answer this letter. With warmest regards to Mrs. Roosevelt, I am, as ever, Sincerely yours, Nicholas Murray Butler To the President, White House, Washington, D. C.CUSTOM HOUSE, SURVEYOR'S OFFICE, New York, December 12th, 1902. [*Ackd 12-13-1902*] Dear Mr. President: I was not able to see Mr. Charles W. Anderson until today. He feels unable to accept of the mission to Liberia because of the fatality that has unusually attended residence there of Americans in this post. As to the other matter, he said he was confident he could secure, with my help, the consent of Mr.Platt, but, as he understands it, the Governor is not going to appoint Dickey Railroad Commissioner, and, therefore, the Shipping Commissioner place will not be vacated. Therefore, we will have to wait for developments in this matter. I want to say that Anderson is in fine form for party work and has gone to work on lines that he and I have been maturing for several months, to get the Colored men of New York City thoroughly organized in the interests of the Republican Party. He has begun first on Kings County, an has raised the money and rented a large, roomy house, and furnished it for a Central Republican Club, social and political. He is also organizing the Republican voters in each Assembly District and is going to have membership in the Central Republican club given to the most-2- active Republicans of the Assembly Districts as a reward and as a proper encouragement and incentive to active and constant work. He has done very fine work in this, and he has raised the money to pay for the rent of the house, of the furnishing of it, and has $500 in the treasury, entirely among his own people. He is now proceeding to do the same thing in New York City and will organize a similar central club and make it the heart of Republican activity in this element in Manhattan. He is proceeding on hos thorough knowledge of the African character, and I am satisfied that he have in him a man who can do this sort of effective work, which we so much need to have done for the sake of the party. In view of this, it is plain that we cannot well spare him out of this City and State. The importance of this you understand even better than I. There are 11,000 Colored voters in Brooklyn and 26,000 in Manhattan. He is having lists secured of every Colored voter in both Cities, with their residence, and is going to campaign for them by a house to house and face to face canvass. After he has organized the two Cities, he is going to take it up in the State with the men we have succeeded in getting to resign from the Tammany Colored organization. In going over the complete election returns, which I am having collated for your information, I find that Governor Odell was nearly 60,000 votes short of an actual majority in the-3- 1,400,000 votes cast at the last election and 16,000 votes short of a majority over the Democrats alone. These figures are alarming and make plain the necessity of getting down to close Republican organization. Sincerely yours, James S. Clarkson Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington. CUSTOM HOUSE, SURVEYOR'S OFFICE. NEW YORK, December 12th, 1902. [*Ackd 12-13-1902 Judge Long's letter ret'd*] Dear Mr. Loeb: The President asked me on Wednesday to send him a confidential letter I had from Judge Long, the National Committeeman from Florida, now Consul-General in Egypt, in regard to the matter of McGourin, present U.S. Marshal in one of the Florida districts. This letter was written me in the strictest confidence, and if it were not on a subject which was of more concern to the President, by way of information, than myself, I would not feel free even to send it to him. Please return it when he shall have read it. I also want to renew my positive opinion that McGourin, who has made a fine and faithful official, whose record is said at the Department of Justice to be excellent, who has the endorsement of the majority of the members of the County, Congressional and State Republican Committees of Florida and the endorsement of Mr. Ware- the only Republican elected to the present Legislature of Florida and the only Republican in office anywhere in Florida, I am told, by the votes of the party,-and of all who know him, is worthy of the reappointment. He is clean, strong, and faithful (Mr.Loeb, 2) while the man suggested against him makes no concealment but rather boasts of the fact that he is a Democrat on County and State matters, but a Republican in national politics. McGourin has a clean record of Republicanism straight through and there is no better Republican in the State of Florida. When we do have in a Southern State a Republican so loyal and so capable, so clean-handed and high-minded as McGourin, I believe it would be a great mistake to turn him down and especially to dishearten sincere Republicans by appointing in his place one not as worthy of public favor and confidence as he is. As I remember, I told the President that Long advised that Northrup be made Postmaster and McGourin continued as Marshal; I see by his letter he makes the contrary suggestion. It seems to me, however, that McGourin who has had experience in the office of Marshal, who is endorsed by Judge Swayne, U.S. Judge for the district, who has been sixteen years in Florida and a man of high standing, and by Mr. Eagan, the U.S. Attorney for the district, who has been in Florida over fifteen years, should be continued in his office and Northrup given the post office if he is to be given anything. Sincerely yours, James S. Clarkson Mr. Wm. Loeb, Ass't Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. (Enclosure)CUSTOM HOUSE, SURVEYOR'S OFFICE. [*Ackd 12-13-1902*] NEW YORK. December 12, 1902. Dear Mr.Loeb: Enclosed I send you a letter from Mr. Loomis, now U. S. Minister to Portal, formerly U.S.Minister to Venezuela. Maybe the President would like to read the portions I have marked dealing with the situation in Venezuela and Mr.Loomis' acquaintance therewith. As Mr.Loomis is now in Washington, he is near at hand for conference. The President will know whether or not he wishes to see him. I would also state that General B. F. Tracy, ex-Secretary of the Navy and who was connected with ex-President Harrison in the arbitration over Venezuelan matters after President Cleveland's action in 1895, is going to Washington in the next two or three days. I have learned through General Boyce that General Tracy has taken very great interest in the present Venezuelan episode and is greatly pleased with the President's course in regard to it. He also said today that the President had defined the Monroe Doctrine in a better manner than it has ever been defined before and that if he follows in this course there can be no result that will not be beneficial to the United(Mr. Loeb, 2) States. I have thought it would be well to advise the President of General Tracy coming to Washington and that he might want to send for him and have a talk with him on this matter. He is heartily the President's friend, and, as you know, still has great influence in this State. Sincerely yours, James S. Clarkson Mr. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Ass't Secretary to the President, Washington. (Enclosure)[*[FOR ENC. SEE LOOMIS TO CLARKSON 12-4-02]*][*XO L ackd 12/6-02*] United States Senate, Washington, December 12, 1902. The President, White House. My Dear Sir: I have been asked by the officers of the Tippecanoe Club of Cleveland to see if you would consent to stop off there and address the Club when you are in Ohio the last of January. They understand that you are to be at Canton on the night of January 26th and would like to have you in Cleveland on the following evening. I do not wish to do anything to add to your burdens, or to embarrass you, but would be pleased if you could conveniently accept the invitation. Truly yours, M A Hanna[*State*] (Copy) Washington, Dec. 12, 1902. My dear Mr. Hay: First let me say how much I appreciate the association of myself with any possible change in the Department of State. I may assume that, whatever the source of consideration of my name, it is not disagreeable to you, and that in itself is something I shall never forget. If, as I said to you, this change could be looked upon in any degree as a command, I should accept it without question, and in this respect I should like to have you feel I am ready to accept any duties which those in authority may deem to the best interests of the Government. Without implying any comparison between the post of Minister to Spain and that to which you have referred, my personal preferences, however, which you were so good as to ask for, are in favor of the former. I have some acquaintance with Spain and much admiration for many of the qualities of Spanish character, and, without undue pretensions, shall make it my best effort to give the conventional formula relative to the promotion of good relations a real and vital meaning. As you well know, it is my desire to continue in this branch of the Government service, and, unless the call to other duties is imperative, would prefer to rest that continuance on my effort to deserve well of the State Department and the President. Please accept, and in so far as you may deem proper transmit to the President this expression of my preference, and believe me, in fullest appreciation of your ever kindly courtesy and interest, Yours most sincerely, ARTHUR S. HARDY. The Honorable John Hay, Secretary of State.I am a person almost with out means other than what I earn in my profession I should like very much to get it property if you will kindly as my question if not am important one. I will be very thankful to you. that is doe you know of any member of The Roosevelt family who lived on the Date mention at N. Y. trusting you can give me the information I seek I am Most Respt Mrs. Julia Roosevelt Hurley Please keep this in confidence. [*Address Mrs. Julia Hurley c/o Grand Opera House Kittanning Pa*] [*2 1-16-02 P.P.F.*] Latrobe, Penna. Dec 12, 1902 Theodore Roosevelt - Honored Sir I sincerely trust you will pardon the liberty I take in addressing you, although of the same name, and I have every reason to believe I am in some way related to the Roosevelts of N. Y. that is my excuse for doing so I have for the past 5 years been trying to trace a branch of my family - and hope too beable to doe so soon so I have taken the liberty of asking your advice as to some Deaths in the Roosevelt family as far back as 1829 at N.Y. City that was my Birth place and I was left an orphan there through the Death of my parents by Cholera in the year 1849 at the age of three and a half years of age and was adopted by a party by the name of Joseph James and taken to Crawfordsville Ind where I lived untill I was 15 years old then going to Chicago where I married a few years later. So I Drifted away from N.Y. and did not return to that city again until after the death of my Husband some few years ago. I have lately been longing now that I am alone and advanced in years to find some trace of my relatives if possible as I have been told there there is some money belonging to me that I ought have and could get if I could only prove my identity and as Orient, N.Y. Dec 12, 1902 [[shorthand]] [*Ack'd 1-3-1903*] Mr. Roosevelt Dear Sir: I am at the present time writing a book in which I wish to make reference a great deal to our late beloved President Mc Kinley. Could you give me some unpublished incidents of his life, either while occupying the Presidential chair or of his private life. It is not for my own sake I am asking this but simply because I wish to make him a center around which the actors in the book shall circle The book will take in the Spanish-American war and lead up to the "Pan-American" and death of our beloved President The anarchistic part will be portrayed and the life of our late President brought out in the best manner possible Any manuscript or papers or incidents will help me a great deal in the work I am preparing Any personal incidents of the war in Cuba would be highly acceptable. Forgive me if I am asking too much but remember that it is not from selfishness but rather that I may portray his true character that I write to youAs I wish to give my best effort to this work, it will probably be a year at least or perhaps longer before I shall be able to give it to the public. Thanking you in advance for any favors that you may bestow upon one in this line. I am yours respectfully, Cecil Ritchie Lattiam[[shorthand]] [*Done 12-13-1902 CF*] Navy Department Washington December 12, 1902. My dear Mr. President: Referring to the dinner to which it is proposed to invite certain persons designed to be effective in the increase of the Navy I have the honor to suggest the Speaker, Hon. John Dalzell and Hon. Charles H. Grosvenor, members of the Committee on Rules; Hon. George E. Foss and Hon. Alston G. Dayton of the Committee on Naval Affairs; and Hon. Joseph G. Cannon, Chairman of the Committee on Appropriations; On the part of the Senate I beg to suggest Hon. Eugene Hale and Hon. George C. Perkins. The next member of the Senate Naval Committee is Mr. Platt of New York. Possibly he would not be interested in a subject of this kind. The next member of that committee is Mr. Hanna who probably would be. It is desirable also to consider whether it would not be wise to invite Mr. Allison. Sincerely yours, William H. Moody The PRESIDENT.JACOB A. RIIS, 524 BEECH STREET, NORTH, RICHMOND HILL, BOR. OF QUEENS. NEW YORK, Dec 12 1902 [*Ackd 12-13-1902*] [*2__26__92 18 [?]*] My dear Mr President I shall be lecturing in Washington on Friday, Dec 19th, for the Y.M.C.A. I shall come late that eveng and shall probably have to take th noon train home on Saturdy. May I come up and see you on Early on Saturd evening (20th) or you will let me? There are two or three things I very much want to say to you. I shall take only as many minutes of your time as you will let me willingly Ever yours Jacob A Riis[*[For 1 enc. see Times, 12-3-02]*] coming could be useful, or that it was desirable same particular thing should be said in London, I would always go on at once upon a word from you. I brought away a fresh stock of pleasant memories, due to your friendly kindness. Believe me with many thanks ever Sincerely yours George Smalley To The President Personal [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 12-15-1902*] 10 WEST FORTY-THIRD STREET 12 Dec 1902 My dear Mr. President I send you under another envelope The Times of Dec. 3d. with despatches and a leading article on your message. The Times (London) of today condemns the sinking of the Venezuela ships, unless justifiable by facts not yet known. Public opinion here seems very tranquil on the whole subject. Men think, and say, that your presence in the White House is a guarantee that every interest of this country will be safeguarded. The suggestion from London (and in some American papers) that your government should find some way out for the British & Germans is manifestly an appeal to the English Govt. to make the first step and ask for your good offers. Even the Sun (N. Y.) says today that the Union doctrine is not concerned & that your attitude and policy are "manifestly correct." I may return to Washington shortly, - certainly shall if events require. Let me say that if you should ever think my[*To the President, As showing the value of S. Brown Allen, Marshal, to the Republican Party - I have no idea who prepared this, but it is Gospel truth. Respy Geo. S. Wise Dec, 12th, 1902*] The Virginia Republican Organization An Example of Its Methods and Their Results. REVIEW OF CONDITIONS IN THE TENTH DISTRICT THE CHANGES WROUGHT UNDER THE PRESENT PARTY MANAGEMENT. From The Old Dominion Sun, Nov. 21, 1902. [At this instance of a number of Republicans, the following article was prepared directly after the Buchanan Convention, September 25th, to nominate a Republican Candidate for Congress in the Tenth Congressional District of Virginia. It was intended for immediate publication, and was actually in type, but the publication was suspended at the request of Mr. Yost until after the election for fear that its appearance earlier might possibly affect the Republican vote. It is printed now for the purpose of showing the real condition of the District and the influences which have operated so effectively in behalf of Democratic interests:] The Position of the Anti-Machine Forces. Some surprise has been expressed at the result of the Republican convention, held at Buchanan on the 25th of September, to nominate a candidate for Congress from the Tenth District. It was generally believed that Hon. J. Yost of Staunton would be nominated without opposition and that he would accept, and there were those who, without a knowledge of the circumstances surrounding the case, were disposed to criticize him for declining. It is due him and to the Republicans of the Tenth District that the real facts should be known: Mr. Yost's position was well understood by all who chose to speak to or communicate with him on the subject. He had not only not sought the nomination, but he had tried in every way to avoid being a candidate and had, to all who approached him, declared that he could not accept the nomination. But the pressure of friends did not cease. It was represented that by reason of his wide acquaintance he would be the stronger candidate and that some incentive must be held out in order to stimulate Republicans to register. So far as the registration had progressed, a lamentable lack of interest had been shown. Disapproval of the new constitution; disinclination to subject themselves to the inquisition of partizan registration boards, coupled with the absences of a definite object to accomplish in the next election, had exerted a repellant influence, so that unless something was done to stimulate men to register many of our best citizens would refuse or neglect to even attempt to register. Added to this was that a new condition was presented - a new prospect opened. The mist of racial prejudice which had so long enveloped the State could no longer be used as a menace to the timid and as a cloak to the corrupt. Men would be able to take a clearer view of politics in its best sense, and business men especially would be less reluctant to sunder old party ties and align themselves in behalf of a public policy favorable to their interests and which had worked out such splendid results during the last six years. An additional advantage was that the Democratic candidate whilst legally the nominee, had not been selected by a convention or primary in which the voters had an opportunity to participate. In accordance with his party plan, he had simply been proclaimed the candidate, and the individual voter did not feel the same individual obligation which attaches to participation in convention or primary. Then, too, the Democratic candidate was regarded as many as the supporter and beneficiary of methods against Republicans, and when necessary, against candidates in his own party, which clean, honest citizens do not undertake to defend. In such a situation, it seemed that every Republican who loved his country and who loved his party should be willing to take any position assigned him and make any reasonable personal sacrifice in order to redeem the District and rebuke unclean election methods. Mr. Yost recognized the force of these and other reasons equally as cogent. Against his own announced purpose and against his own interest, he consented to accept the nomination, and to conduct the canvass as actively and forcibly as it was possible for him to di, provided the Republicans intended to make a real fight for the District, and not have a convention merely to select committeemen to endorse themselves for office and trot out a candidate for a dress parade. The feeling among the mass of Republicans was one of elation; of purpose to work, and something of the old-time enthusiasm took possession of them. After the meeting at Staunton, it was believed the factional differences had disappears and that once against Republicans would enter the canvass for the purpose and sole purpose of electing their candidate. With this view and in this spirit, prominant business men - railroad men, manufacturers, merchants, mechanics, farmers, laborers, and men of all classes, were, in large measure, elected as delegates to the Congressional Convention. The great industrial interests of the District were represented by their general managers, superintendents or other officials who, at the sacrifice which even a day's absences involved at this more than busy season, were present in person anxious to do everything in their power to contribute to a winning race. What Was Proposed. It was recognized, though, that if it was to be a winning race the Republicans would have to do something more than proclaim. The would have to show they were in dead earnest and make the first move towards a demonstration of their intention to cease squabbling over spoils and direct their energies to a defeat of the Democrats. To this end, it was suggested that, as far as could be done at present, the effort be made to start a movement which, if persisted in, would eventuate in making the party organization a real engine of effectiveness against the enemy. The Present System. Under the present system, the organization controls the Federal patronage of the State and the organization consists of office-holders. For the offices thus held the members of the organization recommend each other and, in turn, are recommended by each other. This starts with the Chairman and Secretary of the State committee; extends to the members of the Executive Committee, and thence on down the scale to the minor committees. The Chairman and Secretary and members of the Executive Committee absorb all of the most lucrative offices and dole the minor positions out to members of the minor committees. The result of this system is that membership on a committee is looked upon as a necessary preparation for Federal office, and these positions are so eagerly sought after that at a convention the attention of delegates is centered upon them. When the committeeship is secured, the fortunate individual is in a position of distinct advantage over all outside competitors. His endorsement is sought after by another member of the committee and, in turn, that other member endorses him, and so on until all as are provided for. The objections to this system are obvious. The result of of its operation has been disastrous. In 1896, when there was not a Republican Federal official in Virginia four Republican Members of Congress were elected. Since that date, and since this system went into effect, there has not been a single Republican Representative from Virginia in Congress. To correct this evil and start the foundation for an effective party organization that would draw into it active business men - non-office holders or applicants for office - Mr. Yost and his friends proposed: The Proposed System. That the give members of the State Committee to be chosen at the Buchanan Convention should be non-office holders and men who were not applicants for appointive position under the Federal Government. If, in future, either of them desired to apply for office, as he had a perfect right tot do, then and in that event, before making application or seeking endorsement, he should resign from the Committee and take his place on a level plane with all other Republicans who wanted the same position. In this way the measure of party reward would be the effectiveness of work preformed in securing votes for party candidates, and not in manipulating delegates and seeking positions on Committees. In this way, too, selections could be made of committeemen who did not desire office, but who were in a position to exert influence and do effective work in getting out the vote. If offered an opportunity to enlist new blood; to infuse new life into the organization; to elevate the tone of the party and draw into active co-operation with it representatives of the business element and those whose interests were identified with the success of Republican policy. The purpose and sole purpose of party organization should be promote the cause and elect its representative. When this ceases to be its aim it is no longer worth of the name or worthy of the support of party men. If men seek membership on committees with a view to promoting their own chances for preferment, they lose sight of what should be the real purpose of their selection - the advancement of the cause. Human nature is human nature among all classes, and the thing nearest to us claims our first attention. If, however, there were no divided interests every effort could be concentrated on the one object. It was not proposed to commence an assault upon office holders as such. It was no-contest of the "outs" against the "ins." The movement was absolutely impersonal and aimed at a system and not at individuals. It was recognized that some of the truest and best men seek and hold appointive positions and that both the seeking and the holding are honorable and commendable. It was not proposed to revolutionize the system at a single stroke. The idea was to simply make a start in the direction indicated, proclaim the policy, inaugurate the movement and if it proved a success to continue until the party had been placed on a higher plane and in a position of effectiveness. Certain it is that nothing could be lost by the experiment. With this purpose in view and this purpose solely, Mr. Yost and his friends went to the Convention. There had been no concealment of their intention. Not one of them was seeking an office or advocating the claims of others for appointive position. There was no suggestion of disturbing any office holder in the enjoyment of his emoluments. The terms of the Chairman of the Congressional Committee and of the five members of the State Committee expired by limitation with the assembling of the Convention. The opportunity was therefore presented of installing the new plan without turning anybody out or infringing upon anyone's rights or prerogatives. Attitude of the Machine Forces. Meantime, what was the attitude of Col. S. Brown Allen and his friends representing the organization? At the Staunton meeting he had rushed tot he front of the stage and before an audience of fifteen hundred proffered his hand to Mr. Yost and begged that all past differences be forgotten. Mr. Yost hesitated to take the extended palm until he could thoroughly understand that it was offered in sincerity and meant what the audience believed that it did mean. In the presence of the meeting and before his hand was given, he asked Mr. Allen if he really meant to be sincere; if this was to be the end not only of personal differences and party strife, but also of trickery and sharp practices> Mr. Allen protested his sincerity and declared that in the future there should be no occasion to charge unfairness or want of frankness. With this assurance so publicly expressed, Mr. Yost gave his hand. It was then agreed that Allen and Mr. R. A. Fulwiler, his chief Deputy Marshal, on the one side, and Yost and Mr. T. K. Hackman on the other, should retire and agree upon a plan of co-operation. When these four met, Allen asked Yost what he wanted. Yost replied that he wanted a clean, square, impartial man for County Chairman. Allen proposed the name of Fulwiler for that position. Yost objected. He then proposed another name which was not accepted. As the third name he proposed Sam'l A. Dunlap. Yost replied that he did not know how Dunlap stood in the factional fight and did not care, but he believed him to be a square, honest man of high character who would do the right and in whom all could have confidence. Dunlap was selected. When it came to naming the County Committee, one change was made and a vacancy left unfilled. When it came to the selection of delegates to the Congressional Convention it was agreed that the two tickets which had been prepared should both be elected and the delegates given half a vote each. The agreement thus quickly reached was presented to the Convention and ratified by acclamation and the delegation was instructed to cast the vote of the county for Yost in the Buchanan Convention. This occurred on the 20th of Sept. There was no intimation or suggestion that factionalism was to be revived until the evening before the Congressional Convention - Sept. 24th, when Allen asked Yost to come to his office. He then stated that he understood Yost's friends were soliciting proxies and that Mr. Voorhees had sought and secured the proxy of Mr. Colaw of Highland who had been authorized by the meeting held in that County to cast the vote of the county. Yost replied that if such was the case he had never heard of or had any intimation of it. On the contrary, he had just received a letter from Mr. Colaw stating that he would attend the convention in person. (It subsequently transpired that Colaw, at the law moment, found that he would be unable to get off and, without suggestion from any one, had sent his proxy to Voorhees.) Allen then asked if it was proposed to make any changes in the membership of committees. Yost replied that it was and briefly outlined his idea of drawing prominent business men into active co-operation and placing the party on a higher plane than it had occupied. He stated that the only hope of success, and from indications it appears to be a reasonable hope, was to draw from the Democratic vote. The dissatisfaction with the Democratic candidate and the general conditions this year offered a rare opportunity for such a result. It could only be reached, however, by putting the Republican household in a better condition and then making a clean, square canvass on the issues of maintenance of Republican policy and purer election methods. Allen then asked if it was the intention to re-elect R. A. Fulwiler as Chairman of the Congressional Committee. Yost replied that it was not; that this position had by custom been filled by the candidate with a man of his own selection. Looking to that end, he had, without suggestion from any one, asked T. K. Hackman to accept the position should he (Yost) be the nominee. That with his single exception, which was the prerogative of the candidate, the personnel of the Committee to be selected at Buchanan had not even been discussed. Allen insisted on the re-election of Fulwiler and was met with firm refusal. He then expressed great regret at the determination and stated that he apprehended trouble if his views were not acceded to. Proposition Preceding The Convention. Such was the situation the day the convention met. At Buchanan it was announced that Fulwiler was to be selected as Chairman in spite of the protest of the prospective nominee, and that the old Committee was to be re-elected. Yost firmly held to the view that unless party spoils were to be subordinate to party success at the polls it would be farcical to make a canvass; that to place his campaign in the hands of those who were hostile to him, and who had frequently and publicly expressed the belief that a Republican could not be elected - and especially under the direction of a man who insisted upon thrusting himself in a position which common delicacy and the knowledge of his attitude toward the candidate would have forbidden him to accept even had he been asked - would be to sacrifice self-respect and enter the race under a handicap which would repel, instead of attract independent voters. In this situation the independent delegates, who wanted to elect a Republican Representative from this District, and believed it could be done, proposed to take the matter into their own hands. Mr. J. E. Johnson, Jr., of the Longdale Iron Co., which owns and operates two blast furnaces and a number of mines in the District, and Mr. W. W. Taylor, General Manager of the Alleghany Iron and Ore Co., which owns and operates the furnaces at Iron Gate, Goshen, Buena Vista and Shenandoah, and is the largest employer of labor in the District were appointed to a committee to suggest a compromise. Through Mr. Johnson, they proposed that all names suggested for Chairman of the Congressional Committee be dropped and that a committee of four - two be selected by the friends of Yost and two by the friends of Allen - should agree upon a chairman and one member of the State Committee and tha the remaining four members of the committee should be elected, two from nominations made by the friends of Yost and two by the friends of Allen. This proposition was presented to the other side by Messrs. Johnson and Taylor, where it was turned down with scant ceremony. The Convention. The Convention met. The Chairman representing the Allen faction was declared elected by a vote of over two to one. The vote itself was evidence of the methods employed. Augusta was a sample. As stated above, at the Staunton meeting the delegation had, by unanimous consent, been evenly divided. As a class, the friends of Yost were active business men and, supposing that the agreement had been made in good faith and would be honorably observed, made not unusual effort to attend. Only six of the thirteen were present in person with only two unsolicited proxies. Under cover of the "harmony" which had been so vehemently proclaimed, extraordinary effort was made to secure the attendance of every delegate favorable to Allen and the delegation was scoured for proxies. As a result of these tactics less than a third of the vote of August was assigned to Yost's friends in the Convention. Similar unfair methods were used in recording the vote from other sections. Fulwiler was elected Chairman of the Congressional Committee and the old members of the State Committee were re-elected without opposition, the friends of Yost declining to vote. Notwithstanding the declaration of T. K. Hackman and others that Yost, under the circumstances, would not allowhis name to go before the Convention, a dramatic nomination was made by Allen and seconded by Fulwiler, and Yost declared the nominee by acclamation. Yost appeared and briefly declined, stating that the action of the Convention preceding the nomination made it impossible for him to accept. He stated, also, that there were others who could be selected and that he would render to the nominee every assistance in his power. After this a recess was taken and a committee sent to Yost to urge him to reconsider. It was stated that Fulwiler would resign and the name of J. B. Buhrman was proposed as chairman. Yost's friends urged him to accede to this, coupled with the condition that the members of the State Committee, just elected, also resign and with one exception, that their successors be chosen from the non-office holding class, upon nominations made by both sides. To this Yost agreed. The committee who returned this proposition were Messrs. J. E. Johnson, Jr., Longdale, and F. D. Wood, Superintendent of the Portland Cement Works. It met with refusal. The convention then nominated Col. Jas. Lyons, of Buckingham, who accepted. Col. Lyons is an excellent man and deserves the vote of every Republican. What the Management of the Organization has Accomplished By some it may be asked, who is R. A. Fulwiler?. And what are his claims to the distinction he coveted? To the first inquiry it may be answered that he is the chief Deputy to S. Brown Allen, U. S. Marshal for the Western District of Virginia, and is recognized as the spokesman and representative of that official. His claim to the position is best shown by the record of past campaigns managed by him: Fulwiler was first selected as Chairman of the Congressional Committee in 1898. At that time the I0th District was represented in Congress by a Republican, (Yost,) who had carried it by a counted vote of 16,194, to say nothing of the vote polled for him and not counted. In 1898, under Mr. Fulwiler's Chairmanship, the Republican nominee for Congress (Hubard) polled 8,009 votes, and that too in the fairest election ever held under the Walton law, and the District was handed over to the Democrats by a majority of 2,775. In this same year 1898 Fulwiler was himself the Republican candidate for the State Senate from the District composed of the counties of Alleghany, Bath, Botetourt, Highland and Rockbridge, and the Democratic majority against him was 498. Two years prior, Yost as the Republican candidate carried those five counties by an aggregate majority of 1692. In 1900 Fulwiler was again the Chairman. It was a presidential year and the Republican candidate (Hubard) had counted for him 12,913 votes. His Democratic competitor was the candidate defeated in 1896, but this time he was returned by a majority of 3151. But this process of piling up Democratic majorities was too slow a business, so when 1902 came around Fulwiler called his Committee together and through his "influence" induced them to efface the Republican party from the District. They declared it inexpedient and useless even to call a convention and let the Republicans determine whether or not to make a fight. In this simple and effective way, two objects were accomplished: 1st, The Democrats were spared the trouble and expense of making a canvass further than to have the election of their candidate proclaimed, and, 2d, unless meetings were held to elect delegates to a Congressional Convention, the Republican Committee would hold over for two years and thus all that was important to the "organization" would be secured without a struggle. But Republicans all over the District and elsewhere became indignant at such a breach of faith on the part of the so- called leaders, and with an emphasis which would brook no denial demanded that a Convention be called and a candidate placed in the field. So the Chairman, under pressure, reconvened his committee and the Convention was called. After a convention had been determined upon, Yost's name was prominently mentioned as a candidate. Fulwiler raved. He declared that under no circumstances could Yost be nominated and even if nominated there was not the ghost of a chance to elect him. This opinion he offered to back up by bets of large amounts at heavy odds. But this did not alarm any body, and it was then that his talent as a "politician" wasbrought into full play. By using, with the assistance of those back of him, the power of Federal patronage—Marshal's office, Internal Revenue office, Postoffice—which seem to have been placed at his disposal by the "organization," and by the employment of methods such as those used to get out the Allen wing of the crowd at the Staunton meeting, he sought first to defeat the nomination of Yost, and when that could not be done, he changed the tune and declared that Yost was the strongest candidate, but that in the interest of harmony, the organization must be preserved. Yost had asked for nothing; claimed nothing, and yet it was announced that he wanted everything. By misrepresentation and by tactics known only to "politicians," and which those who do not aspire to that distinction could not use if they would and would not if they could he sought to control the convention in the interest of the organization with himself as its representative, and did control it. He and those immediately behind him knew that Yost did not approve his methods and would not submit to his direction of a campaign. He knew that Yost would conduct a clean, square fight or none at all. He knew that a committee hostile to the candidate and out of sympathy with him could never hope to win. And it was this very knowledge which induced him and those immediately behind him to make it impossible for Yost to accept the nomination, or if he did accept to have a chance to win. In this District it is quite sufficient for a Republican to have the enemy in front, much less in front and rear. Col. Lyons' Chances. The fact that the Buchanan Convention resulted as it did should not deter Republicans from giving to the nominee the strongest support possible. If the organization expends half the effort and money to defeat the Democrats that it employs to fight Republicans, Col. Lyons chances should be good. The only trouble is that a campaign against Democrats is the organization's season of rest—a period of recuperation for mind, body, and estate. It can't be forever on the strain and its energies and activities are always exhausted after the severe struggle it engages in to secure committees and divide spoils. The Election and its Results. As stated, the foregoing article was prepared immediately after the Buchanan Convention and its publication suspended for the reason given. Since the election its appearance has been delayed until all of the official returns could be procured. They have been obtained and are given below. The result is but another chapter in the long record of disaster. Official Vote November 4, 1902. ——————————————————————————————— COUNTIES. FLOOD, LIONS, TOTAL, YOST, D. 1902. R. 1902. 1902. R. 1896. ——————————————————————————————— Alleghany . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 718 420 1138 1783 Amherst . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 904 144 1048 1176 Appomattox . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 749 50 799 593 Augusta and Staunton . . . . . . . . 1923 1188 3111 3605 Bath . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 299 163 462 464 Botetourt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 905 376 1281 1613 Buckingham . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 688 344 1032 1272 Cumberland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 368 112 480 725 Fluvanna . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 420 115 535 683 Highland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 311 292 603 516 Nelson . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 707 186 893 1223 Rockbridge and Buena Vista . . . 1118 864 1982 2541 ————————————————— Totals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9110 4254 13364 16194 ——————————————————————————————— Flood's majority, 4,856. It is shown by the above that the total vote in the District —Democrat and Republican—is less, by 2830, than the Republican vote alone before the party fell under the baneful influence and control of the present organization. Had there been Republican zeal and work in the canvass, the District would have been redeemed and redeemed by a good majority, just as the Ninth District was redeemed. Had the energy and money expended by the organization in trying to control the Convention and perpetuate its power to absorb the appointive offices, been used to register the Republican vote and bring it to the polls, the result would have been reversed. Take Augusta as an example. After the Congressional Convention had been called, the Republicans of that Countypetitioned the County Committee, which was dominated by its Chairman, S. Brown Allen, for a delegated Convention. This was refused, and instead, a mass meeting was called. As soon as this call was issued, the Marshal and his deputies turned themselves loose to scour the county for men who would attend the meeting, whether they could vote at the election or not. Money was used without stint; men were given from $1 up and transportation, and it was claimed that over 1000 were thus collected. During the canvass for this meeting the Marshal's office was a perfect hive of industry, and immediately after the meeting adjourned it was besieged by the faithful, presumably to get the pay for their services. After the Buchanan Convention, politics dropped out of sight. There was no effort to get the Republican vote registered or to the polls. The Marshal exhausted his energies and his eloquence in the Staunton mass meeting and the Buchanan Convention, and was never heard from in the canvass. The Republicans throughout the District were thoroughly disheartened. In the face of the enemy, the organization went to sleep. The committee had been elected, the circle of endorsements for office had been completed, and there the function of the organization ceased. It had no further interest in the result and its only influence was to excite disgust among those who wanted to see the Democratic candidate defeated. The Buchanan Convention and the result of the election, clearly demonstrated that the present organization wants no accessions to the Republican party in Virginia. All of its energies are devoted to the manipulation of delegate to secure committee positions, and any and every means are employed to that end. No party can ever hope to build up and draw to it the active support of self-respecting men whilst under such management. The Republican party in the Nation will live and grow and its policy will continue to appeal to enlightened self-interest. It affords the only assurance of a sound, staple government and of progressive, wealth-creating conditions under which all classes can thrive. But it will never have an effective support in the South until the office-holding system is eradicated. The sooner this is realized the better it will be for all except the Democratic party. Were such a change to be made, Democracy would lose its most valuable ally - in fact, the only hope of its continuance in power in the more progressive Southern States.[enclosed in Payne 12-26-02][*Hold*] [*[ca. 12-12-02] *] [*+ Crum Case*] Brawley, Wm. H. Judge, Charleston, S.C. Tells of Dr. Crum's treachery at Minneapolis Convention; will be a mistake to appoint Crum to any responsible Federal Office in the State. [ [[shorthand]] ] [attached to Brawley, 12-12-02]RECIPROCITY WITH CANADA ADVOCATED ----------------- Convention in Detroit Urges Upon Congress That Action to This End Be Taken at Once. ------------------ A Committee Appointed to Further the Cause -- Kasson Treaties are Indorsed and an Early Treaty with Cuba is Recommended. -------------------- Detroit, Dec. 11 - The delegates to the national reciprocity convention this afternoon ' adopted resolutions, listened to a witty and at the same time forceful address on reciprocity by Ex-Governor John Lind, of Minnesota; heard the report of the Finance Committee and adjourned sine die. At the morning session but two addresses were made. Eugene N. Foss, of Boston, discussed "Canadian Reciprocity," and Frank D. Pavey spoke on "Reciprocity with Cuba." The resolutions adopted are as follows: Resolved, That we affirm the resolutions adopted at the first convention of this league at Chicago, which embrace in their scope the general principle of reciprocity and the establishment of liberal, fair trade relations with all the nations of the world and that we again call attention to the reciprocity treaties negotiated by ex-Minister Kasson, including the very important treaty with France; and we again request that these treaties be ratified and also that a reciprocity treaty with Cuba be speedily negotiated and ratified. Reciprocity with Canada. Resolved, That the time and place of holding this convention make appropriate special consideration of our trade relations with Canada- relations which to say the least, have for many years been unfortunate for both countries and which promise, unless speedily changed, to grow rapidly from bad to worse at the very moment when a great industrial development is taking place, and in view of these considerations be it further Resolved, That it is the sense of this convention that the Government of the United States should take immediate steps to secure closer and more advantageous trade relations with Canada; and that reciprocal relations, beneficial to both countries, should preferably follow the general lines of the removal by both countries of the duties on natural products of each and such mutual extensions of the free list and reductions and changes of the duties on the manufactured products of both as will give to each as low a rate of duties as is given to any other country. Accordingly, we earnestly urge upon Congress that action to this end be taken at once, either by reconvening the joint high commission for the sole purpose of negotiating a reciprocity treaty with Canada, or by adopting such other method as to Congress may seem best. Resolved, finally, That we regard the negotiation of the reciprocity treaty with Newfoundland as a most important step in the right direction and hope it may be promptly ratified. To Extend Its Influence The report of the Finance Committee declared the work of organizing prosecuted and the services of one or more organizers secured. A committee was appointed to act as a sort of standing committee to further the cause of Canadian reciprocity. Its members are: Campbell Shaw, Buffalo, F.B. Smith, Detroit: E.N. Foss, Boston, and W.S. Dwinnell, Minneapolis. The views of the farmers of eastern Michigan on Canadian reciprocity were presented by L.B. Rice, of Port Huron. Mr. Rice said he felt that the (?) (?) into Canada. He argued to show the benefits to farmers on the border from the schedule in the Dingley tariff covering the importation of vegetables and other farm products. Ex-Governor Lind's Views. Ex-Governor Lind declared he could see no more reason for a trade barrier between Canada and the United States than between the States of the Union, he said:- But we must be careful not to put reciprocity on too selfish or slender a (?) not to insist upon it because it will be of benefit to a central part of our manufacturers or gratify certain local wants. Nor must we deprecate it because it will work to some disadvantage to one agricultural community or two. He warned the Canadians that England would never dare to give them preferential tariffs, because she must be on good terms with the United States, who supplied her with her foodstuffs. In conclusion he said: If it had not been for the selfishness and shortsightedness of New England's statesmen, economically, socially, and politically, at a time when the great West was not the power it is now in Congress, the United States and Canada would be one country so far as trade relations are concerned. Address of E.N. Foss. After referring to the introduction of Canadian reciprocity as a issue in the last congressional campaign, E.N. Foss said in supporting such a system of reciprocity that in his opinion public opinion should be brought to favor the general proposition, leaving the details to be discussed later. when general sentiment shall have crystallized in favor of the broad principle. He said: If we can bring close home to every voter that it is an unfair condition when we buy of our largest per capita customer only 40 per cent, of what we sell her; that upon her side there is a natural and worthy determination to close her markets against us in the advancement of her own manufacturing interests; that the loss of our Canadian trade threatens the closing of our mills and factories; that the policy of "give and take" in our trade and commerce is the only policy that promises stability; that the nation at the north exhibits possibilities relatively, if not actually, as great as our own, and that it is a mistaken economy to substitute an artificial trade barrier for a comprehensive scheme of commercial co-operation- if, in a word, we can impress upon the people that fundamental business principles are being violated by the neglect of our politicians, that the outcome can be only loss and disappointment, then we shall accomplish real progress with this cause. ALLEGED SWINDLER CAUGHT Several Uptown Tailors Say Negro Tried to Victimize Them. The shrewdness of Henry Seib, a tailor, at No. 3823 Germantown Avenue, resulted in the capture Wednesday of an alleged swindler. His arrest was brought about by the sewing on of a button. A negro entered Seib's place and said he had been sent by one of the tailor's customers to bring home a suit of clothes. Seib was suspicious. He told him the suit was not finished and that if he called again in an hour he would give it to him. When the man left the place Seib telephoned to the owner of the suit and asked him if he had sent for it. Seib was told no one had been sent. Seib sent for a policeman and the man was arrested when he returned. At the station house four other tailors identified the negro as a man who had tried to victimize them. He says his name is Samuel Savey. He was given a hearing before Magistrate Lukens and was held on $1000 bail for a further hearing. New School Site Wanted. The schools in the Twenty-fifth Section are overcrowded and at its meeting Wednesday the Sectional School Board passed a resolution requesting Councils to appropriate $25,000 for the purchase of a new school site. Miss Grace (?) teacher in kindergarten No. 2 resigned, and Miss Alice Bartholomew was elected to take her place. Miss Lizzie (?) second grade teacher in the (?) School, also resigned, and the vacancy was filled by the election of Miss Mary Tibmyer. CLEVELAND LAUDS BOOKER WASHINGTON At the Meeting in Behalf of the Berean Institute He Hails Him as the Highest Type of Negro Citizenship. Ex-President Points to the Colored Education as an Example Of What Industrial Education May Do for the Race - $5,000 Raised The grandest encomium ever pronounced by a white man upon a representative of the black race, and most eloquent because it was simple and impressive, was that bestowed by Grover Cleveland last night, when, in introducing Booker T. Washington t an audience in Witherspoon Hall, he hailed him as the highest type of what a negro may become when he avails himself of all the opportunities possible within the limits of American citizenship. These words of praise from a man who had been signally honored upon two separate occasions by the people of a great nation came, as it were, unbidden. They were, to be more exact, a series of interrogations put to the audience, which filled the hall,, and which, composed as largely of white as it was of negro members of the community, had been called together to arouse enthusiasm for the Berean Institute. The school where the negro youth of the city are drilled in all the arts of manual labor, it was pointed out, formed a positive means of saving the race in this city, and it was to illustrate what industrial education might do for the negro that the leader of the colored institute in the South had been invited from Tuskegee to address the meeting Ex-President Cleveland had been introduced by Isaac H. Clothier, and (?) was after he had delivered his opening address, and one or two other speakers had been heard that he turned to where Washington sat. Cleveland's Beautiful Tribute. The man whose learning and indomitable energy has raised him from the depths of slavery to be the leading figure of his race little looked for the compliment that was to be paid him. The ex-President began in a low, almost dull and monotonous tone, but he had not uttered half a dozen words before the audience became intensely still. "If there are any here to-night," he began, "who doubt that the negro can take advantage of an education, let him recant at once. If there are any here who even dreamed that the negro would not develop all the characteristics of a gentleman, let him hide his face in shame. If any thought that the negro could not attain the utmost refinement and best of character that would make him worthy of fellowship, let him abandon that idea for ever." Here the ex-President, imposing in is stature, and impressive in his voice and every action, paused. The great audience held its breath, while he turned full to where a man sat on the stage -a man dark of skin, but with a face wherein the eyes danced with smiles, but the head hung low as if ashamed of the attention this speaker's words attracted toward him. A Good America Citizen (?) (?) the expressive animated countenance of Booker T. Washington - and the voice went on:- "If any one present ever entertained such ideas, he is to witness a man whose very history would shatter, those thoughts, a colored man who can well afford to bear the title of gentleman, scholar and citizen. If any ever dreamed that the rights of citizenship had been ill-bestowed, he may be assured at once, for this man has proven himself one of America's best and foremost citizens." It was fully a minute before the audience, roused from the spell in which the words almost intoned had cast it, shook itself and made the building tremble with applause. The two figures stood for a moment bowing-the one man among the leaders of the one race, and the other the foremost exponent of the other and the negro problem at least for that moment, was solved. A moment later, when Booker T. Washington, with all the eloquence of a man of profound learning, with wit and humor, anecdote and all the finished tact of an orator, described the plight of the negro to-day, the audience broke in with round after round of applause. He declared manual training was the salvation of the negro; that the Bureau Institute was one of the instruments of such salvation and that it should be given not the $35,000 it asks to put up a building, but twice that. He declared the negro was brought to these shores not by his own volition, and the white man, therefore, had a responsibility in helping him. So forceful were his words and those of Colonel McClure and Robert C. Ogden, who also spoke, that fully $5000 were raised at once among the audience. Rev. Dr. Matthew Anderson, the principal of the institute, whose students meet now under the Berean Presbyterian Church, in College Avenue, helped to bring about this result for he described in a forceful way the work of the school and what it hopes to attain ultimately. "The day of the negro with his whitewash brush and the negro washerwoman has passed," he declared, "and in their stead have come the negro mechanic fighting for place with his white brother. "The time will come when the American employer will not ask is a man white or black, but can he do the work. Sentimentalism will have passed. Men will not take pity on a negro because he or his father had been a slave. A (?)(?) Every man will be measured by his marketable value." He declared that (?) was needed to build a school and pointed to the 100 negroes who owned houses with assets valued at$100,000 because of the lessons taught them by the institute's building and loan association. Among those who contributed from the stage last night were: - E.W. Clark, $1000, Isaac H. Clothier, $1000, John H. Converse, $500 the Misses Blancard $300, Mary F. Kimball, 4100, Mary C. Pardee, $100, Robert C. Ogden $100, William Hardcastle Browne, $100. Mr. Cleveland Speech. Ex-President Grover Cleveland spoke as follows: We are called together in furtherance of purposes which are not only of the utmost beneficence, but which for every reason, are deserving of serious and prompt consideration. It has often occurred t me that ever since we have become a nation the American people have almost constantly been confronted with large problems, more of less perplexing, and directly affecting the political, industrial and social phases of our national welfare. This experience, in so far as it has accustomed us to difficulties, has made us a strong and strenuous people. I think it must be admitted, however, that our success in overcoming these difficulties has engrafted upon the American character such confidence in our ability to extricate ourselves from embarrassments as amount to actual national vanity. We seem to have a contented notion that whatever dangers press upon us, and whatever obstacles are to be surmounted (?) are able because we seem to be able and that because we have thus far escaped threatening perils a happy go lucky reliance on continued good fortune will avail us to the end of the chapter. I plead guilty as the chief among sinners in the vanity of my Americanship. I have a suspicion, however, that our serene self-confidence has sometimes not only made us very brave and daring, but has stood in the way of an early and provident treatment of national problems which, having been allowed to grow and harden, have invited increased pain and difficulty in their rectification. I am, therefore, impressed with the importance of this occasion because it has to do with certain conditions which I belief, in their present stage, should be dealt with speedily and effectively. Duty Toward the Negro It is absolutely certain that everywhere in this broad land good people should be keenly alive to their duty and interest as related to the colored men, women, youth and children, who constitute a factor, large or small, in the population of every community. They have been for more than thirty years entitled to all the rights, privileges and immunities of citizens of the United States. They were drawn into our citizenship from a condition of ignorance and mental backwardness, without the least preparation for the duties and responsibilities of their new relationship to our country's wealth, and they number more than eight million, scattered throughout every State and Territory. With the gift of freedom and citizenship, they lost the humble dependence and the care and restraint of servitude, and were suddenly called upon to labor and strive on their own account for their daily bread, to obey laws adjusted to those accustomed to the most advanced civilizations, and, by the use of a free suffrage, to intelligently and honestly discharge the most delicate and important of citizenship. These considerations suggest the question whether it is in accordance with just and kind Christian sentiment for us to treat these, our fellow-citizens, as interlopers and trespassers upon the domain of equal constitutional rights, entitled to no regard or care for their amelioration; and with this the further question is presented whether it is well for us solely as a matter of enlightened self-interest to close the door of improvement against the numerous members of our population and thus permit their ignorance of civic obligations, their cramped opportunities to live honestly by the work of their hands and their resentful sense of curtailed advantages to menace our body politic. It is foolish for us to blind our eyes to the fact that more should be done to improve the condition of our negro population; and it should be entirely plain to all of us that the sooner this is undertaken the sooner will a serious duty be discharged and the more surely will we guard ourselves against future trouble and danger. It must be admitted that this situation has not been freely neglected. Our colored people have been supplied with a measure of public school privileges, even though in this they have been at a disadvantage as compared with their white neighbors. Private benevolence has also done something in the same direction. We will not fail to estimate at its true value what has thus been accomplished, though the leaven is small in comparison with the lump to be leavened; nor will we fail to appreciate the importance of continued and increasing effort in extending to this class of our citizens opportunities for ordinary school education. The Taint of Heredity. We cannot forget, however, that we have to deal with those whose deficiencies do not result entirely from their lack of education as that term is commonly used. The circumstances of the case are peculiar and exceptional. Generations of dependence and of enforced monotonous daily toil, without wages or other incentive to willing labor, and without the chance of instructive or constructive work tainted in days past, the very blood of their ancestors, and from them the present generation has inherited not only unfitness for such diversified work as best suits the needs of self-respecting American citizenship, but also a listless disinclination to attempt such work. As a result of these conditions we find there is a lamentable limitation of the kind of work open to our colored population, while we quite frequently are reminded of the unwelcome and homely fact that:- "Satan finds some mischief still for idle hands to do." Unquestionably all this should be corrected and corrected speedily. But how? No one who has given the subject deliberate thought can doubt that, if we are to be just and fair toward our colored fellow-citizens, and if they are to be more completely made self-respecting, useful and safe members of our body politic, they must be taught to do something more than to hew wood and draw water. They way must be opened for them to engage in something better than menial service; and their interests must be aroused to rewards of intelligent occupation and careful thrift. Benefit of Manual Training I believe that the exigency can only be adequately met through the (?) of well-equipped manual training and industrial schools, conducted either independently or in connection with ordinary educational institutions. I place so much reliance on this agency for the solution of the problem of negro-citizenship that I am inclined to estimate it above all others in usefulness. I am convinced that good citizenship and orderly contented life and a proper conception of civic virtue and obligations, is almost certain to grow out of a fair chance to earn an honest hopeful livelihood, a just apportionment of the opportunities to get on in the world, and a satisfied sense of secure protection and considerate treatment. Let me refer here to the astonishing manner in which our colored people have availed themselves of every opportunity which has been extended to them to improve their condition. Whether in ordinary schools or in manual training schools, the progress they have made has demonstrated how well they appreciate advantages, and how profitably efforts for their betterment can be undertaken. While these things have been abundantly in evidence there has, however, been also brought to light the less gratifying fact that a vast amount of good remains undone because of the lack of manual training schools and their need of necessary equipment. The Work in This City. The objects of our assemblage to-night are to learn the details of the work by a manual training and industrial school located here in the city of Philadelphia, and to extend to it our aid and encouragement. In this municipality, where every good work finds fertile soil, a community distinguished for benevolent enterprise are asking themselves whether they have done all they ought to do by way of improving in the manner I have indicated the citizenship of nearly or quite seventy thousand negroes within their city limits. Though still young, the Berean Manual Training and Industrial School has abundantly justified is existence and demonstrated its power for good. Under the guidance of its principal, who with noble and Christian disinterestedness has devoted himself to the establishment and maintenance of the school, if has passed so far beyond an experimental stage that its usefulness is seriously cramped by a lack of means and the want of necessary accommodations. Surely, if the liberal citizens of Philadelphia are once satisfied that their duty to their less fortunate colored neighbors and their obligations to protect the character and civic welfare of their fair city demand the increased success of the institutions it should not be willing to induce them to extend to it a helping hand. Whatever other localities may do or fail to do with their shares in the problem of negro citizenship, we cannot, anticipate that its neglect will be chargeable against the people of this philanthropic and patriotic city. Booker T. Washington Booker T. Washington, when introduced said in part:- Few occurrences could so strongly emphasize the interest felt in the elevation of my race as the fact that an ex-President of the United States is willing to leave his home and duties for the purpose of presiding at a meeting called to discuss matters bearing upon our interests. The attention of the citizens of Philadelphia has been called many times to the needs and condition of the negroes in other parts of the country but it may interest you to have the fact brought to your attention that if we except three cities, Philadelphia has the largest negro population of any single city in the country. This fact alone brings prominently before you a duty and a responsibility. I am intensely interested in the work being carried on by the Berean Industrial School under the supervision of Dr. Matthew Anderson, for the reason that he has been far-sighted enough to make a study of the occupations which are open to our people in this city, and having made this analysis of these occupations he has established an institution that seeks to fit men and women to perform in the very best manner the service those occupations presents to them. We find here a plant worth $40,000 with 200 students and instruction being given, among other things, in carpentry, dressmaking, cooking, housekeeping, upholstering, cobbling, caning, waiting, tailoring and nurse training, besides there is a building and loan association connected with the institution that gives opportunity for our people to learn how to save and invest their money in homes. Book Learning Not Enough. Mere book education alone, as valuable as it is, will not save our race. Mental education, whether for a black man or a white man, serves to increase one's wants. Unless while the wants are being increased we give the student skill by which he can supply those increased wants along lines at which he can find employment, we are in danger of making a mistake. It is right here that the common sense of those in charge of the Berean Industrial School is manifested. I am tempted to add that it seems to me the whole future of our race hinges upon the question as to whether or not we can make ourselves of such indispensable value in the community where we live that the community will feel that it cannot dispense with our presence and our service. There is an urgent need for service in every line of household duties and a large proportion of our people can be fitted to perform this service well, but it can only be done by teaching them as Dr. Anderson is doing, to put brains, skill and dignity into all these common occupations. No man who learns to a thing better than somebody else is left without encouragement. The way to solve the problem that confronts us is to teach the negro youth to do a thing better than somebody else. Bringing the whole matter down to a plain question of business, will the white people of Philadelphia support a large proportion of our race in crime and idleness, or will they fit the race to support itself by honest work? My race, especially in these Northern cities more so than in the South, is handicapped by want of skill, and I am sorry to add in many cases handicapped by want of opportunity in the North to use the skill after it has been secured. The Way to Reduce Crime. We must face another serious, if disagreeable fact. Crime among our people in Philadelphia is entirely too large in proportion to the ratio that the race bears to the white population. The way to reduce crime is to increase the efficiency of the race in the matter of work. The negro coming into Philadelphia fresh from the South has to face competition, and is brought into contact with temptations that are new to him. Dr. Anderson, through his industrial school, seeks to get hold of this class of our people and fit them for their new life, and in this praiseworthy work he should have the sympathy and support of all the citizens in Philadelphia. Our race should be given the same opportunity to earn money that it now has to spend it in your city. Every idle, criminal black man in this city will drag down to his level some white man. Every intelligent, thrifty, economical negro will add to the intelligence and wealth of your community. No member of your face can in the slightest degree lift up the meanest member of my race without you yourselves being ennobled and made more Christlike. INDIANS PITIFUL PLEA They Ask for Protection of Indian Rights' Association. Pesh-la-ki-Etsetty, the "Silversmith," and She-She-Nez, the "Long-man-of-the-clan," two members of the Navajo tribe, pleaded in their guttural dialect to the members of the Indian Rights' Association at their twentieth annual meeting on Wednesday in the parish house of Holy Trinity Church, Twentieth Street, below Walnut, for assistance and protection against the alleged injustices inflicted upon their kinsmen by the traders of the West. Through their interpreter, the Rev. W. R. Johnston, they showed how greatly they were discriminated against and how the white man had reduced them to the (?) poverty. The meeting was presided over by Philip C.Garrett. The other speakers were Charles J. Bonaparte, of Baltimore, a member of the Board of Indian Commissioners, S.M. Brosius, the Washington agent of the association, and the Rev. Dr. Floyd Tomkins, of Holy Trinity. The following officers were elected to serve during the ensuing year:- President, Philip C. Garrett; vice-president, Right Rev. Ozi W. Whitaker, bishop of the diocese of Pennsylvania; treasurer, Charles J. Rhoads, corresponding secretary, Herbert Welsh; recording secretary, Charles E. Pancoast. NOVICES, POLICE SAY Thieves Used Dynamite to Crack Marble Dealers' Safe The police are satisfied that the men who blew open the safe in the office of Buck & Gallagher, marble dealers, Ninth and Wolf Streets,, late Tuesday night, were not professional cracksmen, but novices. "This safe was destroyed by dynamite, the explosion of which was heard four squares away," said a police official yesterday. "Experienced safe breakers use nitroglycerin and do the job so that the noise of the explosion is muffled." Detectives Tate and Wood are working on the case. The police refuse to reveal the names of the two men who was arrested on suspicion early Wednesday morning. The explosion shattered the safe and wrecked the office, but the contents, consisting of $200 in cash and valuable papers were not touched. PENNYPACKER CABINET SOON The Governor-elect Expects to Announce His Selections Within a Few Days. He Says That Before Doing So He Will Confer with Leaders and Others Interested in the Appointments - Minor Notes of Political News. Governor-elect Pennypacker yesterday announced that his selections for Cabinet places would be made known during the next few days. The first appointment to be announced will probably be that of his private secretary. One or two, and perhaps three, of the important Cabinet posts, it is stated, remain in doubt, and a conference with the party leaders and others will be held by the Governor-elect before he decides definitely on selections now being held under advisement. Ex-Judge Pennypacker will, with his inauguration as Governor on January 20, probably dispense with his Philadelphia home. He has offered his North Fifteenth Street residence for sale, and according to his present plans will go to Harrisburg on January 19. His valuable library he will have removed to his Perkiomen residence, and with the exception of a few things he will take with him to the Executive Mansion practically none of his household effects. While disposed to freely discuss his plans in general, Governor-elect Pennypacker yesterday politely but firmly declined to discuss the matter of appointments. When asked whether or not he purposed conferring with party leaders before announcing his Cabinet, Governor-elect Pennypacker said:- "I have no hesitancy in saying that it is my intention to confer with not only party leaders, but with any others who may be concerned regarding the making of appointments. Just when I shall do so I am unable to say. When I decide finally no time will be lost in making that fact public. It becomes then a matter of public interest, and, in my judgment, the public has a reasonable right to be informed." Will Consult Judges. While serving on the bench in the Philadelphia Courts the Governor-elect was frequently called on to assist various Governors when appointments to fill vacancies on the bench were to be made. On that subject he yesterday said:- "After I assume the office of Governor I shall, of course, look to the Judges in service for a like guidance." While declining to discuss the attorney generalship or, for that matter, any other of the Cabinet places to be filled. Governor-elect Pennypacker confirmed that statement that Thomas S. Bigelow and George T. Oliver, of Pittsburg, had called on him in the interest of William B. Rodgers, who is spoken of prominently as a probable successor to Attorney General Elkin. Mr. Pennypacker stated that he had not received a call from former Lieutenant Governor Walter Lyon and Francis J. Torrance, of Pittsburg, who were in the city on Wednesday in the interest of Mr. Lyon's desire to land the attorney generalship. There was yesterday a revival of the speculation over the nomination of a candidate to succeed Magistrate David T. Hart. Rumor has it that Harbor Master Samuel G. Maloney, who is not regarded as an avowed candidate, will secure the nomination and that he will be assigned to preside with Magistrate Cunningham at the Central Station hearings in City Hall in place of Magistrate Kochersperger. Harmony in the Party. The venerable David H. Lane yesterday stamped as absurd the attempt in certain quarters to cast abroad the impression that there is friction in the ranks of the local Republican organization. He said:- "In all my experience I can recall no time when the local organization was in better shape than at present. Everybody seems to be working together earnestly and harmoniously, and in a way that cannot but bring gratifying results. It was yesterday stated that Attorney R.O. Moon would probably succeed Henry F. Walton as Sheriff's solicitor. George McCurdy, president of Common Council, will probably be appointed as Real Estate Deputy by Sheriff-elect Miles. The personnel of the Municipal League Campaign Committee was yesterday given out by President H.B. French. The committee consists of all the chairmen of the recent Campaign Committees. Clinton Rogers Woodruff is named as the chairman. Register of Wills Fred W.Edwards, former Speaker W.T. Marshall, and Richard B. Scandrett, of Allegheny County, were yesterday in the city in conference with local leaders. Mr. Edwards, who wields considerable strength politically in Allegheny County, and who has for years been an active supporter of Insurance Commissioner Durham, is to be appointed through the latter's efforts to a position in the department of the Auditor General. Interesting and important questions of law respecting the filling of vacancy in the office of election assessor were argued before Judges McMichael and McCarthy in Common Pleas Court, No. 3, yesterday, when Attorneys Ira J. Williams and James S. Alcorn presented a petition asking the Court to appoint an assessor in the Eighth Division of the Fourth Ward in place of Louis Silberstine, whom, it was contended, had removed from the division. Attorney Harry Mackey argued that (?) (?)(?)(?) there was a grave question as to whether the Court had any authority to make an appointment. Attorney Williams contended that if the Court has been given the right to fill a vacancy it, certainly must be inferred that is had a right to determine whether a vacancy existed. Decision was reversed. ALLEGHENY HARMONY PLAN Organization Men May Affiliate with the Citizens' Party. Special Dispatch to "The Press." Pittsburg, Dec. 11. - A crisis was reached to-day in the local political situation and the next few days will determine whether the Citizens' party leaders will agree to take into their ranks a large part of the old "organization" forces. A proposition with this end in view is being supported by an influential part of the Citizen's faction. A program has been mapped out whereby the organization men in Councils are to be taken under the wing of the reformers and a harmony candidate nominated for Recorder in February. Influential leaders in the old organization who are willing to go along are to be given new berths if the deal goes through. Leaders of the old Republican organization are crying for peace and are ready to take anything that the Citizens will give them. WABASH HALTS PITTSBURG WORK Goulds, It Is Announced, Will Abandon Their Plans to Enter the City Unless Councils Make Concessions. Special Dispatch to "The Press." Pittsburg, Dec. 11.-The Gould interests to-day took drastic action to secure the passage by Pittsburg Councils of the ordinances to give the road the right to enter the city. President Joseph Ramsey, of the Wabash system, issued an order stopping all work of the extension into Pittsburg. Unless assured that their ordinances will be passed by Pittsburg Councils it is announced that the Goulds will abandon their plans to enter Pittsburg and to make this a stopping place on another transcontinental line. The company will content itself with freight connections into Pittsburg territory only. If this determination is adhered to it means the abandonment of millions of dollars worth of property which the Wabash has bought in and about Pittsburg and that it will not try to cross the rivers into the city, but will build short spurs as best it can to reach manufacturing districts. President Ramsey came to Pittsburg to-day and ordered a general stoppage of work until some assurance is received from Councils. Mr. Ramsey was aroused by the recent actions of Councils and a statement from Vice-President James McCrea, of the Pennsylvania Railroad, published to-day, in which Mr. McCrea says that the Wabash can elevate its tracks to a certain height in crossing from the point over the Allegheny River without endangering their project. The Pennsylvania expects to build a line along the wharf and the Wabash must get above this to cross into Allegheny. Mr. Ramsey said:- "If Pittsburg Councils do not want us here all they have to do is to say so, and we will sell our property. We cannot build a railroad under the conditions required by Councils. If they don't give us what we want we won't take anything that is not fair. They have fallen over themselves to give the Pennsylvania Railroad an entire levee and won't give us even a foot. They have given the Pennsylvania the right of way along one of the chief boulevards, while the Wabash can't get a footing on an alley. We cannot elevate our tracks over Duquesne Way, as required, and reach Allegheny City at grade. If we cannot get into the city we will build spurs around the hills back of the city and will get freight connections with the mills in that way." The Wabash has planned to build a passenger terminal costing $1,500,000 at Liberty and Fourth Streets. To do this it has bought immense amounts of real estate. It has expended to date over $5,000.000 in the work on the entry into this city and has finished much of the work on the connecting links and tunnels which are to bring it into Pittsburg from its nearest Western connecting point. OBJECTS TO WARDEN'S BILL Prison Official Wants County to Pay His Table Expenses. Special Dispatch to "The Press." Wilkes-Barre, Dec. 11. - County Controller McLean refuses to pay the table expenses of Prison Warden Llewellyn. Yet the Legislature fixed the salary of the latter in 1901 at $2500 a year, with rent and fuel. Llewellyn has present a bill for table and stable expenses last year amounting to $1328.97. The items for November include soup at $1 a can, teas at (?) a pound, molasses and velvet candy, macaroons and kisses, and tokay grapes at 90 cents a basket. The courts must now decide who is to pay the bill. WANT $100,000 PAID BACK Taxpayers Take Action Against Former Schuylkill Officials. Special Dispatch to "The Press." Pottsville, Dec. 11. - The Schuylkill County Taxpayers' Association took steps in court to-day to make county officials pay back $100,000 which it is alleged was illegally taken from the county treasury in 1897. It is charged that the following amounts of money were illegally taken: County commissioners, $25,000; Prothonotary $65,000; Sheriff $5938; clerk of courts, $4000; register $4000, attorney fees $1000. The Court has appointed Tuesday for a hearing. Miners Must Have but One Occupation. Pittsburg, Dec. 11 (Special). - The Erie Coal Company has notified all employees engaged in other business enterprises that they must abandon one of the other of their occupations. The order affects a number of miners, who have been conducting saloons and small grocery stores. ANGRY AT ILLINOIS State Stock Breeders and Dairymen Object to Quarantine Harrisburg. Dec. 11 - The joint session of the State Stock Breeders' Association and the State Dairy Association this afternoon adopted a series of resolutions condemning the action of Governor Yates of Illinois and the Illinois State Board of Live Stock Commissioners for their recent action in barring Pennsylvania cattle from Illinois on the ground that foot and mouth disease prevailed in Pennsylvania and recommending to Governor Yates that Pennsylvania be removed from the list of debarred States. The Breeders' Association elected the following officers and adjourned: President W.C. Norton, Aldenville; first vice-president, Henry Palmer, Avondale, second vice-president, M.P. Shoemaker, Greensburg; secretary, E.S. Bayard, Pittsburg; treasurer; J.F. Lantz, Isabella. The Dairy Association elected the following officers: President, Dr. H.B. Armsby; first vice-president, D.L. May, second vice-president, W.E. Shuck; treasurer, W.E. Perham; secretary, Dr. Conrad; directors William McSparren, Henry Palmer, Henry Comfort, Hon. W.C. Norton, S.F. Barber and George Maloney. The speakers at this afternoon's session were Prof. C.S. Plumb, on "Breeding Farm Animals," and Dr. Leonard Pearson, on "Immunization of Cattle Against Tuberculosis." The Union adopted resolutions commending Secretary of Agriculture Hamilton for enforcing the marking of renovated butter, and the Legislature was asked to appropriate $50,000 for a dairy building at State College. The joint session of the dairymen and stock breeders passed a resolution indorsing Dr. Leonard Pearson, of Philadelphia, for State veterinarian under Governor Pennypacker. ARRESTED ON WEDDING DAY. Intended Bridegroom, It Is Alleged, Already Has a Wife. Special Dispatch to "The Press." Altoona, Dec. 11 - Frederick A. Bittner, of Allegheny, who, it is said, arranged to marry Miss Kora Henderson daughter of Thomas K. Henderson, of Warrior's Mark, to-day, was arrested this morning, in this city, charged with deserting his wife, to whom, if is alleged, he was married a month ago. Bittner says that he has not been legally married to the woman, who claims to be his wife, and it is alleged that she has gone through the marriage ceremony with two other men living in Pittsburg or its vicinity, from neither of whom has she secured a divorce. He insists that he will be married to Miss Henderson, to-morrow. Mrs. Bittner is in Tyrone. Edwards-Hibbs Doylestown, Dec. 11 (Special) - Miss Sara Malone Hibbs, of this place, and Dr. John (?) Edwards, of Meshoppen, Pa., were married here last evening, at the home of the bride's parents, Mr. and Mrs. Harrison Hibbs, by Rev. John C. Galiaudet, rector of St. Paul's Episcopal Church. The bride was given away by her brother, Normal K. Hibbs. The maid of honor was Miss Florence Hibbs, sister of the bride. The bridesmaids were Miss Frances Watson, of Philadelphia, and Miss Edit Watson, of Doylestown Township. Charles Harper of Philadelphia was best man, and Dr. W. Snider and Dr. David Fox Hummell, of Philadelphia, were ushers. Bequeaths His Estate to a Church Norristown, Dec. 11 (Special). By the will of William L. Vaughn, of this borough, which was presented for probate to-day, his entire estate is devised to the Haws Avenue Methodist Episcopal Church, subject to the life estate of his wife. At her death $4000 is to be paid to the church, and $400 annually to his son, David. At the death of the latter the residue of the estate passes to the church. Too Courteous to a Juror. Reading. Dec. 11 (Special). - In court to-day John Stricker, of this city, was convicted of embracery. In a civil action in which Stricker was a witness for the defense he met one of the jurors after court and took him to the property in dispute and explained the points at issue with the result that the verdict was in favor of the defendant. SCHOOL FIRE CAUSES PANIC A fire which started in the Shunk School, on New Market Street, near Brown, Wednesday afternoon, just before the close of the session, created a small-sized panic among the small children who attend the school, but no one was injured. The blaze, carried by a defective furnace pipe, broke out in the flooring of the second story, where the smaller children are located. When the smoke burst up through the register some one called fire and the children started screaming for the stairway. Max Altman, a bright 10-year-old boy, who lives in Front Street, in the rear of the school, and who claims the honor of being the last to leave the building, said in answer to questions put to him:- "There was no marching out in order. The teachers just told us to get out as quick as we could. I tell you it was fierce." DESPATCHES IN BRIEF FORM Manila - CHOLERA IS SPREADING among the Lake Moon. The epidemic is serious. HELENA, MONT. - WILLIAM W. MARTIN who built Fort Logan in 1865 is dead. WASHINGTON- ALMOST A HUNDRED prominent architects attended the opening sessions of the annual convention of the American Institute of Architects yesterday. BALTIMORE - AS A RESULT OF AN attempt to get coal for a woman Charles (?) has a bullet in his leg. He was shot by B & O detective while on a coal car. GARDINER, ME. - THE COLD SNAP LEFT (?) men well satisfied. The "freeze" is the best in years. About 800,000 can be taken care of. The (?) fields are not up (?). WASHINGTON - THE AMERICAN ANTI-Saloon League held its closing (?) yesterday. The next convention will be held here December 1903. Rev. Dr. Wilson, of Washington, was elected president. SAGINAW, MICH. - FRANCIS WIRTH, 3 years old, one of the five children bitten by a mean dog, November 23, has died of hydrophobia. Business men have raised $1000 to have the other four children take the Pasteur treatment. SAN JUAN, P.R. - THE SAILOR, COSTELLO, of the U.S. Ship Wasp, whom the police shot Monday night is dead. A sailor named (?) of the Wasp has been held for trial for assaulting the policeman who shot Costello. MANILA - LIEUT. COMMANDER WILLIAM A. Rooney, who was in command of the U.S.S. Frolic when the vessel ran aground near (?) is being tried by court martial at Cavite. It is alleged that Commander Rooney's negligence caused the accident. NEW ORLEANS -THE AMERICAN PUBLIC Health Association has passed a resolution favoring a national consumption sanitarium. The resolution asking for quarantine abolition was reported back. Dr. John Guiteras moved that the recommendation be sustained and it prevailed. MANILA- MOROS ATTACKED CAMP Vicars, Mindanao, Tuesday. They were repulsed without American loss. AUBURN, N.Y. - ON SUNDAY, WILLIE Hinger, aged 5 years, was sent on an errand. Yesterday his dead body was found on the plazza of Laundryman Haley's home outside city limits. His clothing was frozen to the floor. Besides the regular police force, twenty-five special officers had been searching for the child. FOREIGN NEWS CONDENSED LONDON - JOHN M'KEEVER CHARGED with the murder of John Kenalt, the anti-Ritualistic crusader, has been acquitted. LONDON - A SILVER ELIZABETHAN SALT collar of the date of 1577 and weighing nine ounces has been sold at auction here for $15,000. ST. PETERSBURG - A HEAVY STORE caused great damage to the electric lighting plants and the telegraph wires at Odessa and Sevastopol. THE HAGUE - GERMANY HAS NOMINATED Dr. Slevking to be a member of the International Court of Arbitration in the place of Dr. Binger. VIENNA- THE STARTLING INCREASE IN suicides in the Hungarian Army as aroused the military authorities. Six recruits committed suicide during the last month. ADEN, ARABIA - A RUMOR HAS REACHED here of the assassination of the Mad Mullah in Somaliland. The report was brought by a native runner from Garrero. The Mullah, it is said, was killed by a spear thrust inflicted while he was praying. DOINGS OF PROMINENT PEOPLE BERNE, SWITZERLAND - VICE-PRESIDENT Deucher has been elected President of the Swiss Confederation. BERLIN -GENERAL MILES, ACCOMPANIED by his aides will arrive in Berlin January 15. He was presented to Emperor William here in 1897 and will be received again. MILWAUKEE, WIS. -SENATOR JOHN C. Spooner has written a letter to State Senator Whitehead, saying that he will accept a renomination to the United States Senate. LONDON- THE ARCHBISHOP OF Canterbury, Dr. Temple, who was overcome while speaking in the House of Lords,December 4 on the education bill, is now rapidly growing weaker. WASHINGTON- MISS REBEKAH PAGE Knox has been obliged to postpone for a month or two starting on her trip around the world, as she is under the care of a physician for the present. MUNICH, BAVARIA - POULTNEY BIGElow, addressing the Geographical Society on East Asian politics and commerce, advocated making Shanghai a republic free from consular or other official meddling. BERLIN - AMBASSADOR TOWER, MRS. Tower and their two little daughters have arrived here. The Foreign Office was notified of the Ambassador's arrival. As Emperor William is at Potsdam probably two or three days will elapse before Mr. Tower is received by his Majesty. WASHINGTON - MR. AND MRS. HENRY Clay Frick, of Pittsburg, are among the guests who have been invited by the President and Mrs. Roosevelt to the Cabinet dinner on December 18. They will remain that night at the White House and the next day go to the home of Attorney General and Mrs. Knox, whose guests they will be over Sunday. [advertisements] The Christmas Number People Philadelphia's Illustrated Weekly THIS WEEK Clever articles and attractive pictures & great interest to everybody A Strong Financial Page AT ALL NEWS STANDS DREXEL BIDDLE Price 10 cents Publisher By Helen Leah Reed Author of "Brenda, Her School and Her Club." etc. This engaging story of life and romance at the so-called "Harvard Annex" is finely illustrated by ALICE BARBER STEPHENS. 12 mo., $1.20 net Postpaid $1.33 No better book could be placed in the hands of young girls - Chicago Record-Herald. Miss Reed has been through Radcliffe, and in this book she pictures life at that college, simply, plainly, and without frills - Boston Herald. The book has charm and finish of its predecessors from Miss Reed's pen.-Philadelphia Press. LITTLE, BROWN & CO., Publishers, Boston TRICKS AND MAGICAL Apparatus at retail for holiday presents. Finest assortment in this country. Manufactured and sold by YOST & CO., 43 N. Ninth St., Phila. Hear and Price the Famous BELLAK PIANOS EASY TERMS IF DESIRED 1129 Chestnut St. "One of the Season's Most Inspiring Books" -Boston Herald THE BATTLE WITH THE SLUM By Jacob A. Riis, whose The Making of an American Is now in its seventh edition, Of his new book is said: "Another thrilling chapter in a story that never grows old or dull," "full of intense interest." "by a man who does not "theorize" but knows." No one whose city contains a tenement-house district can afford to miss reading what Mr. Riis has to say," "it is of practically a world-wide interest and value." Each of these volumes is profusely illustrated from original photographs by the author and drawings of Thomas Fogarty. Each 8 vo, gilt top, $2.00 net (Postage 25c) Send for Our Christmas Catalogue and on Saturday ext consult Our Holiday List. THE MACMILLAN COMPANY, Publishers, 66 Fifth Ave., New York.[[shorthand]] [*Ackd 12-14-1902*] CUSTOM HOUSE, SURVEYOR'S OFFICE. New York. December 13, 1902. Dear Mr. Loeb: In seeing the President the other day I separated from him without bringing up two or three matters in Texas concerning which I have further information for him. I then expected to see him again the same evening. I wish you would say to him that in the matter of the appointment of the U.S. Marshal, involving the reappointment of Marshal Green, I have some further information which I would like to show to him before he takes action in the case. Of course, I have no personal choice in this, or any other matter which I lay before him, but I feel that it is due that since I have laid before him a great many protests against Green's reappointment, which have been sent to me, I should also give him this further information, which is favorable to Green, and which comes through such a source that I feel free to give it only in a verbal manner. E.H.R. Green of Texas, to whom we owe so much for the fine work done last Summer in unifying the State Convention after everybody said it was impossible, but which he accomplished by generously effacing himself and giving up everything to others, is now in the City and is still very much opposed to the reappointment (Mr. Loeb, 2) of Marshal Green. He is to be in Washington Tuesday or Wednesday, and I hope to be there also, and I wish that the President might at least be willing to give them a hearing. He has proved himself a faithful and even sacrificing friend, and still will be for the future whatever may happen as to this appointment. I think it is only his due that he should be accorded a fair hearing in a matter which he seems to feel so deeply. I shall come to Washington either Tuesday or Wednesday evening, as there are several matters on which I would like to report to the President. Sincerely yours, James S. Clarkson Mr. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Ass't Secretary to the President, Washington. [*Ackd 12-14-1902*] United States Senate, Washington 12/13 My dear Mr. President I am just in rec'd of a note from Mrs. Sanger stating that her dinner for next Tuesday evening is off owing to Measles in the family- And as I did not want to appear desirous of "jumping" your second invitation my duty is to report the situation and for orders if wanted Truly Yours M A Hanna[[shorthand]] [*Ackd 12-22-1902*] 90 rue de Varenne, Paris, 13th December 1902. Dear Mr. Roosevelt, I was delighted to get the letter you wrote me about THE WOMAN THAT TOILS, in the Everybody's Magazine. Everything you said was so absolutely true and interesting, that I am going to ask permission to re-produce as a sort of introduction to the book, the last few sentences of your letter. You say: "If the men of the nation are not anxious "to work in many different ways with all their might and "strength, and ready and able to fight at need, and anxious "to be fathers of families, and if the women do not recognize "that the greatest thing for any woman is to be a good wife "and mother, why, that nation has cause to be alarmed about "its future." And also: "There is no physical trouble among "us Americans. The trouble with the situation you set forth "is one of character and therefore we can conquer it if we "only will." This is the message I would like all those who read my book to have the privilege of hearing. May I do so? There is I believe a great work to be accomplished among the factory girls in America, where the industrial problem is contemplated for the women by the presence of two classes: those who work because they need to earn a living, and those who come to the factories to be more independant, to amuse2. themselves, and to make pin money for luxuries. To these latter the question of wages is not vital. They can afford to accept what the bread winner finds insufficient. They are better equipped, better fed than the self-supporting hand; they are independant about staying away from the factory when tired or ill, and they alone determine the reputation for irregularity in which the bread winners are included. The self-supporting woman in the factories, should, I believe, be in competition only with other self-supporting industrial units. The problem for her class will settle itself only when the purpose of this class is equally vital to all concerned. Relief, it seems to me, can be brought to the bread winner in this way : the non-self supporting girls must be attracted into some field of work which requires instruction and an especial training, which pays them as well while calling into play higher faculties than the brutalising machine labor. This field of work is industrial art, all the branches of industrial art which can be executed by woman in her home, all the manual labor which does not require physical strength, which would not place the woman therefore, as an inferior in competition with man, but which would call forth her taste and skill, her training and individuality at the same time being consistent with her destiny as a woman. The American factory girl has endless ambition. She has a hunger for knowledge, for opportunities to better herself, to get on in the sorld. There is ample material in the factories for forming a new, higher, superior class of Industrial3. art labourers. At Hull House in Chicago, in the industrial art department, it has been proved that, provided the models be simple in proportion to the ability of the artisan, the work can be sold as fast as it is turned out. The public is ready to buy the produce of hand workers. The girls I speak of are fit for advancement. It is not a plan of charity, but one to ameloriate natural conditions. I make an appeal in my book to all those whose interests and leisure permit them to help in this double emancipation of the bread winner and the girl who works for luxury. Could not the Government take some action, help to correct by some practical measure the trouble in the situation I set forth, which trouble, as you say, is one of character, and therefore one we can conquer if we only will. With cordial thanks for the interest you have shown in your letter. Very sincerely, Bessie van Vorst To President Roosevelt White House Washington, D.C. TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED. TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. BOOKER T. WASHINGTON. [[shorthand]] Crawford House, Boston. December 13, 1902. [*Ackd 12-16-1902*] My dear Mr. President: - In presiding at a meeting in Philadelphia this week where I spoke, the Hon. Grover Cleveland spoke out so bravely and sensibly in regard to the colored people that I take the liberty of sending you a marked copy of his address mainly for the reason that much of what he said is in keeping with your own letter addressed to the party in Charleston. Yours very truly, Booker T. Washington. President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. [For 1 enc see 12-12-02 The Phila. Press][*File PPF Pr*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE. WASHINGTON. Dec .14. 1902 Dear Theodore I saw today Frye, Foraker, Beveridge, and Hale. The first three were very frank and friendly — they will be all right. Hale was oratorical — more Swivellerii— quoted poetry, sneered at people who wanted a navy, declaimed at war — but excepted from his strictures war with England which he longs for. He informed me — not necessarily for publication but as a guarantee of bad faith —that God intended to punish England for the Boer War - a statement which impressed me considerably as of course he would not have made it without authority. But he did not say whether he would support the treaty or not. On the whole it looks like pretty plain sailing. Yours faithfully John HayFile Department of Justice United States District Court, District of South Carolina, Charleston. Dec. 15, 1902. My dear Sir:- I have your letter of Dec. 13. The statement as to Dr. Crum's conduct at the Minneapolis Convention was given me on Friday last by Abiel Lathrop, Esq., lately the District Attorney for this District. That Dr. Crum did attempt to desert the Harrison forces at that time, and that he was induced by the promises of Office to come back to the Harrison column I have no doubt whatever. Mr. Cunningham, the late Marshal, was familiar with the facts and for that reason, among others, he had a contempt for Crum. Mr. Lathrop is an entirely trustworthy man. He was at the Convention, and I am quite sure would not have given me this statement if it had not been the absolute truth. Mr. Wolcott, the Acting Chairman of the Post Office Committee, when Crum's name was before that Committee for confirmation, under Mr. Harrison's appointment, know the facts, and I am informed that upon his representation of them to Mr. Harrison, Crum's name was withdrawn. I would not like to have Mr. Lathrop's name used in connection with this matter if it can be avoided, but if you will address a letter of a confidential character to him at 2. Orangeburg S.C. he will confirm, I am quite sure, everything that I have said. Yours sincerely, Wm. H. Brawley George B. Cortelyou, Esq., Washington, D. C.[[shorthand]] CUSTOM HOUSE. SURVEYOR'S OFFICE. [*Ackd 12-19-1902*] NEW YORK, December 15, 1902. Dear Mr. Cortelyou: When I was last in Washington I told the President of an interview I had at Albuquerque, New Mexico, with Mr. Luna, the member of the Republican National Committee for that Territory, and with Mr. Hubbell, Chairman of the Territorial Republican Committee, and with several Republican holding office, who were in Albuquerque preliminary to the meeting of the Legislature in January, and that they all expressed a desire to have Thomas Benton McNair, of Los Vegas, appointed Revenue Collector for the Territories of New Mexico and Arizona. As the present Collector, Mr. Morrison, has a son who was a "Rough Rider", Mr. Luna and Mr. Hubbell authorized me to say that McNair, if appointed Collector in place of the senior Morrison, would appoint young Morrison Deputy for Arizona, the Territory in which the young man lives. The President asked me to send this to him in a written memorandum, which is the object of this letter. Sincerely yours, James S Clarkson Mr. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington. [*PERSONAL.*] [*File*] 307 Walnut Street. Philadelphia. December 15th 1902 Dear Mr. President: I am this morning in receipt of your esteemed favor of the 13th inst. I am unable to adequately state how much I appreciate your confidence in Lloyd. I have no doubt that he will fulfill the responsible duties of his new position with credit to the country. It is true that he is a young man for such an important post, but somehow or other, Lloyd happens to have the faculty of doing the right thing at the right moment, which I think was Buckle's definition of statesmanship I renew my thanks for your confidence, And with kindest regards, I remain, Yours sincerely, Clement A. Griscom To the President, White House, Washington, D. C.[*[For 1 enclosure see 12-3-02]*] [*File*] Department of State, Washington, December 15, 1902. Dear Theodore : - Here is a rather good leader from the Paris Figaro, which Horace Porter sent me, and which you might care to read. Yours faithfully John Hay . Ebbitt House ARMY & NAVY H. C. BURCH, Manager. [*Ackd 12-15-1902*] Washington, D. C. Dec. 15 1902 [[5 lines shorthand]] Dear Sir, I shall be much honored if I have the privilege of paying my compliments to the President at any time that may suit him between now and Wednesday evening. Please request this privilege for me. I cannot prolong my stay in Washington beyond Wednesday. Bishop McGolrick, of Duluth, is with me, and would be pleased to accompany me. Very truly, John Ireland Archbishop of St. Paul Mr. G. B. Cortelyou.could have been reasonably successful in that direction had he secured business of that character. Tracey is a cultivated gentleman with manners indicating good breeding and a well lived life. His social standing in Albany is excellent- reputation of the best and his standing at the bar fair. The word "fair" is used from the Albany stand point where [*RECEIVED. DEC 16 1902 OFFICE Secretary of War.*] [Also See P.P.F.] Albany Dec. 15, 1902 [*Wrote Mr Tracy 12-17-1902*] My dear Mr. Secretary James F. Tracey's work at the bar is mainly performed in the office although I have heard him make a few oral arguments. He has a logical clear cut mind and presents a case so attractively to a court that I am sure heno lawyer is regarded as really "great" whose career is made outside of the courtroom. Tracey's wife is a cultivated woman and the daughter of one of the members of the Court of King's Bench in Montreal. He was a democrat, but is understood to have voted twice for McKinley. I have answered your question briefly, but have tried to cover the ground. With my best wishes for you I am as ever Sincerely yours Alton B. Parker The Secretary of War[*[For 1 attachment see ca 12-15-02, card.]*] [*Has it come?*] [*Ackd 12-19-1902*] New Orleans Dec 15 1902. My Dear Colonel By today's Express I send the "Pizorinctum" of the Famous tied bear, and hope in its present form it may prove of good service in signing many important documents.- Please accept it as a souvenir of your swamp trip and a slight token of the high personal esteem of Very Sincerely Jno. M. Parker To Col. Theodore Roosevelt Washington D.C.. The Omaha Bee The Bee Publishing Co. Proprietor. DAILY, (Morning and Evening) SUNDAY, WEEKLY. E. Rosewater, Editor. Omaha, December 15, 1902. [*Ackd 12/20/1902 State*] To The President. I desire to urge as strongly as possible the favorable consideration of the application of Mr. Ralph S. Connell for the position of U.S. Consul at Juares, Mexico. [*see + ref.*] He is a young man of great capabilities and in every respect well qualified to fill the position. While now a resident of New Mexico, he is an original product of Nebraska, and was highly esteemed in Omaha by all who knew him. His father, Hon. W. J. Connell, now city attorney of Omaha, and formerly a member of congress from Nebraska, was a personal and political friend of President McKinley while in congress and during his administration, and is one of your most earnest and enthusiastic supporters and admirers. I would like to see Mr. Ralph S. Connell secure the position he desires, both by reason of his merit and qualifications, as well as on account of his father, who is one of my strongest personal friends.THE OMAHA BEE THE BEE PUBLISHING CO. PROPRIETOR. DAILY, (MORNING AND EVENING) SUNDAY, WEEKLY E. ROSEWATER, EDITOR Omaha, 2. I sincerely hope you may be able to make the appointment as desired. With the highest esteem, I remain, Your obedient servant E Rosewater. Berlin December 15 1902 [*File PPF Pr*] Dear Roosevelt I hope you have been very well since our departure & that the horse and the rest have done Ted lots of good. We had a lively crossing & had to break our way through the icebound Weser. My wife and I enjoyed our visit to the White House immensely. You cant tell what a pleasure it has been to my wife to have met you & Mrs Roosevelt and for me to have seen you again, absolutely unchanged and as fit as ever. Our visit to Washington has been the best tonic we could find. My wife wentstraight to Paris, I came down here to report my departure to India. On arrival was requested to submit the impressions of my visit. Nothing could have pleased me more, because it gave me a chance to tell them the truth. I've told them every bit of it and have used rather plain talk. When I left here a month ago found them comfortably basking in the illusions of the great visit. Fear I've knocked them down rather roughly, but should consider myself a cowardly weakling if I had let things stand as they were. Five days have passed, but neitherThe Chancellor nor the Secretary of State have sent for me. I feel absolutely confident that a radical change must take place in Mass. Ave. Of course I didnt say a word as regards myself, for a candidate I'm very curious to see what the outcome will be. As regards the Emperor feel I'm alright, but the rest never loved me very much on account of what they call my "english proclivities," they've worked hard to keep me in the background. I'm glad you gave me that statement as regards the open door in China. When I left here in November there was some uneasinessas regards the statements of Chan Chi Tung and certain revelations in connection with the evacuation of Shanghai. The Venezualan crisis is causing considerable stir here. Castro's departure seems to me a bit high handed, though the question may have two sides. Letting blood though would be a nasty thing, nowadays it so easily might lead to more. We hope to get off for India towards end of the month. It will be interesting to watch the way the army will take Kitchiner & he the army. I'll let you know all about it. Please give my kindest regards to Mrs Roosevelt and to the family & please accept my heartfelt wishes for continued succes and best health during the coming year. Yours very sincerely H Sternburg.. [*12-15-02*] [*25*] [*Confidential*] [*Ackd 12-20-1902*] EL PASO CLUB COLORADO SPRINGS Dear President Roosevelt, The situation here calls for sufficient explanation to place you in touch with it: and I regret that I can not go over it with you personally. Mr Wolcott left the State expecting the party to be beaten. This is the real reason why he did not contribute and aid. He said so to his lieutenants and in addition he of course was provoked at the course pursued by the State organization. He asked Frank Howbert to abandon us to defeat — and although Howbert appealed to him on personal grounds to advance money to meet obligations entered into as his representative, he refused and did not answer the letter. Two years ago the party spent $210,000 (I am giving the exact figures) and had a Presidential Year to bring out the vote. This year we spent barely $30000. The other campaign was run by Wolcott for the purpose of going to the Senate in Patterson's seat. This ended with seven Republican legislators. This year Wolcott was forced out as an issue. Our speakers said he was out, Peabody repeated it over and over, I said so in my capacity as chairman of the finance Committee, Fairley said so time and again, eleven Republican representative candidates announced over their signatures during the campaign that they were not for Wolcott and a half dozen more took the same position before their constituents. Under these circumstances, we accomplished the impossible feat of overthrowing Teller, "The Grand Old Man" who had conducted a personal campaign through the entire State, and who started with 17 hold overs. — That is. [* [12-15-02] *] [*25*] [*Confidential*] [*Ackd 12-20-1902*] EL PASO CLUB COLORADO SPRINGS Dear President Roosevelt, The situation here calls for sufficient explanation to place you in touch with it: and I regret that I can not go over it with you personally. Mr Wolcott left the State expecting the party to be beaten. This is the real reason why he did not contribute and aid. He said so to his lieutenants and in addition he of course was provoked at the course pursued by the State organization. He asked Frank Hewbert to abandon us to defeat—and although Hewbert appealed to him on personal grounds to advance money to meet obligations entered into as his representative, he refused and did not answer the letter. Two years ago the party spent $210,000 (I am giving the exact figures) and had a Presidential Year to bring out the vote. This year we spent barely $30000. The other campaign was run by Wolcott for the purpose of going to the Senate in Patterson's seat. He ended with seven Republican legislators. This year Wolcott was forced out as an issue. Our speakers said he was out, Peabody repeated it over and over, I said so in my capacity as chairman of the finance Committee, Fairly said so time and again, eleven Republican representative candidates announced over their signatures during the campaign that they were not for Wolcott and a half dozen more took the same position before their constituents. Under these circumstances, we accomplished the impossible feat of overthrowing Teller, "The Grand Old Man" who had conducted a personal campaign through the entire State, and who started with 17 hold overs. — That isEL PASO CLUB COLORADO SPRINGS 2 We beat Teller if we throw out Arapahoe County. It is still a question whether the frauds there can be shown up by evidence to justify so radical a step. The course pursued by Fairly & me has steadily gained favor and the confidence of Republicans and Independents. It took months to overcome the suspicions which attached to the old machine which was just as rotten and just as dishonest as the present democratic one. There is still much to do and just here asks the vital question in Wolcotts candidacy. At once after election, the old crowd gathered in caucus, Brady, Hewbert, Breckenstein, Dan Sullivan, Goodale, Ford, Bailey - all Federal office holders except Brady - all representatives of the “High Five” and the Gang “ so brutal and obnoxious in the past. Some of them valuable men if under proper leadership but as a group, dominated by such strong characters as Brady, Sullivan and Hewbert, headed back toward the old pasture grounds and about to divide Wolcotts barrel, they point the party back to darkness. These men do not represent ten per cent of the votes which elected the republican ticket this fall. There is not one of them who could prevail in a popular election. Goodale, Ford and Hewbert are the best - the first two weak tools, but straight within the limits set in professional politics. Hewbert I now know like a book. He is a good friend of mine but cowardly in breaking away from old associates for fear of being called a traitor. These men have quit all other work to bulldog this legislature. Bailey has been travelling. 3 EL PASO CLUB COLORADO SPRINGS the state steadily bulldozing and threatening—and is still out. Ford, Register Land Officer in Denver, together with Hewbert, have been on two trips to men signed against Wolcott, threatening them with ostracism or bribing them by promises of comfortable living in Denver this winter and federal office later. A Senator elect yesterday was offered from their headquarters any money he wanted for his “expenses” and the roll of bills was pulled out and shoved in his face. Breckenstein, a Federal office holder in the Revenue Department at Denver was appointed from Conejos County. He controls the most infamous machine in the State and one which we hoped to break up in response to appeals from Republicans there. He delivered this county by 800 majority for Peabody for governor and against Brooks, Rep. Candidate for Congressman at large, by 1600. The County is normally republican by several hundred. The party there can not grow or have character with this man is set aside. You can imagine the attitude of decent voters in the State such a man goes into Federal office—and Wolcott used no other kind. These men are openly defiant of your instructions and the Civil Service has “laid down” squarely as I know in the presence of influences which came from this bunch. 4 EL PASO CLUB COLORADO SPRINGS In view of such a condition and in the presence of such rank treachery to the promises of the campaign, the party here is on trial for its right to live. It is my firm conviction that party welfare here suffers less from a return of Teller than a return of Wolcott. The latter alternative means Bradyism, it means the destruction of hard won confidence, it means violation of direct party pledges, it means a desperate and corrupt group of men exercising party responsibility. It is a sorrowful thing that your hands are tied in the matter of public service in this state from taking part along the lines we are working out, for it must follow that future appointments will be drawn into this factional controversy: and I know the politics of the state now well enough to assure you that the crowd I have named care not for the government services, nor the sentiment of communities, nor for your standards. Do not misunderstand me – You of course should not take sides as President if it can be avoided: but with nothing but support from federal office holders actively working on behalf of Mr Wolcott, who are running headquarters in a public hotel, taking and giving orders there, and going thence to the four corners of the state on this work, your position as a neutral is ignored and trifled with. As to the probabilities of an election,EL PASO CLUB COLORADO SPRINGS 5 of the party We have a majority of the Representatives outside of Arapahoe County. We can organize the house and can unseat enough Democrats in Arapahoe to elect a Senator. The frauds in Denver were wholesale and perhaps can be proved sufficiently to win support of public sentiment in unseating these necessary democrats. Some fifteen Representatives have signed against Mr Wolcott - certainly six of the eleven Senators are against him. If these men or any eleven of them keep their word, Mr Wolcott can not he elected. There are a dozen more who say they are for someone other than Mr Wolcott. Wolcott's campaign is in skilled hands, is insistent, and is backed by unstinted money for legitimate or illegitimate use. The opposition is weak financially and divided between three candidates. It is too early to predict results. I remain always your friend, Philip B Stewart Sunday Dec. 15th 1902For 1 attachment see Stewart 12-15-0242 Warren Street, New York, December 15th, 1902. Ackd 12-22-1902 Dear Mr. President: In the matter of Venezuela, will you pardon me if I make a suggestion, which I do, however, only upon such facts as I have been accessible to me in the daily press. I enclose a reference to several of the articles of the Hague Treaty from a statement given to the "Herald." It is substantially correct with the exception of the very last paragraph. You will observe, that there is an obligation upon the Signatory Powers, to call the attention of the contending parties to the Treaty. It seems to me if this has not been done (and I have nowhere seen that it has), it certainly should be done. I do not know what steps have been taken by any of the nations regarding an offer of mediation. If none have been taken under the provisions of the Treaty, this should be done. Our country initiated the Hague tribunal by giving it its first case, and it looks as if it will devolve upon us also to initiate the clauses regarding mediation. It appears to me much more advisable to take steps to call a halt under the Hague Treaty than to await contingencies that may compel us to do so under the Monroe Doctrine.Unless the Hague Treaty is invoked in this instance it will receive, if not its death blow, at any rate something that will resemble a burial. There are various ways open for calling attention to the several provisions of the Treaty – (1) – By a message or communication from the President – (2) – Through diplomatic channels – (3) or by joint resolution. I have marked the provisions of the Treaty referred to, and trust you will pardon me, even if the suggestion should not appear to have application. Very truly yours, Oscar S. Straus[*x y z*] WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. December 15, 1902. Memorandum: The President, Mrs. Roosevelt and the children wish to leave Washington next Saturday, the 20th instant, at 11 a.m., for Rapidan, Va. They are to be the quests of Mr. Joseph Wilmer. Will spend Sunday and come back on Monday, desiring to leave Rapidan at an hour Monday morning that will bring the President to Washington at a seasonable time - ready for the day's business. [*all the children except Quentin. Have Dulancey go. Private car. Leave Rapidan Monday morning at 9 oclock, so as to get to Wash. about 11 a.m.*]. Southern Railway Wash. to Rapidan 79 miles 2 hours 49 minutes local 2 hours 1 m. express (about) C. & O. 2 h. 20 m. 2 h 2 or 3 m.[12-15-02] Stewart, Philip B. Colorado Springs, Colo. COLORADO POLITICS: Wolcott left state expecting to be beaten; this is the real reason why he did not contribute and aid; with nothing but support from Federal office holders, actively working in behalf of Wolcott, who are running headquarters in a public hotel, the President's position as a neutral is ignored and trifled with; is conviction of writer that Party wellfare suffers less from return of Teller than return of Wolcott. The President's instructions defied; civil service has held down squarely in the presence of influence; Brickenstein, Federal office holder in Revenue Department at Denver, controls most infamous machine in the state; party cannot have a character until this man is set aside. Some 15 Representatives have signed against Wolcott; certainly 6 of the 11 Senators are against him; if these men or 11 of them keep their word, Wolcott cannot be elected; Wolcott's campaign in skilled hands, backed by unstinted money for legitimate or illegitimate use; opposition is weak financially and divided between three candidates. Too early to predict results. [attached to Stewart 12-15-02][*[Attached to Parker, 12-15-02]*] [*[ca 12-15-02]*]"Ursus Pizorinctum" From our first swamp Bear- Compliments MR. JNO. M. PARKER.TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. [*Crum Case*] 3 WU SS JM 35 Paid 2:40 p.m. C.H. Boston, Mass., Dec.16, 1902. Mr. Geo. B. Cortelyou, White House. Private and confidential. In reply to telegram, please say to President, that I will send him my final opinion regarding Dr. Crum, tomorrow, through Mr. Whitefield McKinley, who is now here. We are now going into every phase of his reputation and character very carefully. Booker T. WashingtonWar Department, Bureau of Insular Affairs, Washington, D.C. [*File*] December 16, 1902. My dear Mr. Cortelyou: The Secretary directs me to return the inclosed letter, which has been duly noted. Very truly yours, Clarence R. Edwards Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President.. Inclosure: Letter from Gov. Wright.Department of State, Washington, December 16, 1902. [*Ackd 12-18-1902*] Dear Theodore : - Harry White wires me from London telling me the Vice Chancellor of Oxford University inquires whether it would please you to accept from the University Press a copy of the first folio edition of Shakespeare's Dramas, which they are about to publish. I think you may do this without any violation of the Constitution, as the University Press is not a foreign sovereign nor interested in undermining the proud structure of our liberties. Yours faithfully, John HayDepartment of Justice, United States District Court, District of South Carolina, Charleston. [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 12-17-1902 Crum case up*] Dec. 16, 1902. My dear Sir: I wrote you yesterday giving you my authority for the statements contained in my letter of 12, and after a night's reflection I feel that I should express my surprise at the receipt of your letter. I think that the President ought to have known that I would not have repeated to him stale stories without "a particle of evidence in support of them". In his letter of Dec. 3, referring to Dr. Crum's appointment, he says, "I must still ask certain of the old members of the Senate Committee on Post Offices in order to find out whether there was something discreditable which casued the withdrawal of his nomination for Postmaster". I assumed that he wanted to know the truth as to these reports. As I understood the charges against Dr. Crum which had been made in the newspapers, they were to the effect that he had gone to the Minneapolis Convention as a supporter of Mr. Blaine, and that he had been induced to change to the support of Mr. Harrison by promises of Office. This statement he was well able to deny and to bring forward what you call "the most direct testimony from a dozen different responsible sources", in contradiction, and by showing that he went to the Convention as a Harrison man and that he voted for Mr. Harrison he could make. 2. it appear that he had done nothing discreditable. The true statement is that which I gave you, that he did go to the Convention pledged to the support of Mr. Harrison, and that during the sitting of the Convention he was persuaded or induced or influenced in some way to align himself with the Blaine men and that as soon as the leaders of his Delegation learned of this contmeplated treachery they brought pressure to bear upon him to bring him back and that the promise of the nomination as Postmaster of this City was the potential means of securing his continued support of Mr. Harrison's nomination. The facts of the alleged treachery and of the means taken to counteract it were naturally known to but few. I have given you the name of the one man who still survives who was thoroughly cognizant of the whole situation. Mr. Webster and Mr. Cunningham are dead, and Mr. Lathrop is probably the only man who knows the truth and the whole truth about it. He was the District Attorney for four years in the Court which gave me opportunities of forming an estimate of his character. He is one of the most fair-minded men that I have ever known, perfectly truthful and honourable, and any statement of fact made by him would be accepted by me without question or qualification. As he is still somewhat active in the Republican organization, and as his influence therein would naturally be impaired if it were known that he had taken part against Dr.. 3. Crum, I did not think that it was fair to him to mention his name when I wrote to the President on Dec. 12, but as his statement to me was not under any pledge of secrecy, I thought that it was right to give to the President the truth as I believed it to be, and it was and still is a cause of great surprise to me that the President should seem to have regarded it as simply a repetition of stale and unfounded rumours. Yours truly, Wm. H. Brawley George B. Cortelyou, Esq., Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. I do not wish Mr. Lathrops name to be used without his consent.(COPY) [*Ackd [12-18-1902] 1-2-1903 CF*] UNITED STATES SENATE. Washington, D. C., December 16, 1902. TO THE PRESIDENT: Among the early discussions between the representatives of the United States and the representatives of the Filipinos, were some very remarkable State papers, manifesting a knowledge of the law of nations, and the history of the United States, as well as the principles which controlled our people up to a recent time, affecting the conduct of strong nations toward weak ones. There were what seemed to me some very remarkable State papers. They were attributed in some quarters to Aguinaldo. But it turned out that they were the work of a man named Mabini, who I believe had been educated in Spain, and had great influence with his countrymen. When the power of the United States became established, and an amnesty was offered to persons who had resisted it, one of the conditions was, as you know, that they should take the oath of allegiance to the United States. This Mabini steadfastly refused to do. He was accordingly deported to the Island of Guam, where he is now confined. I do not know what liberty he enjoys there. Everything that has been reported about him seems to be greatly to his credit. He has done what I would myself have done, I hope, under like circumstances, and I am not, I hope, presumptuous in saying, I am sure what you would have done. I formed, and expressed more than once, a very high opinion of his ability.-2- I have a great mass of material in regard to the Philippine Islands question, bound and unbound. But I left it all at home, when I came to Washington. I did not suppose I was likely to have any use for it this winter. What I desire to submit to you is: Whether it would not be wise and gracious, as well as a just act, for the administration to permit this man to return to his own country! I make this suggestion without anybody having made it to me. He is in poor health - I believe has some illness of a paralytic nature. I suppose his will is unconquerable. If, as we suppose, the United States is so strong as to have overcome all the resistance of the Philippine people, and is rapidly gaining their confidence and respect, certainly we can be in no danger from one old man. It seems to me that such a manifestation on your part, of confidence in our strength, and of confidence in the good will of the Philippine people toward this government, would have a very good influence on them; and if done at your own instance without any application or petition from them, would be doubly gracious. I could, I suppose, by taking time enough, find some of Mabini's State papers, and send them to you for your examination. But it would require delay and trouble, and would require trouble on your part. I am, with high regard, faithfully yours, GEO. F. HOAR.[*File*] THE POSTMASTER GENERAL WASHINGTON December 16, 1902. My dear Mr. President: - I trust you will not arrive at any conclusion regarding the appointment of the Marshal for the Northern District of Texas without giving Mr. Hawley a chance to be heard in person. He will be here next week. I believe the reappointment of Mr.Green would open a factional contest in Texas, which would be far-reaching in its effect. I am certain it is better to go slowly in this case, and would like to talk over the whole situation in Texas with you before a decision is reached in this particular case. Very truly yours, H C Payne To the President.Columbia University in the City of New York F. P. KEPPEL SECRETARY OF THE UNIVERSITY Dec. 16, 1902 Mr. George R. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir: I have just telephoned the contents of the President's letter of the 13th to Dr. Butler, and he asks me to send word that while Mrs. Butler is not yet out of danger, her improvement during the last few days has been a source of great encouragement. Since Thursday morning she has not had any of the sinking spells which are the most dangerous symptom of the malady. Although Mrs. Butler's pulse is not very regular, she is able to take nourishment and seems little by little to be gaining strength. Respectfully, F. P. Keppel SecretaryPAUL MORTON, 77 JACKSON STREET, CHICAGO. [*Ackd 12/19/1902*] Dec 16th 1902 My dear Mr. President. My bear hunting friend Lyons was in and told me that he had had a very pleasant interview with you and that you were almost persuaded to try the sport around Silver City in New Mexico. I hope you can arrange it. I can provide you with all the transportationover two weeks extra time to do it and the recollection of it will last forty years_ I hope you will not permit Mr J. J. Hill to move the military transport business for the Phillipines from San Francisco to Seattle unless it is very much to the country's interest. We want it at San Francisco. Very truly yours Paul Morton To the President and make it as Exclusive as you wish and we can keep reporters and others at bay. I will be glad to go on the hunt with you, if you want me, and I am sure that it offers the quickest and best opportunity that is open, to come in contact with a real live grizzly. It will not take. HEADQUARTERS NEW YORK STATE LEAGUE OF REPUBLICAN CLUBS, 256 BROADWAY. [*Ackd 12-18-1902*] [[7 lines shorthand]] J. A. STEWART, PRESIDENT. JOHN W. COTTEN, SECRETARY. NEW YORK, Dec. 16, 1902 Mr. President:- In accordance with your wishes I have already had a talk with General Clarkson; and at three o'clock this afternoon, I am engaged to see CollectorStranahan. General Clarkson said that the collector and he were going to Washington tomorrow, & that while there they would talk with you. I called on Senator Platt Sunday morning, but said nothing to him in regard to any plan of strengthening the voting party through the organization of clubs. I did talk with him, however about his feelings towards the administration. He spoke of you in terms of the utmostaffection, declared that all his energies as Senator and State leader were being directed towards upholding your policies as President and, politically, towards ensuring your renomination. There cannot be theHEADQUARTERS NEW YORK STATE LEAGUE OF REPUBLICAN CLUBS, 256 BROADWAY. J. A. STEWART, PRESIDENT. JOHN W. COTTEN, SECRETARY. NEW YORK 190 slightest doubt as to the sincerity of his regard for you, nor of his mind to aid and strengthen you in every way possible. Hence I do not anticipate any objection on hispart to the building up of the State League; and, ergo, Chairman Dunn will be of the same mind. After General Clarkson and Collector Stranahan have seen you I will talk with Senator Platt, and when I have obtained his views, I will talk the matter over with Captain Goddard, in the meantime, trying to devise some plan to make him & the Senator a little more reconciled to each other. By the time the Senator has said "- Go ahead! -" I shall try to haveprepared for your consideration a concrete plan of action, supplemented by a discussion of the condition in several localities & illustrated by a few facts and figures. This "-Brief-" I will mail to you;HEADQUARTERS NEW YORK STATE LEAGUE OF REPUBLICAN CLUBS, 256 BROADWAY. J.A. STEWART, PRESIDENT. JOHN W. COTTEN, Secretary. NEW YORK, __ 190_ or if you should desire, I will take it to Washington, learn what you might have to say in criticism and receive your wishes with regard to theexecution of the then-arrayed plan of action. I am, Mr. President, Yours sincerely & To command. John A. Stewart Rooms 1503-5.. JAN 27 12-17 PM 1903 [*Ackd 1/29/1903*] OFFICE OF THE CIVIL GOVERNOR OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. [[10 lines shorthand]] Manila P. I. Dec. 16, 1902. My dear Mr. President: At the request of the Provincial officials of the Province of Ilocos Norte, I have the honor to transmit herewith the enclosed photograph. Very respectfully, Wm H Taft Civil Governor. The President, Washington, D. C.[*[For enc. see 12-16-02]*]Form No. 2. THE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPAN[Y.] ————— Incorporated ————— 23,000 OFFICES IN AMERICA. CABLE SERVICE TO ALL THE WORLD. ——————— ROBERT C. CLOWRY, President and General Manager. Receiver's No. Time Filed Check SEND the following message subject to the terms } on back hereof, which are hereby agreed to. } Dec. 16. 1902 190 To President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. Personal and confidential. At your suggestion I have again gone thoroughly into character and probity of Dr. Crum with persons who have known him all his life, and basing my judgment upon what they say as well as upon my personal acquaintance of twelve years I have no hesitation in saying that my opinion is that he is a clean upright man. Booker T Washington. ☛ READ THE NOTICE AND AGREEMENT ON BACK. ☚ . EMORY C. WHITE, 136 LIBERTY ST., NEW YORK CITY, U. S. A. (DAUSE Y CIA) VALPARAISO, CHILE. 485 ALSINA, BUENOS AIRES, ARGENTINA. 73, RUA 15 DE NOVEMBRO, SANTOS, BRAZIL. 202, BUENOS AIRES, MONTEVIDEO, URUGUAY. CABLE ADDRESS, "WHITGOLD" NEW YORK. NEW YORK, Dec. 16, 1902. 190 IN ANSWER TO YOURS OF ...................... [[Shorthand]] [*Ackd 12-18-1902 CF*] To his Excellency, The President of the United States, Theodore Roosevelt, My dear Sir:– I hesitate about attempting to place before you conditions existing in South America, but feel it is my duty as an American citizen to give you all the light my twenty years of experience in traveling over those countries has given me. In the first place you must know who I am, so you will not place me among the hord of adventurers who invest foreign countries. I am a cousin of Hon. A. B. White, Gov. of West Virginia and was reared under the same roof with him. Some twenty years ago, after graduating from college, I established my business relations over the South American countries. During Harrison's administration, I was strongly recommended for Minister to Peru by Ex-President McKinley and many congressmen from the Middle West. Mr. McKinley then said of me, in a letter to Hon. James G. Blaine, "Mr. White has spent several years in Spanish America. He has given much study to the commercial relations between those countries and ours. He is a gentleman of high character, education and refinement and I highly endorse him as the right man to become Minister to Peru". However, I did not press my claim to become Minister to Peru, because it would have interfered at that time very seriously with my business relations. This is enough to indicate to you that I know something about the matter of which I am going to write. I have just returned from a two year trip over South America. EMORY C. WHITE, 136 LIBERTY ST., NEW YORK CITY, U. S. A. (DAUSE Y CIA) VALPARAISO, CHILE. 485 ALSINA, BUENOS AIRES, ARGENTINA. 73, RUA 15 DE NOVEMBRO, SANTOS, BRAZIL. 202, BUENOS AIRES, MONTEVIDEO, URUGUAY. CABLE ADDRESS, "WHITGOLD" NEW YORK. NEW YORK, ....................... 190 IN ANSWER TO YOURS OF ...................... Theodore Rosevelt--2. visiting my agencies there and for the last twenty years at a period of about five years apart, I have traveled the entire South American continent. I stopped my business this morning, then, to write you so you can better understand the German situation in South America. Most of my agents being Germans, I have a knowledge of the German ideas in those countries, which may be of interest to you. In the first place, Germans settling in South America are there only to make money and to return to Germany, after having made their forture, where they can live at ease for the rest of their lives. They never become citizens of the South American Republic, or if so, it is exceptional. During these journeys over South America, I was simply astonished at the growth of German commerce in those countries. Ten years ago, most of the Chilian trade was in the hands of the English. To-day it is an open secret with the English that they must retreat and leave the larger bulk of the Chilian trade to Germany. Besides this, the Germans have control, practically of the army of Chile and to a large extend they control the Chilian government. The affairs in Argentine are nearly the same and all of southern Brazil is practically a German colony. It is not a great secret in South America, among Germans, to know exactly what the intent of King William is. In the first place, all the German population in South America misjudge the United States. They judge our Republic in the same manner as they judge the South American Republic–a country full of corruption and at the bottom having little foundation. These Germans decry all our manufactures, and everything that is made in America they. EMORY C. WHITE, 136 LIBERTY ST., NEW YORK CITY, U. S. A. (DAUSE Y CIA) VALPARAISO, CHILE. 485 ALSINA, BUENOS AIRES, ARGENTINA. 73, RUA 15 DE NOVEMBRO, SANTOS, BRAZIL. 202, BUENOS AIRES, MONTEVIDEO, URUGUAY. CABLE ADDRESS, "WHITGOLD" NEW YORK. NEW YORK, ....................... 190 IN ANSWER TO YOURS OF ...................... Theodore Rosevelt---3. class as "Yankee Humbugs". It has taken weeks for me to prove to leading Germans in South America that there is anything good in the United States, and then if they acknowledged there was anything good in the United States, it was because we had some of the good German blood in this country. There is an imbred hatred of everything American in all Germans living in South America. They believe in case of war arising between the United States and Germany, that our German population feel as they do– that is, they think our German population will remain loyal to King William, as they do not understand how the German people in this country at once become citizens and are interested more here than in Germany. Universally the German people in South America are shaping King William's course. They make light of the "Monroe Doctrine" and laugh at it. They candidly believe–and it is no great secret among them– that King William will crush the "Monroe Doctrine", will blot out the may of the United States, if we should attempt to interfere with his designs; he will continue on as he has commenced in Venezuela under the pretext of collecting a debt, will hold the country by mortgage, if he cannot get territory and will so continue throughout the South American Countries, until the"Monroe Doctrine" is completely demolished. Then he will take the southern part of Brazil as a German colony, annex Chile and later Argentine if he so desires. This belief is so well understood and talked among all the German colonies of South America that they cannot comprehend any other idea. Now my dear Sir, from my observations in those countries, I must believe with the Germans., I see now that the little aggressiveness in. EMORY C. WHITE, 136 LIBERTY ST., NEW YORK CITY, U. S. A. (DAUSE Y CIA) VALPARAISO, CHILE. 485 ALSINA, BUENOS AIRES, ARGENTINA. 73, RUA 15 DE NOVEMBRO, SANTOS, BRAZIL. 202, BUENOS AIRES, MONTEVIDEO, URUGUAY. CABLE ADDRESS, "WHITGOLD" NEW YORK. NEW YORK, ....................... 190 IN ANSWER TO YOURS OF ...................... Theodore Rosevelt---4. Venezuela, under pretext of collecting a debt, is only to test the "Monroe Doctrine". No doubt, you feel this as well as I do. Not only our trade is being continually curtailed by German aggressiveness, but we have serious questions ahead of us with King William. In my dealings in those countries, the German banks demand double commission on American drafts, while the British banks are very much more reasonable. In fact, everything is done to kill us in trade– in maligning our good intents towards South American countries and in belittleing our government. The whole tendancy of German aggressiveness is to down America, and the time is not far distant – mark my words – when we must face a crisis with Germany. The very air in South America is impregnated with German ideas, German goods, German aggressiveness and a little later, if you please, with a German Government. Both myself and other members of my family are especially friendly towards you, Mr. President, and we want to see the United States settle this matter peaceably. If it cannot be so settled, then the blood that runs in my veins, which helped free this Republic from British rule in two wars, is ready to be shed again to declare that the American Continents must not be subject to European aggressiveness or to the aggressiveness of an ambitious King. Excuse me for taking up so much of your time, but this subject is next to my heart and I cannot attend to my business without laying this matter before you. Hoping this matter may be settled in a friendly way, I am, Very sincerely yours, E. C. White[For attachment see 12-16-02 enc. 12-16-02][[shorthand]] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. [*[02]*] London, December 16--Received 12:05p Secretary of State: Vice Chancellor of Oxford University inquires whether the President will be pleased to accept from the University press copy of the first folio edition of Shakespeare's dreams, which they are about to publish. Please ascertain and inform. White. --I--[*[ca 12-16-02]*] [[shorthand]] White, Emory C. New York. In re Conditions in South America: Writer is a cousin of Hon. A. B. White, Governor of West Virginia. Highly regarded by President McKinley. Has just returned from South America; Germans settling there do so only to make money and return to Germany; never become citizens; astonished at growth of German commerce; Germans have control practically of army of Chile and Chilian government; affairs in Argentine nearly the same; German population misjudge United States; decry American manufactures; they believe in case of war between the U.S. and Germany, German population will remain loyal to King William; time not far distant when we must face a crisis with Germany.[attached to white 12-16-02]Enc. in Taft 12-16-02Al Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, Presidente de los Estados Unidos de America. El Gobernador, Fiscal y Secretario provinciales y todos los Presidentes Municipales de Ilocos Norte. En prueba de su cariño y adhesión.[12-16-02]The Englishman. FOUNED 1821. ----------------------- TUESDAY, DECEMBER 16, 1902. AN INTERESTING VISITOR. ----- It is not at all surprising that during the last two or three years everything American should have had particular interest for Britons generally. The phenomenal expansion of the commerce of the United States has impressed us, as it has impressed every other people, and in our case, as in the others, wonderment has been not unmingled with a certain amount of awe. The qualms excited by American progress have, of course, been tempered for us by a feeling of pride, but there have been qualms nevertheless. These first impressions are wearing off, as it is seen that even American expansion must have its limits, but the residual feeling is undoubtedly one of frank admiration for the 'cuteness and resource, and envy for the remarkable achievements of our American cousins. When the idea of a world's fair at St. Loui took definite shape one could guess what wa coming. That it was going to be the greatest show on earth went without saying. That it would be the best-boomed exhibition ever held was likewise certain. Journalistic forebodings were soon verified by the receipt of weekly budgets from St. Louis recording the progress of the arrangements, dazzling the eye with pictures and figures, benumbing the imagination with stupendous calculations. It seemed the most natural thing in the world that for such a huge concern there should be commissioners-general, armed with the powers of ambassadors, sent out to range the wide surface of the earth in its interests. Knowing, as one did, how thoroughly these things are done in America, one saw without surprise that the Government was making it one of its most immediate interests, and that nothing but the collapse of the United States constitution could prevent the St. Louis affai from breaking every record in history. The Commissioner-General selected to explore the whole of the East and Australasia is a young, but supremely able man who stands in the unique position of having declined within the last few days one of the most important diplomatic appointments in the world. President Roosevelt has shown what he thinks of the Hon. John Barrett by offering him the post of American Minister to Japan. Mr. Barrett, however, as he told his audience att eh Chamber of Commerce yesterday, is so profoundly interested in his task of ringing in the countries of the East to the St. Louis Exhibition that he has put this most tempting offer away. We venture to think that he has acted wisely--certainly in the interests of St. Louis, but also, very probably, in his own. If the American nation is like its commercial captains, it values keenness in the discharge of duty next only to the supreme qualification of ability, and it is inherently likely that Mr. Barrett's conscientious eager-[daz]zling the eye with pictures and [?] numbing the imagination with stupendous calculations. It seemed the most natural thing in the world that for such a huge concern there should be commissioners-general, armed with the powers of ambassadors, sent out to range the wide surface of the earth in its interests. Knowing, as one did, how thoroughly these things are done in America, one saw without surprise that the Government was making it one of its most immediate interests, and that nothing but the collapse of the United States constitution could prevent the St. Louis affair from breaking every record in history. The Commissioner-General selected to explore the whole of the East and Australasia is a young, but supremely able man who stands in the unique position of having declined within the last few days one of the most important diplomatic appointments in the world. President Roosevelt has shown what he thinks of the Hon. John Barrett by offering him the post of American Minister to Japan. Mr. Barrett, however, as he told his audience at the Chamber of Commerce yesterday, is so profoundly interested in his task of ringing in the countries of the East to the St. Louis Exhibition that he has put this most tempting offer away. We venture to think that he has acted wisely—certainly in the interests of St. Louis but also, very probably, in his own. If the American nation is like its commercial captains, it values keenness in the discharge of duty next only to the supreme qualification of ability, and it is inherently likely that Mr. Barrett's conscientious eagerness for the work in which he is engaged has had the indirect effect of putting a higher price upon his diplomatic services. Turning to the address itself which he delivered at the Bengal Chamber yesterday, it appears to be most happily characteristic. Clear, strong, and unaffected, it went straight to the point, and never went beyond it. In the mere statistics there was, of course, nothing new. We have seen them a hundred times, nor is the general tenor of Mr. Barrett's speeches to various bodies throughout the Far East unfamiliar to us. But there could be no greater mistake than to suppose that he tells the same story to all. He displays a happy knack of presenting his case each time in a new light, and of adapting his arguments especially to the audience which he is for the time addressing. Mr. Barrett, in fact, as he stood before the Bengal Chamber of Commerce yesterday, seemed a striking embodiment of the vigorous practical intellect of his country. He is in earnest, and inspired by a confidence which, the classics notwithstanding, seems to command success. [*This written by Mr. J. B. Saunders the leading editor of Mor'n J. B.*][live in white 12-16-02]READ! THINK! ACT! TO THE WHITE VOTERS AND THE WIVES AND DAUGHTERS OF RICHMOND. - Read the following extract, and determine to do your part to show abhorrence of the situation suggested by President Roosevelt when he invited the negro, Booker Washington, to dine with himself and family in the White House a few days since. Will you not see that your husband, which believes in and has always upheld white supremacy in this country? Stamp out the insult Roosevelt has put on the white women of this country by asking a negro to eat at his table with his wife and children. See that every man you can influence casts his vote before sundown on Tuesday next. Read every word of the following: VIRGINIA'S ANSWER TO ROOSEVELT. Virginia is more fortunate than any other Southern State in the fact that she has the opportunity to answer President Roosevelt's defiance and challenge of Southern sentiment promptly and decisively. We will have an election in this State November 5th, and Colonel Roosevelt's party has a respectable ticket in the field, and has had some hopes for success. The way to convey Virginia's answer to the President is through the election returns. Let the ticket representing the President's party be buried under the most crushing majority ever given in the State. Every man, Democrat or Republican, who wishes to express his disapproval of social equality of the races can do it by putting in a ballot against the Republican nominees and by inducing and, if necessary, helping every man he knows to do likewise. Hissing and abuse and talk do not count. Votes and work do. Every Virginia man ought to vote at the November election if he has to rise from a sick bed or come a thousand miles and spend money to do it. It is not often that we have the opportunity or the occasion to make our votes mean so much in a matter of such vital and far-reaching interest to us. This social equality horror goes directly to every home in the South. The women feel on the subject even more strongly than the men, and we hope they will make it their special business to see that all the men they know register and vote. They are powerful factors in politics when they choose to exert themselves, and this is a time for them to do it. An ordinary majority will mean nothing but the ordinary conditions. A vast, sweeping majority will convey to the country, the world, and the President the solemn and emphatic protest of the people of Virginia against the equality idea, may teach the President something he will remember, and will tend to prevent trouble in the future.-The Richmond News. - See that every man votes on Tuesday next. Urge him to lose an hour from work if necessary to do so. - WHAT IS SOCIAL EQUALITY? In a speech at Delaware, O., on Saturday last, Senator Foraker referred to the Booker Washington incident at the White House, and said that the colored race was to be congratulated on the obvious fact that the people of this country had a representative of the White House who would not draw the color line. if that is a fact, if Mr. Roosevelt means by this act to serve notice on the country that he will not draw the color line, he must go farther. He must express his willingness to have Mrs. Booker Washington call upon Mrs. Theodore Roosevelt and take dinner with herself and her friends. He must go farther than that and express his willingness to have Booker Washington's sons call upon Theodore Roosevelt's daughters and take them to the theatre or any social gathering in Washington, and introduce them as friends of the Roosevelt family. He must go farther than that and say that he is willing for Booker Washington's sons to marry Theodore Roosevelt's daughters. We do not say this in any spirit of offensiveness. We do not say it in any spirit of demagogy. We mean simply to carry the proposition to its legitimate and logical conclusion. Social equality is a broad term, and the man who is in favor of social equality between the races cannot draw the color line at any point. * * * -The Leader. - Women of the South, do you want social equality? The horror of such a thing should make you act. - A member of the Virginia Constitutional Convention speaks: Judge J.W. Orr: The action of the President in dining with the distinguished gentlemen of African descent creates quite a sensation among the people, both North and South. That he has made a mistake, no matter what his personal taste may be, is quite evident. But it is only a step carrying out his inclination in favor of social equality, as manifested in his expressed willingness to educate his own children in a mixed school, and one follows the other naturally. - Senator Eugene Withers declined to be interviewed, but he was overheard to say to a colleague: "Roosevelt is showing his true character and his real instincts. His act in having Booker Washington to dine with him is thoroughly consistent with his boast last year that his child sat by negro children in the public schools at Oyster Bay, Long Island."-The Times.DAMNABLE OUTRAGE. The Scimiter, of Memphis, Tenn., says: "The most damnable outrage which has ever been perpetrated by any citizen of the United States was committed yesterday by the President, when he invited a nigger to dine with him at the White House. It would not be worth more than a passing notice if Theodore Roosevelt had sat down to dinner at his own home with a Pullman palace-car porter, but Roosevelt the individual and Roosevelt the President are not to be viewed in the same light. "Had the guest of the President on the occasion mentioned been a black Republican of Hayti, no doubt there might have been some excuse because of diplomatic reasons, but the fact that he went out of his way and extended a special invitation to a nigger to sit down at table with him—a nigger whose only claim to distinction is that, by comparison with the balance of his race, he has been considered somewhat superior. Of the political effect of the incident it says: "The President has rudely shattered any expectations that may have arisen from his announced intention to make the Republican party in the South respectable. He has closed the door to any accessions of southern white men to the Republican ranks. They can no more ignore the instinct of race than can the bitterest Democratic bourbon." ——————— ROOSEVELT'S NEGRO GUEST. Thoughtful and conservative people at the South have no sympathy with violent antagonism to the negro nor with anything like persecution of him. They have, however, the pride and prejudice of caste and race and their souls revolt at any suggestion of social equality. The repugnance is not only prejudice—born in them and part of their nature—but is based on sound reasoning. They know that social equality and contact would mean inevitably the mingling and mongrelization of the race. To a proud and pure-blooded people, no other danger could be so horrible. No worse calamity could befall this country than that the Anglo-Saxon race should lose its identity and give place to a population of mixed blood, to the occupation and rule of mulattoes. Such conditions would mean the loss of all we have gained and the sure and swift retrogression of the republic. We appreciate the fact that the President has never been in position to understand these feelings and considerations, or to know how vital and important they are. We can understand that with his theories and beliefs regarding the equality of mankind he might feel that by accepting one of the best representatives of the negro race as his social equal he was illustrating the courage of his convictions. Yet the southern white people will feel aggrieved, and we think justly, that he as insulted them and deliberately done violence to one of their deepest and strongest sentiments. At one stroke and by one act he has destroyed the kindly, warm regard and personal affection for him which were growing up fast in the South. Hereafter we may approve his policies and admire his qualities, but it will be impossible for us to feel, as we were beginning to feel, that he is one of us and close to us or our President. He has put himself further from us than any man who has ever been in the White House.—The News. ——————— Does the Republican party in Virginia stand by Roosevelt? Read these extracts: Mr. A.L. Pedigo (leading Republican member from Henry county): "I think the President of the United States has a perfect right to entertain any citizen he chooses in his house or at his table. As to the propriety of the recent act of hospitality of our President to a colored man, I will say that it is nobody's business to criticise him. I have always understood that the old lady who kissed the cow was doing right, according to her taste."—The Times. Mr. Thomas L. Moore, the leader of the Republicans on the floor of the Constitutional Convention, declined to be quoted. He said, in answer to a question: "I have nothing to say on the subject.—The Times. ——————— The Commercial Appeal, of Memphis, Tenn. says: "This is a white man's country, It will continue to be such as long as clean blood flows through the veins of white people. He is entitled to remain in the South. He is entitled to his rights under the law, and the men who stand for white supremacy are the strongest advocates of granting him these rights. But beyond that they will not go. The example of President or potentate cannot change their views. Their reasons are good and sufficient. If some coarse-fibred men cannot understand them, it is not the concern of the southern people. Sufficient answer to them is that race supremacy precludes social equality." ——————— THE COLOR LINE. The New York Times thinks that "the southern newspapers are not well advised in their severe criticism of the President for inviting Dr. Booker T. Washington to dine at the White House." It tells us that there sat down together on that occasion "two gentlemen," one white and the other colored, who are "two of the truest Americans born on our soil and two of the best and most intelligent and influential friends of the South now living." Of course it was right and proper for the President to consult Booker Washington if he thought he could gain any information concerning southern affairs from him. Nobody in the South would have thought of objecting to such a conference. But this conference could have been held in the President's office as well as in the President's dining room, and it is idle for the New York Times to say that it had no social significance. Mr. Roosevelt evidently had a purpose in inviting Booker Washington to dine with him beyond the mere purpose of consultation, and if there had been any doubt on this score it was removed by Senator Foraker, who said in a public speech on Saturday last, that the incident showed that Mr. Roosevelt would not draw the color line. What does this mean? It means that the President of the nation is in favor of wiping out all racial distinctions. It means that he is in favor of a social system which will draw the line against no man or woman because of such person's race. It means that the President is willing that negroes shall mingle freely with whites in the social circle—that white women may receive attentions from negro men. It means that there is no racial reason, in his opinion, why white and blacks may not marry and intermarry, why the Anglo-Saxon may not mix negro blood with his blood. That is what abolishing the color line means, and all the special pleading in the world will not alter the fact.—The Times. If President Roosevelt had studied a year to find a way to offend southern people, and may at the North, he could not have found a more effective method than he adopted when he invited Booker Washington to dine with him. There are ten thousand white man as smart as Booker Washington who will never be invited to the White House. There are ten thousand white me prominent as Booker Washington, who will never be invited to the White House. Then why should Roosevelt invite this negro? Simply and solely to humiliate the white people of the South. Don't forget this, white men and women of Richmond.EDITORIAL ROOMS [*File PPF Pr*] Gunton's Magazine 41 Union Square New York New York, Dec. 17, 1902. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:– Every expression of yours in your message on the trust question is sound and safe, and I have seen nothing in the expressions of the Attorney General that is not thoroughly consistent with what you have said. I wrote you frankly, and perhaps exhibited some undue nervousness regarding the Littlefield bill, feeling that you probably had not seen it, and to call your attention to its rabid provisions. I know you take no such corporation repressing attitude as any of these bills do, but so much has been said about Littlefield representing the administration, that I confess to feeling some shock when I read it. I am more than delighted, however, to get your letter of the 15th, because I am going to lecture on the subject, and now feel doubly assured that whatever irrational features may be in anti-corporation bills when they enter congress, they will have to be sane and safe before they receive the President's approval. Knowledge of that fact alone would do much to prevent any business fears arising from efforts at threatening legislation. Very cordially yours, George Gunton[*CF*] Washington, D.C. December 17, 1902. Honorable T.E. Kearns. My Dear Senator: My attention has been called to the Senatorial situation in your state by reason of the discussion in the newspapers and in political circles here, so that I feel it my duty as Chairman of the National Committee to appeal to our friends in Utah to regard public opinion and the best interests of the Republican party in the choice of a man to represent them in the United States Senate. The Mormans are fully entitled to the choice, and while I have the highest regard for Mr. Smoot, his personal character and ability, in view of the fact that he is one of the apostles of the church and because I do not want to inject that question which would likely create unfavorable comment, I strongly urge that some other good representative member of the church be chosen. From what I know of Mr. Smoot I believe he will fully appreciate the situation and my motive in presenting the matter to party leaders. Truly yours, M.A. Hanna.[[shorthand]] [*Wrote Sec Putnam 12-19-1902*] Department of State, Washington, December 17, 1902 Dear Mr. President : - I find that the appointment of Mr. Bishop has been completed; that is to say, he has been ordered for examination, and the news of his appointment has been given to his friends and supporters in the Senate and the House and Yale University. I am very sorry not to be able to comply with Senator Proctor's wishes in the matter, but it would be very awkward now to take the place away from Mr. Bishop for the purpose of promoting Mr. Smith. Yours faithfully John HayJNO. M. PARKER JOS. A. AIREY JNO. M. PARKER & CO. COTTON FACTORS 816 & 818 UNION ST. AND 817 & 819 PERDIDO ST. [[shorthand]] [*Copy of mem sent to Dr Merriam 12-19-1902 File*] New Orleans La. Decr. 17th, 1902. Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou, White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. Cortelyou, A two weeks absence in the Delta prevented my promptly replying to yours of 6th inst. It gives me great pleasure to comply with your request as per enclosed memoranda. I took the liberty of sending Col. Roosevelt an interesting souvenir of our swamp trip which I hope you will see is put in active service. Command me if I can ever in any way serve you here and with compliments of the season, believe me, Very truly yours, Jno M Parker Incls.[For 1 enc. see ca 12-17-02]. [* [ca. 12-17-02] *] Without any attempt at elaboration, I set down here at your request the substance of the thought I expressed to you in our conversation the other night regarding our negroes. I say nothing of the black's animal, emotional and intellectual character for you understand that as well as and better than I do. The question of whether or not our negroes should be educated, is not a moral question, I think, but one of government policy. It is on a parity, logically, with the question of the Chinese. One proposition implies a question admitting a people into our nation; the other of admitting a people into our blood. Ethically, it is our duty to educate the negro. As a nation it is our duty to enquire what is to be the effect upon the nation of that education. In the last analysis, hundreds of years hence, let us say, the education of the negro, bringing him up to our white level, will result in the removal of the present barrier to his marriage with the whites. What race of monsters will follow upon this God-forbidden commingling of white man blood and black-man blood, is for the far-seeing eye and wise providence of our government to consider. But this is not the point I desire to speak upon. The one thought I wish to give you, is this: granted that it is well that the negro in America be educated, see to it that his education be practical. And by practical in this sense, I mean not only to furnish him with an equipment which shall enable him to accomplish, but an equipment2. which shall not prevent him from accomplishing. Let us say, then, that we have to accomplish is to adjust to the negro, a new-comer, to our old and complex and painfully wrought out civilization. Before we can do that, we must understand very clearly what the negro is. Let us look at the negro fairly, as men might from another planet: he is a wild animal, captured in the African tropics and brought here in a cage. That, I think, relieved of all cant and verbiage, is a plain statement of truth, predicated upon the universally known facts of the slave trade. Not is there any hope of the negro's improvement being aided or accelerated by operations of the laws of atavism. If, at any time in the remote past, the negro has been a creature of culture and enlightenment, as has been the case with some decayed peoples, there might be a prospect of his improving with more ease and expedition than could be expected of a race of atocthonous savages. But there is nothing research can discover, to indicate that he has ever been other than what he was two hundred years ago and what he is today. Moreover, it is to be remembered that the slave-trades, viewing their business from the standpoint of the practical and the utilitarian, brought over the lowest order of negroes for the reason that they were easier to capture in the first place, (frequently being taken by the higher order of negroes such as the Zulus and then sold to the traders at the Coast) could survibe more easily in the filthy crowded pens of the slave vessels, and were more 3. readily held in slavery on the plantations. Now in the light of this understanding of what the negro is, it should be clear that we cannot any more hope to make him a tractable, domestic animal immediately, then we could to make a watchdog out of a wolf, or a family horse out of a quagga, or a fireside pet out of a wolverine. It has taken our whte race centuries to reach this civilization of to-day. Step by step, heredity on heredity, father to son, we have labored, thought and suffered through the stage of our development. It has been, if I may so express it, a personal experience with us from babyhood to manhood. It has moulded our characters to a fitness for what we confront; and we face these things practically as men face real things. But mark you how opposite is the case with the negro! All of these years while we were growing and developing, refining our minds and emotions, improving our faculties and capabilities, the negro has been away from the scene of action. And now we pull him out of the dark into the glare of our wonder fully complex life! Men and posterites reap as they sow. What is this negro who has sat for centuries under a palm, ignorant, superstitious, inert, to do in this vast company of extraordinary men who have studied and labored in libraries and laboratories for an infinitely greater,4. because infinitely more active, number of centuries? Can he, in a moment, hope to learn all that we have been studying and acquiring by rush-light, candle-light, lamp-light, gaslight, and electric light for so many long years? And this brings me to the kernel of what I have to say. There must be negro education for negroes, not white man education for negroes. There must be negro school books for negroes, not white man school books for negroes. It is wrong to educate a negro to a standard of white man ideals and aspirations and traditions when he has not the opportunity to realize them. George Washington, Benjamin Franklin and Israel Putnam and the Marquis de Lafayette, familiar heroes of school-book literature, are not heroes that should be held up to negroes as objects for emulation. Great negroes would be proper heroes for negro school books, because negro boy could follow them as white boys can follow white men. Booker Washington's practical ideas for the education of the negro, carried this one step further, will stand every test of time: to divorce every details of the negro's education from misguiding and impracticable and unattainable white man ideals. [*Parker*] [Enc. in Parker, 12-17-02]Oyster Bay Dec. 17. 1902 My Dear Mr. President It is now a year and a half since I list the position, I held by the Death of Adjutant General Hoffman. Can I not ask of our kind officer again on my behalf I might suggest that a word from you to the Collection of the Port-of New York would bring the desired recognition. Wishing your administration the success it so greatly deserves. I am with great respect Very faithfully yours, Maurice E. Townsend. To the President Washington D. C.[for attachment see 2-26-02]BOOKER T. WASHINGTON. TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED. [[shorthand]] TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. Crawford House, Boston. December 18, 1902 [*Ackd 12-20-1902*] My dear Mr. President : - I thank you very much for letting me read Dr. Abbott's letter to you of December 4th. I have read it with interest. I shall not attempt to express my views in detail regarding this letter but will wait until I have an opportunity of seeing you and shall hope to take up the matter of conversation for a few minutes. Yours truly, Booker T. Washington To President Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C.[*File*] Smedes Miss Dec. 18th, 02 Geo. B. Cortelyou Esq. Washington, D. C. My Dear Sir, I thank you for conveying, as you have done so delicately, the expressions from the President of thanks to me for the efforts I made towards making (if not the hunt,) his stay a pleasant one. I am egotistical enough to think that had I not been handicapped by the attack of indisposition that prevented me carrying out my [programme?], at least in the first days hunt, he would have gotten a "kill." He should have been kept on the open trails. Please convey to him my thanks for his book, which has already been read with keen pleasure. Best wishes to yourself. Truly W. W. Mangum[*PPF Pr*] UNITED STATES SENATE. COMMITTEE ON APPROPRIATIONS. Dec 18. 1902 Dear Mr. President: I took luncheon with Senator Quay today by invitation, and found that he wanted to talk on statehood matters. I urged him to take the suggestion of consolidating New Mexico and Arizona as one state, and went over the question at length both in a public and a party sense. I told him you had the greatest friendliness to him, & he was greatly pleased - although he felt sure of that himself. I urged him to see you and to talk with the utmost frankness. After three hours talk he expressed himself as willing to accept of it, if the Democrats could be induced to consent to it, & he said he felt that they should do so. But he said his talk with you must be strictly between you & him, until he had felt of the situation and the possibilities. I told him I was anxious to see you keep friends, & hesaid that the friendship wuld continue on his part so far as he was concerned, no matter how this controversy ended. He goes to Florida Saturday a.m. to be gone till New Years. Sincerely Yours, James S. ClarksonWHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. [*File*] December 18, 1902 Trip to Rapidan, Va., and return. President Spencer of the Southern Railway has tendered the use of his private car for the President, Mrs. Roosevelt and family for this trip. The car with baggage car will run special both ways. Schedule is as follows: Leave Washington 10:35 A.M., Saturday, December 20. Arrive Rapidan about 1 p.m. (distance 80 miles.) Returning, Leave Rapidan Monday, Dec 22, 9 a.m. Arrive Washington about 11:30 a.m. The private car has two or three rooms.[and]Mrs Roosevelt Will go to New York Tuesday 23rd on train leaving 7 amThe Outlook Company 287 Fourth Avenue New York [*Ackd 12-20-1902*] [[shorthand]] December 19, 1902. Dear Mr. President: Enclosed please find an editorial from the New York "Evening Post" of Wednesday last which may be of interest to you. Yours truly, Elbert F. Baldwin [*Also see P.P.F.*] [[shorthand]] The Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States.[*[For enc see 12-19-02]*]. [* [1902] *] 19 Dec. [* [12-19-02] *] STATIONS, WOODFORD OR CHINGFORD. KNIGHTON, BUCKHURST HILL. [*File*] My dear Roosevelt It is a great pleasure to receive "The Deer family" from the part author. It will be a treasured volume in my hunting library. It is not only a pleasure but a great honour that you should find time to write me a letter "All to myself". [*The best of Christmas wishes to you and yours*]I need not tell you with what interest we at Knighton look out for every thing that is [rej] recorded of you and your family or with what pride I point to the white goats head you gave me and say "It was the President of the United States shot that" I am glad to notice that you occasionally get out into the wilds and wash off the dust. My holidays are rare as my absences are increasingly distasteful to my wife who is very blind but I did get a little turn with my youngest son this last Summer to Asia Minor after a wild sheep which but very few sportsmen have got Tony got a good one but I failed or rather I was compelled to come away before succeeding as some of my followers got ill from the extreme heat, and one thought he was going to die. Please remember me to Mrs Roosevelt. I hope your boy who was so ill is quite recovered. I shall not forget your proferred hospitality. I should like to visit you in the White House I am my dear Roosevelt Yours always truly E N Buxton [*In England we recognize only two strong men - yourself and Chamberlain with the German Emperor a bad third*][*File*] T/H DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. December 19, 1902. George B. Cortelyou, Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: I enclose herewith for the President's information copy of a despatch from the United States Embassy at London transmitting correspondence in reference to the invitation extended by this Government to that of Great Britain to join in the formation of an international commission to investigate the waters adjacent to boundary lines between the United States and Canada, provided for by the River and Harbor Act, approved June 13, 1902, (section 4, page 147.) I am, Sir, your obedient servant John Hay Enclosures: From Great Britain No. 989, December 5, 1902, with enclosures. Copy of Public Act No. 154, referred to. [*see State 12/5/02*][[shorthand]] WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. December 19, 1902. Mr. Secretary: On my file I find a memorandum directing that "when the list for the Blue Room for New Year's Reception of 1903 is being made up, attention is to be called to a memorandum from Mrs. Roosevelt on the President's private files." Respectfully, J.K. NetherlandCHARACTER. CIRCULATION. FEARLESSNESS. BEST ADVERTISING MEDIUM SOUTH OF NEW YORK. [*2*] [*Ackd 12-23-1902*] Der Deutsch Amerikaner. (THE GERMAN AMERICAN.) OFFICE: 629 BRUNE STREET. An Original, Patriotic, Progressive Weekly Journal Published in the Interest of Maryland's German Population of over 100,000 People. Baltimore, Md. December 19th, 1902. Mr. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. Esteemed Sir. [[shorthand]] Permit me to word my regret for having been unable to carry out your program to meet our honored President this last Thursday, but had to yield to Representative Schirm's plan which was most suited for him to bring me to the President on Wednesday last. Thus through this and other incidental circumstances I had not the opportunity to form your acquaintance, nor to keep the engagement. Despite this rather awkward culmination of this part of my most delightful experience, I would like to ask you to kindly send me one of the Presidents available portraits, so that I may get a half-tone made from same for newspaper purposes. Then I would like to have that beautiful "Boer-poem" that the President so surprisingly recited, if that be convenient for you, mailed to me at once as the request for same is very sincere and strong, not only from my immediate friends, but from one of the leading papers in the Country. Finally the few lines that the President so aptly chose from the "Nibelungenlied" I would value equally high and thank you most heartily for sending.CHARACTER. CIRCULATION. FEARLESSNESS. BEST ADVERTISING MEDIUM SOUTH OF NEW YORK. 2. Der Deutsch Amerikaner. (THE GERMAN AMERICAN) OFFICE: 629 BRUNE STREET. An Original, Patriotic, Progressive Weekly Journal Published in the Interest of Maryland's German Population of over 100.000 People. Baltimore, Md.____________________________________190 same. Hoping that you may be able to comply with this request and thanking you again for this favor, but particularly thanking you and the President for the unusually liberality shown me during my call, I am Yours Very Truly Louis Michel 629 Brune St.[For 2 attachments see envelope ca 12-19-02 & memo ca 12-19-02 re Michel][For 2 attachments see envelope ca 12-19-02 & memo ca 12-19-02 re Michel]T. C. PLATT, CHAIRMAN. STEPHEN B. ELKINS. JAMES K. JONES. A. H.HOWE, CLERK. UNITED STATES SENATE, COMMITTEE ON PRINTING, WASHINGTON. [*Ackd 12-20-1902*] [*File CF*] December 19, 1902. My dear Mr. President: Archbishop Ireland called upon me last evening at the Arlington Hotel, but I was out and failed to see him. He thereupon wrote me a letter, which I have before me this morning, just as I am leaving for New York for the Holidays, to which I feel impelled to bestow some attention before my departure. He tells of his desire to encompass the appointment of John F. Tracey, of Albany, to the Supreme Bench at Manila in place of Judge Smith, and says that you agreed with him in his opinion as to the desirability of the nomination of a Catholic to that post and that you said you would be pleased to name Mr. Tracy for the Judgship if I were satisfied to have you do so. I hasten to say that it will be entirely agreeable to me to have you nominate Mr. Tracy for the position. I think a Catholic ought to be appointed, and Mr. Tracy, in addition to being persona grata to the Catholic element, possesses the added strength of abundant qualification for the performance of the duties of the place. Yours faithfully, T. C Platt The President.. [* [ca 12-19-02] *] Michel, Louis, Baltimore, Md. Asks for one of the President's photographs, from which to make a half-tone for newspaper purposes. Would like to have the Boer poem that the President recited; and also the lines that the President used from the "Nibelungenlied." Regrets that he could not keep his engagement. [[8 lines shorthand]][attached to Michael, 12-19-02][*[Enc. in Bliss, 12-31-02]*] [*[12-19-02]*] Statement of Gen. T.H. Bliss, U.S. Army, Before Senator Cullom, as a Subcommittee of the Committee on Foreign Relations, on Friday, December 19, 1902. Mr. Cullom. General Bliss, I requested you to come here to-day in order that you might explain the various provisions of the reciprocity treaty with Cuba, which you recently negotiated on behalf of the United States. General Bliss. Before replying to such detailed questions as you may ask, I would like to call your attention to the references which appear in Schedules A, B, and C of Article IV to specific paragraphs of the existing Cuban tariff law. In some cases - and they happened to be rather important ones - it was difficult to define exactly by name all the varieties of a given class of articles to which it was agreed that a certain concession should apply. In such cases it seemed to me safer, as avoiding future differences of opinion at the custom-houses, to refer to them as the articles "now classified under paragraph - of the customs tariff of the Republic of Cuba." That classification is a matter of record and perfectly well known to all interested parties, and so for the purposes of this treaty these classifications remain fixed, no matter whether new tariffs are made or not. I may add, further, that I was instructed to negotiate on the basis of a twenty per centum concession on the part of the United States and that, rather than consider any possible increase in this proposed concession, I should diminish the concessions asked by the United States from Cuba. Mr. Cullom. Article 1 of the treaty provides: During the term of this convention, all articles of merchandise being the product of the soil or industry of the United States which are now imported into the Republic of Cuba free of duty, and all articles of merchandise being the product of the soil or industry of the Republic of Cuba which are now imported into the United States free of duty, shall continue to be so admitted by the respective countries free of duty. What do we now get from Cuba free of duty? General Bliss. That article was agreed upon simply to give us a starting point, a basis for our further discussions as to the concessions that could be fairly asked on each side. Here is a statement, for which I am indebted to the courtesy of the Bureau of Statistics of the Treasury Department, of the articles imported into the United States from Cuba, free of duty, during the year ending June 30, 1902:. 2 Imports of merchandise, free of duty into the United States from Cuba, during the year ending June 30, 1902. ——————————————————————————————————————————— Articles. Quantities. Dollars. ——————————————————————————————————————————— Animals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3,267 Articles, the growth, etc., of the United States brought back . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279,572 Articles specially imported . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211 Art works, the production of American artists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 Beeswax . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . pounds 157,839 44,364 Bells, broken, and bell metal, broken, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6,104 Brass, old, clippings, etc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . pounds 483,934 46,029 Bones, horns, etc., unmanufactured . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22,959 Books, music, maps, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,283 Breadstuffs: Farinaceous substances, etc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 806 Chemicals, drugs, etc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,819 Cocoa, crude . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . pounds 2,551,950 284,813 Coffee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . do 133,372 8,219 Copper—Ore and regulus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . tons 204 23,129 Pigs, bars, ingots, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . pounds 953,211 109,496 Fertilizers: Guano . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . tons 3,000 55,020 Fiber, vegetable—Sisal grass . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . do 52 10,400 All other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . do 20 955 Fish . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,414 Fruits—Bananas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 533,553 All other fruit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24,678 Cocoanuts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175,786 All other nuts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228 Hair, unmanufactured . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3,309 Hides . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . pounds 7,619 932 Hide cuttings and other glue stock . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19,878 Household and personal effects, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15,097 India rubber, old and scrap . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . pounds 23,988 1,446 Moss, seaweed, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 767 Oils, vegetable . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 454 Ores, manganese . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . tons 25,555 268,884 Palm leaf . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,945 Paper stock, crude . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 Plants, trees, shrubs, etc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 Shells, unmanufactured . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,896 Seeds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 216 Spices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . pounds 866 69 Spirits, distilled, of domestic manufacture, brought back per gallon 29 22 Wood—Cabinet woods: Mahogany . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . M. feet 5,977 308,597 All other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 365,675 Logs and round timber . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . M. feet 11 571 All other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18,120 All other free articles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 844 ——————————— Total imports free of duty . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,644,017 The principal items are old metals, copper and iron ore, bananas and cocoanuts, and woods. The total of the free imports into the United States from Cuba for that year was $2,644,017, from which, for purposes of comparison, should be deducted $279,572, which sum is the value of "articles, the growth, etc., of the United States, brought back." During the same year Cuba imported the following articles and values from the United States free of duty: Agricultural implements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $113,711 Beehives and bee-keeper's supplies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13,012 Books, maps, and scientific instruments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20,729 Coal: Anthracite . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58,109 Bituminous . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,253,409 Coke . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24,557 Fertilizers: Natural . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17,608 Manufactured . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10,575 Flax, hemp, etc., raw . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123,590 Fish, fresh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,319 3 Paving stone, unwrought . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $40,974 Trees and plants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18,010 Wood, pine, unplaned . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,375,582 ——————————— Total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3,072,185 That is to say, the maintenance of the free lists of the two countries as they now are will give the United States a considerable relative advantage. The three principal items in Cuba's free imports are agricultural implements, coal, and pine lumber. With returning prosperity the importations of these articles must be very largely increased, all of which will be to the direct benefit of the United States. As I said before, Article I of the treaty was put in simply so that we could start out even, fair, and square on both sides, by retaining everything on the free lists of the two countries that are now on those lists—that is, so far as concerns the trade between the two countries under this treaty. MR. CULLOM. So the first article does not in any way change the situation as if now exists? General BLISS. No, sir. Mr. CULLOM. Article 2 provides for a reduction of 20 per cent on articles coming from Cuba into the United States. What does that cover? General BLISS. That covers, first and foremost, sugar; second, tobacco; third, fruits and vegetables. Mr. CULLOM. The purpose of the treaty is to let everything from Cuba come in at a reduction of 20 per cent? General BLISS. Yes; everything produced in Cuba and exported thence into the United States is admitted at a reduction of 20 per cent. Mr. CULLOM. But the only dutiable articles received from Cuba now are sugar, tobacco, and fruits and vegetables? General BLISS. Those are three principal articles now. In time, with continued peace in the island and a return of former prosperity, there may be a considerable export trade in cattle and hides. I have here a list of dutiable articles imported into the United States from Cuba during the year ending June 30, 1902, with rates of duties and duties collected thereon. This statement was prepared in the Bureau of Statistics of the Treasury Department.. 4 Imports of dutiable articles into the United States from Cuba during the year ending June 30, 1902. ——————————————————————————————————————————— Dutiable articles. Quantities. Values. Rate of Estimated duties. duties. ——————————————————————————————————————————— Animals—Horses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . number 1 $60 $30 $30.00 All other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190 20 per cent 38.00 Art works . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295 20 per cent 59.00 Asphaltum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . tons 7,252 28,497 $1.50 10,878.00 Cider . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . gallons 1,708 1,591 5 per cent 85.40 Bone and horn, manufactures of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 30 per cent 39.90 Books, music, maps, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 413 25 per cent 103.25 Breadstuffs—All other preparation, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 348 34 per cent 118.32 Brushes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 40 per cent 1.20 Candles and tapers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 356 20 per cent 71.20 Chemicals, drugs, etc.—Glycerin . . . pounds 109,108 10,431 1 per cent 1,091.08 Mineral waters, gallons. 149 157 40 per cent 62.80 All other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,280 27 per cent 615.60 Chocolate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . pounds 2,139 272 2½ per cent 53.47 Clocks and parts of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 40 per cent 10.80 Copper, manufactures of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 45 per cent 2.25 Cotton, manufactures of—Cloths . square yards 245 29 40 per cent 11.65 Clothing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 50 per cent 36.50 Knit goods, stockings, etc. . . 14 60 per cent 8.40 Laces, edgings, etc . . . . . . . . 873 60 per cent 523.80 All other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 278 45 per cent 125.10 Earthen, stone, and China ware . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 460 60 per cent 276.00 Fans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,059 50 per cent 529.50 Feathers, etc., natural and artificial . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 725 50 per cent 362.50 Fibers, vegetable, manufactures of: Cables, cordage, etc. . . . . . . . . . . pounds 3,531 440 40 per cent 176.00 Other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 773 40 per cent 347.85 Fish—Anchovies and sardines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 528 30 per cent 158.40 Cod, haddock, etc. . . . . . . . . . pounds 61,563 3,778 ¾ cent 461.72 All other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 734 20 per cent 146.80 Fruits—Figs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . pounds 421 49 2 cents 8.42 Lemons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . do 140 3 1 cent 1.40 Oranges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . do 52,198 560 1 cent 521.98 Plums and prunes . . . . . . . . . . do 1,287 20 2 cents 25.74 Prepared or preserved . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11,112 48 per cent 5,333.76 All other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 363,948 44 per cent 160,137.12 Nuts—Almonds . . . . . . . . . . pounds 50 9 6 cents 3.00 All other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,476 45 per cent 664.20 Furs, and manufactures of . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . 25 21 per cent 4.20 Glass and glassware . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . 253 56 per cent 141.68 Hats, bonnets, and hoods . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . . 51,971 35 per cent 18,189.85 Hides of cattle . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . . pounds 509,765 43,985 15 per cent 6,597.75 Honey . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . . gallons 10,978 5,807 20 cents 2,195.60 India rubber and gutta-percha, manufactures of . . . . . . . 193 35 per cent 67.55 Iron and steel, and manufactures of: Iron ore . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . tons 629,602 1,109,205 40 cents 251,840.80 Scrap iron and steel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . do 6,861 79,956 $4.00 27,444.00 Cutlery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 66 per cent 69.30 Firearms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79 46 per cent 36.34 Machinery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7,912 45 per cent 3,560.40 All other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 45 per cent 67.05 Ivory, manufactures of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 35 per cent 41.30 Jewelry, manufactures of gold and silver, etc . . . . . . . . . . 268 60 per cent 160.80 5 Imports of dutiable articles from Cuba—Continued. —————————————————————————————————————————————— Dutiable articles. Quantities. Values. Rate of Estimated duties. duties. —————————————————————————————————————————————— Lead—In ore and base bullion . . . . . pounds 1,900 $60 2½ per cent $40.27 Manufactures of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 45 per cent 2.25 Leather, manufactures of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 398 35 per cent 139.30 Marble, and manufactures of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 50 per cent 35.50 Mattings and mats for floors, etc., twenty-nine 40 4 6 cents 2.40 yards. Metals, metal compositions, etc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,417 45 per cent 637.65 Mica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . pounds 110 7 6 cents and 8.00 20 per cent. Musical instruments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 45 per cent 14.40 Oils, vegetable: Fixed or expressed—Olive, salad 1,729 1,300 50 cents 864.50 galls. All other . . . . . . . . . 111 31 per cent 34.41 Paper, and manufactures of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 341 30 per cent 102.30 Perfumeries, cosmetics, etc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 569 50 per cent 284.50 Pipes and smokers' articles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 991 60 per cent 594.60 Plants, trees, shrubs, etc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 309 27 per cent 83.43 Plaster rock or gypsum, manufactures of . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 35 per cent 2.80 Provisions—Meat products . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6,722 25 per cent 1,980.50 Cheese . . . . . . . . . . . . . . pounds 3,457 432 6 cents 207.42 Rice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . do 598 13 2 cents 11.96 Salt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . do 672,000 695 8 cents per 537.60 100 pounds. Seeds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 21 per cent 15.54 Shells, manufactures of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 35 per cent 14.70 Silk, manufactures of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 570 60 per cent 342.00 Soap . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220 20 per cent 44.00 Spices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . pounds 10,620 645 3 cents 318.60 Spirits, wines, and malt liquors: Malt liquors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . gallons 29 16 20 cents 5.80 Spirits, distilled . . . . . . . . . . . proof gallons 5,086 8,072 $2.25 11,443.50 Wines—In casks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . gallons 5,570 1,809 40 cents 2,228.00 In other coverings . dozen quarts 1,327 6,426 $1.60 2,123.20 Sponges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195,730 20 per cent 39,146.00 Starch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . pounds 3,569 66 1½ cents 53.53 Straw and grass, manufactures of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265 30 per cent 79.50 Sugar and molasses: Molasses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . gallons 13,128,512 882,393 3 cents 398,855.36 Sugar cane—Not above No. 16 . pounds 984,215,089 18,205,359 1.615 cent 15,895,073.68 Above No. 16 . . . . . . . do 1,836 52 1.95 cent 35.80 Confectionery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 50 per cent 88.50 Tobacco—Leaf—Suitable for cigar wrapper, pounds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52,323 100,046 $1.85 96,797.55 All other . . . . . . . . . pounds 18,840,459 8,478,251 35 cents 6,594,160.65 Cigars, cigarettes etc. . . . . . . do 409,318 2,317,584 $4.50 and 25 2,421,327.00 per cent. All other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4,043 223 per cent 9,015.89 Toys . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 35 per cent 21.35 Vegetables—Beans and dried pease . bushels 1,727 2,884 37 per cent 1,067.08 Onions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . do 56,919 37,696 40 cents 22,767.60 Potatoes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . do 13,080 7,469 25 cents 3,270.00 All other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25,184 40 per cent 10,073.60 Wood—Unmanufactured . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,378 14 per cent 332.92 Manufactures—Cabinetware, etc . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20,857 35 per cent 7,299.95 All other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,943 35 per cent 1,030.05 Wool, manufactures of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 272 90 per cent 244.80 Zinc—In blocks, pigs, etc . . . . . . . . . . pounds 149,271 3,493 1½ cents 2,239.05 All other dutiable articles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 24.4 per cent 24.15 _____________________________________________________________ Total dutiable imports . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32,050.667 25,013,602.95 —————————————————————————————————————————————— Total estimated duty, less 20 per cent, $20,810,882.35. O. P. AUSTIN, Chief of Bureau. BUREAU OF STATISTICS, TREASURY DEPARTMENT, December 23, 1902.. 6 Mr. CULLOM. How much sugar do we receive from Cuba? General BLISS. We take practically all the sugar that Cuba produces. After taking all of our own production of cane and beet sugar we take all that Cuba can produce, and still have to buy several hundreds of thousands of tons from other foreign countries. For thirty years the United States have taken all but less than 10 percent of the Cuban sugar crop, and for twelve or fourteen years they have taken all of it. From the statement which I have just shown you, the United States imported from Cuba during the past fiscal year about 440,000 tons of raw sugar. But this was not all of the last Cuban crop. A great deal of sugar was held for better prices, and the last of the crop was not sold until early in this month. I should guess that of the last crop in Cuba considerably more than 600,000 tons have by this time been sold in the United States. Probably the officials of the Treasury Department could now give exact information on that point. When in Habana in the early part of this month I found that the best informed sugar men there estimated the crop for this year—that is, the year 1902-3—at 888,000 tons. Mr. CULLOM. And that would come into the United States at a 20 per cent reduction? General BLISS. Yes; and it would come anyway, whether there is a reduction in our duty or not. Taking into consideration our duty upon the average grade of Cuban raw sugar, the 20 percent reduction would mean, as far as our custom-houses are concerned, a benefit of something more than $7 a ton. Exactly how much of that amount will go to Cuba I do not know, nor do I believe that anyone knows. But that none of it should go there, or that a considerable part should not go there, seems to me to conflict with all the known facts relating to reciprocity. And whatever part of it does go to Cuba will go to the laborers of the island. If the planters are assured a reasonably good market for sugar for five years, they will want to plant every available acre in cane. This will at once lead to a lively competition among them for labor, to the immediate benefit of the working classes. The condition of the agricultural laborer is now worse than that of any other class in Cuba, and it is upon this element that reckless politicians are working more and more to foment the present feeling of dislike and opposition to the United States. The political advantage of this treaty seems to me to be of more consequence than the question of its exact value in dollars and cents. It seems to me that it would be a crime against American institutions to annex the island under existing conditions. A satisfactory commercial treaty will postpone annexation. If the treaty results in increased prosperity it will be made evident in the investment of American capital and an influx of American people into the island, so that if the time should ever come when, for political reasons, annexation should seem desirable, we would find the island already Americanized. If we deliberately refuse to enter into such relations with Cuba we surely can not resent it if she listens to overtures from other nations. It is known that England already has a treaty, or the draft of one, in the hands of the Cuban Government. If ours is concluded the other will probably rest in a pigeonhole of the foreign office. But if we refuse to conclude ours the other will 7 certainly come to life. It would be an extraordinary spectacle if Cuba, geographically a part of our own country and exercising the powers of an independent nation solely as the result of the expenditure of our blood and our capital, should conclude a treaty of friendship and commerce with England and not with us. The political consequences of such a course might make us regret at no distant day that we did not adopt a policy making for peace and order in Cuba and one that would tie her to us both politically and commercially and at the same time leave both her and us the benefits of independence. For purpose of comparison with the import trade into the United States from Cuba, I have here a statement of the import trade into Cuba from the United States. It is for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1901. Such a statement has not been compiled for this year. But this is of no consequence, since the import trade of Cuba, under present conditions, varies but a trifle from year to year, and the figures here given are perfectly representative. This statement shows the values of the importations and the corresponding duties collected under each paragraph of the Cuba tariff. It shows these values and duties, first, for the importations from the United States; and, second, from all other countries. It therefore serves to compare not only the trade from the United State to Cuba with that from Cuba to the United States, but also the Cuban import trade from the United States with that from all other countries.. 8 Status of import trade of Cuba.—Values and duties collected during year ending June 30, 1901. Para- Articles. From the United From all other graph. States. countries. _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ CLASS I.—STONES, EARTHS, ORES, GLASS, AND CERAMIC PRODUCTS. Group 1.—Stones and earths employed in building, arts, and manufactures. 1 Marble, jasper, and alabaster: a. In the rough or in dressed pieces, squared Value. Duty. Value. Duty. or prepared for shaping.............................................................................................................................................. b. Slabs, plates, or steps of any dimension, polished or not............................................................ $922 $44 $6,839 $3,942 c. Sculptors, bas-reliefs, vases, urns, and similar articles for house decoration...................... 622 19 1,442 35 d. Wrought or chiseled into all other articles, polished or not........................................................... 312 82 728 182 2 Stones, other, natural or artificial........................................... a. Slabs, plates, or steps.................................................. 7,920 2,230 5,533 3,408 b. Wrought into all other articles................................... 7,910 2,206 5,933 4,009 3 Earths employed in manufactures and arts, including lime and gypsum: a. Cement.......................................................................... 157,586 41,640 51,219 13,760 4 Gypsum manufactured into articles: a. Statuettes...................................................................... 152 24 .................. .................. b. Other articles................................................................ 324 30 32 4 Group 2.—Coal. (See free list)............................................................................. 204,632 .................. 3,435 .................. Group 3.—Schists, bitumens, and their derivatives. 5 Tar and mineral pitch, bitumens, and schists..................... 9,660 3,380 173 18 6 Crude oils derived from schists, including crude petroleum; axle grease for cars and carts...................... 245,198 141,117 .................. .................. 7 Petroleum and other mineral oils, rectified or refined, intended for illumination or lubrication........... .................. .................. .................. .................. a. A product from petroleum known under the name of cordage oil, imported by and used exclusively for cordage works in their manufacture of rope and cordage, provided that the importation be made at the direct demand, etc................................................ 42,210 13,680 152 49 8 Benzine, gasoline, and mineral oils, not specially mentioned, and vaseline...................................................... 11,031 4,555 1,830 527 Group 4. 9 Ores............................................................................................. ............... ................ ................ ................ Group 5.—Crystal and glass. 10 Common or ordinary hollow glassware; electric insulators................................................................................ 100,469 27,002 178,047 41,883 11 Crystal, and glass imitating crystal: a. Articles cut, engraved, or gilt....................................... 4,018 1,080 7,121 1,675 b. Articles, other................................................................. 30,140 8,100 53,414 12,565 12 Plate glass or plate crystal: a. Slabs, paving or roofing................................................. 2,844 1,194 1,904 298 b. For windows or in other articles, provided they be neither polished, beveled, engraved, nor annealed....................................,......... 22,103 5,940 39,170 9,214 c. Window glass set and polished or beveled plate glass................................................................ 20,093 5,400 35,609 8,376 d. Articles engraved or annealed..................................... 2,334 732 1,562 492 13 Glass and crystal, tinned, silvered, or coated with other metals: a. Common mirrors not exceeding 2 millimeters in thickness, coated with red or dark mercurial varnish................................................ 4,010 1,075 7,100 1,600 b. Mirrors, other, not beveled.......................................... 6,027 1,620 10,682 2,502 c. Mirrors, beveled............................................................. 4,218 1,074 2,814 722 14 Glass and crystal, in other articles: a. In statuettes, flower stands, and vases and similar articles for toilet purposes and house decoration.......................................................... 5,023 1,350 8,902 2,094 b. Spectacle and watch glasses, imitations of precious or fine stones; enamel............................. 3,075 1,050 7,083 1,601 15 Incandescent electric lamps, mounted or not......................... 5,402 795 1,809 303 9 Status of import trade of Cuba—Continued. Para- Articles. From the United From all other graph. States. countries. _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ CLASS I.—STONES, EARTHS, ORES, GLASS, AND CERAMIC PRODUCTS—Continued. Group 6.—Pottery, earthenware, and porcelain. Value. Duty. Value. Duty. 16 Articles of fire clay....................................................................... $12,276 $2,226 $8,188 $1,490 17 Vitrified brick for paving purposes, vitrified block, vitrified brick for sewers, vitrified invert block, and vitrified invert brick for sewers.................................... 90,876 9,802 17,486 9,431 18 Roofing tiles of clay, not glazed, for building purposes, per square (10 by 10 feet)..................................................... 15,954 16,095 1,318 1,365 19 Vitrified clay and terra cotta sewer pipe, slabs or conduits of clay, glazed or unglazed, cement or stoneware........................................................................... 31,058 5,961 66,407 13,062 20 Ceramic tiles of all kinds and glazed roofing tiles, per square (10 by 10 feet)...................................................... 7,765 1,491 16,602 3,266 21 Hollow ware, glazed or not, of clay or stoneware: a. Houshold and kitchen utensils, except tableware....................................................................... 2,023 378 15,237 4,968 b. Dishes or other articles, provided that they be neither gilt, painted, nor ornamented in relief............................................................................. 4,046 756 30,474 9,937 c. Common bottles of earthenware, to contain beer, etc.......................................................................... 3,696 1,356 2,468 904 d. Flowerpots of common earthenware............................ ............... .............. ................ .............. e. Articles, gilt, painted, or ornamented in relief................................................................................. 952 476 488 208 22 Faïence in dishes or hollow ware: a. Neither painted, gilt, nor in relief................................... 8,092 1,513 60,948 19,875 b. Gilt, painted, or with ornaments in relief...................... 6,069 1,134 45,711 14,906 23 Porcelain in dishes or hollow ware: a. Neither painted, gilt, nor in relief................................... 668 148 9,092 3,601 b. Painted, gilt, or with ornaments in relief....................... 1,114 248 15,154 6,002 24 Statuettes, flower stands, and vases, high and bas-reliefs, articles for toilet purposes (adornos de tocador) and house decoration of fine clay, faïence, stoneware, porcelain, or bisque............................... 2,673 595 36,370 14,406 CLASS II.—METALS, AND ALL MANUFACTURES IN WHICH A METAL ENTERS AS A PRINCIPAL ELEMENT. Group 1.—Gold, silver, and platinum, and alloys of these metals, and gold and silver plate. 25 Gold and platinum or alloys thereof in jewelry, with or without precious stones or pearls; silver in jewelry with precious stones or pearls; and precious stones, pearls, and seed pearls not set................................................................................................. 4,333 660 57,608 8,084 26 Gold or platinum or alloys thereof wrought in articles, other, of all kinds......................................................... 606 92 8,064 1,124 27 Silver in ingots, bars, plates, sheets, or powder......................... 2 1 ................ .............. 28 Silver in jewelry without precious stones or pearls............................................................................................ 2,165 330 28,804 4,017 29 Silver wrought in articles, other, of all kinds, and platinum in ingots............................................................... 956 237 20,737 2,890 30 Gold and silver plated ware of all kinds, and jewelry made of metal, gold or silver plated, with or without precious stones or limitations thereof.......................................................................................... 38,554 9,654 43,946 11,298 Group 2.—Cast iron. 31 Pigs..................................................................................................... 458 45 368 63 32 Articles not coated or ornamented with another metal or porcelain neither polished or turned ................. .............. ................ .............. a. Bars, beams, plates, grates for furnaces, columns, pipes................................................................... 95,285 16,990 41,361 8,289 b. Lubricating boxes for railway trucks and carriages, and railway chairs........................................... ................. .............. ................ .............. c. Articles, other...................................................................... 2,178 323 4,351 604 33 Articles of all kinds not coated or ornamented with another metal or porcelain, polished or turned........................................................................................... 15,019 2,222 13,152 2,107 34 Articles of all kinds, enameled, gilt, tinned, or coated or ornamented with other metals or porcelain....................................................................................... 34,628 5,132 29,960 4,794 Group 3.—Wrought iron and steel. 35 Iron, soft or wrought, in ingots or "tochos;" steel in ingots......................................................................................... ................. .............. ................ ............... 10 Status of import trade of Cuba—Continued. ——————————————————————————————————————————————————— Para- Articles. From the United From all other graph. States. countries. ——————————————————————————————————————————————————— Class II.—Metals, and all manufactures in which a metal enters as a principal element —Continued. Group 3.—Wrought iron and steel—Continued. 36 Wrought Iron and steel, rolled: Value. Duty. Value. Duty. a. Rails . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $750 $151 $10,947 $1,587 b. Bars of all kinds, including rods, tires, and hoops . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40,206 8,737 45,729 9,379 c. Bars of all kinds of fine crucible steel . . . . . 74,743 11,999 31,422 4,820 37 Sheets rolled: a. Neither polished nor tinned, of 3 millimeters and more in thickness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3,790 837 4,476 923 b. Neither polished nor tinned, of less than 3 millimeters in thickness, and hoop iron . 1,894 418 2,238 461 c. Tinned and tin plate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 850 98 27,745 5,762 d. Polished, corrugated, perforated, cold-rolled, galvanized or not, and bands of polished hoop iron . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15,156 3,344 17,904 3,692 38 Wrought iron or steel: a. Cast in pieces in the rough, neither polished, turned, nor adjusted, weighing each 25 kilograms or more. . . . . . . . . . . . 1,651 277 1,841 423 b. Less than 25 kilograms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4,341 482 2,673 278 39 Cast in pieces, finished: a. Wheels weighing more than 100 kilograms, fish plates, chairs, sleepers, and straight axles; springs for railways and tramways; lubricating boxes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4,293 424 1,458 145 b. Wheels weighing 100 kilograms or less; springs other than for railways and tramways; bent axles and cranks. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10,008 973 3,395 322 40 Pipes: a. Covered with sheet brass . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . b. Other, galvanized or not . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146,980 26,270 16,447 3,039 41 Wire, galvanized or not: a. 2 millimeters or more in diameter . . . . . . . 106,218 17,616 8,706 876 b. More than ½ and up to 2 millimeters in diameter 44,258 7,341 3,628 366 c. ½ millimeter or less in diameter, and wire covered with any kind of tissue . . . . . . . . 3,540 586 290 28 42 In large pieces, composed of bars, or bars and sheets fastened by means of rivets or screws; the same, unriveted, perforated, or cut to measure for bridges, frames, and other buildings. . . . . . 345,045 71,085 4,050 669 43 Anchors, chains for vessels or machines, moorings, switches, and signal disks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3,384 292 2,256 180 44 Anvils. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 748 70 188 18 45 Wire gauze: a. Up to 20 threads per inch . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 2,827 463 1,792 300 b. Of 20 threads or more per inch. . . . . . . . . . 252 49 117 22 46 Cables, fencing (barbed wire including fasteners for the same) and netting furniture springs . . . 46,710 7,724 9,720 1,492 47 Tools and implements (not apparatus): a. Fine, for arts, trades, and professions, of crucible steel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117,699 17,763 57,550 9,609 b. Other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29,422 4,438 14,386 2,400 48 Screws, nuts, bolts, washers, and rivets; nails, clasp nails, tacks, and brads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147,659 22,882 137,782 12,927 49 Saddlery hardware: a. Made of iron or steel, bits, spurs, and all finishes for common harness . . . . . . . . . 4,368 677 11,047 1,952 b. Made of composition or materials other than iron or steel shall be dutiable according to its chief component material . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 Buckles: a. Nickeled . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,752 268 4,416 780 b. Other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 469 280 201 125 51 Needles, sewing or embroidering, pins and pens 5,612 1,828 14,284 2,932 52 Crochet hooks, hooks and hairpins . . . . . . . . . . . . 702 229 1,785 367 53 Cutlery: a. With common wooden handles, such as used by butchers, shoemakers, saddlers, and cooks, including table knives and forks with common wooden handles . . . 12,009 4,084 22,609 5,155 b. All other cutlery (except pocket cutlery), including scissors; fishing hooks . . . . . . . 18,071 4,986 38,081 7,720 c. Surgical, including dental instruments; pocket cutlery, side arms (not fire), and pieces for same; razors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18,901 5,161 47,194 9,342 11 Status of import trade of Cuba—Continued. ——————————————————————————————————————————————————— Para- Articles. From the United From all other graph. States. countries. ——————————————————————————————————————————————————— Class II.—Metals, and all manufactures in which a metal enters as a principal element —Continued. Group 3.—Wrought iron and steel—Continued. 54 Small arms and barrels: Value. Duty. Value. Duty. a. Barrels, unfinished, for portable arms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . b. Barrels, finished, for portable arms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . c. Small arms, such as pistols and revolvers, also their detached parts, except barrels. $2,012 $478 $2,846 $461 55 Sporting arms, breech and muzzle loading and detached parts thereof, except barrels . . . . . . . 5,400 1,375 12,484 3,121 56 Manufactures of tin plate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72,274 11,005 32,709 5,101 57 Articles of all kinds, not specially mentioned, common, even coated with lead, tin, or zinc, or painted or varnished . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143.532 24,972 85,116 14,789 58 Articles of all kinds, not specially mentioned, fine, i. e., polished, enameled, coated with porcelain, nickel, or other metals (with the exception of lead, tin, or zinc), or with ornaments, borders, or parts of other metals, or combined with glass or earthenware . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169,314 28,667 140,829 24,848 GROUP 4.—Copper and alloys of common metals with copper (brass, bronze, etc.). 59 Copper scales (laminæ), copper of first fusion, old copper, brass, etc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 216 18 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 Copper and alloys of copper, in ingots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 Rolled in bars of all kinds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8,690 1,368 14,226 1,766 62 Rolled in sheets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6,237 1,012 10,234 1,304 63 Wire, galvanized or not: a. One millimeter and more in diameter . . . . 483 93 261 46 b. Less than 1 millimeter in diameter . . . . . . . 194 227 630 111 c. Gilt, silvered, or nickeled . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196 14 84 6 64 Wire covered with tissues or insulating materials; conducting cables for electricity over public thoroughfares . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110,819 21,359 56,916 10,894 65 Wire gauze: a. Up to 100 threads per inch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,540 244 660 101 b. Of 100 threads or more per inch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 Pipes, bearings, plates for fireplaces, and boiler makers' wares partially wrought . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4,860 939 2,629 497 67 Nails and tacks, except as included in paragraph 301: a. Gilt or nickeled . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 297 56 534 93 b. Other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 549 106 575 112 68 Pins or pens, crochet hooks, or hair pins . . . . . . . . 5,016 964 2,692 519 69 Articles not specially mentioned, varnished or not . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39,200 7,542 19,685 3,782 70 Articles, gilt or nickeled, not specially mentioned, except when exclusively used for sanitary constructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6,480 1,252 3,506 662 a. In articles, gilt or nickeled, when exclusively used for sanitary constructions . . . . . . . . 1,620 314 878 167 Group 5.—Other metals and their alloys. 71 Mercury . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 12 37 8 72 Nickel, aluminum, and their alloys: a. In lumps or ingots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . b. In bars, sheets, pipes, and wire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . c. In other articles of all kinds . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6,240 2,016 2,141 707 73 Tin and alloys thereof (Britannia metal): a. In lumps or ingots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4,164 228 1,822 94 b. In bars, sheets, pipes, and wire . . . . . . . . . . 4,392 442 2,181 221 c. Hammered in thin leaves (tin foil), and capsules for bottles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29,424 2,108 8,494 851 d. In other articles of all kinds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3,040 1,284 4,124 2,032 74 Zinc, lead, and other metals, not specially mentioned, and their alloys: a. In lumps or ingots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 700 111 722 125 b. In bars, sheets, pipes, and wire, including shot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30,077 478 25,986 3,971 c. In articles, gilt or nickeled, except when exclusively used for sanitary constructions 1,582 336 1,596 254 d. In articles, gilt or nickeled, when exclusively used for sanitary constructions . . . . . . . . . 52 16 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . e. Zinc nails and tacks, neither gilt nor nickeled . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 672 180 1,002 152 f. In other articles, including type . . . . . . . . . . . 15,840 3,369 15,972 2,545. 12 Status of import trade of Cuba—Continued. ——————————————————————————————————————————————————— Para- Articles. From the United From all other graph. States. countries. ——————————————————————————————————————————————————— Class II.—Metals, and all manufactures in which a metal enters as a principal element —Continued. Group 5.—Other metals and their alloys—Cont'd. 75 Filings, shavings, cuttings of iron or steel, and other wastes of cast iron or from the manufacture Value. Duty. Value. Duty. of common metals, fit only for resmelting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 Scoriæ resulting from the smelting of ores . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $78 $3 Class III.—Substances employed in pharmacy and chemical industries, and products composed of these substances. Group 1.—Simply drugs. 77 Oleaginous seeds, copra, or cocoanuts . . . . . . . . . $20 $5 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78 Resins and gums: a. Colophony, pitch (vegetable), and similar products . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3,752 474 58,618 5,558 b. Spirits of turpentine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55,534 10,652 1,228 139 c. Caoutchouc and gutta-percha, raw or melted in lumps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188 12 6 1 79 Extracts of licorice, aloes, camphor, and other similar vegetable juices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 959 42 411 18 80 Tan bark . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 Opium . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9,104 9,845 49,892 57,835 82 Other simple vegetable products, not specially mentioned . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11,249 1,056 64,548 ,048 83 Animal products employed in medicine, not specially mentioned . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 8 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Group 2.—Colors, dyes, and varnishes. 84 Natural colors, in powder or in lumps (ochers, etc.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,029 522 2,501 768 85 Artificial colors of metallic bases: a. In powder or lumps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22,324 5,747 87,520 5,399 b. Prepared in paste, oil, or water; also lead or colored pencils . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55,812 14,369 68,803 20,999 86 Other artificial colors, in powder, crystals, lumps, or paste, including lithographic inks . . . 20,295 5,225 25,019 7,636 87 Natural dyes: a. Woods, barks, roots, etc., for dyeing . . . . . . 164 20 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . b. Madder . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . c. Indigo and cochineal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 518 69 230 27 88 Artificial dyes: a. Extracts from logwood, archil, and other dyeing extracts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 440 96 116 24 b. Writing, drawing, or printing inks . . . . . . . . 7,567 1,013 10,567 1,957 c. Colors derived from coal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,813 210 783 90 89 Varnishes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24,520 7,943 6,750 1,064 90 Blacking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,349 209 403 85 Group 3.—Chemical and pharmaceutical products. 91 Simple bodies: a. Sulphur . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 973 28 423 12 b. Bromine, boron, iodine, and phosphorus . 1,968 478 480 120 92 Inorganic acids: a. Hydrochloric, boric, nitric, and sulphuric; also aqua regia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21,674 2,367 10,486 416 b. Liquid carbonic acid . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 686 119 298 53 c. Other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,656 252 184 28 93 Pipes: a. Oxalic, citric, tartaric, and carbolic . . . . . . . 17,734 1,947 8,580 341 b. Oleic, stearic, and palmetic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . c. Acetic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 308 280 132 124 d. Other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 936 162 104 18 94 Oxides and oxyhydrates: Of ammoniac, potash, and other caustic and barilla alkalies . . . . . . . . . 9,302 716 13,231 768 95 Inorganic salts: a. Chloride of sodium (common salt) crude . . 1,001 269 18,566 15,545 b. Chloride of sodium (common salt) ground, powdered, manufactured, or otherwise . 1,500 402 27,839 23,311 c. Chloride of potassium; sulphates of soda, iron, or magnesia; carbonate of magnesia; alum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4,064 768 1,016 196 d. Sulphate of ammoniac; phosphate and super-phosphate of lime; nitrate of potash and soda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,005 161 2,644 304 13 Status of import trade of Cuba—Continued. ——————————————————————————————————————————————————— Para- Articles. From the United From all other graph. States. countries. ——————————————————————————————————————————————————— Class III.—Substances employed in pharmacy and chemical industries, and products composed of these substances—C't'd. Group 3.—Chemical and pharmaceutical products —Continued. 95 Inorganic salts—Continued. e. Other salts of ammoniac, salts of copper, Value. Duty. Value. Duty. chloride of lime, sulphate of potash, hyposulphite of soda and borax; sal soda . . . . . . . . . . . $9,447 $1,339 $4,050 $575 f. Chlorates of soda and potash . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,184 460 546 115 96 Organic salts: a. Acetates and oxalates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 591 113 66 13 b. Citrates and tartrates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 723 44 181 12 97 Alkaloids and their salts; chlorides of gold and silver . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,070 259 518 65 98 Chemical products not specially mentioned . . . . . 123,902 15,296 159,749 16,967 99 Pills, including those of quinine, capsules, medicinal dragees, and the like . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35,470 4,019 35,898 3,850 100 Pharmaceutical products not specially mentioned 106,410 12,059 107,695 11,552 Group 4.—Oils, fats, wax, and their derivatives. 101 Vegetable oils: a. Solid (cocoanut, palm, etc.). . . . . . . . . . . . . . 884 196 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . b. Liquid, except olive oil and cotton-seed oil . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11,424 2,363 67,791 15,841 c. Cotton-seed oil, to be used exclusively in the manufacture of soap, provided that the importation be made at the direct demand of the manufacturers of soap, and that the latter submit their works at all times to the inspection of the customs authorities, and that the importer give such bond as may be regarded necessary by the acting collector . . . . . . . 16,626 1,010 1,012 59 102 Crude oils and animal fats: a. Cod-liver oil and other medicinal oils, not refined . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . b. Glycerin, olein, stearin, and spermaceti, crude . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18,594 1,528 7,331 499 c. Other crude oils and fats, including olein and tallow, when to be used in the manufacture of soaps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38,797 2,359 2,362 188 103 Mineral, vegetable, or animal wax, unwrought, and paraffin in lumps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 935 135 1,549 218 104 Articles of stearin and paraffin, wax of all kinds, wrought . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4,990 1,108 318,183 58,117 105 Soap: a. Common soap in bars, including castile soap and ordinary scouring compositions 26,766 10,549 378,971 138,323 b. Ordinary toilet soaps in cakes or tablets . . 827 824 11,718 4,275 c. Fine toilet soaps, whether fancy, perfumed, or not, and all others, including so-called medicinal or medicated soaps . 10,338 2,817 17,901 6,072 106 Perfumery and essences: a. Of value less than $1.25 per kilogram . . . . . 3,972 1,655 35,959 13,258 b. Of value more than $1.25 per kilogram . . . 11,917 4,965 107,879 39,776 Group 5.—Various. 107 Artificial or chemical fertilizers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7,226 107 236 3 108 Starch and feculæ for industrial uses; dextrin and glucose . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13,272 4,206 64,890 13,320 109 Glues, albumens, and gelatin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10,842 1,927 8,908 1,795 110 Carbons, prepared for electric lighting . . . . . . . . . 7,814 1,325 868 147 111 Gunpowder and explosives: a. Gunpowder, explosive compounds, and miners' fuses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25,744 6,000 575 797 b. Gunpowder, sporting, and other explosive, not intended for mines, including fireworks of all kinds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38,618 9,000 863 1,196 CLASS IV.—Cotton and manufactures thereof. Group 1.—Cotton in the wool and yarns. 112 Cotton in the wool and cotton waste . . . . . . . . . . 21,273 2,391 41,080 9,359 113 Cotton yarn and thread for crocheting, embroidering, and sewing, including the weight of reels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 22 35 14. 14 Status of import trade of Cuba—Continued. ——————————————————————————————————————————————————— Para- Articles. From the United From all other graph. States. countries. ——————————————————————————————————————————————————— Class IV.—Cotton and manufactures thereof— Continued. Group 2.—Tissues. 114 Tissues, plain and without figures, napped or not, weighing 10 kilograms or more per 100 square meters, unbleached, bleached, or dyed, and tissues, plain and without figures, napped or not, measuring not over 65 centimeters in width, weighing 8 kilograms or more per 100 square meters, unbleached, bleached, or dyed, having— Value. Duty. Value. Duty. a. Up to 9 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $12,395 $4,007 $140,306 $33,168 b. From 10 to 15 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123,980 40,075 1,403,085 331,685 c. From 16 to 19 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19,832 6,411 192,493 53,149 d. 20 threads or more . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3,770 1,218 36,276 9,991 114e The same tissues, printed or manufactured with dyed yarns, dutiable as the tissue, with a surtax of 30 per cent. 115 Tissues, plain and without figures, napped or not, weighing less than 10 kilograms per 100 square meters, unbleached, bleached, or dyed, having— a. Up to 6 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 376 122 3,628 999 b. From 7 to 11 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17,357 5,609 168,431 46,435 c. From 12 to 15 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17,458 5,645 168,801 46,517 d. From 16 to 19 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19,932 6,511 192, 593 53,249 e. 20 threads or more . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22,313 7,207 216,552 59,698 115f The same tissues, printed or manufactured with dyed yarns. 116 Tissues, twilled or figured on the loom, napped or not, weighing 10 kilograms or more per 100 square meters, unbleached, bleached, or dyed, having— a. Up to 6 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 696 256 3,870 1,076 b. From 7 to 11 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9,191 3,316 74,467 24,749 c. From 12 to 15 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45,876 18,669 394,774 128,928 d. From 16 to 19 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19,602 8,001 169,186 55,481 e. 20 threads or more . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14,450 5,867 124,072 40,392 116f The same tissues, printed or manufactured with dyed yarns. 117 Tissues, twilled or figured on the loom, napped or not, weighing less than 10 kilograms per 100 square meters, unbleached, bleached, or dyed, having— a. Up to 6 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 696 256 3,870 1,076 b. From 7 to 11 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14,691 5,950 124,969 40,582 c. From 12 to 15 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13,137 5,334 112,794 36,721 d. From 16 to 19 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3,940 1,600 33,837 11,016 e. 20 threads or more . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6,324 2,583 56,185 18,569 117f The same tissues, printed or manufactured, with dyed yarns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 Tissues for counterpanes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,394 732 44,406 12,660 119 Piqués of all kinds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3,851 1,674 24,574 8,775 120 Carded tissues: a. Unbleached, half bleached, or dyed in the piece . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11,979 3,687 222,033 68,324 b. Bleached, printed, or manufactured with dyed yarns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8,385 2,580 155,428 44,326 121 Velvety tissues, such as corduroys and velveteens; three-ply plush tissues, cut or not . . . . . . . . . . . 2,869 1,368 58,365 33,049 122 Knitted goods, even with needlework . . . . . . . . . . 134 53 6,518 2,424 a. Undershirts and drawers of simple finish or rough sewing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,342 537 65,187 24,246 b. Undershirts and drawers of double sewing or fine finish . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4,160 1,567 202,081 75,064 c. Stockings, socks, gloves, and other small articles of simple finish or rough sewing 1,745 699 84,744 31,520 d. Stockings, socks, gloves, and other small articles of double sewing or fine finish . . 6,039 2,420 293,344 109,108 123 Tulles: a. Plain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 7 3,344 961 b. Figured or embroidered on the loom . . . . 214 74 33,433 9,618 124 Lace, blondes, and tulle for borders, of all kinds. 1,931 666 300,902 86,569 125 Carpets of cotton . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 22 35 14 126 Tissues called tapestry, for upholstering furniture and for curtains manufactured with dyed yarns; table covers and counterpanes of the same kind . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 399 122 7,401 2,110 127 Wicks for lamps and candles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8,994 1,230 74,011 21,108 128 Trimmings of cotton; ribbons and galloons . . . . . 13,176 4,055 244,236 69,656 15 Status of import trade of Cuba—Continued. ——————————————————————————————————————————————————— Para- Articles. From the United From all other graph. States. countries. ——————————————————————————————————————————————————— Class V.—Hemp, flax, pita, jute and other vegetable fibers and their manufactures. Group 1.—Raw and spun. 129 Twisted yarns of two or more ends (including Value. Duty. Value. Duty. the weight of the reels) etc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $1,926 $408 $25,836 $5,376 130 Bags for sugar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30,251 6,392 404,810 84,278 131 Rope and cordage: a. Twine or rope yarn and cord of hemp, not exceeding 3 millimeters in thickness . . . . 1,663 225 45,336 8,544 b. Cordage and rope-makers' wares of hemp, exceeding 3 millimeters in thickness . . . . 19,143 5,098 19,541 2,505 c. Cordage and rope-makers' wares of abaca, heniquen, pita, jute, or other fibers . . . . 15,563 4,175 15,990 2,051 Group 2.—Tissues. 132 Tissues of hemp, linen, ramie, jute, or other vegetable fibers, not specially mentioned, plain, twilled, or damasked, weighing 35 kilograms or more per 100 square meters, unbleached or dyed in the piece, having— a. Up to 5 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,831 513 136,354 32,488 b. From 6 to 8 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 499 140 47,187 8,860 c. 9 threads or more . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 332 92 24,791 5,907 132d The same tissues, bleached, half bleached, or printed. 132e The same tissues, manufactured with dyed yarns. 133 Tissues, plain, twilled, or damasked, weighing from 20 to 35 kilograms per 100 square meters, unbleached or dyed in the piece, having— a. Up to 5 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,499 420 111,563 26,582 b. From 6 to 8 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 510 161 47,263 8,931 c. From 9 to 12 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 329 87 24,653 5,881 d. From 13 to 16 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 565 186 49,583 11,814 e. 17 threads or more . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 503 155 47,144 8,823 133f The same tissues, bleached, half bleached, or printed. 133g The same tissues, manufactured with dyed yarns. 134 Tissues, plain, twilled, or damasked, weighing from 10 to 20 kilograms per 100 square meters, unbleached or dyed in the piece, having— a. Up to 8 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 246 69 18,592 4,429 b. From 9 to 12 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,832 373 99,167 25,628 c. From 13 to 16 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3,321 922 247,920 59,074 d. From 17 to 20 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,827 789 210,724 50,206 e. 21 threads or more . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 329 87 24,634 5,893 134f The same tissues, bleached, half bleached, or printed. 134g The same tissues, manufactured with dyed yarns. 135 Tissues, plain, twilled, or damasked, weighing less than 10 kilograms per 100 square meters, unbleached or dyed in the piece, having— a. Up to 8 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . b. From 9 to 12 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166 46 12,395 2,953 c. From 13 to 16 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 484 132 47,090 8,821 d. From 17 to 20 threads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 559 178 49,491 11,784 e. 21 threads or more . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 832 233 61,979 14,767 135f The same tissues, bleached, half bleached or printed. 135g The same tissues, manufactured with dyed dyed yarns. 136 Velvets and plushes of linen, jute, etc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137 Knitted goods of linen or hemp, mixed or not with cotton or other vegetable fibers, even with needlework: a. In the piece, jerseys, or drawers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . b. Stockings, socks, gloves, and other small articles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 12 138 Tulles: a. Plain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . b. Figured or embroidered on the loom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139 Lace, blonde, and jute for borders . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 23 6,197 1,476 140 Carpets of jute, hemp, or other vegetable fibers, without admixture of wool . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 581 83 1,217 232 141 Tissues called tapestry for upholstering furniture and for curtains, mixed or not with cotton, figured or damasked, provided they be manufactured with yarns dyed prior to being woven; table covers and counterpanes of the same kind . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 308 152 142 Trimmings of help, jute, linen, ramie, etc.; ribbons and galloons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 480 280 1,920 91316 Status of import trade of Cuba-Continued. Paragraph Articles From the United States From all other countries LASS VL-WOOL,BRISTLES, HAIR, HORSEHAIR, AND THEIR MANUFACTURES GROUP 1.-Raw and spun 143 Bristles, hair, and horsehair: Value Duty Value Duty a. Bristles.................................... $1,221 $122 $2,661 $266 b. Bristle brushes, in which the bristles give the value, per cent, and ad valorem...... 5,106 1,785 17,020 5,952 c. Hair and horsehair........................ 1,716 470 2,352 940 144 Wool, raw............................................. 296 60 873 162 145 Woolen yarn, unbleached, bleached, or dyed, single or twisted........................... 89 89 5,251 2,851 GROUP 2.-Tissues and fulled stuffs 146 Swanskin or pure or mixed wool......... 666 265 30,893 12,856 147 manufactures of wool, including knitted stuffs with or without an admixture of cotton or other vegetable fibers, even with needlework, and tissues of bristle or horsehair, with or without an admixture of cotton or other vegetable fibers........................................................................... 20,821 8,823 629,226 251,690 CLASS VIL-SILK AND MANUFACTURES OF SILK GROUP 1.- Yarns 148 Silk and floss silk, spun or twisted, in skeins.... 498 223 896 182 149 Silk on reels, including weight of the reels....... 5,190 2,337 8,886 1,528 GROUP 2.- Tissues 150 Tissues of silk, pure or mixed............................ 18,369 8,263 494,253 222,412 CLASS VIII.- PAPER AND ITS APPLICATIONS. GROUP 1. 151 Paper pulp......................................................... 8,445 3,053 15,562 5,380 GROUP 2. - Printing and writing paper. 152 Paper, continuous or in sheets, white or colored, unprinted, for printing purposes......................... 27,747 9,924 50,576 17,483 153 Common paper, continuous or in sheets, white or colored, used for wrapping packages, bundles, etc., not including manila......................................... 35,364 13,360 68,084 23,535 154 Paper in sheets, ruled or not, unprinted, white or color, used for writing purposes, including blank books of the same.................................................... 26,392 9,543 48,631 16,811 GROUP 3. Paper, printed, engraved, or lithographed 155 Books, bound or unbound, and similar printed matter....................................................................... 21,619 2,824 74,950 14,558 156 Headed paper, forms for invoices, labels, cards, and the like............................................................... 6,333 2,290 11,671 4,030 157 Prints, maps, charts, etc., drawings, photographs, engravings, and pictures; lithographs, chromolithographs, oleographs, etc., printed from stone, zinc, aluminum, or other material, used as labels, flaps, bands, and wrappers for tobacco or other purposes: a. Of one to three printings, inclusive, including articles printed solely in bronze (bronze printing to be counted as three printings), but not including any article printed in whole or in part in metal leaf......................................... 5,405 681 18,736 8,639 b. Of four to seven printings, inclusive (bronze printing to be counted as three printings), but not including any article printed in whole or in part in metal leaf................ 3,153 897 10,930 2,123 c. Of eight to thirteen printings, inclusive (bronze printing to be counted as three printings), but not including any article printed in whole or in part in metal leaf................ 3,608 454 12,491 2,426 d. Of more than thirteen printings (bronze printing to be counted as three printings), but not including any article printed in whole or in part in metal leaf................ 11,260 1,419 29,034 7,582 17 Status of import trade of Cuba-Continued. Paragraph Articles From the United States From all other countries CLASS VIII. PAPER AND ITS APPLICATIONS Continued. GROUP 4.- Wall paper 158 Wall paper, printed: Value Duty Value Duty a. On natural ground.............................................................................................................. b. On dull or glazed ground....... $544 $20........................................................ c. With gold, silver, wool, or glass... 872 170 $92 $42 GROUP 5. Pasteboard and various papers. 159 Common packing paper, straw, sand, or glass paper....................................... 24,286 69,418 86,939 19,445 160 Blotting paper....................................... 872 128 224 82 161 Other paper not specially mentioned, including manila paper and press copy books........................................... 72,800 20,825 260,818 58,336 162 Pasteboard in sheets: a. Cardboard paper and fine glazed or pressed cardboard........................ 7,286 2,083 26,082 5,834 b. Other pasteboard........................... 6,072 1,785 21, 735 4,861 163 Manufactures of pasteboard: a. Boxes of common pasteboard lines with ordinary paper............................ 4,857 1,388 17,887 3,888 b. Boxes of fine pressed or glazed cardboard, or with ornaments, or lined with fine paper, and articles not specially mentioned............................................... 18,215 5,206 65,204 14,584 164 Paste and carton-pierre: a. Unwrought....................................... 852 161 252 59 b. Wrought, finished or not, including moldings.............................................. 2,123 598 8,070 753 CLASS IX- WOOD AND OTHER VEGETABLE MATERIALS EMPLOYED IN INDUSTRY, AND ARTICLES MANUFACTURED THEREWITH. GROUP 1.- Wood. 165 Staves.......................................................... 4,785 292 8 ....................... 166 Ordinary wood: a. In boards, deals, rafters, beams round wood, and timber for shipbuilding... 60,448 5,903 83,953 5,436 b. Planned or dovetailed, for boxes and flooring: broomsticks and cases wherein imported goods were packed......... 141,043 18,776 76,892 12,684 167 Fine wood for cabinetmakers: a. In boards, deals, trunks, or logs................ 3,360 464 840 124 b. Swan in veneers......................................... 1,840 192 460 56 168 Coopers' wares: a. fitted together............................................ 218,136 28,962 260,591 81,278 b. In shooks, also hoops and headings...... 81,046 7,006 4,376 838 169 Wood, cut, for making hogsheads or casks for sugar or molasses................................... 28,574 2,228 565 145 170 Latticework and fencing.............................. 477 90 55 18 GROUP 2.- Furniture and manufactures of wood. 171 Common wood manufactured into furniture and other wares, and articles of all kinds, turned or not, painted or not, varnished or not, but neither chiseled, inlaid, nor carved.................................... 236,850 65,810 46, 622 18,788 172 Fine wood manufactured into furniture of other wares, turned or not, polished or not, varnished or not, and furniture and common wooden wares veneered with fine wood: furniture upholstered with tissue (other than with silk or stuffs containing an admixture thereof, or with leather), provided that the articles specified in this number be neither chiseled, carved, inlaid, nor ornamented with metal.................. 23,685 6,531 4,662 1,874 173 Furniture of bent wood........................................... 3,008 1,248 756 312 174 Barbers' and dentists' chairs, billiard tables and appurtenances thereto, and bar fixtures........... 34,835 9,380 6,600 1,963 175 Battens: a. Molded, varnished, or prepared for gliding. 6,967 1,866 1,332 892 b. Gilt or carved................................................... 17,417 4,665 3,330 981 176 Wood of any kind manufactured into furniture or other wares, gilt, chiseled, carved, inlaid, or veneered with mother-of-pearl or other fine materials, or ornamented with metal, and furniture upholstered with stuffs of pure of mixed silk, or leather............................................................... 17,901 5,598 8,996 1,177. 18 Status of import trade of Cuba—Continued. ——————————————————————————————————————————————————— Para- Articles. From the United From all other graph. States. countries. ——————————————————————————————————————————————————— Class IX.—Wood and other vegetable materials employed in industry, and articles manufactured therewith—Continued. Group 3.—Various. Value. Duty. Value. Duty. 177 Charcoal, firewood, and other vegetable fuel . . . . $28 $4 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178 Cork: a. In the rough or in boards . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5,130 338 $1,078 $53 b. Manufactured . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5,301 230 28,187 1,950 179 Rushes, vegetable hair, cane, osiers, fine straw, palm and genista, raw, raw esparto, and baskets and other common wares of esparto . . 9,463 1,809 11,058 1,682 180 Esparto manufactured into fine articles; rushes, vegetable hair, cane, osiers, fine straw, palm, and genista, manufactured into articles of all kinds, not specially mentioned, including wicker furniture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11,077 2,211 13,514 2,054 Class X.—Animals and animal wastes employed in industry. Group 1.—Animals. 181 Horses and mares: a. Above the standard height . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41,638 5,207 42,618 8,187 b. Other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166,555 20,831 170,472 32,750 182 Mules . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 254,678 13,081 75,658 12,597 183 Asses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 390 90 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184 Bovine animals: a. Oxen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . b. Cows . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189,025 18,678 903,036 65,289 c. Bullocks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,071,151 105,851 5,127,210 369,978 d. Calves and heifers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63,008 6,226 301,012 21,763 185 Pigs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196,238 18,596 3,961 515 186 Sheep and goats. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4,199 566 1,273 543 187 Animals not specially mentioned . . . . . . . . . . . . . 820 68 504 126 188 Singing birds, parrots, etc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,914 159 1,177 297 Group 2.—Hides, skins, and leather wares. 189 Pelts in their natural state or dressed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190 Hides or skins, raw or uncured, dry, salted, or pickled . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3,501 350 4,186 419 191 Hides tanned with hair . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 875 131 1,046 156 192 Hides tanned, dressed, and finished, without the hair, including rough leather, sole leather, sole-leather cut soles for mending, belting leather, upper leather, harness and saddlery leather . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17,507 2,126 20,934 3,140 193 Skins tanned, dressed, and finished, including calf, kangaroo, sheep, lamb, goat, and kid skins . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52,523 7,878 62,804 9,421 194 Hides and skins, varnished, japanned, or enameled, and skins with figures, engravings, or embossed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13,130 2,626 15,701 3,140 195 Leather cut into shoe uppers or vamps or other forms suitable for conversion into manufactured articles, and also manufactures of leather, finished or unfinished, not otherwise provided for . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 525 133 3,778 944 196 Gloves of skin: a. Common baseball and boxing gloves . . . . . 80 20 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197 Boots, shoes, and slippers: a. Men's size 5 and up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141,971 28,103 431,359 98,897 b. Boys', youths', women's, misses', and children's 202,816 40,147 616,228 141,282 Boots and shoes 9½ (children's) and under 40,563 8,029 123,245 28,256 198 Other boots, shoes, and slippers, fancy or ornamented 8,112 1,605 24,649 5,651 199 Riding boots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4,056 802 12,324 2,825 200 Sandals made without leather . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 242 72 109,948 35,432 201 Saddlery and harness: a. Draft harness, other than for carriages . . . 15,393 1,325 3,864 283 b. Carriage harness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12,595 1,085 3,163 233 c. Other saddlery and harness makers' wares, valises, hat boxes, and traveling bags of cardboard or leather . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12,130 2,626 18,765 4,772 202 Other manufactures of leather or covered with leather . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26,686 5,778 41,284 10,499 19 Status of import trade of Cuba—Continued. ——————————————————————————————————————————————————— Para- Articles. From the United From all other graph. States. countries. ——————————————————————————————————————————————————— Class X.—Animals and animal wastes employed in industry. Group 3.—Various. 203 Feathers for ornament, in their natural state or Value. Duty. Value. Duty. manufactured . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $3,364 $424 $3,464 $1,700 204 Other feathers and feather dusters . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,834 396 7,342 1,588 205 Intestines, dried . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112 52 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 206 Animal wastes, unmanufactured, not specially mentioned . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 8 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Class XI.—Instruments, machinery, and apparatus employed in agriculture, industry, and locomotion. Group 1.—Instruments. 207 Pianos: a. Grand . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,143 457 4,472 1,789 b. Other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4,573 1,830 17,892 7,157 208 Harmoniums and organs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 481 191 1,234 493 209 Harps, violins, violoncellos; guitars and mandolins with incrustations; flutes and fifes of the ring system; metal instruments of 6 pistons or more; detached parts for wind instruments of wood or copper . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 310 122 3,013 1,206 210 Musical instruments, other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,794 1,106 27,114 10,853 211 Watches and chronometers: a. Of gold . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6,906 1,728 14,958 3,750 b. Of silver or other metals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24,171 6,052 52,354 13,125 c. Watch cases and works for watches . . . . . . 1,381 345 2,991 750 212 Clocks with weights, and alarm clocks and detached parts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 690 172 1,495 375 213 Works for wall or table clocks, finished or unfinished, with or without cases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,726 432 3,739 937 Group 2.—Apparatus and machines. 214 All weighing machines, including scales and detached parts thereof . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32,106 6,333 2,486 501 215 Machinery and apparatus for making sugar and brandy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 440,395 45,360 26,619 3,426 216 Agricultural machinery and apparatus . . . . . . . . . 6,697 679 15 2 217 Steam motors, stationary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82,515 16,394 1,682 338 218 Marine engines; steam pumps; hydraulic, petroleum, gas, and hot or compressed air motors . . . . . . 11,452 2,239 4,916 983 219 Boilers: a. Of sheet iron . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65,640 13,125 4,332 867 b. Tubular . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98,461 19,692 6,498 1,301 220 Locomotives and traction engines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 221 Turntables, hydraulic cranes, and columns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 222 Machines of copper and its alloys, detached parts of the same metals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54,613 11,201 5,915 1,206 223 Dynamo-electric machines, inductors and detached parts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53,996 10,799 2,234 448 224 Sewing machines and detached parts thereof . . . 107,270 21,442 5,842 1,170 225 Velocipedes, bicycles, and detached parts and accessories thereto, including bicycle lamps . . 15,582 3,144 1,350 271 226 Machines and apparatus, other, or of materials not specially mentioned; also detached parts of all kinds other than of copper or its alloys . . 291,162 58,236 37,263 7,461 Group 3.—Carriages. 227 Coaches and berlins, new, used, or repaired . . . . 60,175 15,043 12,576 3,147 228 Railway carriages of all kinds for passengers . . . . 2,940 735 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229 Vans, trucks, and cars of all kinds; miner's trolleys 130,082 26,728 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 230 Tramway carriages of all kinds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231 Wagons, carts, and handcarts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40,117 10,030 8,384 2,099 Group 4.—Vessels. 232 Sailing vessels of all kinds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155,358 7,185 6,100 732 233 Steam vessels with wooden hulls . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46,751 385 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234 Steam vessels with hull of iron, or other metals, or mixed construction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150,000 2,725 235 Salvage for wrecked vessels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 801 64 20 Status of import trade of Cuba--Continued. Paragraph Articles. From the United States. Value. Duty. From other Countries. Value. Duty. CLASS XII.--ALIMENTARY SUBSTANCES. Group 1.--Meat and fish, butter and greases. Value. Duty. Value. Duty. 236 Poultry and small game $144,947 $31.181 $2,031 $515 237 Meats in brine: a. Beef, brine or salt 57,796 10,009 12 2 b. Pork, brine or salt 990,601 172,681 413 32 238 Lard 2,988,134 549,429 7,958 661 239 Tallow, except when imported for manufacture of soap 52 4 240 Bacon 6,889 1,601 153 13 241 Hams or Shoulders 657,081 163,932 41,888 6,509 242 Jerked beef 706 192 1,916,004 590,926 243 Meat of all kinds: a. Beef, canned 6,132 1,401 b. Beef, fresh 247,909 35,736 c. Mutton, fresh 21,408 3,760 d. Pork, fresh 40,198 6,535 244 Butter and oleomargarine 102,644 32,801 85,288 13,938 245 Cheese 59,33 9,128 401,410 75,097 246 Condensed milk 402,666 40,262 100,009 10,00 247 Salt cod and stock fish, hake and haddock 238,901 27,654 769,675 74,354 248 Herring, pickled, smoked, salted, or marinated, and skate salted 32,814 5,139 11,691 1,612 249 Mackerel, pickled, smoked, salted, or marinated 1,577 317 2,173 446 250 Salmon, smoked, salted, or marinated 1,733 301 13,707 8,463 251 Oysters of all kinds, and shell fish, dried or fresh 7,491 563 1,487 65 252 Eggs 549,266 96,811 1,185 246 Group 2.--Cereals. 253 Rice, husked or not 8,481 603 3,332,011 763,709 254 Wheat 450 67 20 6 255 Cereals: a. Corn 781,334 111,561 4,463 636 b. Rye 389 50 c. Barley 1,266 150 37,499 2,390 d. Oats 132,858 23,402 805 95 256 Flour: a. of wheat 2,206,174 528,310 585 75 b. of rice 915 249 101 27 c. of corn 8,696 1,319 210 49 d. of oats 260 60 Group 3.--Pulse, garden, produce, and fruits. 257 Beans 235,408 34,602 154,201 31,732 258 Pease 235,673 34,657 154,256 31,826 259 Onions 87,194 7,785 242,036 37,328 260 Potatoes, and other fresh vegetables not specially mentioned 286,920 62,742 478,629 89,721 261 Flour of pulse 9,290 4,164 2,322 1,040 262 Fruit 31,120 3,957 733 146 263 Almonds of all kinds 6,387 532 11,008 1,906 264 Fruits, dried or drained 54,224 5,524 202,718 29,028 265 Chestnuts, dried or fresh 6,920 601 16,512 2,860 Group 4.--Seeds and fodder. 266 Clover seed 701 51 623 34 267 Flaxseed 2,005 122 15,851 2,206 268 Timothy seed 269 Fodder and bran 188,895 33,977 9,794 2,449 a. Corn and broom straw 23,711 1,593 125 7 Group 5.--Preserves 270 Fish or shellfish, preserved in oil or other otherwise, in tins 3,897 997 144,726 36,181 271 Vegetables and pulse, pickles or preserved in any manner 57,444 14,361 85,604 21,401 272 Fruits preserved: a. In brandy 4,987 1,242 84,999 6,242 b. Other 18,137 4,537 43,321 10,901 273 Alimentary preserve not specially mentioned: pork, butchers' wares, truffles, sauce, and mustard; alimentary flavoring extracts 125,328 31,332 185,100 46,275 Group 6.--Oils and beverages. 274 Olive oil; cotton-seed oil (except for the manufacture of soap): a. In receptacles of earthenware, wood, or tin 8,744 1,465 907,281 96,461 b. In bottles, including weight of bottles 88 14 9,164 974 21 Status of important trade of Cuba--Continued. Paragraph Articles. From the United States. Value. Duty. From other Countries. Value. Duty. CLASS XII.--ALIMENTARY SUBSTANCES--Cont'd. Group 6.--Oils and beverages--Continued. Value. Duty. Value. Duty. 275 Alcohol $306 $162 $210 $114 276 Brandies, liqueurs, cordials, and all compound spirits not specially mentioned: a. In casks , barrels, or half barrels 221 126 5,127 3,066 b. In bottles, flasks, demijohns, or other similar receptacles 5,531 3,160 128,201 76,698 c. Whisky, rum, and gin in casks, barrels, and half barrels 515 294 11,963 7,154 d. Whisky, rum, and gin in bottles, flasks, demijohns, and other similar receptacles 1,106 632 25,639 15,339 277 Wines, sparkling 1,484 702 32,458 16,321 278 All white wines (except sparkling), including the so-called generous wines (vinos generosos), and all red or white dessert or liqueur wines: a. In casks, barrels, or half barrels 393 199 174,865 1,202,501 b. In bottles, flasks, demijohns, or other similar receptacles 253 66 9,833 3,800 279 Other wines: a. In casks, barrels, or half barrels 3,537 1,791 1,573,785 1,202,501 b. In bottles, flasks, demijohns, or other similar receptacles 2,280 597 88,506 34,209 280 Beer and cider: a. Malt Liquor; in casks 29,176 20,129 355 148 b. Malt liquor, in bottles 286,173 72,367 268,648 53,062 c. In casks, barrels, or half barrels 9 1 755 62 d. In bottles, flasks, demijohns, or other similar receptacles 986 191 74,788 6,214 Group 7.--Various. 281 Saffron, safflower, and flowers of "tobar" 6,228 1,557 98,883 34,722 282 Cinnamon of all kinds 62 15 998 249 283 Cinnamon, Chinese (Canelon), cloves, pepper, and nutmegs 7,652 1,913 465 117 284 Vanilla 1,415 356 201 50 285 Tea 473 120 5,875 1,562 286 Coffee in the bean or ground; chicory roots and chicory 1,814,706 840,885 769,744 139,44 287 Cocoa of all kinds, in the bean, ground, or paste; cocoa butter 17,606 7,026 14,815 5,955 288 Chocolate and sweetmeats of all kinds including the immediate packages 82,249 8,089 68,589 17,152 289 Pastes and feculae for soups and other alimentary purposes 5,750 1,440 16,659 4,167 290 Biscuits a. Ordinary 336 59 286 37 b. Fine, of all kinds, including the immediate package 33,315 5,831 38,353 3,708 291 Honey 16 8 292 Molasses 18 4 293 Sugar, raw 442 224 3 294 Sugar, refined 26,284 13,960 1,977 1,389 295 Saccharine 1,532 612 Class XIII.--MISCELLANEOUS GOODS. 296 Fans 7,857 2,354 55, 346 16,459 297 Trinkets and ornaments of all kinds, expect those of gold and silver plate, or except those in which the predominant substance is amber, jet, tortoise shell, coral, ivory, meerschaum, or mother-of-pearl, or except those in which the predominant substance is horn, whalebone, celluloid, bone, or compositions imitating these materials, or materials, or compositions imitating those mentioned in paragraph 298 8,060 1,534 7,963 1,433 298 Amber, jet, tortoise shell, coral, ivory, and mother-of-pearl, meerschaum: a. Unwrought 154 39 260 69 b. Wrought 6,158 1,558 55,422 14,022 299 Horn, whalebone, celluloid, and bones: also compositions, imitating these materials or those of the preceding number: a. Unwrought 264 28 b. Wrought 6,597 2,267 88,153 13,712 300 Walking sticks and sticks for umbrellas and parasols 1,019 229 5,552 1,864 301 Coffins and undertakes fixtures. 22 Status of import trade of Cuba—Continued. ——————————————————————————————————————————————————— Para- Articles. From the United From all other graph. States. countries. ——————————————————————————————————————————————————— Class XIII.—MISCELLANEOUS GOODS—Continued. 302 Hair, human, manufactured into articles of all Value. Duty. Value. Duty. kinds or any shape . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303 Cartridges, with or without projectiles or bullets, for unprohibited firearms; also primers and caps for such arms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $4,248 $2,048 $1,064 $512 304 Tarpaulins, coated with sand, for vans; felts and tow, tarred or coated with pitch . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8,620 431 2,720 97 305 Oilcloths: a. For floors and packing purposes . . . . . . . . . 368 65 420 67 b. Other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36,693 5,825 5,555 760 306 Cases: a. Of fine wood or leather, lined with silk; other similar cases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4,593 687 18,372 2,748 b. Of common wood, cardboard, osier, and the like, including letter files . . . . . . . . . . . 22,836 1,740 68,508 5,220 307 Artificial flowers of tissue or wax, also pistils, buds, leaves, and seeds of any kind of material, for the manufacture of flowers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3,180 555 19,540 1,665 308 Matches of wax, wood, or cardboard, including the immediate packages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3,020 1,474 14,207 7,112 309 Caoutchouc and gutta-percha manufactured in any shape or into any kind of article, not otherwise provided: a. Rubber hose and piston packing . . . . . . . . . 3,660 740 3,580 560 b. All other articles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29,284 5,924 27,944 4,480 310 Games and toys, except those of tortoise shell, ivory, mother-of-pearl, gold, or silver, and except those made of articles mentioned in paragraphs 298 and 299 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19,324 4,041 85,689 16,939 311 Umbrellas and parasols . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9,175 2,061 49,970 12,277 312 Oil and water-color paintings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,962 492 1,314 328 313 Hats, bonnets, and caps of all kinds, finished or unfinished . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29,801 5,972 357,195 71,439 314 Waterproof or caoutchouc stuffs, including boots and shoes of rubber: a. On cotton tissue . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14,642 2,962 13,972 2,240 b. On woolen or silk tissue . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18,303 3,454 17,465 2,802 315 On all other goods, wares, merchandise, and effects, not otherwise enumerated or provided for, except crude materials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29,150 7,287 9,716 2,429 316 On crude materials, not otherwise enumerated . . 3,775 378 1,258 125 CLASS XIV.—TOBACCO. 317 Tobacco: a. In cakes, so-called "breva," or in carrots . . . 64,243 20,957 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . b. In powder or snuff, or otherwise manufactured 7,761 3,407 3,470 2,991 c. Leaf tobacco, stemmed or unstemmed, whether wrapper or filler . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . d. Cigars, cigarettes, cheroots of all kinds . . . . 40 104 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . SPECIAL PROVISION. 318 Passenger coaches, complete, erected or knocked down; freight cars, complete, erected or knocked down; trucks, wheels, axles, axle boxes, forgings, brasses, and fixtures for passenger coaches and freight cars; pine wood, prepared especially for freight cars; locomotives and tenders, locomotive boilers and locomotive furnaces, locomotive boiler plates and tubes, locomotive and tender frames; wheels, axles, axle boxes, brasses, and tanks for locomotive tenders; electric motors and machinery for power houses; turn-tables, transfer bridges; iron or steel bridge work, riveted or rolled; steel rails; points, crossings, signals, and accessories thereof; gate crossings, and metal ties . . . . . . . 1,061,868 106,187 108,569 10,858 23 The foregoing statement shows the Cuban tariff as now in force, except as to the cattle schedule. This schedule was changed by the Cuban Government during the past summer in such a way as to considerably favor American interests. The duty is now proportionate to the weight instead of being a fixed sum per head. This favors the Florida cattle. Article III provides that all articles of merchandise not included in Article I and not enumerated in Article IV, being the products of the soil or industry of the United States imported into the Republic of Cuba, shall be admitted at a reduction of 20 per centum. That is, the United States gives Cuba a straight 20 per cent on everything, and in return for that Cuba gives the United States a minimum of 20 per cent, and on specially enumerated articles Cuba gives the United States reductions of 25, 30, and 40 per cent, respectively, as provided in the schedules of Article IV. Bearing in mind, therefore, that everything which is not specially enumerated gets the minimum of 20 per cent reduction, I would like to call your attention to some of the items in the schedules of Article IV. Schedule A provides for a reduction of 25 per cent on certain articles. If you will look at the summary of the commerce of the island of Cuba for May, 1902, on page 1092 et seq., in the column showing the importations during the period of American occupation, you will see that the United States has sixth-sevenths of the trade in machinery. The "blanket" concession of 20 per cent should give us part of the remaining seventh and the 25 per cent concession of copper machinery should give us the rest. And so with the trade in machinery and manufactures of iron and steel. Out of a total trade of $15,209,677 the United States have over $11,748,521. The 20 per cent concession should secure all the remainder to us except, perhaps, certain machinery of copper. This also should come to us with the 25 per cent reduction which has been obtained for this class of manufactures. Of the trade in glassware, $1,767,660, the United States have $656,356. To help in securing the balance we have a 25 per cent concession. This does not include window glass, an item of small amount, for which however we have a concession of 30 per cent. Mr. CULLOM. What is the duty on window glass in Cuba? General BLISS. $3.40 per 100 kilos (220 pounds). There is very little window glass used in Cuba, except in shop windows. It is not used in private houses. There is a small amount of cheap ornamental colored glass used for decorative purposes, which for the most part comes from Germany. For this trade, such as it is, we have concession of 30 per cent. As is well known, the cotton trade is one of the most valuable and one of the most steadily increasing value in Cuba. During our occupation the trade amounted to $20,197,806. Of this, perhaps 60 per cent came under paragraphs 114 and 116 of the Cuban tariff. As the entire subject of cotton is covered by the concessions in schedules A, B, and C, it will be well to explain the three concessions here; and I shall refer to the data given in the statement which I have already shown to you, which gives the value of the trade under each paragraph of the Cuban tariff for the fiscal ending June 30, 1901,24 since that was the only year in which statistics were prepared in that form." But, as I said before, that year gives a perfectly fair average. Referring to that statement, you will see that the principal part of the Cuban cotton trade came under paragraphs 114, 115, 116, 117, and 122. Under these paragraphs and the others between 114 and 128 come all the trade--which is very important--in made-up articles of all kinds. Under paragraphs 114 and 116 come the trade in the cheaper kinds of piece goods. Under paragraph 122 come all knitted goods. The principal competitors of the United States in this trade are Great Britain and Spain. There is no doubt that if our manufacturers would really work to secure this trade they could get a large part of it without any concession. A comparison of invoices from the respective countries shows that the United States, with the slightest effort on the part of her manufacturers, should secure the bulk of the trade under paragraphs 114 and 116, which, as I have said, covers some 60 per cent of the total cotton trade. In the sane way the concession of 30 per cent will cover the larger part of the trade coming under paragraphs 115 and 116. The entire range under these paragraphs would not be covered by any concession that could reasonably be asked, since under them comes the very finest grades of manufactured cotton, come of which are still imported into the United States in spite of our high duty. With the concession of 40 per cent the trade in knitted goods (paragraph 122 of the Cuban tariff) should got to the United States. In regard to the trade in made-up articles, the unprecedented advance made in this branch of work in the large cities of the United States should leave her without a competitor, in view of the concessions of 25, 30, and 40 per dent which have been obtained. During the American occupation practically all wooden sailing vessels purchased by Cuba were obtained in the United States, while out of $550,561 worth of iron and steel vessels purchased, $91,249 worth came from the United States. For this class of manufacture we have 25 per cent concession. Of the trade in brandies and whiskies we have $117.580 out of a total $409,312; of fish in all forms we have $923,216 out of $2,917,059, while of articles of pottery covered by paragraphs 21 and 22 of the Cuban tariff, we have about $80,000 out of about $600,000. For these articles we have a concession of 25 per cent. SCHEDULE B OF THE TREATY For all articles enumerated in this schedule 30 per cent reduction is granted. Of the total trade in butter and oleomargarine -$634,569 - the United States have $282,794. We have all the trade in oleomargarine, but in butter Spain and Denmark are both slightly ahead of us. In the chemical and drug trade, out of a total of $3,504,265, we have $1,517.500. Of $2,515,801 worth of malt liquors and cider we have $1,668,242. Of $295,326 worth of mineral waters and nonalcoholic beverages we have $47,636. 25 In the paint, colors and dye trade we have $340,065 out of a total of $810,036. Window glass, as I said before, is an item of no special consequence. We have $3,618 out of a total of $50,578. Manufactures of hemp, flax, pita, etc. No reasonable concession would be of any value to the manufacturers of the United States in competition with Great Britain and Germany on piece goods made of these materials. But the trade in made-up articles, such as collars, cuffs, shirt fronts, etc., should go to the United States with a concession of 30 per cent. Out f $189.585 worth of musical instruments the United States have $45,287. We have $41,140 out of $116,537 worth of writing paper, $16,893 out of $46,839 printing paper. Printing paper for newspapers was excepted from the concession of 30 per cent (although it still gets the blanket concession of 20 per cent), because the manufacture of this paper is a local industry of some importance in Habana. Those manufacturers of cotton receiving 30 per cent concession have already been referred to. Of the cutlery trade we have $108.595 out of $292,711. The trade in boots and shoes is similar to that in cotton goods in that the American manufacturers could doubtless secure a large part of it without any concession if they would work for the market. In the one year of 1901 we had $393,462 out of $1,588,943, and the concession of 30 per cent should, with a little care, give us the larger part of what we do not now have. Of plated ware we have $107,157 out of $196,248. When the time comes that the people in Cuba have more money to spend for such articles this trade will be much improved. Of the paper trade covered by paragraphs 157-164, inclusive, we had in the one year of 1901 $189.712 out of $650,000. Of common soap we had $27.593 worth out of $418,282. Of vegetables, pickled or preserved in any way, we had $842,817 out of $3,306,346. In the year 1901 the wine imports of Cuba amounted to $1,883,857, of which the United States had only $4,410. In Cuba wine is not looked upon as a luxury, but is an article of common, everyday use by the poorest class of the people. Heretofore the wine for this class of the people has been imported from Spain in the cask and sold in such quantities from a fraction of a pint up as customers may desire from day to day. This class of wine (the commonest kind of red wine) comes under paragraph 279a f the Cuban tariff. The Cuban commissioners were unwilling to consent to any concession on this wine over the 20 per cent concession which attaches to everything. They claimed, and I think with justice, that either the American wine grower can compete for this trade with a concession of 20 per cent, or that, if he could not, any further concession would no only raise the price of an article of common necessity, but would give further impetus to the adulteration and falsification of wines in the country. My own opinion is that the California wine grower can compete with the 20 per cent concession if he will make an effort for this particular trade. During the three years and a half that I lived in Cuba I knew of no effort made to introduce California wines - I mean the cheapest kinds - in the cask. . 26 But these same cheap grades of Spanish wines, which when imported in the cask are classified under paragraph 279a of the Cuban tariff, and to the competitors of which only 20 per cent concession is allowed, are also imported in considerable quantities in bottles. They then command a better price, either because of their more attractive form or because they are really better by reason of having more age or better treatment. In this form they receive the 30 per cent concession, as do all wines except the common red wines in casks. If an enterprising California wine grower were to establish an attractive agency in Habana I am sure that American wines would secure a large trade. SCHEDULE C. All articles enumerated under this schedule receive a concession in Cuba of 40 per cent. The knitted cotton goods and the value of the trade I have already spoken about. Of the cheese trade the United States have $304,297 out of a total of $1,625,786. Our principal competitor is the Netherlands, with over $1,000,000 out of the foregoing total. With the concession granted we ought to secure all of this trade. Of the trade in preserved fruits we have $77,892 out of $315,395; of paper pulp we have $146,457 out of $574,678; of perfumery and essences we have $29,182 out of $350,622. Of ceramic tiles under paragraph 20 of the Cuban tariff we had in 1901 $8,000 out of $25,000; of porcelain in that year we had $4,455 out of $65,071; of fine soaps in that year we had $10,000 out of $28,000; in that year we had $9,000 out of $50,000 in umbrellas and parasols; during the same time we had $13,000 out of $65,000 in dextrin and glucose. In 1901 we had $33,000 out of $103,000. During the year 1901 the wool imports of Cuba amounted to $687,615, of which $21,872 came from the United States. During the three years and five months of the American occupation this trade amounted to $2,382,709, of which the United States had $132,164. The concession of 40 per cent should give the United States practically all the trade in made-up articles of wool and wearing apparel of wool and of wool and cotton mixtures. Moreover, with this concession, all the English trade in cotton warps with wool fillings and all cotton and wool mixtures which sell in Bradford, England, at from 45 cents to $1per kilo (220 pounds), should go to the United States. The silk imports into Cuba in 1901 amounted to $521,092, of which $24,057 came from the Untied States. During the American occupation the trade amounted to $1,659,757, of which the United States had $117,159. It is believed that the concession should enable the American manufacturers to control 60 per cent of the piece-goods trade. It will certainly give them the trade in made-up articles, such as ladies' waists, skirts, cravats, etc. Now as to the Values of the Concessions in Dollars and Cents. ARTICLE I. As before shown, on the basis of this past year's trade this article provides for the continued free introduction into the United States of Cuban products to the value of $2,364,445, and of the continued free 27 introduction into Cuba of United States products to the value of $3,072,185. On this basis, therefore, the advantage is with the United States. But this advantage will doubtless be an increasing one. The importations into the United States of such articles as iron ores, bananas and cocoanuts, and rough woods from Cuba are on a normal basis, and no special increase is to be looked for. But in Cuba all importations are on the lowest basis. With returning prosperity there will undoubtedly be large increases in the importations of such articles as coal, agricultural implements, and lumber for construction purposes, all of which articles are on her free list, and all of which come exclusively from the United States. Therefore, the United States secure a great advantage in keeping the free lists as they now are, which is accomplished by Article I. ARTICLE II. The advantage to Cuba resulting from this article—which gives her 20 per cent reduction on all her products imported into the United States—is, according to the Treasury Department statement and on the basis of the last year's trade, $5,202,721. ARTICLE III. For the year ending June 30, 1901, the value of the imports from the United States into Cuba entitled to the 20 per cent reduction under this article was about $20,000,000. The rebate of 20 per cent in the duties thereon is a benefit to the United States of $1,000,000. But if we gain as a result of this treaty, as we should, the remainder of the trade in the articles on which 20 per cent is given, our trade will be increased by $8,000,000, on which there will be a further rebate of duty amounting to $386,000. ARTICLE IV. Schedule A.—A rebate of 25 per cent on the basis of the trade of 1901 means a benefit of $124,000. If we gain 70 per cent—if the trade which we do not now have of articles to which the 25 per cent applies— we gain in trade $3,500,000, the rebate in the duties on which is a further gain of $60,000. Schedule B.—The rebate of 30 per cent on the basis of the trade of 1901 is $134,000, and if we gain 60 per cent of the trade which we do not now have in articles to which this rebate applies, we gain in trade $6,126,000, on which there would be a further rebate of $423,000. Schedule C.—Under this schedule the rebate means only $22,000, but if we gain 50 percent of the trade which we do not now have under this schedule, we would gain $3,113,814, with a further rebate of $286,470. If the foregoing estimate be approximately correct, Cuba gives the United States in dollars and cents about one-half of the rebate in duties which the United States gives Cuba, but in addition Cuba adds about $21,000,000 to the trade of the United States, and it will be the fault of our manufacturers if we do not gain still another $10,000,000 of the $38,000,000 which in 1901 went to Cuba from other foreign countries. [*Confidential*] NOTE. -- In the preceding statement I forgot to call attention to a very important fact, and one which should have much weight in the consideration of the values to the United States of the differentials which have been explained. These differentials were based on the present rates of duty in Cuba, but it is certain that unless other foreign governments are able to offer inducements to keep the Cuban government from taking that step she will put in force a new tariff in which there will be a general raise in the rates now in force. Any such raise will increase the benefits to the United States of the differentials granted under the treaty. If, for example, the 25% rebate is the present rate of duty of 13¢ per kilo (2.2 lbs) on certain grades of cotton goods will enable us to make serious inroads on the English trade, the benefit of the differential will be still further increased by a raise in the present duty to 18¢ or more per kilo, and so on throughout all the schedules of the Cuban tariff. Note II. -- As I have stated before, the figures which I have given relate to the trade of the Island during the period of American occupation, except where I have had to give figures relating to the trade under particular paragraphs of the Cuban tariff. The figures relating to the particular paragraphs have been compiled only for the year 1901. When I gave my statement I expected to refer only to the War Department statistics as given in its final summary published in May, 1902, but when it came to the particular paragraphs of the Cuban tariff, I had to depart from this summary and refer to the figures in the statement for the year 1901.[*Enc. in Baldwin 12-19-02*] [*ca 12-19-02*] MARTENS AND ROOSEVELT. Prof. Frederick Martens, the famous Russian publicist, who presided over the Conference at the Hague, and is well known for his writings on international law, addresses some weighty words to Americans in this week's Independent. He points out with the detachment of a foreigner, and the acumen of an expert, the inevitable dangers of "contemporary American Imperialism." Admitting all that can be claimed for our recent conquests, as a proof of "power and vitality," this friendly authority warns us that we cannot possibly hope to attain such "brilliant results" through militarism as we have already achieved in the "peaceful sphere of commerce and trade." He is particularly strong on the viciousness of a colonial policy. Laying down what was, before 1898, a commonplace of American political doctrine, he says: "Only those conquests form a real and solid basis for the development of the living forces of the conquerers which become incorporated with their very flesh and blood and form an organic part of their possessions. If the conquest is limited to the establishment of absolute power over the annexed territory, without its having been incorporated into the kingdom of the conquerors, the only possible result will be a subjugation that has to be maintained by a crushing physical force." All this many hasty readers will be inclined to toss off as the jealous or scheming utterance of a Russian who wants his own country to do all the colonizing. But Professor Martens is supported by the very highest American authority. President Roosevelt himself has taken the same position, in almost identical language. Indeed, so closely does the Russian professor follow the ideas of the American thinker, that he might be captiously accused of plagiarism. Mr. Roosevelt's views on colonies and a colonial policy were given to the world in 1896: yet so short-lived was the medium of publication which he chose, and so poor is the modern memory becoming that probably nine-tenths of his party would indignantly deny that he had ever said anything of the kind. We suggest that a few sample sentences be submitted to eminent Imperialists at Washington and elsewhere, with the offer of a prize for a correct guess at the author. For example: "The establishment of a colony prevents any healthy popular growth." "At the present the only hope of a colony that wishes to attain full moral and mental growth is to become an independent state." "Under the best of circumstances a colony is in a false position. But if the colony is in a region where the colonizing race has to do its work by means of other inferior races, the condition is much worse." "There is no chance for any tropical colony owned by a Northern race." Incredible as it seems that such utterances should have been forgotten in six hurried years, there they stand, with many others equally significant, in the defunct magazine, the Bachelor of Arts for March, 1896, over the name of Theodore Roosevelt. He was as far then as any other American from entertaining the notion that it was our duty, or that it would be a good thing for the world, to go to chaotic peoples and restore them to order. "Mean and bloody," he wrote, though the history of the South American republics had been, "it is distinctly in the interest of civilization" that they should be left to "develop along their own lines." How far below the horizon then was the conception of "forcible civilization"! Our obligation to suppress "anarchy" in a distant island had not then been invented, nor had we come to perceive the duty of putting our hand to every "mean and bloody" government and making it altogether such as we are. A Filipino, turning back to the doctrine of Mr. Roosevelt's article of 1896, would ask nothing better than their application to his country. Of course, Mr. Roosevelt was writing immediately after the Venezuelan troubles of 1895-6 and, what he had in mind, as would be made clear by words omitted, was South American and West Indian colonies. But he laid down his doctrines —as he always does—under the guise of eternal truths. It was colonizing as such that he reprobated, and it was for the independent life of every struggling people that he contended. He would be the last man to say that a great principle which he had strongly asserted for tropical colonies in one degree of longitude did not hold good in another. Accordingly, we are entitled to claim him as in entire agreement with Professor Martens on this whole question of subject races, and the true mission of America. When the Russian expresses concern at the rapid growth of our "war budget" in consequence of our having colonies, he is only saying what Theodore Roosevelt did six years ago. He, too, perceived the danger of burdening ourselves with dependencies. "We do not wish to bring ourselves to a position where we shall have to emulate the European system of enormous armies." Holding these truths, as Mr. Roosevelt holds all his truths, with passionate conviction, and with the certainty that neither time nor place can affect their validity, it is only fair to presume that he is simply biding his time to put them in force.. [* [CA 12-19-02] *] [*ENC. IN CARNEGIE 12-21-02*] TALKS OF CHINESE LABOR. ————— [*6*] Dr. Schurman Also Discusses Filipinos' Currency an Trade. [*Tribune*] President Schurman, of Cornell, spoke last night at Cooper Union on the Philippine situation. He said in part: It is our duty to administer the affairs of the Philippine Islands for the benefit of the Filipinos themselves. If we allow the Chinese to enter the labor field in the Philippines the Filipinos will be driven to the wall. No race, even an Asiatic one, except that of India, can compete with Chinese labor. We should also give the Filipinos a stable currency. Much money has been lost, directly or indirectly, by the Filipinos through the depreciated currency of the present. Our sovereignty in the Philiippines is now maintained by force, and not by the ties of kinship and blood. We are white and they are brown; and, therefore, we have never treated them as equals. We should make it the interest of the Filipinos to accept us and our government; give them the advantage of our trade, and not hold them at arms' length. We should give them as free trade as we give Porto Rico. We should bind them to us by a hundred voluntary ties. Ltt us seek to make our domination over the Filipinos voluntary on their part, rather than by our overwhelming force. The Philippine problem is ecclesiastical, too. When we divorced church and state, there was left a legacy of trouble. I do not think the Vatican can afford to withdraw the friars, for if it does so it will thus acknowledge that the charges of immorality among the friars are true. If the United States buys the lands from the friars at a fair price I do not think that they will find any reason for staying. They will then leave voluntarily. There are only three possible courses when we look at the Philippine problem. We must either hold them by right of arms, or make them an integral part of our Union, first as a Territory ani then as a State, or give them ultimately their independence. What we have done for Cuba, we should do for the Philippines, and then our flag would stand, as it ever has, for liberty, human rights and natural sovereignty. Dr. Schurman answered questions for an hour afterward. He was heartily applauded as he stated his belief that the course of the United States in the Philippines must ultimately establish the Filipinos independence. In a vote of the audience on the question of indorsing his views three persons stood up for the proposition that, the flag having once been raised there, it should never come down. The rest, supporting Dr. Schurman, were estimated at 1,400. ————— SCHURMAN ON CHRISTIANITY.[*File GBC Pr*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington SENATE, Dec. 20, 1902. 3.36 p.m. Mon. Gec. B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. I have to-day sent President telegram for Thummel, as general appraiser, will you see that is reaches him. W.B. AllisonLRE John Barrett Commissioner-General to Asia Australia and the Philippines. 1803 - 1903 Louisiana Purchase Exposition Worlds Fair, St. Louis, U.S.A. commemorating the acquisition of The Louisiana Territory. Bombay, India, Dec. 20, 1902. Confidential Hon. John Hay, Secretary of State, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir: I take advantage of the first mail leaving since our recent exchange of telegrams, in regard to the Japanese mission, to confirm them in the appended memorandum. On account of my trust in the President and yourself, I accept the situation and find consulation for a very unfortunate turn of events in your kind assurance that "It is in your own interest", and that "There is not the slightest imputation on your honor or standing". I note also with pleasure that you say "Nothing has happened to diminish the respect and regard felt for you here". As one of the most important lessons in successful diplomacy is to accept the judgment and orders of one's superiors, I make no further appeal. You will permit me, however, to indulge in one or two comments which I beg to call to the attention of the President and yourself. After faithfully working for nearly ten years for the advancement of America's interests in the Pacific, and after having the prize actually in hand, only to be snatched away before the gaze of the world and to the satisfaction of what enemies I may have, I naturally experienced a degree of chagrin. As I am at a loss, moreover, to understand the inspiration of Japan's opposition, in face of my continued advocacy of that country's advancement and progress, I have been impelled to telegraph you as fully as I did in local protection of myself. I hope I may add that it is in my ambition still to be sent as Minister to China, if that can be arranged. I do not feel that I can afford to accept any post less than the rank of Japan, and I dislike to think of missing both China and Japan after the study and time I have devoted to the Asiatic field. I have great respect for Mr. Conger, but the President may see fit to give him another appointment, I had hoped that when Japan objected to me, he would be transferred to Tokio and that I would be sent to Peking. If Mr. Conger is to remain in China, I make the suggestion, with all due regard for the ability of the present incumbent, that there may be some change in the Mexican Embassy resulting from the retirement or resignation of the Ambassador or his appointment to some other post or position. I hope I can make these intimations to you without appearing to ask for too much or to be over zealous.. In connection with the future, I would state that I shall practically have completed my labors for the Worlds Fair in Asia by the middle of January, and that I will sail from Bombay January 10th direct for the United States, via Europe, arriving in Washington about the 10th to 15th of February. In the event there should be any probability of difficulties developing in the matter of another appointment like those in the case of Japan, I beg of you to await final action until my return to America when I can personally investigate the situation and possibly prevent a repetition of what has recently occurred or untoward incidents arising. While I do not place absolute confidence in the reports that come to me, I have received exceptionally reliable information from Japan that the objections of the Japanese Government to me were inspired by one or two personal enemies who brought to the attention of some sensitive, high Japanese officials a few comparisons I made in old speeches of Filipinos to Japanese, which were never intended in any way to reflect upon Japan or the Japanese. In contrast to this, however, I cannot understand how other Japanese statesmen, like Mr. Komura and Mr. Takahira, would allow any such passing utterances as those to weigh against the many articles I have written favorable to Japan and the almost invariable kind references I have made to that country and to her people in various addresses. When I was in Tokio, Mr. Komura, the Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs, volunteered the statement that he hoped I would succeed Colonel Buck when the latter retired. Mr. Takahira several times in Washington and once when I was a guest in his house at luncheon remarked of his own accord that he looked forward some day to seeing me the American representative in Tokio. One of the leading Japanese vernacular papers, the "Nichi Nichi," had an editorial stating that it was confidently hoped in Japan that I would some day be the American Minister there, and commented on all the favorable observations I had made in regard to that ocuntry. Trusting that the President and yourself may be considerate enough to look at this matter to some extent from my standpoint, and thanking him and you for the great honor shown in first tendering the appointment, I beg to remain Yours very respectfully, John Barrett[*[For 1 enc. see ca 12-20-02 Conf. Memo]*][*Ackd [12-25-1902] 1-2-1903 Encls. returned*] (COPY) UNITED STATES SENATE. Washington, D. C., December 20, 1902. Sir: I have procured from Massachusetts, since I wrote to you the other day, a few of Mabini's productions. I wish that you might find time to read them, entirely independently of your public and official duty and of the fact that you hold this man's fate in your hands. They seem to me worthy of an hour of your study, as constituting a very notable exhibition of the spirit at once wise, moderate and temperate, and at the same time unflinching and lofty, which inspired your ancestors and mine in their day. It is of course possible that the War Department has, or thinks it has, evidence which is unknown to me, which would warrant a different estimate of this man's character. But it is also true in controversies of this kind, the best and wisest men are not unlikely to judge the men who differ with them harshly and unjustly, especially if they have been the subject of harsh and unjust attacks themselves. Whatever may be the opinion of the War Department, or whatever may be the fact, is it not a lamentable confession that this great country is in the wrong, when it keeps a paralytic old man in exile from his home and his native land, because he will not, even if from a mistaken sense of duty, take an oath of allegiance – an oath never required as a condition of mere residence anywhere by a free and just government, except in a time of war or danger. As I understand our claim, the time-2- of war and danger is gone by in the Philippine Islands, and the prevalent feeling there is one of attachment to our rule, and desire that it may continue, except in some barbarous and savage regions, where there is a revolt, as there might be of one of our Indian tribes. This is not a question of citizenship, or office-holding, or voting. It is the question of a man's being denied the right of dwelling at his home, among his kindred, because he cannot conscientiously take an oath of allegiance to what not only he, but a large part of the American people themselves, believes an usurping foreign power. It is needless for me to repeat the assurances of my high personal regard. I am, Mr. President, Faithfully yours, GEO. F. HOAR.[for attachment the 12-20-02][* [12-20-02] *] COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY. UNITED STATES SENATE. OFFICIAL FREE. George F. Hoar U. S. S. To The President, White House, Washington, D. C/ [*I shall be gratified if this may be brought to the immediate attention of the President. Geo F Hoar*] [attached to Hoar 12-20-02]MEMORANDUM OF FACTS Chinese Inspector Izard & Jenkins New York, Dec. 20,1902. First. That some weeks prior to presenting the warrants to U.S. Marshal Henkel for service Inspector Izard had, by an offer of $500 tried to induce said Marshall to commit an illegal act in arresting twenty-seven Chinamen without consulting U. S. District Attorney, and without due warrant of law, (Verbal statement made by U.S. Marshal Henkel December 17, 1902, before Commissioner General Sargent, U.S. District Attorney Burnett and others. See Blatchford's rules U.S. Court, S.D. of N.Y., page 441; also rule of Court prohibiting U.S. Commissioners issuing warrants July 16, 1878. NOTE See Sec. 5481 "punishing extortion under color of office (construed with report to a Chinese Inspector in Williams vs U.S., 168 U.S., 382.) Second. That after the refusal of the U. S. Marshal to arrest twenty-seven Chinamen without warrant, Inspector Izard called on the U.S. District Attorney and made a request for an an order to be issued directing the U. S. Marshal to make said arrest without warrant, this being refused Izard was directed by said Assistant U. S. District Attorney to swear to complaints in the twenty-seven cases, and that some certain Chinamen MUST be in mind when said-2- complaints were sworn to, and that by deception on said U. S. District-Attorney by said Izard (whomwas absent for some days pretending to follow above order of said Attorney and on again presenting himself at the office of the said Attorney) assured that Officer that he had complied with his request as above stated; but on examination of Inspector Jinkins and Chinese Interpreter Moy Jop Jung who swore that no such evidence had been obtained nor request as above stated had been complied with. See transcript of evidence given by Jinkins and Moy Gop Jung and also verbal statements made by U.S. Assistant District-Attorney Houghton to Commissioner General Sargent and others, December 17, 1902. Third. That both Izard and Jinkens prior to the issuing of the twenty-seven warrants referred to and in an , interview with the U.S. District Attorney falsely represented and willfully deceived the representatives of said office regarding the evidence obtained in each case and thus obtained the consent of said District Attorney for the issuing of the said warrants and that on said false representations the U. S. District Attorney, through his Assistant, ordered U. S. Commissioner Hitchcock to issue warrants calling for the arrest of twenty-seven persons under the name of John Doe, on sworn complaints of Inspector Jinkens. See Koehler letter September 19, 1902; also letter from U.S. Commissioner Hitchcock; also verbal statement made by U.S District Attorney Wise; also Houghton to Commissioner General Sargent and others, December 17, 1902. –3– Fourth. That due to the false statement of said Inspectors and special application made by the U. S. District Attorney (he being innocent in the deception) a deception was practiced on the U. S. Commissioner and said warrants obtained from him fraudulently, which would never have been issued by said Commissioner had the true facts been known, thus exposing the U. S. Government to a civil action. See opinion of U. S. Commissioner Hitchcock which was rendered in the 27 Chinese cases referred to and especially in the case known as "John Doe, No. 7." Fifth. That Inspector Izard and Jinkens did, both verbally and in writing also sworn and unsworn statements wilfully, falsely and with perjured intent, obtain from the U. S. District Attorney complaints against twenty- five Chinese persons who were absolutely unknown to said Inspector and in direct violation of the instruction given by said District Attorney and also by the U. S. Commissioner. Instructions given by the U. S. District Attorney Burnett and his Assistant, Mr. Houghton, as stated by both gentlemen to Commissioner General Sargent December 17, 1902. "Izard assured us that defendants were known in person but not in name and could be identified, and implied that a delay had been necessary for the purpose of procuring positive evidence of the right of these particular Chinamen to be in America, and that they, the Inspectors, were satisfied the said suspects were in the U. S. in violation of the law.". –4– Sixth. That Inspector Jinkens and Chinese Interpreter Moy Gop Jung, in giving their evidence before U. S. Commissioner Hitchcock admitted that no investigation whatsoever had been made regarding any of the said 27 defendants prior to their arrest, and that all prior statements to that effect were untrue. Inspector Izard being present and assisted in the examination of both of the officers above named. See testimony in reference to above paragraph of Inspector Jinkens and Moy Gop Jung attached to the report, said statement was corroborated by the U. S. District Attorney and his assistant, December 17, 1902, before Commissioner General Sargent and others. Seventh. That Inspector Jinkens did, and while acting under orders, and with the full knowledge and consent of Inspector Izard, commit perjury in swearing to 26 complaints against as many Chinamen and in direct violation of the law and the rules of the Department. See Complaint issued prior to arrest of John Doe, No.7, August 19, 1902; then compare statement therein contained with transcript of the evidence given by Inspectors Izard and Jenkens at the hearing, which is also attached to the report. Eighth. That Inspector Jinkens is guilty of perjury and Inspector Izard is guilty of subordination of perjury in every one of the twenty-six complaints; that their guilt is multiplied so far as the case of John Doe, No. 20 is concerned, the right name of this defendant being Louie None. The absurdity of this arrest, also the utter lack of any investigation for the basis on which to lodge a. –5– complaint against this particular defendant on the charge of being a laborer in the U. S. without proper warrant of law and evidence therein to remain, is so apparent that your attention is invited to the fact that the exclusion law, referring to Chinese laborers, was passed by Congress in 1892. This defendant is now thirteen years old; therefore it must be apparent to everyone, the Officers herein named especially, that it would be impossible for this defendant to obtain a certificate as a Chinese laborer when he was but three years old. See testimony on this particular case attached to the report; also see Koehler's letter of August 1st, 1902. Ninth. That Inspectors Izard and Jinkens are incompetent and neglectful of their official duty in causing the arrest of 26 Chinamen without proper evidence to do so, thus incurring great expense to the U. S. Government as well as an injustice against the said defendants, as follows: A. Without first investigating each case prior to the arrest of the defendant. B. Without first taking proper precaution to locate each defendant and investigating the charges in the complaints before swearing to them. C. Without examining the evidence offered by the different defendants as to their right to be in the U. S. before they were arrested. D. Compelling the different defendants to obtain. –6– bail (or else stay in jail) at a cost of $25 each. See affidavits of Lue Yok, Sing Loy, Louie Yunk, Yung Dot, and Chin Thick, attached to the report. Tenth. That Inspectors Izard and Jinkens are guilty of contempt of Court and abuse of process by securing warrants against such Chinese citizens as Chin Kee Fong, and four others, who had on their person proper certificates of residence in the United States when they were arrested, and which they insisted on showing the U. S. Inspectors; and within two hours after arrest, on being presented to the U.S. Commissioner, Chin Kee Fong, and his four associates were promptly discharged, See Koehler letter of August 1st, 1902, also paragraph 6 of letter of Commissioner Hitchcock; also verbally stated by the U. S. District Attorney, his assistants, and the U. S. Marshal, to Commissioner General Sargent and others, December 17, 1902. Eleventh. That Inspector Izard is guilty of conduct unbecoming an officer in that he made threats in public against the U. S. Commissioner and Assistant U. S. District Attorney Wise, after the discharge of the 26 defendants. See paragraph 5, letter of Commissioner Hitchcock, which is attached to the report; also verbally corroborated by assistant U. S. Attorney Wise, Commissioner- General Sargent and others, December 17, 1902.. –7– Twelfth. That Inspector Izard is guilty of instructing Inspector Jenkins to swear to twenty-six complaints against as many' Chinese persons without explaining to said Jenkins the contents of said complaints or giving him any information thereof, permitting him to perjure himself in violation of the law, he, Izard, knowing the statement contained in said complaints to be false and untrue. See paragraph 9, letter of Commissioner Hitchcock, also verbally stated by U.S. Assistant District Attorney Wise, December 17, 1902, statement made to Commissioner- General Sargent and others, that he Jenkins said he would have signed anything presented to him by Mr. Izard at that time. Thirteenth. That Inspector Izard did, in arresting the twenty-six Chinese herein referred to and without due process of law consume a great deal of valuable time of the U. S. District Attorney, the U. S. Marshal and in addition thereto compelling the several defendants to employ counsel at great expense to themselves, knowing full well that no investigation had been made regarding the defendants and that the complaint did not contain the truth, whereas if a test case was desired the arrest of one Chinaman of the twenty-six defendants would have been sufficient. See paragraph 4, U. S. Commissioner Hitchcock's letter; also verbal statement made by the U. S. District Attorney to Commissioner General Sargent December 17, 1902. Fourteenth: That some few days after the discharge of the twenty-seven Chinese defendants the U. S. District Attorney in an interview with Inspector Izard, suggested that so long as he (Izard) had obtained as alleged by him sufficient evidence to warrant the arrest of these Chinamen who had been discharged, he (the U. S. District attorney) would again cause warrants to be issued for the arrest of these same defendants if said Izard would submit such evidence to said District Attorney and if sufficient in his [k]judgment to warrant the U. S. Commissioner to issue warrants, he (the U. S. District attorney) would draw additional complaints, and that said Izard stated at that time that such steps would be useless as the discharged Chinese defendants had ‘gone down a hole" or in other words had disappeared. Verbal statement made by U. S. District Attorney and his assistants and corroborated by the U. S. Marshal before Commissioner General Sargent and others, December 17, 1902. Note The contradiction of the "gone down a hole" story is apparent and your attention is invited to the affidavit of five of the defendants which were taken October 1st, 1902, or some six weeks after they were discharged, the defendants were all found at their place of business (the same address as given by them when arrested by the U. S. Marshal) and there seemed to be no intention on their part to conceal themselves some ofthem being the proprietors of the laundries and in another case the defendant swore that he was a resident of the United States for twenty-four years and still another case that he had been in business in his present locality for seventeen years. There was no difficulty in locating the balance of the different defendants. Fifteenth: That Inspector Jenkins has since the discharge of these Chinese defendants, neglected his duty inasmuch as he, Inspector Jenkins, under oath stated that of his own knowledge there were over one thousand Chinamen in this locality without proper evidence to offer for so being; and that he Jenkins, has not taken any action in this matter. See paragraph Jenkin's testimony before U. S. Commissioner Hitchcock, attached to the report. Sixteenth: That Inspector Izard who was present when Inspector Jenkins testified that there were one thousand Chinamen in this locality and who was assisting the U. S. District Attorney to question said Jenkins is therefore aware that said statement was made by Jenkins and that he (Izard) the Chinese Inspector in charge of this district has taken no steps whatever to ascertain the truthfulness of this statement nor to locate or identify any one of the one thousand Chinamen unlawfully in the United States, as so stated.See evidence of Inspector Jenkins, also Letter of U.S. Commissioner Hitchcock, both attached to the report. Seventeenth: That Inspector Izard did, in at least one instance, namely, that of Louie Woo, residing at Number 38 Myrtle Avenue, Brooklyn, New York, arrest without serving a warrant on the defendant, providing a warrant was ever issued as it appeared from the affidavit of said Louie Woo that his only crime was in the fact that he was a Chinaman and that he had been caught in a laundry while said Inspector Izard and others were making a general round-up of Chinamen in said City of Brooklyn, The defendant offered to accompany the officers to his place of business which was but a few blocks away and there give them satisfactory evidence as to his right to be in the United States, which request was refused, he being arrested without warrant of law and was compelled to furnish twenty-five dollars for a bail bond of Five Hundred dollars or go to jail. When his case was reached he was compelled to employ a lawyer at a cost of some Seventy five dollars, he the defendant, offered a laborer's certificate with his photograph attached as evidence of his right to be here, which right was questioned by said Inspector Izard and a continuance taken for two weeks, at the end of which time this defendant was discharged at the recommendation of said Inspector Izard, who claimed that he had verified the evidence of this defendant as above stated. In the meantime, Inspector Izard hzd accepted native born certificates from Chinaman arrested at the same time as this defendant, said certificates. purporting to be issued by U.S. Commissioner Badger (the alleged fraudulent native-porn certificates offered for sale by Smuggler George Phillips are Badger certificates) and the defendants holding said native-Born certificates were dis~ charged without question by said Inspector Izard on presenting the same te the Court. See affidavit of Louis Wee attached to the report. Eighteenth: That Inspector Izard for reasons best known to himself does absent himself from his official station and at the expense of the U.S. Government usually from Friday or Saturday of each week until the following Monday or Tuesday, involving reasons usually given a official business therefor, such as Conference pending cases, Malone, N.Y. Consulting U.S. District Attorney, Plattsburg, N.Y. Assisting Inspector Keban, Boston, Mass., &c. As a matter of fact in almost every instance these trips are made to Boston, Mass. and in at least one case, he has falsified his daily report and perjured himself in his monthly accounts as follows: "Oct. 13th, 1902, in which he makes oath in said account for railroad fare and other expenses from New York City to Utica, N.Y., whereas three persons make affidavit that on October 13th, 1902, he was in Boston, Massachusetts, associating with and making a companion of George Phillips, the smuggler, and in one affidavit, it is stated that the said George Phillips in company with Inspector Izard left the City of Boston on the night of October 13th,1902,for Utica, New York. See statement of daily report and expense account now on file in the Department October 13th, 1902. Also affidavits of Wong Yen Sue, Wong Chew and Wong Nom, taken at Boston, Massachusetts, November 1902. Nineteenth: That the said Inspector Izard committed perjury when he swore before tie Hon. R.E. Campbell that he was not on friendly terms with the smuggler George Phillips ,as shown by contradictory affidavits and statements made by the following Chinese persons of Boston, Mass. Wong Yea Sue, November 18th and 19th, 1902 Hu S. Keon, November 18th, 1902 Wond Sing Auck, November 19, 1902 Moy Nam Dam, November 22nd, 1902 Chin Nom, November 25th, 1902 Wong Nom, November 25th, 1902 Wong Chow, November 25th, 1902 The last statement was taken as late as December 1st, 1902, and was made by Thomas P. Patrick, traveling passenger agent, of the Southern Pacific Railway. See statement hereto attached. Boston, Mass, December 1, 1902 Voluntary Sworn Statement. Q. What is your name? A. Thomas P. Patrick. Q. Where do you reside? A. 15 Gilmore St, Everett, Mass. Q. What is your age? A. Twenty-eight years. Q. Where is your business? A. 170 Washington St., Boston, Mass. Q. What is your business? A. Traveling Passenger Agent for the Southern Pacific Ry.Co.,Boston. Q. How long have you been employed? A. About seven years. Q. Ave you acquainted with Mr. Ralph Izard, United States Chinese Inspector? 4. Yes, about three years. Q. Where did you last see Mr. Izard, and under what circumstances? A. Met him on Washington Street, Boston. Q. Where? A. Between Clerk's Hotel and Hotel Cecil, Boston. Q. Did he speak to you? A. Yes. Q. What did he say? A. A general conversation. Q. Do you know Mr. Goodman Phillips, a tailor, in Boston A. Yes, sir. Q. Where is his business? A. 595 Washington Street, on second floor. Q. Did he ever have any other place of business? Yes, 850 Washington Street, Boston. Q. Is he running both places now? A. No, sir, only the 595 Washington Street, Boston. Q. How long have you known Mr. Phillips? A. I should say five or six years. Q. Have you ever seen Mr. Izard in company with Mr. Phillips? A. Yes,sir, at 595 Washington Street, Boston, Q. In his office? A. Right out in front part of the store, upstairs. Also right in Mr. Izard's office on India Street, Boston. Q. Did you ever see Mr. Izard in Mr. Phillips‘ private office in Mr. Phillips' store? A. Yes, sir. Q. How many time have you seen Mr. Izard with Mr. Phillips at Mr. Phillips' place of business? A. I could not say exactly, three or four times. Q. Within what period? A. Since Mr. Phillips moved into 595 Washington Street. Q. Possibly a year? A. Within the past twenty months. Q. Did you ever see Mr. Izard and Mr. Phillips playing cards in Mr. Phillips' store? A. Yes, sir. Q. How many times did you see Mr. Izard and Mr. Phillips playing cards? A. Once. Q. What game were they playing? A. Five cent game of poker. Q. What is you understanding of Mr. Phillips' and Mr. Izard's acquaintanceship; are they considered to be good friends? A. I should say officially, yes. Thomas P. Patrick.[*[Enc in Shaw 1-15-03]*]. P. O. Box 1222. ——— CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT. Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, December 20th, 1902. [*Ackd 12-22-1902 PPF pr*] The President, Washington, D. C. Dear Theodore:-- We arrived safely on time last night, after a most enjoyable stay at Washington, which both Christine and I enjoyed to the full, and for which we have to thank you. I am greeted this morning with a request to buy a book full of pictures of prominent men for $100., which is gotten up for the benefit of General Charles H. Grosvenor, your name being prominent among the subscribers. Is there any reason why I should waste my substance for his benefit? Has he rendered such services to the country that I should subscribe in this way? Give my love to Edith and the children Your attached cousin, [*[w]*] Emlen [*[Roosevelt]*]. WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. December 20, 1902. My dear Mr. Cortelyou: I am in receipt of your letter of December 18th, enclosing one from Senator Hoar in regard to the Mabini matter. I have read Senator Hoar's letter, and will talk with the President about it at the first opportunity. Very truly yours, Elihu Root Secretary of War. George B. Cortelyou, Esq., Secretary to the President. [*letter from Geo F. Hoar 12/16/02*] [*see Philippines Mabini Case.*]. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, WASHINGTON. [*2*] Big Stone Gap, Va. Dec. 20— 1902 Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou Washington, D. C. My dear Sir — Yours of the 16th instant requesting my views on the enclosed circular to hand. Before the date of your letter, I received a letter from Hon. S. Brown Allen setting up his side of the case, which letter I herewith enclose, believing it will be no breach of faith to send it to you in connection with this circular. You will see that the blood is very hot between those two factions of our party and without a settlement of their differences, it will be impossible for us to carry that district, whichHOUSE OF REPRESENATAIVES, WASHINGTON. Is reasonably Republican. There is no question but that the Committee system of securing office has done great detriment to the Republican party in Virginia and I believe it ought to be broken up and must be changed in every district of the State unless it is the Ninth where we have no Federal patronage except the post-office. How to accomplish that end is the question. It was talked one year ago that men holding Federal positions should resign as committeemen. It strikes me that might be a start in the right direction as it would force a reorganization of the whole party in the state. You will observe from the enclosed circulars that one party is for the state organization and the other against it and that hasHOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, WASHINGTON. so divided our people that we cannot vote our strength in any campaign. It seems that our organization has not adapted any method by which it can register it’s vote and deliver the same. I imagine the want of registration occasioned our greatest fall off in this state in the last campaign. Seeing that condition I looked after that in my district in person and at my own personal expense and the result speaks for itself. If the same methods had been used in the tenth, seventh and fifth districts with a united party, the result would have been the same. These with the ninth are the four great white districts in the state and are absolutely Republican with the proper management and work and they will carry a majority of the votes in this state under the present electorate - the other districts being greatly reduced. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, WASHINGTON. by reason of the elimination of the negro vote, so, you will see that I do not consider it improbable for me to carry the electoral vote of Va. in 1904, if we properly handle ourselves. I might add here that the majority of office holders in Virginia take but little interest in building up the party. To that end, I think much care should be exercised in the appointments and not hold worthless men in positions and men that keep up constant war on their own friends for the promotion of themselves instead of warring upon the enemy. I would therefore suggest that no immediate action be taken against any of these factions until we make a square effort to unite them and then if they fail to come to the steward of right and justice they should abide the consequences. I will be in Washington shortly after the holiday & will endeavor to have a number of the leading Republicans of the state there and see what we can doHOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, WASHINGTON. in the matter and will then discuss the matter personally with the President and hope we can arrive at a satisfactory solution of the problem - I am with the highest regards Yours very truly Campbell Slemp[enclosed in Payne 12-26-02][*[Enc in Barrett, 12-20-02]*] ---CONFIDENTIAL MEMORANDUM--- On Wednesday, December 10, 1902, the day he arrived in Calcutta, India, John Barrett received the following cablegram from Secretary Hay, forwarded from Singapore and dated Washington, December 9: "The President wishes to know if it would be agreeable to you to be appointED Minister to Japan. If so when can you go?" About one hour later he received the following despatch via Singapore from Secretary Hay: "The President desires in case you accept Japanese mission that you shall not attend the Durbar nor may any public speeches enroute to your post". Late in the evening, after Barrett had given these two telegrams careful considerations, and had taken many steps, the retracing of which would be most embarrassing, as was proved later, he received from Secretary Hay still another despatch, via Singapore and dated Washington the 9th, marked "Private, Confidential", as follows: "Japanese Government objects. I advise that you decline mission on account of your present duties. I write full explanation. There is nothing in this incompatible with the high regard felt for you by the President and by me". Not having yet replied to the first two telegrams, and having, before he received them, wired Secretary Hay about a certain mistake that had been made in connection with his proposed visit to the Coronation Durbar at Delhi, he received on the morning of the 11th the following message direct from Secretary Hay: "Yours today received. Through wrong advices from St. Louis I have sent several communications to Singapore. The President had offered you Japanese mission, but on account of attitude of Japanese Government, I think best that you decline, giving your reasons as your desire to complete your present duties. I will write full explanation. Consider the Singapore despatches cancelled. I shall take care that the matter is properly presented in the press. Nothing has happened to diminish the respect and regard felt for you here. Durbar incident not public." After spending many hours in most thoughtful weighing of the pros and cons of the situation, and realizing his whole future was at stake and that a great injustice might be done him, Barrett sent the following long telegram to Secretary Hay, dated Calcutta, December 11th: "Four telegrams received. While profoundly grateful President you, am shocked Japan's objection unexplained, which sure not founded fact but due either misunderstanding, misrepresentation, or outside personal influence working under disguise in Tokio or Washington. My record relations Japan being absolutely clear cordial, and President you deeming me competent am unable understand how Japan can effectively object or how President with primary right exercise own choice representative can[* [Enc in Barett 12-20-02] *] [* [ca 12-20-02] *] (2) "change declared intention, for instance published all India papers Washington cable via London, without permitting action Japan reflect upon his judgment, and disastrously affecting my entire future career although unoffending. Therefore while respecting greatly your advice, beg suggest, first, in view facts that special direct intimation my favor Japanese Government from President or you would settle matter; second in light foregoing statements, investigation objection would make withdrawal possible, third, as ultimate alternative, earnestly request fairness me, hold matter abeyance, until arrival Washington middle January. Concluding Exposition mission Asia, leaving Bombay December twentieth. Not going to Durbar. Please wire here before fifteenth nature objection. Write care Consul Marseilles. Just as sending message, informed opposition due report I advocate Japanese exclusion. Have never any shape form expressed entertained such view." On the morning of December 12th, Barrett received the following message direct from Secretary Hay, dated Washington, the 11th, 7.45 P. M: "There is not a slightest imputation on your honor or standing, but the President direct me to repeat my advice to cable declination at once. It is in your own interest." In answer to this message, there was no alternative but to reply, in view of Barrett's complete confidence in the President and Secretary Hay, as follows: "Personal. Answering last message cabling formal declination. Leave everything your hands. Arriving America middle February, departing Bombay January tenth. Attending Durbar and Delhi Art Exhibition interest Exposition, unless you advise otherwise. Write Consul Aden." The formal declination referred to was then wired to Secretary Hay as follows: "While appreciating greatly honor decided justice execution Exposition mission must decline Japanese post." Later Barrett found himself placed in such an embarrassing position by all sorts of conflicting reports appearing in the Asiatic papers, and by inquiries asked and telegraphed, and having not yet been informed as to the exact nature of the objection to him, that he cabled Secretary Hay December 17th as follows: "View personal ignorance and embarrassment conflicting reports Asiatic papers, please cable confidential information exact nature objection appointment, also what you gave press regarding declination." At Bombay Barrett received the following reply from Secretary Hay, dated Washington the 17th: "Department not responsible for newspaper rumors. Have denied story of Japanese protest and have announced through the press that you declined on account of your obligations to complete work of Exposition."6 Dec 21 1902 ANDREW CARNEGIE, 5 WEST 51ST STREET, NEW YORK. [*Ack'd 12-24-1902*] Here's a right good New Year greeting to you Nothing to say Mr. President; nothing to say! Cooper Union Audiences are the pick of the intelligent masses, what they see, the masses see later — The American idea will not die Mr President No subject races under our flag. No Imperialism only Americanism will live here Again Happy New Year Andrew Carnegie[*[For enc. see ca 12-19-02]*]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. December 21, 1902. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Assistant Secretary to the President, Rapidan, Va. (Secure prompt delivery to Mr. Loeb on President's special train, or otherwise.) Deliver promptly the following: "The President, [Rapidan, Va.] Important despatches from White and Brown but no action needed until to-morrow. The European powers would accept Hague if you insist. Venezuela strongly objects to Hague and wants you. No answer needed from you and no necessity for cutting short your visit. John Hay." Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary. Official. (Secretary Hay's message to be enciphered.) [*Se state 12/21/02*]MARVINE LAKES ARE THE SECOND LARGEST BODIES OF WATER IN THE STATE BEST PACK OF HUNTING DOGS IN THE STATE EXPERIENCED GUIDES AND FIRST CLASS STOCK Is Your Collection of Rugs Complete? We Trail Everything. MARVINE * HUNTING * LODGE Goff Brothers, Proprietors Most Comfortable and Best Equipped Headquarters in Colorado. Prepared to Take Large or Small Parties to any Point in the Rocky Mountains . . Meeker Colorado Dec. 21 1902 [*[2]*] THEY ARE SITUATED IN THE WHITE RIVER FOREST RESERVE, RIO BLANCO CO. As to our proposed hunt Mr. Stewart , R.B. Stewart Dear Sir : I have just arrived from my Wyoming hunt. Had a very good hunt although we had some very cold weather. I was hunting with a Mr. Rogers of Hyde. Park. New. York. Jake Borah of Glenwood Springs. was with a Mr. Thompson, of Red Bank. N. J. We hunted from the same camp - we caught seventeen lion. I caught eleven out of the seventeen. The more I run my dogs with other dogs, the better I like them. In regard to your spring hunt; Don't you think you had better have your own air mattresses and sleeping bags? It is a long way to haul stuff and each beds would be less bulky and more comfortable for you. The more I imagine about the country I was talking to you about; The more favorably impressed I am with it; and I think we can have a good hunt then, We will have to haul food in from White River: a distance of about forty miles. I think I can get food at RangelyMARVINE LAKES ARE THE SECOND LARGEST BODIES OF WATER IN THE STATE. THEY ARE SITUATED IN THE WHITE RIVER FOREST RESERVE, RIO BLANCO CO. BEST PACK OF HUNTING DOGS IN THE STATE EXPERIENCED GUIDES AND FIRST CLASS STOCK Is Your Collection of Rugs Complete? We Trail Everything. MARVINE HUNTING LODGE GOFF BROTHERS, PROPRIETORS Most Comfortable and Best Equipped Headquarters in Colorado. Prepared to Take Large and Small Parties to any Point in the Rocky Mountains _____ Colorado ____190 If I can, it will save a sixty mile haul. I wish you would let me know. Just how many will be in the party, so I can tell how many horses to keep in shape. They will have to be in good condition to stand that hunt. Hoping to hear from you soon; I remain, Yours very Truly, (dictated) John B. Goff.[*File*] Washington, D.C. Dec 21st 1902 Mr. President I beg to acknowledge, with my warmest thanks, the receipt, through Mr. Cortelyou, of the personally inscribed copy of your speech at the Banquet recently given in this city in my honor. The kind wordsspoken of me by you on that occasion will always be gratefully remembered by Yr obt serv't. John M. Harlan To The PresidentTELEGRAM [*Received on cipher 2.30 pm and translated by White House, W.L.Jr.*] Washington. Dec 21, 1902 The President- Important dispatches from White and Bowen, but no action needed until tomorrow. The European powers would accept Hague if you insist. Venezuela strongly objects to Hague and wants you. No answer needed from you and no necessity for cutting short your visit. John Hay [*State Dep 12/21/02*]Form No. 2. THE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPANY. ———————— ALL MESSAGES TAKEN BY THIS COMPANY ARE SUBJECT TO THE FOLLOWING TERMS: To guard against mistakes or delays, the sender of a message should order it REPEATED; that is, telegraphed back to the originating office for comparison. For this, one half the regular rate is charged in addition. It is agreed between the sender of the following message and this Company, that said Company shall not be liable for mistakes or delays in the transmission or delivery, or for non-delivery, of any UNREPEATED message, whether happening by negligence of its servants or otherwise, beyond the amount received for sending the same; nor for mistakes, or delays in the transmission or delivery, or for non-delivery, of any REPEATED message beyond fifty times the sum received for sending the same, unless specially insured, nor in any case for delays arising from unavoidable interruption in the working of its lines, or for errors in cipher or obscure messages. And this Company, is hereby made the agent of the sender, without liability, to forward any message over the lines of any other Company when necessary to reach its destination. Correctness in the transmission of message to any point on the lines of this Company can be INSURED by contract in writing, stating agreed amount of risk, and payment of premium thereon at the following rates, in addition to the usual charge for repeated messages, viz: one per cent. for any distance not exceeding 1,000 miles, and two per cent. for any greater distance. No employee of the Company, is authorized to vary the foregoing. No responsibility regarding messages attaches to this Company until the same are presented and accepted at one of its transmitting offices; and if a message is sent to such office by one of the Company's messengers, he acts for that purpose as the agent of the sender. Messages will be delivered free within the established free delivery limits of the terminal office For delivery at a greater distance, a special charge will be made to cover the cost of such delivery. The company will not be liable for damages in any case where the claim is not presented in writing, within sixty days after sending the message. THOS. T. ECKERT, General Manager. NORVIN GREEN, President, ====================================================================================================== Receiver's No. Time Filed. Check. 1 pm Send the following message, subject to the } above terms , which are hereby agreed to. } Washington Dec. 21. 1902 To The President Rapidan, Virginia Important despatches from White & Bowen but no action needed until tomorrow. The European powers would accept Hague if you insist. Venezuela strongly objects to Hague and wants you. No answer needed from you and no necessity for cutting short your visit. John Hay ☛ READ THE NOTICE AND AGREEMENT AT THE TOP ☚ [* see Hay, John 12/21/02*] Chief Clerk's Room. MEMORANDUM. Dec 21, 1902. Dear Mr. Cortelyou: The Secretary directed me to send this as soon as practicable. Nothing was said as to whether it should go in cipher or not. Yet I was putting it in cipher when you called over the phone. Yours Michael. The Commercial Advertiser. ESTABLISHED 1797. 187 Broadway and 5 & 7 Dey Street, EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT NEW YORK, 22d Dec. [*Ackd 12-24-1902*] Dear Mr. President, Some time when you have a moment to spare – if you ever do – I should like to have you look over what I have said of you in the enclosed. It is all "God's truth" as I see it. With heartiest wishes of a Merry Christmas and a Happy and successful New Year I am Yours always J. B. Bishop. To President Roosevelt.For 1 enclosure see ca 12-22-02[*File*] The Catholic University of America. Washington, D.C. December 22, 1902. Mr. President: I wish to thank you very sincerely for the kindness of the appointment of Father McKeon to the Army Chaplaincy. I feel very grateful for the announcement which comes by Mr. Cortelyou's letter of Saturday. With sentiments of deep esteem, I am, Very respectfully, Thomas J Conaty Rector. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, White House, Washington, D.C.EUROPEAN PLAN CABLE ADDRESS "NEWWILLARD" THE NEW WILLARD, [*[Ackd [????paper]*] PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE & FOURTEENTH ST. Washington, D.C. Dec 22 1902 F.S. HIGHT MANAGER To [*Connell*] The President : In accordance with the suggestion made by You during the interview which I had the honor and pleasure of having with You today by the courtesy of Senator Millard I herewith submit a statement relating to the office of U.S. Consul at Juarez, Mexico, for which my Son Mr Ralph S. Connell of New Mexico is an applicant. First. The present incumbent Mr Charles W. Kendrick has held the office for about five years ,EUROPEAN PLAN CABLE ADDRESS "NEWWILLARD" THE NEW WILLARD, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE & FOURTEENTH ST. [*2*] WASHINGTON D. C. _________190 F.S. HIGHT MANAGER Second. On the 1st day of Oct 1901, Mr Kendricks with James D. Pinder and Dr H H Stark leased a Democratic newspaper at El Paso, Texas. Known as the El Paso Daily Times and on the same day a public statement was made in said paper that said parties would conduct the same and would "do their full duty towards the public" Third. From the time of such announcement to the present, editorials and articles from a rankly democratic standpointEUROPEAN PLAN CABLE ADDRESS "NEWWILLARD" THE NEW WILLARD PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE & FOURTEENTH ST. WASHINGTON D.C........................190 F.S. HIGHT MANAGER [*3*] have been frequently and continuously published in the El Paso Times reflecting on the President, the Administration, republican Senators and republican policies. Fourth. The only answer of Mr. Kendricks for taking an interest in and becoming a leader of this Democratic newspaper is that the offensive editorials were not written by him and that he had nothing to do with them and did not approve of them. At the same time no effort is made by him to change the course or policy of theEUROPEAN PLAN CABLE ADDRESS "NEWWILLARD" THE NEW WILLARD PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE & FOURTEENTH ST. WASHINGTON D.C........................190 F.S. HIGHT MANAGER [*4*] paper and he continues by his money and his pen to sustain and build up a newspaper frankly hostile to the President, Republican senators and the republican party. So much for Mr. Kendricks. Now a word regarding my son, Mr. Ralph S. Connell. He is a young man of about 27 years of age - of absolutely perfect habits - good education - exceedingly popular - a natural water full of tact and good common sense with energy unlimited - a true friend and a good republican andEUROPEAN PLAN CABLE ADDRESS "NEWWILLARD" THE NEW WILLARD PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE & FOURTEENTH ST. WASHINGTON D.C........................190 F.S. HIGHT MANAGER [*5*] one of the most ardent and enthusiastic admirers of the President in the entire Nat. Since my service as a member of the 51st Congress I have never been an applicant for a Government position and have never urged an appointment of any kind. In this matter although the position is a small one, I am deeply and intensely interested. I sincerely hope the desired change may be made, With the highest respect, I am your most obedient servant W. J. ConnellDepartment of State, Washington, December 22, 1902. [[shorthand]] Dear Mr. President: - I have received, through Mr. Cortelyou, the letter and clipping from Mr. Straus, which I herewith return. It appears to me that you are doing precisely what he suggests. Yours faithfully John Hay[[shorthand]] DEPARTMENT OF STATE WASHINGTON. [*Ackd 12-24-1902*] Dec. 22, 1902 Dear Mr. President: I am taking the liberty of handing you an address of mine on "The Conception and Realization of Neutrality." I cannot ask you to read it, but I hope you will find two or three minutes in which to read the 13th and 14th pages, which contain some statements that seem to me of great importance; and it would be a pleasureto me to have you read them. Respectfully, David J. HillJ. E. ROOSEVELT. GEORGE C. KOBBE ——— JAMES A. SPEER [*File PPF Pr*] LAW OFFICES OF ROOSEVELT & KOBBÉ, BANK OF AMERICA BUILDING, 44 & 48 WALL STREET. New York, Dec. 22, 1902. [190] George B. Cortelyou, Esq., Secretary to the President, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. Cortelyou:– Your favor of the 20th with enclosures from Hays & Hershfield relating to the estate of Cornelius Roosevelt has been duly received. This is one of those cases where, if Mr. Theodore Roosevelt were not President, it probably would not have been found necessary by Messrs. Hays & Hershfield to bring him into the controversy at all. However, as he has been, it will be necessary to look after it, and as requested by you, I will attend to the matter. Very truly yours, J. E. Roosevelt[*Ackd 12-22-1902 wrote Gov Odelll*] Sixteen Central Park, West Saturday. Dear Mr. President: Today I had a very satisfactory interview with Governor Odell as I promised you to do when I last saw you. The Governor said he feared he should not be able to get over to Washington on the occasion of the Congressional receptionbut that he would come over shortly after January first and have a visit with you and Senator Platt. He seemed to believe that such an interview might be productive of great good to the party and he asked me to communicate this to you. I am, Faithfully Yours, N. N. Stranahan Honorable Theodore Roosevelt[*ENCL IN BISHOP 12-22-02*] [*International Quarterly*] [*ca. 1902*] The Quarterly Chronicle PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S FIRST YEAR JOSEPH B. BISHOP NEW YORK PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT has entered upon his second year of service with an amount of popular support that is incomparably larger than that which he enjoyed when he acceded to the office upon the death of McKinley, and confessedly larger than that which only a very few of his predecessors have been able to command. It is conceded that if the nominating convention had been held this year, he would have been named for reelection without a dissenting voice. The Republican conventions of fifteen States, including the two which case the largest number of votes in the national convention, have pledged themselves formally to his renomination in 1904, giving him assurance two years in advance of the votes of two-fifths of the delegates. All other conventions which were held warmly approved his course as president, there being in no quarter a sign of anything like hostility toward him. Formal pledging two years in advance is a proceeding without precedent in this country. No other president has received like mark of approbation, not even from a single State. It is all the more remarkable in that Mr. Roosevelt was elected vice-president, and no vice-president in our history, who has succeeded to the presidency through death, has been nominated for that office at the close of his term. What are the reasons for this double departure from long-established usage? In seeking these, it is necessary to look for a moment at the circumstances attending Mr. Roosevelt's nomination for vice-president. He was at the time governor of New York, and was certain of reelection to that office in case of his renomination. By his course as governor, he had made himself a powerful personality not only in New York, but throughout the country. It is no secret that as a personality he was too powerful to be satisfactory to the leading politicians of his party. They had found that they could not control him in matters in which his ideas and convictions ran counter to theirs, and they had, in the vernacular of politics, "no use" for him. They feared that a second term in the governorship would make his nomination for the presidency in 1904 as certain as any future event could be, and they were determined to Copyright, 1902, Frederick A. Richardson. [*ENCL IN BISHOP 12-22-02*] RECENT AMERICAN ARCHITECTURE 449 has always seemed that R. H. Robertson's buildings show more feeling for sculpture as a necessary part of the architectural design than do others; but this way of using sculpture is indeed foreign to our modern habits - we have not even France to look for guidance in this; since Wight struggled with the problem in the spirit of the English Gothic Revivalists and produced those studies of natural form with which the now destroyed Academy of Design building was adorned, there has been no other serious attempt of this kind; nor does it appear that that result should be aimed at in a community so self-conscious, so archaeological, so elaborately taught by books and lectures, and so incapable of hammering at the stone fearlessly but with artistic purpose in every blow. In this way a few names of respected artists may be used to explain one's full meaning as to tendencies and as to possibilities in architectural art. To the reader, who thinks that the list of names is but small, it may be suggested that there are several score names in even the most restricted list of men who in this "great aggregate of nations" are trying with more or less determination to express something in their buildings, and also that any attempt at doing comparative justice to the members of that body of workmen would be but dull reading unless a small monograph could be devoted to each. It is to the general result and the general tendency and the signs of the times as each observer sees them that these pages must be devoted.[*ENCL IN BISHOP 12-22-02*] [*International Quarterly*] [*ca. 1902*] The Quarterly Chronicle PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S FIRST YEAR JOSEPH B. BISHOP NEW YORK PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT has entered upon his second year of service with an amount of popular support that is incomparably larger than that which he enjoyed when he acceded to the office upon the death of McKinley, and confessedly larger than that which only a very few of his predecessors have been able to command. It is conceded that if the nominating convention had been held this year, he would have been named for reelection without a dissenting voice. The Republican conventions of fifteen States, including the two which case the largest number of votes in the national convention, have pledged themselves formally to his renomination in 1904, giving him assurance two years in advance of the votes of two-fifths of the delegates. All other conventions which were held warmly approved his course as president, there being in no quarter a sign of anything like hostility toward him. Formal pledging two years in advance is a proceeding without precedent in this country. No other president has received like mark of approbation, not even from a single State. It is all the more remarkable in that Mr. Roosevelt was elected vice-president, and no vice-president in our history, who has succeeded to the presidency through death, has been nominated for that office at the close of his term. What are the reasons for this double departure from long-established usage? In seeking these, it is necessary to look for a moment at the circumstances attending Mr. Roosevelt's nomination for vice-president. He was at the time governor of New York, and was certain of reelection to that office in case of his renomination. By his course as governor, he had made himself a powerful personality not only in New York, but throughout the country. It is no secret that as a personality he was too powerful to be satisfactory to the leading politicians of his party. They had found that they could not control him in matters in which his ideas and convictions ran counter to theirs, and they had, in the vernacular of politics, "no use" for him. They feared that a second term in the governorship would make his nomination for the presidency in 1904 as certain as any future event could be, and they were determined to Copyright, 1902, Frederick A. Richardson.[* [ENCL IN BISHOP 12-22-02] *] ROOSEVELT'S FIRST YEAR 451 prevent it if possible. They did not dare to oppose his renomination directly, so they hit upon the device of shelving him in the office of vice- president, feeling sure that in that position he would be so far removed from the public gaze that his popularity would wane if not disappear entirely. Mr. Roosevelt's most devoted friends saw through this scheme and did their utmost to thwart it. When the national convention assembled in Philadelphia, they went there resolved to do everything possible to prevent his nomination, but they found themselves powerless because of his overwhelming and irresistible popularity among the delegates, especially those from the West. So great and dominating was this popularity that there was scarcely a moment during the preliminary sessions of the convention when that body was not in danger of a stampede to Roosevelt for the first place on the ticket. Everyone who is familiar with the temper of that convention will admit that nothing but the fact that a great majority of its delegates came to it virtually pledged to McKinley prevented it from nominating Roosevelt by acclamation in an outbreak of uncontrollable enthusiasm. They were loyal to McKinley, but their hearts were for Roosevelt. The inevitable consequence of this was that Roosevelt could not refuse absolutely to accept second place without injuring his party. To do so would be to dampen the enthusiasm of its workers, and to send them disappointed and half-hearted into the campaign. The politicians who wished to get rid of him were able, as they supposed at the time, to accomplish their purpose through the irresistible enthusiasm of his admirers. It may well be that the politicians added fire and fury to this enthusiasm by arts in which they are past masters; but if it had not existed in the first place, they could not have used it to carry their point. It should be borne in mind, therefore, in considering President Roosevelt's strength before the country today, that he was a very popular man when he entered the vice-presidency—had, in fact, an amount of popular following which made him a formidable candidate for the presidency. In this respect he differed radically from the usual nominee for second place. It had been, previous to his nomination, the almost invariable custom to select for second place some man who had not been thought of for first place, but whose nomination would for one reason or another strengthen the ticket in a particular State or section. Very often the nomination was made carelessly by a convention thoroughly exhausted with the work of nominating a candidate for first place. More than once a candidate has been put into second place in this way who has proved subsequently to be a dead weight on the ticket. Mr. Roosevelt[* [ENCL IN BISHOP 12-22-02] *] 452 JOSEPH B. BISHOP was not in this category, and is not surprising that he should be the first vice-president to succeed to the presidency who, from the moment of his entrance upon that high office, was regarded as almost certain to be chosen to the presidency at the end of his term. The one doubt that disturbed the public mind in relation to him when he became president was as to his steadiness. His critics had dwelt so persistently upon his impulsiveness, his disposition to pugnacity, and his impatience of guidance by others, that they had created a quite general impression that he was in some respects an unsafe man to trust with great responsibilities. His impressive words on taking the oath of office did much to allay this uneasiness, and his conduct since that time has done a great deal more by showing that those words embodied the dominating spirit of the man. "I desire to state," he said, "that it shall be my aim to continue absolutely unbroken the policy of President McKinley for the peace, prosperity, and honor of our beloved country." No fair-minded person can study the record of his first year in office and deny that he has kept this pledge in spirit and in letter. He began by calling the members of President McKinley's cabinet together and requesting every one of them to continue in his service. Since then there have been three changes, but in each instance the member who retired did so of his own volition, because he preferred private to official life, and not because the President wished him to go out. The strong men of McKinley's cabinet, Hay and Root, who did more than all others to shape his policy, who were his closest advisers in all matters of large statecraft, hold the same position in Roosevelt's cabinet and are in as complete harmony with him as they were with his predecessor. The new members who have come in have not disturbed in the slightest degree the even tenor of the administration or caused any deviation in its policy. So far as that policy itself is concerned, it has been carried on unswervingly on the lines laid down by McKinley. I showed, in the Chronicle of the preceding number of the "Quarterly," how completely this has been the case in regard to our new possessions, the Philippines and Porto Rico. Everything that has been done there has been simply the carrying forward of the work which McKinley outlined, and has been carried forward either with the agents whom he selected or by men of the same high type. That great advance has been made is not disputed. The end crowns the work, and the end is peace and steady progress toward civilization and ultimate self-government. In regard to Cuba, great progress was made there till Congress blocked the efforts of the President to fulfill literally the pledges of McKinley and carry forward his policy to its generous and just fruition. For broken faith there, not only toward[* [ENCL IN BISHOP 12-22-02] *] ROOSEVELT'S FIRST YEAR 453 McKinley's policy, but in respect to the nation's plighted word, Congress is solely responsible. As a peacemaker, this strenuous and impulsive president has accomplished some really notable results. When he came into office, the Sampson-Schley controversy had been raging for several years and had attained a degree of acrimony that was doing infinite harm to both branches of the military service. It has demoralized discipline in both the army and the navy, and had divided the country into two hostile camps that were daily thrusting the quarrel a little further into politics. Nothing more harmful to the military service than this could be devised. One by one army and naval officers were forgetting the rules and regulations which forbade them to take public part in a controversy affecting fellow members of the service, and were expressing their views in the newspapers and in public speeches with as much freedom as politicians in a political campaign. President Roosevelt by his rebuke to General Miles silenced every offending officer in both branches of the service, and by his action in reviewing at Schley's request the findings of the naval court of inquiry, put an end instantly and forever to the controversy. Scarcely less valuable service was done by him for the discipline and honor of the army when he took personal charge of the accusations of cruel and inhuman conduct against officers and men in the Philippines, and saw to it that the accused were brought to trial and the guilty properly punished. But all other achievements in the direction of peace are dwarfed by the settlement of the coal strike. No task that he had undertaken previously had involved so large an element of political risk as this did. It was an entirely new departure. Nothing like it had ever been done by a president. The great body of conservative opinion in the country had serious doubts about either the wisdom or the justification of the step. He had no authority in law and no precedent to sustain him. He was fully aware of this and he succeeded by never losing sight of the fact that he had neither. He felt moved to act because of the great public need and great public peril involved, and he could not escape the conviction that it was a matter of simple duty for him, as the people's president, to exert all the moral influence he had in the interests of the people. Criticism did not affect him at all, no matter what its source, once he had made up his mind. He did not count the changes of success or failure, and when he was told, as he was repeatedly, that failure would ruin him politically, he went steadily and fearlessly ahead. While both sides to the quarrel repulsed his first efforts and refused to step up to the high ground of public welfare upon which he stood and to which he invited them, he persevered in his appeals to them till both came in the end, if not willingly[* [ENCL IN BISHOP 12-22-02] *] 454 JOSEPH B. BISHOP ingly, at least with recognition of the fact that he had offered to them a way out without surrender. He succeeded in this, as he succeeded in all other like endeavors, by being open and straightforward in all his proceedings. He had no hidden end to serve; he leaned neither to one side nor to the other, but said simply, "I offer you my services as mediator in order that this contest which so seriously threatens the welfare and the peace of the whole country may be brought to an end." His obvious sincerity and singleness of purpose so impressed the whole country and, indeed, the whole world, that the contending forces were fairly compelled to yield to his proposals. The chorus of praise which arose from all quarters of the land, and from all the leading countries of Europe, when success was recorded, was something that no other president had ever received. He himself was unable to comprehend it and thought it undeserved. When it was spoken of in his presence, he said to his intimate friends, "I am being very much overpraised by everybody. I do not deserve it. It really seems to me that any man of average courage and common sense, who felt as deeply as I did, the terrible calamity impending over our people, would have done just what I did." In that modest estimate of what he had done is to be found the secret of President Roosevelt's popularity. He does what he believes to be his duty in every instance, and cannot understand why other men in his position would not do the same. He says, and believes it thoroughly, that it requires only "average courage" to do this; but every close observer of men in high office knows that the amount of courage which the President exhibited in the coal strike was far above the average. He simply refused to count the cost of failure; all he would consent to look at was "the terrible calamity impending over our people." Very few of our public men have shown themselves capable of that amount of courage. They think of political consequences first, and of the public welfare second. Few of them have had that strong human sympathy which is the dominating attribute of President Roosevelt's character. He is a democrat in every fibre of his being, fulfilling literally the original meaning of that word—a man who believes in political and natural equality, as opposed to arbitrary or hereditary distinctions of rank or privilege. His conception of his duty as president is that in his eyes the humblest and poorest citizen is entitled to just as much consideration as J. Pierpont Morgan. Both are citizens of the United States, and he as president of the American people, will accord to one the same measure of impartial justice that he accords to the other. When he asked Booker Washington to dinner, he did not think of his color for a second. He thought of him as a citizen who was performing a great and useful work for the civilization[* [ENCL IN BISHOP 12-22-02] *] ROOSEVELT'S FIRST YEAR 455 tion and advancement of his race, and he was both startled and grieved by the outburst of race prejudice in the South because of his act. He was president not of white Americans alone, but of the whole American people, and he was as far above racial prejudices as he was incapable of injustice. It is this human sympathy that makes President Roosevelt not only a leader of his party, but the most powerful leader that any party has had since Lincoln. When he becomes convinced that the people are deeply concerned about a subject over which he has any power, it immediately becomes a duty with him to take it up. In this manner, during last summer, he took up in his speeches in different parts of the country, the questions of trusts and of tariff revision, not heeding the remonstrances of anybody, either within his party or outside of it, as to the political expediency of that course. He spoke about them with that directness which is his unvarying characteristic, talking in public precisely as he had talked in private about them with his friends; and the result was to allay at once a vast amount of demagogic clamor which had been started for purely partisan purposes. He took the leadership of his party on both these questions and in doing so strengthened it immeasurably before the country. Its success in the recent elections was due in great measure to his course. He convinced the people not only of his sincerity, but of the wisdom of conservative methods in dealing with these problems. One of the most striking evidences of the political wisdom of his conduct was the effect which his recommendations about trusts had upon the more violent leaders of the opposite party. They went at once to flat socialism as the only course left open for them to follow. In doing this, they confirmed his view of the case. It was his human sympathy with the people that prompted him to advocate conservative but unswervingly just treatment of the trusts. He foresaw that the worst sufferers from violent and unjust assault upon them would be the masses of the people. A reaction in national prosperity, a sudden shrinkage in values, due to failure in the crops or to other causes,—anything in the nature of hard times, would furnish the golden opportunity of the demagogue for a violent assault on the trusts, and such an assault, supported by an unreasoning outbreak of popular wrath, would mean incalculable disaster to the common people. The trust magnates could weather the storm in safety, great capitalists can always do that, but the masses of the people could not. Destruction of the trusts, of the great combinations which not only secure dividends for thousands and hundreds of thousands of small holders of stock but give employment to hundreds of thousands of men, would be a national calamity of really appalling proportions. If[* [Encl in Bishop, 12-22-02] *] 456 JOSEPH B. BISHOP he could prevent that, surely President Roosevelt would be doing a great service to the people. He would not have been Theodore Roosevelt had he not first felt this peril as a possibility of the future, and having felt it, done his utmost to ward it off. The Coal Strike. The coal strike which was ended through the intervention of the President in October last was not only the most serious contest of the kind this country has ever known, but the most serious that the world has known. Other strikes have involved a larger number of men and have entailed nearly or quite as much financial loss, but none has affected the people of the entire country to anything like the extent which this one did, simply because none stopped the production of what has come to be regarded as a necessity of life. Of course anthracite is not an absolute necessity of life. If the supply were to be exhausted this year, substitutes for it as fuel would be found. The world would have to learn to get on without it; but so long as people regard it as a necessity, and so long as they know it exists and can be obtained, they will not submit to having the supply cut off without protest, more or less violent, according to their needs and sufferings. That virtually all the people did believe in October that anthracite was a necessity both to their comfort and their health, is not to be questioned. They believed it so implicitly that nothing which could be said to the contrary had any appreciable effect upon them. Their conviction was so strong that the mere threat of a coal famine sent a panicky feeling throughout every large city in the land. In the country districts a sufficient supply of wood could be obtained, but in the cities there was little or no hope of doing so. Bituminous coal was an insufficient substitute because nearly all existing heating apparatus was not adapted to its use. Without anthracite, every household in a large city was threatened with discomfort and peril. It came about, therefore, that the whole population had an intense personal interest in the strike based upon two very strong reasons—first, danger to their individual well-being; and, second, a heavy tax upon their resources to meet the higher cost of fuel of any kind. In estimated cost the coal strike exceeded greatly that of any previous strike in this country, even taking the most conservative figures. The highest estimate is $142,500,000, of which about $30,000,000 is in wages of employés, and $55,000,000 to operators in price of coal. The rest is divided among the railways, business interests in the coal regions and elsewhere, expense of maintaining troops, damage to mines and machinery, and similar items. The lowest estimate is about $120,-[* [Enc. in C. E. Smith 12-24-02] *] [* [12-22-02] *] ======================================== The Philadelphia Press ———— PUBLISHED DAILY AND WEEKLY. ————— SUBSCRIPTION RATES. The price of THE PRESS is one cent per copy Daily and five cents per copy Sunday. THE PRESS is served by carrier Daily for six cents per week; Daily and Sunday eleven cents per week, or by mail to any address in the United States, Canada or Mexico for twenty-five cents a month or three dollars per year Daily; $2.50 per year Sunday, or $5.50 per year Daily and Sunday, payable in advance. WEEKLY PRESS, $1.00 per year Remittances, Drafts, Checks; Post Office Orders and Express Orders Should be Made Payable to the Order of THE PRESS COMPANY, SEVENTH AND CHESTNUT STREETS, PHILADELPHIA. Metered at Post Office at Philadelphia, Pa., as second class matter. ===================================== WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 24, 1902. ===================================== WHY NOT THE SUPREME COURT? President Roosevelt is the arbiter in the Venezuelan case upon whom England and Germany are plainly disposed to insist. A final decision awaits negotiation. But it is clear that if England and Germany persist in a hostile blockade and offer no alternative but arbitration by President Roosevelt the Government at Washington may be forced to decide that arbitration by its head is less perilous than a war, of whose outcome no man can speak with certainty and no American can contemplate with serenity. A war never leaves either nations or issues where it finds them, and there is much in the relations of the United States to European nations, to American countries and to the issues growing out of these relations which it is not wise to bring to a premature decision by war, or even through the hazards and the utterance of prolonged negotiation. The Venezuelan situation must be quieted, and this at the earliest moment consistent with the past policy of the United States and its growing responsibilities in the future. Arbitration is the best solution. Arbitration by whom? There are obvious disadvantages to the United States in the selection of President Roosevelt and in his acceptance, just as there are advantages as obvious to England and Germany in proposing arbitration by him. No one yet knows, or can know until the text of the notes of the Powers is published, whether these Powers propose arbitration by President Roosevelt, by the President of the United States or by Theodore Roosevelt. Whichever definition be selected, difficulties at once arise. The United States is a party at interest, having itself claims against Venezuela. The Government at Washington would necessarily be embarrassed in its diplomatic action, not alone with Venezuela, but with other countries and in future complications, if its head is liable to be asked to arbitrate. Having accepted once, our President would be asked again. No Government could pass without public consideration the disregard by either party of a decision by its head, most of all if this disregard came from a country on whose behalf it had asked arbitration and the integrity of whose territory it guaranteed. Arbitrations are not decided in a day. Suppose President Roosevelt's term ends while the case is pending, does Theodore Roosevelt carry the case to Oyster Bay or does his successor take up the work? What effect would a decision have on the position of the United States as the guardian of the Western world? Can this country wisely guard and judge? Is it wise to confound executive and judicial functions? Precedents doubtless exist: but they are in small cases. All realize that if this case goes to President Roosevelt a momentous step would have been taken along a long and unknown path, on which no backward steps can be taken. Yet no one of these objections, least of all the last, is conclusive. The United States cannot pause in its traditional policy of leadership and control on this hemisphere because there are difficulties in the execution of its duties. Analogous duties have been solved in the past. They will be in the future. If to maintain the place and position of the United States in excluding European influence and interference in North and South America it is necessary for President Roosevelt to act as arbiter in the Venezuelan question the responsibility must be accepted. Fronted with this duty, President Roosevelt made the natural and normal proposal of urging The Hague tribunal. This consorts with our policy. It subjects a great dispute to a permanent tribunal. It imposes no obligation, implied or expressed, as to the award. The responsibilities of all concerned are equal, the United States pleading for arbitration, the two European Powers and Venezuela. There is this patent objection, however: The Hague tribunal is primarily European in organization. The United States in its protocol in signing the convention carefully emphasized our national policy of separation from European complication and interference. While the United States and Mexico have just laid a case before The Hague tribunal, this country as a matter of policy and principle prefers American arbitrators for American issues. It would not be desirable on many accounts for it to become the rules for American issues to seek adjudication before European arbitrators. They are all, however impartial they may be personally, inevitably affected and influenced by national relations, European influences and the diplomacy of the Old World. ===================================== The Philadelphia Press ———— PUBLISHED DAILY AND WEEKLY. ————— SUBSCRIPTION RATES. The price of THE PRESS is one cent per copy Daily and five cents per copy Sunday. THE PRESS is served by carrier Daily for six cents per week; Daily and Sunday eleven cents per week, or by mail to any address in the United States, Canada or Mexico for twenty-five cents a month or three dollars per year Daily; $2.50 per year Sunday, or $5.50 per year Daily and Sunday, payable in advance. WEEKLY PRESS, $1.00 per year Remittances, Drafts, Checks; Post Office Orders and Express Orders Should be Made Payable to the Order of THE PRESS COMPANY, SEVENTH AND CHESTNUT STREETS, PHILADELPHIA. Metered at Post Office at Philadelphia, Pa., as second class matter. ===================================== New York Office, Room 187, World Building, "The Press" is for sale in New York at 7 o'clock every morning at the leading newsstands. ===================================== MONDAY, DECEMBER 22, 1902. ===================================== THE PRESIDENT AS ARBITRATOR. The proposal of England and Germany that President Roosevelt shall arbitrate the difficulties with Venezuela is mighty interesting and suggestive. The first idea of the President to refer the disputed questions to the Hague tribunal is in some respects better. But as a counter-proposal the offer of the European Powers is adroit and significant. It involves much and is worthy of most attentive consideration. First of all the proposal carries a very high compliment to the President. It indicates that, notwithstanding his special relations to American questions, the European Governments have full confidence in his fairness and mental and moral rectitude. It proclaims that they are willing to leave their case and their claims in his hands. It shows that they are ready to commit American issues to the United States and to its President. There is a suggestion in some quarters that they have a sinister design. This reflection, we believe, is groundless. There is no reason to doubt their good faith, but every reason to trust it. Yet the proposal ought not to be accepted without careful consideration. "The Press" has already, on the day following the offer, suggested some reasons why it should be measured before being adopted. In the very nature of the case the United States holds a special relation to the nations of this continent. Our position of primacy among American Republics involves duties of friendship and of counsel—sometimes, perhaps, of admonition and of restraint. It may seem better that the function of adviser and the function of adjudicator should be kept separate. If we are to be the leader of American nations, it may be wiser not to be put in the position of the judge. For this reason, with all that it implies, we think that the President's proposal of arbitration through the Hague tribunal is the more expedient. There is no valid reason why it should not be accepted. But if England and Germany still object to it, and still insist that the President shall be the arbitrator, we know of no conclusive reason why he should shrink from it. This nation does not hesitate to take great responsibilities. We have taken them during the last five years—-taken them when we were not altogether sure—and we have lost nothing by it. We have met duties and obligations as they came to us, and the nation which rightly and bravely does and dares, with conscience and justice, need not fear. The great Republic has no need to assert itself unduly. The logic of its position is invincible. The acknowledged hegemony of the Western Hemisphere, far beyond now, is sure to come to us in the ripeness of time. We have no occasion and no desire to precipitate it. It will follow the course of development. If the President shall consent to become the arbitrator of the Venezuelan difficulties we may be sure that, with the very best counsel at his command, he will hold an absolutely impartial hand. He will do exact justice between the contending parties, wherever the judgment may fall. He will hold the scales with even balance without reference to the beyond. But without any thought of any purpose some consequences will follow. While there are some drawbacks the assumption of the position of arbitrator by the President, with the consent and desire of both sides, will emphasize the leadership equally by Europe and America. If it imposes burdens, it will augment influence. It will add the responsibilities of judge to the moral power of unselfish friendship. And so while the President ought not to seek he need not shrink from the duty. In the evolution of national life and of continental progress the mission of the United States is to grow larger and larger, and we cannot falter under the obligations.[*[Enc. in C.E. Smith 12-24-02]*] [*[12-22-02]*] must be accepted. Fronted with this duty, President Roosevelt made the natural and normal proposal of urging The Hague tribunal. This consorts with our policy. It subjects a great dispute to a permanent tribunal. It imposes no obligation, implied or expressed, as to the award. The responsibilities of all concerned are equal, the United States pleading for the arbitration, the two European Powers and Venezuela. There is this patent objection, however: The Hague tribunal is primarily European in organization. The United States in its protocol in signing the convention carefully emphasized our national policy of separation from European complications and interference. While the United States and Mexico have just laid a case before The Hague tribunal, this country as a matter of policy and principle prefers American arbitrators for American issues. It would not be desirable on many accounts for it to become the rule for American issues to seek adjudication before European arbitrators. They are all, however inevitably affected and influenced by national relations, European influences and the diplomacy of the Old World. An American arbitration for American issues is on all accounts desirable, if it can be secured. Objections may exist to President Roosevelt's accepting the proposal that he should be arbitrator; but what objection can exist to the acceptance of the principle of arbitration by this country and the proposal that the issue be referred, not to President Roosevelt, but to a member of the Supreme Court? Its members have already sat in international tribunals. The Anglo-American arbitration treaty provided for a selection from the court. One of its members is on the list of The Hague arbitrators. The Supreme Court is known to all the world. Its decisions and its judges command an universal respect. If the judge originally chosen as umpire were removed by death midway another could be selected. There is no term to expire. A co-ordinate branch of the Government, the decision of one of its members can raise no embarrassment for the diplomatic and executive action of the Government. Issues, diplomatic and judicial, legal and international, would be kept apart. When a decision was reached action upon it would come before all concerned, including our Government, free from all entanglement. Any arbitration is better than none. Arbitration by President Roosevelt would be preferable to the perils of inaction. The Hague tribunal is far preferable to the prosecution of war by European Powers on a weak American State. But a general consent to arbitration by a member of the Supreme Court gives arbitration without any valid objection. The entire issue is instantly lifted above the stormy and selfish turmoil of international disputes to the serene air of a tribunal which for 118 years has passed upon great questions and held the balance of justice between States, associated in the Union, any one of whom is of a larger importance in the work of civilization than Venezuela. The world, and most of all, the world of the Americas, will be led to look on the Supreme Court as the natural tribunal of last resort on American issues. Character, position, training and tradition fit its members for this great task far better than the course and career which lead to the presidency, high as that post is. It is natural in European countries to turn to the head of the state for an arbitrator in international affairs. This course may be necessary and more wise than any other now; but it is our tradition and our policy on supreme judicial issues to turn to a court whose membership our fundamental law establishes in an independence elsewhere unknown.Pennsylvania Railroad Co. Office of the President. Philadelphia, December 23rd, 1902. [*Ackd 12-27-1902*] [[shorthand]] [*C*] Dear Sir: I take pleasure in enclosing you herewith an Annual pass for the coming year. Very respectfully A J Cassatt President[[shorthand]] [*Ack'd 12/24/02*] Custom House. Surveyor's Office. New York. December 23th, 1902. Dear Mr. Cortelyou: I intended when I was in Washington to speak to the President concerning Colonel Williams A. Pledger of Georgia as a man who is admirably qualified in his ability as a lawyer and his public experience, for the post of Minister to Liberia. Colonel Pledger is one of the Southern Republicans who can be depended upon. He is [a lawyer] of good rank and actual ability and wide experience as a lawyer; he is naturally diplomatic and has sound sense and good judgement, and I think would be of all the Colored men I know the best man to take up this position, concerning which the President has found so much difficulty. I realize that the President wants to appoint Northern Negroes instead of Southern, in which I think he is right, and it is only because of Pledger's superior fitness for this position that I feel it my duty to call him to the President's attention. Sincerely yours, James S. Clarkson. Mr. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington.TELEGRAM. [[shorthand]] White House, Washington. [*Wrote Senator Scott 12-23-1902*] 2 WU. SS. RQ. 20 Paid - 1:32 p.m. Cleveland, Ohio December 23, 1902. Hon, George H. Cortelyou, White House, Washington, D. C. Telegram received. My recollection is that party need is entirely unfit. Senator Scott knows more about him than I do. M. A. Hanna.Alexander Lambert, M.D. 125 East 36th Street. New York Until 9:30 A.M. 1 to 2 P.M. TELEPHONE 699 MADISON. [*Ackd 12-27-1902*] [*2*] Dec 23 1902 Dear Theodore I saw the two caribou heads crated up & waiting for the express today. You should have them before Sunday. The antlers are not as large as the former ones but are the same type & are good. The color of the scalps is very good indeed being the soft drab at the end of Summer just after the velvet is off the horns. I have just heard from Willis yesterday. I am sorry to say he has not been able to hunt this fall as he has had to drive in his sheep, thirty miles or so away as the crow flies, but owing to a prairie fire he had to make a 170 mile detour. The first snow showed many bear signs just below where he & I so often hunted; judging from the papers of your hunt he concludes it an off year on bears.” Our taxidermist here, Hart, has not a first class black tail head nor a first class white tail head. I have written to Phil Stewart to see what he can do & I shall look around here more. I had hoped Willis could get me one but Claude & his other boy Walter have not got any good heads though they have shot a goodALEXANDER LAMBERT, M.D. 125 EAST 36th STREET, NEW YORK. UNTIL 9.30 A.M. 1 TO 2 P.M. TELEPHONE 899 MADISON. many. The two deer heads should be good ones & I shall keep stirring until I get two good ones that are fit to go in the room. I am anxious to see you & to hear about your bear hunt & to tell you about Willis though you must have heard a good deal of it from John McIlhenny. John was an ideal companion in camp & now that I know Willis' peculiarities I wish I could go off with them again & I know we would have better luck. Elliot Corodin has a ranch down in S. W. Colorado where the bears are a nuisance & are plenty I shall talk to his partner when he comes on here & let you know about it in case you can get away in the spring after Congress closes. A merry Xmas & a Happy New Year to you all from Mrs Lambert & myself. Faithfully Yours Alexander Lambert[For 1 attachment see Lambert 12-23-02][*12-23-02*] [*Ackd 12-27-1902] PERSONAL AND PRIVATE. ST. GEORGE'S RECTORY, 209 EAST I6TH ST My dear Mr. President: The spirit moves me to write to you, and I know you well enough to be very sure that you will take what I say in good part, and believe that however you may disagree with what is on my mind, you will give it your kindly consideration. I have had unusually good opportunities during the last eighteen months to learn something of the feeling of our country in the Far West and Middle west. I have spoken in over a dozen great universities, and have traveled somewhat extensively; and I feel it borne in on me with the force of an absolute conviction that by the providence of God you stand before the country to-day in a position that no president of the United States has ever occupied before. You are where you are by a most remarkable course of events, over which you seemed to have little control. You are where you are, in spite of bitter party opposition, You are to-day not simply the president of a great country, but you have captured to an extent that is marvellous the personal admiration and respect of the men, poor and rich, who are between the ages of twenty-one and forty. You have won their The President, #2 ST. GEORGE'S RECTORY, 209 EAST 16TH ST confidence. You stand to them for what an American ought to be. They admire your aims, they trust your character, they absolutely believe in your integrity. They know pretty generally that you are opposed bitterly by the hyper-conservative elements and also by the worst elements in both political parties. I think I can say that for many years I have watched your course with thankfulness to God. I think I also understand one of the chief factors that has constantly ruled your action. You believe a man should work with his party and in his party, should lead his party, and in order to lead his party he must not allow himself to get too far ahead of his party. You have as a warning set before you the experience of Mr. Cleveland, of course. You don't want at the end of your term to be without a party; and yet, I think I say truly that if you believed a moral issue was at stake, the matter of second-term would not sway you for an instant. Now in Washington the people that are round about you are, from the nature of the case, men who look at things from the political point of view. They are not always the strongest men, nor even are they the best informed men in the country.The President, #3 ST. GEORGE'S RECTORY, 209 EAST 16TH ST They are cautious, they are timid; their aims are the aims of politicians - believe me, I do not use the word in any unworthy sense. They do not always see the bigger movements of things. They do not get the general proportion of things. They are looking at things from too close a point, too close to focus their eyesight accurately. Your message satisfied those people, I suppose, but I believe it has been more or less of a disappointment to the vast host who are men, and American men, before they are party men - the youth of the land who are your true backers, who would follow you and who, in my judgment, are infinitely stronger than both parties put together. I think your message disappointed a little hundreds of thousands of these because it somehow lacked the ring of your speeches. I know it may be said that this was necessary because it had to be a re-hash of those speeches. Yet I do believe that the issue made with such admirable clearness by the Attorney General and yourself, the imperative need of publicity of Trust accounts, might have been made in that message one clear, luminous issue. It cannot be charged, I think, that it was too radical an issue. I know full well that the best men, and some of the very strongest men in the East, believe that it is a reasonable issue, But the troubleThe President, #4 ST. GEORGE'S RECTORY, 209 EAST 16TH ST with these men in the East is that, while they may hold that opinion individually, they are loathe - far too loathe - to break line; and they won't go back on each other. It is the business of the President of the United States to lead. I don't think you quite fully estimate how superb are your chances of leadership, and how faithful to that leadership multitudes of men in the United States, are at this moment prepared to be. There was an ebb and flow about the message, a talking round the question, a give and take about it, that somehow missed, it seemed to me, the point. I know we have to go slowly, but I believe that this one thing made supremely the issue, will eventuate in immense moral results; in results socially and politically sound and good. It seems awfully conceited for a man situated as I am to talk in this way, and I only venture it because I know you to be a man so big of soul and so kind of heart, that you will not misunderstand even a blundering effort to help the Great Cause - though I may be only the colonel of a regiment, and you the brilliant Commander-in-Chief, With sincere affection and respect, Yours always to command, W.S. Rainsford December 23, 1902.[*Important & Confidential W Emlen Roosevelt*] [*PPFPr Ackd*] P. O. BOX 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, December 23rd, 1902 My dear Theodore:-- In struggling over the complicated affairs of Cornelius, I am brought in contact with a certain Gertrude Beverly Motley, who was a daughter of Beverly Robinson, and married a Mr. Motley - whether he be dead or divorced, I do not know. She has brought a claim of some $25,000 against Cornelius' estate, and is endeavoring to involve you and other members of the family in proceedings she has brought to collect her claim, apparently in the hope that we would help to have her paid, rather than have our names appear with hers. I believe she is as tough a lady as you will find I am quite confident she was Cornelius' mistress, and I think, the mistress of several other men, probably, at the same time. Her claim, I fear, was founded on some gambling transaction, or perhaps something worse. I consider it very important, if possible, to arm myself with as full a knowledge of her history as I can. It has occurred to me, that perhaps, this can be done by the secret agents of the Government, more thoroughly than any other way, as they are undoubtedly in touch with the secret service agents of the foreign governments. Mrs. Motley lived for a number of years in Paris, and I believe a large part of the time her address was, 73 Avenue Kleber. Can you help me in this matter, and get at her secret history. I dislike this kind of work, but with the attitude she has taken, I think it is desirable for all of us that I shouldP. O. BOX 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, be able to deal with her with a pretty firm hand. With much love, I am Very truly yours, W. Emlen Roosevelt The President, Washington, D. C.not easily recover; and this would be a misfortune of incalculable magnitude. I am, my dear Mr. President, Sincerely yours C. Schurz Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. [*For 1 attachment see White House memo 12-23-02*] 24 East 91 St New York 23 December 1902 [*Ackd 12-26-1902*] My Dear Mr. President I feel so strongly on the question of your accepting the position of arbitrator in the Venezuela case that I cannot refrain from submitting a few observations, even at the risk of appearing to intrude. If I do, I ask your pardon. My excuse is that the more I think of it, the more firmly I become convinced that your acceptance of that position in the present instance would draw after it consequences in the highest degree is known to the republic and possibly involve it incomplications positively calamitous. I do not doubt that the powers urging this responsible task upon you are acting in good faith, but they naturally do not reason from the American point of view. Are there not claims of American citizens against Venezuela that in some way or another might have to be considered by the arbitrator? And if so, would not that fact alone be sufficient to justify, or even to render necessary your declination? The 27th Article of the Hague Convention distinctly makes it the duty of the signatory forces in case a serious dispute threatens to break out between two or more of them, "to remind them both that the the Permanent Court of Arbitration is open to them". It also declares that such an admonition "can only be considered as an exercise of good offices." An admonition of this kind administered on this occasion by the United States in fulfillment of that "duty" could certainly not be regarded in any other light than that of a friendly act. I beg here to suggest that the present difficulty would not only be an eminently fit one to be submitted to the Hague Tribunal, but also that, if in this instance the Hague Tribunal be treated with neglect, the cause of organized international arbitration will achieve a blow from which it maythe proper place would be a great triumph of Amercan statesmanship. I beg to wish for you and yours a most happy Christmas season. I have grave fears that for our friend Butler it may be a sad Christmas time indeed, for Mrs. Butler seems critically worse to-day. Faithfully yours, Albert Shaw. President Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. The advance sheets of the January Review go by this mail under separate cover. [*Ackd 12-26-1902*] THE AMERICAN MONTHLY REVIEW OF REVIEWS 13 ASTOR PLACE, NEW YORK ALBERT SHAW, EDITOR. December 23, 1902 Dear Mr. President: I am sending you herewith an advance sheet of my article in the Century Magazine for January, entitled "The President and the Trusts." The article, you will remember, Gilder asked me to write. It is commonplace, but I hope both lucid and reasonable. I shall send you the sheets of the January Review of Reviews to-morrow. I feel confident you are now in position to shape matters in such a way that the Venezuelan arbitration may be sent to The Hague, where by all means it ought to go. To have induced the parties at issue to arbitrate, and then to have dignified the Hague Tribunal, and at the same time relieved yourself and this country, by sending the arbitration to [*Look up correspondence*] GOVERNOR JAMES B. ORMAN, PRESIDENT. WM. L. DAYTON, DENVER. WILSON D. REID, DENVER. WM. M. NICKERSON, M. D., DENVER. JAMES DOYLE, VICTOR. C. L. STONAKER, SECRETARY. State Board of Pardons STATE CAPITOL Denver, Colo., Dec. 23, 1902. To His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington, D.C. Sir:- I have yours of December 19th recommending E. G. Collier for parole, he having been a member of your regiment. I shall take pleasure in referring this recommendation to the warden for his consideration. It may interest you to know that E. G. Collier was sentenced from Las Animas county, Jan. 15, 1900, to a term of eight years for burglary. A full record of this man's career may be had from the inspector's department of the government postoffice services. This prisoner, with a man named Curtis, with a long record of crimes, was implicated in a series of robberies in southern Colorado and New Mexico. Collier, after arrest, made his escape and after a very hard search he was arrested in Los Angeles by P.O. Inspector Waterbury, in October, 1899. At the time of his arrest he stated that he was a native of Alabama and had enlisted under you from that state. I have the honor to remain, Respectfully yours, C L Stonaker secy[*[12-23-02]*] [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 12-27-1902*] GEO. GEBBIE VICE PRESIDENT A. R. KELLER PRESIDENT CABLE ADDRESS GEBBIE SOLE PUBLISHERS THE COMPLETE WRITINGS OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT UNIFORM EDITION GEBBIE AND COMPANY 714 SPRUCE STREET PHILADELPHIA, PA. [[shorthand]] Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir: Relevant to your desire that I put in writing the statement which I made when I called on you, the facts are as follows: It being necessary to have agreements with the five several publishers of the President's writings, we almost failed of fruition, one of the five refusing to join in the agreement, unless the issue was restricted to 1250 copies. We finally accepted this condition, and decided to make one of the handsomest editions of books yet published, the 1250 copies to be divided in the following manner:- First: The Author's Edition, comprising the first 26 copies, signed by Mr. Roosevelt, and to be bound in full crushed red levant with green levant Doublé. Second: The Collector's Edition, comprising of the next 50 impressions, similarly bound but without the President's signature. Third: The Edition de Luxe, comprising the next 500 impressions; 150 bound in full levant, and 350 in three-quarters levant. Fourth: The Royal Edition, comprising the remaining 650 copies bound in three-quarters Bird's Eye Morocco. All the editions are to be of the very finest quality in paper illustrations and workmanship throughout.GEO. GEBBIE VICE PRESIDENT A.R. KELLER PRESIDENT CABLE ADDRESS GEBBIE SOLE PUBLISHERS THE COMPLETE WRITINGS OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT UNIFORM EDITION GEBBIE AND COMPANY 714 SPRUCE STREET PHILADELPHIA, PA. Trusting this statement comprises the information you desire to place before the President, and thanking you for all your kindnesses, I beg to remain, Yours very truly, Ceylon B. Taylor Manager. December 23, 1902Lambert, Alexander, M.D., New York, N.Y. Dec 23, 1902. Two caribou heads should be received before Sunday. Cannot find a first-class black tail head or white tail head, but will keep looking. Is anxious to see the President to talk over the bear hunt. [[shorthand]]attached to Lambert 12-23-02C.F Schurz. C. New York, N.Y. Dec. 23, 1902. Submits reasons for declining to accept the Venezuelan arbitratorship. An acceptance would draw after it consequences in the highest degree irksome to this republic; possibly complications positively calamitous. Have not American citizens claims against Venezuela which would justify, or render necessary, a declination? Thinks the Hague Tribunal eminently fitted to pass upon this case; and if it is neglected now the cause of organized international arbitration will receive a blow from which it may not easily recover; and this would be a misfortune of incalculable magnitude.[*[attached to [?eaheny] 12-23-02]*][*File*] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. December 24, 1902. My dear Mr. Cortelyou : I return herewith papers in regard to the letter written by Senator Hoar. The Secretary of War left Washington on the 12:45 train, and these papers did not reach the Department until after he had left. Very truly yours, M. O. Chance Private Secretary. Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. Enclosures. [*Root in re Philippines: Mabini Case*]CUSTOM HOUSE. SURVEYOR'S OFFICE. Ackd 12-26-1902 NEW YORK, December 24, 1902. My dear Mr. President: I have felt that the Venezuelan question is one of such momentoua importance that I have sought to inform myself in some degree in regard to the dangers involved in it. Not having much personal knowledge in regard to such matters and, therefore, no title to give an opinion regarding it, I have quietly consulted with several gentleman that I knew to be among the highest authorities on international law and especially on all the vexed problems that are constantly arising in regard to the Monroe Doctrine. I venture to give you some pregnant things that I have learned from them. first, if you act as arbitrator, you will be compelled to pass upon and determine a grave question of international law, which is fully stated in the memorandum enclosed. All South American states adhere to this doctrine, and if the gentlemen I consulted are correct, it was unanimously affirmed in the recent Pan American Convention held in Mexico, the United States refusing to vote upon the question. Calvo's view of international law is not accepted by the United States. This makes it a very grave-2- question whether you would care voluntarily to assume a position where your decision would necessarily be in conflict with the opinions held by all Latin American states. Another most striking thing I learn from them is that England and Germany by consenting to submit the question involved to you as President of the United States, have thereby admitted that it is a question for arbitration. If you decline to accept the position of arbitrator, they cannot refuse to submit it to the Hague Tribunal; and compelling them to submit would, as it seems to me, be a greater personal triumph for you than if you were to accept the position of arbitrator. I have been watching the public press very closely, and the general objection - so general as to be nearly unanimous- [to] is so strong against your assuming to act as arbitrator, that I have felt it as my duty to call your attention to the weighty objections I have herein stated. You have doubtless known of them before, but it will do no harm for me to indulge my own sense of duty in writing this letter. The memorandum I enclose seems to me to be unanswerable in support of the opinions that these gentlemen express, and in which I cannot help but concur. Our Government has adhered steadfastly to the requirements of the written constitution, never allowing precedents to be superimposed upon that great charter and become the unwritten law regardless of theletter of the constitution, as the government of England has done, thereby bringing much of insuperable difficulty frequently upon itself. I hope you will pardon me for addressing you on this subject. You will know that it is only from my devotion to your interests.' Sincerely yours, James S. Clarkson Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington. (Enclosure)[*[For enc. see Clarkson Memorandum 12-24-02]*][CLARKSON] MEMORANDUM The doctrine contended for by the South American Republics is crystallized in Calvo's book on International Law. In the Paris edition 1870 (Calvo wrote in French as well as in Spanish) Section 2 reads: "To admit in this regard the responsibility of the governments, "that is to say the principle of a right to indemnity "would be to create an exorbitant and fatal privilege, "essentially favorable to powerful States and noxious to "weaker nations, in a word to establish an unjustifiable ""inequality between citizens and aliens." On the 19th of March, 1902, a law was passed in Venezuela of which articles 12 and 13 as follows: "Art. 13. Foreigners, in the same way as Venezuelans, "cannot claim from the Government of Venezuela compensation "for loss or damage by the agents of armed bodies in the "service of any revolution." "Art. 12. Foreigners, like Venezuelans, have the right "to claim from the Government of the United States of "Venezuela by way of indemnification, all losses or damages "which may be occasioned to them in time of war by "legitimately constituted authorities providing they are "acting in their public character, and these claims shall "be made only by the established procedure of the interior "legislation for proving the truth of the loss and damages "suffered and their just value." [December 24, 1902.] Commonwealth of Massachusetts Executive Department Boston Dec. 24, 1902. [*Copy sent to Secy Shaw 12-26-1902*] [[shorthand]] Dear Senator:- The coal situation is becoming very serious here, probably more so than you are aware. I have made careful inquiry as to what can be done to help solve the difficulty and from all that I can learn I am strongly of the opinion that if the duty on coal was removed at once it would encourage larger shipments of foreign coal, and I hope that you can see your way clear to advocate this action. With the duty off I believe that within sixty days a half million tons will be brought here from abroad. I am satisfied also that with the duty on, the coal producers will be so independent that excessive prices will be charged next summer for the supply to our factories. There is a strike in the New River coal regions in West Virginia on the Cheseapeake and Ohio Railroad, from which source New England formerly received a very large supply of bituminous coal. The output from these mines is only25% of its capacity. This road and the mines are controlled by the Pennsylvania Railroad, and its officers could end the strike at once if they wished to do so. Yours sincerely, W.M. Frome Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, Washington, D.C.[*File ppp pr Ansd.*] Dezember 24th 1902. Mrs. Roosevelt, Madam, Allow me to send with the expression of my very highest respects and admiration for yourself the enclosed Ivory Miniature Portrait. I take this opportunity to wish to the President, yourself and all your family the happiest of Christmas and New Year and hope and wish you will enjoy this little Portrait. The Artist, Mr. Keeling mindful of the great honor paid him accepted no compensation and it is my pleasant duty to give him due credit anysuggestions as to Improvement in likeness he will cheerfully make whenever it may suit your convenience. __ With the renewed assurance of my homage and highest respects I am your most obedient servant N.G. Fischer [*[Fischer]*][*Ackd 12-24-02*] J. W. GODDARD & SONS 98-102 BLEECKER ST. AND 197 MERCER ST. NEW YORK NORTON GODDARD Personal. Dec. 24th, 1902 President Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. My dear President Roosevelt, A few days ago, as you may have noticed in the papers, at a meeting of the New York County Committee, five of the delegates from the 25th Assembly District voted for Birrell for Leader and two, namely - Herbert Parsons and Bronson Winthrop voted for Hawkes, and Hawkes refrained from voting. Amongst those who voted for Birrell were Birrell, George Manchester, Secretary of the County Committee, John a. Weekes, ex-Assemblyman. Their action was treacherous and was directly for the benefit of Senator Gibbs, whose protege Henry Birrell is, and long has been. Henry Birrell is as much Gibb's own as is Tom Hamilton or his man Halpin. Since Birrell's election Charles A. Hess has joined with him. The whole effect of this is bad; it is bad for the 25th Assembly district, and it is bad for your friends. Tuesday night last the Assembly District Committees met in every Assembly District, and in the 25th there was a contest of course between Birrell and Hess on one side and Parsons, Hawkes, Winthrop, Arthur Sturgis and so on on the other side. Birrell and Hess won by two votes. Amongst those in the minority was Elijah, Captain of the 15th election district of the 25th Assembly District. I can answer personally for it that heJ. W. GODDARD & SONS 98-102 BLEECKER ST. AND 197 MERCER ST. NEW YORK _____ NORTON GODDARD -2- is an intensely honest fellow of much better than average ability. He holds a position, I think it is called Deputy Collector, or Assistant Deputy Collector, any way some such place, - paying a salary of say $1500. under Ferdinand Eidman, and of course I do not need to explain to you that he stands in danger of losing his job. Certainly Birrell and Hess will demand it of Eidman for one of their own people. I called on Eidman yesterday morning and I told him what I knew of Keehn's character and ability, and also said that I felt under personal obligations to Keehn for the effective and unselfish assistance that he gave to me when I captured the 12th Congressional district and downed Hess in the Primaries to select delegates to the Philadelphia Convention, which nominated McKinely and you. I said to Mr. Eidman that I thought it very likely that a demand would be made on him for Keehn's place, and I had called to let Mr. Eidman know of my deep interest in Keehn. Eidman responded that he didn't know that any such demand would be made, but I could rest assured it would not be complied with without my being notified and ample time being given me to take an action that I might wish. As matters are in a very bad state here in New York County and getting worse, and I think getting dangerous for me and my friends, I have decided that it was reasonable for me to take the liberty to present the fact to you, though I do not ask for any action at this time in this particular matter, for I do not J. W. GODDARD & SONS 98-102 BLEECKER ST. AND 197 MERCER ST. NEW YORK _____ NORTON GODDARD -3- believe that Eidman will break his word to me. If he should break his work to me I should turn to you for immediate help. Very likely he may dissuade Birrell from pressing any demand for Keehn's place. If, however, he should not, and should notify me that the demand had been made and that he was inclined to yield to it I should then probably come to you for help. In the mean tie, and as a matter of fact at not time will I bring you into it in any way. I am tempted to go on and tell you what I think of the situation here. I am convinced that Senator Platt is as false as Satan to you. I mean actively, in spite of any professions to the contrary. Governor Odell I like personally and respect for his ability, but while he treats me with the most marked outward courtesy he does not take me into his confidence. In his conversations he sometimes tells me some little thing of a confidential nature and then follows it up by telling me he tells me things he doesn't tell anybody else, but so far as anything of the slightest importance is concerned I am "out of it" entirely, and yet my district is the only one in New York City that did not slump in its vote for him, and he knows that you honor me with your friendship. Mayor Low has not use for me at all. I find no fault with what he knew of my desire to be nominated instead of him.J. W. GODDARD & SONS 98-102 BLEECKER ST. AND 197 MERCER ST. NEW YORK _____ NORTON GODDARD -4- Self-seeking is the strongest ingredient in his character, and I don't think that he can be regarded as anybody's reliable friend. He cannot by any possible means be elected Mayor again, if he were nominated, and he should not be re-nominated. If he is I should be in favor of running a third ticket. I have thought over that a good deal, and I think there are some strong reasons in favor of it, looking at the matter entirely from a view of what is best for the City of New York. My idea is that the Republican party in New York City should be the Good Government Party; it could be made so, and that would be not only a great advantage to the Nation but a distinct advantage to New York City, because only this would reform a Mayor have a backing that would make his administration successful and its continuance possible. Governor Odell is to see you early in January and I suppose he will go over matters very fully with you. I would be very glad to see you soon afterward to know what hope there might be that things could be started right in this City. I am more and more eager every day and every month and each year to contribute something to the general good. Your interests come first as being in my opinion most important to the cause in which I have enlisted for life, and I am sure that I have reached a point myself where any interest or ambition of my own I could J. W. GODDARD & SONS 98-102 BLEECKER ST. AND 197 MERCER ST. NEW YORK _____ NORTON GODDARD -5- sacrifice at a moment's notice without turning on a hair, or without even a private feeling of regret. Wishing you and yours a Very Merry Christmas and a Happy and Prosperous New Year, I am, Very respectfully yours, Norton Goddard [For 1 attachement see 12-24-02](Copy) Groote Schuur, Rondebosch, Cape Town. Dec. 24, '02 My dear President: I landed here last night after a delightful 2 months of continuous trip, such as you would enjoy, thro' Rhodesia, in glorious weather, taking note with infinite hope & satisfaction of the evidence of growth of that young country, only now entering its teens, & of what is wanted to accelerate its development. - & among the letters waiting for me I have found one from you asking for any inside information I may have to give it on S. African affairs. Well, having been out of the comparatively limited arena in which the two races are still struggling for mastery, viz: Cape Colony, I have not much news to offer. Rhodesia, the Transvaal, the Orange River Colony, & Natal are all right. The unsolicited assurance of a tough old Boer whom I met in the Transvaal, who told me "We fought against you to the end. We have been beaten & are now the subjects of King Edward. We feel no emnity towards you, but we will not speak with the National Scouts, our own brothers who turned against us. You have nothing to fear from us, bit look out for trouble from them. Men who have been traitors once will be traitors again" represents I believe pretty fairly the attitude of the Transvaal & Orange River Colony Boers. In Cape Colony however the Boer Politicians are plotting to restore their race ascendency - inflated with a narrow, bigoted, & as I think you describe it in one of your essays "a false patriotism," they are straining every nerve, not towards the attainment of a Policy which will make S. Africans a great united people, but to keep alive race distinctions, & to get their own race top dog once more - Personally I hold it wrong to talk any more of Boer & Briton - aiming as we are at race fusion, we should divide 2 conflicting parties into Liberal & Conservatives, Progressive and Tories, or any babel politicians may prefer other than that which divides the people into races - but the Boers are making the adoption of this attitude extremely difficult. At present the Cape Parliament does not faithfully reflect the constituencies, & in the interests of fair representation it is desirable to bring about a general election as soon as possible. It is however to the interest of the Bond Party who, tho' not in office, are in power, to postpone the election until another session will have given them the opportunity to strengthen their position in the constituencies - & the chief interest of the present situation is this - with a compliant minister from a desire to prolong his term of office play into the hands of the Bond & postpone a dissolution, & if so with the Imperial Factor recognising that the present Parliament is a mirror which gives a distorted reflection of the electors, compel the minister to dissolve the result of the general election on the register now being completed will, it is anticipated, give a majority to the Progressives, & that majority will bring Peace and Quiet all over S. Africa. The Rhodes Trustees have sent Dr. Parkin, the late Principal of Upper College, Toronto, to the States to consult with the Educational Authorities there as to the best means of applying the provisions of Rhodes will to the selection of his scholars. He hopes to have an opportunity of consulting you before he attempts to jump on the ice, & I hope you will be so good as to give him an audience. Dr. Parkin is a somewhat verbose gentleman, but he is charged full to the brim with earnestness & enthusiasm, & fully alive to the opportunity which his mission gives him of harnessing to the same end of the rope the English speaking Peoples on either side of the Atlantic & all over the world. With that same object in view, may I claim your attention for a few moments longer on a matter relating to the American Episcopal Methodist Mission in Rhodesia? I think I have already told you that Rhodes give this mission land & buildings3 together worth some $20,000 or more, in the hope of inspanning American energy along with British in the work of substituting civilization for barbarism in Rhodesia. The land referred to includes some 12,000 acres of most beautiful soil, & offers probably a better opportunity than any other site in Rhodesia for the establishment of a really useful experimental farm. The Administration of Rhodesia is sending a young American of the name Odlum, who has charge of the Agricultural Department of the mission, to the U. S., with instructions to visit the States most closely resembling Rhodesia qua soil & climate & examine into the best processes of growing and curing tobacco, with the view of submitting on this return a Report which, I anticipate, will be of great assistance to our Rhodesian farmers, who, altho' tobacco grows like a weed all over Rhodesia, are experimenting in the dark. I shall be greatly obliged to you if you can pass the word to your Agricultural Department that you wish young Odlum to be assisted by every means in their power in his investigations. That in itself will be a most useful & friendly contribution from America to Rhodes' work. I have also informed Odlum that if Bishop Hartzell can obtain from his American friends a donation of from $6,000 to $8,000 to enable him to proceed with the equipment of the agricultural part of the mission, we will lend him another $6,000 on the security of the 12,000 acres of farm land, leaving at least 1000 acres round the mission buildings unencumbered, to provide him with the balance of the capital he requires, to establish a farm which shall be an object lesson to the rest of Rhodesia. I do not wish to come before you as a suppliant for money, - but I cannot help thinking there are many rich men in America who would be glad to avail themselves of the opportunity of helping the American mission to do a big thing in Rhodes' Country, particularly when they know that if the money is not provided to enable 4 Bishop Hartzell to make proper use of the opportunities given him, representations will be made to the Chartered Board to take away the land grant from the American mission, & give it to those who will make good use of it. The land in question is so rich that we cannot allow it to remain idle. You must really forgive me for taking up so much of your time, & believe me, with great respect, Ever truly yours, (Signed) Grey. P.S. I found Dr. Jameson reading the Strenuous Life in bed this morning - & taking notes from it for a speech he is about to make on the political situation out here. Please don't think I wish to disparage in any way the National Scouts many of whom fought until they realized further resistance was useless, & then in the interests of their own people & of humanity helped the Imperial Govt. to finish the war. [For attachment see 12-24-02] but we will not speak with the National Scouts - our own Brothers who turned against us - you have nothing to fear from us - but look out for trouble from them. Men who have been traitors once will be traitors again " represents I believe pretty fairly the attitude of the Transvaal & Orange River Colony Boers. [*Ackd 1-29-1903*] [*EARL GREY*] [[shorthand]] [*Extract sent to Secy Agriculture 1-29-1903*] Dec. 24./02 My dear President. I landed here last night after a delightful 2 Months of continuous trip, such as you would enjoy. thro' Rhodesia, in glorious weather, taking note with infinite hope & satisfaction of the evidence of growth of that young country, onlynow entering it teens & of what is wanted to accelerate its develp't. & among the letters waiting for me have found one from you asking for any inside information I may have to give on S African affairs. Well having been out of that comparatively limited arena in which the two races are still struggling for mastery viz Cape Colony I have not much news to offer - Rhodesia the Transvaal, The Orange River, Colony & Natal are allright The unsolicited assurance of a tough old Boer whom I met on the T'vaal [&] who [had] told me "we fought against you to the end. We have been beaten & are now the subjects of king Edward- we feel no enmity towards you.it is desirable to bring about a general election as soon as possible. It is however to the interest of the Bond Party who tho' not in office are in power to postpone the election until another session will have given them the opportunity to strengthen their position in the constituency - & the chief interest of the present situation is this - with a compliant minister from a service 2 In Cape Colony however the Boer Politicians are plotting to restore their race ascendency - Inflated with a narrow bigoted & as I think you describe it in one of your essays "a false patriotism" they are straining every nerve not towards the attainmentof a policy which will make S Africans a great united people but to keep alive race distinctions & to get their own race top dog once more - Personally I hold it wrong to talk any more of Boer & Briton - Aiming or be an at race fusion, we should divide conflicting parties into Liberal & Conservative, Progressive & Tories, or anything politicians may prefer other than that which divides the people into races - but the Boers are making the adoption of this attitude extremely difficult - At present the Cape Parliament does not faithfully reflect the constituencies, & in the interests of fair representationconsulting you before he attempts to jump on to the ice, & I hope you will be so good as to give him an audience. D. Parkin is a somewhat verbose gentleman but he is charged full to the brim with earnest pep & enthusiasm, & fully alive to the opportunity which his mission gives him of harnessing to the same end of 3 to prolong his term of office play into the hands of the Board & postpone a dissolution. & if so with the imperial factor recognizing that the present Part is a mirror which gives a distorted reflection of the electors, compel the Minister to dissolve.The result of a General Election on the register now being completed will, it is anticipated, give a majority to the Progressives & that majority will bring peace & quiet all over S. Africa - The Rhodes Trustees have sent D. Parkin late Principal of Upper College Toronto to the States to consult with the Educational Authorities there as to the best means of applying the Provisions of Rhodes will to the selection of his Scholars - He hopes to have an opportunity ofof the name of Odlam who has charge of the Agricultural Department of the Mission to the U.S. with instructions to visit the States most closely resembling Rhodesia qua soil & climate, & examine into the best processes of growing & curing tobacco, with the view of submitting on his return a Report which, I anticipate, will be of great assistance to our Rhodesia farmers, who, -4- the hope the English speaking Peoples on either side of the Atlantic & all over the world - With that same object in view, may I claim your attention for a few moments longer on a matter relating to the American Episcopal Methodist Mission in Rhodesia -? I thinkI have already told you that Rhodes gave this Mission land & buildings together with some $20 000 or more, in the hope of inspiring American energy along with British in the work of substituting civilization for barbarism in Rhodesia - The land referred to includes some 12,000 acres of most beautiful soil, & offers probably a better opportunity than any other site in Rhodesia for the establishment of a really useful experimental farm. - The Administration of Rhodesia is sending a young Americanrequires, to establish a farm which shall be an object lesson to the rest of Rhodesia. I do not wish to come before you in any way as a supplicant for money - but I cannot help thinking there are many rich men in America who would be glad to avail themselves of the opportunity of helping the American Mission to do a big thing in Rhode's Country, [*-5-*] altho' tobacco grows like a weed all over Rhodesia are experimenting in the dark - I shall be greatly obliged to you if you can pass the word to your Agricultrual Department that you wish young Odlam to be assisted by every means in their power in [the] his investigations.That in itself will be a most useful & friendly contribution from America to Rhodes work - I have also informed Odlam that if Bishop Hartzell can obtain from his American Friends a donation of from $6000 to $8000 to enable him to proceed with the equipment of the agricultural part of the mission, we will lend him another $6000 on the security of up to 12,000 acres of farm land, leaving at least 1000 acres round the Mission buildings unencumbered, [in order] to provide him with the balance of the capital hemany of whom fought until they realized further resistance was useless & that in the hearts of their own people & of humanity helped the Imperial govt to finish the war. [*6.*] particularly when they know that if the money is not provided to enable Bishop Hartzell to make proper use of the opportunities given him, representation will be made to the Chartend Board to take away the land grant from the American Mission & give it to those who will make good use of it - The land in question is so rich that we cannot allow it to remain idle - You must really forgive me for taking up so much of your time. & believe me, with great respect Ever truly yours Grey P.S. I found S Jameson reading The Strenuous Life in bed this morning - & taking notes from it for a speech he is about to make on the political situation out here - Please don't think I wish to disparage in any way the National ScoutsGebbie and Company, 1710 Markey Street, Philadelphia, PA. [*REMOVED TO 710 SPRUCE ST*] [*File*] December 24, 1902. My dear Sir:- Will you kindly keep the two volumes I have sent you for the President under pressure for a day or two, that is put some weight like a couple volumes on them, as they are not thoroughly dried out. The doubles work on the inside takes a long time to dry thoroughly. We have had the volumes under press now for four or five days, but being very anxious to get them to destination I have had them carefully wrapped and banded. Hoping both yourself and the President will be pleased with your copies, I am Sincerely yours, A. R. Keller Mr. George Cortelyou, Washington, D.C. [* I have had these book in press for three days. Thomas.*][12-24-1902] To the Wild Sheep Christmas Eve 1902. Hail Cimarron, once again all hail! This time 'tis one and twenty years since I The fateful bullet sped that spilled thy life Yet still thou'rt here on Christmas eve As on that day when on the canon's side By times unsparing tryst we met; And though thy bones lie bleaching Mid the Big Horse snows, thy spirit lives today And thy grand form in bronze is made perpetuate. Thou died that thou might'st live; Then hail anew, again I bid thee hail! Edward Kemeys.[Attached to 12-29-02][*PPF pr*] Harvard University Lawrence Scientific School, N.S. Shaler, Dean. J.L. Love, Secretary. Cambridge, Mass., December 24, 1902. [*Ackd 12-26-1902*] My dear President Roosevelt: I have your note of December 22d. I do not think the letter in question is too strong. If the man retains his quality - as I think he does - it will prove no misfit. I go to Washingto when I have to. If there be any way in which I can serve you and thus serve my people, command me. I have known Washington for fifty years, and have served in four Departments. I find now the telescopic view interesting. When you are through your billet - a lustrum or more hence - I shall hope for a long talk about various things high and low. I send you herewith a bit about valor. We have both seen more or less of it in various shapes. I felt called on to speak to these out of uniform. If you read it, tell me in a word what you think of it, or tell John Proctor and he will tell me. Faithfully yours, N.S. Shaler Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, White House, Washington, D.C.For 1 enc. see "Valor" ca 12-24-02The Press. Philadelphia [*Ackd 12-26-1902*] Philadelphia December 24 My dear Mr. President - May I invite your attention to the enclosed editorials - the first from Monday's paper and the other from today's. You will see that I am not alarmed, as some of our friends are, at the idea of your being arbitrator. There are some great advantages in it. Butthere are also some objections. It would not leave you quite as free a hand as you ought to have. If a good alternative can be found it may be better to try it. The second article, which was the result of more reflection, suggests one. Why does not the proposal of a Supreme Court judge as the arbiter meet the requirement? It need not follow the form of the Hague method, but may be a[*[For enclosure see The Press 12-22-02]*] The Press. Philadelphia single judge named by yourself. This keeps an American tribunal, insures expedition, commands universal respect, and leaves you free. If you make this proposal all parties will accept it. It seems to me to secure what you want and what they want without involving the objections which you find to theirplan. The subject in its relations and bearings intensely interests me and this is my excuse for thrusting my views on you. Faithfully yours, Chas Emory Smith To the President, Washington, D.C.CUSTOM HOUSE COLLECTOR'S OFFICE. [*Ackd 12-27-1902*] [[shorthand]] Personal. NEW YORK. December 24, 1902. The President, White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President : Replying to the letter of Secretary Cortelyou of December 19th, enclosing letter of Morris E. Townsend, herewith returned, I beg to say that the letter of Mr. Townsend is so indefinite that I can hardly say whether it is possible to do anything for him, or not. May I be advised more fully as to what employment he would accept or be qualified for? I have the honor to be, Very sincerely yours, N. N. Stranahan [*see Townsend, Morris E. 12/17/02*][*[12-24-02] 107*] -4- nuisance. ---00000--- 3rd Endorsement. OFFICE OF THE CIVIL GOVERNOR. Manila, P. I. November 15, 1902. Respectfully referred to Major Hartigan, calling attention to the 2nd endorsement and to the passage of an act on this general subject by the Commission, a copy of which is enclosed. (Signed) WM. H. TAFT, Civil Governor. (There is nothing in the record to show what act was reffered to here, but it is presumed that it was Act No. 469, part of which is copied in "Exhibit No. 34".) ---00000--- To the Most Excellent and Most Illustrious Deputy of the Holy See in these Islands: The parish priest of Mexico, Pampanga, undersigned, with the greatest consideration and most profound respect, before Your Excellency sets forth: That, desiring to celebrate the coming Christmas season, since such is the wish of his parishioners, who are anxious to continue the old custom of celebrating the same with a novenaary, or nine days of mass, regularly known as "cockcrow masses", and since the undersigned parish priest is forbidden by the Municipal President to ring the bells at the hour of four in the morning: THEREFORE, The said parish priest and his parishioners humbly pray that you will see fit to seek from the Government of these Islands the necessary permission, or the absolute removal of the prohibition above alluded to, which is prejudicial to nearly all the parishioners of this pueblo, who remain good Apostolic Roman Catholics. This is a boon which it is hoped will be obtained from Your Excellency, whose important life your humble servants desire that God shall protect for many years. Temporary Parish House of Mexico, Dec. 10, 1902. (Signed) ISIDORO SARUA Y SALATBAT. ---00000--- 1st Endorsement. EXECUTIVE BUIGRAU. Manila, December 24, 1902. Respectfully returned to His Excellency, the Apostolic Delegate. The question of the ringing of the church bells at such an hour as four o'clock in the morning is a question largely within the control of the municipal council. I Cannot say on the face of things that the action of the council and the president in forbidding the ringing of the bells at four o'clock in the morning is such an abuse of power as to call for extraordinary intervention. It has been held that the ringing of the church bells under certain circumstances could constitute a nuisance, and it must rest in thediscretion of the municipal authoriteis to pass on such questions. (Signed) WM. H. TAFT, Civil Governor. MoBOOKER T. WASHINGTON [*File*] TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE INCORPORATED TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. December 24, 1902. My dear Mr. President : - Sometime within the next ten days it is possible that Mr. Thompson, Mr. Scott, Mr. Aldrich and perhaps Mr. Hundley will call to see you, and I hope you will give their suggestions whatever consideration you can. The more I see of those men the more I am convinced of their wisdom and unselfish work. Yours truly, Booker T. Washington President Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C.Goddard, Norton, New York, N.Y. Dec. 24, 1902. New York politics. Elijah Keehn, deputy collector, may be asked to resign because of his political affiliations -- being classed with the losing faction. If so the President will be requested to intercede in behalf of Keehn. Is convinced that Senator Platt is false to the President. Is treated with the most marked outward courtesy by Governor Odell but in not taken into his confidence. Mayor Low cannot be reelected, and should not be renominated. Would like to see the President after his interview with Governor Odell early in January.[attached to Goddard, 12-24-02][*[12-24-02]*] Grey, Earl, Cape Town, In re Affairs in South Africa: In Cape Colony Boer politicians are plotting to restore their race ascendency; at present Cape Parliament does not faithfully reflect the constituencies. Writer bespeaks an audience for Dr. Parkin, who has been sent by Rhodes' Trustees to consult American educational authorities as to best means of applying provisions of Rhodes' will as to selection of scholars. Also requests that the Agricultural Dept., be asked to extend facilities to a Mr. Odlum, who is to visit America in interest of American Mission in Rhodesia. Dr. Jameson reads "Strenuous Life."[*[attached to Grey 12-24-02]*][*[12-25-02]*] United States Senate. [Washington, D.C.] Indpls Dec 12 [*Ackd 12-27-1902*] Dear Mr. President: Enclosed is the beginning. Anent Venezuela - may it not be possible that England & Germany want to unload on you? May Arbitration not be a thing for you to avoid? I merely suggest - you know best. But if Arbitration, then should you not so accept it that the U.S. must for all time hereafter be recognized as the arbitrator in allinternational disputes concerning this Hemisphere - The suzerain of the Western world? Sincerely Albert J Beveridgewith which I was received by the American officers - most of whom, I fear, are now dead. Though some one told me a short time ago that my old friend, Colonel Lynam, was still living - [*[12-25-02]*] [*Ackd 1-15-03*] Xmas Day 1902 Dear Mr. Roosevelt, Although I have never had the honour and pleasure of meeting you, I trust you will excuse me if I write a line to thank you for a most kind message you were good enough to send to me through our mutual friend, Mr. Strachey. I fear it is impossible for me to visit America, much as I should like to do so.. It is now 38 years since I crossed the Atlantic. I was then present, as a spectator, with Grant's army at Petersburg, and I have a very lively recollection of the kindnessheartily joins & with renewed thanks for your most friendly message. Believe me, Very sincerely yours Cromer [*[Cromer]*] [*2*] Strachey tells me, and I hope it may be true, that there is some prospect of General Wood coming to Egypt next winter. He may be assured of a very warmbe home I take a great interest in the Cuban problem, & I know by reputation what admirable work General Wood has done. in connection with it.. Pray give my kindest regard to Dr. & Mrs Douglas Robinson, should they happen to be with you — in which, I may add, my wife veryis more sincere than your translater who begs you to believe her Respectfully and faithfully yrs Princess F. de Faucigny Lucinge [*[12-25-02]*] 17. Rue Auguste Vacqurie XVI [*Ack'd 1/7/1903*] Paris, Dec. 25th 1902 Mr. President, I hope you will kindly accept this copy of "La Vie Interese" A very poor translation of the "Strenuous Life" let me hope too that you will allow meto send you the other translations of your beautiful books that I intend doing very soon I am glad to have been the means of the expansion in France of the high and lofty views and ideas of a statesman towards whom the eyes of the whole world are turned, and who is the centre of universal admiration. Let me assure you, Mr. President, that amongst your innnumerable admirers, none[*P.F.*] [[shorthand]] [*Ack'd 12/29/1902*] My dear Colonel, Just a line to send my greeting and a happy holiday tide for you. On this Christmas eve we had as usual our illuminated festival to the wild sheep which I tracked and shot just twenty one years ago in the Big Horn mountains. Knowing such things to be one of the bonds of sympathy between us I venture to send you some lines I made and read to the big horned head, over my mantel. Faithfully yours, Edward Kemeys Washington D.C. Christmas 1902. [*Edward Kemeys*][*For 3 attachments see 3-15-02, 10-27-02 & ca. 1902*]TELEGRAM White House Washington [*Ackd 12-27-02*] 12 WU PF JM 101 Paid Govt. 7:12pm Washington , Conn., Dec. 25, 1902. The President. Unless the Venezuelan matter can otherwise be arbitrated I see not great objection to your acting. The burden it will put on you is, I think, the most serious. Do not believe any unpleasant feeling would be engendered by your award whatever it might be and though it would establish a precedent in similar cases, it may be better for us to establish such a precedent than complicated hereafter, by other Powers seeking to collect demands by force. At least this is the way it seems to me upon reflection. With Christmas greetings, C. H. Platt.[*[Ca12-25-02]*] ST GEORGE'S RECTORY, 209 EAST 16TH ST May all happiness and joy be with you and those you love at this Xmas time. By example - and precept you have given of yr very best to your fellows and I believe it shall be given to you again - sevenfold into yr bosom. J.S.R [*[AINSFORD]*] Xmas, 1902[*[12-25-02]*] -155- Reichs = Gesetzblatt. Nr 8. Inhalt: Verordnung, betreffend die Inkraftsetzung des Zolltarifgesetzes vom 25. Dezember 1902. S. 155. (Nr. 3107.) Verordnung, betreffend die Inkraftsetzung des Zolltarifgesetzes vom 25. Dezember 1902. Vom 27. Februar 1905. Wir Wilhelm, von Gottes Gnaden Deutscher Kaiser, König von Preußen K. verordnen auf Grund des § 16 des Zolltarifgesetzes vom 25. Dezember 1902 (Reichs-Gesetzbl. S. 303) im Namen des Reichs, mit Zustimmung des Bundesrats, was folgt: Das Zolltarifgesetz vom 25. Dezember 1902 (Reichs-Gesetzbl. S. 303) tritt mit dem 1. März 1906 in Kraft. Urkundlich unter Unserer Höchsteigenhändigen Unterschrift und beigedrucktem Kaiserlichen Insiegel. Gegeben Berlin im Schloß, den 27. Februar 1905. (L. S.) Wilhelm. Graf von Bülow. Herausgegeben im Reichsamte des Innern. Berlin, gedruckt in der Reichsdruckerei. Bestellungen auf einzelne Stücke des Reichs-Gesetzblatts sind an das Kaiserliche Postzeitungsamt in Berlin W.9 zu richten. Reichs-Gesetzbl. 1905. Ausgegeben zu Berlin den 2. Marz 1905. 24[*Enc. in Adee 3-27-05*][*CA 12-25-1902*] Rainsford, W. T., Rev., New York City. Holiday greetings; friendly expressions; thinks that the need of publicity of "Trusts" might have been made in the President's Message one clear, luminous issue.[*Enc in Beveridge 12-25-02*] [*ca 12-25-02]*] TALK WITH BEVERIDGE HE SAYS THE OMNIBUS BILL WILL NOT BECOME A LAW. Arizona and New Mexico Not Now in a Condition to Entitle Them to Statehood. THE VENEZUELAN QUESTION AMERICAN INTERESTS SAFE IN THE PRESIDENT'S HANDS. Establishment of a Department of Commerce an Important Step- Interesting Gossip. "The omnibus bill, providing for the admission of all the Territories as States, will never become a law," said Senator Beveridge last evening, in talking of the struggle over the question that is now on in the Senate. "The Territories' fight has absorbed the attention of the Senate during the first few weeks of the session, and after the holiday recess it will be resumed with unabated vigor. "The fight is the result of the attempt of Senator Quay and his followers to force through the omnibus bill, admitting New Mexico, Arizon, Oklahoma and Indian Territory into the Union. The committee on territories reported adversely on this bill and introduced a substitute measure providing for the admission of Oklahoma and Indian Territory as one State. Neither New Mexico nor Arizona has a sufficient population, nor a population sufficiently prepared, for statehood. "Arizona has a population all told of 50,000 less than the population of Indianapolis; nearly 30,000 of the Territory's inhabitants are Indians, who are not taxed, and of the remainder some are people of Mexican descent, who speak no English. There are some magnificent Americans in Arizona, and they would make splendid citizens, but they are too few in numbers. Taking the entire population of the Territory there is an average of but one person to the square mile. The chief industry cannot be regarded as a stable basis for population for statehood. Of the 73,000,000 acres of land in the Territory only 185,000 are this year under cultivation, and every acre must be irrigated before it can be farmed. In the course of time, when a better system of irrigation has been successfully introduced, Arizona may be entitled to recognition as an agricultural community. "New Mexico has a population of 195,000, but an immense majority of the people are Spanish-speaking. The criminal courts are conducted almost entirely through the use of interpreters, and it is necessary to use interpreters in conventions and political campaigns. English is taught in all the schools, but Spanish is also taught in most of them. In some of them nothing but Spanish is taught. It would not be just to give these Territories, with such a small population of Americans, equal power in shaping the laws of the Nation with the greatest Sates in the Union. As States each would be entitled to two members of the Senate, placing them on an equal footing with Indiana, or New York, or any other State, so far as the framing of the laws of the country is concerned. "On the other hand, Oklahoma and Indian Territory have a combined population of something like 1,000,000. There are 400,000 people in Indian Territory, and of this number but 87,000 are Indians-a fact that is not generally known. Oklahoma and Indian Territory will make a State about the size of Kansas. These Territories are in excellent condition in every respect. They are growing rapidly in number and character of inhabitants and statehood is not necessary to their continued growth and prosperity. I understand that Senator Quay claims the solid Democratic vote of the Senate, as well as the votes of a few Republican members, in support of the omnibus bill, but it will never become a law." VENEZUELAN QUESTION. Senator Beveridge was asked about the Washington view of the Venezuelan situation and replied: "The universal sentiment in Washington is that President Roosevelt is conducting that question with great discretion and skill. He shows the moderation, conserva-[*Enc in Beveridge 12-25-02*] [*ca 12-25-02]*] April and it was finally completed on Nov. 17. It shows that 230 different claims were submitted by Americans who suffered loss by the Boxer war aggregating $4,000,000, but only $1,690,000 of this amount will be available out of the indemnity which China has been called upon to pay for the damage done to foreigners. The largest single claim was made by the Chinese-Japanese Trading Company, an American concern, and was for something over $500,000 in gold. This represented the loss of business which the company had sustained. HOPED TO BE REWARDED. Farmer's Excuse for Obstructing a Track and Then Flagging a Train. MEMPHIS, Tenn., Dec. 22-George W. Geans, a truck farmer living near the city, was to-day arrested on a warrant charging attempted train wrecking. Geans is the man who flagged the Frisco fast passenger train for Birmingham Friday night, about three miles from the city, a short distance from a point where spikes had been drawn and crossties laid on the track. After his arrest Geans made a written confession to the police in which he stated that he had tampered with the track and stopped the train in the hope that he would be rewarded by the passengers and the railroad officials. He states that he has been unable to secure employment and needed money, his family being in want. "DOCTORS" CONVICTED. Violated the Postal Laws When They Advertised Mental Cures by Mail. DETROIT, Dec. 22.-Doctors James M. Peebles, Walter T. Bobo and Charles M. Green, of the People's Institute of Health, Battle Creek, Mich., were convicted by a jury in the United States District Court here to-day of violating the postal laws. Thirty days' stay of proceedings was granted. It was charged that advertisements of their mental "cure" by mail for all sorts of ills constituted an attempt to obtain money by fraud. During the trial Dr. Bobo testified that he believed Dr. Peebles had a healing power like that of Jesus, only that the doctor's power was smaller. Dr. Bobo admitted that if a patient at a distance managed to procure Dr. Peebles's signed instructions and followed them faithfully the cure would not be effective if the patient had not paid the fee of $1. It is said that the People's Institute had been doing a flourishing business. GENERAL FOREIGN NEWS. The Russian officials at Port Arthur entertained Lieutenant General Miles on his arrival there, and are now sending him to Taku on board a cruiser. Jerry Kimbrough, convicted of criminal assault upon Mrs. Taylor, of Hanover county, Virginia, about a month ago, was hanged at Hanover courthouse yesterday, He confessed the crime. Count Filipe Folchi, the Italian artist, who eloped with Donna Elvira, the second daughter of Don Carlos, in November, 1896, is now trying to obtain the annulment of his marriage to Countess Folchi so that he may marry Donna Elvira. Five of the remaining prisoners on trial at London in connection with the banknote forgeries were sentenced yesterday to terms of penal servitude ranging from one year to eighteen months. The sixth prisoner got off with one month's imprisonment. A dispatch from New Marghelin, Russian Turkestan, reports that the earthquake at Andijan killed 2,500 in and near that city and destroyed 16,000 houses. The rumblings still continue. The authorities have not been able to cope with the starving, unsheltered populace. A Polish schoolgirl named Kopec has been sentenced to fourteen days imprisonment in the Province of Posen for Lese Majeste in having thrown a brooch with Emperor William's picture in it to the floor and stamped upon it. Such brooches were presented to the public schools when his majesty visited Posen. The Hamburg-American Steamship Company claims that the accident to the Deutschland off the Sicily islands Sunday morning was only the fracture of a bolt of the low pressure crank bearings of the starboard engine. Passengers deny the sensational reports, printed in London, alleging that there was a panic on board the ship. Colonel Asa Bird Gardiner, president of the Rhode Island State Society of the Order of Cincinnati, has received from President Loubet, of France an acceptance of honorary membership in the order. The French government will send as a Christmas souvenir to the order a vase manufactured specially at the famous national works of Sevres. Bills have been introduced in the Austrian and Hungarian Parliaments to make the manufacture of sugar an industry under state control. It is proposed to effect this by restricting the amount of sugar placed on the home market to 277,000 tons for Austria and 86,300 tons for Hungary, but permitting any amount of sugar to be manufactured for sale abroad. Allgemeine Elektricitisets Gesellschaft, with $22,125,000 capital in bonds, and the Union Elektricitiaets Gesellschaft, having $85,000,000 capital, have reached an agreement amounting to a practical consolidation, the directors of each company being elected members of the board of the other so that the management is identicalENL IN CLARKSON TO LORB 12-27-02 CA 12-25-02 SMART NOT UNJUST From the Brooklyn Dally Eagle. The Washington Post is smart, but it is unjust when it refers to T. Thomas Fortune as "s professional Negro." He is a hard-working, practical and effective newspaper man, who has on the Eagle and on the Sun shown not only that can see clearly and write well, but that he can be trusted to tell the considerate truth about what he sees and to commend and deserve the confidence of those from whom he obtains or to whom he brings information. President Roosevelt's ringing letter on the appointment of Afro Americans to Federal offices in the South is still re-echoing among the organizations of the race. In another part of THE AGE to-day we print resolutions adopted by two prominent organizations in such widely aspirated sections as Detroit and Brooklyn, commending the President and thanking him for the stand he has taken. THE NEW YORK AGE NEW YORK: THURSDAY, DECEMBER 25, 190 VOL. XVI. NO 16. NEW YORK: THURSDAY, DECEMBER 25, 1902. MR. FORTUNE IN THE WEST MASS MEETING IN HIS HONOR AT SAN FRANCISCO. An Enthusiastic Reception Hastily Arranged by the Citizens -- Resolutions Adopted Endorsing His Appointment. Condensed from the San Francisco Outlook. The mass meeting held on last Monday evening by the citizens of San Francisco and Oakland in honor of T. Thomas Fortune, editor of THE NEW YORK AGE, was one of the finest demonstrations that could have been given to show the appreciation of the people for the distinguished visitor. Preparations were made most hurriedly, but notwithstanding this, the church was well filled with an intelligent and appreciative audience, and the same was much pleased with the speaker of the evening. It was shortly after 8 o'clock when the chairman, J. S. Francis, called the meeting to order. "America" was sung by the congregation, led by the choir. Rev. Hawkins of the Cooper Zion Church of Oakland made the prayer, which was followed by the eloquent welcome address of Thomas Pearson of Oakland. The following resolutions were presented by T. B. Morton, and upon motion they were adopted: Resolved, That this meeting desires to express its sorrow and regret at the death of Hon. Thomas Brackett Reed of Maine, one of the constructive forces of the republic, whose heart always beat true to the best interests of the nation and of human liberty. In his death the republic has lost a wise counsellor, and the Afro-Americans a true and devoted friend. We believe that all truly great men are instruments of God. Maccabee, Joshua and David were as much the needed instruments of the Deity as was John his beloved. Richelieu, Washington, Lincoln, Grant and Frederick Douglass were as much the needed instruments of God in their field of labor as were Luther, Wesley, Brooks, Moody and Spurgeon in theirs. And just as truly are President Roosevelt and Booker T. Washington and others in the present crisis needed instruments of God. Since it is self-evident that a republic can exist and be preserved only by parties we believe that principles are greater than personalities and that a party standing for principle is greater than any man standing for a personality. Our faith in essential things dissolves our discontent with incidentals. Our loyalty to an eternal belief is greater than any temporary representative of that belief. Therefore, be it Resolved, That we regard President Roosevelt as a peer in that great statemanship which [?] [?idated] nationality the sovereignty, [?] [?ity] the happiness, the safety and equality of all under the operation and administration of the laws [?] statesman the people gladly near and willingly follow. And it is further Resolve, [?] we tender to the President [?] heartfelt and sincere appreciation or the declaration that he would not impede any man's advancement on account of color alone, and for the recognition of ability, capacity and character [?] the appointment of T. Thomas Fortune, editor of THE NEW YORK AGE and president of the National Afro-American Council, a distinguished member and able leader of our race, to an important special mission in the far East. For twenty-five years the name of T. Thomas Fortune has been almost a household one, made so by his sterling and uncompromising pen work in defence of his people; so, upon introduction by the chairman, Mr. Fortune was received amid prolonged and whole-souled applause. He began by thanking the people for the honor they showed him by coming out in such large numbers to listen to what he might say. He had often had the desire to visit California and meet its people, having heard much about them and their commonwealth, both by correspondence and through the press. While he hardly knew just what kind of talk his hearers wanted, he would speak upon organizations -- a subject in which he was much interested, as he had devoted the best part of his life in urging his people to organize. He told of the struggle to found the Afro-American League, and decried the fact that in more than ten years it has been possible to raise but $7,000 of a needed $15,000 to test the constitutionality of a disfranchising law enacted by one of the States. The great trouble with the race is lack of confidence in one another. All want to be leaders, and the man who does not get an office has a kick, and instead of joining in the ranks and trying to build up he tries to tear down. In union there is strength, and this is the way all other races and nationalities succeed, but the Afro-American has yet this lesson to learn. Mr. Fortune spoke of the Chinese and what he had noted of them during his few hours in San Francisco. How they had all kinds of business enterprises and when they wanted anything they bought from one another. They were persecuted, and laws which were almost Draconian in their severity were enacted against them, but they stuck. The case of the Chinaman who was fighting for the right of his native born child to attend any school the same as other children and not be compelled to attend the school set apart for Chinese, was cited; and although he had lost his case in the lower court the speaker believed he would carry it to the highest court, and he was not standing alone in his fight, but would receive financial assistance from other Chinese. In the great fight for Chinese exclusion, although they knew the law would be re-enacted, the $100,000 raised by the Chinese to send some one to Washington to represent them and fight their cause showed how they stuck together. All this was done in a few hours and the best legal talent was secured, fast trains chartered and their representatives were speeding on to Washington almost in the twinkling of an eye. The race characteristics of the Italian were also portrayed, and the great fight of John Mitchell for the coal miners was dwelt upon in such a way as to show the wonderful power of organization. Mr. Fortune spoke of pioneer days in California, and what some of the men whose names were familiar in the history of the State had accomplished. His tribute to Collis P. Huntington was a glowing one and the Negro had never had a better and truer friend, or one who had done more toward giving him an opportunity for his betterment. It is not sometimes pleasant for one to listen to a public speaker who plies the whip so that each stroke raises a welt; but in this case, so deftly did he ply the lash, that without hurt we concluded it was, for the most part, all true. T. Thomas Fortune was tendered a banquet on Wednesday evening, Dec. 10, by colored citizens of San Francisco and Oakland. It was given at the Astor Grill, 1009 Powell street. Covers were laid for thirty. At 9:30 all were invited to seats by the toastmaster, J. S. Francis. He introduced Mr. Fortune and briefly stated that the object of the gathering was to do honor to him as editor of THE NEW YORK AGE, and show appreciation of the position to which President Roosevelt has appointed him. The Estrella Mandolin Students, Messrs. C. Tilghman, A. Grubbs, W. Smith and H. Randolph, then struck up one of their favorite selections. They played several pieces throughout the evening, and this added much to the tone and pleasure of the occasion. TOUPHOLD THE PRESIDENT ACTION BY OUR CLUBS IN VARIOUS PARTS OF THE COUNTRY. Republicans Express Approval of and Gratitude For His Letter On the Right of the Race to Hold Office. DETROIT, Dec. 20 - The Union League Republican Club of Detroit was organized about three years ago by one of the oldest living and most prominent colored politicians in the State, Mr. Albert Hill of Detroit. He was elected its first president and has been continued in office to the present time. The club started with a few in number and now compromises upwards of six hundred members. It has unwaveringly sustained the Republican party's nominations, municipal, county, State and national, and is a potent factor in every campaign. Its principal object is the political welfare of the colored citizen, and its work in campaign is to secure just recognition of the colored voters in nominations for office. It has been the means of securing appointments to office of both colored males and females, and is sought after by white nominees of the Republican party for its support. It has a board of directors of the most influential colored men of Detroit, among whom is Robert Thomas, deputy inspector of customs at Detroit. D. Augustus Straker, ex-Circuit Court Commissioner, is also an active member. The club is wide awake upon all issues relating to the race, as will be seen by the following resolutions adopted at the regular monthly meeting of the board of directors, Dec. 10. After speeches eulogizing President Roosevelt for his courageous and just reply to the white opponents to Dr. Crum's appointment, Pitchfork Tillman was roasted to a turn and his invitation to speak in a lecture course at Detroit denounced as an insult to the race. The resolutions adopted are as follows: Resolved, That the Union League Republican Club of Detroit, Mich., extends its grateful thanks to President Roosevelt for his courageous, humane and patriotic sentiments expressed in his letter of reply to those persons who protested against his appointment of Dr. W. D. Crum as Collector of Customs at the port of Charleston, S. C., because of his race and color [?] [?] of many others as [?] the right of the colored citizen to hold office as viewed from the standpoint of the Chief Executive of the Nation. Resolved, That we point as a race of people with pride to the fact that no colored office-holder by Federal appointment has ever proved dishonest, disloyal or incapable in the discharge of his duties. Resolved, That as taxpayers in the sum of millions of dollars, we are equally entitled to hold office proportionately [?] race of citizens [?d] as Resolved, That we [cond?] ungrateful and unrepublican [?] recent acts of a class of white Republicans in the South called "the Lilywhites," who have attempted to eliminate the colored citizen from participating in its councils and conventions on the ground of seeking harmony with Democrats, and believe the same to be a mask for obtaining Federal office in the South; and we heartily commend President Roosevelt in refusing to recognize so pernicious and unjust treatment towards a loyal class of voters, whose only offence is the color of their skin. Resolved, That we have read with pain and regret the sentiments published by the Detroit Journal, a Republican newspaper, viz: "That the President made a mistake in the appointment of Dr. Crum, for the reason that the same will produce irritation among the races;" we regard such sentiments as a species of Lilywhiteism, and repudiate the same as sacrificing a principle for a policy, such as was urged in reference to slavery. Resolved, That we appeal to the American people who are just and impartial in their views of the equality of rights, to uphold and support the President in his efforts to maintain just and equal rights towards all citizens alike. Resolved, That we learn with surprise and disgust that the Negro-hater, Senator Ben Tillman of South Carolina, who has in the past unblushingly and in defiance, in the halls of learning and everywhere, abused the Negro and likened him to a beast, justified lynching and burning of Negroes, in defiance of order and the public peace, although himself a law giver, has been invited by a Christian body of Detroit to deliver an address in our city, and declare the invitation extended an insult to the colored race in our midst. Action By Brooklyn Republicans. At a regular meeting of the H. H. Garnet Republican Club, held at its club house in Brooklyn, the following preamble and resolutions were adopted. Whereas, The H. H. Garnet Republican Club of the County of Kings, State of New York, having for its objects the inculcating and maintenance of the principles of the Republican party, and the advancement of the political rights and interests of its members, and seeking to promote among those of our race a love of civic duty, recognize in the recent letter of President Roosevelt, in which he so fearlessly and truthfully states the principle that character and fitness should be the standard of recognition in appointments to political positions, regardless of race or color -- that the President has shown the highest devotion to the interests and rights of our country, and has demonstrated the courage of his convictions in a manner unsurpassed by any previous Chief Magistrate; and Whereas, His utterance in favor of true citizenship, higher intelligence among our people, and the consequent right to political preferment, coming as it does at a time when the political status and ambitions of a large proportion of the colored citizens have been almost obliterated in the Southland, causes us to take renewed inspiration, and we will exert ourselves and zealously strive to deserve the confidence that the President reposes in men of worth and intelligence. Therefore, be it Resolved, That the H. H. Garnet Republican Club of Kings County hereby expressed its sincere approval of President Roosevelt's courageous attitude in rebuking those who seek to prevent the men of our race from participation in political affairs, and from aspiring to or holding office, through blind race prejudice, and we assure him our cordial support in his defence of manhood rights. And be it further Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be spread on the minutes of the club and a copy be forwarded to the President.[*[12-26-02]*] [*Ackd 12-27-1902*] ANDREW CARNEGIE 2 EAST 91ST STREET NEW YORK The world took a long step upward yesterday December 27th 1902- and Theodore Roosevelt bounded into the short list of those who will forever be hailed as supreme benefactors of man - An Emperor of Russia Nicholas, and an American President Lincoln, practically abolished the owning of men by men - Human Slavery is gone. Todays Emperor of Russia and another American Presidentthe one suggesting, and the other recognizing, the permanent Tribunal for the peaceful arbitrament of International disputes, are to be credited by History as jointly banishing from the Earth the killing of men by men in war. The axe has been laid to the foot of that upar tree, hereafter the Power that ignores the Hague Tribunal will be in the wrong. Much may the Gods have upon their laps for you Theodore Roosevelt which is good, somethings that may not be so but as Gladstones chief title to enduring fame is the settlement of the Alabama dispute by arbitration, it must be that the transcendent service to humanity you yesterday were priveleged to render, shall be yours. A nobler title it is impossible to obtain or to imagine. With all my heart I congratulate you. Andrew Carnegie[*Ackd 12-27-1902*] CUSTOM HOUSE. SURVEYOR'S OFFICE. [[shorthand]] NEW YORK, December 26th, 1902. Dear Mr. Cortelyou: Regarding the letter of Doane Robinson from Aberdeen, S.D., telling of the visit there of Mr. Edgar Carsten Smith, ostensibly promoting a Republican newspaper, to be known as the National Weekly, for the purpose of opposing the President, I would say that I have devoted a great deal of effort toward ascertaining the identity of Smith. Although he said at Aberdeen that he was from New York, none of the press clubs or newspaper offices or the Associated Press here know anything about him, and his name does not appear in the New York City directory. I will continue my investigations, and have sent to Chicago for that purpose. I will report further when I have more information. Sincerely yours, James S. Clarkson Mr. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington.[*File*] 115 Broadway, New York, December 26, 1902. My dear Mr. President: I highly appreciate your kind telegram of December 24th. No one knows better than yourself what the difficulties are in attempting to improve the police situation. These are, however, to some extent lessened by the hundreds of most cordial letters which I have received in the last few days from people in New York, whose opinions I value most highly, and also by the very kindly reception which the press as given my appointment. I have some very clearly defined ideas as to what I shall try to accomplish, and, while I realize the difficulties, yet I do not consider the task hopeless or impossible or thankless. Again thanking you for your kind wishes, I am Sincerely yours, F.V. Greene The President, Washington, D.C.Department of State, Washington, December 24, 1902. [*Ackd 12-27-1902*] Dear Mr. President: Mr. Kindrick, who is referred to, the Consul at Juares, Mexico, was appointed by President McKinley at the earnest request of Senator McEnery of Louisiana. Senator McEnery is still very much interested in him, and it is for you to decide whether you still desire to have Mr. Kindrick remain in the place to which he was appointed through Mr. McEnery's interest. The charge against him is that he is a democrat, which is, I believe, true; but this fact was known when he was appointed. Outside of his politics, I understand he is a very decent man. Yours faithfully John Hay [*wire communication from W.J. Connell E. Rosewater - matter of consulship at Juarez, Mexico*]Lee. Higginson & Company. 44 State Street. Boston. H. [*File*] December 26, 1902. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President: Thank you for your reply, which certainly was not called for. Very possibly all the Canadian coal that can be had is coming this way. It seems to me you are right in saying that the duty does not keep coal out, so far as the importers go. My belief is that the Englishmen and the Canadians would export to us more coal on their own account if they knew that they stood on an even footing with us, - that is, if there were no duty, they would take the risk rather than oblige our coal companies to take the risk. We are working along from hand to mouth here and must continue to do so, because the coal dealers of this city are not willing to stock up with too much bituminous coal, as the public does not very much like it and refuses it whenever it can get anthracite. Any successful merchant might say to himself that he could deliver coal as cheaply as anybody in the world, if there were no duty againstT.R. -2 it. Whether he succeeds or not does not interest you or me, but I regard the sentimental effect of this move which you have inaugurated as of great value to the party, both as regards yourself and as regards Congress. It is again being proved that you are ready to do anything and everything you can for our people throughout the land. That I regard as of great value. May I call your attention to the fact that the one coal company that has done best here and has really saved the city from a coal famine is the Metropolitan Coal Co., which is one of those hated trusts or combinations with which people ask you to deal? It seems to me that public opinion alone will check that sort of thing surely and that we must make a public opinion as fast as we can. Anyway, the above fact in regard to this coal company stares me in the face whenever I think of it. No existing coal-firm could have done it. I am, Very respectfully, H.L. Higginson [*Henry*]Memorandum: [[shorthand notation]] [[/shorthand notation]] Maurice E. Townsend could fill a clerical position where there was not a great deal of work required! My understanding is that the only positions under the Collector of the Port, outside of Civil Service, are those of laborers, paying $60 per month. General Clarkson has some special positions, outside of Civil Service, where the pay is better. As the President will remember, I told him last summer that the local Republicans, like Editor Cheney, William Moore and Thomas Ellison, who is the leader of the 7th District, in which Townsend votes, protested vigorously against Townsend being given a place by the Administration, claiming that while he always impartially paraded at every local celebration, he always consistently worked for and voted the Democratic ticket - that he never supported the President on Election Day; and that if he were given a place it would cause great dissatisfaction, particularly as there were a number of loyal supporters of the President in Nassau County who desired positions. They say further that any sense of obligation that the President felt under to Mr. Townsend was wholly discharged when Townsend was given the position at Albany while the President was Governor, and which he held for two and a half years. Wm. Loeb Jr. 12-26-1902[attached to Townsend 12-17-02][*Ackd 12-29-1902*] State of New York Executive Chamber Albany December 26, 1902. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:--- I have your note of the 22nd instant. It is almost impossible for me to fix a date for visiting Washington. I do not believe I can get there in January and probably not until some time in February. As soon as I know definitely, I will advise you. With best wishes, I am Yours sincerely, B. B. Odell [*[Odell]*][*for 3 enclosures see Slemp 12-20-02 Virginia Rep. Orgado 12-12-02 Allen 12-12-02*] The Postmaster General Washington. Personal. December 26, 1902. [*CF*] My dear Mr. Secretary:- I return herewith the correspondence with Hon. Campbell Slemp, regarding political affairs in Virgina. It was through my personal efforts, I believe, that an attempt was made to bring about a reconciliation between the two factions of the Republican party referred to in the letter from Mr. S. Brown Allen to Mr. Slemp. Mr. Allen tendered the olive branch to Mr. Yost, publicly, and for a time it was thought that peace was restored in that faction-ridden district. I do not consider Mr. Allen responsible for the unfortunate result. My suggestion is that we make much of Col. Slemp, the Congressman-elect, in connection with our future relations with Virginia politicians. In my judgment, it would be very unwise to ignore the organization, as it is composed of many very good and active Republicans. The root of the whole evil as it now exists lies in the extravagant representation accorded to the few Republicans in the South in our National Conventions. When that is changed and we are able to deal with each locality on its merits as a Republican "vote getter" instead of a "delegate getter", then we may hope for a complete rehabilitation and organization of the Republican party in the South, and success will not crown our efforts until this is accomplished. Very truly yours, H.C. Payne Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President.49 Broadway New York. [*Ackd 12-26-1902 Copy sent to Archbp Ireland 12-27-1902*] December 26, 1902. My' dear Mr. President: I appreciate the sympathy you feel for Corporal Tanner and General James R. O'Beirne, only, in the latter case, I think it is misapplied, because recently, in fact within a month, I have, after some difficulty, accomplished his appointment to the Clerkship of the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court for the First Department, which is quite lucrative, and is a position of great dignity. I will give some thought to the Corporal Tanner case and advise with you later. Yours sincerely, T C Platt The President, Washington, D.C.but got beaten the round before. It is an awfully good game, you get horribly kicked about but but luckily I am large and heavy and can fall on people. We went last night to a family dinner and I ate so much plum-pudding that by this letter you might think I was a trifle insane. We are to have a hockey-match this afternoon between Hilda and myself against the rest. I am awfully fond [*File*] Qualt Rectory Bridgnorth 26/12/02 [*Ala*] Dear Uncle Ted Thanks ever so much for your splendid photograph and interesting book. I have nearly finished it. I can't write much as there are three wild cousins howling around me. Gladys is the worst. I had a very learned time at Harrow and for a wonder I got a double remove. We didn't get [a doub] in the cock-house matchof boxing and I am doing very well. I hope to go in for the school middle-weight competition. Love to all Your very affectionate nephew Monroe D. RobinsonBOOKER T. WASHINGTON. TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED. TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. Dec. 26, 1902. My dear Mr. President: - It is my plan to see you sometime in January. There are several matters that I want to talk with you about. Yours truly, Booker T. Washington President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C.[*Invited to lunch for Jan 5 12-29-1902*] Custom House, Surveyor's Office. New York. December 27th, 1902. Dear Mr. Loeb: I wish you would say to the President that I am ready, whenever he desires to see me, to take up with him the matter of a very prominent Iowa newspaper, concerning which he has had recent conference, as I understand it, with Secretary Shaw and Postmaster General Payne. This particular newspaper presents only one of the many incidents peculiar to the newspaper situation all over the country at the present time. There is plainly a preconcerted and systematic effort being made to try and divide the Republican party on the lines suggested in a recent interview by Senator Vest of Missouri. I shall be glad of a conference with the President at an early day on this and subjects kindred to it. The opposition, despite of all surface indications, are very actively, although secretly, at work. In this connection, I did not find an opportunity when I was last in Washington to give to the President some messages from Senator Quay and Senator Allison, both of which bore on a vital subject concerning 1904. Enclosed I send a page of The New York Age, Fortune's(Mr. Loeb, 2) newspaper, which shows that while Fortune is being lampooned to the President by various Negro elements, both he and his paper are doing pretty good work. His paper is filled in every issue with the strongest possible matter on right lines, and as it is the most influential Colored paper in the United States, the service it will be able to render will be large and effective. Fortune, while he has his enemies, has a great many admirers. Please notice the extract which I have pinned on the paper from the Brooklyn Eagle, which shows how he has held his esteem from men like McCullagh. It is plain that the Fortune appointment is going to do a great deal more good than harm. Sincerely yours, James S. Clarkson Mr. Wm. Loeb Jr., Ass't Secretary to the President, Washington. (Enclosure)[FOR 3 ENC SEE 12-25-02] [CA 12-25-02] [12-28-02]CHAMBRE Paris, le 27 Décembre 1902 DES DEPUTES Monsieur le Président, Nombre de Français et d'Européens seront heureux de vous exprimer avec moi la gratitude qui vous est due pour la généreuse fermeté que vous avez mise au service de la Justice internationale. Nous parlons sans cesse en Europe du péril de la concurrence américaine. Cette concurrence matérielle a des avantages, puisqu'elle nous stimule, mais vous avez inauguré depuis six mois une concurrence morale encore plus efficace que l'autre. Vous venez d'obliger, à deux reprises, par votre exemple les Gouvernements a se rappeler leur devoir . Dans les multiples difficultés que leur préparent les transformations du globe, la cour arbitrale de la Haye leur ouvrait du moins les ressources et la grande simplification d'une juridiction instituée par tous et toujours prête. Cette juridiction a été mise à l'index. Par un accord tacite et vraiment sénile, ou a fait le vide autour d'elle, le lendemain du jour où elle venait d'être officiellement créée. Elle allait succomber sous la malveillance quand vous êtes venu une première fois à Monsieur le Président Roosevelt.protester contre cet attentat dangereux pour les libertés du monde. C'est à la République des Etats-Unis et à celle du Mexique que revient l'honneur d'avoir ouvert en Europe et devant l'Europe immobile la Cour de la Haye. Cette leçon aurait dû suffire, mais il est humiliant de constater que pas une seule voix autorisée ne s'est élevée pour rappeler aux Etats le devoir de l'article 27, devoir qu'ils s'étaient solennellement imposé à eux-mêmes, il y a trois ans seulement, après ces discussions mémorables qui furent en réalité les premiers débats officiels de l'humanité. L'initiative des Etats-Unis opposée à la paralysie de l'Europe est un signe des temps qu'un Européen doit avoir le courage de reconnaître. Honneur à votre Gouvernement qui a compris que, dans l'abstention générale, quelqu'un devait éveiller les autres de leur léthargie et reprendre le chemin trop abandonné des nobles ambitions libérales, de la Justice et du Progrès. Veuillez agréer, Monsieur le Président, avec la nouvelle expression de mes sentiments sincèrement dévoués, l'assurance de ma très haute considération. D' Estournelles de Constant [ENCL IN HAY 1-14-02] [For 3. attachments see 12-27-02, ca. 12-1902 & 2-17-1902] [?].[*Ackd 1-15-1903*] Enclosure 2. Translation of M. d'Estournelles letter. Chamber of Deputies, Paris, December 27th 1902. Mr. President. A great number of Frenchmen and Europeans are happy to join me in expressing to you their gratitude for the generous unyielding firmness you have given in support of international justice. We are always speaking in Europe of the danger of American competition. Materially this competition has its advantages in stimulating our energies, but you have inaugurated, during the past few months, a moral competition still more effective than the other. Twice you have reminded the Government of their duty. Amid the difficulties resulting from the transformations of the globe the Court of Arbitration of The Hague offered to the Governments at least the resources of a jurisdiction instituted by all, and always ready. This jurisdiction has been boycotted. By a tacit and really senile understanding the Governments left it alone on the Morro of itsofficial creation. It was about to perish through ill will, when you came a first time to protest against an attempt so threatening to the liberties of the world. It is to the two republics of the United States and of Mexico that belongs the honor of having opened in Europe and in the fact of passive Europe the gates of the Hague Tribunal Tribunal. This lesson ought to have sufficed, but it is humiliating to find that not a single authorized voice was raised to remind the Powers of their duty: the duty which they assumed themselves under Article 27, only three years ago, after the memorable discussions which in reality were the first debates of humanity. The initiative of the United States compared with the paralysis of Europe is a sign of the times which Europe must have the courage to acknowledge. Honor to your Government which has understood that, amidst the general abstention, someone must awaken the others from their lethargy, and to lead them back to the too long abandoned path of noble liberal ambitions of justice and of progress. I am etc., etc., Signed. . . . . d'Estournelles de Constant To President Roosevelt.[ENCLOSED IN HAY 1-14-03][*File*] UNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON. Cleveland, Ohio. December 27, 1902. My Dear Sir: I am just in receipt of a letter from Senator Scott saying that the colored man from Maryland whom you talked about with reference to the appointment in Minister to Liberia was not the man we had in mind. This man, Doctor Lyons, is all right. Truly yours, M A Hanna The President, Washington, D. C.Department of State, Washington, December 27, 1902. [*File *] Dear Mr. President: - Here is a copy of a publication just made by the British Government, sent by Mr. White. I thought it might interest you to look at it. Yours faithfully John Hay [*Correspondence Respecting the Affairs of Venezuela *] [*see Venezuela Dec. 1902*]Personal. ALGONAK [*Ackd YONKERS 12-29-1902*] NEW YORK Dec. 27.02. Dear Mr. President. The decision to submit the Venezuela dispute to the Hague Court is, in my humble opinion, the greatest triumph of your statesmanship-and, in its future bearings, probably the most historical and significant act, thus far, of your administration. You have once more "exalted your friends and confounded your enemies." As you are awareI have some right to regard the Hague Court with a peculiar personal interest and my delight at your wisdom, skill and unflinching loyalty to a great principle is more than I know how to express. I can only say God bless you in the New Year and forever! - Very respectfully & faithfully Your obedient servant Frederick W. Holls[*Ackd 12-29-1902*] Somerset Club, Boston 27 Dec 02 Dear Teddy, Last June as I sat at the Commencement dinner it seemed to me that a very good thing for us to give the College on our 25th anniversary would be a portrait of yourself, done by the best painter we could get our hands on. Your contribution of course, would be the necessary sittings & I think I had rather subscribe than do that. If the idea meets with your approval let me know & I willsend the gang to see how is takes. In any event I wish you a happy New Year As ever William HarperJ.P. Morgan & Co. Wall St. Corner Broad. New York. Drexel & Co. Philadelphia. Morgan, Harjes & Co. Paris. New York, Dec. 27th, 1902. 190 [*File ppy Pr.*] My dear Mr. President: I have just received your note of the 26th. I have already been at work on the Illinois end of the matter, but I find that Mr. Mann is spending his holidays in Washington and not at his home. However, two gentlemen left Chicago last night for Washington. They will see Mr. Mann on Monday and report to me Monday evening or Tuesday morning, and I will immediately let you know what they say. As to the other gentleman you mention, I am at work on that also. I am personally very anxious to see the Department of Commerce bill become a law. I feel that our interstate relations, as well as our relations with foreign countries, require the establishment of such a department. In my judgment, the time is ripe for it, and the man you have selected is ripe for the work. Please command me in any way that I can be of service in the matter. Very sincerely yours, Geo. Perkins [*[Perkins]*] To the Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C. W A R D E P A R T M E N T WASHINGTON, December 27, 1902. Dear Sir: Your resignation as Clerk in the War Department has just been received, and as I understand that you are making this change in order to take a position which will be materially better for you, I do not feel warranted in asking you to reconsider your decision. I deem it, however, only right that, in leaving the Department, you should be secured how highly your fidelity and devotion to duty, and the excellence of your work, have been appreciated by me. Very truly yours, WM. CARY SANGER, Assistant Secretary of War. Mr. Leonard Wilson, Office of the Assistant Secretary, War Department, Washington, D.C. [Encl in Wilson 6-15-18]Treasury Department, Office of the Secretary, Washington, Dec. 27, 1902. My dear Mr. Cortelyou: Your letter of the 26th, inclosing one from Governor Crane, is received. I have no doubt as to the correctness of the Governor's position, and that the tariff on coal should be removed. This, however, is one proposition, and upon the other Senator Lodge is far better prepared to judge than I. It is this. Can the tariff be removed without a protracted and acrimonious debate on general tariff revision? I do not believe the minority party would miss an opportunity, should such a bill come before it for consideration making germane amendments proposing various revisions of the tariff, to play politics, regardless of the sufferings of women and children. I have taken occasion to let the Chairmen of the appropriate committees know that the Department is in strictest harmony with the President that if possible coal should be placed on the free list. Very truly yours, L. M. Shaw. Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President.discussion to Capt. C.H. Davis (whose son has been under my tutor) Dr. Peabody and Bishop Satterlee. Yours truly, H. Montgomery Smith. [*[for 1. attachment see ca 12-27-02 "The President desires" & 1 enc. see 5-11-1900 Williams]*] [[shorthand]] [*Ack'd 1/2/1903*] COLUMBIA SCHOOL FOR BOYS, 1453 MASSACHUSETTS AVENUE, WASHINGTON, D.C. Dec. 27, 1902. Mr. President I have the honor to inform you that I am forming a class for Groton boys, who reside here and are obliged since the closing of Groton School to discontinue their studies. Shall I reserve a place for you sons? I refer by[ca. 12-27-02] The President desires Mrs. Roosevelt to see this. no[attached to Smith, H-M, 12-27-02][*[ca. 12-27-1902]*] [[shorthand]] Boeupré[*[attached to Constant, 12-27-02]*][*[FOR ATTACH. SEE CA. 12-28-02]*] [*Private*] [*Ackd 12-29-1902*] THE AUTHORS CLUB SEVENTH AVE AND 56TH STREET. CARNEGIE BUILDING. NEW YORK. December 28, 1902 To His Excellency, President Roosevelt. My Dear Mr. President: Your appointment of John Lancaster Spalding as one of the Coal Strike Commission encourages me to suppose that you take some interest in that able prelate of the Catholic Church, and that you might like to see him elevated to the rank of Archbishop. It is in your power to do so. Please let me explain briefly. A few years ago when the see of Albany was vacant, and when the Propaganda had recommendedthe name of a certain priest for the appointment, Leo XIII set aside, or ignored the Propaganda suggestion, because Senators Hill and Murphy requested the appointment of the Rev. Dr. Burke. The Pope appointed Dr. Burke, who as you know, is now Bishop of Albany. Were you to indicate through the Papal delegate here, or through an Ambassador at Rome, a wish for Bishop Spauldings appointment to the See of Chicago, the Pope would most assuredly follow the same course as in the case of Dr. Burke. The situation now is exactly similar. The Propaganda has recommended the appointment of Bishop Quigley. But if you express a wish for Spalding, it will be gratified. I make this suggestion to you in confidence. I confess I am a great admirer of Dr. Spalding, who is a literary man and a member of this club. In conclusion I only wish to add that I prefer not to be known in this matter, and that in reaching your decision, which needs to be prompt, you will not be the less willing to interfere became Dr. Spalding is known as an intense American. With profound respect Yours very sincerely Thomas B. Connery [CA. 12-28-02] Connery, Thomas B. New York City. In behalf of appointment of Bishop Spalding as an archbishop; remarks that if the President were to indicate through Papal Delegate or Ambassador at Rome a wish for Bishop Spalding's appointment, it would be made.[ATTACH. TO CONNERY TO T.R. 12-28-02][*12-28-02*] [*ENC. IN CLARKSON TO LOEB 12·27·02*] [*Post 12/28/1902*] THE WASHINGT[ON] VOTE OF THE NEGROES Necessary to Republicans in Several States. SHAKING THEIR ALLEGIANCE Possibilities of the "Lily White" Movement— Republican Success in Delaware, Maryland, West Virginia, and Kentucky, Entirely Dependent on Negroes— No Effect on Presidency. At the North, as well as at the South, the black people still cling to the Republican party with singular tenacity. They vote the Republican ticket for local, State, and national candidates, always almost unanimously. This is practically undisputed. The recent concerted effort of the Democrats to shake the negro faith in Republican infallibility causes a good deal of speculation as to what effect the total elimination of the negro vote would have upon election results, especially in the Republican strongholds of the North. Upon insufficient or misleading information several writers have recently declared that but for the negro vote the Republicans would always be in a minority in Congress and would have lost the Presidency at every election since 1872. The Negro Vote. In the following table are included all the Republican States at the North having any considerable negro population, and also certain border States now held by the Republicans, or which are considered sometimes doubtful, in which there is a heavy negro vote. Indian Territory and Oklahoma are set down because there is some probability that they will be admitted as States before the close of this Congress. The total negro population of each State, by the census of 1900, is stated, and all colored males twenty-one years of age and over, or voters, as shown by the same census. None but persons of negro descent are included: Negro Negro population, vote, 1900. 1900 . States. Massachusetts .................. 81,974 10,455 Rhode Island.................... 9,092 2,765 Connecticut ..................... 15,226 4,576 New York....................... 99,232 31,435 New Jersey...................... 69,844 21, 474 Pennsylvania ................... 155,845 51,668 Delaware ....................... 30,697 8,374 Maryland ....................... 235,064 60,406 Ohio ............................ 96,901 31,235 Indiana ......................... 57,505 18,185 Illinois .......................... 85,078 29,762 Michigan ........................ 15,816 5,193 Iowa ............................ 12,693 4,441 Missouri ......................... 161,234 46,418 Kansas .......................... 52,002 14,695 Nebraska ........................ 6,289 2,298 Oklahoma ....................... 18,831 4,827 Indian Territory.................. 36,853 9,146 Colorado ........................ 8,850 3,215 California ........................ 11,045 3,711 Kentucky ....................... 284,708 74,728 West Virginia................... 43,499 14,786 No Effect on Presidency. Whatever changes might have resulted from a total elimination of the negro vote prior to 1836, it is quite obvious that its elimination would have had no effect upon the result of the last two Presidential elections. Nor is it likely it would have had any perceptible effect upon the political complexion of the House or Senate, though there is a possibility that it might have lost the Fifty-eighth House to the Republicans. It is quite clear that if the blacks of the North in mass should abandon their present allies and go over to the Democrats, the long, uninterrupted Republican domination in several States would at once cease, and it would become very precarious in as many more. Such sweeping political reaction is not anticipated by either party. But there is supposed to be some unrest among the blacks, and a general assumption among Republican leaders that the fight over the "Lily White" appointments at the South is being carefully managed by the Democratic leaders more with a view to shake the allegiance of the Northern blacks than to vindicate white supremacy at the South. It is apparent [???] success[??] in Delaware, Maryland, West [Virginia,] and Kentucky have been wholly dependent upon the black vote. On the contrary, that party could have dropped the negro vote entirely in Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Michigan and still carried every one of them at the last two Presidential elections. And in nearly all of them it would have been successful had the negroes gone over to Mr. Bryan in a body. Following reconstruction, in many of the close contests up to the time the wave of McKinleyism struck the country, it is true that the loss of the negro vote would have lost the Republicans the election many times in Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, and with them Congress and the Presidency. In those days Delaware, Maryland, West Virginia, and Kentucky were reliable components of the solid South, and Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, and Indiana were always doubtful, even with the negro vote solid for the Republican candidates. In Border States. The foregoing exhibit, therefore, presents in concise and clear form the important part the negroes of the North and border States play in Republican politics Their loyalty to that party has been one of the most extraordinary features of the country's history since the civil war. It is only recently that the Democratic leaders have perceived their voting value in the debatable country. Such Republican States as Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Wisconsin, Minnesota, the Dakotas, and some of the mountain and coast States are excluded from consideration because their negro vote is too infinitesimal to have much effect on elections. There have been contests within fifteen years in Michigan and Iowa, however, so close that even their small negro contingent might have changed the result by going over to the opposition. The secession from the Republicans of the black vote in New York would have disastrously defeated Roosevelt for governor in 1898, and also Odell at the late election. But a complete reversal of the black vote in Pennsylvania this year from Pennypacker to Pattison would not have saved the Democratic candidate for governor. Of the old free States, Pennsylvania has the greatest negro voting population. One curious fact is to be noted in the above tabulation. The ratio of negro voters to population in all the far Northern States is only about one to three whereas in the border and Southern States it is one to four and sometimes five. This shows that the negroes do not move their families North to any great extent. The young men go North to seek their fortune or to take service in the families of the rich.[*File*] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. December 29, 1902 My dear Mr. Cortelyou: Referring to recent communications from you in regard to the appointment of Father McKeon as a chaplain in the army, I beg to advise you, by direction of the Secretary of War, that Father McKeon has been designated for appointment subject to the usual examination, which will take place about February 10th. Very truly yours, M. O. Chance Private Secretary Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President.defense and maintenance in the case pending are in sight as quite within our anticipation. Congratulating you on the deliverance which has thus far resulted from your efforts, I am Very Sincerely Yours Grover Cleveland To The President Washington D.C. [*File ppF Pr*] Princeton Dec 29 1902 My dear Mr President I have this moment read with great gratification your note of the 26th instant; and I thank you for it. I confess I was "on needles and pins" while there remained any chance of your being drawn into the arbitration act by this troublesome Venezuela business ; and I was correspondingly relieved when you neatly steered clear of it. I have been considerably importuned to explain myself on the matter, but declined to do so until a day or two ago, when I said something to a representative of The World, which appeared in yesterday's (Sunday's) issue. I had an idea that the newspaper was inclining to a position, not in accord with needed coolness and Conservatism, and that I might say something that would improve its disposition. My impressions were gained from conversation with the representative from the World office who called on me, as I almost never see the paper itself. Somehow the thing I authorized to be published, looked a little different to me when I read it yesterday (and they most always do), but I do not see after all that I can find much fault concerning its commentary. I am glad to see by the editorial comments accompanying its publication that it may have aided the steadying effect of your wise action. Of course, this miserable business is by no means free from future complications. The Monroe doctrine has never yet given birth to all of which it is capable I fear. I earnestly hope however that by extreme care and prudence the vexations of itHoping to express all these thanks in person and with warm regards for Mrs Roosevelt & yourself believe me my dear Mr President Yours faithfully Frederick D. Grant [*File*] 2111- "Mass" ave Washington D. C. Dec 29th 1902 My Dear Mr President I beg that you will accept my heartfelt thanks and those of my sister and brothers for all your kind sympathy and consideration & that of Mrs Roosevelt at this time of our sadloss. My dear mother was one of your warmest friends and admirers & I assure you that we deeply appreciate the touching tribute which you paid to her memory as well as to father's, in being present at her funeral with your cabinet, as we also, appreciate your assistance in having father's dying wish carried out, in having her placed at his side for the long rest. Words can not express our gratitude to you & Mrs Roosevelt for your kindness and though of us in this sorrow. Department of State, Washington, D. C., Dec 29, 1902 [*File ppf pm*] Dear Theodore, See the leader in this mornings N. Y. Sun. Yours faithfully J.H. [*[HAY]*]H. L. Johnson, T. H. Malone. JOHNSON & MALONE. Lawyers, Atlanta. 12/29/"02. Hon. James S.Clarkson, NewYork City. Dear Sir:- Pardon this intrusion, but may we ask its consideration, and, if consistent, that you bring the matter to the ear of the President ? Capt.C.C.Wimbish is at present the Surveyor of the Port of Atlanta,Georgia.His commission has long since expired and very likely the President will make an appointment to the office within a few days. Mr Wimbish is one of the leading colored men of the State,and one of our most active and efficient republicans.He has been a delegate to the last four Republican National Conventions and is especially liked by the people.He is an active member of the State organization and no one contributes more largely to party effort on the hustings. In his application for reappointment he has the endorsement of the organization of the party in County,District and State. His office is in first class conditions,as reports of Special Agents of the Treasury Department will show.His efficiency and courtesy as an acceptable officer is attested in letters from The Atlanta Constitution, The Atlanta Journal,The Governor of Georgia, leading bussiness houses and patrons of the office.There is not one discordant annoy in the whole of his case, except possibly that he is a COLORED MAN. Caps.R.J.Lowry,ofthiscity,is pressing his brother-in-law, Mr Marcellus Markham,for the place. Mr Markham amounts to but little socially,financially or politically in Atlanta,and is unknown practically outside the city limits.H. L. JOHNSON. T. H. MALONE JOHNSON & MALONE, LAWYERS, ATLANTA. It is generally agreed that he has been practically but a charge upon the Markham Estate, into which Capt. Lowry married, and except to act as a transfer of this charge from this estate to the Government there can not be one scintilla of merit in his appointment. To supplant a man of character, standing, partly fealty and activity-though colored-with a man who is practically a drone and of no standing-yet white-is asking too much by Capt. Lowry in his effort to make a white man's party in our State. Again this particular office has been filled by a colored man every since its creation, except the interregnum of bad times when democracy held sway. We trust we do not bore you, yet when friends are troubled we are in the habit to turn to those we best know and most sincerely trust to aid us. These are the facts in the case and if you will bring them to the attention of the President we will have additional ground to be glad that we know you and appreciate your kindly offices. Most respectfully yours, H. L. Johnson Delegate at larger Rep. Nat'l Conventions 1896-1900; Member at large State Committee, & Chair Fulton County Rep. Committee. [*I endorse the above. W A Pledger chairman state C. C. of Geo.*]Enc. in Clarkson to Loeb 1-2-03Dec 29th 1903 Auditor of Porto Rico. San Juan. [*Ack'd*] [*1-6-04*] Dear Governor: There is a matter that interests me greatly here, and though I do not know whether it is proper to ask you to interest yourself in it, at least there is no harm in laying it before you to judge for yourself. That is the Porto Rico Provisional Regiment. As you know, this regiment is formed of native Porto Ricans and officered by Americans. It is as good a regiment as I ever saw. The men are in splendid shape and devoted to their officers, and the officers are, with one or two exceptions, splendid fellows, with good war records, and devoted to their profession. They have taken 700 half breed, dirty, gutter snipes, and made clean, well set up, active soldiers of them. It is one of the best educational factors in the Island, and does more to teach these people patriotism, and make them feel they are part of our country than any other one factor of our government. But unless Congress passes some law this winter the boys will lose their Americans and the whole regiment will go to pot. For these people are suspicious and shy with strangers, and even if they are kept in service no new officers could get the work out of them that these boyswho made them can. The only way that regiment can be kept up to the standard is to have the officers permanently attached to the regiment. Now I do not know whether you could or should help in the matter. But we all feel very strongly for the boys, and want that regiment kept up for our own sakes and the sake of the Island. It won’t cost any more than at present, and you will have a splendid body of men ready for any tropical service you may need. In the civil life every thing is running much more smoothly. With Hunt at the helm it is a much easier proposition, as he can & will handle the native bosses. The trouble comes when he leaves the Island, - but I am sure now that we shall have a fairly quick winter, and get thro' the legislation all right. We can work out our own salvation here if we only keep our "eyes on the ball." Meanwhile we get more work to the minute than any other spot on the globe. It is perfectly "bully" – I am only sorry that you can not be here to take part in this fun. But you have real work to do at home and you are doing it mighty well. Keep it up. That is what you are there for. Always sincerely yours Regis H. Post [*[Post]*]War Department, Washington. File December 29, 1902. Dear Mr. President: Father McKeon's name is still waiting the answer to some inquiries which are necessary to comply with the regulations relating the the appointment of chaplains. Faithfully yours, Elihu Root The President.War Department, Washington. COPY. Memorandum for the President: Respectfully returned to the President. I do not think it is in the interest of peace and public order in the Philippines that Mabini should be permitted to return without taking the oath of allegiance. His refusal gives us fair notice that if he returns he will continue to plot for insurrection as he has hitherto. It seems clear to me that the practical duty which rests upon us to preserve the peace of the community in the Philippine Islands, and to prevent the great body of ignorant natives from being led again into the horrors of insurrection and civil war, should prevail over any sentimental considerations affecting this one individual. Mabini is not a prisoner. He is at liberty to go anywhere in the world, at his own will, provided that he does not return to the Philippines without taking the oath of allegiance. Elihu Root, Secretary of War. December 29, 1902. see Roosevelt, letter to Taft. 12/26/02Chicago Evening Post, J.C. Shaffer, Prest. [*Ackd 1-2-1903*] [[shorthand]] Chicago, December 29, 1902. My dear Mr. President:- Your letter was duly received, but I waited for certain events to transpire before answering it. I congratulate you on the result of the Venezuela controversy. Russia may have been the orator of the Hague Tribunal, but you breathed into it the breath of life. You have won a great victory for the country, and an equal victory for the world, in that you have given life and vitality to the Hague Tribunal, which, so far as the continent of Europe was concerned, was a dead body. Mr. Hay's management of the Pekin situation, and the Venezuela situation, easily makes him the first diplomat in the world today. I hope to be in Washington between the eighth and tenth of January, and shall do myself the honor of calling to see you. Trusting that you and yours may have perfect health during the coming year, and that your administration may be successful in the future, as it has been in the past, I am Sincerely yours, J. C. Shaffer His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington, D.C.WILLIAM A. OTIS & CO. December 29th 1902 BANKERS AND BROKERS. COLORADO SPRINGS. [*File*] COLORADO. WILLIAM A.OTIS. PHILIP B.STEWART WILLIAM P.SARGEANT. FRANCIS GILPIN. Dear President Roosevelt, I have made up my mind to ignore the attitude of the Federal holders of office in so far as their course bears in the Senatorial situation . We must fight it out at this end. Their course could not be approved by you - nor by any other decent man in so far as some actions go: but I am satisfied that the only fair way to you is to settle these matters here. The next Senator will be neither Teller nor Wolcott. There may be a deadlock. If not, then a "dark horse". I am forced to take a hand at Denver and shall probably open quarters there tomorrow. I despair the coarseness and the slime of this row but my own and the party's good faith leave me no alternative I have powerful corporations and other strong allies hither to with Wolcott - and an overwhelming preponderance of Republican sentiment, Always Your friend, Philip B Stewart1721 NINETEENTH STREET [*Ackd*] Dear Mr President Please accept the bottle of sherry It is guaranteed - of the private stock of the late Queen Victoria Faithfully and Cordially A. M Young 29th Dec. /02Mr. Perkins telephoned from N.Y. that he is very much disturbed by a message received from Washington this afternoon that the Atty. Genl. is to institute proceedings tomorrow against the coal companies. He cannot believe this. If anything of the kind were done, there is danger of serious trouble in N.Y.; and he hopes the President will give him an opportunity of talking with him about the matter over. 12-29-1902.[[shorthand notation]] [[/shorthand notation]]United States Senate, Cleveland, Ohio December 30, 1902. [*Ackd 1-2-1903*] [[shorthand]] The President, White House, Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr. President: I am in receipt of information from Florida to the effect that an effort is to be made to overcome your decision with reference to Mr. McGourin's appointment as United States Marshal. This matter has assumed such shape that personally I feel a renewed interest in it, and I hope no action will be taken until I can see you in Washington next week. Truly yours, M A Hanna[*Ack'd 12/31/1902*] [*Papers ret'd*] Department of State, Washington, December 30, 1902. Dear Mr. President :- I believe this is a very respectable Club, and there is no reason why the President should not be, ex-officio, an honorary member. If you have any doubt about it, I will address a note to Mr. Choate, asking him, as he is on the ground, if he sees anything out of the way in it. [*"The Pilgrims" an English Club.*] Yours faithfully John Hay[*File*] FIFTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS SERENO E. PAYNE, Chalrman. John Dalwell, Joseph W. Babcock , Albert J. Hopkins, Victor H. Metcalf, Charles H, Grosvener, James D. Richardson, Charles A. Russell, Samuel M. Robertson, George W. Steele, Claude A. Swanson, James A. Tawney, Geo. B. McClellan, Samuel W. McCall, Francis G. Newlands, Chester I. Long, Sam Bronson Cooper. Hall Greenfield, Clerk. COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS, HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Washington, D.C., Auburn, N.Y., Dec. 30, 1902 Dict. by S. E. P. to B. Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary, White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir: - Your note of the 27th received. I will call upon the President as you suggest upon my return to Washington. I may not, however, be able to see him before Monday morning, as I am liable to be detained here. Yours very truly, Sereno E Payne[*File*] 451 MADISON AVENUE. New York 30 Dec. 1902 Dear Mr. President: The admirable portrait bearing your autograph & kindly words has just reached me - having gone to the county as we came down here & being only returned last night. I hasten to say how glad I am to get it & in particular how highly I appreciate && shall always [the] prize the enhanced value your inscription has conferred. Let me take the opportunity, in a word, to say how fully I agree with a phrase in a letter Mr. Carnegie has just sent me on another topic. After disposing of that, he continued: - "The world took a step forward, the other day; the Republic led it, & Theodore Roosevelt becomes one of the few great great benefactors of man." With thanks for the picture, congratulations on Venezuela, & the best wishes of the season, I am Very sincerely yours, Whitelaw Reid.[*Ackd 1-15-1902*] [*ppF & pr*] Legation of the United States Madrid Monday 30 Dec. Dear Theodore, You asked me what I wanted & if I dare to intrude small matters on you -- only try to think that I do it for what I think the good of the service. You know I don't want to stay here one minute longer than I feel it is necessary to complete these negotiations. I have had in hand two years and three months. It is not therefore for myself but for the post and the good of this Legation that I again call on you to replace the present Secretary by a live person, from the United States.I personally have been shut up eleven days until today with acute ophthalmia which endangered permanently one eye - and I still see with difficulty & pain. Once during this time I drove out to see the Minister of State and accomplish the task - I hope - point of agreement to be arrived at. During all this time I have been two and three hours a day dictating and listening doing my important work through Mrs Storer and my stenographer. The Secretary has not even called to ask how I was much less to ask if he could do anything or receive any instructions. As for two years and a half for work or assistance he might have been again a [?] mass of protoplasm. Today I hadLegation of the United States Madrid to go for two hours to the Legation with Mrs Storer to look over texts of treaties for me. ------------ It was very important to find some papers &c and I finally an hour after the hour he should be there telephoned to know whether the Sec was sick or was coming. He said he would come at 2 o clock. Contrary to my duties advise I went again to the legation, waited until 4 -- and no appearance. -- This has gone on monthly, weekly ever since I came. He is charged by the Regulations with the custody of papers - actions & a & knows less than an outsider. I havebeen doing all his work as well as what belongs to me -- He is absolutely incompetent. For the good of the Service give this Legation something else . Theres Bob Emmet, I learn wanting a place - There's Gen. Morgans nephew little [Lawrence??] admirably fitted in work & ability if he'd be willing to lean to Consular service & take this; There's a son of Judge Hammond of Memphis (Tafts great friend) whom his father two years ago begged me to take as a Clerk on his graduation from the Harvard Law School -Legation of the United States Madrid Send Kermit and the country will have more truthtelling, common sense, patriotism, and manliness than the Secretary ship of this Legation has had for the last four years - Did I want to put you in any hold or near it a matter personal to myself, I should lay the alternative of his going away as my own. Far from this I stand it and him until I go to spare you any need of sudden action or choice - but do for the sake of theservice and of Justice between man & man, keep it down deep in yr mind that in this small point of the mass of things you have to look at -- that there is sickening & vulgar incapacity to make a loyal American blush I don't ask yr pardon - this is part of the burdens both of having the responsibility and a caring friend Faithfully yours Bellamy Storer[*File ppF pr*] [*Personal.*] Dec. 30, 1902. CIVIL GOVERNOR OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. My dear Theodore (I may venture once) I write to thank you for your kind letter which I shall preserve always and to congratulate you on the personal triumph you won in the settlement of the coal strike and in the great victory of the Republicans of the November elections. But for you and your popularity, I feel confident that we should have lost The House. A majority of thirty in an off year is unprecedented and shows your hold upon the people. All you have to do to be the elected president of the United States is to live. I sincerely hope that you will be able to induce Congress [*File*] to take a broad view of our relations with Cuba, and of our duty to the Philippines, and to reject the view of the present politicians who fear a loss of a few prejudiced and pecuniarly interested voters. Conditions here are so dependent on Congressional action that I can hardly refrain from calling an appeal to Congress every day on the subject. We are progressing slowly but we are progressing. We have had the Governors of the provinces in convention in Manila during these last two weeks and the meeting was productions of great good not only in organizing the census which was its first purpose but also in a general discussion of important matters. Miles has left his trail through the Islands in his effort to besmirch his own cloth and I doubt not our anti-imperialistswill enjoy a new feast of blood and hostility on his return. He is a curiously constituted man. I dont understand him. Day after tomorrow, Judge Smith comes into the Commission. We need him badly. The absence of Wright and Ide makes the addition of a lawyer to the Commission especially valuable. The negotiations with the Delegate have been suspended during the visit of the Governors and the holidays but we shall resume them after the New Year's. The Friars are so unreasonable in their valuations that they make an agreement difficult. However I do not despair. If we decline to pay, they will be in a worse situation than we shall be. My health continues good. Mrs. Taft is not as strong as I should like to have her. We propose to move the commission and the executive office to Bev. Just for the [three] four hot months of March April May and June. There we shall have air like that on the Maine coast. We shall be within telegraphic reach [and] of Manila and about a day distant by mail. Such a change seems necessary to rehabilitate us in this land of high temperatures. Please present my respectful compliments to Mrs. Roosevelt and believe me, My dear Theodore, with great respect and confidence. Gratefully and affectionately yours Wm H Taft The Hon. Theodore Roosevelt President of the United StatesAmasa Thornton, Lawyer, 180 Broadway. Cable Address: "Amaston New York" New York, Dec. 30th, 1902. (Personal.) George B. Cortelyou, Esq., Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. My Dear Sir:- Your letter of the 29th received. I am very likely to be in Washington within four or five days on business. If the President will arrange so that Mr. Root will give me a half hour, I will go over the whole situation with him and then he and the President can talk more intelligently about the questions covered in my letter of the 27th. I repeat what I said in my letter of the 27th, that Mr. Root, Archbishop Ireland and myself can sit down together and draw a contract for arbitration that will be satisfactory to the President, Mr. Root, Judge Taft and the Vatican, and which the Vatican would be glad to execute and carry out, and the result of this would be the Americanizing of hierarchy of the Catholic Church in the Phillippines. Please communicate this to the President. Archbishop Ireland requested me to see Mr. Root when I was in Washington last week. I sent my card to his room in the morning at the Hotel, as I stay at the Arlington, but he was busy and I did not try to see him at any other time. It was the day he was to appear before the Senate Committee on the Personal Staff Bill. Yours respectfully, Amasa Thornton.25 BROAD STREET NEW YORK [*Ackd 1-2-1903*] To His Excellency, the President of the United States. Dear Mr. Rosevelt. You are no doubt, by this, in receipt of my sister Mrs John Van Vorst's letter in acknowledgement and response to yours written in reference to The Woman Who Toils. I am joint authour of the book having written the articles on the Shoe Factories of Lynn and the Cotton Mills of South Carolina. The book, far more vast and wide reaching than the articles, (which here necessarily cut for the magazine) appears [Jan] Feb. 9. - and it will be to us a favor whose honor & distinction I can not measure, if you will permit a fewour editors - Doubleday & Page are holding all proofs until your distinguished response is received - I am reposting through mail a full set of proofs to your Excellency.words from you letter to appear in the preface. Your recognition was a tremendous pleasure to us both and a mark of honor we are not slow to appreciate. Begging an accord to our petition permit me to remain - your excellency Very admiringly yours - Marie Van Vorst Care Frederic B. Van Vorst 25 Broad Street New York Dec 30th, 1902.OFFICE OF MISSISSIPPI BUREAU NEW ORLEANS PICAYUNE EDGAR S. WILSON MANAGER JACKSON Dec. 30, 1902. My dear Mr. President: Fourteen months ago you confided to me a great trust. As I told you at the time, you placed me between two walls of fire, the negro killing ballot box stuffing free silverites on the one side and the discredited office broking Republicans on the other. I told you that I could not accept this trust, great and complimentary as it was, unless you would stand by me. You replied that you would not only stand by me, but stand with me. And you have done this without variableness or shadow of turning. My devotion to you has grown and strengthened daily. How well I have executed this trust, you best know and if you did not, it would not be modest of me to speak. I may however, quote you the identical words of Major John R. Lynch touching the situation in Mississippi, and I feel sure that they will prove gratifying to you, as they have to me. Lynch, I regard as the greatest and ablest negro politician in America. Clean, honest, manly. He was always opposed to James Hill and stood with Chairman Collins and Secretary Moseley of the State Central Committee, who are your devoted friends and mine. Lynch and the late Senator Bruce were political allies. Following are the words of Lynch: "In Mississippi I find the situation all that could be expected or desired, so far as relates to party affairs and the distribution of offices. In fact, in this respect, I am agreably surprised. There never was a time when there was so little dissatisfaction within the ranks of the party. The colored people are being treated with marked consideration and perfect fairness. They, therefore, have no fault to find with the Administration. The delegation from thisOFFICE OF MISSISSIPPI BUREAU NEW ORLEANS PICAYUNE EDGAR S. WILSON MANAGER JACKSON state will not be solid for the [re-]nomination of the President but the character and composition of the delegation will compare favorably with that of any state in the Union." Lynch is on a leave of absence and will be in the state for about 20 days and will look after your interests in his rounds. You will recall that he took a letter from me to you last spring and that you sent me one which he afterwards wrote you. I have recently handled matters so as to secure four more members of the State Executive Committee and your friends now absolutely control it, no matter what Hill, whose record was so bad that you could not appoint him, may say or do. Wishing you a happy New Year, I am, Yours as ever more than ever and forever, Edgar S. Wilson Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C.[ca 12-30-02] OFFICE OF MISSISSIPPI BUREAU NEW ORLEANS PICAYUNE EDGAR S. WILSON MANAGER JACKSON The President Dear Mr. Cortelyou: This letter contains matter of the greatest importance which should reach the Presidents eye immediately. Yours very truly Edgar S. Wilson[For enc. see 12-30-02]Army War College, Washington, December 31, 1902. Hon. John Hay, Secretary of State. Sir: I have the honor to state that on Sunday morning last, — the 28th instant, — I received a letter from Mr. Chapman Coleman, of the State Department, saying that it was desired that I prepare for the information and use of the President and of the State Department a paper showing the effect which the adoption of the pending Cuban treaty would have upon the commercial conditions of the United States. I was at that time engaged in the revision of a statement made by me before the sub-committee of the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the Senate. On Monday afternoon i returned the statement to the Senate committee, it was printed yesterday, and this morning I have received a copy from Senator Cullom, which I transmit to you herewith. I believe that this statement contains the information requested in Mr. Coleman's letter. If the President or yourself desires a statement on any other lines, and you will kindly indicate them to me, I shall at once set to work to do what I can. The accompanying statement gives the value of the treaty in dollars and cents, both to the United States and to Cuba. Very respectfully, Tasker H Bliss Brigadier General, U.S. Army. (1 enclosure.)[*[For 1 enc. see 12-19-02 "Statement of Gen. T.H. Bliss..."]*]TELEGRAM Ackd 1/4/1902 [[shorthand notation]] [[/shorthand notation]] White House, Washington. 7 WU BM GI 24 PAID - - - 6:30p PB--Cleveland, Chic, December 31, 1902. The PresidentL If you have not decided finally upon marshalship in South-Carolina, some friends ask for a little delay to have you consider Major Adams recommendation, M. A. Hanna.United States Senate, Cleveland, Ohio, December 31, 1902. Honorable George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. My Dear Sir: I am in receipt of your note of the 27th instant, and have to say in reply that I will be in Washington on the morning of the fifth of January, and will see the President at the first opportunity. Truly yours, M A HannaDepartment of State, Washington, December 31, 1902. Dear Mr. President:- [*Tasker H*] I enclose a letter from General Bliss, transmitting a copy of his statement before the sub-Committee on Foreign Relations, on the Cuban treaty. I have asked Mr. Cullen if he can give me any copies of it. He said he could not spare more than two, as only a few have been printed for the use of the sub-Committee. So I fear Burrows will have to wait a few days for his ammunition. Yours faithfully John Hay[[SHORTHAND]] [*Ack'd 1-2-1902 ppF*] The Maples Easton Penn'a My dear Theodore, I have been thinking so much of the past and of your dear Father and Mother the last few days, and how proud they would have been of your success. I feel, considering how well I knew you as a small boy, when you used to come to Easton for your asthma, and my great intimacy with your Father and Mother, I would liketo add my congratulations to the many others you have received and wish you and yours every hapiness for the new year. I think the only members of my family you have met in recent years are Fannie and Roosevelt. They also send best wishes. You know my Mother and your Father were sisters children, and as my Grandmother married her first cousin we really are double kin. So no wonder I am proud of you and take a great interest in all your doings. With my kindest regards for you and your wife in which my husband joins most cordially Your Cousin Julia L. Michler December thrity first Nineteen hundred and one 23 WALL STREET [*NY*] [*Ackd 1-2-1903*] With compliments of Mr. Geo. W. Perkins. December 31st, 1902. [*[For enc see Perkins 12-31-02]*]Lotos Lake. Sayville, Long Island. [*Ackd 1-2-1903*] Dec 31 [*[1902]*] My Dear Theodore I have never written a suggestion to you as I dont claim that we old men have all the wisdom. But I cannot help congratulating youon your escape from arbitrating the Venezuela matter. By so doing you have effected more for the national reputation than when you went up Santiago hill and moreover saved the country from desperate danger of complications. Merry Christmas & Happy New Year to you and Edith & all the family. Yours affectionately Uncle Rob. [*[Roosevelt]*]Harvard University Lawrence Scientific School, N. S. Shaler, Dean. J. L. Love, Secretary. Cambridge, Mass., December 31, 1902. Dear Mr. President: I have your letter concerning the Phi Beta ode. The name of the surgeon was Luke Blackburn,--a brother of Senator Blackburn, but a very substantial, silent man. As a fit end of the debate, the people of Kentucky broke the political slate in the convention, nominated him for governor, and elected him with an astounding majority. The two other characters were by name unknown to me. I talked with the youth at the mine after the incident; but I preferred not to know his name, for I would have him stay in my memory with the great unknown, noble mass of our common humanity. Faithfully yours, N. S. Shaler To the President of the United States.[*[ca 12-31-02]*] Secretary Hay sends the following to the President: "I have directed that the several courts be notified of the changes you have ordered and that the news be given out Wednesdays." Concerning your Telegram to Mr. Adee he inquires if matter is to be announced Thursday afternoon or Friday morning; also if Bragg transfer is to be given out at same time.[Enc. in Perkins 12-31-02] NEW YORK, December 31, 1902. To the Stockholders of the United States Steel Corporation. GENTLEMEN: Enclosed you will find a copy of a circular letter this day issued tot he employees of the United States Steel Corporation and its subsidiary companies. This circular sets forth two plans by which it is hoped to accomplish the following objects, viz: FIRST. To interest a large number of the employees of the Corporation and its subsidiary companies in becoming permanent stockholders. SECOND. To engage on a profit-sharing basis the services of the presidents, officers, managers, superintendents and all others charged with responsibility in managing the affairs of the Corporation, thus making these man actual partners with you in the ownership and management of the Corporation. At the time of the organization of the United States Steel Corporation, many of the subsidiary companies were managed, to a greater or less degree, by men who had a very large personal pecuniary interest in them, and naturally gave to the direction of the affairs of their companies a large part or all of their time. The aim of the Steel Corporation has been to devise some plan by which to maintain this same important incentive, but in place of having it center in comparatively few men, so to distribute its effect throughout the Corporation that every man, in his place, would feel that he had become a partner in the business and would work from that point of view. A profit-sharing plan of some kind has seemed to be the only way of reaching this most desirable end, and since the Corporation was organized two years ago the Finance Committee has given much thought to the consideration of such a plan. The plan now announce is one that has met with unanimous approval and it will be tried. After the test of use improvements can doubtless be suggested, and all such suggestions will be cordially welcomed and, if practicable, adopted. One of the main purposes has been to devise some plan that with equal fairness would apply to every man, from the President of the Steel Corporation itself to the man with pick and shovel working for one of the subsidiary companies. In addition it was desired to accomplish the following objects: 1st. To interest the large number of young and able employees in the work of more closely organizing and systematizing the business in all its branches and ramifications, not only in connection with their own local concerns, but as an integral part of the Steel Corporation as a harmonious whole. [*[Enc. in Perkins 12-31-02]*] [*[12-31-02]*] 2d. To interest these men in reducing the general expenses as well as the particular cost of manufacture. 3d. To offer to these men an inducement to remain permanently in the Corporation's service. 4th. To avoid the tendency of a profit-sharing plan pertaining solely to a constituent company to build up the profits of that company to the possible detriment of the broadest and best interests of the Corporation as an harmonious whole, and therefore to base the plan on the profits of the Corporation itself. 5th. To devise a plan by which, in the apportionment of money for the improvement and development of plants, Company A, for instance, would be interested in what Company B was doing, and Company B in what Company A was doing, constituting, as nearly as possible, automatic regulation against unnecessary duplication of appropriations. The Finance Committee realizes that the accomplishment of all the above desirable results will severely test any one plan, and the plan recommended may fall short of our expectations. It has, however, been canvassed very carefully with the presidents of all the subsidiary companies, and it has met with their unanimous approval. It is believed that at the very beginning the plan will interest a substantial number of the most thrifty men, and that eventually it will interest many of them. It will be noted from the enclosed circular that of the stock which is offered for sale the workingmen have been allowed to subscribe for a much larger amount than the officers can subscribe for. This is because at present it is impossible to devise a plan for sharing with the laboring men profits based on their daily wages; but it is believed that profits can be shared with these men based, so to speak, on stock held by them, and especially with such men as shall continue permanently in the Corporation's service. This plan will embrace a large body of men who have no part in the direct management of the Corporation's affairs, are not directly responsible for results, and are not able, in any direct way, to affect the cost of manufacture or the net profits as a whole, and yet who, by their faithful service, are able to contribute much to the general gain of the Corporation and should be recognized in some substantial manner. In round figures, it requires $75,000,000 to pay the interest on the Corporation's bonds, dividends at the rate of 7 per cent. on its preferred stock, dividends at the rate of 4 per cent. on its common stock, and to make sinking fund deposits. At this date there are about 55,000 stockholders. These stockholders, of course, own the vast properties of the United States Steel Corporation. It is believed that they and other possible investors in the Corporation's bonds and stocks would feel a special sense of security in the continued earning power of the Corporation if they knew that the officers and the managing men generally of the entire organization were willing to enter into a contract by which part of their compensation for services rendered shall be paid only after the realization of $80,000,000 of profits; in other[*[Enc. in Perkins 12-31-02]*] [*[12-31-02]*] NEW YORK, December 31, 1902. To the Officers and Employees of the United States Steel Corporation and of its Subsidiary Companies: GENTLEMEN - For several months the Finance Committee has been engaged in perfecting a plan which, in its opinion, would make it your common interest to become permanent holders of the preferred stock of the Corporation. The Finance Committee has been endeavoring also to devise some comprehensive plan under which those of you who are charged with the responsibility of managing and directing the affairs of the Corporation, or of its several subsidiary companies, shall receive compensation partly on a profit-sharing basis. The Committee has not been willing to adopt any system that shall not include every employee, from the President of the Corporation itself to the men working by the day in the several subsidiary companies. A plan which, in the judgment of the Finance Committee, will accomplish these results, was submitted to the Board of Directors at its December meeting, and by unanimous vote the Finance Committee was authorized to proceed to perfect and promulgate the plan. It is now submitted to you, in the hope and belief that it will receive from all of you the same hearty approval that was given to it by the Presidents of the several subsidiary companies, who were freely consulted while the plan was being thought out and put into shape. The plan is divided into two parts. Part one: From the earnings of the Corporation during the year 1902 there will have been set aside at least Two Million dollars, and as much more as is necessary, for the purchase of at least 25,000 shares of the Corporation's Preferred Stock for the purpose of making the following offer to all the employees of the Steel Corporation and of its subsidiary companies: At the present time there are in the service of the Corporation, and of its subsidiary companies, about 168,000 employees, whom we propose now to divide into six classes, as follows: CLASS A will include all those who receive salaries of $20,000 a year or over. CLASS B will include all those who receive salaries of from $10,000 to $20,000 a year. CLASS C will include all those who receive salaries of from $5,000 to $10,000 a year. CLASS D will include all those who receive salaries of from $2,500 to $5,000 a year. CLASS E will include all those who receive salaries of from $800 to $2,500 a year. CLASS F will include all those who receive salaries of $800 a year or less. During the month of January, 1903, the above-mentioned stock will be offered to any and every man in the employ of the Corporation, or any of its subsidiary companies, at the price of $82.50 per share; subscriptions for this stock to be made on blanks obtainable at the office of the treasurer of any subsidiary company. Every many can subscribe for as much stock as he chooses, not to exceed the sum represented by a certain percentage of his annual salary, as indicted in the following table: Any man who belongs to class A, as indicated in the preceding classification, will be allowed to subscribe for an amount of stock represented by a sum not to exceed 5 per cent. of his annual salary. Class B, 8 per cent. Class C, 10 per cent. Class D, 12 per cent. Class E, 15 per cent. Class F, 20 per cent.[*[Enc. in Perkins 12-31-02]*] [*[12-31-02]*] If, on the basis of subscription, more than 25,000 shares shall be subscribed for, 25,000 shares will be awarded to the several subscribers in the order of the classes beginning with the lowest or Class F, the upper classes to receive only in case any stock shall remain untaken by the Class below, and each class to receive ratably in the amount left for that class if there be not enough to satisfy the full subscription of that class, but each subscriber will be allotted at least one full share, even though this might make it necessary for the Finance Committee to purchase more than 25,000 shares. Payment of the subscriptions for the stock must be made in monthly instalments, to be deducted from the salary or wages of the subscriber, in such amounts as he may desire, not to exceed 25 per cent. of any one month's salary or wages. A man may take as long as he chooses, not exceeding three years, to pay for his stock. Dividends on the stock will go to the subscriber from the date on which he commences to make payments on account of his subscription. Interest at 5 per cent. will be charged on deferred payments on the stock. In the case a man shall discontinue payments before his stock shall have been fully paid for, he can withdraw the money he has paid on account of principal and may keep the difference between the 5 per cent. interest he has paid and the 7 per cent. dividend he has received on the stock; and thereupon his subscription and all interest on the stock to which the same relates shall cease and determine. As soon as the stock shall have been fully paid for, it will be issued in the name of the original subscriber and the certificate will be given to him, and he can then sell it any time he chooses. But as an inducement for him to keep it and to remain continuously in the employ of the Corporation or of one or another of the subsidiary companies, and to have the same interest in the business that a stockholder or working partner would have, the following offer is made, viz: If he will not sell or part with the stock, but will keep it and in January of each year, for five years, commencing with January, 1904, will exhibit the certificate to the Treasurer of his company, together with a letter from a proper official, to the effect that he has been continuously in the employ of the Corporation or of one or another of its subsidiary companies during the preceding year, and has shown a proper interest in its welfare and progress, he will during each of such five years receive checks at the rate of $5 a share per year. For example: If a man buys one share of this stock in January, 1903, he will undertake to pay $82.50 for it. If after paying for it he keeps it for five years he will in each year have received dividends at the rate of 7 per cent. on the par value of the stock, and also will have received each year an extra dividend, so to speak, of $5; this latter sum being paid to him as special compensation for rendering continuous faithful service to the Corporation or to one or another of its subsidiary companies, as shown by the exhibition of his certificate together with a letter from a proper official showing that he has worked to promote the best interests of the company in which he has thus become practically a partner. If he shall remain continuously in the service of the Corporation or of one or another of its subsidiary companies for five years, at the end of the fifth year the Corporation intends that he shall receive a still further dividend, which cannot now be ascertained or stated, but which will be derived from the following source, viz: All who subscribe in stock for January, 1903, and commence to pay for it, but who discontinue at any time during the five years, of course will not receive the $5 per share for such of the five years as remain after they discontinue. The corporation, will, however, pay into a special fund each year the $5 payments that would have been made to such subscribers had they continued. This fund shall be credited with 5 per cent. annual interest, and at the end of the five years period the total amount thus accumulated will be divided into as many parts as shall be equal to the number of shares then remaining in the hands of men who shall have continued in such employ for the whole five years, and the Corporation will then by its own final determination award each man whom it shall find deserving thereof as[*[Enc. in Perkins 12-31-02]*] [*[12-31-02]*] many parts of such accumulated fund as shall be equal to the number of shares held by him under this plan: Provided, however, that if a subscriber shall have died or shall have become disabled while faithfully serving the Corporation or one or another of its subsidiary companies, during such five years, period, the money theretofore paid by him on account of the stock he was purchasing, or, if he has fully paid for it, the certificate of stock may be turned over by the Corporation to his estate or to him, together with a sum equal to $5 per share for each of the five years not then expired. If this plan shall be received favorably and shall meet with success, it is intended at the close of next year, to make a similar offer, excepting, of course, that the price at which the stock then will be offered cannot be guaranteed now; it is, however, the intention to offer it at about the then market price, and in all other respects to make the terms of the offer similar to those now submitted. The continuation of this policy would make it possible for a man to buy one or more shares of the stock each year under a contract with the Corporation upon terms offering a safer and more profitable investment than he could possibly find for his savings anywhere else. Part Two: During the year we have been and are now engaged in making changes and adjustments in the salaries of the men who occupy official and semi-official positions and who are engaged in directing and managing the affairs of the Corporation and of its several subsidiary companies in all the various branches of the departments of mining, manufacturing and transportation. We have been making these changes preparatory to inaugurating, on January 1, 1903, a plan by which all the men who are thus directly and indirectly charged with the responsibility of managing and operating these vast properties, will share with the stockholders in any profits made after a certain amount of annual net earnings shall have been reached, and to this end the following plan has been adopted. In round figures it requires about $75,000,000 to pay the interest on the bonds of the Corporation and of its several subsidiary companies, the dividends on the preferred and common stock, at the rates now being declared, and to make sinking fund deposits. The Board of Directors has approved the recommendation of the Finance Committee to the effect that Whenever $80,000,000, and less than $90,000,000, is earned during 1903, 1 per cent shall be set aside: Whenever $90,000,000, and less than $100,000,000, is earned during 1903, 1.2 per cent shall be set aside; Whenever $100,000,000, and less than $110,000,000, is earned during 1903, 1.4 per cent shall be set aside; Whenever $110,000,000 and less than $120,000,000 is earned during 1903, 1.6 per cent shall be set aside; Whenever $120,000,000 and less than $130,000,000 is earned during 1903, 1.8 per cent shall be set aside; Whenever $130,000,000 and less than $140,000,000 is earned during 1903, 2 per cent, shall be set aside; Whenever $140,000,000 and less than $150,000.000 is earned during 1903, 2 1/4 per cent shall be set aside; Whenever $150,000,000 and less than $160,000,000 is earned during 1903, 2 1/2 per cent shall be set aside. It is intended that not only the Presidents, Officers, Managers and Superintendents shall share in these profits, but they shall be shared in as well by all other men charged with responsibility in[*[Enc. in Perkins 12-31-02]*] [*[12-31-02]*] managing the affairs of the Corporation, and the final selection of the men who shall share is to be made by the Finance Committee of the Steel Corporation. The question of what constitutes profits and all other questions shall be determined solely and finally by the Finance Committee, and as this Committee will have no interest whatsoever, directly or indirectly, in the profit sharing plan, its rulings must be accepted by all as fair, impartial and conclusive. We may not, in the first year, get an equitable apportionment, but it is not the intention to make permanent the above schedule or the apportionment of the same. The programme is hereby announced as the plan for the year 1903, and the Finance Committee reserves the right to announce this or any other plan as a substitute for this, at the end of 1903 for the year 1904. Any profits distributed under the above schedule and to the above classes of men will be paid out as follows, for example : If $80,000,000 be earned during the year 1903, then $800,000 would be the sum set aside for distribution. It is proposed to distribute one-half of this sum in cash quarterly during the year ; reserve the other half until the end of the year ; and then invest it in preferred stock ; divide the amount of stock thus purchased, distributing one-half to the employees who are entitled to it, and holding the other half in the hands of the treasurer of the Corporation, giving each man a certificate for his interest, the certificate to recite among other things : FIRST. That if he remains continnously in the service of the Corporation or of one or another of its subsidiary companies for five years, the stock shall be delivered to him and he may do as he likes with it. SECOND. That if he dies or becomes totally and permanently disabled while in the employ of the Corporation or of one or another of its subsidiary companies, the stock will be delivered to his estate or to him. THIRD. That he can draw the dividends declared on the stock while it is held for his account and he remains in the employ of the Corporation or of one or another of its subsidiary companies. FOURTH. That if without previous consent voluntarily he shall have quitted the service of the Corporation or of its subsidiary companies, he shall forfeit all right to this stock, and in such case it will be held in a fund which at the end of five years will be divided among such employees as shall have complied with all the conditions. Thus 25 per cent. of all the money set aside in this profit-sharing plan will be held for five years and will be given to such only as at the end of that period shall be in the employ of the Corporation or of one or another of its subsidiary companies from and since January 1, 1903. As the value of the interests of the United States Steel Corporation in the several subsidiary companies necessarily will be enhanced by everything that tends to increase their efficiency and earnings, this offer includes their employees as well as those of the Corporation itself. By order of the Finance Committee. UNITED STATES STEEL CORPORATION, GEORGE W. PERKINS, Chairman.[*[Enc. in Perkins 12-31-02]*] [*[12-31-02]*] words, after interest on bonds, dividends on preferred and common stock, and sinking funds shall have been earned and paid or set aside. It has been and still is intended, therefore, to make such an adjustment of salaries as shall seem proper in order that every man in the employ of the Corporation or of any of its subsidiary companies will feel that he is receiving a fair and reasonable compensation for his services, and that over and above such sum he shall have an opportunity each year to earn a substantial extra sum of money, provided he and his associates shall have been successful in earning for the stockholders a substantial surplus over and above interest, dividend and sinking fund charges. The basis of this is outlined in the accompanying circular. In the matter of adjusting salaries, we have gone far enough to know that on and after January 1, 1903, we will have in the employ of the Steel Corporation and of all of its subsidiary companies not to exceed 12 men with salaries of $20,000 a year or over. This includes the salary of $100,000 which is fixed as belonging to the office of President of the Corporation itself. There will be not to exceed 50 men who will receive from $10,000 to $20,000 a year. There will be about 200 men who will receive from $5,000 to $10,000 a year, and something over 1,500 men who will receive from $2,500 to $5,000 a year. We believe that the profit-sharing plan proposed in connection with the men receiving these salaries will materially quicken the interest of a large number of our men in the general success of the Steel Corporation, and that it will retain them permanently in its service; that it will stimulate individual effort all along the lines, giving us an increasingly solid and compact organization working for one common end, and enabling us to get general support for all plans promising further economies in manufacture and in administration. In this way more than in any other not already adopted can we provide a guaranty of the continued success of the Corporation. An immediate, important, and far reaching result of thus welding together the men of all the subsidiary companies and of interesting them in working for one common object is obtained through the following important arrangement for making appropriations for maintenance, alterations and extensions of plants during the year 1903. In the past, if any subsidiary company desired an appropriation for any purpose the president of the Company made his recommendation to the officers of the Steel Corporation, who investigated it fully and referred it to the Executive Committee, which considered the matter from every point of view, and if approved passed it on to the Finance Committee for final action. Now that we are to interest the presidents and the other officers of each subsidiary company in the profits of each of the other subsidiary companies, through a profit-sharing plan of the Steel Corporation as a whole, it will be found entirely practicable and highly advantageous to have the president of each subsidiary company give his opinion as to the advisability of a contemplated improvement or expenditure on any one of the plants, and to this end regularly to call the presidents of the subsidiary companies(see in Perkins 12-31-02) (12-31-02) together as manufacturing committee for conference. At such conferences all questions of contemplated expenditures and improvements on any plant will be discussed by the presidents of all the companies, and their recommendation will then go to the officers of the Steel Corporation and to the Executive Committee and ultimately to the Finance Committee. In the same way questions of purchasing supplies, and other questions of common interest, will be taken up at these Presidents' meetings and will be dealt with from the broad point of view of the success of the Steel Corporation as a whole. In short, the idea, as far as possible, is to administer the interests of the Steel Corporation by committee work, and to impress on every one in authority wherever possible and of advantage to the Corporation as a whole the importance of making such plant supplement, and co-operate with, every other plant of the United States Steel Corporation. By order of the Finance Committee. United States Steel Corporation, George W. Perkins, Chairman.VENEZUELA. No. 1 (1902). _____ CORRESPONDENCE RESPECTING THE AFFAIRS OF VENEZUELA [*ca 12-31-02*] _____ Presented to both Houses of Parliament by Command of His Majesty. December 1902. _____ LONDON: PRINTED FOR HIS MAJESTY'S STATIONERY OFFICE, BY HARRISON AND SONS, ST. MARTIN'S LANE, PRINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HIS MAJESTY. _____ And to be published, either directly or through any Bookseller, from EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, EAST HARDING STRRET, FLEET STREET, E.C., AND 32, ANINGDON STREET, WESTMINSTER, S.W.; OR OLIVER & BOYD, EDINBURGH; ON E. PONSONBY, 116, GRAFTON STREET, DUBLIN. [Cd. 1372.] Price 2 1/2d.TABLE OF CONTENTS. No. | Name. | | Date. | SUBJECT. | Page. 1 | Memorandum .. | .. | July 20, 1902 | Memorandum on existing causes of complaint against Venezuela. .. | 1 2 | To Mr. Buchanan .. | .. | 23, | German Ambassador has been told that his Majesty's Government are quite ready to confer with German Government as to taking joint action .. | 4 3 | To Mr. Haggard .. | Telegraphic | 29, | Instruction to address a formal protest to Venezuelan Government, and to intimate than unless a satisfactory reply is forthcoming His Majesty's Government will take steps necessary to obtain reparation in cases where it is due .. | 4 4 | Mr. Haggard .. | Telephonic | Aug. 5, | Summary of reply from Venezuelan Government | 5 5 | To Admiralty .. | .. | 8, | Informs of causes of complaint against Venezuela, and of Nos. 3 and 4. Asks for views as to best manner of putting pressure on Venezuelan Government .. | 6 6 | Admiralty .. | .. | 14, | Reply to No. 5. Consider a blockade would be the best course to adopt. .. | 6 7 | Mr. Haggard .. | Extract | 1, | Transmits copy of note addressed to Venezuelan Government in accordance with No. 3 .. | 6 8 | " " .. | Extract | 4, | Transmits reply from Venezuelan Government to note inclosed in No. 7 | 7 9 | Admiralty .. .. | .. | Oct. 10, | Transmits letter from Commander-in-chief on North American and West Indies Station respecting measures for carrying out proposed operations .. ... | 9 10 | To Admiralty .. | Extract | 22, | Acknowledges No. 9. Seizure of Venezuelan gun-boats would be the most convenient course .. | 10 11 | Admiralty .. | Extract | 28, | No serious difficulty anticipated in carrying out seizure of gun-boats referred to in No. 10 .. | 10 12 | To Mr. Haggard .. | Telegraphic | Nov. 11, " Instruction to address a note to Venezuelan Government respecting unsatisfactory nature of their reply (see No. 8). His Majesty's Government are ready to consider any further communication .. .. | 10 13 | To Mr. Buchanan .. | Extract | 11, | German Ambassador informed of No. 12. Reports conversation respecting joint execution of measures of coercion .. | 10 14 | " " | Extract | 17, | Conversation with Count Bernastorff respecting British and German claims, and manner in which they should be enforced .. | 11 15 | Mr. Haggard .. | Telegraphic | 17, | Summary of reply of Venezuelan Government to note addressed to them in accordance with No. 12 .. .. | 12 16 | " " .. | .. | Oct. 29. | Transmits note addressed to Venezuelan Government respecting treatment of British aloop "Racer" .. | 12 17 | Memorandum communicated with Count Metternich | .. | Nov. 26, | Measures to be adopted respecting presentation of ultimatum .. .. | 13 [1150] B2 iv TABLE OF CONTENTS. No. | Name. | | Date. | SUBJECT. | Page 18 | To Mr. Haggard .. | Telegraphic | Nov. 27, 1902 | Measures to be adopted in conjunction with German Government .. | 14 19 | Admiralty .. | .. | 27, | Transmits telegram from Commander-in-chief on North American Station, with Admiralty reply, relative to movements of His Majesty's ships .. | 14 20 | To Admiralty .. | .. | 28, | Acknowledges No. 19. Arrangements respecting presentation of Ultimatum .. | 15 21 | To Mr. Buchanan .. | Extract | Dec. 1, | German Ambassador informed of telegram to be sent to Mr. Haggard (see No. 22) and of arrangements made by Admiralty .. | 15 22 | To Mr. Haggard | Telegraphic | 2, | Ultimatum to be addressed to Venezuela Government .. | 16 APPENDIX. 1 | Mr. Haggard to General Pachano | .. | Jan. 24, 1902 | |Ban Righ." Explains circumstances in which vessel left British port .. .. | 17 2 | " " .. | .. | Mar. 27, | "Ban Righ." Views of His Majesty's Government on the question of liability .. | 172 Correspondence respecting the Affairs of Venezuela ––––––––––––––––––– No.1. Memorandum on existing Causes of Complaint against Venezuela. ———— Case of the Seizures by the Venezuelan Gun-boat "Augusto." IT appears from the sworn evidence of ten witnesses examined before the Attorney-General of Trinidad that on the 21st January, 1901, four boats—three Venezuelan and one belonging to a British subject—were at Patos Island waiting for the tide on their way between Port of Spain and the neighbouring ports of Venezuela, and appear on this occasion to have been simply carrying cargo and passengers in the ordinary way to Port of Spain. There were some twenty-five persons altogether in the boats, sailors and passengers, including several British subjects. On the morning of the 22nd the Venezuelan gun-boat "Augusto" appeared off the island, and, after remaining close in shore for some hours, summoned the people who had handed from the vessels above referred to to come on board the "Augusto." This demand not being complied with, a force of some twenty armed Venezuelans under Colonel Torres was landed on Patos, and proceded to remove the boats and collect their cargoes. About half the passengers and crew of the trading-boats were removed on board the "Augusto," the remainder taking refuge in the woods, where they were left without food, water, or means of leaving the island. Representations were at once made by His Majesty's Charge d'Affaires at Carácas with reference to this reported seizure and deportation of British subjects. A stringent inquiry was demanded, but so far on His Majesty's Government are aware no attention was paid to this demand. Case of the "Sea Horse." On the 26th February, 1901, John Craig, a fisherman of Trinidad, a British subject proceeded to Patos in pursuance of his calling in his boat, the "Sea Horse." Having beached his boat and landed with his boat's crew on the island, he was followed by the crew of a Venezuelan Guards Costs, armed with cutlasses and rifles, who beat one of his companions, fired at another, who, however, escaped unhurt, and finally seized the boat and its contents, leaving the men on the island without food or water. They were fortunately relieved by a passing boat two days later and taken back to Port of Spain. In this case, a strong remonstrance was addressed to the Venezuelan Government in respect of the leading of an armed force on British territory, and the assault on the persons and seizure of the property of British subjects. On the same occasion the "Buena Fé," a boat belonging to a Venezuelan citizen, resident in Trinidad, was seized under similar circumstances, and although the owner's nationality precluded support of any claim on his part, the interference with the boatman and the seizure of the property on Patos Island constituted a grave violation of British territory.3 The statements of fact were in each case supported by sworn declarations. The Venezuelan Government justified the notion of their Guards Costs by declaring that they considered Patos as belonging to Venezuela, and by waiting that the "Sea Horse" was thought to be engaged in smuggling. No proof of this was, however, adduced, nor did there appear to be any reasonable ground for the assumption. This pleas was subsequently amended by the further statement that the "Sea Horse" was suspected of landing arms, but the Venezuelan version of the fact proves that she never touched the coast and could not therefore have landed arms, while it was not even alleged that, after being chased to Patos where she was seized, she had any arms on board. The explanations offered after six months' correspondence were wholly unsatisfactory, and, as His Majesty's Minister states in the last despatch received on this subject, "no redress has been offered for an act which, even according to their own account (i.e., that of the Venezuelan Government), and if their assumed possession of the island be allowed, was one of unjustifiable violence." Case of the "Maria Teresa." In January 1901 the sloop "Maria Teresa," the property of a British subject, but flying the Venezuelan flag, was, when about to leave the Venezuelan port of Guiria, compelled to heave-to, and ordered to proceed to Trinidad, instead of her destination at Yrapa on the mainland. On the "Maria Teresa" proceeding to follow these instructions she was boarded by a boat from the "Miranda," which took off the master and two sailors, and after seizing the property on board the "Maria Teresa" set on fire and completely destroyed her. The Venezuelan Government, in justification of the "Miranda's" action, contended that the owner and master of the sloop had been actively engaged in assisting the revolutionists. Although the treatment of the British subjects on the board the sloop afforded ground for remonstrance, His Majesty's Government, in view of these statements, which were not, however, supported by proof, forbore to press the matter strongly, as there was some evidence that the vessel had been in communication with, if not in the employ of, the revolutionary party. Further inquiry and explanations were promised. Case of the "Pastor." The case of the "Pastor" afforded still stronger ground for protest. On the 30th August last year the Venezuelan-owned sloop "Pastor" left Port of Spain with a cargo of goods and with three passengers, one of whom at least was a British subject. There is some evidence to show that the "Pastor," in conjunction with three other boats of Venezuelan nationality, was engaged on a smuggling venture. On her arrival at Patos Bay, the Venezuelan revenue-boat "Totumo" appeared on the scene, and after examining the papers and cargo of the "Pastor" landed some of her crew on the island, seized and carried on board goods which had been there deposited by the "Pastor," and took the men engaged in the expedition as prisoners. She subsequently fired on the "Pastor," when that vessel was still in British waters. The correspondence exchanged with the Venezuelan Government with reference to this incident made it clear that they were determined to consider and to treat Patos as belonging to the Republic. In these circumstances, it was thought expedient to record a formal protest against this renewed and gross violation of British territorial waters by a Venezuelan gun-boat—which the facts that the "Pastor" was a Venezuelan vessel, and had infringed the Customs Regulations of Trinidad, were not held in any way to justify. His Majesty's Minister accordingly made a strong remonstrance with reference to this incident, but the Venezuelan Government stated that they could not make any investigation with regard to the violation of British territory, as they considered Patos Island, on which the violation of territory occurred, as their own legitimate possession. Case of the "Indiana." A further case of the violation of British rights occurred in January last in the seizure and detention of the British-owned and registered sloop "Indiana" in the3 River Barima, within Venezuelan territory, the waters of which are by the terms of the Anglo-Venezuelan Boundary Award open to the navigation of all nations in time of peace. In this instance the vessel, which carried only a cargo of empty barrels used for the conveyence of corn to the market of Georgetown, was suspected of smuggling, seized and carried into the Venezuelan port of Amakuru, the captain escaping in a native canoe. There was no evidence to support this charge of smuggling, and the Colonial authorities, to whom the case was reported, point out that the confiscation of the vessel was an excessively severe penalty for any infraction of the Customs laws, if such were deemed to have occurred. The representations made to the Venezuelan Government have hitherto failed to elicit any explanation. Case of the "In Time." A more recent instance of a similar character is the destruction of the British vessel "In Time" by the Venezuelan gun-boat "General Crespo," in the Venezuelan harbour of Pedernales on or about the 1st May last. It appears that on the arrival of the gun-boat "General Crespo" in Pedernales orders were given to seize all craft in port, and this was done. No provocation or justification of this order has been assigned. The "In Time" was then fired on by the gun-boat, and an armed party from the "Crespo" boarded her and broke her up. She subsequently drifted down the river and sank. In connection with this case, His Majesty's Minister was instructed to inform the Venzuelan Government that unless they could disprove the reports received as to the destruction of this vessel, His Majesty's Government might be obliged to cease extending the hospitality of British ports to Venezuelan cruizers. The Venezuelan Government have protested against the "menacing tone" of this communication, which they consider "inadmissible," even as a simple notification. Case of the "Queen." The seizure on the high seas of the British ship "Queen," of Grenada, reported by His Majesty's Minister in June, is the latest instance of such unwarrantable interference. In this case it appears, from sworn evidence, that the vessel, while on her voyage from Genada to Trinidad in ballast, was overhauled by the Venezuelan gun-boat "Restaurador" some 20 miles off Carupano; that after the seizure the "Queen" was towed into the Venezuelan port of Porlamar, there stripped of her sails and papers and finally cofinscated, on a mere suspicion of having carried a cargo of arms to Venezuela, the crew being put on shore and left destitute. The master and one of the crew, after remaining there twenty-seven days, obtained a passage on a Venezuelan sloop, and found their way to La Guayra, where they reported themselves to the British Vice-Consul. The facts having been brought to the knowledge of His Majesty's Minister, he at once addressed a representation to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and requested "To be informed what steps the Venezuelan Government intended to take with reference to this charge, in which more than one important question was involved." The action of the Acting Venezuelan Consul at Trinidad, Señor Figueredo, has also given rise to grave complaints with reference to his issuing irregular clearances, exaction of improper fees and charges, and assumption of unwarranted authority by the collection of customs dues for Venezuela in Trinidad. He has, further, in some cases, refused to accept dispatch of vessels for Venezuela, on the ground thatthey belonged to persons who were not acceptable to the Venezuelan Government, and in others is stated to have placed every sort of hindrance to the dispatch of vessels, thus seriously prejudicing the trade of British subjects at Trinidad. M. Figueredo's conduct was brought to notice especially in connection with his refusal to dispatch the British registered lighter "Euterpe," belonging to the "Compagnie Générale des Asphaltes de France," when he informed the Company that if the vessel was otherwise dispatched she would be seizued or sunk as soon as she was outside British waters. His Majesty's Minister has been instructed to protest against M. Figueredo's action,4 and to inform the Venezuelan Government that unless satisfactory assurances were forthcoming, no exequatur would be issued to their Consul. Of this communication no notice has been taken. Besides these specific outrages and grounds of complaint, there are cases in which British subjects and Companies have large claims against the Venezuelan Government. The Venezuelan Government decline to accept the explanations and assurances of His Majesty's Government with regard to the "Ban Righ" as in any way modifying the situation.* As a result, the position of His Majesty's Legation at Carácas has been rendered for diplomatic purposes quite impracticable, as all representations, protests, and remonstrances now remain disregarded and unacknowledged. Foreign Office, July 20, 1902. ——————————————————————————————————————————— No. 2. The Marquess of Lansdowne to Mr. Buchanan. Sir, Foreign Office, July 23, 1902. THE German Ambassador spoke to me to-day about the state of affairs in Venezuela. I told his Excellency that we had various causes of complaint agains the Venezuelan Government, and that we intended to obtain satisfaction for the claims of British subjects. We should be quite ready to confer with the German Government with a view to joint action. I am, &e. (Signed) LANSDOWNE. ——————————————————————————————————————————— No. 3. The Marquess of Lansdowne to Mr. Haggard, (Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, July 29, 1902. THE liberty and property of British subjects have in a succession of cases been interfered with in a wholly unwarrantable manner by the Venezuelan Government. The following incidents have been the subject of serious consideration by His Majesty's Government: The action of the gun-boat "Augusto" in seizing and deporting certain British subjects in January 1901; the seizure of John Craig's boat and property on Patos Island in the February following; the similar interference on the same occasion in the case of the "Buena Fé," which has accompanied by violation of territory; and the cases of the vessels "Maria Theresa," "Pastor," "Indiana," and "In Time." No satisfactory explanations have been received from the Venezuelan Government in any of these cases. The destruction of the British ship "Queen" is a still more flagrant instance of such interference. His Majesty's Government cannot tolerate a continuance of the conduct which culminated in the last-mentioned incident, and you should address a formal protest respecting it to the Venezuelan Government. You should intimate to the President and Minister for Foreign Affairs, in unmistakable terms, that unless His Majesty's Government receive explicit assurances that incidents of this nature shall not recur, and unless the Venezuelan Government promptly pay to the injured parties full compensation whether satisfactory evidence has been furnished to His Majesty's Government that such is justly due, His Majesty's Government will take such steps as may be necessary to obtain the reparation which they are entitled to demand from the Venezuelan Government in these cases, as well as for any loss to British subjects caused by the unjustifiable conduct of the Acting Venezuelan Consul at Trinidad, and on account of the Railway claims. ——————————————————————————————————————————— *See Appendix5 No. 4. Mr. Haggard to the Marquess of Lansdowne.—(Received August 5.) (Telegraphic.) Carácas, August 5, 1902. IN reply to the representations made in accordance with your telegram of the 29th July, the Venezuelan Government state that, in their opinion, some of the cases mentioned have been already concluded, and that, in consequence of the partiality towards the revolutionaries displayed by the Government of Trinidad, and pending a settlement of the complaints relative to the "Ban Righ," they have determined to postpone the others. They reiterate that they cannot entertain other cases unconnected with the "Ban Righ" until that case is satisfactorily settled; with regard to it they refer to their previous decisions. They further state that the conduct of the Acting Venezuelan Consul at Trinidad must necessarily be taken into consideration in relation to the friendly attitude of the Colonial authorities toward the revolutionaries. The alternative given by His Majesty's Government is ignored. ——————————————————————————————————————————— No. 5. Foreign Office to Admiralty. Sir, Foreign Office, August 8, 1902. I AM directed by the Marquess of Lansdowne to request you to inform the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty that for the past two years His Majesty's Government have had grave cause to complain on various occasions of unjustifiable interference on the part of the Venezuelan Government with the liberty and property of British subjects. The successive instances which have occurred since the beginning of last year are set forth in the accompanying Memorandum.* No efforts have been spared by Mr. Haggard, His Majesty's Minister at Carácas, in his endeavours to obtain an amicable settlement of these cases. In none of them have satisfactory explanations been forthcoming, and latterly the representations of His Majesty's Minister not only received no attention, but remained unnoticed. The destruction of the British ship "Queen," reference to which will be found in the Memorandum, was considered so flagrant a case that it was felt that a continuance of such conduct could no longer be tolerated. A telegram, copy of which is inclosed,† was accordingly sent to Mr.Haggard, instructing him to record a formal protest against the conduct of the Venezuelan Government, and to intimate in unmistakable terms to the President and Minister for Foreign Affairs that unless explicit assurances were received that such incidents should not recur, and unless full compensation were promptly paid to the injured parties wherever shown to the satisfaction of His Majesty's Government to be justly due, they would take such steps as might be necessary to exact the reparation to which they were entitled. A telegram, copy of which is also inclosed,☨ has been received from Mr. Haggard, conveying the reply of the Venezuelan Government to this protest. It will be seen that no practical attention has been paid to the remonstrance of His Majesty's Government, and that the threat to take such steps as may be necessary to exact reparation has been ignored. Lord Lansdowne is of opinion that the time has arrived when stronger measures must be restored to for the purpose of bringing the Venezuelan Government to a sense of their international obligations. His Lordship would, therefore, be glad to be favoured with the views of the Lords Commissioners as to the most effectual and convenient manner of putting pressure on the Venezuelan Government. I am to add that, in conversation with Lord Lansdowne, Count Metternich, the German Ambassador, has suggested that the two Powers concerned should take part in a joint naval demonstration. I am, &c. (Signed) F. H. VILLIERS. ——————————————————————————————————————————— * No. 1. † No. 3. ☨ No.4. [1150] C6 No.6 Admiralty to Foreign Office.–(Received August 15.) (Extract.) Admiralty, August 14, 1902. I HAVE laid before my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty your letter of the 8th instant, in which you refer to the numerous instances of unjustifiable inference on the part of the Venezuelan Government with the liberty and property of British subjects, and state that, in the opinion of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, the time has now arrived when stronger measures than those heretofore adopted must be resorted to, for the purpose of bringing that Government to a sense of its international obligations. If it should be decided by His Majesty's Government to put pressure on Venezuela in order to obtain satisfaction for the sets of aggression committed by that country on British shipping or against British interests, my Lords would be prepared to direct the Commander-in-chief on the North America and West Indies Station to establish a blockade of such ports on the Venezuelan coast as may be selected for this purpose, on the understanding that the blockade should be deferred until November, when the unhealthy season is over. The places selected for blockade would be La Guayra, Puerto Cabello, and possibly three other ports where railways terminate, and also the Port of Maracaibo, which is visited by a larger number of vessels than any other port on the Venezuelan coast. Some, if not all, of these ports could be effectively blockaded by the present squadron on the Station. Should His Majesty's Government as a matter of policy consider it desirable to adopt the suggestion of the German Ambassador that "the two Powers concerned should take part in a join naval demonstration," their Lordships consider that a blockade in Venezuelan waters would be the best method of giving effect to it. –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– No. 7. Mr.Haggard to the Marquess of Lanadowne.–(Received August 28.) (Extract.) Carácas, August 1, 1902. I HAVE the honour to inclose a copy of the note which I addressed to the Venezuelan Government embodying the instructions conveyed to me by your Lordship in your telegram, of the 29th ultimo, to record a formal portest with regard to the past intolerable conduct of the Venezuelan Government in interfering with the liberty and property of British subjects, and to intimate in unmistakable terms that, unless explicity assurances were received that such incidents should not recur, and unless full compensation were paid promptly to the injured parties wherever it was shown, to the satisfaction of His Majesty's Government, that such compensation was justly due, they would take such steps as might be necessary to exact the reparation which they have the Government of the British Railway Companies, as also for any loss caused by the unjustifiable conduct of the Venezuelan Consul at Trinidad. I took this note in person to the Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs and carefully translated it to him word for word, at the same time explaining and enlarging on it in terms about which there could certainly not be any possible mistake. At the close of each sentence I asked his Excellency if he throughly understood it, and satisfied myself that he did so. I pointed out to him the extreme gravity of the communication, and said that he would throughly understand that it could only have been made after full and serious consideration, not only as to the communication itself but as to the consequences which it involved; that, in fact, His Majesty's Government meant what they said, and that they did not use such words without fully intending to act up to them in case of need. I therefore begged him to consider, and specially to induce the President to consider the note very earnestly in view particularly of the serious consequences which might be expected to follow the refusal of the Venezuelan Government to comply with the just demands of His Majesty's Government. His Excellency accepted the note quietly: his final remark was that they were used7 to these communications. I said that that might be the case, but not from England; that his Excellency must bear in mind that we had been extraordinary patient, that His Majesty's Government were slow in taking such a weighty decision, but that they had the power to execute it when once taken. —————————————— Inclosure in No.7 7RO Mr.Haggard to Señor Baralt. M. le Ministre, Carácas, July 30, 1902. I HAVE the honour to state to your excellency that I have been informed by His Majesty's Government that they had under their serious consideration a sucesion of cases in which the Venezuelan Government have interfered with the property and liberty of British subjects in a wholly unwarrantable manner. They enumerate the following instances which have occurred since the beginning of last year:– That of the seizure and deportation by the Venezuelan gun-boat "Augusto" of British subjects; that of the seizure of the boat and property of John Craig, on the Island of Patos; the case of the "Buena Fé," which involved a similar interference and violation of Treaty; that of the "Maria Teresa," that of the Pastor," that of the "Indiana," and that of the "In Time." Satisfactory explanations have not been forthcoming in any of these cases. The confiscation of the British ship "Queen" appears to His Majesty's Government to be a still more flagrant case. It is not possible, His Majesty's Government consider, to tolerate a continuance of conduct which, in this last incident, reached a climax, and they have consequently instructed me to record a formal protest with reference thereto, and to convey to his Excellency the President, and to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, in terms about which there can be no mistake, that, unless explicit assurances are received by His Majesty's Government that such incidents shall not occur again, and that unless full compensation be paid promptly to the injured parties wherever it be shown to the satisfaction of His Majesty's Government that such compensation be justly due, they will take such steps as they may consider to be necessary to exact the reparation which they have the right to demand in these cases, as well as on account of the claims of the British Railway Companies in Venezuela, as also for any loss caused by the conduct of the Venezuelan Consul at Trinidad, for which there is no possible justification. I avail, &c. (Signed) W. H. D. HAGGARD ——————————————————————————————————————————— No. 8. Mr. Haggard to the Marquess of Lansdowne.—(Received August 28.) (Extract.) Carácas, August 4, 1902. I HAVE the honour to inclose herewith a copy and translation of the note which I have received from the Venezuelan Government in reply to that of which I had the honour to inclose a copy in my despatch of the 1st instant, embodying the instructions conveyed to me by your Lordship to record a formal protest with regard to the past intolerable conduct of the Venezuelan Government in interfering with the liberty and property of British subjects, and to intimate in unmistakable terms that, unless explicity assurances were received that such incidents should not occur again, and unless full compensation were paid promptly to the injured parties wherever it were shown to the satisfaction of His Majesty's Government that such compensation was justly due, they would take such steps as might be necessary to exact the reparation which they have the right to demand in these cases as well as on account of the claims against the Venezuelan Government of the British Railway Companies, as also for any loss caused by the unjustifiable conduct of the Venezuelan Consul at Trinidad. The Venezuelan Government, in their note, state that they considered that some of the claims–such as the capture of John Craig's boat and the proceedings against the "Maria Teresa"–were altogether done with. They state that another of these–that with reference to the Island of Patos–had been settled for some time by theVenezuelan Government without His Majesty's Government having offered any legal refutation of their decision, i.e., as to the possession of the island, and that the rest of those enumerated [1150] C2 8 by your Lordship were already settled or in the course of settlement, i.e., decided ex parte by the Venezuelan Government, although the replies to the representations of His Majesty's Legation with reference to them had been postponed owing to circumstances which it was not necessary to dwell on, i.e., their refusal to entertain any others save those connected with the "Ban Righ." Dr. Baralt, in the next paragraph, states that he does not consequently judge the moment opportune to answer this last representation any more than the previous ones, and then defines absolutely the reason for this—that the Venezuelan Government had decided to postpone the reply to all such representations from the time of the perpetration fo the injuries caused by the "Ban Righ," and since that of the open partiality of the Trinidad authorities in matters prejudicial to the peace of Venezuela. The next paragraph is practically a repetition in different words of the last, and refers me to previous Venezuelan notes, in which they made and repeated their statement limiting the relations between His Majesty's Legation and the Venezuelan Government. The Minister for Foreign Affairs then goes on to reiterate the statement in brief and definite terms that, until this matter is settled satisfactorily to the interests of both nations, the Venezuelan Government cannot entertain any other on a different subject. His Excellency then states that the conduct of the Acting Consul at Trinidad is a matter to be considered in relation with the partiality of the Colonial authorities. The Venezuelan Government would thus seem to practically indorse and accept the responsibility for his misconduct in words which seem to strengthen the belief that this was actually instigated by them. Your Lordship will se that no allusion whatever is made to the statement at the close of my note as to the intentions of His Majesty's Government to exact reparation from the Venezuelan Government unless it was spontaneously made by them. ————————————— Inclosure in No. 8. (Translation.) Carácas August 2, 1902. YOUR Excellency's note of the 30th July, which I received on the 1st instant, contains a résumé of complaints and claims on different subjects, some of which, such as the capture of John Craig's boat and the proceedings agains the sloop "María Teresa," the Government of the Republic had considered as altogether disposed of. Another of these, relating to the Islet of Patos, has been settled for some time by the Government of Venezuela without the slightest opposition being made by Great Britain on legal grounds, and the rest were already settled, or on the road to a settlement, even although an answer relating to them had been postponed owing to circumstances which need not again be dwelt on, as they are well known to His Majesty's Legation. The Chief of the Executive Power is consequently surprised both at your Excellency's putting forward these facts, and at the general tone of your note; and, in spite of all the questions which it raises, he does not consider it advisable to answer it immediately, owing to the fact that the Venezuelan Government decided to postpone dealing with matters of that and of an analogous character, from the time when the "Ban Righ" committed her injurious acts and the Trinidad authorities showed such open partiality, in a sense hostile to the peace of Venezuela. The surprise of the Chief of the Government is the most justifiable inasmuch as your note raises a variety of questions, some of which have already been disposed of. And the British Legation could surely not have considered the present a favourable opportunity for discussing even those questions which are still pending with this Government, seeing that no settlement has yet been arrived at relative to the complaints and remonstrances laid before Great Britain in consequence of the action of the "Ban Righ," and of the attitude of the British authorities in connection with that vessel. Your Excellency is aware that the right which supports Venezuela on this point is upheld by proofs preserved in the archives of this Ministry, and you also know by the Venezuelan notes of the 28th February, of the 8th and 13th March, and of the 5th April last, that from that time the Venezuelan Government decided to postpone dealing with any other matters pending with the British Legation until the settlement of the "Ban Righ" question, which is so aredently desired by the Venzuelan Government with a view to preserving their friendly relations with that of His Majesty.9 This is, therefore, the occasion to state anew to your Excellency that, so long as a matter of such importance is not settled satisfactorily to the interests of both nations, this Ministry cannot entertain others which are entirely foreign to that object. The conduct which in your note you attribute to the Consul in Trinidad is a matter which may be considered in relation with the partiality of the Colonial authorities. (Signed) R. LOPEZ BARALT. ——————————————————————————————————————————— No.9. Admiralty to Foreign Office.—(Received October 10.) Sir, Admiralty, October 10, 1902. I AM commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to forward herewith, to be laid before the Marquess of Lansdowne, a copy of a letter, dated the 27th ultimo, form the Commander-in-chief on the North America and West Indies Station, relative to the measures in his opinion necessary to carry out the proposed naval demonstration off the coast of Venezuela. 2. My Lords desire me to state that they anticipate no difficulty in giving effect to Sir Archibald Douglas' proposals, should they meet with Lord Lansdowne's concurrence. I am, &c. (Signed) C.I. THOMAS, pro Sec. ——————————————— Inclosure in No.9 Vice-Admiral Douglas to Admiralty. (Extract.) "Ariadne," at Halifax, September 27, 1902. I HAVE the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Admiralty letter dated the 4th September last, directing me to be in readiness to carry out a naval demonstration off the coast of Venezuela in conjunction with ships of the Imperial German Navy. With reference to the second paragraph of the letter above quoted, be pleased to inform the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty that I think it will be necessary, in order to bring effective measures to bear on the Venezuelan Government, to blockade the ports of La Guayra, Porto Cabello, and Maracaibo, and other ports on the Venezuelan coast where railways terminate. The most convenient time to commence operations will be towards the end of November, when the Newfoundland fishery season will have concluded, and the vessels at present employed on that division will be available. I propose, subject to the approval of their Lordships, to place Commodore Montgomerie, of the "Charybdis," in charge, with the following vessels under his orders:— "Tribune," Torpedo-boat destroyers— "Retribution," "Quail" and "Indefatigable." "Hocket;" and "Columbine" (Special service vessel). The "Alert" and "Fantome" will also be available if required. Having discussed the situation with Captain C. H. Robertson, C.M.G., of the "Pallas," who has recently been employed as Senior Naval Officer of the Barbados Division, and spent some considerable time in Venezuelan waters, and who is well acquainted with the state of affairs in that country, I would submit, as an alternative scheme to the blockade, that all the Venezuelan gun-boats should be seized until our demands are complied with. ———————————————————————————————————————————10 No.10. Foreign Office to Admiralty. (Extract.) Foreign Office, October 22, 1902. I AM directed by the Marquess of Lansdowne to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 10th instant, inclosing copy of a letter from the Commander-in-chief on the North American and West Indies Station relative to the measures which are, in his opinion, necessary to carry out the proposed naval demonstration off the coast of Venezuela. The alternative courses suggested by Sir A. Douglas have been carefully considered, and as the establishment of a blockade appears open to some objection, his Lordship is disposed to think that it will be found most convenient in the event of the Venezuelan Government remaining obdurate, to adopt the suggestion of seizing all the Venezuelan gun-boats until the British demands are complied with. ——————————————————————————————————————————— No.11. Admiralty to Foreign Office.—(Received October 29.) (Extract.) Admiralty, October 28, 1902. WITH reference to your letter of the 22nd instant relative to the measures which, in the opinion of the Commander-in-chief on the North American and West Indies Station, are necessary to carry out the proposed naval demonstration off the coast of Venezuela, I am commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to request you will state to the Marquess of Lansdowne that they do not anticipate any serious difficulty in giving effect to Sir A. Douglas' alternative proposal, viz., to seize all the Venezuelan gun-boats until theBritish demands have been satisfied. ——————————————————————————————————————————— No.12. The Marquess of Lansdowne to Mr.Haggard. (Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, November 11, 1902. MAKE a communication in the following terms to the Venezuelan Government in the form of a note:— "His Majesty's Government regret the unsatisfactory character of the reply to the representations contained in your note of the 30th July. They are unable to admit that the serious causes of complaint put forward can be met by a refusal to discuss them. "If such a refusal is persisted in, it will become the duly of His Majesty's Government to consider what steps they should take for the protection of British interests. "They are, however, unwilling to exclude at one all possibility of proceeding with negotiations, and they are, therefore, ready to consider any further communication which the Government of the Republic may be prepared to make." ——————————————————————————————————————————— No.13. The Marquess of Lansdowne to Mr.Buchanan. (Extract.) Foreign Office, November 11, 1902. THE German Ambassador informed me this evening that the German Government were prepared to join with us in addressing a final warning to the Venezuelan Government, and I communicated to him the substance of my telegram to Mr.Haggard of this day's date. I had thought it better not to delay making this intimation, which was as he would observe couched in general terms, but I undertook11 to telegraph at once to Mr.Haggard, desiring him to put himself in communication with his German colleague. With regard to measures of coercion, the German Government were prepared to accede to our suggestion that the first step should be the seizure of the Venezuelan gun-boats, and they proposed that we should instruct our naval authorities in those waters to concert a plan for carrying out this project. As to the joint execution of measures of coercion, the German Government recognized that there was a sharp distinction between the character of the British and German "first-line" claims; nevertheless, the two claims ought to stand or fall together, and we ought to exclude the possibility of a settlement between Venezuela and one of the two Powers without an equally satisfactory settlement in the case of the other. Each Government ought, therefore, to come to an understanding before it embarked upon a project of coercion that neither Government should be at liberty to recede except by mutual agreement; and before common action was initiated, we ought to come to a distinct agreement to this effect. I told Count Metternich that it seemed to me only reasonable that if we agreed to act together in applying coercion, we should also agree that each should support the other's demands, and should not desist from doing so except by agreement. ——————————————————————————————— No.14. The Marquess of Lansdowne to Mr.Buchanan. (Extract.) Foreign Office, November 17, 1902. THE German Ambassador being absent from London in attendance upon His Majesty the German Emperor, Court Bernstorff called here to-day at my request, and was informed that His Majesty's Government quite concur in the view that if joint action against Venezuela is undertaken, it should be maintained until the demands of both Governments, as finally agreed upon, are satisfied. In the first place, however, it was necessary to arrive at an understanding with regard to the form in which the British and German claims should be put forward, and also with regard to the manner in which the demands made upon Venezuela should be enforced. The British claims, as Count Metternich presumed, were capable of classification. Those on account of the recent cases of unjustifiable interference with the liberty and property of British subjects, including the shipping claims, would rank first. Claims for injury to British property during the late revolution, and that which placed President Castro in power, would come next, and in the third place the claims of the bondholders. His Majesty's Government did not, however, desire, in their demands upon Venezuela, to draw a distinction between the various categories. Their object was to obtain a general settlement, and they were of opinion that to advance one class of claims, or at this stage to specify any particular amount, would diminish the chance of securing in all cases the reparation which they considered to be justly due. If, therefore, the answer of the Venezuelan Government to the communication recently addressed to them should prove unsatisfactory, or if after a reasonable interval, it should appear that no answer at all would be returned, His Majesty's Government would propose to proceed to measures of coercion and to seize the gun-boats. If the seizure of the gun-boats should not produce the desired effect, it would, of course, be necessary to decide what should be the next step. This point would be carefully considered. On receiving the submission of the Venezuelan Government, and on learning that they were prepared to admit their liability on every count, His Majesty's Government would for their part exact immediate payment of the pressing claims in the first category, according to the estimates approved by His Majesty's Legation at Carácas, or being referred to a small Mixed Commission in case the Venezuelan Government should have any considerations to urge in mitigation of the damages claimed. An arrangement of this nature would be equitable as regards the Venezuelan Government, and would, moreover, prevent pressure being exercised in cases such as might possibly occur, where the Venezuelan member of the Commission could prove a claim to be unfounded or excessive. Count Bernstorff promised to report these suggestions to his Government at once.12 No. 15. Mr. Haggard to the Marquess of Lansdowne.—(Received November 18.) (Telegraphic.) Carácas, November 17, 1902. IN reply to my note sent in accordance with the instructions contained in your Lordship's telegram of the 11th instant, the Venezuelan Government express their regret that it might be inferred that the Venezuelan complaints with regard to the "Ban Righ" and to the attitude taken up by the authorities of the Colony of Trinidad had not been examined by His Majesty's Government, as if this had been the case those complaints would not have been attributed to caprice on the part of Venezuela. Attention is called to the "eagerness of His Majesty's Government or of His Majesty's Legation to discuss matters of comparatively secondary importance," when contrasted with the paramount interest felt by Venezuela in obtaining due recognition and respect for her claims, which arise from the grave injuries caused by the "Ban Righ" and the facilities afforded to the revolutionaries by the Colonial authorities in Trinidad. They add that Venezuela has done nothing contrary to courtesy or international law, and that she cannot, therefore, justly be held responsible for the present situation. The Venezuelan Government would be much gratified if His Majesty's Government would express some desire to come to an understanding by which the injuries caused by the "Ban Righ" and by the authorities of Trinidad would be remedied, and they maintain that their claims in connection with those two subjects have hitherto been met by "the most unfair refusal of His Majesty's Government to consider the matter." The note continues with a statement that the Venezuelan Government have gravely considered the serious nature of the injuries which have resulted from the treatment of the "Ban Righ" and the action of the Trinidad authorities, and that they ask nothing from Great Britain which is not a legitimate consequence of the situation thereby created. They therefore appeal to the sense of fairness of His Majesty's Government to effect a settlement of the present abnormal and regrettable situation by placing matters on a basis of mutual agreement. ——————————————————————————————————————————— No. 16 Mr. Haggard to the Marquess of Lansdowne.—(Received November 19.) My Lord, Carácas, October 29, 1902. THE Acting Governor of Trinidad forwarded me, by last mail, a sworn Declaration made by the captain of the British sloop 'Racer," relating to circumstances which occurred to his boat on her voyage from Port of Spain to Mayaro, on the east coast of Trinidad, its boarding off the Venezuelan coast by armed men, and the robbery by these of all his belongings and those of his crew, and its subsequent seizure by the Venezuelan authorities at Carupano. Sir Coutenay Knollys informed me that he had transmitted this statement to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, so I will not trouble your Lordship with a copy of it. I have the honour to inclose a copy of a note which, on its receipt, I addressed to the Minister for Foreign Affairs. I have, &c. (Signed) W. H. D. HAGGARD. ———————————————— Inclosure in No. 16. Mr. Haggard to Señor Baralt. M. le Ministre, Carácas, October 23, 1902. I HAVE the honour to bring before your Excellency the following circumstances related in a solemn Declaration made by a British subject named James David on the13 2nd of this month at Port of Spain before the Stipendiary Justice of the Peace for the district, which has been forwarded to me by his Excellency the Acting Governor of Trinidad. James David declares that he was the master of the British sloop "Racer" trading with Trinidad. On Monday, the 22nd September, he left Port of Spain with his vessel bound for Mayaro, and, when a couple of miles off the Grand Bocas, a squall struck the ship and dismasted it, his brother, who was a sailor on board, being killed by the falling mast. The boast then drifted toward the Venezuelan coast. As it got near to the coast, boats from on shore boarded it with armed men and robbed him and his sailors of all they possessed, including 371, which he had in his trunk, and, when they got to Carupano, the harbour-master went alongside and asked him what he wanted there. David told him that the sloop was dismasted and had drifted to his port. The harbour-master then left the sloop and went on board a Venezuelan gun-boat which was then in the harbour; sometime after, he returned, telling David that he must not land, and he then went on shore. An hour afterwards he came off again and told David in English: "come ashore with all your men." The master of the "Racer" did so and was brought with his men to the custom-house and questioned as to how and why he came to Carupano. Eventually men from the Customs were sent from on shore and they seized the sloop. This narrative would have appeared incredible had it not unfortunately happened that the circumstances which it relates of violence towards British subjects and property are of a nature with which His Majesty's Legation has been only too familiar of late; but the facts connected with this incident would seem, if not disproved, to be, if possible, even more grave than those of the cases which formed the subject of the note which, by instruction of His Majesty's Government, I addressed to your Excellency on the 30th July. This British ship drifts into a Venezuelan harbour in a disabled condition. It is usual, on such unfortunate occasions, for the local authorities of a port to give what kindly and hospitable assistance they can to a disabled foreign vessel, but the treatment which is reported as having been accorded at Carupano to the "Racer" is worse than that formerly given by "wreckers" in savage districts to any disabled ship unhappily driven on their shores, for they only used to plunder the crew and ship, whereas at Carupano, according to Captain David, not only has that been done but the authorities have seized the ship itself. I can only sincerely hope that your Excellency will be in a position to disprove this Declaration. In the meanwhile Sir Courtenay Knollys informs me that he is seeking futher evidence on the question which will, in due course, be communicated to me, and that he has forwarded a copy of Mr.David's statement to His Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies. When this further evidence arrives, I shall have the honour of communicating it to your Excellency. I avail, &c. (Signed) W. H. D. HAGGARD. ——————————————————————————————————————————— No. 17. Memorandum communicated to Count Melternich, November 26, 1902. THE Senior Naval Officers should be instructed to confer together and to settle their plan of operations for seizing the gun-boats. They should also be instructed to have a ship or ships in readiness at La Guayra to take on board, if necessary, the British and German Representatives. 2. Mr. Haggard and Baron Pilgrim should be instructed to present the ultimatum. It should be left to their discretion to decide when they should leave Carácas, and whether they should remain at La Guayra or go on board man-of-war there. It might, however, without tying them down to any particular course, he suggested that they should wait twenty-four hours in Carácas after the presentation of the ultimatum. They should announce their departure by notes to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and state that British and German interests were left in charge of . . . . . They might then wait another twenty-four hours at La Guayra or on board the vessel. [1150] D14 3. If at the expiration of the forty-eight hours no satisfactory answer should have been received, the Representatives should so inform the Senior Naval Officers. The latter should be instructed, on receiving this intimation from the Representatives, to proceed at once to the seizure of the gun-boats. Foreign Office, November 26, 1902. ——————————————————————————————————————————— No.18. The Marquess of Lansdowne to Mr. Haggard. (Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, November 27, 1902. WE shall proceed, in conjunction with the German Government, as follows, subject to alterations in matters of detail:— Instructions will shortly be sent you to present to the Venezuelan Government a further communication in the form of an ultimatum. If, within a limited period, which will be indicated, you have not received from them a satisfactory reply, you will quit Carácas, and either proceed to La Guayra or go on board on of His Majesty's ships which will be at that port. Should no answer be received after another short interval, you will inform the Senior Naval Officer of the fact, and he will have received orders to proceed at one to the seizure of Venezuelan gun-boats upon hearing from you. ——————————————————————————————————————————— No. 19 Admiralty to Foreign Office.—(Received November 27.) Sir, Admiralty, November 27, 1902. WITH reference to previous correspondence I am commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to transmit, for the information of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, a copy of a telegram, dated 27th November, from the Naval Commander-in-chief on the North American Station, relative to the situation in Venezuela, toegether with a copy of Admiralty reply. I am, &c. (Signed) EVAN MACGREGOR. —————— ————————— Inclosure 1 in No. 19. Commander-in-chief, North American Station, to Admiralty. (Telgraphic.) Bermuda, November 27, 1902. "CHARYBDIS" will be ready to leave Bermuda 2nd December. I have placed "Indefatigable," "Fantome," and "Alert" under orders of Commodore Montgomerie. ————————————————— Inclosure 2 in No. 19. Admiralty to Commander-in-chief, North American Station. (Telegraphic.) Admiralty, November 27, 1902. YOURS of to-day's date. Proposals generally approved. ———————————————————————————————————————————15 No. 20. Foreign Office to Admiralty. Sir, Foreign Office, November 28, 1902. I AM directed by the Marquess of Lansdowne to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of yesterday's date, inclosing copy of a telegram from the Commander-in-chief North American Station, relative to the operations which it is proposed to undertake in Venezuelan waters, together with a copy of the Admiralty reply. Lord Lansdowne understands that, as His Majesty's ship "Charybdis" will not be ready to start from Bermuda until the 2nd December, she cannot arrive at Trinidad until the 6th December. As she is commanded by Commodore Montgomerie, to whom the Admiral has instructed the conduct of operations, no action can be taken until her arrival. I am however to suggest, for the consideration of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, that a telegram should be addressed to the Admiral, inquiring where His Majesty's ships "Indefatigable," "Alert," and "Fantôme" are at present, and instructing him that these three ships should be ready at Trinidad by the time the "Charybdis" arrives. I am further to state that, in Lord Lansdowne's opinion, the Admiral may now be instructed by telegraph to confer with the German Senior Naval Officer as to the plan of operations to be adopted for the seizure of the Venezuelan gun-boats. It would also be necessary that he should arrange for one of His Majesty's ships to be in readiness to proceed, at once if necessary, to La Guayra to take on board His Majesty's Minister. Should their Lordships see no objection, the Commanding Officer of the vessel detached for this duty might offer hospitality to the German Chargé d'Affaires. Lord Lansdowne considers that it may be useful for the Admiral to know the course of procedure which, subject to alteration in matters of detail, His Majesty's Government, in conjunction with the German Government, propose to take in Venezuela. I am therefore to inform you that His Majesty's Minister at Carácas will shortly be instructed to present a final communication to the Venezuelan Government in the form of an ultimatum. If a satisfactory answer is not received within a limited period, the duration of which will be subsequently indicated, Mr. Haggard will leave Carácas and will have discretion to remain at La Guayra or to proceed on board one of His Majesty's ships. If, after another short interval, no reply is forthcoming, Mr. Haggard will notify this to the Senior British Naval Officer, who will then, if the Lords Commissioners shall have given him the requisite orders, proceed at once to the seizure of the gun-boats. Should His Majesty's Legation be withdrawn from Carácas, it is probable that British interests in Venezuela will be placed in charge of the United States' Minister. I am, &c. (Signed) F. H. VILLIERS. ——————————————————————————————————————————— No. 21. The Marquess of Lansdowne to Mr. Buchanan. (Extract.) Foreign Office, December 1, 1902. I COMMUNICATED to the German Ambassador this afternoon a copy of the instructions which will be sent to-morrow to His Majesty's Minister at Carácas with regard to the presentation of an ultimatum to the Venezuelan Government, and the action which will subsequently be taken if no satisfactory reply is received. I told Count Metternich that Mr. Haggard had already been informed generally of the course which it was intended to adopt, but that I had postponed giving him precise instructions until His Majesty's Government and the German Government had settled every point of detail. Now that a complete agreement has been arrived at, there was no reason for further delay. The-Commander-in-chief on the North American Station had been directed to confer with the German Senior Naval Officer, and to concert a plan of operations for the seizure of the Venezuelan gun-boats. The British squadron would be assembled at Port of Spain on the 6th instant, and one of His Majesty's ships would arrive on that day at La Guayra, and remain there in readiness to take off His Majesty's Minister. (1150) E16 Of course, if desired, accommodation would also be offered to the German Chargé d'Affaires. With regard to the question of the ulterior measures to be taken if the seizure of the gun-boats should fail in effect, I hoped to be very shortly in a position to explain the views of His Majesty's Government. ——————————————————————————————————————————— No. 22. The Marquess of Lansdowne to Mr. Haggard. (Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, December 2, 1902. YOUR telegram of 17th ultimo. In answer to the Venezuelan note, you should address a written communication to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, pointing out that, with regard to the "Ban Righ," His Majesty's Government have given full explanations, and have shown that on this account there is no legitimate ground of complaint. Nor do they consider that there is any justification for attributing blame to the authorities at Trinidad, who only acted in accordance with instructions. You should then state that His Majesty's Government also regret the situation which has arisen, but that they cannot accept the note as in any degree a sufficient answer to your communications, or as indicating an intention on the part of the Venezuelan Government to meet the claims which His Majesty's Government have put forward, and which must be understood to include all well-founded claims which have arisen in consequence of the last civil war and previous civil wars, and of the maltreatment or false imprisonment of British subjects, and also a settlement of the external debt. You will request the Venezuelan Government to make a declaration that they recognize in principle the justice of these claims, that they will at once pay compensation in the shipping cases, and in the cases where British subjects have been falsely imprisoned or maltreated, and that as to other claims they will be prepared to accept the decisions of a Mixed Commission with regard to the amount and the security for payment to be given. You should express a hope that the Venezuelan Government will comply with these demands, and not compel His Majesty's Government to take steps to obtain satisfaction. You should add that His Majesty's Government have been informed of the claims of the German Government against Venezuela, that the two Governments have agreed to act together in order to obtain a settlement of all their claims, and that His Majesty's Government will require the immediate payment of a sum equal to that which may in the first instance be paid to the German Government. Any balance after the discharge of pressing claims will be held on account for the liquidation of the claims which will go before the Commission. You should make it quite clear that this communication must be regarded in the light of an ultimatum. You will confer with your German colleague and act in close conjunction with him. Subject to any modifications which, after conferring with him, you may consider necessary, you should proceed as follows: The presentation of notes must be simultaneous and should take place on the 7th instant. If no satisfactory answer is received in the course of twenty-four hours, you and your colleague should leave Carácas for La Guaira. On leaving you should send a note to the Minister for Foreign Affairs announcing you departure, and stating that British interests have been placed in charge of the United States' Minister. You should await answer at La Guaira for another twenty-four hours, and if none arrives you should intimate this to the Senior Naval Officer at Port of Spain, who will have received instructions on hearing from you to proceed to active measures. One of His Majesty's ships will be at La Guaira on the 6th instant, and it is left to your discretion whether you go on board at once on arrival there or wait until after the second interval of twenty-four hours has elapsed. If convenient, accommodation on board His Majesty's ship can, of course, be offered to the German Chargé d'Affaires. —————————————————17 APPENDIX. ------ No. 1. Mr. Haggard to General Pachano M. le Ministre, Carácus, January 24, 1902. AS I had the honour of informing your Excellency verbally this morning, I have been instructed by His Majesty's Government to state to you, with reference to a conversation which I had on the 21st instant with your Excellency, and which I reported to the Marquess of Landsdowne, that the "Ban Righ" left England in November, and that, the Columbian Minister in London having stated that she was intended for the service of his Government, and no state of war existing between Colombia and any other Power, there was not any reason to detain the vessel. I avail, &c. (Signed) W. H. D. HAGGARD. ----- No. 2. Mr. Haggard to General Pachano. M. le Ministre, Carácas, March 27, 1902. IN my note of the 24th instant, I had the honour of informing your Excellency that I had lost no time in reporting his Majesty's Government the protest of the Venezuelan Government against the presence at Port of Spain, without any objection on the part of the Colonial authorities, of the insurgent steam-boat "Ban Righ" ("Libertador"). I am now instructed by His Majesty's Government to inform that of Venezuela that, as it would seem that that ship is now, ostensibly at least, a Columbian man-of-war, and is flying the Columbian national flag, they cannot properly direct any action against her. Any such action would be an act of war against Colombia if she be a Colombian public vessel. I am further to state that His Majesty's Government incurs no liability for, nor for any depredation committed by, the ship in question. The circumstances, moreover, under which she was allowed to leave England are of such a character that the Venezuelan Government cannot properly put forward any charge of negligence. If, since her transfer at Martinique, she have made any use of the British flag, this has been simply a wrongful act, for which His Majesty's Government are in no way responsible. On the other hand, His Majesty's Government will not allow the ship to use a British port as a base of hostile operations against Venezuela, and the Governor of Trinidad has therefore been instructed not to allow her to coal, and to request her to leave the port immediately. I avail, &c. (Signed) W. H. D. HAGGARD. -------VENEZUELA. No. 1 (1902). _____ CORRESPONDENCE, respecting the Affairs of Venezuela. _____ Presented to both Houses of Parliament by Command of His Majesty. December 1902. _____ LONDON: PRINTED BY HARRISON AND SONS.[*[ca 12-21-02]*] [*[12-1902]*] [Roosevelt] Telegraphic Address "Publish, London" Telephone Number, 2686. MacMillan & Co., Ltd. St. Martin's Street W.C. Messrs. MacMillan and Co., Ltd., beg to forward the accompanying cutting from [*The Road*] of [*Dec. 1902.*] The Deer Family. By Theodore Roosevelt and Others. (London: Macmillan and Co., Ltd.) Price 8s. 6d. net. In this handsome volume, which, according to the foreword, is meant for the lover of the wild, free, lonely life of the wilderness, and of the hardy pastimes known to the sojourners therein, the President of the United States gives us an attractive picture of the pursuits in which he spent the years of his early manhood. As everybody knows, Mr. Roosevelt not only preaches, but has long practised, "the strenuous life." Before politics claimed him, he appears to have been almost constantly hunting big game, and he reviews his past exploits with much complacency and a very evident conviction that the time thus spent on the prairies and among the mountains was well employed. As he remarks: "There are many sides to the charm of big game hunting; nor should it be regarded as being without its solid advantages from the standpoint of national character. Always in our modern life, the life of a highly complex industrialism, there is a tendency to softening of the fibre. This is true of our enjoyments; and it is no less true of very many of our business occupations. It is not true of such work as railroading, a purely modern development, nor yet of work like that of those who man the fishing fleets, but it is pre-eminently true of all occupations which cause men to lead sedentary lives in great cities. For these men it is especially necessary to provide hard and rough play. Of course, if such play is made a serious business, the result is very bad; but this does not in the least affect the fact that within proper limits the play itself is good. Vigorous athletic sports carried on in a sane spirit are healthy. The hardy out-of-door sports of the wilderness are even healthier. It is a mere truism to say that the qualities developed by the hunter are the qualities needed by the soldier; and a curious feature of the changed conditions of modern warfare is that they call to a much greater extent than during the two or three centuries immediately past for the very qualities of individual initiative ability to live and work n the open, and personal skill in the management of horse and weapons, which are fostered by a hunter's life. No training in the barracks or on the parade ground is as good as the training given by a hard hunting-trip in which a man really does the work for himself, learns to face emergencies, to study country, to perform feats of hardihood, to face exposure, and undergo severe labour. It is an excellent thing for any man to be a good horseman and a good marksman, to be able to live in the open and to feel a self-reliant readiness in any crisis. Big-game hunting tends to produce or develop exactly these physical and moral traits. To say that it may be pursued in a manner or to an extent which is demoralising is but to say what can be said of all other pastimes and of almost all kinds of serious business. That it can be abused either in the way in which it is done, or the extent to which it is carried, does not alter the fact that it is in itself a sane and healthful recreation." And again: "The true sportsman is never wanton in slaughter. If he is worthy the name he will feel infinitely more satisfaction in a single successful shot which comes to crown the triumph of his hardihood and address in exploring the wilds, and in the actual stalk, then he would in any amount of shooting at creatures driven past him from artificially-stocked covers. The best test of the worth of any sport is the demand that sport makes upon those qualities of mind and body which in their sum we call manliness." In addition to the President's contribution, which is exclusively concerned with the deer and antelope of North America, there are chapters on the Deer and Elk of the Pacific Coast, by T.S. Van Dyke; the Caribou, by D.G. Elliot; and the Moose: Where it Lives and How it Lives, by A.J. Stone. All are the work of writers thoroughly in sympathy and intimately acquainted with their special subjects, and contain a great deal of most interesting information. Indeed, the sole drawback to complete enjoyment of the book is that in some places it is a little too technical for comprehension, the terminology being often unfamiliar to those who have not been actually engaged in the pursuit of American big game. Obviously Mr. Roosevelt and his collaborators wrote primarily for their own people, and assumed on the part of those into whose hands their volume should come something more than an elementary knowledge of the subjects with which they deal. Nevertheless, this is an excellent work, being thorough in matter and in style alike. It is capitally illustrated by Carl Rungius and several other artists.[ca Dec. 1902.] file Dear Mr. President Venezuela accepts in principle reference to the Hague. Do you wish to see me before the Cabinet or shall I wait till eleven o'clock. If the latter you need not answer. Very faithfully John Hay [HAY] Friday[*File Ppf Pa*] [*[Ca. Dec. 1902]*] Friday. Dear Theodore I saw Mungo and he told me frankly it would make no difference in the time of raising the Blockade. I then told him that though you appreciated fully the honor done you in the offer of the Powers, you saw no reason to change your view, hitherto expressed, that a reference to the Hague was for many reasons preferable. I repeated your earnest desire for a speedy close to the blockade. I think they will soonfinish the business Yours faithfully John HayThe Arlington T. E Roessle, Proprietor. Washington, D.C.__________________, 1902 Mr President It is my duty as an officer of the United States court [and] as [private] well as a private citizen to do all in my power to settle this coal strike a national calamity and one of the greatest crises this country has ever faced. There are but three ways it can be settled, in my judgment. First, break up the arbitrary and fraudulent2 fraudulent exercise of the voting Trust of the Reading Co exercised by J.P. Morgan which is contrary to the state of New York, this will take some work as the Courts open there tomorrow Second, The appointment of Receiver under the Federal law such application to be made in Pennsylvania at once by shareholder and condition of the Reading Co to prevent the assets forfeit of the Co from being further wasted. Third, [Hon ask] With[*3*] The Arlington: T.E. ROESSLE, Proprietor. WASHINGTON, D.C. 1902 United Mine Workers of America to incorporate themselves under laws of some state with a share capital. There has been sent me from time to time copies of all the correspondence between Presnt Barr [of the] and Presnt John Mitchell with their [authorize] public utterances authorized. From a careful impartial analysis of it all I believe John Mitchell to be an honest man and the continued position of Prest.The Arlington: T.E. ROESSLE, Proprietor Washington, D.C., 1902 Baer to be untenable, The strike must now be settled the whole country demands it. I have been a large shareholder in the Reading Co for the successive years to the present policy of destroying its revenue and embarrassing the company with frightful losses in the year of our country's greatest prosperity when all railways were never so prosperous and haveThe Arlington: T.E.ROESSLE, Proprietor Washington, D.C. 1902 [*(5*] not rolling stock enough to handle their traffic [but in the inter I do cannot] I do not approve of as it may have ulterior motives [to force] to bring about another reorganization of the Company for the third time within the last 12 years by J.P. Morgan. The [take the] right of [shareholder] majority shareholders to elect their board of directors is in my opinion just as sacred[*6*] to them and a duty to the public and the state as is the right and duty of every citizen to keep [sac] most sacred and exercise his right to vote at the polls election days. Faithfully yours Dwight Braman[*I*] The Arlington: T.E.ROESSLE, Proprietor Washington, D.C. 1902 P.S. For the first time I believe in the [practice of the United] history of the United States Federal Court I was appointed Receiver Exparte of the Bay State Gas Co by his honor the late Judge Haler of Delaware whose decision no [Judge ever rev] court ever reversed & was appointed ex parte by Judge Dallas of Pennsylvania Judge tremble of New YorkII The Arlington: T.E.ROESSLE, Proprietor Washington, D.C. 1902 of New York. by which I was also appointed Receiver of the St Louis Kansas St Ry Co a line which had been abandoned in Kansas and now worth 1,000,000 it seem to me that the abandoned coal mines of the Reading Co and their continued abandonment after the miners have publicly offered to come back to work there is for the reason that coal is a public necessity byThe Arlington: T.E.ROESSLE, Proprietor Washington, D.C. 1902 [*III*] Judge Colt of Massachusetts. The company was solvent but badly grossly mismanaged. [I reorganized it the securities improved in his work 20,000,000 in value on the stock exchange]. Two weeks after my appointment the securities improved of 20,000,000 in value. The Second case where a Receiver was appointed ex parte I believe was an application made by the Farmer Loan Trust toThe Arlington: T.E. ROESSLE, Proprietor WASHINGTON, D.C...................................., 1902 present cause for action in the Federal Court. I would suggest Mr President that you write Wm H. Baldwin Jr of New York for a conference as he can materially aid you. DB [*[Dwight Bramman]*]ACKD P.7. CLIFF AVENUE, NEWPORT, RHODE ISLAND. Thursday [1902] Dear Mr. Corelyou, Will you please give the enclosed to the President when he is not busy? I do not wish to trouble you too much, but Sen. Chanler & I would be so much obliged to you if you would telephone us if any services change for better or worse in the boys condition. My number is 400. Yours truly Winthrop Chanler Personal [ca 1902] Cliff Avenue, Newport, Rhode Island. Tuesday Dear Theodore: Just a line to say how much Daisy and I feel for you and your wife in this trying time. It is a devilish disease for any body to have but it seems to go easier always with the young. I have been through it with a brother once and have had it myself. Boys generally win out in my experience. Ted has such a lot of vitality that his chances must be excellent. He is not of the"give in" breed. I had a little talk yesterday with Sec. Cortelyou how that treaty that you have a private tel. wire to Washington. I shall not try to telephone again. There is nothing so distracting as the trinkle trinkle of the telephone. However if you should want to communicate with me my number here is 400 and I am in all day and the evening just now, Daisy is not up to much, poor girl. She has still over two weary months to go but she is cheerful and patient as ever I got back from Oklahoma last week.CLIFF AVENUE, NEWPORT, RHODE ISLAND. 2 where I had been after quail. The biggest strangest flying and best shot carrying birds in the world. Also shot a possum, Timber rat, crow and one calf (which ran off shaking its head and bellowing). Saw a big wolf, several coyotes and many pretty rotten indians & whites. Country is a fine one and when the criminals have all been taught how to behave will go ahead faster than most places. It has not rained there since June last so that the ground was too dry and the wind too high for good sport. Daisy hada letter from Springy the other day. He is coming out in the Spring for he says [that] "I cannot keep away any longer from a country governed by Theodore and inhabited by you." God knows when I shall see you. Best love from us both to yourselves and also to Ted. I wish there was anything I could do, but there is not - is there? Good luck. Yours ever Wint [*[Chanler?]*] Later. P.S. Since writing this I hear that Ted's case is more serious than yesterday. I'll telephone to Sec. Cortelyou later. The doctors gave my brother Willie up and left the house when he had pneumonia yet he came round all right[*File*] State 1902 Secretary Hay says he thinks this is probably true. He will not be at the Department to - morrow Dr. Rixey objecting to his going out -- but will see Mr. Herran if he will call at his -- The Secretary's - house, or at the Department on Friday. I will call Senator Hanna on the phone and tell him this confidentially. G.B.C. 8 P.M. [*[CORTELYOU]*][attached to memo ca. 1902 "Senator Hanna says that..."][*ppF pr*] [*[1902]*] Department of Justice Office of the Attorney General Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President - The bill has gone to the house that I have proposed at Mr. Jenkins request and will be seconded by him. As to the Judgeship after a full talk with the Justice do not think it will do to to further consider the man I mentioned. He,now, strongly inclines to our original suggestion of the Canton man. Sincerely yrs P.C. KnoxForm No. 1 THE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPANY. INCORPORATED 21,000 OFFICES IN AMERICA. CABLE SERVICE TO ALL THE WORLD. This Company TRANSMITS and DELIVERS messages only on conditions limiting its liability, which have been assented to by the sender of the following messages. Errors can be guarded against only be repeating a message back to the sending station for comparison, and the Company will not hold itself liable for errors or delays in transmission or delivery of Unrepeated Messages, beyond the amount of tolls paid thereon, nor in any case where the claim is not presented in writing within sixty days after the message is filed with the Company for transmission. This is an UNREPEATED MESSAGE, and is delivered by request of the sender, under the conditions named above. THOS. T. ECKERT, President and General Manager. NUMBER 2 | SENT BY [signature] | REC'D BY B | CHECK 10 paid RECEIVED at _____ 16 1902 Dated New York NY To Pres Roosevelt Bad news from home obliges me go there at once C [?] Lafarge[*[1902?]*] John Mitchell: [[shorthand]] I believe it [very] wise and highly advisable in the interest of your organization as well as in that of the public that you should accept at once the President's proposal. Albert Shaw. [*I concur in the above. Lyman Abbott*][[shorthand]] [*CF*] [*[ca 1902]*] Can Pension agents in the various states take part in Campaign & make speeches...if so to what extent may they be active. WareExtracted from the Transactions of the American Philological Association, Vol. xxxiii, 1902 [*To President Roosevelt, who*] [*reads ancient and makes*] [*modern history.*] [*With cordial greetings*] [*Benj. I. Wheeler.*] VIII. - Herodotus's Account of the Battle of Salamis. BY PRESIDENT BENJ. IDE WHEELER, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. OUR chief sources of knowledge concerning the battle of Salamis are Aeschylus, Persians, 345 ff., and Herodotus VIII, 70-95. Of only secondary value - possibly, as some have thought, of no independent value - are Diodorus (Ephorus) VIII, 17, 2-19, 2, and Plutarch in the Themistocles.1 The vulgate account, basing upon Herodotus and placing the battle inside the straits, was first seriously called into question by Loeschke, Jahrb. f. Phil. 1877, pp 25 ff. Finding Aeschylus and Herodotus in discord, he prefers to follow the former, who was an eye-witness, and prepares an account of the battle which he believes to be supported by the statements of Aeschylus in harmony with those of Diodorus. He makes no attempt to harmonize the statements of Herodotus, except to suggest a correction of the text at the point of the most serious discrepancy. The battle he believes to have occurred outside the narrows made by the point of Cynosura and the opposite headland of Attica. His main points are the following: (1) It is not credible that the Persian ships the night before the battle could have entered the straits 2000 metres distant from the Greeks without being observed by them. (2) Psyttaleia was evidently expected by Xerxes to be in the midst of the impending battle, [??] [??] (Herod. VIII, 76); hence the disembarkation of troops there. If the battle were fought inside the sound, it would be too far away to be sought as a refuge by the Greeks (cf. Aesch. 450 ff.). (3) Aeschylus confirms Diodorus when he indicates (pers. 366-68) that one detachment of ships was sent around the south of Salamis to block the northwest passage, and the rest 1 cf. Perrin, R., Plutarch's Themistocles and Aristides; note pp. 206 ff.Extracted from the Transactions of the American Philological Association, Vol. xxxiii, 1902 [*To President Roosevelt, who*] [*reads ancient and makes*] [*modern history.*] [*With cordial greetings*] [*Benj. I. Wheeler.*] VIII. - Herodotus's Account of the Battle of Salamis. BY PRESIDENT BENJ. IDE WHEELER, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. OUR chief sources of knowledge concerning the battle of Salamis are Aeschylus, Persians, 345 ff., and Herodotus VIII, 70-95. Of only secondary value - possibly, as some have thought, of no independent value - are Diodorus (Ephorus) VIII, 17, 2-19, 2, and Plutarch in the Themistocles.1 The vulgate account, basing upon Herodotus and placing the battle inside the straits, was first seriously called into question by Loeschke, Jahrb. f. Phil. 1877, pp 25 ff. Finding Aeschylus and Herodotus in discord, he prefers to follow the former, who was an eye-witness, and prepares an account of the battle which he believes to be supported by the statements of Aeschylus in harmony with those of Diodorus. He makes no attempt to harmonize the statements of Herodotus, except to suggest a correction of the text at the point of the most serious discrepancy. The battle he believes to have occurred outside the narrows made by the point of Cynosura and the opposite headland of Attica. His main points are the following: (1) It is not credible that the Persian ships the night before the battle could have entered the straits 2000 metres distant from the Greeks without being observed by them. (2) Psyttaleia was evidently expected by Xerxes to be in the midst of the impending battle, [??] [??] (Herod. VIII, 76); hence the disembarkation of troops there. If the battle were fought inside the sound, it would be too far away to be sought as a refuge by the Greeks (cf. Aesch. 450 ff.). (3) Aeschylus confirms Diodorus when he indicates (pers. 366-68) that one detachment of ships was sent around the south of Salamis to block the northwest passage, and the rest 1 cf. Perrin, R., Plutarch's Themistocles and Aristides; note pp. 206 ff.128 Benj. Ide Wheeler [1902 in three tanks were set to guard the strait at Psyttaleia. If the Greeks were surrounded by a movement of Persian ships inside the straits, there were no need of this outside manoeuvre. (4) The Persians are represented by Aeschylus as having heard the Greeks, their paean, the trumpet blast, the stroke of oars, before they saw them. This can only be explained on supposition that Cynosura intervened. The Persians in question were therefore at the southwest passage between Psyttaleia and Cynosura. The Greeks became visible as they bent around the point of Psyttaleia. Hence the right wing was seen first. (5) The [?]v στεv[?] (Aesch. 413) refers to the narrows between Cynosura and Attica. The turning point of the battle was the confusion into which the Persians fell when forcing their way into this strait. (6) The statement of Herod. VIII, 85 that the Phoenicians occupied in the Persian line the wing toward Eleusis and the west, and the Ionians that "toward the east and Peiraieus" is from Loeschke's point of view unintelligible. It yeilds meaning for him, however, if only Σaλaμivoς be substituted for 'Eλεvσivoς, so that the Phoenicians be assigned the wing toward Salamis and the west. Loeschke, therefore, arranges both lines across the straits from shore to shore, - from east to west. A somewhat different solution is attempted by W. W. Goodwin in Vol. I, Papers Amer. School, pp. 239 ff. Starting with an acceptance of Leoschke's criticism of the vulgate theory, he joins with him in thinking it incredible that the Persians should have taken up their position, on the night before the battle, with the straits. He does not, however, follow Loeschke in amending the text of Herodotus, but rather seeks to harmonize Herodotus's account with the others by a different interpretation of the vexed passage Herod. VIII, 85. He seeks, namely, to locate the struggle within the straits, but makes the Persians enter in the morning, and ascribes their defeat to the fact that they were attacked before they had formed their lane, and before they Vol. xxxiii.] Herodotus's Account of Battle of Salamis. 129 had recovered from the confusion incident to passing the narrows. his main points, additional to those of Loeschke, are: (1) "Aeschylus beyond doubt represents the Persians as entering the straits after daybreak." So Diodorus and Plutarch. (2) "Their like (called by Aeschylus ρεvμa) fell into some confusion in entering the narrows: and they never succeeded in regaining their order of battle, being immediately met by the Greeks as they passed the long point of Salamis." (3) "There is nothing inconsistent with this view of the battle except the common interpretation of two passages of Herodotus" : the first of these, VIII, 76, which represents "there Persians as bringing up their west wing to Salamis κvκλo[?]μεvoι during the night before the battle," he explains as referring to the sending of ships around the south of the island to close the northwest passage (cf. Diod. XI, 17; Plur., Themist. 12); and the second passage, VIII, 85, he explains by applying the points of the compass to the order of the Persian line as it entered the Straits, i.e. it entered end on with the right wing leading, so that the right wing thus lay to the west or northwest. The Greeks are made to take a position at first across the sound, between Magoula and the Perama (corresponding to Diodorus's statement), i.e. south to north, and then, by advancing their right wing first, to assume a position southeast to northwest sufficient to bring them near to the desired line, i.e. with their left wing slightly west of north. Professor Goodwin's statement gives a clear, consistent story of the battle, and has the merit of establishing an apparently complete reconciliation between the accounts of Herodotus and Aeschylus. It is, however, rather an attempt at reconciling with the Aeschylean account two conflicting passages in Herodotus than any attempt at reconciling the two accounts taken as a whole. To Aeschylus, as an eye-witness, must be given undoubtedly the preference in case of ultimate conflict. We submit, however, that the account of Herodotus must be interpreted as a whole. It can scarcely be doubted that Herodotus, who certainly130 Benj. Ide Wheeler [1902 visited the scene of battle within thirty-five years after its occurrence, must have had when he wrote a self-consistent plan of the battle in mind, whether that plan was right or wrong. We believe that a review of Herodotus's account as a whole will show that the two passages cited above are not the only ones which appear to be inconsistent with the plan suggested by Professor Goodwin; we believe that it will also appear that he misunderstands Aeschylus. The essential features of Herodotus's account may be discussed in the chronological order as he gives them. (I) In the forenoon of the day before the battle the Persian ships were beached at Phaleron, and the leaders were in council. So soon as it was decided to give battle, the ships were pushed off and headed for Salamis, [?]πi τηv Σaλaμiva ([?] 70), just as the land troops were at nightfall headed [?]πi τηv [?]. Contrast πp[?] τηv Σaλaμiva, [?] 76. In the opening sea off Peiraieus the ships were sorted out and arranged κaτ [?]. As night was, however, approaching, it was found necessary to postpone battle until the next day. At night the Persian army broke camp and started along the shore toward the Peloponnesus. Hence it was in the midst of his army, already on its slow march, that Xerxes had his seat the next morning [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] ([?] 90). The whole Attic shore was Persian. (2) The Greeks, especially the Peloponnesians, seeing how completely they would be isolated in case of a naval defeat, were in great perturbation, and the withdrawal of the Peloponnesian contingent, or perhaps even of the whole fleet, to the Isthmus was all but determined upon. Themistocles sent Sikinnos to warn Xerxes of the proposed movement. Xerxes believed. The story was probably enough, for it seemed surely the wise course for the Greeks to pursue. Why should they at great risk of completely isolation of the army stay to defend a country already lost? Xerxes acted promptly. His purpose was to prevent the withdrawal of the Greek fleet. First, he immediately disembarked [?] [?] [?] upon the island of Psyttaleai, thus securing with troops this shore, as he had already the Attic shore. This marks the Vol. xxxiii.] Herodotus's Account of Battle of Salamis. 131 proposed line of his battle. Ancient naval battles were by preference, as Duncker (Gesch. d. Altert.) has shown, fought from shore to shore, i.e. from friendly shores respectively, and not with the wings reposing, the one upon a friendly, the other upon unfriendly, shore. The Greeks were at Salamis and held the island, and if, as seems a prior natural, the Persians were proposing in general to make the Attic shore their background, Psyttaleia would be at the end of their left and, as lying in the face of the strait, could well be viewed as [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] ([?] 76), and as affording a fine vantage point from which to succor friends or hew down foes according as the refugees from either side might seek it. The second part of Xerxes's movement took place at night and concerned the fleet. It consisted of two distinct manoeuvers ([?]-[?]): Firstly, [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?]; secondly, [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] K[?] [?] [?] [?] K[?] [?], [?] [?] [?] Mo[?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?]. Concerning the first of these manoeuvers, two difficulties face the interpreter: (a) Which is the west wing? (b) Was the movement one around the south of the island or inside the sound? Professor Goodwin's interpretation makes Herodotus use "west wing" in [?] 85 of the right wind and in [?] 76 of the left wing, and this in a connected account of the same battle. Regarding the wings as named by their temporary positions, he naturally is forced by the specification that the other or eastern wing was [?] [?] K[?] [?] [?] [?] K[?] to locate the west wing out along the shore of the island, though no possible ratio for leading the fleet over there can be discovered. Dr. Lolling (Meerenge con Salamis, Aufs[?]tse an Curtius gewidment) attempts to solve the difficulty by reading Leros for Keos. This is impossible, not only for grammatical reasons (viz. the use of [?] [?], and the necessity of making [?] balance [?], while [?] introduces a parenthetical clause), but for the plain reason that if the Persian ships were already at132 Benj. Ide Wheeler [1902 Leros, the Greeks were already surrounded, and there was no need of doing anything further (cf. Hauvette, Herod., p. 412). The whole difficulty finds a ready solution when we take into account that we are dealing here with a continuous, consistent, and well-considered account in which the Persian fleet is always spoken of in terms of the Attic shore against which it was located on the day before the battle, before which it was drawn up on the day of the battle, and which was regarded as its permanent "point of departure." Precisely the same thing is done in [?] 85, where is, if I may anticipate somewhat, it will be shown that the wings are again named in terms of the trend of the Attic shore. The προς έσπέρης κέρας Σαλαμινα is by some understanding as withing the sound toward a position by the Permama, by others as a circumnavigation of the island. No one gives a proper value to κυκλ[?]μενοι. If, now, this movement consisted in sending a part of the right wind around the island, κυκλ[?]μενοι is the perfectly natural description of the movement which sends this detachment of the right wing around behind the left wing. It seems to me probable that such a detachment was sent around the island, and for the following reasons: (a) Aesch. Pers. v. 368, aλλaς δέ κuκλψ vήrov Aiavτoς πέpι[?] (ra[?]) seems to refer to such a movement; if not, it refers to something otherwise unmentioned in our sources. (b) Diodorus XI, 17 says: He sent out the naval force of the Egyptians with orders to close the strait between Salamis and the land of Megara. The same is implied by Plutarch. Two hundred is just the number of ships assigned by Herodotus to the Egyptians. For this see Goodwin, p. 248. The Egyptians would naturally belong in the right wing with the Phoenicians. (c) the enemy's ships, which Herodotus reports Aristedies as having seen in his passage from Aegina, may well have belonged to this detachment. See Goodwin, p. 251. (d) The objections which have been raised on the score Vol. xxxiii.] Herodotus's Account of Battle of Salamis. 133 of the distance and the darkness of the night are not of weight. The weather, as usual in September, was probably calm; the triremes were moved by oars and were swift; the distance was not such as to require over four or five hours; i.e. the triremes would reach the straits before daybreak. (e) The movement was an exact parallel to that of sending two hundred ships around Euboea with the design of shutting up the Greeks in the Euripus. (f) The flight of the Corinthian Ademantus through the sound to the west may be a base libel, but the very introduction of the story shows that Herodotus did not think of a Perian fleet as posted off St. George. The second manoeuvre of the fleet consisted in bringing the left wind over to enter and occupy the strait. In consonance with his general way of viewing the plan of battle, Herodotus here also expresses this occupation in terms of the Attic coast,-"occupied clear down to Munychia all the strait with the ships." the temptation to justify an oracle cited later undoubtedly aided in dictating the choice of word. If these ships had been already lying off the straits, as is shown by άμ[?] τήv K[?] τε kα[?] τήv Kuv[?], something new must have happened, - something radically new. The theory of Professor Goodwin really leaves nothing to be done. That Herodotus believed the sips occupied the straits inside, and were posed along the shore facing the bay of Ambelaki, we thing certainly proven by what follows. If he did not think they did something of this sort, why should he specifically add, "They did this in silence, that those on the other side might not know of it"? ([?] 76). It is, indeed, only by what I must think a misinterpretation of Aeschylus (Pers. 382) that Professor Goodwin refuses to think that the Persians began entering the straits before daylight. Aeschylus says (l. 381): they sail off each to his appointed station, and (ll. 382-3) all the night keep sailing through until (ll. 384-5), when the night is passed, no place is left for the Greeks to sail out. The antithesis of διαπλοov καθιστασαν and [?]κπλουν - καθιστατο is too apparent; the word-play (καθιστατο) points it out; more also πλ[?] - διαπλοov - [?]. Professor Goodwin's134 Benj. Ide Wheeler [1902 interpretation of l. 382 is given on p. 246, "the Persian ships are kept rowing about all night." Aside from the common meaning of the language and the implication of the antithesis, there arises the consideration: how were they sailing to their appointed stations by "rowing about all night"? The interpretation of this passage is not, however, of prime importance to us, - to Professor Goodwin and his theory it is of fatal importance. Loeschke and Goodwin lay great stress upon the impossibility of effecting such a movement in the face of the enemy without attracting their attention. Goodwin in the first place is surely mistaken in asserting that it was a moonlit night. The statement of Aesch. v. 365 is against this, and Busolt, Gr. Gesch.2 (II, 702, note 2), shows that at the time of the battle the moon must have been well advanced in its last quarter and probably did not rise before about two o'clock. The Greeks were deep back in the bay of Ambelaki some four miles from the opposite Attic coast. That there was doubtless danger of attracting the attention of the Greeks id shown by the fact that the Persians moved in silence, but that it was possible to do it under cover of the darkness must be undoubted. That the south passage, i.e. that between Cynosura and Psyttaleia, was not entirely blocked is suggested by the arrival of the Aeginetan trireme the next morning. Herodotus's account turns now in [?] 78 to the Greeks. They were busy in a discussion. "They did not know yet that the barbarians were surrounding them with their ships, but supposed them to be in the same position as they saw them by daylight." According to Professor Goodwin's theory, they would be, except for the ships sent around the island. Then follows the arrival of Aristeides,1 from whom as an "eye-witness" Themistocles first learns that the Persians have moved as he desired. Not until Aristeides's report is confirmed by the Tenian deserters do the Greek leaders really believe they are surrounded. Once convinced, they directly prepared for battle. 1 Aristeides may have landed on the south shore of Cynosura, whence a five or ten minutes' walk over the ridge would have taken him to the Greek camp, or he may have rounded the point. Vol. xxxiii.] Herodotus's Account of Battle of Salamis. 135 The dawn is breaking. The men are assembled to hear some words of exhortation. They hurry to their places on the ships. The trireme, with the blessing of the Aeacidae arrives. They push off. Hardly are they off when the barbarians are upon them. At first the Greeks recoil, and some were just beaching their boats again, but Ameinias on the left pushes ahead, joins fight, and the rest follow. The fight begins off the mouth of the bay of Ambelaki. Mr. Goodwin's plan makes it begin at the other side or the middle of the sound, before the Persians have reached their position and formed their line. The Greeks, according to this plan, would have been obliged to back water at at least 1 1/4 miles before beaching. In [?] 89 Herodotus says Greeks whose ships were lost swam ashore. If the Greek line had been across the sound, this were unlikely. Near those of the left wing would have been a hostile shore. Most of the others could have reached shore only by swimming by and around many friendly ships. Passing to the details of the battle, Herodotus [?] 85, makes the statement: "Opposite the Athenians had been arranged the Phoenicians, for they held the wing toward Eleusis and the west; opposite the Spartans the Ionians; they had the wing toward the east and Peiraieus." As we have already seen, this statement has given rise to abundant controversy, but yet it is just the statement that it was most natural for Herodotus in accordance with his entire conception of the plan of battle to make. He viewed the Persian line as arrayed before the Attic coast. This coast opposite the mouth of the bay of Ambelaki lies exactly east and west. Herodotus had not studied out the battle on a map, but on the spot. It was of slight matter that the map shows Euleusis to be to the northwest. The plain fact is that the shore runs east and west, and the west end of the sound opens toward Eleusis, the east end toward Peiraieus. A fleet arrayed along this shore has therefore its right wing toward the west and Eleusis, its left toward the east and Peiraieus. The story of the battle, aside from the personal incidents, is brief. The Greeks preserved their order, but the Persians, as they crowded down to fall upon the Greeks in their narrower136 Benj. Ide Wheeler. [1902 position, interfered with each other, raking one another's oars, and making themselves an easy prey. The position of the Greeks forced the Persians into narrower quarters, ἐν στενῷ, so Aeschylus puts it. The result could not have been different, as Herodotus says. The ancient naval battle was a ramming match. A fully equipped trireme carried only eighteen fighting men to 170 oarsmen. The great consideration was speed, and the ability to drive the 100 feet long barge against the enemy's chip and disable it. Once the Persians were crowded upon each other, the battle was settled. This was the reason why the Greeks kept the shelter of their narrow bay. It is inconceivable that they should, as Mr. Goodwin would have them, leave the shelter of a friendly shore, and lean their left wing upon a hostile shore. The confusion of the Persians was increased by the ambition of those in the rear lines (Aesch. says they were drawn up three deep) to make a good showing under the eye of the king who sat on the shore behind them. The Phoenicians were driven back by the Athenians (ὲϛ τὴν γῄν Plutarch says), and Herodotus tells of their coming up to make a certain complaint to the king. The flight became general. All the ships pushed for the north passage. Here the Aeginetans, who had moved forward from their position on the right Greek wing at the tip of Cynosura, were waiting for them, and taking them in the flank made havoc of the fugitives, earning themselves the chief glory of the day. This is Herodotus's perfectly intelligible and self-consistent account. From it it seems to us clear that he thought of the Persians as already drawn up at daybreak along the Attic shore and closing the north passage of the strait, so as to extend from Psyttaleia on the Attic shore opposite it to a point westward therefrom opposite the northern cape bounding Ambelaki bay. This makes a line of 2 1/2 miles, or if extended to the Perama, of 4 miles. The Persian fleet, after the withdrawal of the 200 Egyptian ships, could not have exceeded 600 ships. Aeschylus says these were drawn up three deep. This allows, on the basis of a 2 1/2-mile extent of line, 65 feet waterway for each ship, considerably more Vol. xxxiii.] Herodotus's Account of Battle of Salamis. 137 than was necessary to operate it, being more than double the width covered by ship and oars. The Greek fleet of about 300 ships, probably drawn up in double line, had from point to point (east and west) of Ambelaki bay a space of 1 1/2 miles, affording 50 feet per vessel. The whole sea-room was 10,000,000 square metres, or reckoning 1000 ships, 10,000 square metres per ship. It is chiefly in deference to certain statements of Aeschylus that Loeshke and Goodwin have constructed their theories of the battle. These theories are in certain and unreconcilable conflict with Herodotus. They are too inherently improbable. Loeschke locates the battle at the south passage, which is narrow and broken by an island and by shoals. Not over thirty-five to fifty ships could have passed it abreast. He is chiefly influenced in selecting this position by belief that Aeschylus's statement that the Greeks were not seen till the last moment required them to be hidden by Cynosura. This implies that the Greeks entered battle by a complete wheeling of their line, which would not only be difficult, but would expose the flank. It would furthermore be the left wing, and not, as Aeschylus says, the right, which the Persians would see first. Goodwin's plan obliges the Persians to enter battle through a waterway of less than three-quarters of a mile in width, where not over fifty to seventy-five triremes could move abreast. Through off the strait all night, and wide awake, and through a shore held by their own troops invited their entrance, they are made to await the risk of daylight to accomplish this dangerous movement. And yet Herodotus says ὲτετάΧατο. Two or three presumed implications of Aeschylus's language are all that remain of the supposed reasons for positing this hypothesis, contrary as it is to the entirety of Herodotus's account as well as to all good reasons in general. These are : (a) Aeschylus says that the Greeks suddenly appeared in view (Pers. 390). When the sun had risen there burst out from the camp of the Greeks the sound of the paean echoed over the wave from the island cliffs, smiting dismay to the hearts of the Persian host. For, lo, this blessed note of the138 Benj. Ide Wheeler. [1902 paean was not the song of men who meditated flight, but rather of men hastening in inspired courage to the battle. Then the blare of the trumpet set all the air afire, and straightway came the dash and the swish of the oar as it smote the brine to the boatswain's call. And with a rush they were all before their eyes. This fits Herodotus's account. The Greeks tarried in council till day was dawning. Then came late the decision to fight. The sailors were addressed just as the sun was rising. With an enthusiasm they are off to their boats. The trumpet gives the signal for launching. Suddenly they are off, and way down in the recesses of the bay four miles away, where just before all had been quiet in the gray of twilight, the Persians see the water covered with the advancing triremes. (b) The expression ῥεῦμα is believed by Goodwin to refer to the columnar order of the Persians in passing the straits. The cause of their confusion which resulted in their defeat was, according to his view, that in passing the straits (ἐν στενᾦ) they were obliged to narrow this column. They were then attacked before they recovered from their confusion. This is not what Aeschylus says. He says the reverse. "For the first the stream of the Persian host held on its way, but when the mass of the ships had been crowded together into close quarters, they were no help to each other, but rather a hindrance and destruction, etc.," and then the Greens smote them hip and thigh. This crowding ἐν στενᾦ comes at the end, not at the beginning. Compressed into a narrower bed, what had been a steady stream now becomes a confusion of waters. It is the same thing which Herodotus describes. As they came down upon the Greeks in their narrower position off the mouth of the bay, they crowded together, touched oars, and were disabled. Herodotus's account is not only self-consistent ; it is in entire consistency with the other accounts.[*[1902]*] My dear Colonel: As I see the case, Admiral Schley has made a mistake in appealing from the majority opinion of the Court of Inquiry. Every body read and approved the Report of Admiral Dewey, and not one hundred in every million, read the majority report. If I were President, I would endorse upon the findings of the Court, something like the following: "The evidence presented in the Record, in the main, is upon technical points, but it was upon these points that Admiral Schley demanded the Court, and it was therefore clearly the duty of the Court to take this evidence and be guided by it, in reaching its Conclusions. But the case, as a whole deserves a broader consideration by the President in2 in reviewing it and in passing upon the Appeal of Amiral Schley. In view of the results of the battle of July 3rd 1898, I do not think it necessary to consider technicalities, or who would have been to blame had the result been the opposite of what it was. The credit of victory is due to all of the forces engaged; the Commander of each vessel seems to have been animated by the same patriotic desire, and supported by the Courage and abilities of all of the officers and men of each ship. The enemy was making an effort to escape - at no time did he show any disposition to attack our fleet, but each of our vessels, under the general order to pursue and attack the enemy, did so. The accidents of location at the outset, speed of the ships and 3 quality of ordnance, gave some vessels an advantage over others, in the execution of the object to be attained. Therefore the officers and crew of each vessel is entitled to stand upon the level of all the others, in the distribution of credit for the actual fighting. As the superior officer in immediate command in the engagement, Admiral Schley is entitled to his full share of the credit for the victory, but as the evidence shows, it would be unjust to deprive Admiral Sampson of that credit which belongs to the Chief officer in Command of the Squadron, and who gave the general instructions under which the battle was fought. I find no ground upon which to base censure of any one for the things done or left undone during the engagement, the4 victory was indeed great enough for all of the officers and men in the squadron. I shall not express an opinion as to the actions which subsequently led up to the Court of Inquiry, because they are not included in the record and therefore could not properly be considered in this connection. The Conclusions of the Court seem to me to be in accord with the testimony presented upon technical points. The action [statement] of the President of the court [in which he gives the entire credit of the victory to Admiral Schley] supports my view upon this point. He signed the findings of the Court when he would have entered a dissenting opinion had he held a different one [from that] He saw proper, however, to present a statement which was in harmony with public sentiment, but not based upon the testimony, because 5 the substance of his statement was not an issue before the Court. In view of all the facts I deem it my duty to approve the findings of the Court, and thus close the whole case, which, in my judgement should never have been made the subject of investigation by a Court of Inquiry.* But in doing this, I want to express my high appreciation of the great service which Admiral Schley, and all of the officers and men under his Command, rendered the Country, in the Naval battle of July 3rd 1898, in which they destroyed the fleet of Cervera." [As Admiral Sampson was not a party to the proceeding before the Court]6 I can see no other way in which the President can get rid of this unsavory inheritance. This would end it and at the same time please the Country because of the kind mantra of Schley. I promised the President that I would send this to him through you. Your friend J.A. Woodard[Enc in Langer 2-5-02][*To the Public:*] [*[Ca1902]*] The Managers of the different coal properties comprising the anthracite coal fields, wish their position in the present strike to be understood, and therefore make the following statement of facts: There are in anthracite regions about seventy five operating companies and firms, and 147,000 miners and workmen, (of whom thirty thousand are under age) compromising some twenty nationalities and dialects. Of these workmen possibly one-half belong to the United Mine Workers Union, of which Mr. John Mitchell is President. That organisation was originally formed in the bituminous coal region, and three-fourths of its members are miners of bituminous coal, and bituminous coal is sold in active competition with anthracite coal. The remaining workmen in the anthracite fields either belong to no Union whatever, or do not belong to the Mine Workers Union' The present strike was declared by the Mine Workers Union on the tenth day of May, 1902. Since that time many workmen not belonging to or not willing to follow that organisation were working in and about the mines. From seventeen to twenty thousand are now at work. Many more have wished to work but have been prevented by a course of violence and intimidation towards those working, and towards their families, accompanied by the destruction of properties and the fear of death of bodily harm to every man who wishes to exercise his right to work. A schedule is being prepared & will be annexed hereto showing some of the things done to create this reign of terror, and every instance stated canPage-2 be certified by reference to the officers of the law - civil and military - in the anthracite region. This violence has continued and steadily increased, notwithstanding repeated disavowals by Mr. Mitchell, and it is clear that he either cannot or will not prevent it, and that the rights of the other workmen cannot be protected under the supremacy of the Mine Workers Union. The coal companies believe that the wages paid in the coal regions are fair and full, and all that the business in its normal condition has been able to stand if the capital invested is to have any reasonable return. The profits have been small, several of the companies have become bankrupt and been reorganized several times. Several have never paid dividends, and the dividends of the others have been a small return for the capital invested. It is not, however the purpose of this statement to discuss this question. The undersigned are not, and never have been unwilling to submit all questions between them and their workmen to any fair tribunal for decision. They are not willing to enter into arbitration with the Mine Workers Union, an organization chiefly composed of men in a rival and competitive interest, and they are not willing to make any arrangement xxxx which will not secure to the men now working, and all now or hereafter wishing to work, whether they belong to the Mine Workers Union or not, the right and opportunity to work in safety and without personal insult or bodily harm to themselves or their families. For these reasons arbitrations heretofore proposed have been declined. Page-3 It will be remembered that at the conference in Washington, October 3rd., we made the following offer; that we would take up at each colliery any alleged grievance and consider it fairly and adjust it if it proved to be a grievance, and in the event of a failure to make a satisfactory adjustment the questions at issue to be submitted to the final decision of the judges of the Court of Common Pleas of the district in which the collier is located. This offer was made by us in good faith and we desire here to reaffirm it. The coal companies realized that the urgent public need of coal, and the apprehension of an inadequate supply for the approaching winter, calls for an earnest effort to reach a practical conclusion which will result in an increased supply, and the Presidents of the Companies desire to make every effort to that end which does not involve the abandonment of the interests committed to their care and of the men who are working and seeking to work in their mines. This responsibility they must bear and meet as best they can. They therefore re-state their position: That they are not discriminating against the United Mine Workers, but they insist that the Miners Union shall not discriminate against or refuse to work with non-union men; that there shall be no restriction or deterioration in quantity or quality of work, and that owing to the varying physical conditions of the anthracite mines each colliery is a problem by itself. We suggest a Commission be appointed by the President of the United States, (if he is willing to perform that public service) to whom shall be referred all questions at issue between thePage-4 respective companies and their own employes, whether they belong to a union or not, and the decision of that Commission shall be accepted by us. The Commission to be constituted as follows: 1. An officer in the engineer corps or either the military or naval service of the United States. 2. An expert mining engineer, experienced in the mining of coal and other minerals, and not in any way connected with coal mining properties, either anthracite or bituminous. 3. One of the judges of the United States Courts of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. 4. A man of prominense, eminent as a socioligist. 5. A man, who by active participation in mining and selling coal is familiar with the physical and commercial features of the business. It being the understanding that immediately upon the constitution of such Commission, in order that idleness and non-production may cease instantly, the miners will return to work and cease all interference with and persecution of any non-union men who are working or shall hereafter work. The findings of this Commission shall fix the date when the same shall be effective, and shall govern the conditions of the employment between the respective companies and their own employes for a term of at least three years.[*[Ca 1902]*] To the Public: The managers of the different coal properties comprising the anthracite coal fields, with their position in the present strike to be understood, and therefore make the following statement of facts: There are in the anthracite regions about seventy-five operating companies and firms, and 147,000 miners and workmen, (of which thirty thousand are under age) comprising some twenty nationalities and dialects. Of these workmen probably one-half belong to the United Mine Workers Union, of which Mr. John Mitchell is President. That organization was originally formed in the bituminous coal region, and three-fourths of its members are miners of bituminous coal, and bituminous coal is sold in active competition with anthracite coal. The remaining workmen in the anthracite fields either belong to no Union whatever, or do not belong to the Mine Workers Union. The present strike was declared by the Union Workers Union on the tenth day of May, 1902. Since that time many workmen not belonging to or not willing to follow that organization were working in and about the mines. From seventeen to twenty thousand are now at work. Many more have [wanted] wished to work but have been prevented by a course of violence and intimidation towards those working, and towards their families, accompanied by the destruction of properties and the fear of death or bodily harm to every man who wishes to exercise his right to work. A schedule is annexed hereto showing some of the things done to create this reign of terror, and every instance stated can be verified by reference to the officers of the law - civil and military - in the anthracite region. This violence has continued and steadily increased, notwithstanding repeated disavowals by Mr. Mitchell, and it is clear that he either cannot or will not prevent it, and that the rights of the other workmen cannot be protected under the supremacy of the Mine Workers Union. The coal companies believe that the wages paid in the coal regions are fair and full, and all that the business in its normal condition has been able to stand if the capital invested is to have any reasonable return. The profits have been small, several of the companies have been bankrupt-2- home bankrupt and has been reorganized several times. Several have never paid dividends, and the dividends of the others have been a small return for the capital invested. It is not, however, the purpose of this statement to discuss this question. The undersigned are not, and never have been unwilling to submit all questions between them and their workmen to any fair tribunal for decision. They are not willing to enter into arbitration with the Mine Workers Union, an organization chiefly composed of men in a rival and competitive interest, and they are not willing to make any arrangement which will not secure to the men now working, and all now or hereafter wishing to work, whether they belong to the Mine Workers Union or not, the right and opportunity to work in safety and without personal insult or bodily harm to themselves or their families. For these reasons the arbitrations heretofore proposed have been declined. It will be remembered that at the conference in Washington October 3rd, we made the following offer: that we would take up at each colliery any alleged grievance, and in the event of a failure to make a satisfactory adjustment the questions at issue to be submitted to the final decision of the judges of the Court of Common Pleas of the district in which the colliery is located. This offer was made by us in good faith and we desire here to reaffirm it. The coal companies realise that the urgent public need of coal, and the apprehension of an inadequate supply for the approaching winter, calls for an earnest effort to reach a practical conclusion which will result in an increased supply, and the presidents of the companies desire to make every effort to that end which does not involve the abandonment of the interests committed to their care and of the men who are working and seeking to work in their mines. This responsibility they must bear and meet as best they can. They therefore re-state their position: That they are not discriminating against the United Mine Workers, but they insist that the Miners Union shall not discriminate against or refuse to work with non-union men; that there shall be no restriction against or deterioration in quantity or quality of work, and that owing to the varying physical conditions of the anthracite3. mines each colliery is a problem by itself. We suggest a Commission beappointed by the President of the United States (if he is willing to perform that public service) to whom shall be referred all questions at issue between the respective companies and their own employes, whether they belong to a union or not, and the decision of that Commission shall be accepted by us. The Commission to be constituted as follows: 1. An officer of the engineer corps of either the Military or Naval service of the United States. 2. An expert mining engineer, experience in the mining of coal and other minerals, and not in any way connected with coal mining properties, either anthracite or bituminous. 3. One of the Judges of the United States Courts of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. 4. A man of prominence, eminent as a socioligist. 5. A man, who by native participation in mining and selling coal is familiar with the physical and commercial features of the business. It being the understanding that immediately upon the constitution of such Commission, in order that the idleness and non-production may cease instantly, the miners will return to work and cease all interference with the persecution of any non-union men who are working or shall hereafter work. The findings of this Commission shall fix the date when the same shall be effective, and shall govern the conditions of employment between the respectivecompanies and their own employes for a term of at least three years. 5Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan came to Washington with his partner, Mr. Bacon, at the request of the coal companies, who desired that as a matter of courtesy their statement should be shown to the President before it was made public. Having been laid before the President by Mr. Morgan, it is now given to the press.Page 5. Gee. F. Baer, Prest. Phila & Reading Coal & Iron Co. Lehigh & Wilkesbarre Coal Co. Temple Iron Co. E. B. Thomas, Chairman Penna. Coal Co. Hillside Coal & Iron Co. W.H. Truesdale, Prest. Delaware, Lachawanna & Western R.R. Co. T.P. Fowler, President, Scranton Coal Co. Elk Hill Coal & Iron Co. R.M. Olyphant, Prest. Delaware & Hudson Co. Alfred Walters, Prest. Lehigh Valley Coal Co.Page 5. Gee. F. Baer, Prest. Phila & Reading Coal & Iron Co. Lehigh & Wilkesbarre Coal Co. Temple Iron Co. E. B. Thomas, Chairman Penna. Coal Co. Hillside Coal & Iron Co. W.H. Truesdale, Prest. Delaware, Lachawanna & Western R.R. Co. T.P. Fowler, President, Scranton Coal Co. Elk Hill Coal & Iron Co. R.M. Olyphant, Prest. Delaware & Hudson Co. Alfred Walters, Prest. Lehigh Valley Coal Co.[*To the Public:*] [*[Ca 1902]*] The Managers of the different coal properties comprising the anthracite coal fields, wish their position in the present strike to be understood, and therefore make the following statement of facts: There are in the anthracite regions about seventy five operating companies and firms, and 147,000 miners and workmen, (of whom thirty thousand are under age) comprising some twenty nationalities and dialects. Of these workmen possibly one-half belong to the United Mine Workers Union, of which Mr. John Mitchell is President. That organization was originally formed in the bituminous coal region, and three-fourths of its members are miners of bituminous coal, and bituminous coal is sold in active competition with anthracite coal. The remaining workmen in the anthracite fields either belong to no Union whatever, or do not belong to the Mine Workers Union' The present strike was declared by the Mine Workers Union on the tenth day of May, 1902. Since that time many workmen not belonging to or not willing to follow that organization were working in and about the mines. From seventeen to twenty thousand are now at work. Many more have wished to work but have been prevented by a course of violence and intimidation towards those working, and towards their families, accompanied by the destruction of properties and the fear of death or bodily harm to every man who wishes to exercise his right to work. A schedule is being prepared & will be annexed hereto showing some of the things done to create this reign of terror, and every instance stated canPage-2 be verified by reference to the officers of the law — civil and military — in the anthracite region. This violence has continued and steadily increased, notwithstanding repeated disavowals by Mr. Mitchell, and it is clear that he either cannot or will not prevent it, and that the rights of the other workmen cannot be protected under the supremacy of the Mine Workers Union. The coal companies believe that the wages paid in the coal regions are fair and full, and all that the business in its normal condition has been able to stand if the capital invested is to have any reasonable return. The profits have been small, several of the companies have become bankrupt and been reorganised several times. Several have never paid dividends, and the dividends of the others have been a small return for the capital invested. It is not, however the purpose of this statement to discuss this question. The undersigned are not, and never have been unwilling to submit all questions between them and their workmen to any fair tribunal for decision. They are not willing to enter into arbitration with the Mine Workers Union, an organization chiefly composed of men in a rival and competitive interest, and they are not willing to make any arrangement which will not secure to the men now working, and all now or hereafter wishing to work, whether they belong to the Mine Workers Union or not, the right and opportunity to work in safety and without personal insult or bodily harm to themselves or their families. For these reasons the arbitrations heretofore proposed have been declined.Page-3 It will be remembered that at the conference in Washington, October 3rd., we made the following offer; that we would take up at each colliery any alleged grievance and consider it fairly and adjust it if it proved to be a grievance, and in the event of a failure to make a satisfactory adjustment the questions at issue to be submitted to the final decision of the judges of the Court of Common Pleas of the district in which the colliery is located. This offer was made by us in good faith and we desire here to reaffirm it. The coal companies realise that the urgent public need of coal, and the apprehension of an inadequate supply for the approaching winter, calls for an earnest effort to reach a practical conclusion which will result in an increased supply, and the Presidents of the Companies desire to make every effort to that end which does not involve the abandonment of the interests committed to their care and of the men who are working and seeking to work in their mines. This responsibility they must bear and meet as best they can. They therefore re-state their position: That they are not discriminating against the United Mine Workers, but they insist that the Miners Union shall not discriminate against or refuse to work with non-union men; that there shall be no restriction or deterioration in quantity or quality of work, and that owing to the varying physical conditions of the anthracite mines each colliery is a problem by itself. We suggest a Commission be appointed by the President of the United States, (if he is willing to perform that public service) to whom shall be referred all questions at issue between thePage-4 respective companies and their own emloyes, whether they belong to a union or not, and the decision of that Comission shall be accepted by us. The Commission to be constituted as follows: 1. An officer in the engineer corps of either the military or naval service of the United States. 2. An expert mining engineer, experienced in the mining of coal and other minerals, and not in any way connected with coal mining properties, either anthracite or bituminous. 3. One of the judges of the United States Courts of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. 4. A man of prominence, eminent as a socioligist. 5. A man, who by active participation in mining and selling coal is familiar with the physical and commercial features of the business. It being the understanding that immediately upon the constitution of such Commission, in order that idleness and non-production may cease instantly, the miners will return to work and cease all interference with and persecution or any non-union men who are working or shall hereafter work. The findings of this Commission shall fix the date when the shall be effective, and shall govern the conditions of employment between the respective companies and their own employes for a term of at least three years.[*[Ca 1902]*] [*File*] [[shorthand]] Memorandum requested by Mr. Cortelyou:- Charles Ridgely, of Springfield, Ill., has been a coal operator in that state for 35 or 40 years. For many years he was president of the Consolidated Coal Co., of St. Louis, Mo., the largest coal company then or now doing business in Illinois, and as such was probably the largest employer of mining labor in the state. He had the active personal charge of the relations of his company to its workmen and to an unusual degree has always possessed the confidence of the miners of the state as well as the operators. Five or six years ago he retired from the coal business and has now active connection with it. During this time he has frequently been called into consultation by the leading officials of the miners union in Illinois in regard to the investment of their funds, and it is believed he enjoys their confidence in an unusual degree. Hon. John Hay has known Mr. Ridgely well for many years and can give the President any information he may desire in regard to his qualifications as a member of the proposed board of arbitration.[*ca 1902*] (1) Conditions under which the deadlock that now seems permanent in the anthracite field could be broken and work resumed at the mines, and upon which I would agree to call a delegate convention and recommend favorable actions: 1-- That Mr. J.P. Morgan will, upon request of said convention, accept the responsibility of deciding the questions and issues which resulted in the strike; that is to say, we would refer to him for final adjudication the differences between the demands made by the Shamokin convention and the offer of the coal operators as expressed in printed notices posted at the mines. 2-- In deciding these questions and in formulating the new wage seals, Mr. J.P. Morgan should select a competent commission to make necessary investigations and recommendations and to advise him in the foundations of the new scale. 3-- That the provisions of the new scale shall be embodied in an agreement which shall be signed by the representatives of the coal companies and the representatives of the anthracite coal mine workers. 4-- That the new scale of wages shall be binding upon both for a period of one year. That if mutually agreeable the agreement may be extended over a period not to exceed five years. 5-- In deciding the questions involved and in formulating the sew scale all facts pertinent to the questions are to be considered, including the increased cost of living, the risks of mining, etcetera. 6-- That provision will be made in the new agreement for adjudication of local grievances which may arise from time to time, so(2) so that labor strikes and lookouts may be rendered unnecessary. 7--That all men who participated in the strike will be restored to the positions they held previous to the inauguration of the strike, providing that they make application within ten days after work has been resumed. 8--If these suggestions meet with the approval of Mr. J. P. Morgan and are endorsed by a delegate convention, which is to be held at the earliest possible date, work will be resumed not later than one week after Mr. J. P. Morgan has signified his acceptance of this responsibility and we have been notified that the operators are willing to abide by his decision. 9-- Final decision is to be rendered not later than the 20th. of October, and the scale decided upon is to be in effect from the day on which work was resumed. It is understood that these suggestions are only tentative and do not commit the anthracite mine workers to them until they are approved by the delegate convention; and should they fail to meet the approval of Mr. J. P. Morgan matters are to stand as though no suggestions had been made.[*Sent.*] [*Ca 1092*] + Memo. for Mr. Bacon: The President approves of his [*your*] suggestion in his [*your*] telegram of today of sending (62437) the Virginia (70563), New Jersey, (3-1199) and Louisiana (47764) as suggested (65763.(attached to Bacon,[[shorthand]] We have concluded to make the following suggestions in relation to your proposed action in connection with the coal famine: 1st. We would recommend that a telegram be sent to the leading operators and also to Mitchell, the President of the Miners' Association, substantially in the form of your proposed letter to Mr. Baer, not to be sent until the result of Mr. Root's mission has been ascertained. 2nd. We would suggest the abandonment of a discussion with the operators solely or with the operators in conjunction with the representatives of the miners along the lines of the paper we have before us, and in lieu thereof would suggest that the matter be presented substantially along these lines: Calling their attention to their relative situation, namely, that upon the one hand the operators as the owners of the coal mines entertain certain views upon [which] the basis of their conduct, whereas upon the other hand their workmen claim that certain modifications in the arrangements heretofore existing between them should be made; that these are substantially commercial questions affecting immediately the parties concerned, [and] but the public [only] also vitally though indirectly; that so long as there seemed to be a reasonable hope that these matters could be adjusted between the parties it had not seemed proper upon your part to interfere in any way; that you [should] disclaim [your] any right or duty to interfere upon any legal grounds now existing or upon any official relation that you [might] at present bear to the situation; but that the [request has been so] urgency and [general from all classes of people based upon the idea that you as the representative of the whole people at least bore some moral relation to the situation that you were constrained to make some reasonable effort along that line.] [*terrible nature of the catastrophe now impending over [the] a large portion of of our people, in the shape of winter fuel famine and the further fact that as this strike affects a necessity of life to so many of [of] our people, no precedent of interference in other strikes will be created, although not after much anxious thought of belief that my duty requires me to act as this can but be about our present *]-2- sinking for the time being any tenacity as to their respective rights and meet upon the common plane that the necessities of the public justify, and a resumption of operations and discussion of their conditions in some way in which they might mutually agree upon after the resumption of operations. We think the President should clearly set forth that there are two or three parties affected by the controversy - the operators, the miners and the general public, and that he represents neither the operators nor the miners but the general public After careful consideration we think it inadvisable to take up the legal points of the controversy believing that your message to Congress is the proper place for this, and besides it would invite a discussion of the legal situation in which you might not be given an opportunity to answer.[*CF*] [*Coal Strike*] [*[Ca 1902?]*] BASIS OF PROPOSITION FOR SETTLEMENT OF COAL STRIKE. THAT: the Anthracite employes organize a new Union independent of the United Mine Workers. THAT should this be done there shall be organized a joint committee on conciliation to consist of representatives of the operators and of the new Union, to which committee all grievances, as they arise, shall be referred [or] for adjustment, and that, whenever practicable, collective bargains shall be made relative to wages, time and other conditions under rules [ye] to be established by the joint committee. THAT should this be done the operators will grant a NINE or NINE AND A HALF hour day for the period of six months as an experiment in order to test the influence on production, and that if production is not materially reduced thereby agreement shall be made for the permanent reduction of time. THAT there shall be no interference with non-union men. THAT whenever practicable, and where mining is paid for by the ton, coal shall be weighed by two inspectors, one representing the operators, and one representing the men; each side to pay its own inspector. THAT the joint board of Conciliation, if established, shall make its first duty the thorough examination and investigation of all conditions relative to mining anthracite coal, through the employment of practical experts to be selected by the board. The results of such [investnating] investigation not to be considered [an] in the nature of an award of [the] a Board of Arbitration but as information on which [fixture] future contracts can be made.(ca 1902) If Mr. Mitchell will secure the immediate return to work of the miners in the anthracite region, the President will at once appoint a commission to investigate thoroughly into all the matters at issue between the operators and miners and will do all within his power to obtain a settlement of these questions in accordance with the report of the commission.[*(ca 1902)*] Charlemagne Tower, of Pa., to be Ambassador to Germany. Robert S. McCormick, of Ill., to be Ambassador to Russia. Bellamy Storer, of Ohio, to be Ambassador to Austria-Hungary. Arthur S. Hardy, of New Hampshire, to be Minister to Spain. Charles Page Bryan, of Illinois, to be Minister to Switzerland. David E. Thompson, of Nebraska, to be Minister to Brazil. [*State*][*(ca 1902)*] Confidential. Senator Hanna says he has positive information that Herran will sign the treaty for ten millions and an annuity of $250,000, this extending the annuity now paid indefinitely. The Senator says that Herran will sign this if given a chance at once, before orders come from home. This of course is strictly confidential. Senator Hanna would come to see you personally, but he finds that you are not well. He is not at liberty to divulge the reasons he has for believing this, but is firm in the belief that the effort along these lines if immediately made will be successful. In this Senator Spooner agrees with him.(For 2 attachments see 1902 "Sec. Hay says & card "Secretary to the President)[*ppF pr*] [*[1902?]*] [*Treasury*] Secretary Shaw telephones from the Fifth Avenue Hotel, New York, that the financial situation looks badly this evening, and that they are fearful of trouble to-morrow. He says that he has seen the gentleman about whom he talked with the President, and also that Senator Aldrich is in New York. Secretary Shaw says that he desires to do the following with a view to relieving the situation somewhat: He thinks there is no financial risk though there may be some criticism in a few quarters if he should accept other securities than Government Bonds, that is take such securities as Savings Banks are allowed to take. Of course he will take at least fifty per cent additional beyond the amount deposited. That is to say that he will not loan beyond sixty-five percent of the security offered, that is not over two-thirds. He will then be able to increase the circulation quite a good deal and release some gold. It will probably relieve the situation. Comptroller Ridgely will reach Washington at eleven o'clock. Senator Aldrich thinks that the above plan is all right. Secretary Shaw has just received the telegram from the President about the speech and will not of course deliver it until he has had a talk with the President. [[Shorthand]][*[Ca 1902]*] "Welcome [in] to Germany!" -March- dedicated to the navy of the United States of America von Friedrich Wilhelm Grell op. 837 Komponist folgender patriotischer Tonstücke: 1) "Deutsche Flagge und Sternenbanner!" Seiner Excellent Herrn Staatspräsidenten Roosevelt 2) "Willkommen unserm hohen Gaste!" gewidmet Frau Roosevelt 3) "Hurrah! Kaiserjacht Meteor!" Fräulein Alice " " 4) "Hoch! Wittelsbachs jüngster Sproß!" Marsch, Seiner kgl. Hoheit dem Prinzen Rupprecht von Bayern" 5) "In Treue fest Wittelsbach-Bayern!" Centenae" ferierfest-Marsch, der bayrischen Nation gewidmet 6) "Willkommensgruß den deutschen Chinakämpfern!" Marsch, Seiner Excellenz Herrn Generalfeldmarschall Grafen von Waldersee gewidmet. 7) "Willkommen unsern hohen Gästen!" Marsch, Seiner Excellenz Herrn kgl. Geheime Hofrat Ritter Dr. von Schuh, I. Bürgermeister von Nürnberg gewidmet.2 Piano Con spirito.[*5558˜*] Telegramm Seiner Majestät des deutschen Kaisers an Seine Excellenz, Herrn Staatspräsiden= ten Theodor Roosevelt: "Die Erinnerung an die Amerikareise meines Bruders soll im Nationalbewußtsein der Nordamerikaner und Deutschen lebendig erhalten werden." Um diesen Wunsch S. M. des deutschen Kaisers zu erfüllen, sandte Lehrer Grell- Bullenheim (Bayern) die 30 stimmigen Partituren jener Tonstücke, welche die denkwürdige Amerikareise Seiner kgl. Hoheit, des Prinzen Heinrich von Preußen feiern, und vorliegende Schrift an friedliche deutsche und nordamerikanische Marine= und Militärmusikcorps gratis. Die Netto-Einnahmen werden dem Schatzkanzleramt des deutschen Flot= tenkreises in Berlin direkt überwiesen. Bullenheim, im Mai 1902. Friedrich Wilhelm Grell, LehrerReise Seiner Kgl. Hoheit des Prinzen Heinrich von Preußen in die Vereinigten Staaten Nordamerikas vom 22.II.02 - 11.III.02. Samstag, 22.II.02: Ankunft s.kgl.H. des Prinzen Heinrich von Preußen auf dem Norddeutschen Lloyd=dampfer "Kronprinz Wilhelm" im Hafen von New York. Admiral Evans, der Kommandeur des nordamerikanischen Begrüßungsgeschwaders, begleitet Seine Kgl. Hoheit mit Gefolge an Bord S. M. Yacht "Hohenzollern", wo sich die Abgeordneten S. Excellenz des Herrn Staats=präsidenten Theodor Roosevelt eingefunden haben. Abends besucht S.Kgl.H. das Theater am Irving-Platz und begibt sich dann an Bord S. M. Y. "Hohenzollern". Sonntag 23.II.02: An Bord der "Hohenzollern" findet feierlicher Gottesdienst statt. Nachmittags besucht S.kgl.Hoheit das Grabmal des Generals Grant, [?] Besuch des "deutschen Vereins" in New York stattfindet. Montag 24.II.02: S.kgl.Hoheit reist mit der Pennsylvenia-Eisenbahn über Baltimore nach Washington, um S. Excellenz, Herrn Staatspräsidenten Th. Roosevelt einen Besuch im "Weißen Hause" und der deutschen Botschaft abzustatten.Abends kehrt. S.kgl. Hoheit nach New York zurück. Dienstag 25.II.02: Vormittags 10 Uhr wohnt S.kgl. Hoheit mit Gefolge und Seine Excellenz. Herr Staatspräsident Roosevelt mit Abgeordneten der Taufe S.M. Yacht "Meteor" durch Fräu= lein Alice Roosevelt im Hafen von New York an. Abends besucht S.kgl.Hoheit die Gala= vorstellung im Metropolitan-Opernhaus. Mittwoch 26.II.02: An diesem Tage besucht S.kgl.Hoheit das Konzert des Männerge= sangsvereins "Arion" und das Bankett der Preßvertreter aus den Vereinigten Staaten. Donnerstag 27.II.02: Ankunft S.kgl.Hoheit in Washington. Besuch der deutschen Gesandt= schaft. Gedächtnisfeier für den + Staatspräsi= denten William MacKinley im Kapitol. Nach= mittags Besuch des Denkmals George Washington's Freitag 28.II.02: Besuch S.kgl.Hoheit bei S. Exc., Herrn Staatspräsidenten Roosevelt, und Gastmahl in der deutschen Gesandtschaft zu Washington. Samstag 1.III.02: Besuch S.kgl.Hoheit des Prinzen Heinrich mit Gefolge auf der Eisenbahn durch das wildromantische Allegheny-Gebirge. Kleine Aufenthalte in Pittsburg, Columbus und Cincinnati. Sonntag 2. III. 02: Eisenbahnfahrt über Chattanooga, Nashville, Louisville und Indianopolis. Montag 3. III. 02: Ankunft in St. Louis; Empfang an der Union-Eisenbahnstation durch die städtische Behörde; Übergabe einer Adresse; Abreise nach Chicago; Ankunft in Chicago; Empfang S. kgl. Hoheit seitens des Oberbürgermeisters Harrison, und durch den deutschen Konsul. Militärische Begleitung in das Auditorium-Hotel; Gast= mahl und Ball daselbst._ Dienstag 4. III. 02: Besichtigung des Denkmals Abraham Lincoln's im Lincoln-Park zu Chi= cago. Abreise nach Milwaukee. Empfang S.kgl.Hoheit durch den Bürgermeister. Militä= risch Begleitung bis zur Ausstellungshalle. Gastmahl im Hotel Pfister. Große Gala= vorstellung im deutschen Theater. Abreise. Mittwoch 5. III. 02: Ankunft in Buffalo und an den Niagara - Wasserfällen. Kurze Aufent= halte in Rochester und Syrakuse. Donnerstag 6.III.02: Ankunft in Boston. Em = pfang S.kgl.Hoheit, des Prinzen Heinrich durch den Bürgermeister und den deutschen Kon= sul. Militärische Begleitung bis zum Sommer= set-Hotel. Nachmittags Besuch bei dem Prä=sidenten der Harvard - Universität. Be= sichtigung der Universität - Attribute unter Begleitung des Senats. Abends Gastmahl, gegeben von den Spitzen der städtischen Behörden. Freitag 7.III.02: Abreise S.kgl.Hoheit von Boston nach Albany. Begrüßung durch den Bürgermeister. Militärische Begleitung zur Stadthalle. Empfang von den Stadtkomman= danten vom Senate. Abreise nach West Point. Besuch der Militär-Akademie. Abreise nach New York; Abends Gastmahl bei dem Uni= versitäts-Klub. Samstag 8.III.02: Gastmahl bei der "Deutschen Gesellschaft" in New- York. Sonntag 9.III.02: Besuch des Universitäts-Klubs; Abends Besuch des New Yorker - Yachtklubs. Montag 10.III.02: Abreise von New York nach Philadalphia; Empfang durch den Bürger= meister und den deutschen Konsul; Besichtigung der Stadthalle. Abends Reise zurück nach New York. Abschiedsgastmahl an Bord S.M. Yacht "Hohenzollern". Dienstag 11.III.02: Abreise S.kgl.Hoheit des Prinzen Heinrich von Preußen mit Ge= folge nach Deutschland. Ankunft am 18.III.02 in Cuxhafen. Fine.Der Verfasser dieser Reiseskizze ist der Lehrer Grell- Bullenheim (Utfr.) und zugleich der Komponist der Ton= stücke, welche diese denkwürdige Amerikareise S. Kgl. Hoheit des Prinzen Heinrich von Preußen feiern. Jene Tonstücke wurden in 30 stimmiger Partitur schon vor Beginn an das Marine-Musikcorps S.M. Yacht "Hohenzollern" gesandt, welcher die hohe Ehre hatte, S.kgl.Hoheit zu begleiten. _ Diese Tonstücke sollen die Sympathien der Deutschen zu den Be= wohnern der U.S.A. musikalisch zum Ausdruck bringen. Dieselben heißen: 1) Hurrah! Flagge Schwarz-Weiß-Rot ×Sternenbanner Marsch S. Exc. Herrn Staatspräsidenten Roosevelt gewidmet 2) "Willkommen unserm hohen Gaste! Gavotte, Frau Roosevelt gewidmet: 3) "Hurrah! Kaiserjacht Meteor!" ein Tongemälde, Fräulein Alice Roosevelt gewidmet. --- Der Admiral U.S.A.; Cotton, bekundet vom Komponisten: Your music has been well-known to all Americans since the American visit of Prince Henry of Prussia. Von Militär-[?] U.S.A.; Biddle - Berlin, schreibt: "Ich brauche Ihnen nicht mit vielen Worten zu ver= sichern, daß ich die Gefühle, die Sie bei der Komposition bewegt haben, voll zu würdigen weiß; benutze aber die Gelegenheit, Ihnen meine Hochachtung aus= zusprechen." 18 ähnliche Schriftstücke sind vorhanden bei dem Komponisten"In Unison" American naval marche respectfully dedicated to the two Great Rulers in sympathy, Honorable Excellency President of the U.S.A. Theodor Roosevelt and His Majesty Emperor of Germany, William II. composed of Friedrich Wilhelm Grell, opus 1094 ----- Für 50 stimmige amerikanische Marine= musikcorps arrangiert × für die Enthüllung des Denkmals Friedrichs des Großen in Wohsington [?]2. Marcia con alcuna licenza. Introduction3. Fine4. Marcia da capo al Fine Bullenheim, in September 1904. Friedrich Wilhelm Grell, Lhr x KomponistRezensionen, Zeugnisse und Urteile. 1) Die Hamburger "Neuesten Nachrichten": "Zur Erinnerung an die Amerikareise des Prinzen Heinrich hat Lehrer Friedrich Wilhelm Grell- Bullenheim (Utfr.) als opera 773-775 drei Kompositionen veröffentlicht, hübsch ausgestattet durch die Weltfirma Breitkopf & Härtel - Leipzig, welche in erster Linie dem genannten Zwecke gewidmet sind. Es sind dies: a) "Hurrah! Flagge, schwarz, weiß, rot und Sternen= banner!" Marsch mit amerikanischem und deutschen Marschtempo, Herrn Staatspräsidenten Roosevelt gewidmet. b) "Willkommen unserm hohen Gaste!" Gavotte, Frau Roosevelt gewidmet. c) "Hurrah! Kaiserjacht "Meteor"!" Marsch, in welchem 25 Momente der Prinzenreise nach Amerika wir= kungsvoll zum musikalischen Ausdruck gelangen, Fräulein Alice Roosevelt dedigiert. Diese Kompositionen sind mit den Beiwerten "vor= züglich, durch eigenen Geschmack ausgezeichnet[?] und gut gesetzt" von fachkundiger Seite versehen worden und von deutschen und amerikanischen Behörden aufs wärmste empfohlen. Wegen des [?] : "Mithilfe zur Erfüllung des Kaiserlichen Wunsches" ist ihnen auch eine weite Verbreitung in Deutschland zu wünschen. Die II. Auflage in den Vereinigten Staaten umfaßte 2000 Exemplare. Rudolf Birgfeld[*6*] 2.) Auf Grund der mir von Lehrer Friedrich Wilhelm Grell- Bullenheim (Utfr.) vorgelegten Dokumente kann ich folgendes der Wahrheit gemäß bestätigen: a) Das Musikcorps des I. Garde= Regiments zu Fuß hat vorgenannte Kompositionen auf dem Truppenübungsplatz Döberitz vor Seiner Majestät dem Kaiser exekutiert und allerhöchst dessen Beifall gefunden. b) Der Generalkonsul der Vereinigten Staaten, Herr Dr. James Woermann - München, bringt dem Komponisten Friedrich Wilhelm Grell für seine aus Anlaß der Amerikareise des Prinzen Heinrich verbreiteten Tonstücke, Herrn Staatsprä= sidenten Roosevelt gewidmet, den Dank und die Anerkennung der Nordamerikaner für die Beweise der Sympathien hiermit zum Ausdruck. Als Zeichen der Hochachtung seitens des Parlamentes in Washington erhält der Komponist ein Prachtexemplar des Programmes der Amerikareise, verfaßt von Seiner Excellenz Herrn Staatssekretär Dr. Hill - Washington. c) Diese Kompositionen wurden mit dem Ehrenpreis der Akademie der Zukunft in Washington gekrönt und bei den Prinzenfeierlichkeiten in New York von den vereinigten amerikanischen Marinemusikcorps (500 Mann) exekutiert, nachdem dieselben von dem Direktor jenes Instituts für diese Besetzungs= art orchestriert worden waren. [*N.Y.*]3) Eigenes Urteil: " Habe Ihre Kompositionen mit großem Vergnügen gespielt. Dieselben können wegen iihrerlieb= lichen Melodik und originellen Auffassung allen Musik= kreisen aufs wärmste empfohlen werden. Friedrich Wolf, Lehrer in Nürnberg Die unterfertigte Gemeindebehörde kann auf Grund der vorgelegten Dokumente folgendes bestätigen: 1) Das Kgl. bayr. Kriegsministerium bringt dem Komponisten für bekundete patriotische Gesinnung - Übersendung der 3 ver= dienstvollen Kompositionen an die Musik= corps der bayr. Armee - dank und An= erkennung zum Ausdruck. 2) Danke Euer Hochwohlgeboren für die gütigste Übersendung der drei ebenso charaktervollen als patriotischen Kompositionen. Ritter Dr. von Schuh Kgl. Geheimer Hofrat und I. Bürgermeister der Stadt Nürnberg 3) Seine Majestät der deutsche Kaiser lassen Eur. Hochwohlgeboren für die 3 patriotischen Kom= positionen allerhöchst dessen Anerkennung zum Ausdruck bringen. Der Generaladjutant Kiel an Bord S.M. Jacht. × Chef des Kaiserl. Marine= "Hohenzollern". kabinets, Vizeadmiral München, Jan -1.VIII.02 4) Schätze mich glücklich im Besitze Ihrer formvollendeten Kompositionen. - Dr. Kesselring. Würzburg, den 18.VII.02 5) Herzlichsten Dank für Ihre reizenden Tonstücke. - Dr. Stadelmann. Berlin, den 2. VIII.02. 6.) Mein Kompliment für Ihre markigen amerikanischen Märsche. - Lehrer Frisch. Würzburg, den 4.VII.02. 7.) Besten Dank für Ihre patriotisch-feurigen Kompositionen. Kgl. Geh. Hofrat Professor - Dr. von Köllicker. 8.) Ihre Kompositionen habe ich mit großem Interesse gespielt. Cantor Weißensee in Kleinlangheim 9.) Generalkommando des kgl. Berlin C.2., den 5.VIII.02 preußischen Gardecorps No 12068 Eur. Hochwohlgeboren läßt Seine Excellenz, der kommandierend General, Generalleutnant von Kessel, für die Übersendung der auf die Reise Seiner kgl. Hoheit des Prinzen Heinrich von Preußen nach Amerika bezüglichen Kompositionen verbindlichen Dank zum Ausdruck bringen. Diese Tonstücke wurden von dem Generalmusikintendanten des preuß. Heeres zur Einübung durch sämtliche Infanteriemusikcorps aufs Wärmste empfohlen. Von Seiten des Generalkommandos Der Chef des Generalstabs Silcengarnier[?] Oberst3 Trio