Mr. Carnegie's New Year Greeting From New York Tribune, January 1, 1903 The world, led by the American Republic, took a long step upward in the closing days of the year just gone, 1902. Last century one Russian Emperor, Alexander ii, and one American President, Lincoln, banished from the civilized world human slavery-the owning of man by man. To-day another Russian Emperor, Nicholas II, and another American President, Roosevelt, have jointly pronounced the coming banishment of earth's most revolting spectacle--human war--the killing of man by man. The former suggested, the latter breathed the breath of life into, The Hague tribunal, the permanent high court of humanity, for the peaceful settlement of international disputes. Henceforth the nation which refuses to submit its quarrel to this tribunal places itself in the wrong; the world will believe it has not its "quarrel just." This will disturb its conscience and shorten its sword. Differences may still arise which may not be submitted, the barbarous appeal to force may still disgrace our civilization for a time, the embers and scoriae from the seething pit of savagery may explode here and there at longer and longer intervals as time passes, but the complete banishment of war draws near. Its death wound dates from the day that President Roosevelt led five opposing powers, four being of the very first rank, to the Court of Peace, and thus proclaimed it the appointed substitute for that which had hitherto stained the earth--the killing of men by each other. These four rulers must ever rank among the supreme benefactors of man. Whatsoever may lie upon the laps of the gods for the two still in the midst of their careers, it seems impossible that any other service they may yet render can approach that which has insured them enduring fame among the highest. It is when such a step forward as this is taken that we are reverently moved to exclaim, "Truly all is well since all grows better; man marches upward!" Andrew Carnegie To President Roosevelt on of "the big four" acWINTER THE COURT INN SIGN OF THE GOLDEN VASE CAMDEN, S. C. SUMMER THE BERKSHIRE INN SIGN OF THE GOLDEN LIONS GREAT BARRINGTON, MASS. C. TICKNOR & SON,PROP'RS. CAMDEN, S.C. Jany 1st. 1903. My dear Senator Hoar, I am much interested in the candidacy of Major Samuel R. Andrews for the marshalstate of this state. He is an Ohioan by birth, came into the state with Sherman's army, has lived here in Camden for thirty four years and has won the highest esteem of all sorts and conditions of men. He showed a true independence at the time of the carpet-bag regime, standing by Chamberlain in his last campaign, and refusing to be identified with most of the nominees on the ticket who were simply rascals. He has been veryWINTER THE COURT INN SIGN OF THE GOLDEN VASE CAMDEN, S. C. SUMMER THE BERKSHIRE INN SIGN OF THE GOLDEN LIONS GREAT BARRINGTON, MASS. C. TICKNOR & SON,PROP'RS. CAMDEN, S.C. kind to the colored people and last year judiciously distributed money raised here by northerners to keep the poorest of the blacks from starvation and to help them to seed and implements for another planting. The colored people here are devoted to him and all the respectable whites look upon him as a true man and a gentleman. I know him well. He is a contractor for roads, bridges, and railroads and is perfectly reliable in every way. The office could not go to a better man nor to one more deserving of the support of the party. I believe Senator Tillman is friendly to him, but I do not know how well heWINTER THE COURT INN SIGN OF THE GOLDEN VASE CAMDEN, S. C. SUMMER THE BERKSHIRE INN SIGN OF THE GOLDEN LIONS GREAT BARRINGTON, MASS. C. TICKNOR & SON,PROP'RS. CAMDEN, S.C. knows him. Any thing which you can do to help his candidacy I shall be grateful for. I do not believe an appointment can be made which would give more general satisfaction. I will also send a line to Senator Lodge. with the highest esteem I am very sincerely yours, Franklin Carter - Ex President of Williams College. To Hon. Geo. F. Hoar United States Senate.[*[Enclosed in Hoar, 1-3-03]*][*1-1-03*] Monsieur le Ministre La Ligue Portugaise de la Paix ne peut et ne doit laisser passer sous silence la fin de l'année de 1902, comme une date historique pour la diplomatie europèenne qui a été forcée de donner un grand pas vers l'ideal de l'abritrage dans la question de VENEZUELA. Deux des plus puissantes nations du monde ont abusé de la force contre un petit et faible pays, en brisant l'engagement pris a la conférence de la Haye, dont les conclusions avaient été votées et signées par elles. Votre digne et brave président Monsieur Roosevelt en cherchant à faire cesser les hostilités par la voie de l'arbitrage honneur qu'il a si hautement decliné et en indiquant le tribunal de la Haye pour juger de l'affaire, a bien mérité de l'humanité. 11Il a rendu un tel service à la paix, que nous en sommes fiers de le signaler publiquement, comme un exemple que, espérons le, sera suivi dans l'avenir, et nous vous demandons, MONSIEUR LE MINISTRE, d'être auprès de l'honorable président l'interprète fidèle de nos sentiments de reconnaissance et d' admiration pour l'acte si noble et si généreux qu'il vient d'accomplir. Agréez, Monsieur le Ministre, l'expression de notre plus haute Considération. Lisbonne, le 1 Janvier 1903. Par la Ligue Portuguaise de la Paix. Le Président S Magalhâes Lima.[ENCLOSED IN 2-9-03, U.S. Legation][*shorthand note; File*] CUSTOM HOUSE, SURVEYOR'S OFFICE, NEW YORK, January 2nd, 1903. Dear Mr. Loeb: Enclosed is a letter from H. L. Johnson, and Col. Wm. A. Pledger, two of the three or four more active and influential Colored Republicans in the State of Georgia, Pledger being the Chairman of the State Committee and always a delegate to the National Convention, and Johnson delegate at large at the last two or three National Conventions of the party and Chairman of the County Committee of Atlanta County now. I know the men, and they are among the most sincere and reliable Colored men in the South. The case they make in behalf of Wimbish is a very strong one,- so strong that I feel that the President's attention ought to be called to it. I can personally speak for the reliability and sincerity of both Pledger and Johnson. Sincerely yours, James S. Clarkson Mr. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Ass't Secretary to the President, Washington. (Enclosure)[FOR ENC. SEE 'JOHNSON TO CLARKSON 12-24-02]In re Register Land Office, M.R.B. SPOKANE, Washington. DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, WASHINGTON. [shorthand] [*Copy sent to Sen. Foster 1-6-1903 CF*] January 2, 1903. The President. Sir: In reference to Senator FOSTER'S letter to you of the 18th instant, I submit the following, which will show the grounds of my reluctance to suspend WILLIAM H. LUDDEN, the present Register at Spokane. December 16th I wrote to Senator Foster: Referring to your suggestion that a nomination be sent in today for the position of Register of the Land Office at Spokane, I would say that I have carefully looked into the record of the present incumbent, Mr. W. H. LUDDEN, which I find to be excellent. The Inspectors who have visited his office reported him to be a faithful and efficient Register, and I find also that he has many very good local endorsements. As it is the general policy of the Department to retain officials who are in every way satisfactory, I am reluctant to make an exception in the case of Mr. Ludden. Hoping that this view of the situation may commend itself to you,I am,etc. It is not at all unusual that Mr. Ludden is holding over after the expiration of his four years term. It has often been convenient to continue officials in that way for many months or for several years, a practice that is expressly authorized by law, as follows: Sec. 2222 Revised Stat. "Every surveyor-general, register and receiver, except where the President sees cause otherwise to determine, is authorized to continue in the uninterrupted discharge of his regular official duties, after the day of expiration of his commission, and until a new commission is issued to him for the same office, or until the day2 when a successor enters upon the duties of such office, and the existing official bond of any officer so acting shall be deemed good and sufficient, and in force until the date of the approval of a new bond, to be given by him, if re-commissioned, or otherwise, for the additional time he may so continue officially to act, pursuant to the authority of this section." The Commissioner of the General Land Office reports Mr. Ludden's services as efficient, and satisfactory to the Department. Mr. Ludden has strong local endorsements for re-appointment filed here: From J. K. PUGH, Chairman Republican County Committee: Mr. Ludden has made one of the most exceptionally accommodating officers in the public service and has discharged his official duties with very great fidelity and ability. The office at Spokane is one of considerable importance and in my judgment requires some one having some legal attainments. The present register is a lawyer and I think whoever is appointed should be one also and for this reason I desire to most cordially endorse the re-appointment of Mr. Ludden. I feel that this appointment, in the interest of the situation here, ought to be made. Again, if there is anything in the faithful discharge of one's public duties, if a readiness at all times to accommodate the public in so far as such things can be done, if loyalty to party, if a high character in the city, if civil service, means anything, then the reappointment of this gentleman would follow and I again very cordially, as Chairman of the County Central Committee, endorse the same. Copies of letters from ELLIS MORRISON, Chairman State Central Committee, and more than forty citizens and business men, similar in tenor to Mr. Pugh's. Copies of petitions, urging Ludden's reappointment, from- Spokane County Republican Central Committee- Members of Reno and Sedgwick G.A.R. Posts. Labor organizations of Spokane. School Teachers and Superintendents of Spokane. Citizens of Stevens County, and of Spokane. Citizens of Republic, Northport and Ritzville.3 Copies of petitions from: Citizens of Bossburg, Wilbur and Davenport. Republican Central Committee of Ferry County. Citizens of Chattaroy, Fairfield, and Reardon. County and City officers of Spokane, and others. Citizens of Republic, Spangle and Peone. Citizens of Washtucua, Springdale and Plaza. Citizens of Pleasant Prairie, and Medical Lake. Citizens of Medical Lake, Waverly and Valley. Republican Central Committee and others of Lincoln. Citizens of Nelson and Curlew. Furthermore, I have not been entirely satisfied with Mr. HAL J. COLE, recommended for this position by Senator Foster. There is on file here a letter addressed to you March 10, 1902, by one Joseph Scott, who says: "I desire as a republican to enter a most emphatic protest for the following reasons: First:--The business of said office is such that no one should be appointed Register who is not an attorney at law. Mr. Cole has no qualifications in that direction whatever and is wholly unable to render decisions in important contest cases, of which I am informed the office has a large number. Second:--I protest against the appointment of Hal J. Cole for the further reason that I was a republican member of the Washington State Legislature 1899 & 1900, during the Senatorial contest. I was approached while at home in Spokane and offered a price for my vote on U.S. Senator, and the party approaching me informed me that Mr. Hal J. Cole would arrange the whole matter with me as soon as I arrived at Olympia. Mr. Cole tried several times to have a conference with me on the matter while the legislature was in session but I refused to meet him. He was on the ground during the Senatorial contest and made many offers for votes for Levi Ankeney." Mr. Cole was Indian Agent at Colville, Wash., from May '89 to June '93. I am not favorably impressed with his administration at that time, which seems to have been conducted somewhat4 from a political and personal point of view. An investigation of charges against a number of employees at the Tonasket Indian School, under his jurisdiction, revealed the fact that four of the Agent's relatives were holding positions there and were generally lax in the performance of their duties; also that a certain Annie Lafleur was retained by the Agent's orders, in spite of gross neglect of duty and notoriously bad character. The Inspector reported upon her as follows: I would state that during my visit to Tonasket last December I found that Annie Lafleur the cook was doing very poor service, evidently with the intention of creating dissatisfaction among the children, as I learned that she was able to cook well, and had done so at the beginning of her term of service. I also discovered that she was trying to create a prejudice against the school among the Indians, and that she had been engaged in this for some time, and that her general character was bad.x x x x Why Agent Cole should have insisted on making Tonasket School an asylum for this dissolute young woman and her illegitimate child, I do not understand. x x x x That Agent Cole well knew the character and inefficiency of Annie Lafleur, and that he fully understood the falsity of the affidavits of Mr. Thomas and Mr. Inkster as referred to in his letters to your office, I do not doubt. As a reminiscence of Mr. Cole's service as Indian Agent, a number of letters have been filed here with passed between the Coey Banking Co. of Rockford, Wash., and several successive U. S. Attorneys, in reference to a balance of money belonging to an Indian woman named Mary Magdalene, which had been lent by the Agent to E. B. and S. C. Hyde in 1892. The Vice President of the Bank, H. W. Colins, writes under date of May 22, '02: The prospect according to attached clipping from the Spokane Spokesman-Review, of the Messrs. Hyde & Cole securing another government position, prompts us to forward herein letters of Ex-U.S. Attorney x x x x x x in the hope that something may be accomplished x x x x x x Mr. E. B. Hyde has had several Federal positions x x x Mr. S. C. Hyde pretends to have paid the5 note, but he of course knows better x x x Mr. Cole promised to pay the debt, and we have his letters on file, but he has done nothing since he left the Indian service and we believe has never been in a position to pay anything. This league of "Statesmen out of Jobs" has succeeded in standing off the collection of this note until it is nearly outlawed, but if Mr. Cole gets the place, which is to be deplored, may not this Indian woman get her money? The endorsements of Mr. Cole filed in this Department during the summer, are: Letter from Senator Foster (concurred in by Representative Jones), which say: Mr. Cole has resided in the State of Washington and in the City of Spokane for many years. He is in the prime of life, capable, efficient and a man of sterling honesty and integrity. He has served the Government as Agent for the Colville Indian Reservation and Agency, in the State of Washington, and has a clean record. I have investigated his career and acts, as well as his fitness for this position and am satisfied that he will prove a faithful and competent official and that he will discharge the duties of the office in a thoroughly satisfactory manner. He will, also, work harmoniously with Mr. Hyde who has been nominated to succeed Mr. [Vells?], as Receiver. Telegram of July 7, 1902: Spokane, Wash., July 7th, 1902. Hon. Secretary of the Interior, Washington, D.C. We have know Hal J. Cole, applicant for Register of Spokane Land Office, for many years. He is capable, upright, and honest. M.M. Cowley, Pres. Traders Nat'l Bank, S.S. Glidden, Pres. Old Nat'l Bk. Geo. S. Brooke, Pres. Fidelity Nat'l Bk., George Mudgett, County Treasr W.H. Cowles, Pub'r Spokesman-Review, Thomas Hooker, Mgr. Spokane Chronicle. F.E. Goodall, Pres. Chamber of Commerce, W.C. Sivyer, Pres. Board of Education. George Turner, U. S. Senator, P. S. Byrne, Mayor. Letters filed by Senator Foster on the 20th instant from: State Senators M. [E.?] Stansell and G. J. Hurley,6 Chairman and Secretary Republican Committee of Ferry Co., Sixteen nominees on Republican ticket of Spokane Co., Twenty-five delegates to Republican State Convention, Eleven nominees for Representative in the State Legislature. Respectfully submitting the above statement, I await your further instructions. I have the honor to be, Very repectfully, E. A. Hitchcock [*[Hitchcock]*] Secretary.[*Ackd 1-5-1903*] GEORGE R. HILL, 28 UNION SQUARE. MANAGER FOR NEW YORK AND VICINITY. John Hancock MUTUAL LIFE INSURANCE CO., OF BOSTON, MASS. JOB WOODRUFF, ASST. SUPT. AND MEMBER OF ADVISORY COMMITTEE New York, January 2d, 1903 President Roosevelt White House Washington D.C Dear Roosevelt: A Happy New Year: I am pleased to hear that the New Department of Commerce is assured another step forward. Now I would be pleased to have your Secretary Geo B Cortelyou receive the Secretary appointment of that department. He deserves this promotion. Very Truly Yours Wm A Ogden P.S. I may be in Washington on the 13-14 and 15th of February 1903. If I am I will call and pay my respects. WAOP.O BOX 1222 CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT. Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, January 2nd, 1903. [*shorthand note; Ackd 1-5-1903 Receipts returned*] The President, Washington, D. C. Dear Theodore:-- many thanks for your letter about Jack. I cannot tell you how much both Christine and I have appreciated Edith's and your sympathy and help for him with his injured hand. He does certainly seem to have a determination which promises very well for his future. He has made no complaints since he is home, and asked no help that he could avoid, doing everything possible for himself with his one hand. Redressing the wound was very painful, and Dr. Blake who had it in charge, said the stitches did not draw the wound sufficiently together to be of much service, and took them out, leaving the wound open. He has been getting on well, and was out at Oyster Bay with me yesterday, but of course, it is going to be a slow matter with him and it will still be a day or two before all danger of infection with the wound is over. We had a delightful little glimpse of Ted the other night. We want him to feel that whenever he is going to be in New York, we will be delighted to have him stay with us. I enclose with this a receipt, dated January 6th for a $2,400. distribution to you from Uncle Corneel's estate. Please sign and return it to me, that I may send out the money, and let me know if you wish it sent direct to you or to Douglas, or what you wish done.P.O. BOX 1222. CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT. Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, With much love to Edith and yourself and all the members of your family, I am Very truly yours, W. Emlen Roosevelt Enc. [*[1-2-03?]*] 137 EXHIBIT NO. 46. THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. OFFICE OF THE CIVIL GOVERNOR. Manila, P. I., December 20, 1902. Hon. L. R. Wilfley, Attorney General, Manila, P. I. Sir: I desire your opinion upon the following question: A parish priest in actual possession and administering a parish church of the Roman Catholic Church leaves the Roman Catholic communion and joins the Independent Filipina Catholic Church, remaining in possession of the parish church and refusing, in obedience to the order of the Catholic Bishop of the Diocese, to yield possession to a newly appointed priest of the Roman Catholic Church directed to act as parish priest and to take possession of the church. Is it my duty, on demand of the Bishop of the Roman Catholic Church, or is it the duty of the Governor or the executive officers of the peace of the pueblo, to put the new priest having authority of the Bishop of the Roman Catholic Church in possession of the parish church, or must the Bishop appeal to judicial proceedings to dispossess the apostate priest and to secure possession for his new agent, the new parish priest of the Roman Catholic Church? Your early opinion upon this point I shall greatly appreciate. Very respectfully, (Signed) WM. H. TAFT, Civil Governor. DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. OFFICE OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL. Manila, December 23, 1902. To the Honorable William H. Taft, Civil Governor of the Philippines. Sir: I have the honor to render my opinion upon the question you ask in your letter of the 20th instant. QUESTION . A parish priest in actual possession and administering a parish church of the Roman Catholic Church leaves the Roman Catholic communion and joins the Independent Filipino Catholic Church, remaining in possession of the parish church and refusing, in obedience to the order of the Catholic Bishop of the Diocese, to yield possession to a newly appointed priest of the Roman Catholic Church directed to act as parish priest and to take possession of the church. Is it the duty of the Civil Governor, or of the Provincial Governor, or of some executive officer of the peace of the pueblo, on demand of the Bishop of the Roman Catholic Church, to put the new priest having authority of the Bishop of the Roman Catholic Church in possession of the parish church, or must the Bishop appeal to judicial proceedings to dispossess the apostate priest and to secure possession for his new agent, the new parish priest of the Roman Catholic Church? OPINION . In the present case there is a controversy between the schismatic priest and the Roman Catholic Bishop with respect to the possession and consequent administration of the parish church. The former claims the right to remain in possession of and to administer the parish church in the name of the Independent Filipino Catholic Church, the said Church believing itself to have the right to said parish church by the change of belief of the priest and138 -2- the parishioners; and the latter claiming that the parish church, as the property of the Roman Catholic Church in the Philippine Islands, should continue to have such character, the schismatic priest therefore having no right to continue in the possession and occupancy of said church, and claiming the right to appoint a priest of the Roman Catholic faith in substitution of such schismatic priest. The determination of such a question is not the function of the executive power. Its determination comes within the province of the courts of justice by reason of their functions. To deprive the schismatic priest of the possession of the parochial church, and deliver such possession to the new Roman Catholic priest, would imply an examination of the question as to which of the contending parties has the right to the possession and administration of such parochial church and a decision that the right belongs to the Roman Catholic Bishop,--functions purely judicial, and not executive. It matters not that the claim of one of the contending parties is manifestly unjust and illegal, and that the right of the other party is evident. This circumstance would not be the slightest reason why the controversy should be decided by the executive power, since it is not the difficulty of the determination of a question which causes it to be admitted to the courts, but the opposition of one of the parties to the claims of the other. Article 46 of the Civil Code still in force in these Islands provides that: "Every possessor has a right to be respected in his possession; and, should he be disturbed therein, he must be protected or possession must be restored to him by the means established in the laws of procedure." This provision protects the possession, and refers, not only to the civil possessor, that is to say, him who is in possession as owner, but also to the natural possessor, or him who is simply the holder of a thing. Further, the provision refers principally to the possession in fact, and against the disturber of such possession the Law of Civil Procedure formerly in force in these Islands provided the remedy of injunctions, summary trials which were held and decided solely upon the fact of possession. In consulting precedents upon this question in American legislation, I find twoopinions of the Attorneys General of the United States which bear very closely upon the matter under consideration. In an opinion rendered October 11, 1838, the following question was dealt with: An American vessel had entered and cleared from a port under blockade, and whilst returning to New Orleans was captured by a vessel belonging to the French blockading squadron, from which the captain of the former rescured her and brought her into the port of New Orleans, to which he was destined. Subsequently a demand was made of the executive to deliver up the vessel and cargo, both on account of the said breach of the blockade and the rescue. Independently of other considerations, the Attorney General in rendering his opinion stated that: "there is no constitutional right vested in the Executive to deliver up the property of an American citizen, claimed by him as his own, and in his actual possession, and not condemned, nor legally adjudged to belong to another." (Opinions of the Attorneys General, Vol. III, p. 377) On November 2, 1843, an opinion was rendered regarding the case of a claim presented to the Executive by the owner of an abducted slave, asking that his property be returned to him. The Attorney General stated as follows: "I am aware of no authority that can be properly exerted by the Government of the United States adequate to the relief that is sought; all that[*139*] -3- can be done is to instruct the district attorney of the United States for the district in which the accused resides to inquire into the facts, and to institute a prosecution if they will warrant it. In regard to the property in the negro alleged to have been abducted, the Government of the United States cannot interfere; its courts are open to the party injured. To them he may safely appeal for the full vindication of his claim to the property and to the damage consequent upon its withdrawal from his service." (Opinions of the Attorneys General, Vol. IV, p. 259) In view of the foregoing considerations, I am of the opinion that it would not be proper for the Executive to intervene in the question at issue. The Bishop of the Roman Catholic Church must appeal to the courts in support of his claim. Respectfully, (Signed) GREGORIO ARAMETA, Solicitor General. APPROVED: Signed) L. R. WILFLEY, Attorney General. OFFICE OF THE CIVIL GOVERNOR OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Manila, P. I., January 2, 1902. His Excellency Giambattista Guidi, Archbishop of the Stauropoli and Apostolic Delegate to the Philippine Islands. Your Excellency: I beg to enclose herewith certain correspondence which I have had with the Attorney General and with the Secretary of War on the general subject of ownership of churches and the right of possession in the Philippines, together with the duty of the Executive in respect to possession of said churches and chapels. I also enclose a copy of a letter which I sent to the Governor of Tarlac upon the same general subject. The result of all this is: First. That the actual possession by a Roman Catholic priest of a church or chapel is recognized as the lawful possession of the Bishop or Archbishop of the diocese, and that it is the duty of the Executive to protect the actual possession of the priest in the face of any claims of right to possession on behalf of the municipality or the people of the municipality or barrio in which the church or chapel is situate. Second. That where, without dispossessing a priest of the Roman Catholic Church by force or fraud, peaceable and actual possession of a chapel or church is held by the municipality under a claim of right, or by persons claiming to represent such municipality under a claim of right, the Executive has no function except to preserve the status quo, and that, should such possession be a violation of the rights of the Church, they must be vindicated in a suit in the civil courts. Third. That, where a priest of the Roman Catholic Church, while is possession of a parish church, leaves the Roman Catholic communion, and retains possession of the church under a claim of right for the municipality or the people of the municipality, however great violation this may be of the rights of the Church, it cannot be remedied through the Executive, but the rights of the Church must be asserted and vindicated through a suit in the civil courts. In view of these conclusions, I have not thought it wise to issue a general order, and shall content myself with treating each case as it arises upon the particular circumstances thereof. I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sincerely yours, (Signed) WM. H. TAFT, Civil Governor. Mc Highly confidential. [Ackd 1-5-1903] COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY. UNITED STATES SENATE. Washington, D. C. January 3, 1903. Sir: I enclose for your consideration a letter from Franklin Carter, late President of Williams College, in regard to a candidate for the Office of Marshal in South Carolina. I judge from President Carter's letter that Major Adams is an excellent man, and would be an excellent Marshal. I think President Carter himself, a great ass. I am, with high regard, faithfully yours, Geo F. Hoar The President, White House, Washington, D. C.[For l. eve. see Carter, 1-1-03][[shorthand]] [*Ackd 1-2-1903*] Interstate Commerce Commission, Washington January 3, 1903 TO THE PRESIDENT: It gives me an unpleasant surprise to find that a few persons and a few newspapers regard a recent address of mine as antagonistic to what they assert is your policy respecting the matter discussed. Nothing was further from my mind, and it did not occur to me that the veriest mischief-maker could so distort my intention. The opinions I expressed, not lightly held, on a great economic question impel me to oppose measures which, in my judgment, are positively alarming if there is any likelihood of their adoption; but I assume and believe those measures do no reflect your personal views or the policy of your Administration. Nevertheless, I am distressed that in any quarter, however unfriendly, I should be thought capable of disloyalty. Whenever I have reason to suppose that a legislative proposal receives your sanction, it will undoubtedly have my humble support; if not, I shall assuredly keep silent. Very respectfully yours, Martin A. Knapp[*Ackd 1-5-1902*] FIFTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS. JOHN H. MITCHELL, OREGON, CHAIRMAN. JOSEPH R. HAWLEY, CONN. JULUIS C BURROWS, MICH. BOIES PENROSE, PA. CHARLES H. DIETRICH, NEBR. GEO. L. WELLINGTON, MD. GEORGE TURNER, WASH. CHARLES A. CULBERSON, TEXAS. JAMES P TALIAFERRO, FLA. ALEXANDER S. CLAY, GA. F. MC L. SIMMONS, N. C. HARRY C. ROBERTSON, CLERK. COMMITTEE ON COAST DEFENSES, UNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON, D.C., January 3, 1903 The President, The White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- Supplementing my letter of December 31st in which I forwarded you nine copies of my Report on the Hawaiian investigation, I know beg to hand you herewith numbers 10 and 11, pamphlets of my Report, which covers the entire business. You will, of course, treat these as confidential, as my Report to the Senate can not be made before Wednesday or Thursday of next week. I sincerely hope Mr. President, that the position assumed by the majority of our Committee on these various subjects, and we have agreed on everything except on the labor question on which there is a divided opinion, may receive your approbation. I am, with great respect, Very respectfully, John H. Mitchell[*shorthand*][*File PPf Pr.*] J.P. MORGAN & CO. Wall St. Corner Broad New York DREXEL & CO. Philadelphia MORGAN, HARJES & CO. Paris New York, January 3rd, 1903. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President: I am in receipt of your note of January 2nd, and I highly appreciate it. There has been an immense amount of work put in on the profit-sharing plan of the Steel Corporation, and I earnestly hope it will accomplish all we believe it will. As to my coming over to Washington - I will communicate with you Monday or Tuesday of next week as to what day will be most convenient for you to have me come. Sorry it has been impossible for me to get away sooner, but you will appreciate, I am sure, the pressure of business on some of us in New York at this time of the year. Let me improve this opportunity of wishing you and your household a Very, Very Happy New Year. Sincerely yours, Geo. W. Perkins [*[Perkins]*]P. O. BOX 1222. CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT. Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, NEW YORK, January 3rd, 1903. [*File*] Dear Sir:-- The Annual Meeting of the Stockholders of the Broadway Improvement Company, for the election of Directors for the ensuing year, and for the transaction of such other business as may properly come before the meeting, will be held at the office of the Company, in office of Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York City, on Wednesday, January 14th, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon. Yourstruly, John E. Roosevelt Sec'y[*File*] [*CF*] Mr. President; I have written to Representative Richardson saying that you would be glad to see him if entirely convenient to-morrow morning at 9:45. Secretary Root will be here about that time. Geo. B. Cortelyou Jan. 5. 1903.[ansd. 1/7/1903] Jany 5 - 1903 16 EAST 41st STREET NEW YORK My dear Mr. President I am the Chairman of the Building Committee of the Harvard Club of New York City and entrusted with the duty of raising as much money among the members of the Club as I can. Hitherto I have refrained from asking you to aid, thinking of the more than numerous calls upon your purse that must come to you, but learning that some of your friends here think you might be hurt in being left out. I withsome reluctance write to say that of course I should be delighted to have you send in whatever you see fit to contribute. Our Building Fund now stands at $57,150.00 with $2,000- promised conditionally when the fund reaches $60,000- and $5,000 promised in like manner when the Fund reaches $65,000- We have paid for the 45 St lots, have torn the houses down - made the necessary excavations for the cellar and will presently lay the cellar walls. Very truly yours James J. Higginson Chairman Hon. Theodore Roosevelt Washington D.C. [shorthand note]DIOCESE OF GREEN BAY. Green Bay, Wis., Jan. 5th 1903 139 S. Madison Street. Dear Father Vattmann, Many thanks for your great kindness in sending my copy of your report to Bp. Horstman. I wish they had this report at the Vatican. But why did you not tell the bishop of the "wives & children" of the Clergy & even friary? While I am deeply interested in this matter, yet at the same I don't see what good I can do, especially in Washington, where, by this time, they must have an idea thus I am the sworn enemy of the administration, at least, they believe those lying newspaper reports. The fact is that in Chicago at the Federation Meeting I defended the Administration & said that if everything was not as it ought to in the Philippines, Catholics had to blame themselves &[*[Enc in Vattman 1-8-03]*] not the administration Please do accept my most sincere wishes of a very Happy New Year Truly Yours S. G. Messmer Bp. I write to Bp. Horstman today.[*ackd. 1-7-1903*] 23 Wall Street. NY Jan 5/03 My dear Mr President, May I inquire if the attached comes anywhere near your ideas of publicity?! Sincerely yours, Geo. W. Perkins [[shorthand]] Hon. Theo. Roosevelt Washington D.C.CABLE ADDRESS: "RYRAPORT, NEW YORK" DOUGLAS ROBINSON TELEPHONE CONNECTION 160 BROADWAY [*ansed 1/7/1903*] NEW YORK, January 5th, 1903 To the President, White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Theodore:-- Mr.W.Butler Duncan, a friend of your father's and mother's, happened to meet me the other day and said he would like to write a letter to you about a personal matter, and asked if I could arrange so it would reach you. As I did not like to refuse him, and thought you would not like it either, I told him if he would send the letter to me I would forward it to you. What it contains I do not know. We are looking forward to seeing you and Edith next week. We enjoyed so much having Ted with us. Yours DR [*Ackd 1-5-1903 Wrote Mr. Richardson*] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. January 5, 1903. Dear Mr. President: I think the situation of the General Staff Bill in the House is such that it is very important for you to have a talk with the Democratic leader, Mr. Richardson, before the meeting of Congress tomorrow, with reference to a consideration of the bill on its merits. The present situation is that the Committee on Rules will report a rule to put the bill on its final passage tomorrow. The only danger which Mr. Hull sees is the possibility that the bill may be loaded down with amendments relating to other matters and designed to accomplish special selfish purposes, and which will make the bill as amended so objectionable that it will be defeated. As there is no real party opposition to the bill, all the Democrats in the military committee being in its favor, Hull thinks that an appeal to Richardson on broad public grounds to aid in securing the consideration of the measure without permitting it to be loaded down by other matters would be effective. If you could send for him at - say 10 o'clock, I will, if you choose, be present at the interview, and will see you for a few minutes beforehand. Faithfully yours, Elihu Root The President.57th Congress, 2d Session. H. R. IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES January 5, 1903 Referred to the Committee on the Philippines and ordered to be printed. AMENDMENT Intended to be proposed by Mr. LODGE to the bill (H. R. ) making the appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the Government for the fiscal year ending June thirtieth, nineteen hundred and four, viz: Insert the following: 1 To enable the government of the Philippine Islands to 2 advance money for the purpose of draft animals to be used 3 in restocking farms of said islands, two million five hundred 4 thousand dollars.[* [Enclosed in Lodge, 1-6-03] *] 57th CONGRESS, 2d Session. H. R. AMENDMENT Intended to be proposed by Mr. LODGE to the bill (H. R. ) making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the Government for the fiscal year ending June thirtieth, nineteen hundred and four. January 5, 1903.—Referred to the Committee on the Philippines and ordered to be printed.Melville 1-5-03W. A. SHERWOOD, A.R.C.A., PRESIDENT. J. R. WALKER, VICE-PRESIDENT. GEORGE S. CRAWFORD, HON. TREASURER. CAPT. MELVILLE, R.N.R., HON. SECRETARY. ANGLO SAXON UNION [*See letter on C. F. files from Secretary Hay.*] Toronto, January 5 1903 CANADA. Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States of America White House Washington DC. Dear Sir The Anglo Saxon Union in Council Assembled, extend to you and Mrs Roosevelt, greetings of the New Year and we herewith enclose and beg your acceptance of Ticket of of honorary membership and Invitation To Banquet as I beg to remain Yours most respectfully J. Melville Hon. Secy.For 1 enclosure see 1903 (card).[*[ENCL in MELVILLE 1-5-03] *] W. A. SHERWOOD, President, GEO. S. CRAWFORD, Treasurer, CAPT. MELVILLE, Hon. Secretary. Toronto, Canada. 1903. Anglo-Saxon Union 1903. Mr. Theodore Roosevelt Honorary Life Member. No.__________ [?] Melville Hon. Secretary.[*Asrd 1/7/1903*] New York January 5, 1903 Union Club Fifth Avenue & 51st Street Dear Mr. President, A word of explanation regarding the enclosed. When in Paris this November I saw "La Vie Intense" on sale everywhere and I found this young translatress -- a friend of my brother-in-law -- had sent my mother a copy.-- Later I met her at dinner at my mother's.speaking of her book I asked her if she had lent you a copy - She said she did not like to do so unless through some one you knew! I told her I felt sure you would be delighted to receive a copy and - more particularly - to know that your ideas had been so skilfully placed before people abroad who could not read English; that I would be very glad to take charge of delivering the book to you etc. Accordingly here is the book. I hope some day you may meet the little princess — She is an attractive young French woman, not much over twenty, just married - intelligent - very prettily dressed, and quite a convert to your views. Seriously speaking I think her work has been of great advantage to us coming out as it did at the present junction of affairs. I am pleased to have been theThis channel through which it has reached you. Believe me — with my best wishes to you for 1903 — Very Truly Yours J. J. Townsend To the President Washington DC. [[shorthand]]This channel through which it has reached you. Believe me — with my best wishes to you for 1903 — Very Truly Yours J. J. Townsend To the President Washington DC. [[shorthand]] [*Asrd 1/7/1903*] New York January 5, 1903 Union Club Fifth Avenue & 51st Street Dear Mr. President, A word of explanation regarding the enclosed. When in Paris this November I saw "La Vie Intense" on sale everywhere and I found this young translatress — a friend of my brother-in-law — had sent my mother a copy. — Later I met her at dinner at my mother's.Speaking of the book I asked her if she had sent you a copy - She said she did not like to do so unless through someone you knew. I told her I felt sure you would be delighted to receive a copy and - more particularly - to know that your ideas had been so skillfully placed before people abroad who could not read English; that I would be very glad to take charge of delivering the book to you etc. Accordingly here is the book. I hope someday you may meet the little princess - She is an attractive young French woman, not much over twenty, just married - intelligent - very prettily dressed, and quite a convert to your views - Seriously speaking I think her work has been of great advantage to us coming out as it did at the present juncture of affairs- I am pleased to have been the[*ENCL IN MELVILLE 1-5-03*] W. A. SHERWOOD, PRESIDENT. GEO. S. CRAWFORD, TREASURER. CAPT. MELVILLE, HON. SECRETARY. TORONTO, CANADA. 1903. ANGLO-SAXON UNION 1903. Mr. Theodore Roosevelt Honorary Life Member No. ----- [?Melville] HON. SECRETARY.57TH CONGRESS, 2D SESSION. H. R. IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES JANUARY 5, 1903. Referred to the Committee on the Philippines and ordered to be printed. AMENDMENT Intended to be proposed by Mr. LODGE to the bill (H.R. ) making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the Government for the fiscal year ending June thirtieth, nineteen hundred and four, viz: Insert the following: 1 To enable the government of the Philippine Islands to 2 advance money for the purchase of draft animals to be used 3 in restocking farms of said islands, two million five hundred 4 thousand dollars.[*Ackd 1-9-1903*] The Commercial Advertiser. ESTABLISHED1797. 187 BROADWAY AND 5 & 7 DEY STREET, EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT NEW YORK. 6th Jan Dear Mr. President - I send you the enclosed because I imagine you will like to see that I have recalled your letter of Nov. 26. You can easily "chuck it" if you are too busy to read it. Yours always J. B. Bishop To / President Roosevelt.[For 1 enclosure see ca. 1-1903]opportunity of sitting with him by his appointment at an earlier date. Very respectfully yours, H. B. Brown. To the President. [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 1/6/1903*] Supreme Court of the United States, Washington, D. C. January 6, 1903. My dear Sir:- Pardon me for expressing the hope that a current rumor that Governor Taft is likely to succeed Mr. Justice Shires is not without foundation. This would be an ideal appointment and would reflect great credit upon an administration which has already won the regard of the profession by the appointment of Mr. Justice Holmes. I had long ago picked out Judge Taft as a man who would probably succeed me, but I shall be only too glad of anPOLICE DEPARTMENT OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK. 300 MULBERRY STREET. XXXXXXXXXX E, COMMISSIONER. (CONFIDENTIAL) New York, January 6th 1903. My dear Mr. Secretary: General Greene directs me to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of January 3rd asking to be advised of what the police judgment is of Quan Yick Nam, of 28 Henry Street, New York. In reply I have the honor to inform you that Captain Titus of the Detective Bureau reports as follows: "Quan Yick Nam is a Chinaman, who resides at 28 Henry Street, this Borough. He is a frequenter of the Chinatown district and is what might be termed a very enthusiastic worker to suppress gambling among his countrymen, but when requested to submit facts as to alleged gambling or make affidavits as to the same, he invariably refuses to put himself on record. In this connection I would respectfully refer you to Chief Inspector Cortright, who knows Quan Yick Nam." Chief Inspector Cortright concurs in the views expressed by Captain Titus. Very respectfully, W. L. Coursey. Secretary, Hon. George H. Cortelyou, Secretary to President, Washington, D.C.DEPARTMENT OF STATE. WASHINGTON. January 6, 1903. George B. Cortelyou, Esq., Secretary to the President. Dear Mr. Cortelyou: May I trouble you to read the accompanying letter, and afterwards to hand it to the President at the first convenient opportunity? If it be agreeable to the President, I would be glad to be accorded a personal interview. May I ask you to advise me in the matter? Very sincerely yours, Frederic Emory Chief, Bureau of Foreign Commerce.DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. January 6, 1903. Mr. President: With the permission of Secretary Hay, I respectfully ask to be considered for Director of the Bureau of the American Republics, in succession to Mr. Rockhill, who, I understand, may be transferred to another post. I have already twice held positions in the Bureau of the American Republics:- first, as Secretary from March, 1893 to April 1894, and second as Director, during Mr .McKinley's first administration, succeeding Mr. Joseph P. Smith, upon the latter's death in February 1898, and continuing until May, 1899, when Mr. Rockhill was appointed. During the interval, I had been serving as Chief of the Bureau of Foreign Commerce, and I continued to act in that capacity, my appointment as Director being made for the special purpose of reorganizing the Bureau of the American Republics which had fallen into confusion and had incurred heavy indebtedness during the long illness of Mr.Smith. This task was accomplished only by means of the full discretionary powers and the confidence which President McKinley and Judge Day were good enough to give me. At the close of my service, I received a letter of commendation from Secretary Hay, copy of which I attach hereto. During the whole period of my directorship-some fourteen months-I also discharged,-2- to the satisfaction of my superior officers, the duties of Chief of the Bureau of Foreign Commerce, which, as you are aware, is engaged in the work of editing and publishing the Consular and other commercial reports transmitted to the Department of State. I drew the salary of Director, but of course, served without pay as Chief of the Bureau of Foreign Commerce. It was my good fortune, while Director, to obtain the commendation of all the Latin American representatives, and also, through the cooperation of the Chilean Minister, the late Mr. Merla Vicuna, to secure the adhesion to the Union of the Republic of Chile, which had previously refused to join. When the work of reorganization of the Bureau had been completed, and I was able to report to the Secretary of State that the way was clear for the appointment of a permanent Director, the Latin American representatives expressed a strong desire to urge my retention. I declined, because I felt that, in view of the circumstances which led to my designation by the President for special service, I ought not to seek to bring any influences to bear in my own behalf. Moreover, I was then deeply interested in the development of the Consular Reports, the daily publication of which I had but recently secured. The conditions, now, are different. Should the bill creating the Department of Commerce be enacted by Congress, the Bureau of Foreign Commerce would be merged into another Bureau, and the work in which I have been engaged for nearly nine years would probably lose its identity. During the whole period of my tenure of office, I have never applied for preferment or official favor of any kind,-3- and I now rely solely upon my record in asking that my qualifications, growing out of familiarity with the conditions in the Bureau of the American Republics, should be taken into consideration. I have spoken to no one besides Secretary Hay upon the subject, and have not, in any way, sought the endorsement of either the Latin American members of the International Union or of Members of Congress who are cognizant of the nature of my work. From assurances given me in the past, however, I am satisfied that the Members from the Argentine Republic, Brazil and Costa Rica, who happen to be among those who were brought into more intimate contact with me while Director, would cordially support my nomination, and although I am personally unknown to some of the more recently appointed ministers, I venture to believe that the sentiment in my favor would be nearly if not quite unanimous. Judge Day, I am sure, would be glad to testify to my fulfillment of the trust reposed in me, and Mr. Rockhill, the present Director, has, on several occasions, expressed warm appreciation of the condition in which he found the Bureau. I may also mention that, during my period of service, I have been brought into frequent contact with the President of the Civil Service Commission, Mr. Procter, and I think I may rely upon his endorsement of me personally as well as officially. Having had no communication with Mr. McComas, the Senator from my State (Maryland) I am unable to say whether I would receive his endorsement, but believe it would not be withheld. Among the members of the Senate and House who are more familiar with my official record,-4- either as former Director of the Bureau of the American Republics or as Chief of this Bureau, and whose support I think would be given me, if they had no special preference, are Senators Allison, Cullem, Beveridge, Lodge, Foraker, Burrows, Nelson, Wetmore and Penrose; and Representatives Hitt, Foss, Babcock, Hull, McCleary, Mann, Burton of Ohio, William Alden Smith, and Tawney. I may also refer to Honorable John W. Foster, Ex-Secretary of State, and to Honorable John D. Long, Ex-Secretary of the Navy. I have the honor to be, Mr. President, Your obedient servant, Frederic Emory Chief, Bureau of Foreign Commerce. The President. (Enclosure)[FOR ENCL SEE 3-20-'99][*Mr. [Barnes?] note*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. House of Representatives, January 6, 1903. 12:35 p.m. Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. I will call on the President to-morrow morning at about 10:15 o'clock. D.B. Henderson. [*Acrd 1-9-1903*] [*shorthand*] GEO. GEBBIE VICE PRESIDENT A.R. KELLER PRESIDENT CABLE ADDRESS GEBBIE SOLE PUBLISHERS THE COMPLETE WRITINGS OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT UNIFORM EDITION GEBBIE AND COMPANY 714 SPRUCE STREET PHILADELPHIA, PA. January 6, 1903. Mr. George B. Cortelyou, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. My dear Sir:- Under separate cover I am sending you ten double ages, five of which are to be signed, and I have sent the additional quantity in case one or two were spoiled. I would suggest that President Roosevelt sign the inside page. If these books are to be sent out of the country I would also suggest that you let us know in confidence to whom they are to go, and if there is any crest, monogram or emblem of any kind that could be put on the first page I should be glad to have it done either by embossing or by pen and ink work. No doubt Mr. Taylor has explained that the style of binding would depend a great deal on where the books are to go, and if they are to be in fine bindings it will take at least six weeks to get any volumes through, as I would not care to hurry out any more as I did the first two volumes sent to Washington, but should like them to be thoroughly dry. For this reason if a decision could be reached in the near future it would be a great advantage. Yours very truly, A.R. Keller [* 10B*][*File ??OJ6?*] H.C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Jan. 6, 1903. To the President: I enclose herewith an amendment which I introduced yesterday to the Sundry Civil Appropriation bill and had sent to my Committee, which will, without doubt, report it favorably and send it to the Committee on Appropriations. You have doubtless heard privately from Governor Taft, as I have, as to the importance of securing this appropriation. It seems to me that it is a matter which might deserve a special message from you recommending it to Congress. I think if you recommend it the House would put it in and that would assure its passage. I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, Sincerely yours, H.C. Lodge[For 1. enclosure see 1-5-03][*File?*] QUAN YICK NAM, 28 HENRY ST., NEW YORK CITY. Washington Jan, 6th. 1903 Hon. Geo. B. Corteleyou, My Dear Sir- I arriveal to the Bartons Hotel at 4.45 P.M. today and I beg your kindly to have me the idea how could I see my old friend The President of the U,S. Theodore Roosevelt. I beg remain Respectfully Yours Quan Yick Nam[[*[Enclosed in Bishop 1-6-'83]*] THE COMMERCIAL ADVERT Circuit Court of Appeals sustained this view, and now the United States Supreme Court adds to it the weight of final authority. It appears, therefore, that the Treasury Department officials were merely performing their duty, interpreting a plain law as the found it, and not settling themselves up as superior to congress and the State Department. Yet we venture to predict that next time the vigilant critics of the administration will get them on the hip with just as much earnestness and cocksureness as before, and that the commerce of the country will again have to survive the perils which the heated imagination of any true patriot can devise at a moment's notice. A VERY SIMPLE QUESTION The issue which has been raised in Mississippi and South Carolina is too simple to be befogged by anybody. It is not a question of color, but of individual rights. The postmistress of Indianola, Miss., has been forced out of her office, not because she is not competent to discharge its duties acceptably, for she has done that for eight years, but because of her color. Dr. Crum, whom the President has appointed collector of the port of Charleston, is objected to, not on the ground of his character or fitness, but because of his color. What kind of a president would he be who should yield to demands and actions of this sort and not uphold the principle of equal rights for all persons in this republic? What kind of a president would he be who should say that several millions of American citizens should be denied the right to hold public office, no matter what their qualifications, because of their color? Whatever other presidents might do, there is no likelihood of Theodore Roosevelt doing other than he has done. Nothing could be more absurd than the assertion that in closing the postoffice at Indianola the President punished an entire community for the offense of a few of its members. Why has the community allowed a few of its members to commit this outrage? Why has it not asserted the supremacy of law and order over the bullying and brutal persons who have driven this woman from office? That she is unwilling to remain does not affect the principle at stake. Was the President of the United States to overlook the fact that the government had been insulted through the person of its representative, overlook the fact that law and order have been trampled under foot, and yield to a blackguard mob simply because the community itself had yielded to it? To do that would be to confess that the civil war had been fought in vain and that the government of the United States was too feeble to enforce the constitution throughout the land. In regard to Dr. Crum, the case is no less clear. The superior white citizens of South Carolina who object to his appointment as collector were not above making charges against his character which they were not able to sustain. The President told them that if they could show that Crum was unfit for the position he would not appoint him. They brought charges of unfitness, all of which were found to be false. To have refused to appoint him after this would have been an act of such gross injustices to Dr. Crum as to cover a President capable of it with infamy. President Roosevelt's attitude toward the question was set forth with clearness and unanswerable force in his letter to the South Carolina protestants on November 26 last: I do not intend to appoint any unfit man to office. So far as I legitimately can I shall always endeavor to pay regard to the wishes and feelings of the people of each locality, but I cannot consent to take the position that the door of hope-the door of opportunity-is to be shut upon any man, no matter how worthy, purely upon the grounds of race or color. Such an attitude would, according to my convictions, be fundamentally wrong. If, as you hold, the great bulk of the colored people are not yet fit in point of character and influence to hold such positions, it seems to me that it is worth while putting a premium upon the effort among them to achieve the character and standing which will fit them. The President declared in that letter that the "question of negro domination does not enter into the matter at all," and it does not, for the question at issue is one of far greater importance, and was well stated by the President as follows: The question raised is simply whether it is to be declared that under no circumstances shall any man of color, no matter how upright and honest, no matter how good a citizen, no matter how fair in his dealings with all his fellows, be permitted to hold any office under our government. I certainly cannot assume such an attitude, and you must permit me to say that in my view it is an attitude no man should assume. That is the issue, and the responsibility for raising it rests upon the southern whites, not upon the President. They make the same excuse now that they always make, that in his course the President is disturbing the friendly relations that were growing up between the blacks and whites, and that an outbreak of racial hostility is likely to follow. If they had consented to the appointment, had not made the false charges against Dr. Crum's character, would there have been any peril of this kind? They made the same complaint about the President's act of inviting Booker Washington to dinner. That was certain to make every ignorant negro in the south so bumptious that extraordinary measures would be required to hold him under, it was said. But nothing of the kind happened. It is a safe prediction that the same excuse for opposition raised then to granting social recognition to a colored man and raised now against political recognition of the same race is as specious in the one case as it was in the other. It is based on unalterable opposition to the negro simply because he is a negro, and time alone can remove this from the southern whites. Of one thing they can rest assured, and that is that, they will never get a President who will stand with them in making it the doctrine of the American people.[*File?*] Jan 6, 1903 Dear President Roosevelt I want to thank you for your note which I received soon after my dear mother died, and to tell you that I deeply appreciate & feel [sum?] of your sympathy for me in my grief. My family2111. Massachusetts Avenue Jan. 6th 1903 and I have been much touched by your sympathetic consideration for us in our sorrow. Hoping that the new year will bring to you & yours Gods greatest blessings, believe me With great respect Sincerely yours Ellen G. Sartoris[*File*] HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE EAST GOVERNOR'S ISLAND, NEW YORK January 7, 1903. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: I write to ask that you do me the honor of reading the enclosure herewith. It may be gratifying, at least in assuring you that I have made the most of the opportunities you placed with my reach thirty years ago. In connection with said enclosure I may add that I am looked upon as a candidate for appointment as Brigadier General, U. S. Army. If appointed it must come to me solely on the merits, for I have no political influence to aid me, and I doubt the potency of such with our esteemed President. If I knew the President had personal knowledge of these papers I would be satisfied to rest my case. The recommendations are from distinguished officers of our Army with whom I served in China and the Philippines. May I ask your aid in this matter in such way as your own good judgment and discretion may suggest? Thanking you in advance, and with best wishes, Very truly yours, Thomas H. Barry P.S. - I make bold to enclose a rough draft of a letter which you may be willing to sign and send to the President with the enclosure. Please add to or amend it as you think best- a vacancy now exists - T. H. B. Hon. Robt. B. Roosevelt[Enc. in 1-10-03 R. Roosevelt to TR][*Personal - Not for his Files*] [*Acrd 1-8-1903*] William E. Curtis, Correspondent Chicago Record-Herald Home Life Building, Washington, D.C. January 7. To the President:- In obedience to your inquiry concerning Victor E. Nelson, Consul at Bergen, Norway, I beg to state that I do not blame Mr. Nelson so much as the system under which he is appointed to serve the government of the United States. He receives no salary, but is allowed to charge fees for his services to his fellow countrymen, who naturally resent it and make complaints more or less exaggerated. This reflects upon the honor and dignity of our government quite as much as upon the reputation of Mr. Nelson, and you will agree with me that under such circumstances it would be difficult to avoid scandals even were Caesar's wife to accept the consulate. Mr. Nelson, in the pursuit of happiness, has shown the disposition of a western hustler and has succeeded in making the consulate pay. His predecessor was a rich, respectable, generous man and the large colony of naturalized Americans who have returned to Bergen to live, idolized him. He was their benefactor in many ways besides his official service. He never charged them any fees and always helped them when they were in trouble. These circumstances have made Nelson's efforts to get a living out of the consulate, all the more odious. I do not speak from personal investigation, but from heresay, but almost any American in Norway will tell you that he has robbed the widows and mothers of our dead soldiers and sailors and blackmails business men. An investigation was made last spring by Mr. Bordewick, consul general at Christiania, but he is not competent to do such work. He is an honest, stupid Scandinavian who kept a grocery store at Granite Falls, Minnesota until he was elected to the legislature of that state, and was exalted to the consular service as a reward for assisting to elect his fellow countryman Knute Nelson,to the United States Senate. He is a conspicuous example of the folly of appointing naturalized citizens to represent this country in the lands of their birth. Bordewick told me that Nelson has attempted to blackmail our consular agent at one of the towns near North Cape, who had appealed to him for protection; and asked me what he better do about it I advised him to report the matter to the Department of State. He replied that he dare not do so for fear he would lose his own job; because Nelson was an ugly customer and very vindictive. I suspect that such a fear was in Bordewick's mind when he went over to Bergen to make the investigation. As I remember it, in his stupid Scandinavian way, he went around town making inquiries, heard the same stories that I heard concerning Nelson's immorality and blackmailing operations, and made affidavits to them himself instead of securing affidavits from his informants. Nelson is said to have been a patent medicine peddler in California; a political hustler; who got into the legislature; voted for Senator Perkins and was rewarded with a consulate without salary. Soon after his arrival at Bergen he appointed the daughter of a prominent American resident as his secretary. She remained with him three days and came home in tears, but has never given the reasons for doing so. Until then Nelson was a habitual visitor at her father's house but has never been there since and none of the family or their friends will have anything to do with him. The father told me that he preferred not to discuss the subject. No further comment is necessary; except that another young woman was appointed secretary who is evidently not so sensitive, but is not received by good society. Nelson outlawed himself among the American colonists in Bergen by assaulting a young widow whom he offered to take home in his carriage from a dinner. She appealed to the police. Scandalous stories are told of the goings-on at the consulate,William E. Curtis, Correspondent Chicago Record-Herald. Post Building, Washington, D. C. and he is now boycotted socially by every respectable American in Bergen, and by the better classes of the natives. At a dinner on the anniversary of Ole Bull's birthday, the summer I was in Bergen, Consul Nelson proposed the health of the Chief Justice, The latter turned his back with the remark that he "only drank with gentlemen". The merchants of the town complain that when he brings them price lists and catalogues of American manufacturers he always notifies them that they must pay him commissions on whatever they sell. He is charged with demanding blackmail of the agent of the Stanford Oil Company and threatening to take the business away from him. He claims that he is allowed to do this under the consular regulations. The newspapers of Bergen were full of stories about his attempt to blackmail a ship building company that repaired Howard Gould's yacht. It is openly charged that he exacts $250 a year from the vice-consul who is manager of a tourist agency and curio shop, much patronized by Americans. I might cite numerous other reports of a similar character which are current of the streets and have appeared in the newspapers. The worst thing that I heard about Nelson was his extortionate demands upon the pensioners of the United States, and the Bergen newspapers have published the most scandalous articles concerning the case of Mrs. Ellen Moss, mother of a sailor who went down with the "Maine". She inherited her son's back pay and the indemnity granted by Congress, and, according to the Bergen newspapers Nelson robbed her of a considerable part of it. A native lawyer employed by the woman at Nelson's suggestion to prove relationship, published a card in which he charged the consul with robbing the woman, and she made an affidavit to the same effect which Bordewik sent to Washington. Nelson compelled her to sign a counter affidavit confessing that the first was false. The magistrate, observing her agitation, asked her if she was making the new affidavit of her own free will. She replied that she was not and, bursting into tears, told him the whole story in the presence of several witnesses who described the scene in the newspapers the next morning. I might give you several pages of similar stories I have heard, but these are enough to convince you that Nelson's usefulness in Bergen was exhausted long ago. He is despised by the entire community, and the very purpose of sending a consul to Bergen is defeated by his presence there. I shall consider it my duty to urge the elimination of Nelson, and to pray that we may some time have a president who will not appoint naturalized citizens to Consulates in the country they came from. This communication obviously is not intended for the files of the State Department. With great respect, I am, Your Obedient Servant, William E. Curtis [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 1-28-1902 CF*] PRESIDENT PRO TEMPORE, UNITED STATES SENATE. Jany 7 The President I am very Earnestly for the appointment of Maj. Jackson to the postmastership of Birmingham William Youngblood - lately national committee man for Alabama -also [?] auditor of the Treasury happens to be at the National Hotel, & if asked by you willgive a perfectly correct statement of the conditions at Birmingham I sincerely hope that you will send for him before making any appointment other than that of Mr. Jackson Respectfully Wm. P. Frye [*[FRYE]*]District Judge's Chambers, United States Courts, Thomas G. Jones, Judge. Montgomery, Ala., Jan. 7, 1903 Personal. Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir: Your letter of the 25th ult, came during the holidays, and since then I have been constantly engaged in a hotly contested case involving a large amount, which has kept me at work day and night, and left me no leisure. Some time since when Mr. Hundley was a candidate for the appointment of District Attorney, I wrote a letter on the subject in answer to an inquiry from the Attorney General. I kept no copy, but the original I am sure is in the Department of Justice, as Mr. Hundley told me had a copy of it. I there stated that Mr. Hundley would make a good average District Attorney. That letter gives his public experience and services. I may add that Mr. Hundley is a gentleman, of good family, honest in all his financial transactions, and of good habits. Having inherited a competency, and having no family except a wife, he has lacked the spur of necessity to keep and persistent study of the law, and is not, therefore, as well grounded in the varied branches of the law, as a good many lawyers of his age. Nevertheless he is not lacking in talent. Yours truly, Thom. G.JonesDistrict Judge's Chambers, United States Courts, Thomas G. Jones, Judge . Confidential. Montgomery, Ala, Jan. 7, 1903 [*File*] [*ackd 1-10-1903*] Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. Cortelyou: I enclose an anwer to the President's inquiry regarding the Hon. Oscar R. Hundley. I wish to be entirely frank in this matter, and at the same time not to express any opinion on matters not coming within the scope of the President's inquiry. If what I say herein, is not asked for, throw it in the waste basket; otherwise , I have no objection to the President seeing it. I would not wish when he asked me a question to withhold anything which i thought he would consider material. I mention two matters, only because they will inevitably be pressed upon the President if the occasion arises regarding Mr. Hundley. There is a general conviction among the Republicans, as well as those who support the President, as those who have been led off, that Mr. Hundley has been very intermittent in his Republicanism since he changed his party affiliations, during President McKinley's first term. The facts as to this I do no know. It may the work of his political enemies, but I do know that this impression largely prevails among them. Another thing which will surely be brought to the President's attention, and is, therefore mentioned by me, is that Mr. Hundley a few year since, after having been elected a DemocraticDistrict Judge's Chambers, United States Courts, Thomas G. Jones, Judge . Montgomery, Ala., Jan. 7, 1903 Confidential. G.B.C.2. State Senator by a Democratic constituency, shortly afterwards announced his affiliation with the Republican party, still holding on to the Senatorship, although he avowed himself in opposition to the party which bestowed the trust. Nobody questioned his absolute right to change according to his convictions, or thought hard of him for that. Nevertheless, a great many men of all parties censured him very much, because of what was conceived to be the lack of high moral appreciation of such a situation. Pardon me for reference to one or two other matters. The question, it seems, came up among the Referees about having me remove a couple of clerks and two commissioners because they were said to be unfriendly to the President. I told the gentleman who was sent to sound me that this was out of the question for two very strong reasons; one was, that it would be highly improper in me, and the other was that the President himself would not desire it; that it would injure the President in the confidence of the country, if the occasion should be given his enemies - to herald it that a judge appointed by him, at his dictation, had removed Republicans from office, simply because they were not supposed to be friendly to the President. I further said to this gentleman, I felt sure that as to two of the officers mentioned, the Referees were mistaken; that as the Clerks were appointed jointly by the District and Circuit Judges, I could not, of course, go to them and ask removals on such ground. I did say to him however, that I thought these officers felt that the President had been my friend, and that I did not wish men under me to fight my friend; not only because he was my friend; but because he was right. I presentedDistrict Judge's Chambers, United States Courts, Thomas G. Jones, Judge . Confidential. Montgomery, Ala., Jan. 7, 1903 G.B.C.3. the same considerations to two of the Referees when they came to see me on another matter, and incidentally broached the subject. I mention it now so that the President may thoroughly understand it, if the matter is brought to his notice. [*I think [t]he readily acquiesed on the correctness of the view taken by me.*] Mr. Hundley came to see me in person with two of the Referees, and said the President would inquire of me concerning him. I told him that I would give an honest opinion; that I was not at all unfriendly to [*him?*], and did not desire in any way to throw cold water on his aspirations. I did ask him to be careful, however, not to mix me up in way with himself in this matter. He said he had seen a letter written by me to the Attorney General at his request when Mr. Hundley was an applicant for District Attorney, which letter he said was satisfactory to him. Mr. Scott said he had some conversation with the President, and wanted to know what he could say to the President about me when he returned. I told him I thought the President knew and explained to Mr. Hundley and the Referees that I was extremely anxious not to appear in away as thrusting myself on the President, and becoming, apparently even, a party to any combination. Mr. Scott said he had so informed the President. These people leaked some- though unintentionally. Already that is some newspaper gossip rather connecting me with an intrigue of some sort of office. I have received a few private letters on the subject. I have kept aloof from any discussion of the subject. I beg to add that I am extremely anxious to avoid any harrassment to the President, and have in no wise been responsible for what I hear have been efforts of several gentlemenDistrict Judge's Chambers, United States Courts, Thomas G. Jones, Judge. Montgomery, Ala., Jan 7, 1903 Confidential. G.B.C.4. who would like the District Judgeship - to bring their claims to bear upon the President, and incidentally speak kind words of me in order to make a place for them. Judge McCormack has not resigned yet, and I hear may not do so for some months, and if I may venture a suggestion, I believe it would be well to shut off consideration of the matter until the event happens. Please execuse this long letter, which I have dictated, without opportunity to go over it, at intervals in the sittings of the court. The situation, as I have explained, is rather embarrassing to me, and hence, I write in confidence. Thanking you and the President for your last kind letter, I remain, Faithfully yours, Thos. G. JonesTELEGRAM. White House, Washington [[shorthand]] Received in cipher. MANILA (Received 2:45 p.m. Jan. 7, 1903) President Roosevelt, Washington. The Philippine people have confidence in Taft. [At the present moment departure of Taft would have deplorable effects to the country.] The confidence won by Taft could not be improvised to-day. We consider him the only man able to count upon the cooperation of all the political parties. We believe it our duty to state to the President that the presence Taft in the Philippines in indispensable for the [ceremonial] peace and the maintenance of faith which, by reason of him, the people of the Philippine Islands have in the intentions of the American people. [A solution of the question friars affects public order, and departure of Taft would give the people of the Philippine Islands reason to compare it to that of those Spanish governors who undertook to settle friar problem.] We solemnly affirm that feelings Philippine people would be deeply hurt by the departure of Taft. we fulfill sacred duty requesting the continuance of Taft. Government Commissioners Tavera, Legarda, Luzuriaga; Supreme Court Justices Arellano, Torres, Mapa; Solicitor General Aranata; President of the Municipal Board of Manila Herrera; President of the Federal Party Albert.TELEGRAM. Received in cipher. White House, Washington. Manila, (Received 2:45 p.m., January 7, 1903) President Roosevelt, WASHINGTON. The Philippine people have absolute confidence in Taft. At the present moment departure of Tart would have deplorable effects in the country. The confidence won by Taft could not be improvised to-day. We consider him the only man able to count upon the cooperation of all the political parties. We believe it our duty to state to the President that the presence of Taft in the Philippines is indispensable for the ceremonial peace and the maintenance of faith which, by reason of him, the people of the Philippine Islands have in the intentions of the American people. A solution of the question friars affects public order, and departure of Taft would give the people of the Philippine Islands reason to compare it to that of those Spanish governors who undertook to settle friar question. We solemnly affirm that feelings Philippine people would be deeply hurt by the departure of Taft. We fulfill sacred duty requesting the continuance of Taft. Government commissions: Tavera, Legarda, Iusuriaga; Supreme Court Justices: Arellano, Torres, Mapa; Solicitor General: Aranata; President of the Municipal Board of Manila: Herrera; President of the Federal Party: Albert. -KQ-TELEGRAM. Received in cipher. White House, Washington. Manila, (Received 12:25 p.m., January 7, 1903.) President Roosevelt, Washington. Taft has shown to the Commission your letter November twenty-sixth. Most respectfully we urge his retention here. Situation most critical for the next two years. He has unequalled confidence and the affections Filipino people. Accept at his hands without complaint measures otherwise very distasteful. Change now involves great risk. His services and those Luke E. Wright, both essential to success. Taft's influence especially important in church complications. WORCHESTER, IDE, SMITH. --KQJM--Telegram. White House, Washington. Received in cipher. MANILA (Received 12:25 p.m. Jan. 7, 1903). President Roosevelt, Washington. Taft has shown to the Commission your letter Nov. 26th. Most respectfully we urge his retention here. [(Situation most omitted for the next two years)] He has unequalled confidence and affections Filipine people. [(Accept at his hands without complaint measures otherwise very distasteful Change now involves great risk.)] His services and those Luke E. Wright both essential to success. [(Taft ? influence especially important in church ?)] WORCESTER, IDE, SMITH.[*Ackd 1-12-1903*] The Sun. Editor's Office. New York, Jan 8, 1903. My dear Mr. Cortelyou: When I saw the President, through your kind offices, just before Christmas he offered to write to Senator Depew advocating the appointment of my son Crosby to Annapolis in 1904 by the Senator and said he would defer the writing of the letter until I had prepared the way for it with the Senator. He told me to let him know when to write the letter and he would send it forthwith. He added that while he had never made such a request he would be glad to make an exception in my case and make it as strong as possible. The Senator says he will be glad to get such a letter and that it will result in a "quasi-mortgage" on the place for me. Will you kindly do me the great favor to see that the enclosed note, in reference to the matter, reaches the President and that the note he promised goes promptly to Senator Depew? I would prefer that the President should send the note direct to the Senator and I inferred that the President would sign it himself. If it isn't too much trouble I should be glad to get a copy of what he writes to the Senator. Meantime accept my heartiest thanks for your kindnesses and remember than if I can serve you ever in any way you have but to command me. Most cordially yours, Franklin Matthews The Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. [*Acbd 1-12-1903 wrote Senator Depew CG*] The Sun. Editor's Office. New York, Jan. 8, 1903. The President, White House, Washington. My dear Mr. President: I have had a talk with Senator Depew regarding an appointment to Annapolis for my son Crosby Matthews to Annapolis for next year, that is to say after March 4, 1904, and I said to him that you had expressed a willingness to write him an endorsement of the plan. He said that he would be most glad to have such a note from you and that your advocacy of the idea would result in promising me "a quasi-mortgage" on the appointment. I shall be very grateful for such a note from you and would be glad if you would call attention to the fact that I have been useful to the party at various time, especially in the trying campaign of 1898 when every kind of help was useful. Let me express my confident expectations as to the result of the struggle of 1904 which is now shaping itself and to say that I expect to see both Mr. Laffan and THE SUN lined up on the right side. You know that you may count on me to the fullest of my capacity. Sincerely and with many, many thanks for you kind offer to write Senator Depew, I am, Most truly yours, Franklin Matthews CUSTOMS SERVICE, OFFICE OF THE COLLECTOR, CHICAGO, ILL. January 8, 1903. The Postmaster, Grand Forks, N. Dak. Dear Sir: I am informed there is a man who calls himself Edgar Garsten Smith purporting to hail from this city and New York, [who] is traveling in your territory securing subscribers for "The National Weekly", which he says is to be established for the purpose of opposing the President's renomination and to fight his policies. If you have heard of such a man and his work I would be obliged if you would write me, let me know what manner of man his is, whether the reports show that he was successful in his endeavors. Any information will greatly oblige Yours truly Wm Penn Nixon [*[Nixon]*] Collector of Customs. [*No such person around here at present W P Nixon*][*[Enc. in Clarkson to Certelyou 1-16-1903]*]**Ackd 1/24/03** Boston Athletic Association, EXETER STREET. Boston, Jan 8th 1903 Mr Wm Lock Jr Dear Sir I expect to be in Washington in a week or so, and if the President would like to have me do some more work with him, or practice what I have already taught him I would be pleased to call at the White House. Very Resp'ly John J O'BrienTELEGRAM. Received in cipher and translated for the President. White House, Washington. Manila, January 8, 1903. (Received 11:10 a.m.) President Roosevelt, Washington. I have your letter of November 26th. Recognize soldiers duty to obey orders. Before orders irrevocable by action, however, I presume on your personal friendship even in the face of (your letters) to make one more appeal, in which I lay aside, wholly, my strong personal disinclination to leave work of intense interest half done. No man is indispensable. My death would little interfere with progress, but my withdrawal more serious. Circumstances last three years have convinced these people controlled largely by personal feeling, that I am their sincere friend and stand for a policy of confidence in them and belief in their future and for extension self-government, as they show themselves worthy. Visit to Rome and proposals urged there assure them of my sympathy, in regard to Friars, in respect of whose far-reaching influence they are morbidly suspicious. Announcement of withdrawal, pending settlement of church question, economic crisis and formative political period, when opinions of all parties are being slowly moulded for the better will, I fear, give impression that change of policy is intended; because other reasons for action will not be understood. My successor's task thus made much heavier; because loss peoples confidence distinctly retard our work here. I feel it is my duty to say this. If your judgment is unshaken, I bow to it, and shall earnestly and enthusiastically labor to settle question Friars felicitously before I leave; and to convince the people that no change of policy at hand; that Wright is their warm friend, as sincere as they think me; and, that in this way, both are but exponents of the sincere good will toward them of yourself and American people. TAFT. -JM-[For 1. enc see Messnor 1-5-03] **ackd 1-12-1903** **short hand** Ft. Sheridan, [?]., Jan. 8. 1903. Hon Geo B. Cortelyou, Washington, D.C. Hon., dear sir: Believing the President would like to read it, I inclose letter of Bishop Memmer who till lately severely criticized the Philippine policy. Notice the change. He with every one of the Bishops whom I have seen since my return expressed the wish that I would report in the Vatican. Could it not be made possible: I could go on sick leave and of course unofficially. Wishing you a very Happy New Year I remain, very respectfully, yours, E. Nathanson.W. D. BOYCE, PRES. IRVING A. LESHER, V.PRES. J. W. BANBURY, TREAS. Wm. C. HUNTER, SEC'Y. ADVERTISING DEPARTMENT W. D. Boyce Co. PROVED CIRCULATION (TRADE MARK.) RATES PER AGATE LINE PER INSERTION BOYCE'S WEEKLIES. SATURDAY BLADE { $1.65 PER LINE CHICAGO LEDGER { THE THREE WEEKLIES BOYCE'S WEEKLY { MUST BE USED IN { COMBINATION. 750,000 COPIES WEEKLY. WOMAN'S WORLD SUCCESSOR TO AND CONSOLIDATED WITH BOYCE'S MONTHLY 800,000 COPIES MONTHLY. $3.00 PER AGATE LINE. RULES: 1ST ANY ADVERTISEMENT MAY BE CANCELLED AT ANY TIME PRO RATA 2ND NO DISCOUNT FOR TIME OR SPACE. BOYCE BUILDING. 112 & 114 DEARBORN ST. CHICAGO, Jan 9, 1903. Hon. Wm. Penn Nixon, Chicago, Ills. Dear Sir:- In reply to your relating to Edgar Carsten Smith have to say, I do not know any such person in Chicago. I have recently talked with Senator H. C. Hansbrough, Hon. Tom. Marshall, M. C., H. H. Jewell, Editor Bismarck Tribune and Secretary Republican State Central Committee; also with a number of other newspaper men of North Dakota who ought to be posted as to Smith's attempting to exploit "National Weekly" papers in N. Dakota. They did not, I am satisfied, know anything about it. I think you will find the gentleman merely a fakir. Yours very respectfully, W. D. Boyce[ENC. IN CLARKSON TO CORTELYON 1-16-03][*Ackd 1-12-1903*] No 1 BROADWAY, New York. January 9, 1903. George B. Cortelyou, Esq., Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. My dear Sir: I was greatly pleased to see the nomination of Colonel John A. Johnston as Brigadier General, and fully appreciate the action of the President in this matter. I have been greatly interested in the President's action in the "Trust" matters. I believe his proposition contains the first really practical solution of the matter that has been put forth. There is no doubt that the prevention of discrimination in transportation will go far towards rectifying many prevailing evils, and would prevent restraint of trade and the driving out of competition men of small means. It would also serve to maintain rates, and be of great benefit to the railroads. It has occurred to me that perhaps the President has not fully considered the question from this point of view. Under such a law temptations could not be offered to large shippers in the way of cutting rates, and beyond doubt railroad earnings would greatly increase. I have heard this discussed, and very prominent railroad men I have talked with agree with me, and are outspoken in their commendation of this recommendation of the President. I have heard one or two of the heads of our largest transportation lines say that if necessary they would support it openly, but I doubt the policy of this. However, I have no doubt the President would be glad to know how it is viewed by this great interest. Very truly yours, Grenville M. Dodge **Ackd 1-12-1903** UNITED STATES TRUST COMPANY OF NEW YORK 45 & 47 WALL STREET Jany 9. 1903 Dear Mr President You will bear witness that in the earlier days of your administration when new responsibilities pressed so heavily upon you I charitably forbore to annoy you with financial questions which in the nature of things did not seem to be pressing and immediate. The time is not distant however, when the country will be forced by wants to consider the great question of the currency, and I who have given my best thought (such as it is) to it feel a deep interest in its right solution. There is an awful difference in consequences betweenfollowing the truth, and being guarded by error no man knows the better than you, and in this conviction I lay aside personal modesty and presume to send you an address lately delivered by me on the currency theme. It is extremely simple purposely made so but I think it embodies the truth- at least in outline & principle. Now if you would put it convenient to your hand to be picked up & carefully read in some leisure half hour if any such you have I shall feel that I have done my duty and I hope it may serve in some degree to clarify your mind on a subject concerning which you hear so many discordant voices Sincerely yours LJ Gageappointment is not in the hands of the United States Executive. The Director is elected by a vote of the Executive Committee, in which we have only one vote, but your wishes in the matter would naturally have great weight. Yours faithfully John Hay [*file*] [*Emory*] [*Hay*] Department of State, Washington, January 9, 1903. Dear Mr. President:– In accordance with your request, I return these papers. Mr. [*[Frederick]*] Emory was formerly, during a long interim, Director of the Bureau of American Republics, and his work in that capacity was entirely satisfactory. He is a man of unusual ability in the collection and organization of statistics in such matters, and he desires this appointment as his present position will be rendered unpleasant, if not untenable, by the new Department of Commerce bill if it passes. There are two or three other persons who are applicants for the place in case it becomes vacant – Mr. Fox, the present Secretary of the Bureau, and I have thought myself of Mr. Morgan of this Department as an entirely capable man. You know, of course, that the[*Hoar. Geo. F*] [*Ackd 1-12-1903*] COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY. UNITED STATES SENATE. Washington, D.C. January 9, 1903. My Dear Mr. President: I hope you will not deem me importunate or think that I press you, in regard to a matter of your public duty, in an unbecoming manner. I believe I have never asked a favor of your administration. So far as I remember, I believe I have never, except in this one subject, made any communication or suggestion to you as to a matter of public policy, except upon your own invitation. You, I think, do not need to be assured that no element of personnel disrespect enters into anything I have to say of you anywhere, and still less into what I have to say to you in person. Perhaps also you will not think it unbecoming for me to say that while I, as you know, have differed and still differ from so large a number of the Republican party, I have been possibly, by reason of that very difference, able to be of some value to the party. The late President McKinley told me, and he told some other eminent Republicans including at least two Members of his Cabinet who have said the same thing, that I was of more service to him in the campaign which resulted in his election and yours, than any other man in the country. Of course I do not take suchcompliments literally. But I suppose I may perhaps, without vanity, think they are not altogether inspired by a desire to be kind to an old man, and perhaps I may take some of the kind things you have said of me in public and in private, though largely due to your own kindness of heart, as having also a like significance. I have never asked a personal favor of you or of any of your predecessors. I never expect to ask one except what I ask now. That is, that you will take this letter in the spirit which inspires it and will pardon its freedom of speech. As Martin Luther said, "God help me, I can do no otherwise"! The holding of Mabini in his prison at Guam is a great national crime, and is an act of gross tyranny. It cannot be justified by anybody's counsel or advice, or by any fancied State necessity, or by the idea that it will be misjudged by the Philippine people and will affect our rule there unfavorably, or that we are not powerful enough or have not the capacity to state our purposes clearly enough to prevent any evil consequences there. Here is an island of five thousand people, in the beginning of the twentieth century, held by the power, the vast and irresistible power of the American People. It is ruled now arbitrarily without any law prescribed by Congress or the American Constitution. The war which resulted in acquiringit has been over for several years, and the war, if it be called war, and not insurrection, which caused the use of military power to control the people of the Philippine Islands has been formally declared over, and a civil government under an act of Congress has been established there. Now here is a man who, you will agree with me, is one of the foremost men, intellectually, living in this world to-day, an old man near his death, a paralytic unable to move his lower limbs, having no power in this world but the capacity to use his brain to reason about things in which he is interested, shut up in prison, in exile, away from his home and his native land, without trial, without law, without any charge against him which has been made known to him in any form or lawful fashion, kept there to die in exile and in prison because he will not take an oath of allegiance to a power which he deems foreign to his country; and this is done for fear the people of the Philippine Islands will misunderstand it if you let him out. Is this to be the final attitude of our great Republican party in its relation to human liberty? If Mabini be set at liberty now, it will be understood everywhere that you do it of your own motion without constraint or pressure, voluntarily because it is right. It will be an act in keeping with your reputation for courage and manliness and independence and love of justice and liberty. The onlyoffense of this man that I can hear of, and none has been charged against him, is that he will not take the oath of allegiance without an opportunity to learn on the spot, in his own country, where other people have been allowed to take the oath, the condition of his country under the Americans. Would you do it under like circumstances yourself? I confess for myself, that I sympathized very much with Mabini when he said that the grave was near and that he would not have the last act of his life one of dishonor. I am pretty near the grave myself, and I cannot have among what are likely to be the last days of my own life, the consenting to what seems to me an act of public and national dishonor without protest. We did not, at the close of the Civil War, keep any men in prison, but for a few weeks. We required no oath of allegiance unless the men who had actually been traitors, as we then defined treason, were to hold office. We point to that sublime clemency as one of the proudest chapters in the history of the country. It was not only clemency, it was a manifestation of our consciousness of power and security. We were not afraid of Jefferson Davis, or Robert Toombs, or Alexander H. Stephens, or General Lee, or what they might do to influence the conduct of the people of eleven States just out of rebellion, although they were to take part in our government again. Yet this little people just out of barbarism,it is said, cannot be controlled by our mighty power, unless we keep this little, paralytic, old man in prison. I am, with high regard, faithfully yours, Geo F Hoar The President, The White House.FIFTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS. JOHN J. JENKINS, Wisconsin, Chairman. Richard Wayne Parker, N. J. Jesse Overstreet, Ind. DeAlva S. Alexander, N. Y. Vespasian Warner, Ill. Charles E. Littlefield, Me. Julius Kahn, Cal. Lot Thomas, Iowa. Samuel L. Powers, Mass. Robert M. Nevin, Ohio. Henry W. Palmer, Pa. David A. DeArmond, Mo. Samuel W. T. Lanham, Tex. William Elliott, S. C. David H. Smith, Ky. William H. Fleming, Ga. Henry O. Clayton, Ala. J. Johnson Ray, Clerk. Lena D. Hakes, Asst. Clerk Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives U. S., Washington, D. C. January 9, 1903. [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 1-12-1903*] To the President: If I have erred it was with the honest and faithful desire to serve you. After leaving the White House last evening I was called up by telephone by the Post, and was not fully and correctly quoted. I said in part, "The President and Attorney General must speak for themselves. The bill represents the views heretofore expressed by the Attorney General, and I shall suport the bills." I find that anything said or done at this time will be misrepresented. Faithfully yours, John J. Jenkins — [*[Jenkins]*]The City of Florence, Colorado. Mayor's Office. John Q. MacDonald, Mayor. Florence, Colo Jan. 9th, 1903. N. F. Handy, Esq., Room 536, Brown Palace Hotel, Denver, Colorado. My Dear Handy:- I herewith enclose proxy regarding representation at the meeting of the Republican State Central Committee, to be held tomorrow afternoon. Please be present and use this in the interest of the cause, as I find it will be absolutely impossible for me to be present. I hope that you succeed in obtaining Reynold's proxy as well, as from what I hear it seems they intend to pack the meeting with Wolcott followers. I suppose you noticed the interview in the Republican with McLain and Kohlman, and I hope you explained to Stewart that neither of these men control more than their own vote [crossed out], consequently they represent very little the feeling of the citizens and the voters of Fremont County. So far as I have been able to learn since my return, I can hear only condemnation of the action taken by Wolcott and his hoodoo seventeen. Regards to Stewart and all the boys. Hoping to see you next week, I am, Very truly yours, J Q MacDonald Mayor.[*[Enclosed in Bell, 1-14-03]*] #843 - White W Scott Lier 1618 Aykumbrs[[shorthand]] The Commercial Advertiser. ESTABLISHED 1797. 187 BROADWAY AND 5 & 7 DEY STREET, EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT NEW YORK. Jan. 10th, 1903. [*Ackd 1-12-1903*] Dear Mr. President:-- It is virtually impossible for me to get on at any time during the week earlier than Saturday. I can leave here next Friday afternoon and be in Washington at your disposal at any time Saturday or Sunday. Of course, I will adapt myself to your convenience. There are many subjects about which I am extremely anxious to talk with you, and it will be of great service to me to go over with you, as you suggest, those connected with pending legislation. Yours always, J. B. Bishop. President Roosevelt. Sioux City Post Office. Office of the Postmaster Sioux City, Woodbury Co., Iowa., Jan, 10th 1903 Hon Wm Penn Nixon Coll. Customs Chicago, Ill. Referring to your favor of Jan 8. This office has no information relating to Edgar Guston Smith, or "The Nat. Weakly." I will be on the look out and advise you if I get any information in regard to this matter. Yours Truly E. R. Buford P.M [ENC. IN. CLARKSON TO CORTELYOU 1-16-03] The New Riggs House O. G. Staples, Proprietor Washington D. C. OPPOSITE U. S. TREASURY ONE BLOCK FROM THE WHITE HOUSE. [*?*] Jan. 10, 1903. My Dear Senator:- From the newspapers I see that Captain Lawton, who has just been appointed to the Judge Advocate General's Department, is to be retired at once on account of disability incurred in China, and that Captain Morrow, now stationed in California, will probably be given the then existing vacancy. I do not know whether his appoints has been definitely decided upon by the President, but even if such be the case, another vacancy in the same Department will occur on November 22nd of this year, when Colonel Hunter, of the Judge Advocate's Department, will be retired. In my efforts to secure an appointment and commission in the Judge Advocate's Department, I have secured very excellent letters from the Judges of the Court of Appeals, Democrats as well as Republicans, the Circuit Judges, before whom I have practiced for nearly eight years, and also from the most prominent lawyers and political leaders of our Party in Kentucky. Within the next few days I shall be able to file a joint letter endorsing my application, signed by each and all of the Members and Members-elect of the Kentucky Congressional Delegation. Knowing full well how very busy you are, and how occupied your entire time is with the important affairs of the Senate, I have not presumed to interrupt you by calling at the Capitol. But I takeThe New Riggs House O. G. Staples, Proprietor Washington D. C. OPPOSITE U. S. TREASURY ONE BLOCK FROM THE WHITE HOUSE. [*?*] -2- the liberty of enclosing to you herewith my letters of endorsement, that you may consider them at your leisure, and of asking you to present them to the President in my behalf. While I should like very much to secure the commission in the present vacancy, I am especially desirous of obtaining the promise for the next vacancy in that branch of the Service, so that I can until that time remain here to take up a special course in Military Law, and thus fit myself thoroughly for the performance of the duties of the office. May I then that you will assist me, as only you can, to secure from the President the promise of the vacancy which shall occur November 22nd next. Most grateful as I am for the extreme kindness you have shown me in the past, I confess that it is not without apology and embarrassment that I again solicit your kindly offices in my behalf. With assurances of gratitude, and hoping that you may find it within your power to thus assist me, I have the honor to remain, with kindest regards, Most sincerely yours, John Mason Brown Senator H. C. Lodge, Washington.[Enclosed in Lodge 1-11-03] TELEGRAM White House, Washington. R? W.U. 1 NY RH JM 11 Paid 10:05 a.m. PA. New York, Jan. 10, 1903. [*Ansd 1-10-1903*] The President. Mrs. Butler passed away without suffering, at six o'clock this morning. Nicholas Murray Butler. [*shorthand*][*[Cooper 1-10-03]*] CUSTOMS SERVICE, OFFICE OF THE COLLECTOR, CHICAGO, ILL. January 8, 1903. The Postmaster, Huron, S. Dak. Dear Sir: I am informed there is a man who calls himself Edgar Garsten Smith purporting to hail from this city and New York, [who] is traveling in your territory securing subscribers for "The National Weekly"; which he says is to be established for the purpose of opposing the President's renomination and to fight his policies. If you have heard of such a man and his work I would be obliged if you would write me, let me know what manner of man his is, whether the reports show that he was successful in his endeavors. Any information will greatly oblige Yours truly Wm Penn Nixon Collector of Customs. [*Collector of Customs Chicago Sir There was a gentleman here soliciting subscriptions for the "The National Weekly" by the name of Edgar Garsten Smith. He was a fine looking man about 32 to 35 years of age, good presence & I believe of good character. He represented to me that his new publication was to*]be of same nature as Harpers Weekly but was to support present administration instead of oppose same as surmised by you. I was very busy when he called your line on his proposition but little thought or could give you more information. Yours truly C N Cooper PM Huron Sd 1/10/03 CUSTOMS SERVICE OFFICE OF COLLECTOR CHICAGO, ILL, ——, 190 . Collector. SUBJECT: NO. OF INCLOSURES [*[ENC. IN CLARKSON TO CORTELYOU 1-16-03]*]CUSTOMS SERVICE OFFICE OF COLLECTOR, Chicago, Ill,.............., 190 . COLLECTOR. SUBJECT: [Enc, in Clarkson to Cortelyou 1-16-03] NO. OF INCLOSURESJanuary 10, 1903 [*Ackd 1-17-1903*] [[shorthand]] Theodore Roosevelt President U.S.A- My dear Mr President-I am sure you are looking for great men I have the honor to a member of a very private Ethical club which has for two years or more met at my house barring the writer they are all distinguished men. But Dr Clarks J Little who is President of the "Garret Bible [cal] Institute" (A part of the North Western University) has impressed me as the most erudite and the most highly developed intelectualy of any person I have had the honor to know. I am certain he would our country credit at at any court and would exhalt any record we have made at St James I will try to send you a paper he recently read to the Society. In my judgement it is a great waste to fail to as this great man in [so] the service of our Nation. Look him up in your own way and I am sure You will want him on your staff He has no knowledge of this suggestion perhaps would scorn any offer that took him away from the 'Institute" - it is national waste to leave him there. Faithfully Yours Volney W Foster My earnest hope is the Mr. Cortelyou will be the Secy of Commerce & Labor and this is true of all the Ex Com of the National Business League. F[FOR ENCL SEE 1-10-03] TELEGRAM White House Washington 2 WU ST JN 28 Received Jan. 10, 1903. 9 a.m. Manila Roosevelt, Washington. Native press thinks Taft's untimely departure ruinous public order Prays he should be retained for preservation peace success American policy here. Guite Rinacimiente Patria Fraternidad Democracia [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 1-12-1903*] Department of State, Washington, January 10, 1903. Dear Mr. President: The Spanish Minister called this morning in regard to the enclosed article from the New York Times of Friday. I told him I had no information in regard to your having reached such a determination. Was this right ? [*State*] Yours faithfully John Hay [* [For enc, see Barry 1-9-03] *] Ladies Day. Met Lily Langtree & Lilian Russell. So I am keeping up with the strenuousness of the family & I am over 73. Affectionately Uncle Rob [* [Roosevelt] *] [*Ackd*] [*1-12-1903*] 27 CARTO AVENUE Jany 10. 1903 My Dear Theodore - I appointed Col Barry to West Point as a cadet when I was in Congress in 73. He has proved himself worthy & is a very soldiery officer He called on me forthe first time a few days ago Try to find time to read over his papers as he is a sort of part of the family. Odd as it was Senator Thos F Grady refused the appointment & he has risen to eminence So one by refusing & the other by accepting has done himself credit. I shall have them meet at dinner at the Democratic Club. I hope you can come to the Press Club dinner. I had a fine time at their[*[1-10-03]*] CUSTOMS SERVICE OFFICE OF THE COLLECTOR Chicago, Ill, January 8, 1903. The Postmaster, Sioux Falls, S. Dak. Dear Sir: I am informed that there is a man who calls himself Edgar Garsten Smith purporting to hail from this city and New York [who] is traveling in your territory securing subscribers for "The National Weekly," which he says is to be established for the purpose of opposing the President's renomination and to fight his policies. If you have heard of such a man and his work I would be obliged if you would write me, let me know what manner of man he is, and whether the reports show that he was successful in his endeavors. Any information will greatly oblige Yours truly, Wm Penn Nixon Collector of Customs. Dear sir:- Replying to above inquiry, beg to say that this gentleman was a caller in this city. He met met with no incouragement here, to speak of, and intimated that he was on his way to the coast country. In his representations however, he did not intimate to me that his paper was to be established with a view of defeating President Roosevelt, but said it was with a view of getting a representative illustrated weekly Republican newspaper to assist in the next presidential campaign. Very respectfully, Geo Schlosser Postmaster. Sioux Falls, S Dak. Jan. 10-1903,[ENC. IN CLARKSON TO CORTELYOU 1-16-03][*copy*] Manila, P. I., January 10, 1903. Señor___________: Governor of the Province of_________________. My dear Sir: The schism in the Roman Catholic church and the establishment and organization of the Independent Filipino Catholic Church, because of the zeal and heat which frequently accompanies religious discussion, and especially because of the conflicting claims in respect to church property, may result in attempts at dispossession of those in charge of the churches and consequent disorder and disturbance of the peace. I have thought it necessary, therefore, to write you a letter calling your attention, and through you that of the Municipal Presidentes, to the functions which it is proper for civil executives to discharge in respect to religious controversies involving disputes over property. The policy of complete separation of church and state is enjoined upon those who serve under the American sovereignty. This does not mean that officers of the state as individuals may not attend church and may not take an interest in religious controversies, and may not aid the churches of which they are members, but it does mean that no officer of the Government has the right to use his official position or the authority which he exercises as an official to further the interests of the church of which he is-2- a member as against the rights and claims of other churches to which he may be opposed in his religious views. In these Islands it is difficult for the man to separate himself from the office in the eyes of the people, and I therefore extend a word of caution to you and to the municipal presidentes of your province against making yourselves so prominent in the religious controversies to which I have referred on one side or the other that charges may be made against you that you are using your official influence and exercising your official authority in favor of either the Roman Catholic church or the Filipino Catholic church. You should, as far as possible, as an official pursue a line of conduct absolutely impartial between the two conflicting parties, and you should only intervene as officials whenever the public peace is disturbed and must be restored and conserved. To deal justly with all individual interests, should be the pride of every government, and the capacity of a people for self-government may be largely measured by the ability and courage of their elective officers to do justice in the face of clamor or passion or prejudice of some of those who elected them. No controversy so arouses the participants to passion and violence as that which grows out of religious differences, and if peace can be maintained where the people of a country divide under a new schism into two religious bodies without violence, it speaks volumes for-3- the law-abiding character of the people and for the capacity and ability of their self-chosen officers. I urge upon you, therefore, and upon the municipal presidentes over whom you so worthily exercise supervisory and disciplinary authority, to use your every effort now and in the months to come to prevent the religious schism that exists in parts of the Islands from resulting in any disturbance of the peace. Again let me call your attention to one phase of the schism which is most important, and that is as to the possession of churches and convents. Executive officers have no function whatever to perform in respect to the determination of the question who owns private property. The questions of ownership or title, and even the right of possession, are questions to be decided by the courts which are open to all parties in interest for the purpose of settling just such questions. The only function of the Executive is to see to it that the peace is not disturbed by attempts on the part of one not in possession forcibly or by fraud to disturb another in the possession of property and to deprive him of it. Where, therefore, the priest of the Roman Catholic church shall be in possession representing his church, it is not your function to decide that the people of the town who, because they may have assisted in building the church believe themselves to be the -4- owners of the church, may out him and may let the priest of the Independent Filipine Catholic church into possession. Whatever you may think of the merits of such a question, it is your duty to preserve the possession of the Roman Catholic priest by arresting any person who attempts forcibly to dispossess him or actually succeeds in doing so and allow the priest having had peaceable possession to resume it; but beyond this you cannot go. Such rights as the people of a town may have wither to ownership or possession of the church property must be asserted in the courts. They cannot assert such rights by force. On the other hand, should a priest in possession leave the Roman Catholic communion and retaining possession of the church property allow it to be used for the service and ceremonies of the Filipine church, it is not for you to decide that this is an unlawful act on his part and to seek to remedy it by dispossessing him of the church, because the change which is effected is not effected by a disturbance of the peace, and the remedy for the wrong done, if it be a wrong, can only be had in the courts organized to decide such questions. You must respect the person in peaceable possession and you must protect him against forcible dispossession, not matter how lawful or equitable in your opinion are the claims to the property on the part of the attempted dispossessor. If he has a lawful right he can have it vindicated in court. He cannot be permitted -5- to take the law into his own hands. To allow him to do so would be to produce riot and confusion throughout these Islands. The question is one of actual possession, not of constructive possession. Indeed the question so far as you and the presidentes are concerned is one really not of possession at all, but of the disturbance of the peace. Should any priest or other person in charge of a church or convent notify a presidente that he has reasonable ground to suspect that an attempt will be made to dispossess him, the presidente should detail policemen to maintain him in his possession and prevent an assault or forcible dispossession. A failure on the part of the presidente with energy to protect peaceable possession of church property will be good cause for dismissal. If the course which I have attempted to mark out for executive action, be followed, the conflicting parties will be remitted to the courts to vindicate their rights and the peace which is so absolutely essential to the welfare of the country and to the conduct of decent government will be fully preserved. With the confidence that you will observe the rules laid down in this letter and will see to it that your municipal presidentes do the same thing, I beg to subscribe myself, Your very obedient servant and well-wisher, [Wm H Taft] Civil Governor. EXHIBIT NO. 39. Manila. P. I., January 10, 1903. Señor__________, Governor of the Province of__________, My dear Sir: The schism in the Roman Catholic Church and the establishment and organization of an Independent Filipino Catholic Church, because of the zeal and heat which frequently accompanies religious discussion, and especially because of the conflicting claims with respect to church property, may result in attempts at dispossession of those in charge of the churches and consequent disorder and disturbance of the peace. I have thought it necessary, therefore to write you a letter, calling your attention and through you that of the Municipal Presidentes to the functions which it is proper for civil executives to discharge in respect to religious controversies involving disputes over property. The policy of complete separation of Church and State is enjoined upon those who serve under the American sovereignty. This does not mean that officers of the State, as individuals, may not attend church and may not take an interest in religious controversies, and may not aid the churches of which they are members, but it does mean that no officer of the Government has the right to use his official position or the authority which he exercises as an official to further the interests of the church of which he is a member against the rights and claims of other churches to which he may be opposed in his religious views. In these Islands it is difficult for the man to separate himself from the office in the eyes of the people, and I therefore extend a word of caution to you and to the municipal presidentes of your province against making yourselves so prominent in the religious controversies to which I have referred on the one side or the other that charges may be made against you that you are using your official influence and exercising your official authority in favor of either the Roman Catholic Church or the Filipino Catholic Church. You should, as far as possible, as an official pursue a line of conduct absolutely impartial between the two conflicting parties, and you should only intervene as official whenever the public peace is disturbed and must be restored and conserved. To deal justly with all individual interests should be the pride of every government, and the capacity of a people for self-government may be largely measured by the ability and courage of their elective officers to do justice in the face of clamor or passion or prejudice of some of those who elected them. No controversy so arouses the participants to passion and violence as that which grows out of religious differences, and if peace can be maintained where the people of a country divide under a new schism into two religious bodies without violence without violence, it speaks volumes for the law-abiding character of the people and for the capacity and ability of their self-chosen officers. I urge upon you, therefore, and upon themunicipal presidentes over whom you so worthily exercise supervisory and disciplinary authority, to use your every effort now and in the months to come to prevent the religious schism which exists in parts of the Islands from resulting in any disturbance of the peace. Again let me call your attention to one phase of the schism which is most important, and that is as to the possession of churches and conventos. Executive officers have no function whatever to perform in respect to the determination of the question of who owns private property. The questions of ownership or title, and even the right of possession, are questions to be decided by courts, which are open to all parties in interest for the purpose of settling just such questions. the only function of the Executive is to see to it that the peace is not disturbed by attempts-2- on the part of one not in possession forcibly or by fraud to disturb another in the possession of property and to deprive him of it. Where, therefore, the priest or other representative of the Roman Catholic Church shall be in possession representing his Church, it is not your function to decide that the people of the town who, because they may have assisted in building the church, believe themselves to be the owners of the church may oust him and let the priest of the Independent Filipino Catholic Church into possession. Whatever you may think of the merits of such a question, it is your duty to preserve the possession of the Roman Catholic priest or representative by arresting any person who attempts forcibly to dispossess him or actually succeeds in doing so, and allow the priest or representative having had peaceable possession to resume it, but beyond this you cannot go. Such rights as the people of a town may have either to ownership or possession of the church property must be asserted in the courts. They cannot assert such rights by force. On the other hand, should a priest in possession leave the Roman Catholic communion and, retaining possession of the church property, allow it to be used for the ceremonies and services of the Filipino Church, it is not for you to decide that this is an unlawful act on his part and to seek to remedy it by dispossessing him of the church, because the change which is effected is not effected by a disturbance of the peace, and the remedy for the wrong done, if it be a wrong, can only be had in the courts organized to decide such questions. You must respect the person in peaceable possession, and you must protect him against dispossession, no matter how lawful or equitable in your opinion are the claims to the property on the part of the attempted dispossessor. If he has a lawful right, he can have it vindicated in the court. He cannot be permitted to take the law into his own hands. To allow him to do so would be to produce riot and confusion throughout these Islands. The question is one of actual possession, not of constructive possession. Indeed, the question, as far as you and the presidentes are concerned, is one really not of possession at all, but of the disturbance of the peace Should any priest or other person in charge of a church or convent notify a presidente that he had reasonable ground to suspect that an attempt will be made to dispossess him, the presidente should detail policemen to maintain him in his possession and prevent an assault or forcible dispossession. A failure on the part of the presidente to protect with energy peaceable possession of church property will be good cause for dismissal. If the course which I have attempted to mark out for executive action be followed, the conflicting parties will be remitted to the courts to vindicate their rights, and the peace, which is so absolutely essential to the welfare of the country and to the conduct of decent government, will be fully preserved. With the confidence that you will observe the rules laid down in this letter and will see to it that your municipal presidentes do the same thing, I beg to subscribe myself, Your very obedient servant and well-wisher, (Signed). WM. H. TAFT, Civil Governor.TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 1CB. KO. FD. 15 Manila. Manila. (Rec'd 3:03 a.m., Jan. 10-1903.) Roosevelt, Washington. Federals Liberals Nationalists request continuance Taft to complete work of America in Philippines.[*CF 1-10-1903*] [*Smoot*] While of course the President takes no part in any state election, he has to a number of gentlemen who have talked with him on the situation in Utah expressed himself as noting events with interest, and has said substantially that in view of the possible effect which it is alleged the election of an apostle would have upon the complete acceptance of and obedience to the constitutional provisions abolishing polygamy, it certainly seemed inadvisable that any apostle should be sent to the Senate. Of course as regards any member of the Mormon church as such, who completely and without mental reserve accepted the attitude of the United States government about polygamy, the President would no more think of making objection than in the case of the professor of any other creed who in good faith carries out the laws.From IZ to O'Olook Admit---------------------------- And------------------------------- To Lower Apartments of White House. -----------------Secretary to the President [Enclin Foster 1-10-03][*Enc, in Whorn? 4-3-04*] 1-10-03 The Commonwealth. Published every Saturday [Commonwealth] Publishing Co [Subscription] Rates. One year.....................$1.50 Six months...................... 75 Three months.................... 50 Advertising rates furnished on application. The largest circulation of any paper published in the Yazoo Mississippi Delta: and therefore the best [advertising] [?he?rum]. Saturday, January 10, 1903 By Jas. K. Vardaman. Announcements. The Commonwealth is authorized to announce the following candidates, subject to the action of the dem- ocratic party: For State Senator, C. E. Harris [?oner.] [?] [Haley.] For [Chancery?] Clerk, G. E. Williamson. For Circuit Clerk, J. H. Humphreys. R. H. Hicks, For Sheriff, George G. Whitehead. S. Z. Prophet. B. T. Sayre. For Superintendent of Education, William Peteet. J. R. Hughes. For Tax Assessor, Capt. W. E. Johnson. Lee Arterbury. Jno. E. Dennis. For County Treasurer, A. O. Peterson. C. G. Gillespie. G. S. Pate. For Sale. One 9x13 Gordon job press, 8 fonts new job type and other minor printing material. The Monitor. Pittsboro, Miss. Change of Publication Day. With the issue the day for publishing The Commonwealth will be Saturday instead of Friday. The Indianola Incident. In the the annals of the political history of the world since the days of Nero there is not [?] [?usllanimous], and the atrocious consequences but none that evidence a more craven and malignant spirit. It is the work of a human [cayote?] who would destroy the civilization of the better and more respectable section of the country of which he by the accident of an assassin's shot is president; he would break down the barriers which keep back and hold in restraint the black wave of ignorance, superstitution and immorality with which the south is perpetually threatened. In a word, he would outrage the Godess of Truth, with a contmeptuous gust of putrid breath blow out the lamp of experience and in ghoulish like ferocity tear open the graves of the Past and pour upon the sacred dust of those who made our civilization the vials of his hell brewed contempt, if, to his vanity distorted judgement it should appear that his political interests would thereby be subserved. The people of Indianola have committed no crime save that of suspectfully requesting this negro woman to resign. That request was promptly granted and thanks tendered by her to "the people of Indianola" for withholding the request so long. For this act of courtesy to this creature who should be cooking or washing for some while family, this entire community is to be punished by having their business demoralized. I said the people of Indianola had "committed no crime." I was mistaken - They did committ a crime against themselves when they allowed Cox and his wife to hold this office at all. The request presented to "Mrs. Minnie" last summer, should have been presented when her's and his office holding ambition first commenced to bud. Had that been done, the present trouble would have been averted. It is the same old story. "Mrs. Minnie" did "very nicely" for awhile and all moved as smoothly as greased lightening through a summer cloud. But the end came as it always comes. The white folks got tired of a negro holding office, and "requested" her to quit. They had the right to do that, and she had the right to resign, and it is no business of Roosevelt to object. Why did he do it then? For no other reason than to humiliate the white people. He had the power - not the right under the law - but the power, and like the spectacular lion masquerading ass that he is, dared to prostitute that power. But probably I am a little harsh. It is remotely possibly that he may not know any better, I would not be uncharitable. It is said that men follow the bent of their genius, and that [pretnatal?] influences are often potent in [shaping?] thought and ideas of after life. Probably old lady Roosevelt during the period of gestation was frightened by a dog and that fact may account for the qualities of the male pup which are so prominent in Teddy. I would not to either an an injustice, but I am disposed to apoligize to the dog for mentioning it. Now just where this thing may end God Almightly only knows. If the negroes are wise they will remove this cause of friction. If they should take courage from Roosevelt's attitude in this matter, the trouble has only begun. The white people of the South will not permit the negroes to hold office. They will not suffer their civilization destroyed, even if to preserve it constitutions and statues must be violated. They may [not?] be able to dictate to the little mean, coonflavored miscegenationist of the White House, but they can induce the negroes to resign or refuse to accept. And they will do it. Let the honest decent people of Indianola stand pat. They have the sympathy of every white man in America. A few office debauched perverts may condemn them, but their condemnation is the highest praise. If I were in their place I should haul my mail from Heathman for the balance of time rather than permit a negro to hold the office. The issue is coming and we had just as well prepare to meet it. This but a mild sample of the trouble which the state's criminal policy of nigger education will ultimately bring upon us. May God give the people of Mississippi eyes to see it and the courage to avert it. REFEREE AT THE BAT. The Vicksburg Post of the 8th [inst.?] publishes a special from Washington which states: [?] department in their resistance [u???] [?] N. Cox and for suspending the post- [?] Postmaster General Payne has given, in justification of department action, the fact that he had received a letter from Mr. Wilson urging him to stand by Minnie Cox. Mr. Payne said that she was endorsed by Democrats, but when asked for particulars could give no names of indorsers except Federal Referee Wilson and a Democrat who had been one of her bondsmen." I can not believe that "a democrat who has been her bondsman" has anything to do with this matter. In fact I can not see how any self respecting gentleman could urge the retention of the aforesaid "Mrs. Minnie". While having no positive information regarding that phase of the trouble still I should not be surprised if the Referee is guilty as charged. If the said Referee has arrived at that stage of political degeneracy when he would prefer a negro election commissioner for Wilkinson County to a decent white man and had the power to make a democratic (?) governor appoint him I am not surprised at any thing he might accomplish with that social equality, nigger loving gang at Washington. Nor would it surprise me for him to do any thing to humiliate the decent people of Mississippi in his desperate desire to please his master at the white house and his political god father Booker Washington of Tuskegee. THE REMEDY WILL BE FORTHCOMING. It is really amusing to read some of the objections to the proposition to stop squandering money on negro education. An esteemed exchange framed for its sterility of ideas quotes the following from a letter by Hon. N. B. Crawford one of the most substantial citizens of Chickasaw County: "I read that part of Dr. Ward's letter which referred to the education of the negro with interest, and thought I could see that he was opposed to the education of the negro at the expense of the state. I have heard much of late on this subject, but as yet have failed to find any one offer a remedy. Of course all will agree that it cannot be done without a change in our state constitution, but the question is can a change be made without violating the constitution of the United States. I am of the opinion that the only way to avoid the education of the negro is to amend our state constitution so as to dispense with the public school system of our state. I would like to see a letter from Judge J. A. P. Campbell on this question; I dislike to to see such an issue before the people without giving a reliable remedy for the seeming evil." We shall all be glad to hear from Judge Campbell. Some years ago he entertained about the same views on negro education that this paper does. Now, as to Col. Crawford's objection to the discussion of this question unless a "remedy is proposed for the seeming evil," I would ask him, how the remedy shall ever be discovered unless the matter is dis- cussed. He remembers very well [?] the proposition was made to [cal?] [?] tional convention in 1856 for the purpose of eliminating the negro from politics in this State, the same objections were made to the discussion of that question then that he urges to the educational problem now. No man proposed the plan before the convention met which was adopted by the convention. Judge Campbell had a plan; Judge Beckett had a plan, and everybody else had a plan; but when the delegates met at Jackson they not their heads together and the plan was evolved by which the negro was eliminated from politics. And the did it too without adopting anyone's special plan. My friend makes no [dis???] [with?] he says we [?] the state constitution. We all know that The constitution prescribes the present free school system and to change it will of course require an amendment of the constitution. But that can be done very easily by the people. Col. Crawford is mistaken when he says that we must abolish the free system is to [?] in order to get rid of negro education. No one desires the free school abolished. The end can be be attained without it. The thing for the people to consider just now is, whether or not they wish the "seeming evil" corrected. If they do then let them elect men to office who are determined to accomplish it. The people do not make laws. They determine matters of policy and principle and then elect the officers - their servants - who will go to Jackson and arrange the details for putting those principles and policies in [to?] execution. If the change should be made, Col. Crawford need have no fear the "reliable remedy" will be forthcoming. KIMBROUGH AND MOODY. Regarding the appointment of these gentlemen, the Clarion Ledger says: "Gov. Longino has appointed Judge A. McC. Kimbrough, of Greenwood, as circuit judge of the Fourth district of Mississippi to succeed the late Judge Frank F. Larkin, of Greenville Judge Kimbrough is one of the best known jurists in Mississippi, and for the past several years has been serving as chancellor of the Seventh district of the state. He is very popular in the district and the selection will resignation of [?] Moody is one of the [?] [?orning] and [?] [members?] of the delta bar, and [?] the [?] give general satisfaction, He [?] [?] Kentucky, having been born in Louisville on the 15th of December, 1870, and is therefore the youngest chancellor on the bench in Mississippi. He came to Mississippi with his parents when a child and located in Meridian, where his youth was spent. In 1890 he moved to Indianola and during was following year was admitted to the bar, and has been engaged in active practice ever since. Judge Kimbrough desired to make the change from the chancery to the circuit bench and Mr. Moody's name, which had been favorably mentioned in connection with the circuit judgeship, was therefor in order for the chancellorship vacancy." WAR DEPARTMENT, OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF STAFF, WASHINGTON. January 11, 1903. MEMORANDUM REPORT: In the letter of the Superintendent of the Military Academy, requesting detail of officers to replace those who will have completed their four years' duty in the coming summer, the Superintendent introduces the subjects of the Commandant of Cadets and the Associated Professor of Modern Languages, which, differing from the routine details, are reported on in this supplementary memorandum. The Superintendent remarks: "Lieutenant Colonel Charles G. Treat, Commandant of Cadets, Captain, Artillery Corps, on duty since August 31, 1900. "While Colonel Treat will have been on duty at the Academy four years next summer, he has, under his assignment as Commandant of Cadets, served but three years, and it is recommended that he be retained another year in order to serve out his full tour of duty as Commandant of Cadets." This recommendation is not believed to be advisable. Colonel Treat will have served his four years at the Military Academy on August 31, 1904. Conditions are at present, so far as known, perfectly normal at the Military Academy and, therefore, regulations should not be departed from. The Superintendent further remarks: "Captain William Kelly, Jr., 9th Cavalry, Associate Professor, on duty at the Military Academy since October 19, 1898. "Captain Kelly, however, will have served but one year under his assignment as Associate Professor, and as I believe it was the intention of the War Department in appointing him to the office to have him serve a full tour as Associate 2. Professor, it is not recommended that he be relieved." The law under which this detail was made, was inserted in the bill making appropriations for the Military Academy, approved March 3, 1903, and was as follows: "Provided, That the Secretary of War shall assign an officer of the Army to the Military Academy as Associate Professor of Modern Languages, and that such officer, while so serving, shall receive the pay and allowances of a major." It is seen that there is no requirement that this assignment should be mad for a number of years. If the view of the Superintendent is taken of this detail, Captain Kelly would not be relieved until 1907, when but two of his eleven years' service will have been with troops. This would not be a creditable showing for a Captain of Cavalry, and it is believed to be the duty of the General Staff to attempt its correction. It is recommended that Captain Treat, A. C., Lieutenant Colonel and Commandants of Cadets, and Captain Kelly, Associate Professor of Modern Languages, be relieved from duty at the Military Academy, and that their successors be detailed. Respectfully submitted: (Sgd) E. H. Crowder, Colonel, General Staff, Chief, First Division. Jan. 11. 1904. Approved by the Chief of Staff. (Sgd) H. A. Greene, Lieut. Col., 1st Infy. Secretary. [Enc in Chaffee] Speakers Room, File House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. July. 11. 1903. My Dear Mr President: It will give me pleasure to join you at 10 this evening Very Sincerely yours D B Henderson To The President White Houseinterest in him. You know all about him & his family. He wants to be a judge advocate. I send you his papers with my fervent hope he may get it. Ever Yrs H. C. Lodge [[shorthand]] [*File*] [*[For 1. enclosure see, 1-10-03]*] [*Enclos. to War Dept 1-13-1903*] Jan - 11th 1903. U.S. SENATE CHAMBER, WASHINGTON, D. C. Dear Theodore, These are the papers of John Mason Brown who for some reason has come to me for support. I give it gladly for his father's sake & that of the Drapers who take a great Mr Cortelyou send me a copy of your letter to Gilman. Ever Yrs H.C.L. [*[Lodge]*] [*Ackd 1-12-1903 Copy of presd's reply sent *] Jan. 11th, 1903 U.S. Senate Chamber WASHINGTON, D.C. Dear Theodore - Here is the Memo about Charles Peirce which you asked me to send. A letter from you to Gilman will help enormously & it is [an] a most deserving case. Will you let TELEGRAM. White House, WU 3 CO B GI 15 Washington. Manilla-Received Jan 11-1:26p [1903] Roosevelt, Washington. International Club reports Philippine people deplore Taft's departure which causes serious perturbation. Rosario.his Berberi servant (the Berbers are cowards) wouldnt stay with him. he said he was afraid of the 'Black soldiers'. One night Metcalf was walking near the station when he heard a challenge: "Ente? Meen?" who are you? He answered mechanically "Amim", "friend" and heard the clash of arms at the salute and the guard called out, in the darkness. He went on home & then remembered there were no troops there. The next morning he went to the same place & saw the two white crosses where Sydney and Fitzclarence were buried. The Black sergeant and the blacks of the 18 who were killed at Abu Hammed had been on guard. This is universally believed. I will write from the Sudan when I get there. Meanwhile best love to all Yrs ever Cecil Spring Rice [*[Spring-Rice]*] MAISON SUARES, SHARIA MADABERE, CAIRO. 11 Jan 1903 Dear Mrs Roosevelt I see in the telegram that you are going to have Specky again. What fun. Especially a married Specky. I hear nothing of whether I go or not from here and where I go to. I should like of course to go to Washington, but as I should like to, I suppose I wont get there: I think I shall try Japan and teach Ted junior Jusitsu. Will you send him? I am delightedwith his books: they are delightfuly got up and what is perhaps more important (though I speak with diffidence) are worth reading. I like particularly Corymula and the Hills of Ruel. I am off to the Sudan today and shall be some weeks away. I heard a curious Sudan ghost story which might interest Ted junior. The 18 Sudanese, a black regiment made a charge at Abu Hammed and lost two officers Sydney and Fitzclarence. This to them was like losing a game to a Berberi. Their women, when they came to camp wouldn't speak to them: The other black regiments jeered. One of the black sergeants, badly wounded, was dying in camp. The doctor was looking after him. He asked to see the senior sergeant in the regiment who came to see him. He told them to tell the women and the regiment that it was all right about the 'Beys' because he would look after them. The next fight was at the Atbara river. The ninth charged with Mason their colonel at their head. When you command a Sudanese regiment you have to run very fast indeed to keep ahead of them and they wont obey you much unless you do. Mason who was a very big man with long legs rushed along with his men behind him. But they caught him up, took hold of him by the arms & legs, crowded around him, he shouting & cursing, and so carried him bodily into the lines. They lost 30 per cent of their number but did most terrible execution. Mason however never saw a Dervish, he was the center of a thick mass of his own men who made a shield all around him. Some time afterwards an Engineer officer called Metcalf arrived at [Haden] Abu Hammed to look after the stores.TELEGRAM For Translation Gi Z [**em] White House, Washington. 1CO. O. FD. Manila I3. 7:50 a.m. Manila. January 11, 1903. Roosevelt, Washington. Abogados Filipin's roundidos asemblea connsideran funesta filipines retirada Taft piden continue. TRANSLATION: The Philippine lawryers having met together consider the withdrawal of Taft as fraught with disaster to the Philippine people and ask that he may remain. [*Enc. in Wilson 1-17-03*] [*1-10-03*] The Commonwealth. PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY THE COMMONWEALTH PUBLISHING CO SUBSCRIPTION RATES. One year .........$1.5[?] Six months ...... .7[?] Three months .. .5[?] Advertising rates furnished on application. The largest circulation of any paper published in the Yazoo-Mississippi Delta; and therefore, the best advertising medium. SATURDAY, JANUARY 10, 1903. By JAS. K. VARDAMAN. REFEREE AT THE BAT. The Vicksburg Post of the 8th inst. publishes a special from Washington which states: "The good people and patrons of Indianola postoffice have to thank that United States Marshall Edgar S. Wilson for the remarkable position taken by the administration and the postoffice department in their insistence upon Minnie N. Cox and for suspending the postoffice at the town. Postmaster General Payne has given, in justification of department action, the fact that he had received a letter from Mr. Wilson urging him to stand by Minnie Cox. Mr. Payne said that she was endorsed by Democrats, but when asked for particulars could give no names of indorsers except Federal Referee Wilson and a Democrat who had been one of her bondsmen." I can not believe that "a democrat who has been her bondsman" has anything to do with this matter. In fact I can not see how any self respecting gentleman could urge the retention of the aforesaid "Mrs. Minnie." While having no positive information regarding that phase of the trouble still I should not be surprised if the Referee is guilty as charged. If the said Referee has arrived at that stage of political degeneracy when he would prefer a negro election commissioner for Wilkinson County to a decent white man and had the power to make a democratic (?) governor appoint him I am not surprised at any thing he might accomplish with that social equality, nigger loving gang at Washington. Nor would it surprise me for him to do any thing to humiliate the decent people of Mississippi in his desperate desire to please his master at the white house and his political god father Booker Washington of Tuskegee. E. W. Bloomingdale. Bloomingdale Bros. New York. [shorthand notes] Acc'd 1/13/1903 Wrote Sec'y Shaw January 12th, 1903 File carefully on Personal files Hon. George B. Cortelyou, White House, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. Cortelyou:- I noticed in yesterday's papers that there are a number of candidates for the position of Deputy Appraiser in this City, to fill the vacancy caused by Mr. Sherwood's resignation, and among the names (so) mentioned, was that of Samuel G. French, the announcement being coupled with the fact that he had been recommended by Senator Depew. If the President should seriously consider making this appointment, I would like very much to lay before him facts concerning Mr. French which I believe would make it inadvisable to name him for that important post. Unless it should become necessary, I do not care to go into the particulars. Sincerely yours, E. W. Bloomingdale PPF [*oc 1 enclosure see ca. Jan. 1903] ROSTER-34th TERM. PRESIDENT, "Primrose" - John Q. Boyer, 2034 N. Fulton Ave., Baltimore, Md. VICE PRESIDENTS, "Rex" - Will J. Kuhn, Pittsburg, Pa. "Arty Ess" - R. T. Strohm, Philadelphia, Pa. RECORDING SECRETARY, "Ace" - A. E. Campbell, Avalon, Pa. CORRESPONDING SECRETARY, "Cinders" - Francis E. Whiteside, 13 Grove Street, North Plainfield, N. J. TREASURER, "H. S. Nut" - George A. Snow, Lock Box 59, South Braintree, Mass. OFFICIAL EDITOR, "R. O. Chester" - Charles H. Coons, Philadelphia, Pa. Eastern Puzzlers' League [*Has it come?*] [Office of the] January 12, 1903, [1900] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My Dear Sir: - With this mail I am sending you a copy of "The Era" for January, in which is published an article of mine, entitled "Some American Anagrams." Not the least among them is an anagram upon your name which expresses my sentiments exactly; the others speak for themselves. As one who personally admires your acts and administration, it was with pleasure I evolved this anagram, which so aptly portrays the sad manner under which you assumed your high office. With highest regards, I remain, Yours most respectfully, John Q. Boyer, 2034 N. Fulton Ave., Baltimore, Md.[*File CF Regrets [sent] along sent to melvile and suggestions as to Honorary Member [???] placed G.B.C.*] Department of State, Washington, January 12, 1903. Dear Mr. President-- I think there will be no impropriety in your declining the invitation to the banquet and ignoring the offer of the honorary membership. Perhaps the safest thing would be to waste basket the entire business, though no one but a fool would misinterpret your civilly declining the invitation. It is evidently an annexationist club, and, [as-such] therefore, you would not think of accepting their election to membership. Yours sincerely, John Hay TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. WU. 1CO. GY. FD. Manila 18. Manila---Received 12:46 a.m. January 12, 1903. Roosevelt, Washington. People Manila in grand demonstration Malacanang yesterday ask for continuance Taft as governor Philipine's. Herrera, Mayor.[*File ppF Pr*] Tenement House Commissioner 61 Irving Place January 12, 1903. My dear Roosevelt:- No! I had no idea that Raphael was your appointee in the Police Department until he delivered your letter, which he had been quietly keeping in his pocket. It is quite characteristic of the man that he should go silently about his work, without a word about his "backers", and leave us to judge him by what he does, which is well done. You constantly amaze me by your attention to the "small things", as most people think them. An interview with an old policemen, when Senators and Embassadors are waiting for a word - A personally written note of New Years greeting, when you can hardly have time to sign, much less write, important letters. Yet it is your spontaneous and impulsive attention to these seemingly small things, as part of your very self, that gives you, beyond anyone else I know in public life (since Lincoln) the affection and confidence of the "people", and enables you to attain the "great things" without apparent effort. I sometimes wonder whether you ever feel tired or discouraged, and when I feel overwhelmed with the burdens of the Tenement Department, so insignificant as compared with yours, I think of what you are carrying, and so ably, and shame myself into fresh courage and energy. Sincerely yours, Randall Jones [*[RANDALL JONES]*] No answer!TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 1 WU HS JM 20 Rec'd. Jan. 12,1903. 9:06 a.m. Manila Roosevelt, Washington. Filipinos not belonging existing political parties consider Taft unchangable maintenance moral material peace. Guerrero Luna General Maliver Luyban. [[Shorthand]] [*[ca 1-12-03]*] [*Ackd 1-12-1903*] Island Heights New Jersey Mr Roosevelt President U.S. Washington D.C. "Though they did it roughly they did it well." ("winning of the west") Born near Kaskaskia in '39 & for forty years between there & the Snowey Range — ranging with Kit Carson & Jim Baker I want to say- God Bless you for yr history — its integrity & honesty. Truly Yrs George H Perkins3rd Indorsement. OFFICE OF THE CIVIL GOVERNOR OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, MANILA, P.I. January 12 1903. Respectfully referred, as requested by the Commanding General, Division of the Philippines, to the Secretary of War. [*X*] The question of the power of the Government to detain Mabini at Guam is not one on which I am called upon to express an opinion. I do think, however, that for self protection it is within the power of this government to deny to any person seeking to land within the Archipelago the apportunity to do so unless he will take an oath to be loyal to the government while in the Islands and to acknowledge the sovereignty of the United States. Such a law is now in force. Certainly the government of the United States might very well say to Mabini that it would not carry him from Guam to the Philippine Islands unless it could be assured that he would take such an oath and thus be admitted to the Archipelago. Mabini has been a consistent opponent of American sovereignty and a persistent inspirer of rebellion and insurrection. He was for a long time the chief advisor of Aguinaldo. He has manifested much skill and cunning in his appeals to the people of the Philippine Islands against the American government, and may be said to be the most prominent irreconcilable among the Filipinos. His physical infirmity of course has appealed to the imagination of the Filipinos and to the pity of all who have seen him His consistent course of opposition to the government, in prison and out of prison, his physical condition, as a hopeless paralytic, and his gentle and courteous manner, have all served to place him in the attitude of a martyr and to give him that kind of influence and popularity which it may be supposed would come from such qualities and circumstances. As a matter of fact, while in custody in Manila, he was much more comfortable than when he was at his home, and I presume the same is true of his life at Guam, and that so far as personal comfort is concerned he is better off where he is. If he were allowed to come to Manila he would form a nucleus for all the discontented elements which he would be certain to encourage in every form of plot and conspiracy against the existing government. Nothing he writes, nothing he says, but contains unjust insinuations against the American government and its good faith. The claim that he is not just as well able now to decide in Guam whether he will take the oath as when he comes to Manila, is a palpable pretense. What he desires is to be brought to Manila, because he thinks that even if imprisoned here he will form a point of concentration for the rapidly diminishing number of irreconcilables in these islands. I think it would be unwise to allow him to come unless he is willing in advance, by his oath of allegiance, to agree not to plot against this government. This government we are sworne to maintain, and a policy of allowing openly avowed enemies of our government in our sight to take steps to inaugurate conspiracies and plots against it is not one that I favor. All that Mabini has to do to secure his liberty and his return to these islands is to take the oath by which he agrees that he will not plot and conspire against the existence of this government. If he is not willing to make this agreement then he ought not to come into the country. One can have admiration for his consistency and his utterly wild dreams of benefit to his country from independence without being in favor of exposing the government, which is doing more for the Filipino people than any government ever did, to the danger of disturbance and conspiracy which his presence would promote and of a possible new insurrection, which could work nothing but misfortune and hardship to the people whom he thinks he loves and would aid. [*X*] Wm. H. Taft, Civil Governor.TELEGRAM White House Washington 2 WU HS JM Red'd. Jan. 12, 1903. 9:08 a.m. MANILA 11 President Roosevelt, Washington Realestate owners association considers necessary Governor Taft's stay. [*[ca 1-12-03]*] Memorandum: The President directed the return of these papers to the Treasury Department, together with the memorandum concerning Mr. Thomas - to be treated privately and not put on the Department files. From an examination of the papers, it would seem that only the memorandum should be sent, as the other documents originated in the Treasury Department and, with the exception of Secretary Shaw's letter, are only copies. W. R.[?.?.] [*ok*][*[ca? 1-12-03]*] Secretrary of the Treasury. Transmits copy of letter from Commissioner General F.P. Sargent, setting forth charges against RALPH IZARD, Chinese Inspector in Charge at Brooklyn, N.Y. It is Mr. Sargent's purpose to recommend to the Secretrary of the Treasury Izard's Dismissal from the service. Charges are: deliberate and willful falsehood; collusion with one Phillips to enable latter to extort money from Chinese; procuring false statements to be made; etc. Inspector Izard has been directed to report in person to Bureau of Immigration Saturday morning, 17th instant, when he will be given opportunity to reply to charges. Attention is invited to Memorandum of Facts herewith. Details of evidence upon which charges are based is being prepared and will be transmitted in due course Write Secy Shaw to call particular attention to letter on personal files[Enclosed in Bloomingdate 1-12-03FIFTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS THEODORE E. BURTON, OHIO, CHAIRMAN. WALTER REEVES, ILL. JAMES H. DAVIDSON, WIS. BLACKBURN S. DOVENER, W.VA. JAMES McLACHLAN, CAL. ROSWELL P. BISHOP, MICH. RUFUS E. LESTER, GA. ERNEST F. ACHESON, PA. JOHN H. BANKHEAD, ALA. PAGE MORRIS, MINN. PHILIP D. McCULLOCH, ARK. DE ALVA S. ALEXANDER, N.Y. STEPHEN M. SPARKMAN, FLA. THOMAS H. TONGUE, OREGON. THOMAS H. BALL, TEXAS GEORGE P. LAWRENCE, MASS. JOSEPH E. RANSDELL, LA. JAMES H. CASSIDY, CLERK. COMMITTEE ON RIVERS AND HARBORS HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES WASHINGTON, D.C. [??] CLERK, JAN 15], 1903 Department of State. [*[AState sp] Acad 1/14/03*] BUREAU OF APPOINTMENTS, JAN 15 1903 Department of State. TO THE PRESIDENT: - I am requested to recommend E. E. Haskell, now, or recently, Chief Assistant Engineer on Survey of the North and Northwest Lakes, for the position of Civilian Engineer on the Commission to investigate Lake Levels, provided for in Section 4 of the last River and Harbor Act. Mr. Haskell is a graduate of Cornell University, and has been in active service on surveys of the Mississippi River, of the sea coast and of the lakes since his graduation. I am not personally acquainted with him or his work, but think his claim worthy of the most careful consideration in connection with the position. Very respectfully yours, T.E. BurtonE. E. Haskell. Recommendid for Civil Engineer, Lake Levels Commission by T. E. Burton, M.C.Personal. White House, Washington. Papers sent Secy May & recd. C. F. Letter in drawer Curtis W.E. My dear Mr. Secretary: The President directs me to bring to your notice the enclosed personal communication from Mr. William E. Curtis. When it has served its purpose, will you be good enough to have it returned, as it is marked "Not for the files", and is, as you will see, of a confidential nature. Very sincerely yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou Secretary to the President. Hon. John Hay, Secretary of State. Enclosure. [*Personal*] [*Ackd 1-15-1903*] MONTICELLO HOTEL Norfolk, Va., January 13, 1903 Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, White House, Washington, D. C., My dear Mr. Secretary: - I sent you a printed slip, which if you will read carefully and consider that it was written by Mr. Miller, it seems to me that it would suggest that he has little appreciation of the courtesies and ammenities of a gentleman. Mr. Miller has no social position in Norfolk, whatever, this is not because he is a republican, for there has been no attemp at social ostracism on account of politics in this city for a number of years, nor is it because, as he says, that he is a poor young man coming to Norfolk from an adjoining county. There are young men as poor as he is, and republicans, going into the best society in Norfolk. It will suggest itself to you after reading my communication, that it was because of his methods and manner of life, which precludes him from any social association in this city. Mr. Miller has no standing whatever at the Bar. It was only a week ago, when he was compelled to withdraw his application to become a member of the local Bar Association, knowing that he would be blackballed, if he pressed his application. Mr. Thorpe urged him to withdraw his application last fall, knowing then what the sentiment of the bar was, but he declined 2 to do so and pressed it, and to day a week ago, when the Committee was to report, he applied to Mr. James Goode, a young lawyer here and son of the Hon. John Goode, saying that he knew there were enough republican members on the Committee to reject his application and asked him to withdraw it. Now the Committee on membership consists of about an equal number of republicans and democrats. They are all gentlemen of the utmost respectability and reliability. The republicans on this Committee are in no wise connected with what is known as the republican organization, but would have acted from a conscientious standpoint. I understand there would have been a unanimous recommendation against Miller's membership to the local Bar Association. Of course, I do not assert this, but information on the subject can be gotten. Mr. Thorpe and Mr. Goode, also Mr. Tazwell Taylor, Police Magistrate, can give the names of the Committee, in fact I can refer you to any of the lawyers of reputation in Norfolk, as to Miller's standing with the Norfolk Bar. His manner of practise is against the ethics of the Bar and against the common law of the Commonwealth of Virginia. One case particularly, that I know of, is that of Benjamin Rossen, a brick mason. He solicted and urged this man to bring suit against the Street Railway Company, when he was not inclined to do so, offering that he, Miller, would pay all the expenses of the suit and give Rossen, in case he got the award one half of the amount. I have no doubt but that there are many such cases. It was a matter of common notoriety a short time ago, when Miller would engage a room at this hotel and that he used it for improper purposes with a view of enticing young girls who frequented the hotel to hear the music, into his room. Mr. Sylvanus Stokes and others in the hotel3 I think will confirm this statement. To use Mr. Stokes' expression, he was pulled out of a room in this hotel in which he was caught with a drunken dissolute woman, by the name of Phoebus, whose husband after wards got a divorce from. Mr. Morris who was associated at one time with Miller in the practise of law informed Mr. Stokes myself and others in the hotel that Miller had procured a room opposite his sister with a view of attempting to get into his sister's room. Morris said when informed of it that he went down with a pistol and required him to get to other quarters. Morris has since been disbarred from the practise of law, but the fact that Miller did have this room, is shown by the register of the hotel and other evidences. . On more than one occasion it is known that Miller has take dissolute women in his room at the Federal Building and has been located with them. I understand he has confessed that he did have on one occasion connection with one of these women in a room under the jurisdiction of the U. S. Court. For information on this subject I refer you to the Clerk of the Court and his officers. Miller some time ago went to a house of prostetution kept by a woman named Libby Roach on Church Street, accompanied by two companions, he was sober and they were drunk. He, Miller, cut up this woman's furniture with a knife and when her house keeper remonstrated, he threatened, saying he was a lawyer and if she opened her mouth, he would prosecute her for keeping an immoral house. She employed a detective named Geo. Heppel who brought Miller and the other two men and made them agree to pay for the destruction of this furniture. A man by the name of Simon Capps, a gambler, and John Lewis, Proprietor of the Washington hotel, can give information as to this matter. Of course, these people4 are all of bad character, but it is only such characters, who know of these tings. There are parties I think who can give information also but probably will not, as they are people who dislike very much as every body else does to be called upon for information of this kind, as their position is such as to make them liable to the law or suit. At the last Convention held in Roanoke to nominate republican Governor, Lieutenany Governor and Attorney General, Miller was not a delegate from Norfolk but he got an appointment from Princess Anne County, in which there was no meeting held and attended that convention. When the delegates were returning, a common prostetute from Lynchburg got upon the train, Miller immediately took his seat along side of her and rode to Petersburg or near and he knew perfectly well who she was, as he stated to several parties in the car, she was going to a certain house in Norfolk. Some months ago a friend of Millers, whose name I have forgotten, but can get it at any time, had a horse at Hannan & Kelly's stable. This man did not pay the board of the horse, and there was a claim of $85.00 for board and the man was informed that the stable keeper would hold the horse for this amount. Miller appeared at the stables and applied for the use of the horse with the promise that he would return him within a hour and he took him away in the country and never did return him, although he was informed of this claim. Hannan, proprietor of the stable did not see him for a week afterwards, when he accused him in the public streets of having stolen this horse , without resenting it he ran into an establishment, and after threats or prosecution , he paid this man from time to time his claim, which I understand has now been entirely paid, about thirty days ago, but it is none the less an act which is5 against all moral law and decency. I understand that Judge Waddell of the U. S. Court, who makes his home at this hotel when in Norfolk, notified Mr. Allen, then District Attorney, when the occurence at this hotel took place, that he could not permit this thing to go any further. I have not talked with Waddell and do not know whether he did say that [he advised] it would be advisable for the Attorney General to know his views as to this young man. In regard to his trip down on the train after the Convention I presume the entire delegation from Norfolk, does know that the statement I have made is correct. I did not return to Norfolk by that road, as I returned to my summer home at the Hot Springs, so I know nothing of it. Now I desire to say to the President that I have no feeling in this matter whatever, and should be glad if Mr. Miller could be vindicated, but I do not think that he can. Senator Scott says he is engaged to a young woman in Philadelphia, who was in society and had some money. Uf he could marry this young woman I have no doubt it would make him a better man and as I have no interest in her, I should be glad if Miller was not disgraced and given an opportunity for reformation. I do protest, however, against his appearing in the newspapers claiming courtesies from the President in offering him an appointment, which I do not think he ever made to him, and which if made ought to have been kept to himself. It certainly cannot do an administration any good in the estimation of the better class of republicans in this state to give Mr. Miller any appointment, which would enable him to continue to live in this city. He has a prepossessing appearance and to people who do not know him, he makes an impression. If he could go to some Western city, I have no doubt that with his self confidence which he has manifested, 6 he might occupy some prominent position and I only hope he will avail himself of the chance to do so. I feel very sorry and regret very much to have occupied the position that I have in this communication I think these are only a few of the acts he has committed, many others no doubt will be discovered. Yours truly, U D GloverSalvation Army to come on that morning & it would give me much pleasure to be able to present him to you. Believe me. Sincerely yrs, Mark A. Hanna per C.M.H. [* [ca 1-13-03]*] [*Ackd 1-3-1903*] My dear Mr. President Will you give me the honor of dining with me on Wednesday February 11th at eight o'clock? I have asked General Boothe of the [* X *] [* shorthand*] WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON January 13, 1903 Memorandum: Capt. Bronson, Superintendent of the Annapolis Naval Academy, telephones that the doctors advise Secretary Moody to remain quiet for a couple of days; that he received a severe shaking up; that his nose and face is scratched and his eye very discolored this morning. If absolutely necessary he could attend the Cabinet meeting this morning, but the doctor strongly advises that he abstain from work for a couple of days. W. Loeb [Loeb] 1-13-1903 [*shorthand Wired? 1-13-1903*][ V *Tele*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 4 WU HG JM 31 Paid Govt. 11a.m. Annapolis, MD., Jan. 13, 1903. The President, Washington, D.C. Thank you heartily for concern you kindly express. Very comfortable but stiff and sore. The worst will be a few days loss of time. W.H. Moody.Lincoln Post Office. OFFICE OF THE POSTMASTER. LINCOLN, LANCASTER CO., NEBR., Jan. 13, 1903 Collector of Customs, Chicago, Ill. Sir:- Replying to your letter of Jan. 8th asking for information regarding Edgar Garsten Smith purporting to hail from New York and soliciting subscribers for "The National Weekly", I have the recollection sometime since of being solicited by this party to subscribe for an illustrated paper called "The National Weekly". He did not intimate that it was to be established for the purpose of opposing the President's renomination and to fight his policies, as you state, but that it was to be a Republican Political Illustrated paper of the same excellence in makeup as the "Collier Weekly". I was very busy when interviewed by him, and paid little attention to him, but remember that he was a well dressed, smooth talking man, and that he secured my subscription and $4.00 for which I seem to have no receipt. He apparently had the names on his subscription list of every prominent Republican in the country from Marcus A. Hanna all the way down the list, which was arranged according to Cities, and he seemed to have a very large list of subscribers of prominent Republicans in this locality as well as in every other City of any prominence in the United States. It has been, I should judge, two months since he was here, and I have heard nothing further in regard to him or his publication. I enclose herewith card which he presented, so that he is apparently the person that you are making inquiry in regard to. Respectfully, Edward R. Sizer Postmaster 1 enclosure[ENC IN. Clarkson to Cortelyou 1-16-03]Message OF THE Hon. WILLIAM H. HUNT Governor of Porto Rico TO THE Second Legislative Assembly First Session JANUARY 13, 1903[*[Enc. in Hunt, 1-14-03]*] MESSAGE OF THE Hon. WILLIAM H. HUNT Governor of Porto Rico TO THE SECOND LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY FIRST SESSION January 13, 1903 TO THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY: Your assemblage today records another significant advance in the adjustment of the People of Porto Rico to Civil Government. You constitute the second legislative assembly now duly convened in its first session, with your larger branch made up of representatives of the people directly elected to represent public interests, and expected, in conjunction with the Executive Council, to promote the public welfare. This assembly will be remarkable too as being the first to gather after contested elections. Members of different political parties have been duly elected by the people of the several Districts of the Island. This is healthy, for it insures the expression of various political views upon measures which may warrant political discussion; the several effects and merits of proposed laws are apt to be so thoroughly discussed and analyzed that local political interests of the people generally are certain to be cautiously considered and thus conservative laws are sure to result. As a broader experience comes, association of legislators of varying political affiliations as well as of differing[*[Enc. in Hunt 1-14-03]*] 4 occupations will also conduce to moderation of ideas; by affording opportunity for mutual tolerance, will enhance respect for one another's opinions, and let us hope will bring men together for common good where differences more imaginary than real have heretofore separated them. I believe that each of you has loyalty to the United States and the welfare of Porto Rico deep in his heart, and that the honor of the Nation together with your love and pride for the Island will stimulate you to no purpose other than the glory and material advancement of every interest properly the subject of legislative consideration. Let me assure you of my earnest sympathy in your worthy ambitions; I hope that you will continue to furnish an example of a government relying in safety upon the good sense, the fair-mindedness and intelligence of the people; may your acts and the laws you pass furnish further proofs of that self-control indispensable to successful self-government. In American popular government, the citizen, whether in or out of official station, has his duty to perform. He cannot escape it. Whether by action or inaction, his conduct affects the government, for he is part of it and has his responsibility in it. Let us remember, therefore, that a legislative assembly speaks for the people and that as the members are honest, prudent and wise, they reflect the character, the temperament and the intelligence of the community they stand for. It is a source of pleasure to greet you with the announcement that public affairs are in excellent condition; that the codes and laws passed by the preceding Legislative Assembly are being vindicated as sound in principle, liberal and adapted to the changing order of things. Under them there is progress which will redound more and more to the benefit of the whole people. It will be well, therefore, to devote special attention at this session to perfecting laws already upon the statute book rather than to try to adopt radically new systems. Nor shall I recommend much legislation. The possible error of making laws simply because the power to legislate exists, should be avoided. Stability of public 5 and business interests requires that a conservative policy prevail, and I feel you will appreciate its importance, preferring to test the prevailing codes by further experience before engrafting much upon them. EDUCATION: Since the institution of civil government, there has been steady progress in education, and the record of the past year is very gratifying. Taking some conspicuous facts of what has been accomplished since May, 1900, we find these pleasing comparisons: In January, 1901, there were 682 schools open; in January, 1902, there were 875; now there are 1,100. In January, 1901, there were 30,000 children enrolled; in 1902, 43,000; now there are about 55,000. In January, 1901, we had 721 teachers, in January 1902, 934; while now we have 1,126. A year ago, I advised you that thirty-two school houses and a normal school had been constructed. I now tell you that eight more have been completed, and that eighteen additional ones are now projected and in course of construction. There has already been expended for school houses, $192,896.14, and more is to be invested this year. Surely the people have a right to enjoy satisfaction in this work! Forty-five young people are still maintained at various schools in the United States at an annual cost of $15,000. There are still a number of children at the Carlisle Industrial School, although that institution by reason of a recent decision of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs at Washington, is no longer permitted to receive additional students from Porto Rico. Besides these, an increasing number of Porto Rican boys and girls are going to the States for an education, some pursuing their studies under the direction of the Department of Education, and all at their own expense. By act of the last Legislature, the minimum percentage of the total income of each municipality which must be devoted to school purposes, was increased from ten per cent to fifteen per cent, and the municipalities were given power to levy a special school tax. Therefore the school boards of the several municipalities are now in possession[*[Enc. in Hunt, 1-14-03]*] 6 of more ample funds and should be held to a stricter responsibility for the assumption of their share of the cost of necessary school equipment. To this end, and that the system of education may be as nearly uniform as possible, it would be well to require the school boards to submit their budgets in advance to the Commissioner of Education for his approval, and to adhere to such budget when duly approved by the Commissioner. A good start has been made in carrying out the will of the last Legislature with respect to industrial schools, although the law authorizing the establishment of three industrial schools did not carry with it an appropriation immediately available. By rigid economy the unexpended balances of the Department of Education for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1902 were made to aggregate approximately $40,000, and with this sum the initial equipment of three schools has been provided for. Two of these schools were established in rented buildings, poorly suited for the purpose, but the best to be obtained. The third building is being constructed partly with funds provided from the Trust Fund. These schools will require a large expenditure, especially during the first few years, for their proper equipment and should be manned by a well paid and efficient force of workers in order to be successful. A bill has been introduced in the United States Congress providing for the extension of the "Morrow Law" to Porto Rico, by which proceeds from the sales of public lands in the United States is distributed between the several States and Territories for the benefit of agricultural education. If this bill becomes a law, Porto Rico will probably receive $25,000 annually from the federal treasury upon certain specified conditions. In the interest of agricultural education, any monies thus received from the United States Government should be used for the establishment of an agricultural and mechanical department of the Insular Normal School. FINANCES: The finances of the Island are in good condition; they show a balance of Insular revenues on hand at the 7 close of business, December 31, 1902, of $378,679.96, exclusive of Trust Funds. The Auditor's report shows these increases in balances of Insular Revenues : July 1, 1901, to June 30, 1902. Balance of Insular Revenues on hand at close of business June 30, 1902....................................$314,600.40 Balance of Insular Revenues on hand July 1, 1901............................. 74,631.41 Gain in available balance of Insular Revenues during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1902................................................................................ $239,968.99 July 1, 1902, to December 31, 1902. Balance of Insular Revenues on hand at close of business December 31, 1902............................$378,679.96 Balance of Insular Revenues on hand July 1, 1902...................................314,600.40 Gain in available balance of Insular Revenues during the six months ending December 31, 1902..................................................................................$ 64,079.56 I invite your attention to the following comparative statement of Insular Revenues: RECEIPTS: July 1, 1901, to June 30, 1902. Customs Receipts.....................................$ 848,258.30 Internal Revenue Receipts..................... 1,497,802.63 MIscellaneous Receipts.......................... 52,525.22 $2,398,586.15 July 1, 1902, to December 31, 1902. Customs Receipts......................................$ 401,447.90 Internal Revenue Receipts...................... 742,917.87 MIscellaneous Receipts......................... 32,915.79 $1,177,281.56 EXPENDITURES: July 1, 1901, to June 30, 1902..................................... $2,199,442.40 July 1, 1902, to December 31, 1902......................... 1,159,175.05[*[Enc. in Hunt, 1-14-03]*] 8 APPROPRIATIONS: First Session, Legislative Assembly: For Deficiencies, 1900-1901, $ 124,902.50 " Service of fiscal year 1901-1902 . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,001,302.21 Total. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $2,126,204.71 Second Session, Legislative Assembly: For Deficiencies, 1901-1902, $ 82,953.11 " Service of fiscal year 1902- 1903 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,002,326.80 " Sundry purposes, no fiscal year . . . . . . . . . . . . 60,000.00 Total. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $2,345,279.91 To Balance of Trust Funds in the hands of the Treasurer on January 1, 1903, viz, $885,635.97 is made up as follows: 1. Balance of the General Allotment from appropriations by the Congress of the United States of revenues collected in the United States on importations from Porto Rico, remaining available for assignment for specific purposes of public and permanent improvements, on January 1, 1903 . . . . . . . . . . $340,778.49 2. Balance of the Trust Fund appropriations specifically assigned and transferred by the Governor for specific purposes, unexpended and on hand, January 1, 1903: Construction and repair of Country Roads in Porto Rico . . . . . . . . . . 388,914.81 9 School Extension in Porto Rico . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76,553.58 Insular Normal School,, 4,130.19 Refund of duties paid by contractors on imported materials used in contracts . . . . . . . . . . . 4,745.16 $474,343.74 3. Balance of Sundry Trust Fund appropriations arising from deposits with the Treasurer of Porto Rico. . . $ 57,815.03 Less amount appropriated by Act of March 1, 1902, for deficiency in Insular Telegraph service . . . . . . . . . . . . 14,958.43 42,856.60 4. Sundry Trust Fund accounts in favor of individuals . . . . 27,657.14 Total balance of Trust Funds, January 1, 1903, as above . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $885,635.97 Summarizing the total cash assets of the Insular Government as set forth in detail in the Auditor's report of January 1, 1903, the following results appear: CASH ASSETS ON JANUARY 1, 1903: Balance in hands of the Treasurer, on January 1, 1903: $1,264,315.93 As follows: Insular Revenues . . . . . . . . 378,679.96 Trust Funds . . . . . . . . . . . . . 885,635.97 Total balance in hands of the Treasurer, January 1, 1903 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $1,264,315.93 Total balance in United States Treasury, not alloted. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . 431,128.24 Total cash assets of the Insular Government, January 1, 1903 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $1,695,444.17[*[Enc. in Hunt, 1-14-03]*] 10 An analysis of the foregoing statements discloses a situation of affairs that is in every respect satisfactory as regards the financial experience of the Island under Civil Government and present conditions. If this fortunate situation is to be preserved, however, account must be taken of the fact that the increase in the available balance of Insular Revenues from July 1st, 1902 to January 1st, 1903, of the first six months of the current fiscal year, has been in smaller ratio than the increase of Insular revenues over current expenditures for the same period during the last fiscal year. It is improbable that the revenue for the next fiscal year will greatly, if at all, exceed that of the present. It is a guarantee of good fiscal management that a comfortable treasury balance be always kept on hand to meet any possible contingencies that might arise. It will be entirely prudent, therefore, to keep the appropriations for the fiscal year within the limit of the total appropriations of last year, and I so advise. The revenue system is now well fixed in the justice and conservatism of its main features; the policy it has established, has been sound and successful, and as future adjustments may be made, establishing relations between insular services and those of local public agencies, it can be extended as circumstances demand. For the next fiscal year, you will doubtless find it expedient to plan expenditures with due regard to definite resources, which the Treasurer predicts will be about what they have been this last year. I advise no increase in taxation; but if you find it desirable to increase the revenues, let it be by increase in excises on luxuries, by higher licenses or by modification of the existing system without departing from its main features. I recommend a reduction on the tax on oleomargarine, because the present rate of ten cents a pound is prohibitive. Under the present laws registrars of property collect fees from which they pay their office expense and themselves. Inquiry into this system may make it advisable 11 to put the registrars on annual salaries, requiring them to account for and turn in all fees collected. I am informed also that in the Supreme and District Courts, parties instituting civil suits do not pay clerk fees. A schedule of moderate fees would be no hardship upon those instituting civil litigation, and would be a steady source of income. I submit this matter to you. COURTS AND JUDICIARY: It was hardly to be expected that the new codes could operate for any length of time without demonstrating the need of some amendments and alterations. Bt the success which has followed the introduction of the new systems and the adaptability shown to the changed procedure is a very high tribute to the learning of the bench and bar of the Island. It has impressed those who have watched affairs, most favorably. You will doubtless have presented to you amendments which experience shows are fitting, and I hope you may approve of such as will tend to perfect the administration of the law. I recommend that, to facilitate court business, you adopt a measure which will permit a majority of District Judges to designate a substitute judge to try civil cases when one of the regular judges may be sitting in the trial of a criminal case. A judge of the District Courts is at present entitled to vacations of forty-five days on half-salary. This is hardly liberal, and I advise that provision be made giving full salary for such period. The jurisdiction of the several courts of the Island ought to be considered, having in mind a revision which will result in a clear codification of the various laws and orders now in force. In connection with such an act, I recommend that you enlarge the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court, by making it a Court of Appeals with jurisdiction in a case properly presented to amend, modify, or reverse the judgment appealed from, as the record may warrant. The Code of Civil Procedure is also far-reaching in importance, and I venture the hope that with the number The code of Civil Procedure is also far-reaching in importance, and I venture the hope that with the number[*[Enc. in Hunt, 1-14-03]*] 12 of distinguished lawyers in your body, time will be found to give it due attention. PRISONS: In the penitentiary and prisons there were 580 convicts at the close of December; this is an increase over last year at the same date. The Director of Prisons is about to establish a school where the prisoners may be taught, and he is progressing in teaching of trades and useful labor. The building is becoming inadequate for proper penal uses. Many approved prison reforms might be introduced, were there more space. I submit this to you that you may be mindful of the probable necessities for a larger penitentiary within the next few years. From funds saved last year in the prison budget, eight thousand dollars were set aside to build a new jail at Ponce, to replace the present one which is unfit for use. The municipality of Ponce has furnished a suitable location and work will begin very soon. Provision should also be made for a jail at Arecibo where there is none at present. MUNICIPALITIES: Sufficient time has not yet elapsed to test thoroughly the operation of the three important acts relating to municipalities adopted by the second Assembly. Instead of sixty-six separate corporations with complete municipal governments of their own, three are now only forty-six, twenty of the smaller and less important towns having been consolidated with their larger and more prosperous neighbors. The saving in the expense of municipal government throughout the Island has been considerable, and the administration of the consolidated towns seems, on the whole, satisfactory; but whether the abolished towns will, as time goes on, come to occupy the position of rural wards of the towns to which they have been annexed, or whether they will retain their individuality and cherish traditions of their own, is for the future to determine. Possibly time will demonstrate the wisdom of granting each village in the Island a limited autonomy. City governments 13 are primary political organizations of communities. It is through them that most important experiences in self-government are had. The new Municipal law has been in operation six months. Although the number and character of the question relating to municipal administration which have been submitted by the local authorities to the Secretary's office indicate that a longer experience will be necessary before full advantage is had of the larger responsibilities which have been conferred upon the cities of the Island by the new law, it is gratifying to note that indications are that the spirit of self-reliance and civic responsibility is asserting itself to much public advantage. ROADS: The question of roads is always with us, and it may be regarded as second to none in general importance. The policy of continuing to build roads must be vigorously pursued, and all speed should be used consistent with proper construction and economical management. From the Trust Funds which have been alloted by the President, liberal amounts have been set apart where a showing has been made for necessary building and repairs. The Ponce-Arecibo road is well under construction; the Manaubo-Yabucoa road is nearing completion; repairs have been made on the road from Camuy to Aguadilla, Caguas to Humacao, and sums have been set apart to reconstruct the Ponce-Guayama road, the Fajardo-Mameyes road, the Yabucoa-Sabana Grande and the Lares-San Sebastian roads, to build bridges across the Anasco and Portugues rivers, and to proceed with the Bayamon-Comerio road. The limit of road construction from Trust Fund allotments, however, must soon be reached, and when the funds will have been exhausted, we shall be confronted with the question of continuing such improvement by the expenditure of our own proper revenue; but I do not believe that this question demands your consideration at the present session. Under the new country road law passed last winter, the supervisors for the several road districts have been elected. The required appropriation of 25% of taxes to[column 1] 14 be collected on real property in the rural districts, will do much good in the way of repair for the convenience and encouragement of the rural populations. PUBLIC LANDS: We find ourselves very much nearer to a settlement of the public land question than we were a year ago. At our instigation, Congress took up the matter at its last session, and by an Act approved July 1st, 1902, the President was authorized "to reserve public lands and buildings in Porto Rico for public uses," and all lands not so reserved are granted to the Government of Porto Rico, to be held or disposed of for the use and benefit of the people of the Island. The law authorizes the President to make the reservations within one year from July 1st, 1902. The President will doubtless reserve public lands for military, naval, lighthouse, marine hospital, post office, custom house, United States court and other public purposes, as he may deem necessary. But the Act expressly provides that the grant of unreserved lands which is to be made to the Island, is upon the condition that the Government of Porto Rico, by proper authority, shall release to the United States any interest or claim it may have in or upon the land or buildings reserved by the President under the provisions of the Act. It is therefore proper that you should take action at this session to the end that such a release to the United States be had; and my recommendation is that your body, as the proper authority, pass a statute releasing any interest or claim that the Island may have in or upon the lands or buildings to be reserved by the President pursuant to the authority conferred in the Act. There has been ample opportunity this winter to observe the significant importance of the geographical situation of Porto Rico, including Culebra. The people have been gratified by the presence of the most distinguished office of our Navy and benefited in all respects by the coming of the ships. It is clear that we shall but perform a patriotic part by at once ceding to the sovereign government [column 2] 15 all title, legal or equitable, which the Island may have in and to any lands and improvements thereon which may be needed for naval uses, particularly those situated in the "Puntilla" at San Juan and in the Island of Culebra. Since the last session, there has been acquired for the benefit of the people, a valuable farm near Mayaguez, whereon is situated the United States Agricultural Station. The land so purchased is of the best for the purposes desired, and with the annual appropriations which will doubtless be made by Congress, there will be diffused much knowlege of the capabilities of the soils of the Island. HARBORS AND DOCKS: The organization of the bureau of docks and harbors in the Department of the Interior has been useful and advantageous. Captains of ports of San Juan, Mayaguez, and Ponce have been appointed. The business of the bureau has been well systematized, and the results are very satisfactory. The total collections from April the 1st to December the 1st, have been $11,328.99, and on December the 1st, the available balance in the treasury was $4,133.64, after the payment of some extraordinary expenses in connection with the organization of the bureau, repairs and expenses of the steam launch. The earnings will exceed the expenses each month, and it will be advisable to use these funds to repair the bulkhead at San Juan and the construction of a proper landing pier at Ponce, as well as the substantial repair of the pier at Mayaguez, and such other harbor improvements as the convenience of commerce may warrant. TELEGRAPH SYSTEM: The wisdom of the Legislative Assembly in providing for the extension of the telegraph system is now bearing results. A deficiency appropriation amounting to 14,958.43, for maintenance and extension from March 1st, to July 1st, 1902, was provided, and the work of extension was actively pushed. The regular appropriation for the fiscal year 1902-3 amounts, for all purposes, to $41,590.00 16 The progress made in the extension of the system and growth of business, is shown by the following statement: Number of offices July 1, 1901, 18. Number of offices July 1, 1902, 29. Gross earning, 1901-2............................ $26,851.75. Average monthly gross earnings,........... $2,237.65. Expenditures 1901-2............................ $33,220.13. Less cost of extensions (permanent)......... 3,951.09. Net expenditures, 1901-2........................ $29,269.04. Net deficit, 1901-2................................ $2,417.29. Average monthly deficit... ..................... $201.44. Number of offices, Dec. 1, 1902, 31. Gross earnings, July 1-Dec. 1,............ $16,430.85. Average monthly gross earnings, July 1 - Dec. 1 ........................................ $3,286.17. Expenditures, July 1-Dec. 1...................... $17,821.44. Less cost of extensions (permanent)......... 2,409.35. Net expenditures, July 1-Dec. 1................... $15,412.09. Net profit, July 1-Dec. 1............................ $1,018.75. Average monthly profit......................... $203.75. The volume of business is not only steadily increasing as more prosperous conditions appear, but the extended system has proved of decided value as a factor in the maintenance of order. The estimates for 1903-4 contemplate the further extension of the service and an increase in the number of offices to fifty-two, which will include every community that will probably become important. The bureau is hampered by the scarcity of reliable operators, and the need is not likely to be quickly supplied. The system of employed boys and young men as messengers at the larger stations, requiring them to study and practice telegraphy under the instruction of the managers, is producing good results, but not enough operators are thus secured to fill vacancies naturally occurring and provide for additional stations. The pupils in the school of telegraphy for young ladies are making satisfactory progress. It was opened with twenty-five pupils, all we could then accommodate, selected from a list of 150 applicants, in voluntary attendance; most of them have stayed. It is considered that half will be proficient enough for regular employment in the near future, and it is designed to assign them as operators in the larger offices, transferring the male operators to less desirable 17 stations. This will afford some relief and may permit the establishment of additional offices, if the Legislative Assembly should grant the appropriation asked for. HEALTH: The Superior Board of Health has done a creditable work and exhibits substantial results. The Director and officials have been untiring in their devotion to duty, and the remarkable decrease in the death rate is largely due to intelligent and assiduous service. The Superior Board, though, has more than once been met with the lack of full cooperation by local authorities. This is to be regretted, and I submit to you that it may be well to amend the law passed last winter, so as to allow the Superior Board a more ample power in promoting sanitation, cleanliness and health, where the municipal authorities fail of duty. Public health in Porto Rico cannot be too carefully guarded, and I ask your consideration of such suggestions as may be made by the Superior Board of Health. As having beneficial tendencies toward the maintenance of the highest standard of the profession of medicine and thus guarding health, I commend to your wisdom the propriety of legislation establishing a board of Medical Examiners for the Island. POLICE: The happiness, peace and prosperity of the people depend upon the enforcement of law and order. Therefore the insular police deserves your liberal regard. As the duly constituted constabulary of the Island, it has performed its duties fearlessly, and except in a few individual instances, well. As legislators I know you will take great pride in aiming to advance the force to the highest state of public usefulness. My ambition is that it may stand always as an impartial, brave, capable body, proud of its record and tenacious of its esprit de corps. I recommend that provision be made for mounting a number of men as contemplated by the law, and I submit to you whether it would not be wise to make appropriations which will enable Ponce and Mayaguez to be included in the service. 18 CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS The improvements and progress at the Boys'Charity School have been very noticeable; the capacity of the shops has been increased; all the land capable of cultivation has been improved from time to time. The scholastic departments are satisfactory; and the internal equipment of the school has been put in very good condition. During the year 346 boys have been cared for; 56 have been discharged and provided with homes, leaving 290 in school January 1st, 1903. At the Girls' Charity School, as system of industrial training, modeled after that which prevails in similar institutions in the United States, is in use; and the girls are being fitted for practical yet honorable work which will enable then to earn independent livelihoods. Good results have been accomplished by placing children in homes and preparing all those reaching the age of discharge for occupation. The total number of girls cared for during the year was 256; 78 have been discharged and provided with homes, leaving 178 in school January 1st, 1903. The decrease in the number of inmates is owing to discharge on account of age and the placing of some in homes. Orders of admittance have been placed to make up the full quota of 200. At the Insane Asylum, steady improvements have been made in the hygienic condition of the building and the treatment and cure of patients. The total number of patients treated during the last calendar year was 270. The number in the asylum January 1st, 1903, was 182. The Director of Charities has been preparing for the admission of patients to the Blind Asylum and the equipment of the same since the enactment of the law at the last session. The impossibility of obtaining a suitable building has prevented the carrying out of the intention of the Legislature, no appropiation having been made for the construction of a new building. /when the settlement of other land matter is had, it is expected that the institution without delay. 19 FIREARMS A year ago, I commended to the consideration of the Assembly the danger of the habit of carrying firearms upon the person, and the Legislature passed a l law, which was something of an improvement over the one which had theretofore existed. But unfortunately it has not served its purpose well, and during the recent electoral campaign, complaints constantly came that in nearly every community throughout the Island men were armed. I must repeat what I said last year, the habit of going armed is pernicious--it leads to disturbances and crime. In peaceable communities, men need no pistols in their pockets. It seems to me the best way, and I believe the only effective way, to stop the practice of carrying firearms is to pass a law which will make it a crime to have a weapon concealed upon the person, excepting always peace officers, mail carriers and other officers invariably entitled to carry them. If other discrimination is attempted, it will lead to the unfortunate result A is armed without license because B is armed by virtue of license. I believe that fewer disturbances will result by forbidding all persons to carry arms upon their persons than will if discrimination is attempted; and I earnestly advise the enactment of a general statute which will forbid any man, excepting those suggested, from carrying a deadly weapon concealed upon his person. Furthermore, I think it would be well to require all persons who have licenses to sell pistols to report each and every sale to some designated authority at least once a month. CIVIL SERVICE The civil service of the Island is faithful and efficient. It is so good that a law which will preserve the high standards which have controlled in its selection would be well. It therefore seems to me that the standpoint of the future, a statute which can be administered economically to regulate the civil service, would be an assurance of continued efficiency. Such a measure out not to be [*Enc. in Hunt, 1-14-03] [1-13-03]*] 20 allowed to work any hardship upon those already employed, nor should it be too sweeping in its provisions. But it is the principle that may well be put upon the books that character and fitness shall be the controlling features for selection and promotion in the public service. The opportunity is now again before you to offer another and the strongest evidence of the wisdom of Congress in entrusting to the people whom you represent the power of choosing a body of their own law makers. This great institution-but one of the many great ones which are yours today-should be used in self-restraint and forebearance, that it may be employed for the elevation and happiness of the million souls whose interest are in you. The President had recently said:- "The art of successful self-government is not an easy art for people or for individuals. It comes to our people here as the inheritance of ages of effort. It can be thrown away; it can be unlearned very easily, and it surely will be unlearned if we forget the vital need not merely of preaching, but of practicing both sets of virtues-if we forget the vital need of having the average citizen not only a good man, but a man." Duty, therefore, to our common country; duty to those who are here and those to follow, shall guide you to a course outspoken and fearless in its championship of what is right, high in its honest purposes, loftier than any passing advantage of the hours. Let your conduct carry you toward ends which mean that you realize your share in the pride the Nation; that while properly cherishing in your heart deep reverence for the honored traditions of your forefathers, yet in truth you are American in spirit, American in hope, American in sentiment. With an abiding confidence that the future of Porto Rico is assured, I rely upon the outcome of your session, and whatsoever cooperation I can give is always at your service. WILLIAM H. HUNT. Executive Mansion, January 13, 1903. [*C.F.*] The Brown Palace Hotel ABSOLUTELY FIREPROOF. ----------- * _________________ 2 THE BROWN HOTEL COMPANY. [*Ackd 1-20-1903*] Denver, Colo. Jan. 14, 1903, Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington, D.C. My Dear Col; The enclosed letter I want you to read - it explains and means much, coming as it does from Mr John Q. MacDonald, Mayor of Florence, member State Central Committee and manager of the largest and best ore reduction and refining Co's in Colorado, and individually and personally a type and representative of the decent and respectable Republicans of Colorado, of which there are many. And Also we have a few "Fillipino - Auguinaldo insurgents", One E. O. Wolcott and his "peons" many of whom are now holding United States Government positions, but whom have been and are now paying no attention to their official duties - but are so boldly and officious in their 2 The Brown Palace Hotel ABSOLUTELY FIREPROOF. __________ * ______________ THE BROWN HOTEL COMPANY. Denver, Colo.,_______190__ disrespect too the President of these United States - you Colonel, that their government salary is secondary too the "Boodle and Bribe money" received from Wolcott in his "bluff and bluster" too sneak into the United States Senate - The main object being too fight you Colonel and fulfil his promises to many - that of giving them a job in 1904, for I have it straight from one of the representatives that he is assuring a "certain few" that "Mr Roosevelt will not be renominated in 1904 - that the East & South were favorable to his friend and former Colleague, Senator Hanna" and that he (Wolcott) would take care of the Republicans who stood by him (Wolcott) The above statements are authentically - reliable and a "X Ray" of the situation of Wolcott's tactics in Colorado politics and in the language of one of Denver's3 The Brown Palace Hotel ABSOLUTELY FIREPROOF. THE BROWN HOTEL COMPANY. Denver, Colo., 190 most divine ministers recently "He (Wolcott) is more rotten than a last years pumpkin"! Wolcott policial methods are now in the highest state of "political putrifaction", degrading, disgraceful and deplorable. In my judgment Colonel, you should without any delay and at once, dispose of Joseph W. Milsom of the Denver Mint Also F. W. Howbert of the Internal Revenue Collectorship and a number of others for "good and sufficient" reasons. The Government should be protected, the State Republican Organization cannot be bombarded by "Trust bullets and traiterous insurgents". The Governor of Colorado, Hon James H. Peabody, who was inaugarated at high noon yesterday, and whom said to me soon after his election that it was the "height of his ambition too have Colorado send a solid4 The Brown Palace Hotel ABSOLUTELY FIREPROOF. ___________ * _____________ THE BROWN HOTEL COMPANY. Denver, Colo., ________190___ delegation too the next National Republican Convention for President Roosevelt and that Colorado would cast her electorial vote in in 1904, for my Colonel, if it was in his power and providence! You know Colonel, nothing on earth appeals to the more than that. Governor Peabody, Mr N. F. Handy, State Chairman Fairley and such men as Mr MacDonald whose letter I enclose, in fact everybody, but a few of the Wolcott gang, are "standing pat" on the firing line with Phillip B. Stewart, who is a prince and a gentleman in this fight, having with him such "Old Veterans" as Otto Mears and the business and Commercial interests - Also the respectable, decent and Christian - loyal women of Colorado. The "black flag" is flying over Colonel Stewart's headquarters. In conclusion, I want too not only5 The Brown Palace Hotel ABSOLUTELY FIREPROOF. ____________ * ___________ THE BROWN HOTEL COMPANY. Denver, Colo., _________ 190__ suggest, but ask and request that you forthwith make an example of one of the "Chief - double crossers" and enemies of your administration, a man who is "more guilty than most the rest" Joseph W. Milson, melter of U.S. Mint here. The loyal and decent Republicans [too] who stand for and by the National and State Administrations must have support and protection from the horde of federal officer holders whom have vacated their offices and abandoned their official government duties, openly and boldly. The people are mobalizing here in Denver and nothing but God and yourself can relieve the situation. I trust you will treat these Un-Americans as San Juan Hill spaniards and come to Phil Stewarts relief. Ever Faithfully Yours, Sherman Bell[For 1. enclosure see 1-9-03 & 1. attachment see ca-1-4-1903.]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. [*file 8] 3 WU.HG.KQ. 18 9:15 a.m., January 14, 1903. ROOSEVELT, President, Washington. Provincial municipal officials people Rizal province beg retention Governor Taft for interest America Philippines. [Dane?l?.] Personal J.W. GODDARD & SONS 98-102 BEECKER ST. AND 197 MERCER ST. NEW YORK ------ NORTON GODDARD [*File [pp-p?] [ps?]*] January 14th, 1903 President Roosevelt, Washington, D C. My dear President Roosevelt, I have received a letter from Mr. Cortelyou expressing your interest in my letter of the 9th inst. and suggesting I talk it over with Messrs. Stranahan and Clarkson. I saw Gen. Clarkson to-day. For various reasons I think I will not see Mr. Stranahan at present. Gen. Clarkson said he though the matter I wrote you about was certainly ominous and indicated that the execution of a definite plan hostile in its nature had been begun. He said he wanted to think it over a little, and would see me again, and I have a partial engagement with him for next Saturday afternoon. One trouble is, as I see it, is that there is no friendly political nucleus here. There are lots of friends, but there is no way of getting them together. I haven't any feasible plan to suggest. I will certainly give my mind to it, however. It seems to me that part of any plan however would be to get rid of Post Master Van Cott, and that could be started with a certainty that whatever plan or no plan there might be that would be a distinct advantage any how. I am sure he is inefficient as a Post Master and I wouldn't wish to assert that he was an honest man, - I mean financially honest, - nor would I dare assert that he wasn't, but in writing to you I can only say that I don't think he is.-2- J.W. GODDARD & SONS 98-102 BLEEKER ST. AND 197 MERCER ST. NEW YORK __________ NORTON GODDARD I believe that an investigation of him, by Mr. Wilke, would readily supply ample grounds on which to remove him, or at least on which to get his resignation. Of course, there is no use of pressing this unless there was somebody in view to take his place, who would be a good Post Master and a good friend and a practical man. Robert C. Morris is not a very important personage, but I think you had better know what I know about him. His name is up for the Union League Club, and I was appointed one of a committee of two to investigate him. A member of the club came to me and told me that Gen. Wager Swayne, whose partner Morris had been [??] until six or eight months ago, had put Morris out of his firm, because Morris has accepted a fee that he ought not to have accepted, namely, - a fee given to him nominally as a lawyer but actually to pay him for using his political position in the interests of his client. Gen. Wager Swayne as you know is dead within a month. I called up his brother and asked him the truth of the story, and while he told me some things confidentially, he said all he cared to be quoted as saying was that he and his brother, the General, had differed with Mr. Morris about a matter of policy and decided it was right to separate. In other words, even what he was willing to be quoted as saying was a practical confirmation of the story. He refused to contradict the story. In other words, this would indicate that Morris was a man whoJ. W. GOODARD & SONS 98-102 BLEECKER ST. AND 197 MERCER ST. NEW YORK NORTON GODDARD -3- though he possessed a certain amount of respectability could be reached at any time by anybody who had any object in using him. As for Elsberg, he is what is known as "Good Lord, Good Devil", and I think is nobody's friend but his own. I think he is a little closer to Odell than is generally admitted. Gen. Clarkson mentioned that Stranahan hadn't accepted some of your invitations to come to Washington. If they have all been quite recent I should think that possibly it was because Governor Odell had advised him to wait until he, (Odell) had seen you. I am not able to make a guess as to Odell's position. He gave me to understand that he was going to see you to get you to agree to the removal of some officials. If so I think it is probably all right to do it, only I think your friends ought to have something to say as to who should replace them. I think Odell is a great deal closer to Low than is generally known, and I can not understand why. Low can only be nominated again by the consent of Odell, and it looks as though Odell were favorable to Low, but how can he be, for he must know fully as well as I know it, and I am positive of it, that the nomination of Low would actually amount to reducing the Republican party here to the zero point. I got about 4,000 votes for Low in my district a year ago in November; I don't think I could get 1200 for him to-day. It would simply disorganize and break up the Republican party in every district I think, and what could be the object in nominating him? [*Would it be just to bury him? If so, I should object that he is not worth such an expensive funeral. Low is ambitious - he asked you in my presence to make him Governor.*]-4- J.W. GODDARD & SONS 98-102 BLEECKER ST. AND 197 MERCER ST. NEW YORK __________ NORTON GODDARD I was talking to Mr. Perkins, the President of the Bank of America, one of our largest banks here, today and spoke of the possibility that certain financial interests might have decided that they couldn't beat you in the Republican convention and so had turned their attention to controlling the Democratic convention with the view of nominating somebody they felt would be more satisfactory to them than you would be, such as Gorman. Mr. Perkins said, I think they are wasting their time then, - nothing on earth except some extraordinary piece of bad luck can prevent the President's re-[election] nomination, - the people will demand it, no matter who opposes it, but of course there is always a chance that some accident will happen that will change the aspect of affairs, but to-day there is no doubt about how it is," and he added, he thought that "Governor Odell's attempt to repeal the franchise tax was very extraordinary and very suspicious." He dn't know what to suspect, but it was so absurd that he couldn't help thinking there was some deep reason for it. He said that practically everybody was satisfied with the franchise tax and it was absurd to alter it now, and in his opinion Mr. Odell was making a very bad political blunder, to say nothing of anything else. I don't like the look of things in New York. and what is worse I am not able to make a guess as to where things are at. If Mr. Platt could be beaten for Senator it would clear up the whole thing. [*If Odell took more interest in me I should consider it a good sign. There is no reason (perhaps this is sheer conceit) why Odell should not consult me about New York City affairs except that he regards me as your friend first of all and his friend next. If he was eagerly and wholly your friend I think he would look to me more than to anyone else to advise him about New York City for who else has actually done anything and who stands higher in public estimation. Please try to pardon my conceit.*]J. W. GOODARD & SONS 98-102 BLEECKER ST. AND 197 MERCER ST. NEW YORK NORTON GODDARD -5- Personally I have brought myself around to where I am no longer ambitious for any particular thing, that is I am not specifically ambitious to be Mayor. I have come to the point where I am ambitious to do the best I can and push ahead as hard as I can and willing to land wherever I many land, whether it be some where or no where, so that I am not biased I think by any personal specific ambition,- I am only ambitious to be of some use to the community I live in. With this remark I will add that I don't know that any how I would be particularly desirous of being a candidate for Mayor [next] this year, as I am not at all sure that anybody but a Tammany man could stand a show of being elected. However, it is very clear to me that the interests of the Republican party is that Mr. Low shall not run again, and the probability is that some Republican shall run, and it would be well, if possible, for the interests of the Republican party that that Republican should be endorsed by the Citizens Union, but endorsed or not I think a Republican ought to run. Now if you thought that was so, then whoever that Republican was to be, whether me or somebody else, something ought to be done about it now,- that is, if it is worth your while to take an interest in the matter. If you wish to do anything about it, then the sooner the better somebody not too closely connected with you but whom you can trust, and who has relations with the leading members of the Citizens Union, ought to go to work and try and-6- J.W. Goddard & Sons 98-102 Bleecker St. And 197 Mercer St. New York ___________ Norton Goddard induce them to fix on the man who you think ought to be the candidate, and if there were a real good chance of my being elected next year, in case I were a candidate, I should urge it very strongly on you as being the best thing that could be done, because my election as mayor would end forever any chance of the conspirators doing anything in New York City. I don't suppose anyone can say to-day that there is no chance of such a thing happening, but there certainly is no chance unless the Citizens Union people are brought around to the candidate whom you would consider most available. I am not talking with any double meaning. I mean frankly I am not seeking anything for myself now. Very sincerely yours, Norton Goddard [* I am much obliged to you for your interest in things at home and shall be glad to send you word as soon as there is any good news.*]T/W DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. January 14, 1903. George B Cortelyou, Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: I enclose, with a copy of a translation, a duplicate of a letter addressed by Baron d'Estournelles de Constant to the President. The letter congratulates the President on his initiative in setting in motion the International Court of Arbitration at the Hague. The duplicate was forwarded for the Baron by the Ambassador of the United States at Paris lest the original may not have reached the President. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant John Hay [*Dec 27*] Enclosures: Enclosures with No. 1133, of December 29, 1902, from France. [*Dec 27*] [*no enc*][FOR ENCL SEE 12-27-02]PERSONAL EXECUTIVE MANSION PORTO-RICO [*[shorthand]] [*Ackd 1-21-19038] San Juan, January 14, 1903. My dear Mr. President:- The Legislature met Monday. The house has twenty-five Republicans and ten Federals in it. Notwithstanding the bitterness between them, we hope they will get along without serious friction; but naturally it is a somewhat anxious time for us as you can understand. I enclose you a copy of my message. It will give the satisfactory condition of affairs on January 1st. I hope you will glance at the last page of the message, where I used a sentence of yours which appealed to me with unusual force. There is plenty to do and we are moving along all the while. I deplore these recent smuggling scandals. They have given the Spanish papers an opportunity [*[For 6 enc. see 1-13-03]*] to abuse Americans in a way greatly to be regretted, and stirred up a good deal of feeling among the obstructing elements. I hope you are perfectly well. My heart's loving greetings for the New Year to you and yours, my dear Mr. President. Faithfully yours, William H. Hunt-4- not only in Democratic but in Republican quarters and in all social strata. I tried to convince the editors of the Staats-Zeitung that your administration ought to find the unanimous support of the Germans here, but all is in vain: the editorials of the last days have contained again the sharpest personal attacks. We apprehend that these influences will be felt slowly in the West also, as the Germans in the West are more dependent upon the Germans of the East than they themselves imagine. Something Cambridge, Mass January 14, 1903. [*Ackd 1-17-1903*] Mr. President: - The great kindness with which you gave me the other day a full opportunity for a frank discussion of American-German problems, encourages me to hope that you will excuse a confidential word on two questions of the same character. I have spent the last days which Mr. von Holleben passed in this country, in his company in New York. You understand of course-2- the reasons why he had to leave Washington without making official calls. But while he has left without seeing you, he is anxious that you know — in a strictly personal way - that he goes to his "leave of absence" with the warmest feeling of personal appreciation and gratitude for your kindness to him through all the years of his official contact you. When the time for it comes publicly, he will write to you himself in the same sense. Presently I can assure you also, that the rumors that you have -3- suggested his withdrawal to the German government in order to have Mr. Sternburg near you, did not find for a moment the slightest belief in his mind. He has gone home with the sincere conviction that the good understanding between you and him has never been disturbed. My second point is this. I told you frankly that the German-Americans of the East are going against you with growing intensity. I have spent the last week in New York and saw the height of this movement-8- [*[FOR ATTACHMENT SEE 1-14-03]*] German ovation for you which would become the starting point for a German Roosevelt movement throughout the whole country. Very respectfully yours. Hugo Münsterberg [*[For 1. attachment see 1-14-03]*] -5- ought to be done to [??] this feeling and to show that you respect the German-American. Your evident friendliness to Germany has little to do with this internal question; I hear all the time that you have sympathy for Germany, but no sympathy for the German element in this country. Even your so called "militarism" and "imperialism" is feared by the average German-American essentially because every warlike patriotic movement emphasizes the [Anglose?on] character of the nation and makes the German appear a second-class citizen. May I suggest to you in this connection-6- a possible action which might be very effective. Mr. H. Conried, the Director of the Irving Place Theatre, has come to me to ask whether it would be possible to induce you to attend a gala-performance of "Alt Heidelberg", the popular success of his theatre this year. You remember that Prince Henry attended such a gala-performance last year. Of course Conried has surely the honor of his — really excellent — theatre in mind, but I welcomed the idea, sincerely believing that you would have here the chance to win once more -7- the full sympathy of the New York German population. You would reach the Germans from their sentimental side. An external occasion might easily be found. Conried celebrates this winter the tenth anniversary of his direction of this model theatre; if you were willing to honor his efforts for real art by attending this celebration, this tenth anniversary could be fixed on any date which would suit you. The theater would be filled with delegations from all German clubs and Societies and we shall have a nobleCUSTOMS SERVICE OFFICE OF THE COLLECTOR Chicago, Ill., January 14, 1903 Dear Mr. Clarkson: Yours of December 26th came duly to hand. I made pretty diligent inquiry in regard to Edgar Garsten Smith at The Inter Ocean and elsewhere in Chicago, but could find no one that knew anything about him or had ever heard of the National Weekly. I could not get to see Mr. W.D. Boyce, who publishes a number of weekly papers and is in touch with all movements about newspapers, so I wrote him a letter, and inclose his response with some others. I also wrote to a number of western postmasters and have received several replies, all of which I inclose herewith for your information. Summing the matter up I am of the opinion that this man is most probably a faker, as Mr. Boyce says, and is travelling through the country getting money of those who subscribe to pay his expenses on a pleasure trip. In past years I several times was sometimes troubled with bright fellows of that character who insisted on paying their expenses by taking subscriptions to the Weekly Inter Ocean, and was astonished how successful they were in getting money and evading detection. This fellow is probably a little above the ordinary style of men of that character. I do not think, however, that he would make much headway with Republicans in the west and northwest if he made it known that he was going to publish a paper to oppose the President's policies and try to defeat him for the next nomination. He would find such a paper exceedingly unpopular with republicans of this region of country and all west of here. There are some doubtless who still have a lingeringMr. Clarkson -- 2. thought of trying to defeat Roosevelt in 1904, but so far as I meet Republicans, they seem to be all Roosevelt men. You will observe that some of these postmasters say that this man Smith specially said that his new paper was to favor the policy of the President, and certainly if he expected to meet with any success he would have to make that claim. He would have to go into the Democratic party to get subscribers enough to pay his expenses for a paper that was to be started in opposition to the President and his policies. I am glad to know from Col. Keefe that you are in the enjoyment of the best of health and happy in your official relations. I hope to be in New York in the course of the next ten or fifteen days, and will endeavor to call on you while there. Very truly yours, Wm Penn Nixon Ho. James S. Clarkson, Surveyor of Customs, New York City. (inclosures)[*ENC. IN. CLARKSON TO CORELYOU 1-16.03*][* [??R] File - [pp?p p?]*] 481 MADISON AVENUE. New York, Jan. 14th, 1903. To the President, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President:- With reference to the letter of Mr. Parsons, Secretary of the Board of Regents, which Mr. Cortelyou forwards with a request for my opinion, I write now only to say that in my judgement there can be no question as to the disadvantage of renewing the public controversies between the Board of Regents and the Superintendent of Public Instruction. Neither can there be any doubt of the natural channel of distribution for the State Aide given to secondary education. It has always been extended through the Regents, and a change - to speak of no other reasons, would be a needless jolt. As to whether this is an occasion which would make it desirable that you as former Governor of the State, with a large and varied experience of the annoyance from these public controversies of the Superintendent with the Board before the Executive and the Legislature should express an opinion to the present Governor, so much depends on other points, with which I am not familiar, that I would rather talk it over in the personal interviews to which I am looking forward at the close of this week. I did take the liberty myself, however, of saying to the Governor at the outset that I thought this was a case for imitating Mark Twain's fireman. You will remember that he said "Buck Fanshaw sailed in with a spanner and broke up that riot afore it begun." With high respect, Very sincerely yours, Whitelaw Reid. Booker T. Washington, Principal. Warren Logan, Treasurer. TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. (incorporated) For the training of Colored Young Men and Women. _____________ Committee on the Investment of Endowment Fund: Mr. Wm. H. Baldwin, Jr., President Long Island Railroad, 128 Broadway, New York City. Mr. J.G. Phelps Stokes, 47 Cedar St., New York City. Mr. George Foster Peabody, 27 Pine Street., New York City. Mr. Robert C. Ogden, Tenth St. & Broadway, New York City. Tuskegee, Ala., January 14, 1903 Mr. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir:- Principal Washington is absent from Tuskegee just now but I shall see that he has your letter at the earliest possible moment. He is in California but plans to return to the school about January 20th. Trusting that this will be satisfactory for the present, I am, Yours truly, Emmett J. Scott Private Secretary.[* Shorthand*] [*[ca. H4-1903]*] Bell, Sherman, Denver Colo. Encloses letter from Mayor John Q. MacDonald, Florence, Colo., stating that Wolcott and his associates are being condemned for their action; Wolcott's political methods are disgraceful, etc.; suggests that Joseph W. Wilson, of the Denver Mint; and F. W. Howbert of Internal Revenue Office, and a number of others, should be disposed of; Governor Peabody expressed himself as being desirous of sending solid Colorado delegation for President Roosevelt to next National Republican Convention. [attached to Bell, 1-14-03][* 312] [*[1-14-03]] Munsterberg, Hugo, Cambridge, Mass. Mr. von Holleben is anxious that the President should know that he leaves America with the warmest feeling of personal appreciation and gratitude for his kindness to him; writer assures the President that rumors that the President suggested Mr von Holleben's withdrawal in order to have Mr. Sternberg near him were not believed by Mr von H. Writer has tried to convince editors of the Staats Zeitung that the President's administration should be unanimously supported by Germans; recent editorials have again contained sharpest personal attacks; refers to strength of movement of German-Americans against the President. Mr. H. Conried, Director of the Irving Peace [Place] Theater, has asked writer whether it would be possible to induce the President to attend performance of "Alt Heidleberg" (date to be arranged to suit the President)[*[Enc. in 1-16-03 - R. Roosevelt]*] 922 Fifteenth Street Washington DC January 15th 1903 My dear Robert: If ever you helped a heart in trouble come to my rescue now. I am in sore distress. I have not told you my trouble. I want an introduction to Mr Shaw Secretary of the Treasury and I want it from the President of the US. All I will ask of the Secretary is a hearing. Pray, pray922 Fifteenth Street Washington DC January 15th 1903 My dear Robert, If ever you helped a heart in trouble come to my rescue now. I am in sore distress. I have not told you my troubles. I want an introduction to Mr Shaw Secretary of the Treasury and I want it from the President of the US. All I will ask of the Secretary is a hearing. Pray, prayask Mr. Roosevelt to ask Mr. Shaw to give me a hearing It is all I ask from him How I wish you were here! I am so sorry to trouble you dear heart for you have your own sadness but mine is of so different a sort. I am ashamed of it, but all I want is the truth. Let me hear from you. I need a friend as I never did in all my life before. Again I am so sorry to trouble you and do not do anything if you are going to be worried I am yours ever faithfully Mary Nimmo Balentine[Encl [*] 1-16-03- R. Roosevelt][[shorthand]] 15 Jan [*[1903]*] STATIONS, WOODFORD OR CHINGFORD. KNIGHTON, BUCKHURST HILL. My dear Roosevelt I have been asked to read a paper on Big farm preservation before the Society of Arts in London, and the steps I h taken to save this species which are in danger of extinction. I am under the impression that your National Park is the best preservedBig game Sanctuary in existence. Will you be so good as to ask some knowledgeable person to send me any records there may be of the game in the Park and how far the species are believed to have increased or diminished within it and refer me to any reliable literature on the subject. I should also be glad to know if the area has been extended to include winter migration, and whether poaching is at all prevalent, and what means are taken to prevent it. It would also be very useful to me to knowwhat are the game laws outside the protected area which are found most effective for the checking of excessive destruction. Do you find it possible to get a return of game killed from all licensees, and if so are these returns collated and published? I hope I am not trespassing too much on your good nature. With best wishes for 1903 for you & Mrs Roosevelt together with every good thing for your country Yours very sincerely E N Buxton P.S. We shall not forget your kind invitation to the White HouseTREASURY DEPARTMENT OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY Washington, Bureau of Immigration. No. 6297=C. January 15, 1903 The President: I have the honor to transmit herewith a copy of the letter making formal charges which are about to be brought against Ralph Izard, Chinese Inspector in charge at Brooklyn, N.Y., and would invite particular attention to the memorandum of facts appurtenant thereto, also enclosed. A more complete statement, giving details of the evidence upon which these charges are based, is now being prepared and will be transmitted in due course. Inspector Izard has been directed, by telegraph, to report in person to the Bureau of Immigration an Saturday morning, the 17th instant, at which time he will be afforded an opportunity to prepare his reply to these charges. Respectfully, LM Shaw Secretary. Incl.[For 2 enc see 1-15-03 Sargent & 12-20-02 "News & facts]COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK PRESIDENT'S ROOM January 15, 1903 My dear Mr. Cortelyou, I wish I could tell you how keenly I appreciate your kindly message of sympathy for my little daughter and myself in our terrible sorrow. Sincerely yours, Nicholas L. ButlerCommittee on the Judiciary, UNITED STATES SENATE. Washington, D. C. January 15, 1903. [*Ackd 1-17-1903] Dear Mr. President: I duly received your very kind letter. Although it was understood that your were to consult Mr. Taft, you further said in the same conversation that Mr. Wright was here and you would consult him. As both he and Mr. Root seemed to agree that the restraint of the liberty of Mabini should continue, and that the power of the United States is not strong enough in the Philippine Islands to be indifferent to the influence of the paralytic old man, who can probably live but a very short time, it seems to me that I ought not to keep silent longer. I have no doubt the power you assert will be as safe in your hands as the absolute purpose to use it humanely and in what you regard as the public interest, will make it. Buy I cannot, as an American Senator, be indifferent to a claim which practically admits your constitutional right to set up a Bastille in our Oriental possessions and to commit anybody who may be found there to an indefinite if not a perpetual imprisonment. I am, with the highest personal respect, faithfully yours, Geo F Hoar The President, The White House.LAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER & BURGHARD. 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. Frederick Wm. Holls. Louis A. Wagner. Edward M. Burghard. [*Ackd 1-16-1903 [?] Trautman 1-16-1903 File*] January 15th, 1903. Honorable George B. Cortelyou Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. Cortelyou: When I was in Washington last, I told the President of the fact that a committee of the German Society of the City of New York was coming to invite him formally to be present at the annual banquet of the Society in March. He told me that in all probability it would be impossible for him to accept, but that he did wish to see the committee and wanted to invite them to lunch. He asked me to write you about it when the time came. The committee is now ready to go and it consists of three of the President's old friends and admirers, - Ralph Trautman, Chairman, Hubert Cillis and Julius A. May. They would like to come down next week and can come any day except Wednesday. Will you please not write, or, better, wire the Chairman of the Committee, Mr. Ralph Trautman, 320 Broadway just when will be most convenient for the President to see them? Owing to the death of my father-in-law I can, of course, not take part in the musicale next week nor can I be present at the presentation from the Steinways of the piano. Mr. Tiffany will come down, however, a day or two before and will consult with you fully. I have moreover given a card to you to Mr. Albert Lockwood, who, as I told you, wishes to play for a while on the piano on the day of the musicale. He will probably call on you Friday morning, the 23rd. With kindest regards, Very sincerely yours, Frederick W. Holls [*[?] R- for 1:30 c 20*] TELEGRAM [FILE] White House, 17 WU WN GI 11 Paid---9:20p Washington. Columbia, S.C., January 15, 1903. The President: I bitterly regret what happened today, as yet I know nothing. Micah J. Jenkins. District Judge's Chambers, United States Courts, Thomas G Jones [*Personal] Montgomery, Ala, Jan. 15, 1903. [*Ackd 1-19-1903] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President: I very much appreciate your kind and frank letter of the 13th inst. I trust you will feel that I was quite sincere in the statement in a former letter, that it had not been in my thought to apply for promotion. If there be disappointment of hopes which may have been raised in your letters, written in reference to a situation which was not at the time before your mind, surely it is in no wise your fault. If there is fault anywhere, it was only in the zeal, which in the desire to promote others, appealed to your known kind feelings for me. As one man writing to another, I state to you unreservedly and freely, that I do not wish you to feel the slightest moral obligation towards me by reason of anything which has transpired. If I know myself, were the decision of the matter left to me, I would not decide it. I shall feel very much embarrassed, if you do not get Mr. Cortelyou to drop me a line that this letter entirely relieves any feeling of delicacy on your part, in dealing with this matter precisely as if nothing had ever been said about it. Pardon me for trespassing a little further upon your time. Some of the gentlemen who have visited you regarding this matter District Judge's Chambers, United States Courts, Thomas G Jones, Judge. Montgomery, Ala. Jan. 15, 1903 T.R.2. have leaked. In some quarters, it seems to have been taken for granted that there would be a vacancy in the judgeship here. Friends of aspirants in Alabama, in order to make sure of it, may continue to write you and take up your time with consideration of the question. I have not been able to prevent this, but I believe you will understand that I am in no wise responsible for it. Whatever may be the outcome, I shall feel certain that that in the appointment of a Circuit Judge you will be actuated , just as you were when you were kind enough to appoint me, solely by what you think is right and best under the circumstances. Faithfully your friend, Thos. G. Jones District Judge's Chambers, United States Courts, Thomas G. Jones, Judge Montgomery, Ala., Jan.15,1903. T.R.2. have leaked. In some quarters, it seems to have been taken for granted that there would be a vacancy in the judgeship here. Friends of aspirants in Alabama, in order to make sure of it,may continue to write you and take up your time with consideration of the question. I have no been able to prevent this,but I believe you will understand that I am in no wise responsible for it. Whatever may be the outcome, i shall feel certain that in the appointment of a Circuit Judge you will be actuated, just as you were when you were kind enough to appoint me ,solely by what you think is right and best under the circumstances. Faithfully your friend, Thos.G. Jones[*File ppF Pr.*] City of New York. OFFICE OF THE MAYOR. Personal. Jan. 15, 1903. p My dear Roosevelt: I am sorry to learn of the action of which you write in your letter of the 13th instant. Most of the deputy assessors who make the preliminary assessments are, as you may know, men inherited from Tammany, and it is certainly possible that the action of which you speak may have been dictated by malice. On the other hand, it is quite as likely to be a routine result of the effort of the department to hold as much personalty as possible, in view of the large increase in real estate valuations. The tax rate in 1902 was $2.27; in 1903 it is likely to be about $1.60; and if the sinking fund legislation is had which we are seeking, as I think it will be, the rate will be still further reduced to about $1.45. This year's assessment, therefore, as compared with last year's, does not signify that the tax will be doubled. On the other hand, I should think it extremely doubtful if our friend has any such amount of personalty subject to taxation. All stocks are deductible, and also all debts. Unless, therefore, his property is largely in bonds or in cash he is probably entitled to a very considerable reduction. If he is not liable in such an amount or for anything he must notCity of New York Office of the Mayor 24 feel the slightest compunction in having it reduced to the right figure. Tammany increased my personal assessment just before the campaign of 1901; but I did not hesitate to swear it off altogether when I found, as I did, that at that time I was not liable for any personal tax. This was made an issue in the campaign, of course; but I successfully defended my action, as you may remember, upon the stump. I speak of this only to show that there is not the slightest reason why our friend should pay a tax for which he is not liable. The number of exemptions is so great that a man may really own vast wealth and yet not be liable for a personal tax at all. The Hon. James L. Wells, President of the Board of Taxes and Assessments, is a man of complete integrity of character and wholly trustworthy. My suggestion is that our friend should write to him, to let him know when he will be in New York. Mr Wells will be glad to arrange with him, then, to call upon him at his house, or at any other place which he may designate, armed with the necessary papers; so that his convenience will be consulted in every way. Of course, if, as matter of fact, he should be liable for the amount fixed, there is no remedy that I know of; but, if not, Mr Wells will do everything in his power to facilitateCITY OF NEW YORK OFFICE OF THE MAYOR 3d the correction of it. I fully share your view, that it would be a great hardship upon a man, who has made so many sacrifices to serve the country, to be compelled to pay an unduly large tax. I should be singularly sorry if such a thing should befall during my administration. I am glad that Congress has suspended the duty on coal, even for a year. I do not think it is easy to exaggerate the unfavorable effect which the existing coal conditions are having all along the line. I am, with kind regards,. Yours, faithfully, Seth Low The President, Executive Office, Washington, D. C. [*You understand, I assume, that all these assessments are preliminary, and are made by the Deputy Assessors. The Board of Taxes and Assessments, appointed by me, now sits as a Board of Appeals - until the 31st of March. But I suggest that [this] Wells be written to promptly, because action can be taken only on R's initiative*]Law Offices of T. S. Ewing, Jr. W. E. Mollison, 210 1-2 N. Washington St. Long Dist. Phone in Office, 630. Residence [?] Vicksburg, Miss. Jan. 15th, 1903. [*Ackd 1-20-1903] To Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. Dear Sir: ---- A document will be presented to you signed by a majority of the Republican State Committee of Mississippi. Its wording requests you to "recognize" the party organization in this state. It came to me under such circumstances that I could not refuse to sign it. The person who presented it assured me that it meant no reflection upon the present and past conduct or achievements of our mutual friend, Hon. Edgar S. Wilson. It was also represented to me that a request would be preferred along with it that Mr. Wilson be continued as "joint referee" in connection with two other persons. Since signing this petition, I have concluded that such an arrangement would be impractical, and that confusion would certainly result from any effort to carry out its terms. This letter is written to advise you that so far as I know there has been no ground for any reasonable complaint of Mr. Wilson's discharge of the great trust reposed in him. His recommendations have been singularly free from any suspicion of self seeking, and the persons named by him have been of the qualities demanded of you for the public service. The propriety of recognizing the the state organization is a question that I have no disposition nor desire to say anything about. There are some men on the committee who are high toned and clean, but it is not usually these who make the demands usually made for recognition. My friend Hon. M. A. Montgomery is a man of high aims and purposes, but it will not be to him that the power sought to be divided will be asked to be given. There are some who will be prominent in the presentation of the "demand" who have not come up always to the standard set by you for public servants. Law Offices of T. S. Ewing, Jr. W. E. Mollison, 210 1-2 N. Washington St. Long Dist. Phone in Office, 630. Residence [?] Vicksburg, Miss., Mr. Wilson has done his best. He has done well. He may be hampered by the forcing upon him of the persons who might be named as his associates. Will you do me the favor of not considering my name in connection with the petition signed. This request is not under the cover. I have advised the persons who presented it to me of my request. I have not been requested by any person to withdraw my name. I do so without regard to any request or of the effect upon my political future. It is upon the reflection of that however forcible may be the demand for recognition of the State organization, it has no such weight with me as my desire to have public office given only for merit and character. Sincerely your friend, in office or out, W.E.Mollison THE POSTMASTER GENERAL WASHINGTON January 15, 1903. My dear Mr. Secretary:- Replying to your letter of the 19th instant, with which you enclosed a letter from Mr. A. F. Baldwin of New York, regarding the appointment of Captain Bradshaw as Postmaster at Lakewood, N.J., I beg to advise you that this is the case to which I called the attention of the President the other day. Senator Kean, with whom I have had some conversation regarding the matter, is endeavoring to smooth out the existing embarrassments, so that the President will not be obliged to absolutely refuse to make an appointment other that that of Captain Bradshaw. Very truly yours, H C Payne Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President.Speaker's Room House of Representatives [*Cannon] Washington, D.C. Jan. 15, 1903 [*File - C?] Dear Sir- The Speaker has read the enclosed and directs me to express to you his appreciation of the courtesy of the President in giving him the opportunity to see the same. Very respectfully, JW Richards Priv. Sec. to Speaker Hon.Geo.B.Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, White House, City. [*Letter from General Grenville M Dodge 1/9/03] Jacob A. Rils, 524 Beech Street North, Richmond Hill, Bor. of Queens. [*File [p//y P?] New York, Jan 151903 j My dear Mr. President Thanks, heartily, for the pardon of young Rene, the deserter from the navy who went into the army. I think it has helped pull the boy over on the safe side. I am sure of it. I have wanted to tell you of what happened in the old town when your cable to my mother came, but no word has come from there. It may be on the belated St Louis. The last we heard, mother was holding her own, thank God! I have high hopes of seeing her again. I wish you would sometime read the enclosed, and I wish I might yet see you have a long talk with Felix Adler. He and I do not agree about many things about which we talk; but I have a very high regard and affection for Adler as a man of stern principle that often puts me to shame, but of true greatness and nobility, without the smallness of many of those who profess the name of reform. He does not agree with you, either, in many things, but it is because ofJacob A. Rils, 524 Beech Street North, Richmond Hill, Bor. of Queens. New York, ................... 190 (2) his fear that politics and politicians may dim the ideal he holds you up to - for he thinks that so much of the future is bound up in what you represent. I do not share his fears, but I see them coming from such a high plane of citizenship and from such a real and almost affectionate interest in you, that I can not help loving him. Adler's principles never make me tired. So other's do, though I have to own that they ay are all right in the abstract. I go [through] tonight to the west on my long lecture tour, and shall not return until spring. All manner of happiness betide you and yours. I shall read about you every day and feel as if I were at home. My wife says "please keep apostle Smoot out in the name of the women of America and of decency." She is ready to invade Utah single handed to fight for [?that] principle. It is a pity Utah ever got to be a state. Ever yours Jacob A Rils TREASURY DEPARTMENT, BUREAU OF IMMIGRATION. No. 6297-C Washington, January 15, 1903 Ralph Izard, Chinese Inspector in charge, Brooklyn, N.Y. Sir: You are hereby notified that,for the reasons contained in the following charges,it is my purpose to recommend to the Secretary of the Treasury that you be dismissed from the service. The evidence upon which the said charges are based will be submitted for your inspection, in order that you may see that it is ample to sustain them,and to prove that you are thereby unfitted for the discharge of the duties imposed upon you as an officer. I charge against you 1st. Deliberate and wilful falsehood. This charge is supported by the affidavits of various persons directly contradicting your oral statements to me and your averment, under oath, to Mr.Campbell, on October 30th last, as to the time of your last trip prior to said date to Boston. See page 3 Exhibit 1 per contra " 2, page 1 " 3, " 1 " 7, " 1 " 11, " 1. Ralph Izard charges page 2 Also, in your daily report for October,"Oct.15-Monday, at official station and en route to Malone and Utica. This charge is also supported by the testimony of various witnesses in controversion of your statement in Exhibit 1,page 4, that your relations with on G.Phillips were not of a personal nature See exhibit 15 pages 1 and 2 " 4 " 1 and 2 " 5 " 4 " 11 " 1,2, 3 and 4 " 12 " 1 " 14 " 2. 2nd. The maintenance of intimate personal relations both by yourself and by officers under your control, with one G.Phillips, who, according to your own testimony and that of others, including said officers, is actively engaged in violating the laws with whose enforcement you are charged. See exhibits next above referred to. Also, exhibits 16, pages 4 and 5 exhibit 9, " 5 and 6. 3rd. That you assisted the said Phillips in making arrests of Chinese persons,and directed the officers under your charge to aid therein,thereby enabling him to compel such Chinese persons to pay him money. Although the alleged ground of arrest in such cases was that the arrested Chinese were defaulters upon bonds for their appearance in court,is at least one instance you do not know if you had any evidence thereof except the statement of the man Phillips,whose character you well know. See exhibit 1, page 2.Ralph Izard. charges page 3 4th. That, in cases in which you sent officers to assist in such arrest, you omitted to give the instructions to see the writ upon which said Phillips claimed the authority to make such arrests. See exhibit 1, page 2. See " 16, " 2 and 5. 5th. That, thus upon the mere statement of Phillips, whom you and your officers knew to be a person of depraved character, you permitted him to take in charge Chinese persons who lacked the evidence of right to be in the United States, and who, so far as you, might be set at liberty by the said Phillips subsequent to such arrest. 6th. That such action was not taken on your part in ignorance of the possible result in the way of a substitution by Phillips of some other Chinaman for the guilty one. See exhibit 1, page 3. Also exhibits 20,21, and 22. 7th. That, as a result of the foregoing charges, you were acting in collusion with the said Phillips for the purpose of enabling him to extort money from Chinese persons, and to enable him, with the same end, to violate the laws with whose enforcement you are charged. 8th. That in the preparation of evidence to be presented on behalf of the Government in the cases of Chinese arrested for being unlawfully in the United States, you procured false statements to be made. See exhibit 19. 9th. That, after witnesses had been coached by Ralph Izard charges page 4 officers under your charge and control, and made to reiterate their false testimony in your presence, such witnesses were given to understand by your said officers that they were at liberty to forget such testimony when called to the witness stand, for which they received fees. See exhibit 19. 10th. That such action on the part of your officers, and of said witnesses, coupled with your intimate relations and associations with persons who were notoriously engaged in smuggling, justifies the belief that you were a willing participant in schemes designed for the purpose of at once scouring profit to yourself and concealing your direct connection with such practices. 11th. That at various times, as, for instance, in the latter part of June in the year 1902, at Norwich, Conn., you made arrests of certain Chinese persons upon information derived from sources not known to the Bureau upon the ground that said Chinese persons were in this country, without the evidence required by law, of a right to be here, although you were aware that the funds at the disposal of the Department for the enforcement of the Chinese Exclusion Law would not admit of a general round-up of all such persons with a view to the arrest and deportation of such were in the United States unlawfully. See exhibit 17. 12th. That your reason for such action can only be explained upon the hypothesis that you were seeking to obtainRalph Izard charges page 5. money unlawfully either from said Chinese or from persons interested in selling them false certificates of birth in the United States. This hypothesis is sustained by the fact that the smuggler Phillips, with whom your relations have been shown by the exhibits hereinbefore referred to, followed directly in your footsteps and furnished what are known as "Mc Gettrick certificates." See exhibits 17, 24 and 26. In addition to the foregoing, you are charged with the various offenses as an officer and an individual which are fully set forth in Exhibit "A" and made part hereof. You will be allowed the usual period of three days within which to prepare your answer to these charges,and will be given access to the various exhibits when you report to the Bureau for that purpose,as you have been directed to do by telegraph. Respectfully, (Signed) F.P.Sargent, Commissioner-General.[Enc in Shaw? 1-15-03]BOOKER T. WASHINGTON, Principal WARREN LOGAN, Treasurer TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTION. (INCORPORATED.) FOR THE TRAINING OF COLORED YOUNG MEN AND WOMEN. COMMITTEE ON INVESTMENT OF ENDOWMENT FUND: MR. WM. H. BALDWIN, JR., President Long Island Railroad, 128 Broadway, New York City. MR. J. G. PHELPS STOKES. 47 Cedar St.. New York City. MR. GEORGE FOSTER PEABODY, 27 Pine St.. New York City MR. ROBERT C. OGDEN, Tenth St. & Broadway, New York City. Tuskegee, Ala., January 15, 1903. [*File*] My dear Sir :-- I write to acknowledge receipt of your favor of January 13th, and to say that it, together with your former communication will be brought to Principal Washington's attention as soon as he reaches here from California early next week. Trusting this will be satisfactory for the present, I am, Very truly yours, Emmett Scott Private Secretary. Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, White House, Washington, D.C.TREASURY DEPARTMENT OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY Washington, Bureau of Immigration. No. 6297=C. January 15, 1903 The President: I have the honor to transmit herewith a copy of the letter making formal charges which are about to be brought against Ralph Izard, Chinese Inspector in charge at Brooklyn, N.Y., and would invite particular attention to the memorandum of facts appurtenant thereto, also enclosed. A more complete statement, giving details of the evidence upon which these charges are based, is now being prepared and will be transmitted in due course. Inspector Izard has been directed, by telegraph, to report in person to the Bureau of Immigration an Saturday morning, the 17th instant, at which time he will be afforded an opportunity to prepare his reply to these charges. Respectfully, LM Shaw Secretary. Incl.Board of Education of the District of Columbia, Franklin School Building, Washington, D.C. H. V. Boynton, President. G.H. Harries, Vice President. Mrs H. L. West. Mrs J. R. Francis. J. Holdsworth Gordon. Richard Kingsman. J. F. Bundy. W. F. Rodrick, Secretary. January 16, 1903. [*Ackd 1-20-1903] Hon George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President> Sir: Great as is my reluctance to occupy any of the President's crowded time, it seems to me due to him that he should know of some points in the official record of the pending investigation into school affairs by the Commissioners of the District, in which, it seems to me, very erroneous references are made to him. As this record, when finally completed, is likely, sooner or later, to go to the public, there ought to be nothing in it of an unfair character to the President. You will be the best judge of whether of not his attention should be called to what I enclose. Very respectfully, H. V. Boynton President of the Board of Education of the District of Columbia. (Enclosure.)Board of Education of the District of Columbia, Franklin School Building, Washington, D.C. H. V. Boynton, President. G.H. Harries, Vice President. Mrs H. L. West. Mrs J. R. Francis. J. Holdsworth Gordon. Richard Kingsman. J. F. Bundy. W. F. Rodrick, Secretary. January 16, 1903. [*Copy sent to Com. Macfarland 1-20-1903] Mr. President: I cannot satisfy my sense of what loyalty to you requires without informing you of some of the phases which touch you personally, among the many surprising irregularities which have attended the School investigation, to which inquiry I was made a party by a message from you received over a year ago through Commissioner Mcfarland. This seems the more obligatory upon me since the House Committee on Appropriations called for and and has been examining the official record of this investigation, and, as a result, the whole matter could be aired on the floor during the discussion of the District Bill, if any member of the Committee chose to do it. For the first time in my experience, which extends over the entire existence of the present form of District Government, I have heard the authority of the President of the United States in District affairs openly questioned and denied by a Commissioner of the District. Early in the present investigation Commissioner Mcfarland thus announced what he would, and what he would not do at the2 bidding of the President. (page 669 of the stenographic report): "The President simply communicated to me what he had he had heard from Mr. Butler, requesting me to see two persons , and left the matter there, except finally to suggest that I lay it before the Board of Commissioners. I did not consider that he was acting as Mayor of the City of Washington, much less as Governor of the District, knowing that he has no such power in law or in fact, and I did what I did until I laid the matter before the Board of Commissioners simply as the friend of the President. I would not have done officially what I did for him personally. My official connection with the matter began on the day that I laid it before the Board of Commissioners, and recommended that the Board ask for charges and witnesses, and give the case a fair trial." The president will remember that I was authorized to say to the District Commissioners that, in directing conferences with me in regard to school conditions, he had in mind my official position as President of the Board of Education. While this authorization was communicated to the Commissioners, and spread upon the record of their investigation, no attention was paid to it by the President of the Board of Commissioners. On the contrary, by his direction, I was addressed in all subsequent communications simply as H.V.Boynton. On page 621of the official record appears Commissioner Macfarland's explanation of how it happened that after addressing all communications to me in the early stages of this investigation as President of the Board of Education, twice summoning3 me as such, one summons being in the form of an order, I was in the later stages being examined as an individual - - H.V.Boynton, a citizen of the District of Columbia. Commissioner Macfarland said "I will say, off-hand, General, that you were requested to appear here, in the first instance, as President of the Board of Education, because that was the only designation given to you by the letter of Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler." I was not "requested" but ordered, as President of the Board of Education, to appear, by a resolution drawn by Commissioner Macfarland himself. The President will remember that Commissioner Macfarland came to me in the opening of this case and informed me that the President had said to him that "Gen. Harries having a night key to a lady teacher's house did not seem to be a matter of consequence." Ever since I made known to you that insulting statement I have been treated as a defendant in this dirty case. As I view it, and as I think the record makes clear, relegating me to the position of a private citizen without official connection with the case, was a deliberate and indecent attempt, acceded to by Commissioner Macfarland, to remove me from the cover of official action taken at the request of the President 4 of the United States, and giving the three attorneys for the defense the opportunity, which each improved, to lay the foundations for suits both civil and criminal. It is also right that you should know how Gen. Harries has quoted you, and by the studied omission of your qualification, as you repeated it to me, "if innocent" he commits you in the record to taking the ground that without regard to the question of guilt or innocence he ought not to resign. In his sworn testimony (page 2407) he said: "I went to see the President -- you will remember, I saw him before I saw you, Mr, Macfarland, and he confirmed me in that. He said: 'you must not resign.' He said a great many pleasant personal things, but the one thing that I can quote to you was that - -'You must not resign.' I was deeply grateful to him because his support was tendered, proffered, instantly, before I could mention my errand. He was with me instantly, But the one thing he said, and he said again and again was this: 'you must not resign.' " As I am well aware, your position in the outset was the same as my own, which the record shows to have been this: "But first, if there is nothing in it, we should all stand with Gen. Harries and fight it out for him to the end," which is very different from standing by him without regard to what there might be in the case. I do not criticize either Commissioner West or Commissioner Biddle. The management and domination of the pending case has5 been from the first in the hands of Commissioner Macfarland. Of course I write this with the full knowledge that the Commissioners may see it. Very respectfully, H. V. Boynton. President of the Board of Education of the District of Columbia. The President.[*File - pp-p p*] January 16, 1903 119 East Thirtieth Street My heart is too full to attempt to do more than say many, many thanks for your affectionate letter of Monday. When I can see you once again for a quiet talk, I will say more; but not now. Since boyhood she who has gone to her eternal rest has been the center of my life, this inspiration of all my work & I, every ambition: ItYou know how fortified I am for all your kindness & how I value your friendship and sympathy. Always affectionately yours, Nicholas Murray Butler To the President - is the bitterest of pain to have to go on now alone; but, with my little girls to care for & help, and with her dear mother's help from above, & the memory of our many happy years, I will do the best I can. She admired & trusted you more than I have ever told you. Only last summer I heard her say that a new moral & political era in our nation's history would date from your administration, if you were spared to carry out your work.[*File*] [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 1-19-1903*] CUSTOM HOUSE. SURVEYOR'S OFFICE. NEW YORK. January 16th, 1903. Dear Mr. Cortelyou: Concerning your letter of some weeks ago, enclosing one from Doane Robinson, a literateur and historian of the Dakotas, of Aberdeen N.D., as to one Edgar Garaton Smith canvassing that country in behalf of a paper which he alleged to be opposed to the President for 1904, I would say that after failing to find any trace of Smith from any of the newspaper sources in this City, I sent the Robinson letter on to William Penn Nixon, Collector of the Port at Chicago, asking him to learn what he could as to Smith in that City; I also asked him to sound in a discreet manner people in the Western States who would be apt to know the facts. I felt that as he had been for so many years editor of the Inter-Ocean he would be a proper man for this work. Enclosed I send you a letter from him, with enclosures, showing his researches. These letters go to show that Smith is evidently a faker who is going about taking up these subscriptions for a paper probably never to be started, as an easy way of gaining a livelihood. Sincerely yours, James S. Clarkson Mr. G.B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington. (Enc's)[For 8 encs. SEE: Penn Nixon to DAK 1-8-03 Penn Nixon to DAK 1-8-03 Penn Nixon to DAK 1-8-03 Boyce to Penn Nixon 1-9-03 Budeson to Penn Nixon 1-10-03 Siger to Collector 1-13-03 Penn Nixon to Clarkson 1-14-03] [For Attach SEE CA 1-16-03][*File] 23 West Twenty-sixth Street. Jan 16/03. Dear Theodore, I am sending a bronze cast of a "Sprinter" done by a young Canadian Doctor friend of mine. It may interest you as it certainly does others who see it. It seems nearer the old greek [poise?] of suspended action than almost anything one sees nowadays, and may look well in your single-stick death-chamber! General Wood may approve it? McKenzie is some kind of physical professor at McGill in Montreal & used to be on Aberdeen's staff, [as?] Doctor.He is doing another figure which promises better even than this one. Wish I could have another bat at you & the General with a single-stick - or better still at Douglas! he's more in my class - among the 'crocks'. Love to Edith & Ethel Yrs [sin?] Bob Fergusonof mine heard a policeman say to a dying athelic civilian at a crossing, in a tone of deep disgust, "Oct, he's every bit as bad as Roosevelt"- in which case he may possibly pull the Your administration through. I have just been told at the Hewitt's that he was "decidedly better," so he may possibly still get well - everybody hopes so, but it is more than doubtful. Thank you again - and please give my regards to Mrs. Roosevelt. Always Sincerely yours Mary Cadwalader Jones January 16th 1903 [*Ackd 1-19-1903*] 21, EAST ELEVENTH STREET. Dear Mr President Of course you knew that it would give me the greatest pleasure to have that photograph of you, and thank you ever so much - nothing would have induced me to ask for it, as you must be everlastingly bothered with such requests. I like especially to have you as "the young men's president," and Ionly waited until today to acknowledge it because I hoped the Book Booster, which Mrs Roosevelt said she thought you hadn't seen, would come along from Evanston. "Ill". Here he is, and I think you will find him very good in parts, like the curate's egg. As soon as I got fairly out of Washington I remembered exactly one thousand things about which I had meant to ask you - the Stracheys - "Tom" Reedy whom I saw only the day before he left here for the last time - and heaps of others - likewise I was amazed that I had had the cheek to speak to you as frankly as I did about other things - never mind, I didn't mean to be impertinent, and I enjoyed every minute of my time with you. We are having wigs on the green now here with General Francis V. - (I meant no pun) who is rattling the bones of the Police Department - a friend[*For enc. see Balentine 1-15-03*] not seem like much of a request but she must be greatly worried to write as she never did before. She has always been brave & independent You can send this letter to the Secretary if you wish but if possible give her the letter of introduction to him. Affectionately R B Roosevelt [*letter of introductin sent to Mrs. Balantine 1-20-1903*] [*Ackd 1-20-1903*] Lotos Lake. Sayville. Long Island. July 16 - 1903 My Dear Theodore Can you give a letter of introduction to Mrs Mamie Nimmo Ballentine to Secretary Shaw of the Treasury. She has been a dear loyal devotedfriend of Mrs. Roosevelt & myself for thirty years since she was a little girl & supported herself largely by her pen, and I would pin absolute faith on anything she would do or say. Her mother was Scotch & owned their house, where the daughter still live & lived in Washington for years & was one of the straight laced covenanters. I have no idea what her trouble is nor why she must have a letter of introduction from the President & not from his respected Uncle, but anything that I can do for her I want to do & it does[*Ackd 1-19-1903*] [Strong & Cadwalader. John Cadwalader. George W. Wickersham. George F. Butterworth. Henry W. Taft. Edward J. Hancy.] CABLE ADDRESS - LABELLUM. [*in re Gov. Taft*] (Personal) 40 Wall Street, New York, January 16, 1903. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, The Capitol, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. President:- I have your letter of the 12th instant, for which please accept my thanks. I saw a statement in one of the despatches from Manila that Will had said to a large delegation which called upon him, that he had once declined the tender of an appointment to the Supreme Court, but now he thought that, under the conditions upon which it was offered, it was his duty to accept. Only a day or two afterwards, however, came the intelligence that he had decided to decline. It may be that if the first despatch was true, that might have brought the telegrams from natives, to which you refer. I presume he is entirely right. He certainly understands the situation better than we do here. Personally, I had begun, from selfish motives, to wish that he would accept, in order that we might soon see him in this country. I fear that the same reasons which induce him now to remain may be equally potent even two or three years hence. As I said to you, however, when I saw you, for more general reasons I am Inclined against his going on the bench at all and I think most of our family feel the same way. I do not know that it would be of much interest to you, but I expressed the view which most of us feel in a letter which I wrote him2. after seeing you, from which, as you suggested, I enclose an extract. I ought to add that, since I saw you, I received a long letter from Will, in which he expressed the fear that that your reason for wishing him to come home was because there had been some Catholic attack upon him. Of course, after he receives your letter, he will see that this had nothing to do with your suggestion. I have just learned from Cincinnati that Judge Hollister is to be an applicant for appointment as United States District Judge, in case Judge Thompson is promoted to fill the vacancy caused by the appointment of Judge Day to the Supreme Court. Judge Hollister has always been very intimate with Will, almost, in fact, his most intimate friend. They were classmates at Yale and Judge Hollister has made a most excellent record on the bench of the Common Pleas Court, where he sat for many years. Personally, I should be glad to see him appointed, and if you come to a consideration of his name, I should take pleasure in giving you further information. The suggestion came through my brother, Charles, that I should write to Mr. Root, but as I am writing you on the Philippine subject, I mention this too. With kind regards, I am, Faithfully yours, Henry W. Taft. (Enclosure)[*[ca 1-16-03]*] (Extract from letter to William H. Taft.) As we now come face to face with the question, I really cannot quite reconcile myself with your finally choosing a judicial career at your age. Of course if you have finally determined upon that, there is no court in the world which offers such an opportunity for work and fame as the Supreme Court. For men with certain qualities, a position on that bench would undoubtedly be preferable to any other. I have little doubt that you yourself would find the work most congenial and that your career there would be noteworthy and your reputation much enhanced, but I cannot but feel that, for a man possessing, as you do, at once the judicial qualities and those which fit him equally as well either for a public career or even one at the Bar, a long term on the Bench may result in the waste or non-use of qualities which might be used with a much more far-reaching effect upon his fellow citizens and his country if brought into play without the limitations and restrictions which are imposed by a position on the Bench. Of course you will understand that I would not have you embitter your life by seeking to satisfy ambitions in politics and perhaps suffering disappointments. I am quite sure that you would not be subject to that sort of unhappiness. What you might attain would probably come with little effort on your part, and if it did not, your career at the Bar would be everything that you could possibly desire. Without belittling (and of course you will believe that I mean this) your ability to be a great Judge, I really think you have the capacity to be a greater politician (or statesman, if you please), or (2) lawyer, and that you will be of greater use to a greater number of people and have a broader influence and leave a deeper impress upon the history of the country if you do not limit the scope of your activities by taking a position on the Bench. Of course, we all know how you have cherished the ambition to receive this appointment, but when it is within you grasp, it is natural to reflect as to whether you want to make that choice, particularly when your ca- reer in the Philippines and the reputation you have made there has opened up before you so many alluring possibilities. As I said before, of course I shall be satisfied With your decision in the matter, but at the same time if you have not already reached a con- clusion when this reaches you, it will not do any harm to consider tho subject anew in the light of all recent developments, [Henry W Taft][*[Enc. in Taft 1-16-03]][*[CA. 1-16-03]*] EDWARD GARSTIN SMITH, President National Weekly Pub. Co. New York.[*[Enc in Straus 1-17-03]*] [*[1-16-03]*] Dernières Nouvelles Paris, 16 janvier. - M. d'Estournelles de Constant, membre de la chambre des députes et du tribunal d'arbitrage de la Haye, a écrit dans la "Revue bleue" un article sur le président Roosevelt et l'arbitrage, dans lequel il dit: "Le péril américain est devenu le remède américain. L'Amérique nous menace par la concurrence matérielle; sa concurrence morale nous sauvers en sauvant la civilisation. Le président Roosevelt a réalisé nos plus généreuses espérances. Il est le véritable homme d'Etat du vingtième siècle, et comme tel il a bien mérité de son propre pays et de toutes les parties du monde." [*[?] Bureau Rec'd. [?Jan] 21 '03 Dept of State] Bishop's House Havana (Cuba) Jan.17, 1903. Hon. John Hay Secretary of State, Washington. Hon. & Dear Sir; During my short stay in Porto Rico, from the 28th of last December to the 15th of this month, I had the honor of Discussing the question of church property in that Island with Governor Hunt, Bishop Blenk & some of the most influential members of both political parties. They all seemed to be of the opinion that there could be no serious reasonor objection raised against the registering in the name of the Bishop, who is the legitimate representative of the Catholic Church in this Diocese, of the proper parties [the properties] held in peaceful possession by the Church or of restoring the Friar's properties now held by the American Government to said Bishop as the same class of properties have been restored in Cuba through the agency of our Government. From what I could learn and observe in Porto Rico, social & political relations are very much unsettled there. The Governor is accused by grave and loyal men of not treating the conservative element with due consideration, the lower class being led by designing men in power who are less loyal to the American Government than anybody else & could not of course probe thoroughly these assertions. Mr. Hunt appeared to me to be a gentleman of ability, animated by the best intentions, but somewhat timid & perhaps easily misled & overmuch inclined to please unscrupulous politicians & the ignorant populace. I am sure that the prompt, sincere & thorough settlement of the Church property question would greatly contribute to/or increase confidence in the just intentions of our Government, to remove a serious cause of unrest, besides doing an act of justice & of good statesmanship. The Right Rev. Bishop Blenk has gone, on my advice, to Washington to fully explain this matter to you & to Congress. I trust that his mission will be successful. He is a thouroughly loyal American, clear headed, just & he wields a great influence in the Island. Your Obedient Servant; [P]. L. Chapelle Abp. N. O. Ap. Del. TELEGRAM White House, Washington. Weestern Union. 1C0 G. FD. Manila 28. MANILA--- Received 7:30 a.m, January 17, 1903. President, Washington. Provincial municipal officials people province Horhegen general assembly believe would be public calamity should Governor Taft be recalled now. Respectfully request his retention. Bernadine Monreal, Governor.United States Senate, Committee on Patents, Washington, D.C. Fifty-seventh Congress. Mr. Pritchard, Chairman. Mr. Platt, Conn. Mr. McComas. Mr. Kittredge. Mr. Mallory. Mr. Heitfeld. Mr. Foster, LA. R.H. McNeill, Clerk June 17, 1903. [*Ackd 1-20-1903] Dear Mr. President:- Dr. McDonald tells me that I will have to remain here for some time yet, and I have decided to write and ask you to dispose of the Vick matter at your earliest possible convenience. My brother tells me that someone has stated to you that Mr. Boykin does not in some respects measure up to the requirements of a first class postmaster. While I am satisfied that Mr. Boykin is a splendid man, and would make an ideal postmaster, at the same time I do not want to take any risks in the matter one way or the other, and I have decided to request to to permit me to withdraw my recommendation of Mr. Boykin, and to recommend in his stead the appointment of Mr. John Dawes. Mr. Dawes is a gentleman of high character and standing, and is a very successful business man. Some time since I wrote United States Marshal Dockery, of the Eastern District of North Carolina, and requested him to have a with Mr. Sharpe, of Wilson, in regard to the matter, and on yesterday I received a letter from Mr. Dockery, which I herewith enclose. The letter is self explanatory. The evidence which I have filed with the Department as to Vick's failure to vote the Republican ticket, especially the Republican State ticket, at the last election, is overwhelming. This fact, taken in connection with Mr. Vick's agreement with me at Greensboro last spring, that he would not be a candidate for reappointmentFIFTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS. MR. PRITCHARD, CHAIRMAN. MR. PLATT, CONN. MR. McCOMAS. MR. KITTREDGE. MR. MALLORY. MR. HEITFELD. MR. FOSTER, LA. R. H. MCNEILL, CLERK United States Senate, COMMITTEE ON PATENTS, WASHINGTON, D.C. at Wilson, ought, in my opinion, to be conclusive, in so far as his application is concerned. If he is appointed postmaster at Wilson, I am satisfied that it will to a certain extent impair my influence, as well as completely demoralize our Republican forces, in so far as Wilson and adjacent territory is concerned. It is highly important, however, that speedy action should be had with respect to the matter, and I sincerely trust that you can see your way clear to nominate some one for postmaster at Wilson during the early part if next week. My only desire is to strengthen the Republican part y and sustain your administration. My wounds are healing very slowly, but Dr. McDonald assures me that I will be all right within two or three weeks. I have the honor to be Sincerely yours, J. C. Pritchard[* [ For 2 enc see 1-15-02 P[?] & 11-20-02 "President's True Position, & ca 11-20-02 Pritchard] [CA 1-17-03]]of some of the leading senators, and the progressive men in the house, in regard to needed legislation on trusts, finances and on the reciprocity treaties. I congratulate you because I am positive that this change has been brought about entirely by your persuasion, and your firm stand on the proposition that some effective legislation must be enacted this session of Congress. I am in correspondence with Mr. Cortelyou in regard to arrangements for your visit here in March. I am Most sincerely yours, J. C. Shaffer His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington, D.C. [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 1-20-1903*] CHICAGO EVENING POST, J. C. SHAFFER, Prest. Chicago, January 17, 1903 My dear Mr. President:- Permit me to thank you for the courtesies I received at your hands, and from Mrs. Roosevelt, while in Washington last week. I intended, before leaving, to call upon you, and express personally my thanks, but knowing that every moment of your time was taken up with important matters, I concluded I could express my gratitude better by not taking up more of your time, and this is my reason and apology for not calling upon you. I discovered in the past three days that there was a great change in the sentiment[*[For 1 enc. see 1-16-03 "Dernieres]..." [*Ackd 1-20-1903*] 5 West Seventy-sixth Street. NEW YORK. 17 Jan 1903 My Dear Mr President I can not resist sending you the enclosed clipping from the Premier des Etats-Unis — being a cable from Paris of yesterday (the 16th inst). With this estimation by Constant, reelected President of the French Chamber, permit me to add, I fully agree Very truly yours Oscar S. Straus Department of Justice. OFFICE OF UNITED STATES MARSHAL. SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF MISSISSIPPI, JACKSON. COURT TERMS. AT JACKSON: First Mondays in May and November. AT VICKSBURG: First Mondays in July and January. AT MISSISSIPPI CITY: Third Mondays in February and August. AT MERIDIAN: Second Mondays in March and September. [*Ackd 1-20-1903*] Jan. 17, 1903. PERSONAL. My dear Mr. President: I embrace the first opportunity upon my return from the Vicksburg Court to thank you for your letter of Jan. 2, in which you tell me how entirely content you are with what I have done during the year and a quarter that has just passed. Approbation from the President of the United States is praise indeed. Do you know that President McKinley closed the office at Pickens, Miss., and it stayed closed for nearly a year for identically the same reason that attaches to the Indianola matter. And yet some of the scurrilous sheets of the country in their malign criticism of you point out that you are undoing the good work of reconciliation between the sections which he accomplished. These same sheets also assailed him at the time. I have heard that President Cleveland closed an office in Missouri, or issued an order for its close as the alternative of a refusal of some town, the name of which I cannot recall, because the patrons of its office refused to accept the postmaster appointed under his administration, the appointee being a white person. Somebody in the Department ought to remember this incident if true. As I said before, there is no color in the Constitution and in the enforcement of the law. Very sincerely, Edgar S. Wilson Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C.[*[For enc. see 1-10-03]][* File [??]] White House, Washington. January 17, 1903. Memorandum: Senator Beveridge was asked by telephone whether he thought the President should write to Ambassador Horace Porter about the Fourth of July speech, and was told that the more the President thought of it the better he liked the idea. The Senator replied that he thought it wise to consult with one or two of his friends in Indiana before definitely advising the President in the matter; that this was merely personal to himself and had no reference whatever to them; that he would communicate with the President as soon as he heard from them - probably by next Monday, the 19th.[* File [??]] White House, Washington. January 17, 1903. Memorandum: Senator Alger asked to-day by telephone that the President's attention might be called to his recommendation of T. J. O'Brien of Michigan for Judge Day's place in the event of Judge Day's promotion. [*R.A. Alger][* Alger Ra*] [* CJ File - Sen. Burrows called to-day and stated he would make a recommendation 1-17-1903*] On Oct. 16, 1902, a letter from Gen. Alger was sent from this office to the Department of Justice, with the request that the President's attention be called to it before any action is taken in the marshalship for western Michigan. Dept. of Justice states that this letter is all they have in the case. Ge. Alger's letter did not give the name of anyone. [*shorthand*][*[CA 1-17-03]*] [shorthand][ATTACHED TO PRITCHARD 1-17-03][Enclosed in Pritchard 1-17-03] [11-20-02] PRESIDENT’S TRUE POSITION. OBSERVER’S STORY OF IT ACCURATE, The Chief Executive Thinks Senator Pritchard Went Too Far in Excluding Qualified Negro Voters from the State Convention -He May Give Out a Statement Regarding the Matter Which Will Shock Blackburn and Others Who Are Declaring for the Old Order of Things—Mr. Roosevelt Shakes Hands With 200 Asheville People. Special to The Observer. Asheville, Nov. 20.—While less than 200 people were at the station this evening when the special train bearing President Roosevelt arrived, very nearly all were persons of prominence in the community. As soon as the train came to a standstill the Chief Executive bounded from the rear platform of the handsome car Mayflower, and showed his vast amiability by shaking hands with those who were lined up along the ropes that had been stretched just in front of the station, under the direction of Chief of Police Fullam. A proud father held in his arms a boy clad in the costume of the hunter. Leaning over the rope the father wanted to know if the President would shake the lad’s hand. “Certainly, I will,” flashed back the Chief Executive, “for I have a boy like that of my own.” Thus a rapid fire of greetings ran all along the line until the end was reached, when the President struck off up the track for a little “constitutional” at a pace that caused one to wonder what manner of bears there were in the Mississippi swamps whose agility was such as to enable them to keep a safe distance from those sweeping strides. It was amusing to observe the portly secret service men bring up the rear at a turkey trot. These gentlemen appeared as a rather superfluous adjunct of the party, anyway, if the President moves about with as much freedom everywhere as he did here. He seemed to realize that anarchists were not indigenous to this rarified mountain atmosphere. The special stayed in Asheville longer than scheduled, five minutes, thus rendering it possible to secure some exceedingly interesting and significant facts of a political nature. From a gentleman identified with the presidential party, who is fully conversant with the administration’s every move, it was learned that the President is fully aware of the published stories relative to the reputed breach between himself and the Old North State’s senior Senator. It was said that the President entertains a feeling of regret over the matter, and is sensitive over the fact that his true position with reference to the so-called Lily White movement should have been misunderstood. At no distant day, it was said, the Chief Executive would, through Postmaster General Payne or some other recognized representative of the administration, make known his ideas on the negro problem and when he does Blackburn and others who are rushing into print to declare themselves in favor of the old order of things may sustain a shock. The President does not, it was said, favor an effort to build up a Republican organization in various Southern States on the basis of a promiscuous black electorate, but, on the contrary, merely feels that Senator Pritchard went a bowshot too far in excommunicating those negro delegates who are qualified as electors, despite the restrictive provisions of State constitutional amendment. It is on this compromise ground that the President will be found standing when his position is made known. This is directly in line with what has heretofore been stated in this correspondence, and the story on this subject in last Sunday’s Observer was referred to as the clearest cut and most accurate delineation of the President’s position yet published. Copies of this number of The Observer, it was stated, have been sent to President Roosevelt’s political managers in Washington. But in the meantime the Republicans feel that the President has not dealt squarely with Senator Pritchard, a sentiment that was made manifest to-day when some of them declared it to be their intention to remain away from the station, and it is a fact that not more than a dozen Republicans of prominence left their homes. This fact is also true of the Republicans of Marshall, where the special did not even pause. “NO BREACH,” SAYS PRITCHARD. He Declares That His Relations With the President are Just as Cordial as in the Past—As to Blackburn’s Fling. “There has been no breach between President Roosevelt and myself,” said Senator J. C. Pritchard yesterday; “and all reports to the contrary are entirely without foundation. We are on the best of terms, and our relations are just as cordial now as they ever were in the past.” “I am now preparing an article dealing fully with the political situation. My attitude and views will be set forth in the publication; and after it appears it may be proper to ask if I have the endorsement of Mr. Roosevelt. This article will be published in The World’s Work, and I have also agreed to furnish a political article for Leslie’s Weekly. I don’t care to anticipate myself by going into details at present.” “What about Congressman Blackburn’s fling at you?” “Oh, well; Mr. Blackburn is hardly to be taken seriously if he is correctly quoted.” The senator declined to talk further for publication. The President at Asheville. Asheville, N. C., Nov. 20.—President Roosevelt’s special train arrived here at 6:10 to-night and left 15 minutes later. The President made no formal speech, but shook the hands with a number of citizens. Superintendent Loyall, of the Asheville division of the Southern Railway, was in charge of the train from Asheville to Salisbury, and unusual precautions were taken to insure a safe trip over the mountains. The President’s homeward journey to-day was without special incident. The ride across the mountains over the Southern road was made in fast time. The train stopped only to change crews and engines. It’s coming was generally unheralded, but there was a small crowd at almost every station. Several times the train was cheered as it swept by. At Chattanooga the President received a telegram from Newport, Tenn., saying that the school children would turn out to see him. By his direction, the train was slowed down when that place was reached. About 200 little ones with flags in their hands, were lined up along the track. The President stood on the rear platform and waved his hand and hat to them. At Stevensons, Ala., early this morning about 50 children gathered around his car and begged the porter to let them see the President. The President, who had just gotten up, heard their cries, and rather than disappoint the little ones, he stepped to the door in his stocking feet and said: “Good morning.” Just as the train drew out at Ooltewah Junction, where the train stopped for water, a tall, raw-boned mountaineer engaged the President in conversation, The Tennesseean remarked that the bears in Mississippi had proved too wild for the President. “Perhaps they were Democratic bears and took to the woods upon my arrival,” replied the President, smiling. At Knoxville, the President shook hands with a sister of the lieutenant colonel of his regiment. The President will reach Washington to-morrow morning at 8 o’clock. Greeted by the Wife of an Old Comrade. Knoxville, Tenn., Nov. 20–President Roosevelt’s special train reached here at 1 o’clock this afternoon, and the President and his party were welcomed at the Southern depot by several hundred people. One of the first persons to greet President Roosevelt was Mrs. Elizabeth Anderson, of this city, sister of Governor Broadie, of Arizona Territory. Governor Broadie was lieutenant colonel of the Rough Riders, when the President was colonel. He was much gratified at meeting her, and spoke feelingly of his army association with Governor Broadie. The stop here was only 5 minutes, just long enough to change engines. Greeted by a Large Crowd at Chattanooga. Chattanooga, Tenn., Nov. 20.—The special train bearing President Roosevelt and party arrived in the city at 9:20 this morning. A large crowd of citizens greeted the President.[*Ackd 1-24-1903] [*[1-18-03]] THE UNION LEAGUE CLUB NEW YORK My dear Colonel I notice by the club book that Lieut. Fortescue, proposed by you is coming up for election very shortly and has no seconds I shall be very glad to second him unless you prefer to have somebody else do so If you will let meIt is my fondest hope that in the near future we will be able to have a gathering of the old regiment when convenient for you to be one of us, it seems a shame to let years go by as they have and drift apart. With kindest regards, believe me Sincerely yours C E Knoblauch The Hon Theodore Rosevelt Thursday Jan 18' 1903 know I shall give the matter my personal attention as the committee, I believe require these small details kept up to the mark. I had hoped to find the time to pay my respects to you in person and only once came near doing so but found you had more applicants for your time than you could spare.[* pp??] Detroit Jan 18th 1903 Hon John Kay Secretary of State Washington D.C. Dear Sir Pardon me an humble citizen of the State of Michigan for presuming to address a brief note to you. I have long admired you as the ideal man for the various positions you have held in the government of our country, but nothing has pleased me more than your beautiful tribute to our noble President. So often the word of praise and kindly acknowledgement of the worth and efforts of our public men, the well done good and faithful servant is not spoken until they have passed off the stage and then for the first time the general public learns of their sterling qualities and devotion to their public duties, and thus it is that I as one of the masses wish to thank you for expressing so aptly what we all instinctively feel is due the President for his labors in behalf of the common people Yours most respectfully H.A. Rand 207 Lafayette St. Detroit Mich. [ca 1-18-03] ppg B Dear Theodore This is so evidently sincere that I take the liberty of sending it to you. J.H. [*[Hay]*] [over]TELEGRAM. [*Sd for translate G-3 9 23-a] White House, Washington. Postal. 1NY. WX. FD.19 Via E. & A. BACOLOD, PI., (Received 4:25 a.m., Jan. 18-1903. Roosevelt, Washington. Assemblea presidentes representacion colectividad negres occidental ruegan permanencia Taft filipinas guaranta pas beneficos intereses America filipinas. Lechin. Translation: The assembly of presidents representing all the Negros of the West ask retention Taft in the Philippines as a guarantee of peace and to the advantage of the interests of America and the Philippines. Lechin.TELEGRAM [ca 1 - T8-03] File White House, Washington. Has it been arranged for Mr. Clifford Richardson to be on the Assay Commission to visit the Mint? The Secy of the Treasy Says:-"Yes." I told the Director of the Mint to put him on and he said he would. This, is as far as I went in the matter. Will let you know definitely later in the day." 9:25 am 1/18/03. The President wanted this inquiry made of Secretary Shaw, in his name. Secretary Shaw is in New York, and is expected back tomorrow morning--Sunday. [xxxx] Mr. Barnes says he thinks this matter has been arranged, but is not sure. If you can reach Secretary Shaw before Mr. Cortelyou comes down in morning, do so. Mr. Cortelyou will be here about 11 oclock. If the Secretary has not been reached by 'phone by that time, please turn the matter over to Mr. Cortelyou. FIFTH SECTION. NEW YORK HERALD, SUNDAY, JANUARY 18, 1903. 7 The REMODELLED WHITE HOVSE LA SHAFER THE STATE DINING ROOM PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT and the late President Chester A. Arthur will go down in history as the makers of the most radical changes in the interior of the White House during the last quarter of a century. Through a strange coincidence both of the remodellers of the historic mansion entered the White House from the Vice President's chair by reason of a tragedy. They were both citizens of the State of New York. Representatives of all the nations of the earth were permitted to formally view the recent alterations in the White House on New Year's Day, when President Roosevelt and his wife, assisted by the ladies of the Cabinet, stood in the famous Blue Parlor and received the greetings of the representatives of the world at large. Since last July, when Congress adjourned, an army of workmen have been employed day and night making such changes in the venerable structure as were suggested by President Roosevelt and the architect, Mr. McKim, also of New York. As the visitor approaches the White House he observes that the observatory, west of the building, has disappeared, and in its place is an open esplanade or promenade, extending to the newly constructed Executive Office, opposite the War, Navy and State Department buildings. To the east is a similar open gallery, beneath which is the new public entrance, an exit from the White House on state occasions. This addition to the building affords a comfortable and convenient approach to the state apartments. The long passage is equipped with hat and cloak room facilities, so that the guests are relieved of all anxiety and confusion concerning their wraps. They pass along the basement corridor, which is now transformed into an art gallery, containing the portraits of the present and former mistresses of the White House. There are retiring rooms for women and smoking rooms for men. The main floor is reached by a broad, stone stairway, which opens midway between the East Room and the grand vestibule at the north front. The most notable change in the interior of the building is the absence of the costly opalescent screen which formerly divided the public from the private apartments. That screen was introduced during the Arthur administration. Now four large pillars, with open space between, afford an unobstructed view from the vestibule of the Red, Blue and Green parlors. Rooms for State Functions. The Red Parlor is the living room down stairs for the President and his family on semi-official occasions. It is there that guests assemble for state dinners and where the members of the Diplomatic Corps congregate at state functions prior to their formal presentation to the President. The adjoining room is the Blue Parlor, where all functions of state are held. It is there the President stands to receive his guests from foreign countries when they present their credentials or letters of recall. It was in that room that the former bachelor President Cleveland became a benedict. The Green Parlor comes next, and is regarded as a sort of ante-chamber or overflow rendezvous for for the Blue Parlor when that room is crowded. These three rooms have been renovated and redecorated in accordance with the colors by which they are designated, and only an expert can do justice to the rich but effective materials employed by the artistic decorator. The great East Room has undergone a complete change. The sombre hue of old gold and bronze have given place to a bright gold and white effect. The historical paintings of George Washington, Martha Washington, [?] Lincoln have been transferred to some other part of the mansion, and the walls are destitute of anything beyond the fine work of the decorators. Three low hanging crystal chandeliers give THE CORRIDOR CORNER OF THE EAST ROOM THE GREEN ROOM THE VESTIBULE-GLIMPSE INTO DINING ROOM ON LEFT DINING ROOM PHOTOS BY A.J. DUNNE the room a long, narrow appearance, when in fact the room is almost a complete square. State Dining Room Grand Apartment. The most pronounced change on the main floor is in the state dining room, in the west wing of the building. The room has been enlarged to take in the entire width of the wide corridor, which divides the vestibule from the state apartments. There is now accommodation for at least one hundred guests at table, where before it was difficult to seat fifty persons with comfort. The private dining room is opposite the state dining room, to the north, and is fitted up with warm tinted mahogany. This room is seldom used by the President and his family alone, for his bountiful hospitality results in guests at his table at almost every meal except breakfast. It often happens, too, that visitors drop in and join the President at the morning repast. The second floor has been converted into a commodious suite of living apartments, of ten sleeping rooms and five bath rooms. The main stairway is located in what was formerly the hall and stairway, which led up to the President's office rooms before the remodelling process commenced. At the foot of the stairway is an iron sliding gateway, which renders the upper floor strictly private, even though the lower floor may be open to sightseers. The general verdict is that, although some of the alterations are radical at first glance, the whole scheme of improvement when fully worked out will reflect general credit upon the good taste and judgment of President Roosevelt and his wife. Babel in a Family. IMAGINE a mother who cannot understand or speak the language of her little ones! And imagine children who cannot converse with father or mother in the same tongue! There is a curious case in point. Mr. Robert Bixby, chief property man of the big circus which has been abroad for the last five years, has two bright and pretty children, a girl of something over three and a boy a couple of years younger. Mrs. Bixby is also connected with the show. The girl was born in Germany and the boy in France. As the duties of both father and mother required their presence with the show on the road, after a season in the big cities, the girl was put out to nurse with a German woman and later the boy was sent to join his sister. Mother and father had constant and regular reports from the guardians of their children en route, and finally joined them in Germany preparatory to coming back home. Then the parents discovered that their little ones knew only the German language. They had not been taught a word of English. The small fraulein in blond curls and a face that suggests a pretty German doll, who loves to play around the great property room in Forty-second street where her father is at work, regards her surroundings with never ceasing wonderment. When a stranger addresses her in German her mobile face lights up with joy. It is so stupid to always talk and never be understood. And when her father takes her in his arms and speaks to her caressingly she looks at him with a strange expression of compassion-dear papa, who doesn't know anything, not even how to talk to be understood! She is just becoming acquainted with this man and therefore she and her little baby brother play about the property room all day long among the glittering circus things. And as they play they are learning the names of things in English. The little German born child will soon become initiated into American ways and the petit Français will forget the land of his nativity far away and become a sturdy American. IN A BROOKLYN SCHOOL "Children, what are muffins?" "To keep the hands warm, miss." Aerial Mail; 250 Miles an Hour. SIGNOR PISCICELLI, a scientist, of Rome, has invented a mechanism for carrying letters and parcels which is so novel and promises such good results that the Italian government is seriously thinking of using it throughout the country in place of the present mail service. One reason why it prefers Signor Piscicelli's method is because, according to the inventor, by it letters and parcels can be transmitted from one place to another at a speed, if desired, of two hundred and fifty miles an hour, and another reason is because the cost of transmission would be much less than it is at present. In Germany and France little is yet known of the new invention, but the few experts who have examined it praise it highly and say that it possesses many advantages over the present method of carrying letters. Signor Piscicelli's scheme is to have wires strung at a height of forty-five feet above the ground, and to have as vehicles boxes, which are to contain mail and which are to be rolled along the wires to any distance that may be necessary. The boxes are to be on rollers, which will fit closely to the wires, and the posts supporting the wires are to be three hundred feet apart from each other. Moreover, the boxes are to be made of aluminum and, when filled with letters and packages, they must not weigh more than seventy pounds each. Furthermore, to each post is to be attached a double wire so that the boxes may never be impeded, but can run in both directions at the same time. As the wires are so high above the ground, no thief will be able to snatch one of them unless he climbs one of the posts, and if he ventures to do this Signor Piscicelli will see that he will receive an electric shock which will surprise him. It is extremely doubtful, however, if this will ever be necessary, and for the simple reason that the boxes will generally be going very fast and it will not be easy for a thief to dislodge one unless he has a gun. The exact manner in which these boxes are to be propelled has not yet been divulged, but it is supposed that they will be provided with electric motors. In any case, the inventor claims that they can run at the rate of 250 miles an hour, and that, if desired, four thousand can be started on their journey every sixty minutes, a distance of one hundred yards being left between each. As the boxes themselves are extremely light, and as each, when filled, weighs about seventy pounds, it will be seen that at this rate a large quantity of mail matter can be despatched every hour. The total weight of the four thousand boxes would be 280,000 pounds-far too heavy a load one would think for a few suspended wires to bear. It must be remembered, however, that there is to be a distance between the posts supporting the wires it follows that no two posts will ever be called upon to support more than one box between them at one time. Signor Piscicelli says that his invention will do all this, but he points out that it is not always necessary to despatch four thousand boxes filled with mail matter every hour, and therefore he thinks that, if a constant and steady service is required, it would be best to despatch from eighty to a hundred boxes an hour, and to leave a distance of two or three miles between each. A German postal official who has looked closely into the matter is of the same opinion. Indeed, he doubts if any wire railroad that could be constructed would be able to bear the weight of four thousand of these boxes, assuming that the distance between each was not more than one hundred yards. It is estimated that the Piscicelli system could be established throughout Italy at a cost of about $700 per mile, and that through the introduction of the system the government would save several million dollars Though full credit must be given to the Italian inventor for his work, he was not the first to devise a railroad of this kind. About twelve years ago a somewhat similar railroad, in which Professor A. E. Dolbear was interested, and which was known as the "port electric system," was constructed in Boston. It did not consist, however, of wire ropes, but of rails, between which mail wagons ran. Each wagon had four wheels, was in the shape of a cylinder and was pointed at both ends. The rails were laid on posts at a height of about four feet from the ground, and the speed which was attained exceeded one hundred miles an hour. Much was expected from this system, but unexpected obstacles, principally in connection with ascents and curves, soon presented themselves, and the enterprise was abandoned. Caution in Bank Note Making. FIRST in consideration in making a bank note is to prevent others from making a counterfeit of it. Therefore, all the notes of a certain denomination or value must be exact duplicates of one another. If they were engraved by hand this would not be the case. Hand engraving is more easily counterfeited than the work done by the process actually used. "Every note," said an official of one of the leading bank note companies, "is printed from a steel plate, in the preparation of which many persons take part. If you will look at a five dollar greenback you will see a picture in the centre, a small portrait, called a vignette, on the left, and in each of the upper corners a network of fine lines with a dark ground, one containing the letter V and the other the figure 5. "To make a vignette it is first necessary to make a large drawing on paper with great care, and a daguerreotype is then given to the engraver, who uses a steel point to make on it all the outlines of the picture. The plate is inked and a print is taken from it. "While the ink is still damp the print is laid face down on a steel plate, which has been softened by heating it red hot and letting it cool slowly. It is then put in a press and an exact copy of the outline is thus made on the steel plate. This the engraver finishes with his graver, a little tool with a three cornered point, which cuts a clean line without leaving a rough edge. "Now, this plate is used for making other plates-it is never used to print from. It must be made very hard and this is done by heating it and cooling it quickly. A little roller of softened steel is then rolled over it by a powerful machine until its surface has been forced into all the lines cut into the plate. The outlines of the vignette are thus transferred to the roller in raised lines, and after the roller is hardened it is used to roll over plates of softened steel, and thus make in them sunken lines exactly like those in the plate orginally engraved. "The centre picture is engraved and transferred to a roller, like the vignette, but the network in the upper corners, and also on the back of the note, in made by the lathe. This machine costs $5,000-a price that puts it beyond the reach of counterfeiters. Its work is so perfect that it cannot be imitated by hand. The lathe engraves the network on softened steel, and the figure in the middle of it is then engraved by hand. It is now hardened and transferred to a roller like the others. "The plates from which the notes are to be printed are of softened steel and large enough to print four notes at once. Four engravings of the note must, therefore, be made on it, and this is done by rolling the hardened steel rollers containing the raised pictures over it in their appropriate places, until the pictures are pressed into its surface. "The fine lettering around the borders of the note is transferred in the same way, but the other lettering is put on by hand. This process saves a great deal of time and it secures absolute uniformity in the four engravings on the plate. "The back parts of the note are printed first, and when the ink is dry the green back is printed, to be followed by the red stamps and numbers. It is then signed and issued. For greater security one part of the note is engraved and printed at one place and another part at another place, when it is sent to Washington to be finished and signed. "But, needless to say, after all this care and all these safeguards, many sklifully executed counterfeits have been made and issued, some of them so good as to deceive expert judges of money."8 New York Herald, Sunday, January 18, 1908 Fifth Section. ADIRONDACK FISHERMAN SUCCESSFULLY DEFIES WILLIAM ROCKEFELLER Courts Uphold Oliver La Mora in his Poaching Expeditions [Nen? - h?lel?] [slick?] IN a certain degree Oliver Le Mora has opened private parks and estates in the Adirondacks to the public. Mr. Le Mora is a poor Frenchman, who lives in the deserted village of Brandon, Franklin county, a village which Mr. William Rockefeller has been buying up during the last two or three years, in order that his vast estates surrounding the settlement may be entirely free from the trespass of outsiders. When Mr. Rockefeller began to establish his park his early purchases of forest and mountain lands were made from Patrick Ducey, a lumberman, who conducted operations on a large scale and whose workmen lived principally in the village of Brandon, on the line of the New York and Ottawa Railroad. The first purchase, of 26,000 acres, put a stop to the lumbering operations, and the woodcutters who lived in the village were without means of support. Mr. Rockefeller, however, engaged them to work at Bay Pond, where the main buildings of the park were erected and where much grading was necessary. At the same time he paid a fair amount of money for each of the little homes of the lumbermen in the settlement of Brandon. Somehow the people of Brandon got the idea that their places were worth a great amount of money to Mr. Rockefeller and set exorbitant prices on them. One of these persons was Oliver Le Mora, whom Mr. Rockefeller employed as a laborer at Bay Pond. From the first Mr. Rockefeller wanted it understood that his estate was to be private. He took the necessary steps to establish its privacy under the law, by posting signs and advertising the territory in the country papers. After this he placed men in various parts of the park and directed them to keep poachers off. The men who worked for Mr. Rockefeller were given to understand that they should not fish and hunt in the park and were forbidden to carry guns and fishing tackle. Oliver Le Mora was one of the first to violate this rule and as he was caught in the act of fishing several times by the guards he was first warned and then discharged. Refuses to Sell to Millionnaire From this originated the suits which have such an important bearing upon the privacy of the Adirondack estates of many of America's wealthiest people. Le Mora refused to sell his little place and he persisted in fishing in the streams of the Rockefeller park, or at least one stream, the St. Regis River. After THE DESERTED VILLAGE OF BRANDON SLEEPING ROOMS OF THE ROCKEFELLER CAMP OLIVER LA MORA repeated warnings Le Mora was arrested and tried before a justice of the peace at Moira, N. Y., who held that Mr. Rockefeller had no cause for action. Later Le Mora was once more arrested and tried before a justice of the peace at the village of Saranac Lake. The Justice was asked to award Mr. Rockefeller merely nominal damages, as Mr. Rockefeller did not want any of poor Le Mora's money, but he did wish to establish the has increased his Adirondack estate to one of nearly one hundred thousand acres, and it has become the largest private estate in the mountains. Only recently he added Meacham Lake Hotel and property, and in all he has expended about $550,000 for his great North Woods playground. It is possible that he may see fit to add the lands of the Paul Smith Hotel Company to his park in order to control the head waters of the St. Regis River, which would perhaps insure him against the FISHING IN WM.C. WHITNEY'S PARK privacy of his park and said that if the old lumberman would keep away he would withdraw the proceedings and even pay the costs of the suit himself. The Justice and the jury, however, found a verdict for Le Mora, and so, for a second time, the old fisherman returned home triumphant. Mr. Rockefeller brought action against Le Mora a third time for fishing in his park. This time the case was tried before Judge Samuel A. Beman, of the Supreme Court of Franklin county, in the village of Malone. Judge Beman granted a non-suit in the action, which was to recover penalties for unlawfully fishing in Mr. Rockefeller's a private park. In the cases against him Le Mora took advantage of a certain section of the law enacted in the time of Governor Frank S. Black, which gives him a right to fish in all waters which have been stocked at public expense. The waters of Mr. Rockefeller's private park were stocked by the State of New York prior to 1896, or at least those waters tributary to the St. Regis River, which has its origin in the Upper St. Regis Lakes and flows through the lands of the Paul Smith Hotel Company and thence into the park of Mr. Rockefeller. Exclusive Fights Declared Impossible The decision of Judge Beman, in which he held that Le Mora's claim is a complete defence under the statute authorizing the formation of a private park, destroys Mr. Rockefeller's park, so far as its exclusive fishing rights are concerned. From the original holding Mr. Rockefeller success of fishers of Le Mora's disposition. With the decision in the Le Mora suit as a precedent, the privacy of nearly every Adirondack park is involved. Some of these parks are as follows: - Nehasane, owned by Dr. W. Seward Webb. Litchfield Park, owned by Mr. Edward Litchfield. Mountain Park, owned by Mr. William C. Whitney. Sagamore, owned by Mr. Alfred Gwynne Vanderbilt, Lake Kora, owned by Mr. T. L. Woodruff. Mohegan, owned by Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan The foregoing embrace reservation of a large part of the Adirondack forest, but there are in addition a large number of smaller holdings, including those of clubs and associations where guards also endeavor to enforce the laws against trespass. To just what extent the parks of Dr. Webb, Mr. Whitney, Mr. Litchfield and the others are involved under the laws enacted during former Governor Black's term, and under which Le Mora claims a right to enter Mr. Rockefeller's park, it is difficult to say. Any one who attempts to trespass will encounter the guards. OLD FABLE IN NEW GUISE. A small dotlet, swelled with importance at being used at the end of a sentence, began to puff itself up like the frog that wished to become as big as an ox. It blew and blew and blew and finally became a cipher, losing all its value. Criticism of Current Music "SUMMER NIGHT;" song for high voice, by H. Clough Leighter; words by Johanna Ambrosius; published by Ditson. This is a brilliant composition, one deserving of praise and admiration. It requires a skilled accompanist, as well as the services of a good singer who is in no way "anaemic." It is full of dramatic sparkle and contains several brilliant climaxes. Some of the effects might have been improved, but, criticising it in its entirety, it is entitled to praise. The composer is undoubtedly a student of the best German musicians. The song was recently sung at a concert by Miss Caroline Boelen, a well known singer, with great success. MISS CAROLINE BOELEN [?] "The Man at the Wheel," song for bass voice; music by Gerard Barton; words by Robert Cameron Rogers; published by Ditson This number [?] the name indicates, is a song of the sea, one in which a bold, dashing, rollicking refrain would be appropriate. Instead a dainty waltz movement in "three- eighth time" predominates. The song apart from the words would never be recognized as a suitable mate for a sailors' song. It has not the accent thereof. "A Dream of Arcady;" music by Glen Byrne; published by the composer. A pleasing and effective love song, one that demands that it should be sung exactly in the sentimental manner intended by the composer, but, if otherwise, it would be veritably "a thing of shreds and patches." Although of the style that every one has often heard, it would be particularly interesting if sung on the stage. "What Is a Girl?" song for high voice; music by Bertram C. Henry; words by Blanche Trennor Heath; published by Ditson. This is a song of two short verses, in which thewords are so good that the completely overshadow the music, which is disappointing. The answer to the query, "What is a girl?" written by a woman, can be taken as a confession of the shortcomings of her sex. Were it not so well written it would still be an interesting poem, even if spoken, and not song. At all events every syllable should be well enunciated. A good singer would find it a valuable encore number, not for its musical value, but because it would entertain and awaken many who admire sentiment and who love the words more than the music at an entertainment. "The Voice of a Child;" song; music by Edward T. Uhde; words by Albert P. Knapp; published by Loomis, New Haven, Conn. The words of this singular composition narrate a sad, harrowing story of a child who was present when a theatre took fire and who died, still singing the same refrain which she sang during the conflagration, and which was heard above the crash caused by the roof falling, in the midst of the panic. The imaginary through dreadful calamity, if sung about at all, should be treated in a sad, solemn, mournful minor key. Instead, it is set to music in lively "three-four," or waltz time. It is/one of those compositions that will appeal only to those who do not like good music, for it is very ordinary and commonplace. The word will only please those who like blood and thunder stories and do not care whether it is told to them in three-four or any other time. It should be dedicated to the lovers of poor blood and thunder fiction - "red hot," and "red hot" always. It is not a song for others. "My Dearest Wish"; song for medium voice; music by Alfred E. Little; words by John Hay; published by Ditson. The music of this song is not as inviting as the words to which it is written. The composed has not written this in his best style. There is no inspiration evident, which is to be regretted, because of the opportunity afforded by the beautiful poem for a musician to display his talent. "The Village Chapel;" for the piano; by Charles H. Hoffmann; published by Saalfield. This is a simple and easy composition. Without intending to be sarcastic, it will give beginners an opportunity to gain "left handed compliments," for the use of the left hand is made conspicuous. The "Doxology" and other well known religious hymns are gracefully introduced, which somewhat redeems it from being trifling and ordinary. "In My Father's House Are Many Mansion;" by Lucina Jewell; published by Ditson. This is a sacred song, and, although written for a high voice, its range is moderate. The lowest note is "E" and the highest "G sharp" above the staff. It is entitled to be well indorsed. It will be sought by lovers of a beautiful composttion, for it is full of pathos and sentiment. It is evidently the work of a talented MISS GUELMA L. BAKER [?] musician. The harmonies are curious and the modulations daring, but refreshingly original. The skill of the musician is evidenced by the clever modulation that he makes changing the key from "C sharp" minor to that of "F major." The melody at the bottom of page six is especially well harmonized. The theme flows easily and can be sung without effort or much study. It will be a welcome number to the choir singer. The song was recently sung at a concert by Miss Guelma L. Baker, who received much applause for her rendition thereof. Glory of George Washington's Wedding Day JANUARY 6, 1759 (new style) dawned clear, crisp and glistening over New Kent county. As the rosy light of the coming day flooded the earth nature awoke with one movement. There was a fluttering of wings and the sweet songs of the redbirds and the orioles rose on the air as the pretty feathered creatures flitted from boxwood hedge to magnolia or the tall, swaying poplars, then darted off into the woods to join in the grand matin song which was rising from thousands of little throat to the accompaniment of rustling leaves and the soft tread of other children of nature. As the sun rose higher it touched the weather vane on the steeple of old St. Peter's, in Williamsburg, shedding scintillating rays athwart the little edifice; it flooded the great plantations along the Pamunkey River and shed an extra glint of brightness on those of Colonel John Dandridge and "The White House," the magnificent home of the widow Custis, a few miles distant. Nor did this very busy old sun on his daily rounds find any of the occupants of these two distinguished manor house asleep as he poked his nose above the horizon. Woolly headed darkies were stirring with unwanted agility. Early as the hour was, plantation life was rushing hither and you. Horses were receiving unusual grooming; high springed, gaudy, lumbering family coaches were being brushed over and over, and bright blue, red and gold embroidered robes thrown over them; saddles and harness were made spick and span, and grooms' livery was being carefully inspected for the hundredth time. Big fat mammies, important and bustling, were making frequent trips to the outlying kitchens and taking furtive peeps in a bake- ovens and pots hanging on long iron cranes in the fireplaces. Young and sprightly wenches, with sparkling eyes and gleaming teeth, glided hurriedly but noiselessy through the big rooms and the great halls of the mansions, and kinky headed children were shouting and running everywhere to proclaim the latest word of the "Master" of the "Missy," brought from the breakfast room with the change of china by the pompous man servant who waited on the table on that particular morning. And why this unusal flutter and bustle and donning of fine raiment? The greatest social function Virginia had ever witnessed and one which was destined to go down in the annals of history was to take place that day. Colonel George Washington, of the adjoining county, the highly esteemed young officer who had just returned from a successful military campaign and had taken his seat as a member of the House of Burgesses, was to come over from his home at Mount Vernon to wed the beautiful and wealthy widowed daughter of Colonel John Dandridge, Martha Dandridge Custis. As the day advance there was a perceptible movement toward St. Peter's Church, in Williamsburg, the little edifice built in 1708 at a cost of 146,000 pounds of tobacco. The bell in the belfry was ringing as the gentry, the quality and the nobility of the capital and surrounding country drew near. Chaises resplendent in bright hued trappings and drawn by fours, with position wedding guests at the church door. Tall, straight, with dark brown hair and gray eyes, young Washington, who was then in the twenty-seventh year of his age, made a handsome and imposing bridegroom. He was clothed in a suit of blue cloth, the coat lined with red silk and ornamented with silver trimmings. His waistcoat was of white satin, embroidered, and gold buckles were on his shoes and at his knees, and his hair was powdered. A straight dress sword hung by his side. He was every inch the soldier in civilian dress as he approached the altar with military bearing. The Rev. Mr. Mossum, in full canonicals, stepped to the chancel rail. On a sweet June day, ten years previously, this reverend gentleman had stood at the same chancel rail, awaiting the same lady whom everybody present was now awaiting. Then, at the age of seventeen, she became the bride of Daniel Parke Custis, who had lived but seven years thereafter. As the marriage ceremony proceeded the earnest gray eyes of Washington never left her face. The spell that had come over this young Mars when, on a hurried despatch trip, he had stopped to dine at Major Chamberlayne's and had been smitten by the charms of this lady, who was one of the guests, had not departed. Perhaps the young soldier thought of those two days of ardent wooing when, profiting by previous disappointing experiences, he had determined to remain in sight until he had won his prize, and perhaps at that moment he was congratulating himself that, by pursuing that persistent course, he had won his lady at the end of those two days, after which he had proceeded on his way to military duty, followed by his surprised From a Rare Engraving WASHINGTON AS A BRIDEGROOM. and shocked body servant, Bishop, who had never before known his master to tarry for social pleasures when duty called him to other affairs. It is safe to say that whatever George Washington's thoughts were, manlike, he noted but little the wondrous gown worn by Martha Custis as she stood beside him, for while that Virginia gentleman was punctilious as to his own gay costs and ruffles, and could detect at a glance the slightest flaw in the uniform of a soldier or the livery of a house servant, women's frills and furbelows were quite beyond him. He knew, in a vague sort of way, that the little woman was gowned as only one of the wealthiest and daintiest ladies of Virginia should be, and he was quite certain that whatever the raiment she was the fairest and loveliest creature to look upon in all the land. Had Colonel Washington been capable of comprehending a description of his bride's costume as afterward told by a woman who was present he would have learned that her gown was of heavy corded silk, with threads of silver interwoven through it; that the overskirt was looped back with white satin ribbons brocaded in leaf pattern, disclosing a white satin quilted petticoat; that her shoes were of white satin, dainty, high heeled affairs and with diamond buckles; that rich point lace finished the neck of her gown and hung from her sleeves, and that loops of pearls decked her powdered hair. Indeed, she was altogether a lovely sight, and the three bridesmaids who accompanied her were most happy to be attendant upon such a lovely creature. With the ending of the prayer of the Rev. Mr. Mossum, the long and happy married life of George and Martha Washington commenced. The bridal procession that left St. Peter's on that day has never since been equalled in Virginia. Then came an incident which was not calculated to cut any figure in the great wedding ceremony, but which, nevertheless, was of much consequence to a humble yet important personage present. The proudest and happiest moment in the life of Bishop had come. During the ceremony Bishop, in a brand new suit of scarlet, had stood on the steps holding Colonel Washington's horse, the magnificent animal which General Braddock had bequeathed to Washington upon his death. The horse was now richly caparisoned. Both Bishop and his charge well deserved their gay trappings, for they had each been instrumental in the wooing, the horse in carrying the Colonel to Major Chamberlayne's house, and Bishop in making his young master attractive in appearance as only a well trained body servant knows how. As Bishop led the Colonel's horse forward he was the proudest darky in all Virginia. Washington took his place beside the coach, and a cortege of officers and gentry who had already mounted drew around. Other guests entered coaches. With the cracking of whips and the prodding of darkies' heels into horses' franks, the gay cavalcade started on its way toward the home of the bride, "The White House," on the Pamunkey. And such a feast and frolic at "The White House!" As the wedding party turned into the boxwood lined lane the Custis and Dandridge slaves were present to salute the bride's coach had reached the door two beautiful children, John Parke and Martha Parke Custis, had ran out to welcome their foster father, a foster father who proved himself to be to these little ones all that a real father could be in tender care and guardianship. The mansion within was decked with flowers and garlands of greenery; there were music and feasting and Colonel John Dandridge, enthusiastically happy over his new son-in-law, dipped often into the great punch bowl and drank to the health of the bride and bridegroom. There were wedding presents, the most munificent one perhaps not being visible, the $100,000 which by law of marriage passed to Washington from his wife's estate and which, with his own wealth and landed possessions, made him one of the wealthiest men in Virginia. MARTHA WASHINGTON AS A BRIDE. From a Rare Engraver[* [1903] *] I do not know how you can get at Raynor [* [Jan 19] *] but he [*1617 S STREET.*] Jan 19 ought not to publish appeal - [*file ppg Pa.*] Dear Senator Lodge, I received the following telegram [*Lodge*] this evening from Mr Dona, "Tell Lodge that if Raynor thinks of making Schley's appeal public he should be stopped" Very truly yours, David S. Barry& Im absolutely faithful to my word. Permit me to add in closing, as one of the women of the country, that we are proud of our Chief Executive, for we feel you stand for righteousness and high ideals. Faithfully Helen Miller Gould January 19th, 1903 — [* Ackd 1-20-1903*] THE NEW WILLARD, WASHINGTON, D.C. Dear Mr. President:- I wish to tell you how much I appreciated your invitation for later in the week, and perhaps even more so your kind and thoughtful injunction to keep my promise, for I try (although I succeed very poorly)Department of State, Washington, January 19, 1903. Dear Mr. President:- I send this to you, not imagining that you will find time to read it all, but because Mr. Barrett evidently wished it submitted to you. Yours faithfully John Hay [*File - [?]] [*state 12-20-01] Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate. Washington, D. C. [*Ackd 1-22-1903] The President: Sir: You may be assured that I am deeply sensible of the indelicacy of doing anything which shall seem to put upon you the necessity of keeping up a correspondence in relation to matters within the sphere of your public duties. It would be intolerable that any person should presume to do that amid the great pressure and variety of of subjects with which you have to deal. But you have very courteously received such communications as I have made. It is also true that it must be a great saving of your time when what I have to say is put in type, so that you are saved from a personal interview, which would be likely to take up longer than to read a letter and in which what I might have to say, might not be said so compactly and so clearly. So I take the liberty to make one or two observations, for your consideration, suggested by your letter of January seventeenth which I have just received. In that you say that Mabini is not in prison at all; that he is free to go anywhere in the wide world he wishes, save only if he go to the Philippines, he must do as everyone elsein like condition does, and take the oath; that he can go in a government vessel anywhere except to the Philippines, that he can go in an ordinary vessel to the Philippines, but will not be allowed to land unless he take the oath. You add, commenting on my statement that, "I cannot, as an American Senator, be indifferent to a claim which practically admits your constitutional right to set up a Bastille in our oriental possessions and to commit anybody who may be found there to an indefinite if not a perpetual imprisonment", that, "the Bastille in question includes all the inhabited world, except the Philippines." Certainly my conversation and correspondence with you have not been with the idea, on my part, that Malbini was at liberty to go wherever he pleased, including Manila Bay, with the single restraint that he could not land without taking the oath. When I first spoke to you on the subject, I spoke of Malbini as being in prison in Guam. After I had spoken to you, I sent to me a communication from Charles Francis Adams and others, of which I had not known when I spoke to you, in which they speak of Malbimi as being confined in Guam. I wrote to you afterward sending you some of Malbini's productions, and stated that you held his fate in your hands. Later I showed you General Miles' letter saying that Malbini is confined in prison, and that he saw him there. Not only I did not understand that he was not in prison but was free, with the single exception stated, but the fact that you said first that you wished to consult Mr. Secretary Root, and afterward that you had consulted him and that he and Mr. Wright were both strongly averse to letting Malbini return, tended to confirm my impression that he was detained by our power at Guam. Now if Malbini has the right to go to the Philippine Islands by any conveyance he can procure, and only is not permitted to land there, then, I suppose, the question whether it be lawful to refuse that permission, must depend on the question in whom is vested, to-day, the lawful authority to determine whether a person lawfully in the harbor have the right to land. It is not that matter - since the Statute of 1902, chapter 1369 - solely for the law-making power now established by Congress, to wit, the Philippine Commission, subject, of course, subject to the act of Congress itself? The Third Section of that Act limits your power to regulate and control commercial intercourse with and within said Islands, to such time as the sovereignty and authority of the United States encountered armed resistance there. That time, I understand, has gone by. The Statute further provides that the privilege of habeas corpus shall not be suspended there - with certain exceptions; that in criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to have a speedy and public trial, etc.; that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty and property without due process of law, or be denied the equal protection of the law. Now as I understand, the order deporting Malbini was during the war. By its own terms, he was to be deported "during the[?war"] He has never been tried and convicted of any offense whatever, unless there were some inquiry under military direction which resulted in the order I have stated, the force which has now expired. So I suppose he could, if detained in the Harbor of Manila, until he should take the oath of allegiance, or required to take it afterward or detained if he should refuse, apply for a writ of habeas corpus and, under under provisions of that Act, could appeal the case to the Supreme Court of the United States. I do not understand that Mr. Secretary Root or the President himself is authorized to interfere with the due process of law there. So I infer, perhaps erroneously, that you supposed, as I did, that the question was of your power over the Island of Guam, where Malbini is found and where no law has yet been established by Congress. Of all these matters I am very glad to learn from your letter that the only question, in which Malbini is concerned, is of the right to exclude him from his native land; that with that exception, he is free to go where he will on the face of the earth. I have had no time to make a careful examination of the whole history of the legislation affecting the Philippine Islands. Unless I shall find something which leads to a contrary conclusion, I should like to reserve the right to submit to you a brief argument, hereafter, to the effect that there is no authority which can lawfully exclude him from the Philippine Islands, nor compel him to take an oath of allegiance as condition of his return, that the authority is not vested in you since the armed resistance is over; that Congress has sanctioned no such proceeding; that the Philippine Commission can make no such regulation as that without a violation of the Act of Congress of 1902, and that, of course, the powers of the Secretary of War, which are subordinate to yours, do not include a power denied to the President. If that be true, the correspondence, with which I am afraid you are becoming infinitely weary, though begun on a misapprehension apparently existing on both sides. will have led to very favorable and satisfactory results. If there be any authority known to you to prevent Mabini from landing in Manila, which has escaped my notice, perhaps you will do me the great favor to direct that the information be conveyed to me. I cannot doubt that the universal public belief in this country is that Mabini is confined in theIsland of Guam by the Executive authority, in whatever Department it be vested, which is governing Guam now. It is said that that Island is now under the Department of the Navy. But I have not made any inquiry on that subject. I am, with high regard, faithfully yours, Geo F Hoar The President, White House.for me to speak to you. I doubly regret it for I have wished very much to thank you for the honor you paid my brother in Porto Rico in yr message. He was most pleased as were all of us — Trusting that my terrible absentmindedness is pardoned by you. Believe me, Sincerely yrs, Cornelia Ridgely Hunt. Jany 19th 1466 R.I. Ave [*[1-19-03]*] [*Ackd 1-21-1903*] My dear Mr. President, I hate to trespass upon yr valuable time but I must write to beg you to forgive my seeming rudeness yesterday. I had just left my home & my mind was miles away. So I did not realize you were passing until you had gone too far[*096*] [*1057*] Form 168 THE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPANY INCORPORATED 25,000 OFFICES IN AMERICA. CABLE SERVICE TO ALL THE WORLD This Company TRANSMITS and DELIVERS messages only on conditions limiting its liability, which have been assented to by the sender of the following message. Errors can be guarded against only be repeating a message back to the sending station for comparison, and the Company will not hold itself liable for errors or delays in transmission or delivery of Unrepeated Messages, beyond the amount of tolls paid thereon, nor in any case where the claim is not presented in writing within sixty days after the message is filed with the Company for transmission. This is an UNREPEATED MESSAGE, and is delivered by request of the sender, under the conditions named above. ROBERT C. CLOWRY, President and General Manager RECEIVED AT Wyatt Building, Cnr. 14th & F. Streets, S.E. A426Ny. Ib. Xa 38 collect CLINTON, N.Y. Jan 19,1903 [*File] Hon Elihu Root Arlington Hotel, Washington, D.C. Columbia challenges debate question Resolved that President Roosevelts policy of appointing negro in office in states where public opinion is against it is unwise Would you accept question as states Is there such a policy? Please write. Elihu Root J'r. 10:51pm[*note in short-hand*] [*Ackd 1-20-1903*] January 19, 1903. My Dear Sir: I beg leave to enclose a copy of a letter which I addressed privately and confidentially some days ago, to twenty-three members of Congress with whom I am well acquainted. Trusting that the measure will be adopted by Congress in accordance with the President's suggestion, and that you will be placed at the head of that department and thereby become a member of the Cabinet, I am, Yours truly, David B Sickles[For 1 enc. &1 attachment see 1-19-03][*Copy*] [*[ca 1-19-03]*] [*[1-19-03]*] Dear Sir: - Among thoughtful men engaged in the conduct of corporate and commercial affairs, I find that the impression is growing that the interests of the country at large would be materially promoted by the organization and establishment of a department of commerce, the secretary of which should, in their opinion, have a seat in the Cabinet. I assume of course, that you are familiar with the arguments favoring such a creation and I will therefore not weary you with them. My object in writing to you at the present time is to assure you of the wide interest felt by active business men in this city and throughout the country in the establishment of such a department. I am convinced that a department of commerce would be distinctly in the line of public interest, and I therefore earnestly request and urge your hearty co-operation and support of the Bill to establish the department now pending in the House. Thanking you in advance for any co-operation you may feel disposed to give me in this matter, I am Yours very truly, David B. Sickles. [*ackd 2/23/1903] New York, Jan 19, 1903. President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C.: Dear Sir - The expose of fraud in the P.O. Dept is not exceptional in "rake-offs." One of the boldest of this species of robbery was perpetrated more than a year ago in the purchase of material for the printing office at Manilla, P.I. The aggregate amount of money expended for an outfit for the printing plant at Manilla cost the Government more than one hundred and twenty thousand dollars, when, in fact, forty thousand dollars would have been a liberal outlay for said purpose. In addition to this fraudulent transaction, more than one hundred and twenty odd thousand dollars were expended for stock, and exorbitant prices likewise were paid. That there (over)was gross fraud in these transactions in the way of "rake-off" there is no doubt whatever. This assertion can be easily verified, provided the Government places the matter into the hands of a good, cautious inspector, with practical knowledge of the printing business. In the first place, it would be necessary for the inspector to secure exact copies of all vouchers in the War Dept, receipts in payment for material for the Manilla printing outfit, stock, etc. Then prepare decoy proposals therefrom, and submit the decoy proposal to all firms who had received payment for goods for Manilla printing office. After receiving the decoy bids from the firms, comparison may be made with the original vouchers at the War Dept, and thus the wide discrepancy disclosed in the whole transaction. Then the question arises "who secured the rich "rake-off?"' The superintendent of printing of the Manilla office is one Leech, and his Chief Clerk, Jones, both of whom were implicated in a corrupt transaction some years ago (over) by using a bribery fund of thirty-five thousand dollars to "influence" Congressmen to increase the wages of printers and bookbinders GPO. Printers and bookbinders at the G.P.O were compelled to pay an assessment of $25 each. These men assert that Leech and Jones kept half of the money collected for bribery of Congressmen. Senator Gorman was Chairman of Committee on Printing just before the expiration of his term in 1897; and he had not been friendly to increase the printers wages until the fund of $35,000 was in sight. Then he rushed the measure through the Senate without delay. But notwithstanding that coincidence, employees at G.P.O., say that much of the "swag" stuck to the pockets of Leech and Jones. If the suggestion herein is adopted, how to detect these "rake-off patriots," it would be wise not to make known the secret at the G.P.O. , because Leech and Jones were formerly assistant foremen there, and doubtless have special friends therein to keep them posted. Very Respectfully, R.L. Wynn, 701 Grand St.[* Insular Bureau, War Department. June 29 1903 8038 -1-] [*attached to Sickels 1-19-03] David B. Sickels, Vice President and Treasurer American Surety Co. 400 Broadway, New York.COPY. Hampton, Va., Jan.20, 1903 My dear General: I am again down here, "out of humanity's reach", as the late Alexander Selkirk would say. The man Smith, about whom I wrote you concerning the Hampton post office, has concluded to withdraw from the race. I told him plainly that I thought the race in the South owed it to the President not to embarrass him by multiplying applications for office just at this time, when the fire of the Southern press is trained on him. Smith very kindly concurred in this view of the situation, and, at my suggestion, went to see Col. Bowden at Norfolk today and announced his formal withdrawal. Did I do right? I hope you will call my action to the attention of the President. I shall probably turn my face toward New York on next Monday or Tuesday. Hoping you are very well, I remain, Faithfully yours, (Signed) Charles W. Anderson Gen. J. S. Clarkson, Custom House, New York.[ENCL. IN. CLARKSON TO LOEB: CA-1-24-03][* Shorthand] [*?Mr ?McGraw] [*Ackd 1/20/03] 913 Rhode Island Avenue Washington D.C. 20 Jany. 1903 To the Honorable, The Secretary to the President, Washington D.C.; Dear Mr. Secretary;--- I would respectfully call your attention to the enclosed page of White House pictures which appeared in last Sunday's issue of the New York Herald. I am placed in a very embarrassing position by the publication of these pictures at this time, as I had been positive in every case where I placed my White House pictures that they should not appear before the 5th. of February, in compliance with your request. Naturally the editors who have held the pictures will be indignant and I presume that my syndicated story will suffer in consequence. If it will not inconvenience you to do so will you kindly let me know if there was a mistake in Mr. Dunn's publishing his pictures on last Sunday. I shall greatly appreciate it, if it will not embarrass you, if you can let me know if there was a mistake in the matter. Assuring you of my full appreciation of the many kindnesses and courtesies which you have always shown to all of the representatives of the press, and with best wishes I am Sincerely Mrs. Abby S. Baker[[shorthand]] The Commercial Advertiser. ESTABLISHED 1797. 187 BROADWAY AND 5 & 7 DEY STREET, EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT NEW YORK 20th Jan. [*Ackd 1-21-1903*] Dear Mr. President – I am vain enough to think you may like to see this. The death of Gonzales is going to be of great service to you in your negro position. Yours always J. B. Bishop To/ President Roosevelt[*1-20-03] To the Editor of the Churchman. Your severe criticism of President Roosevelt, in your editorial of the 17th inst., because of his appointment of a colored person to federal office, is, in the opinion of this writer, not justified by present conditions. Thirty-five years ago this government, by law, made native negroes full and equal citizens of the United States and of the states wherein they resided. The federal government having established this condition is it proper for the President to now ignore or deny it? Within these years large numbers of colored people in the south have become educated men and women of most excellent character and capacity, in their several communities, as preachers, teachers, doctors, trained nurses etc. etc. This primal education was started by the government under the Freedman's bureau, and has been sustained and extended by the liberal contributions of the Christian people of the North, and the missionary spirit of the good men and women who came down among the negroes to sustain the work until now when the educational facilities are in full progress from the primary schools to the universities for colored people. The several southern states are now doing all they can afford to supplement this great work. Therefore, is there now any reason except the jealous and envious hate of a few low class white people found in many communities, why the black skin should be a bar to favorable action by the federal appointing power? Why should the President be censured because he requires upright intelligent and competent appointees, without drawing the color line? If that element, in a Mississippi town who would lead a lynching, demand the resignation, after years of satisfactory public service of a competent colored postmistress, would it justify the Presidentin ignoring the law? So far as my knowledge extends, colored men who hold important federal offices in Georgia have fulfilled their official duties to the satisfaction of the public patrons, and of the departments at Washington. Because of their record they have been continued and reappointed. For this is the President to be censured? On the contrary President Roosevelt is entitled to, and will receive the approval of all law abiding citizens north and south, for his firmness and justness in executing his presidential duties. At the annual conventions of our diocese of Georgia you will see clear blooded black priests in full priestly robes, marching up to the chancel rail side by side with white priests. When a Barnwell of South Carolina and a Georgia negro pass up together as priests of the holy Catholic Church to receive the sacred elements from the same cup and from the same hand, the intelligent congregation of white people who witness it are not outraged thereby. They realize the change that thirty-five years of freedom and education have wrought, and do not argue that the black priest should have remained in the furrow with the mule. I claim for President Roosevelt exactly what you "covet" for him, repeating your own excellent words "that masterful detachment from personal and subjective considerations and convictions that has characterized all great men who have represented a cause and a people." Rufus B. Bullock. Atlanta, Ga. Jan. 20th, 1903.[*Enc. IN Bullock 1-27-03][*Ackd 1-22-1903*] 214 BROADWAY NEW YORK, January 20, 1903. To the President, Sir:- There is, as I am informed, now under discussion before the Committee of the Senate on Interstate & Foreign Commerce, a bill, which has come over from the House of Representatives, for creation of a Department of Commerce, with the Interstate Commerce Commission as one of its bureaus, reporting to the Secretary of Commerce, who is to be a cabinet officer. Remembering as I Do the very clear way in which you expressed yourself on this subject a year ago, in the presence of the Attorney General and of Commissioners Knapp and Prouty, Mr. Paul Morton and myself, may I be permitted to urge upon you the advisability of now giving a like expression of your wishes in this matter? Within the past twelve months I have given a great deal of thought to this question, and am firmly convinced that much of the incapacity of the Commission to carry out of the purposes of the Act to Regulate Commerce arises from their having become, if not a fourth branch of the Federal Government at least an anomalous thing, not known to the Constitution. Under the Act to Regulate Commerce as originally passed, early in 1887, it was provided, at Section 21:- "That the Commission shall, on or before the first day of December in each year, make a report to the Secretary of the Interior, which shall be by him transmitted to Congress, and copies of which shall be distributed as are the other reports issued from the Interior Department. This report shall contain such information and data collected by the Commission as may be considered of value in the determination of questions connected with the regulation of commerce, together with such recommendationsThe President -2- 214 BROADWAY, NEW YORK, as to additional legislation relating thereto as the Commission may deem necessary." Under that Act it was perfectly competent for the President, as provided in Article II, Section 2, Paragraph 1 of the Constitution, to "require the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer " the Interior Department, "upon any subject relating to the duties of" his office, including among them all the matters which could be dealt with by the Interstate Commerce Commission, which was, by the Act, required to report to the Secretary of the Interior as above set forth. At a later date, Section 21 of the Act of 1887 was amended so as to read as follows:- "That the Commission shall, on or before the first day of December in each year, make a report, which shall be transmitted to Congress, and copies of which shall be distributed as are the other reports transmitted to Congress. This report shall contain such information and data collected by the Commission as may be considered of value in the determination of questions connected with the regulation of commerce, together with such recommendations as to additional legislation relating thereto as the Commission may deem necessary; and the names and compensation of the persons employed by said Commission." It may be that the President has in some way power to obtain reports, in writing or otherwise, as to things done by the Commission under the Act of 1887 as thus amended, but I fail to find such power in the Constitution. I am not sufficiently familiar with the law to know whether the President, or for that matter anyone else, has power to remove, or in any way discipline or control, the Interstate Commerce Commissioners, or any of their clerks or subordinates. While it does seem to me most important, and in fact absolutely essential, that the Commission, and indeed every other bodyThe President -3- 214 Broadway, New York, created by an act of Congress, should be coordinated to the plan of Government provided in the Constitution under the three heads of the Legislative, the Executive and the Judicial, it is not for this reason solely that the measure now pending needs your support, but rather in order that the hands of the Commission be strengthened. As it is now, they lack the support of any member of the Cabinet, nor have they any recognized way of appealing to the Executive for assistance in carrying on their work, except in so far as, under the Act, they are authorized to call upon the Attorney General or his subordinates for assistance in litigating cases. They are, however, in no sense a part of the Department over which the Attorney General presides, nor of any other of the Executive Departments. This want of touch between the Commission and the President, through his Cabinet, shows itself in many ways, even in such details as delays in publishing the Reports of the Commission to Congress. The 14th Annual Report of the Commission, on the Statistics of Railways in the United States for the year ended June 30, 1901, bears the imprint "Washington, Government Printing Office. 1902." and is dated June 30, 1902. It was sent out with a circular dated December 1, 1902 and the copy now before me reached New York and was acknowledged on January 13,1903. Surely if the Secretary of the Treasury, and the Officers under him, such as the Comptroller of the Currency, can print and publish their voluminous reports relating to a fiscal year ended on June 30, in time to be submitted to Congress at the opening of the session in December following, it would be possible, if the Interstate Commerce Commission were in this way subordinated to the The President -4- 214 BROADWAY, NEW YORK, new Department of Commerce, to also have the very minute and detailed statistics which are annually collected by the Commission, laid before Congress, as the law requires, on or before the first day of December following. For nearly a year past, I have been endeavoring to make out what the Commission really is under the Plan of Government laid down in the Constitution. It certainly is not a Committee of Congress, nor is it a Court. Its duties being mainly, if not exclusively, administrative, it should be, not only as it originally was, but for its own good, more emphatically and distinctly subordinated to a Cabinet Minister and so co-ordinated to the general Plan of Government. Trusting that if you still concur, as I believe you do, in this opinion, you will say as much to some of the Senators who have this bill under discussion, I remain, With great respect Stuyvesant Fish -[Personal] [1903] Jan. 20, 1902 [*Ackd 1-21-1903] 33 East 30th Street. Dear Mr. President I have been shown a letter, apparently genuine, written by your direction to Capt. Schmittberger and saying that he can always refer to you for his services in the Police Department. I therefor write to you, not as President but as a personal friend, and in the strictest confidence, to ask what you really think of Schmittberger. Do you think his [appointment as] promotion to Inspector would be wise or unwise having in mind its effect on the public, and would it have a good or bad effect on the force? He practically turned State's Evidence at the [?Lexon] investigation in 1894, and his previous record was bad. Dr. Packhurst and Mr. Moss have volunteered the opinion that while this is true his conduct since 1894 has been straight. As but whether they are true or not I am not yet quite sure. Both of them recommend him to me in the strongest possible terms. As for his ability, energy and force there is no question As to his integrity - which is the vital point - ?? I trust that I am not abusing our friendship in asking you - though President - these questions in a purely private and unofficial capacity. You answer will be used and known to myself only. Sincerely yours F.V. Greene[*Personal] [*Shorthand] [*Ackd 1-24-1903] Russell B. Harrison, Attorney at Law Suite 708 Newton Claypool Building, Indianapolis. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. My Dear Colonel:- In April 1902, in a most generous and courteous way, you named the military post, which had been established in Indianapolis, Ft. Benjamin Harrison, in honor of my father. This marked evidence of friendship and respect was very deeply appreciated by every member of my father's family. The act, when given to the public, received unanimous and and general approval throughout the state. Recently a movement was started to place you in a very embarrassing position in connection with the name of the post. Under the pretext that Ft. Harrison in Montana was named after Benjamin Harrison, a resolution was introduced in the State Senate - the legislature is absolutely controlled by Senator Fairbanks, who will be reelected this week - requesting you to change the name from F. Benjamin Harrison to Ft. Hackleman. It is openly charged that the desire to change the name, is not so much in the interest of Gen. Hackleman (who was killed in the Civil War) as it is to place you in the embarrassing position of having to choose between Hackleman and Harrison, or as between the legislature's wishes and your own generous impulse. It is charged with some at least, of the originators of this movement that you might be induced to change the name, and thereby offend the strong Harrison element in this state, which for is for you so strongly and loyally in 1904. I have known you too long to believe that you would, for a moment, extend so graceful an act to my father's memory, and then recall it in a way that would prove so harmful to his memory. I, therefore, do not write to urge you to stand by your friendly and courteous recognition of my father's services T. R. - 2 to his country, but simply to place the facts before you. With the assistance of members of the family and friends of my father, I will do every thing I can to prevent such a resolution being passed by the Indiana Legislation and going forward to you, for I am so loyal and consistent a friend that I do not want to see you placed in such an embarrassing position. While I may not be able to defeat the resolution in the Senate, as I hope to do, I believe I can in the House. If you feel the great compliment you paid my father's memory, in giving him such a living and continuous honor in his own home, by naming the military post after him, you might assist the situation, and save some embarrassment and humiliation to members of his family, as well as yourself, by announcing that youe decision last spring in naming the post was final, and will not be changed. It will help defeat the resolution. Public sentiment is being aroused in this state, and the attempt to change the name of the post will prove very harmful to the originators of the movement. If you take a firm stand in the matter, it will strengthen the opinion the citizens have of you. It will assist me in my work for you, as I intend. The situation seems ripe to have printed and circulated in Indiana, my father's opinion of you that appeared in Success last year. Your sincere friend, Russell B. HarrisonDepartment of State, Washington, January 20, 1903. Dear Mr. President:- I have your kind invitation for lunch on Monday the 26th, which it will give me the greatest pleasure to accept. Yours faithfully John Hay [*I am laid up with a severe cold and cannot get out of the house today*]Law Offices of Holls, Wagner & Burghard, 120 Broadway, New York. Frederick Wm Holls. Louis A Wagner. Edward M. Burghard. [* Ackd 1-21-1903 [?] ] Private. Not for public files. January 20th, 1903. Dear Mr. President: As you are aware, Albert Shaw and I have for years taken a prayerful interest in the great question of the Isthmian Canal, and we are both deeply concerned over the present situation, when the stubbornness of an omnibus load full of corrupt politicians in Bogota may evidently be the cause of this government's trying to build an impractical canal in Nicaragua, with the probable result that we shall sink a large amount of money in what the best experts believe to be an impossible undertaking. The result is most likely to be scandal and dissatisfaction over an unfinished ditch, the abandonment of the latter, and another attempt to come to terms with Columbia. In other words, instead of making time by prompt action now, the danger is certainly imminent that we shall lose all the years which it will take for us to find out that the Nicaragua Canal is indeed impracticable, and that this great world-undertaking with which your name and your administration ought to be connected in the most honorable manner, may leave in this country, as ell as in France, a great quantity of regret and recrimination, as well as anythingLaw Offices of Holls, Wagner & Burghard, 120 Broadway, New York. 2. Frederick Wm Holls. Louis A Wagner. Edward M. Burghard. but glory for those responsible, no matter how sincere, patriotic and high-minded may be their intentions. This all the more to be feared since I understand perfectly that the law as it stands really gives you no choice but requires you to negotiate with Nicaragua and Costa Rica if the negotiations with Columbia fail. I should say, in parenthesis, that my opinion about the practicability of either route is, of course, worth nothing whatever as I am no expert, but that besides discussing the matter with a number of unprejudiced expert engineers in Europe, I listened about two weeks ago to an extremely able and interesting lecture on the subject by George S. Morrison, the eminent engineer who is a member of our Panama Commission. All that I have to say on this subject is based on the implied correctness of the views of these gentlemen. Assuming them, however, for the sake of the argument, to be correct, I venture to urge upon you, not only as right, but as wise and politic in the highest degree and in the highest possible sense of the term, an immediate attempt on behalf of the administration to have the law changed before the 4th of March, so as to give you at least another years time to deal with Columbia. I believe that you would have no 3 Law Offices of Holls, Wagner & Burghard, 120 Broadway, New York. Frederick Wm Holls. Louis A Wagner. Edward M. Burghard. difficulty in in obtaining this legislation from Congress, especially if you urged it in one of your characteristic messages. After it has been obtained, I strongly advise an immediate well considered diplomatic campaign for the annexation of the State of Panama. I believe that this can be brought about by the right kind of diplomacy in Bogota and in the State of Panama, and I think the Government would be perfectly justified in showing decided friendliness to the efforts which are constantly being made in the State of Panama to achieve independence from the rest of Colombia. The State of Panama is is neither valuable for Colombia, nor in logical or proper connection with it, and it would be for the highest interests of every one of its inhabitants to be annexed to the United States either after, or without, a declaration of independence. I have every reason to believe, in view of private information from those most likely to know exactly what they are talking about, that the government of Colombia could be induced to sell the entire State. When it remembered that this rotten republic has during the last ten years committed enough outrages against American citizens and American interests to justify several declarations of war, only to be treated each time with the greatest possible4 Law Offices of Holls, Wagner & Burghard, 120 Broadway, New York. Frederick Wm Holls. Louis A Wagner. Edward M. Burghard. kindness and generosity by this country, there seems to me no doubt whatever that we we could justify before God and man a policy of proper and just coercion, which would would lead to an immediate change in the Colombian Constitution prohibiting alienation of territory, and to a bargain honorable alike to both countries, and in the highest interests of the civilization of the world. I refrain from entering into the details of this proposed procedure, as I do not wish to appear even as unduly obtrusive, or as interfering with the proper business of the State Department. It is for this reason that I most respectfully ask you to consider this letter as having been written for your eyes alone. Of course, if you should desire it, I would be glad at any time to outline the campaign more in detail. This is all the more unnecessary at present, however, since to my great delight, you have found as the successor to Dr. Hill one of the very best men in the country for the position, - my old and valued friend, Francis B. Loomis, who knows South America, especially Colombia and Venezuela, thoroughly, and who, I have no doubt whatever, will be able to give you every possible information, as well as most valuable advice, upon this particular point. I sincerely hope that will take an early opportunity of a careful consultation with him.5 Law Offices of Holls, Wagner & Burghard, 120 Broadway, New York. Frederick Wm Holls. Louis A Wagner. Edward M. Burghard. I know you will pardon me for writing so urgently about this matter, which interests me deeply and which i have followed very carefully for many years. Now seems the time for legislation, extending the period, and I am convinced that we will gain time by apparently losing another year. I have the honor to remain, Dear Mr. President, Very Respectfully, Your obedient servant, Frederick W. HollsJAN 26 12- 27 PM 1903 LELAND STANFORD JUNIOR UNIVERSITY OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT Stanford University, Cal. [*Ackd 1/27/1903*] [* D.S. Jordan*] Jan. 20, 1903. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. Roosevelt: It seems to me that the time is favorable for the rescue of the Fur Seal. Its existence as a species depends on the continued protection of the breeding grounds on the Pribilof, Commander and Robben Islands by the governments of the United States and Russia. The restoration of the herds to their former numbers would be assured if the killing of the females at sea (Pelagic Sealing) could be prevented. With Messrs. Foster and Hamlin we concluded in 1897 a treaty with Japan and Russia by which these nations agreed to concur in any arrangement we might make with Great Britain looking to the abolition of Pelagic Sealing. I think that this plan would be feasible: 1. To submit to the arbitration of the Court of The Hague the question of the Alaskan boundary with the proviso that either the claim of the United States or that of Canada should be conceded as a whole -- with no attempt at splitting the difference. 2. In the same connection Great Britain, the United States, Russia and Japan should agree to frame in some way, preferably through a scientific commission, an International2 Game Law which should preserve the Fur Seal and similar mammals (Walrus, Sea Lion, Hair Seal, Sea Otter, etc) which breed on shore and feed in the sea. The only way in which this can be done is to recognize property rights in the herd vested in the nations to which the breeding grounds belong, at the same time making the killing of these animals at sea, outside the three-mile limit, an offense. At sea the sexes cannot be distinguished and hence only through the total prohibition of pelagic killing can the females be protected. The first of these two propositions should be conditioned on the acceptance of the second. This would require that Canada and Japan renounce forever the right of pelagic sealing, confirmed by the Award of the Paris Tribunal of 1893, but destructive to the life of the herd. To the Court of the Hague could be assigned the problem of determining the value of this right of Pelagic Sealing, that is, the sum which the United States shall pay to Canada and the sum due from Russia to Japan in return for the abandonment of this legal (but immoral) right. The Fur Seal is the most valuable of sea animals. It breeds in regions uninhabitable by man, except for the purpose of capturing the animals. It feeds on nothing that man can utilize. Our herd now yields about 20,000 skins (of young males) annually, the number steadily growing less (It was 100,000 in 1889 and for 15 years previous to that time.). These3 20,000 skins yield the Government about $200,000 annually under its contract with the lessees of the islands, the gross receipts to the lessees themselves amounting to a like sum. If the animals were protected at sea this annual yield would gradually rise to the former figure of $100,000 and yield a revenue of $1,000,000 per annum to the Government, and this without injury to the herd as by the operation of the lessees on the islands only young superfluous males (the animals being polygamous) are killed on the islands. With proper care and protection of the rookeries against the ravages of the parasitic worm, Uncinaria, the former maximum figure of 100,000 skins could be indefinitely increased. The Commander Islands, belonging to Russia, yield about half as a many skins as the Pribilof Islands and are subject to like conditions with the American islands. To my mind, and perhaps also to yours, a still stronger argument is found in our plain duty to protect this most valuable and most picturesque animal of the sea from utter extermination. We have, as civilized Americans, a duty to see that mother earth is not robbed of the noble animals which can never be replaced. Doubtless the buffalo had to go to make way for Omaha and Denver, but no one wants the homes of the Fur Seals. If the species is exterminated, the islands they inhabit will be lifeless for eternity. Very truly yours, David Starr Jordan.(COPY) Richard Olney, 23 Court Street. PERSONAL. Boston, 20 January, 1903. The President, White House, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President: In the matter of the American National Red Cross -- I was made acquainted yesterday for the first time with the document served upon you by Ex-Secretary of State Foster and other incorporators complaining of the proceedings taken at the last annual meeting and taking the ground apparently that the corporation had so discredited itself that the President and Cabinet ought not to act as a board of consultation in compliance with a resolution passed at the meeting. I was also informed that you had replied with a statement that thePresident and the Cabinet could not act in the capacity desired and with a request that your action in the matter be made public. I am one of the corporators and have been from the beginning, occasionally giving advice upon legal questions. I am somewhat in doubt as to what sort of public notice you think should be given. If it is meant that all the corporators should be notified of your action in the promises, there can be no objection to it. If it is meant that the public generally should be notified by notices published in newspapers or otherwise, will not the effect be not only to censure the managers of the last corporate meeting but to greatly injure the worthy cause the American National Red Cross stand for? If there is no immediate haste in the matter, I should like the present status to be preserved until I can see you personally next week. I shall be in Washington from the 27th to the 30th and, if I can have a few moments of your time, should like to make some suggestions about the situation which I agree is not what it ought to be. With sincere regards, I remain, Faithfully yours, (Signed) RICHARD OLNEY.[*Wrote Mr. Elkins 1-21-1903*] WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. January 20,1903. Memorandum: Senator Elkins called on the 'phone to say that many prominent men are much interested in the selection of ex-Senator Lindsay - Judge Lindsay - to assist Minister Bowen in the Venezuelan negotiations. Senator Elkins says he is deeply interested in this matter, that many friends have spoken to him, and that he hoped to be able to come here this morning to say this to the President, but was prevented by two meetings. He anticipates tat Mr. Bowen will need such assistance, and he believes Judge Lindsay would be a peculiarly well qualified man to act with Mr. Bowen; the President knows him and knows how able a man he is. [*[CORTELYOU?]*][*[1-20-03]*] [shorthand][ *[Ca. 1-20-03]*] [Cruisers and Gunboats. ] Fish, Stuyvesant, New York City In re BUREAU OF COMMERCE: Interstate Commerce Commission: Urges the President to give an expression of his wishes in the matter similar to the way in which he expressed himself an this subject a year ago in the presence of the Attorney General and Commissioners Knapp and Prouty and others. Incapacity of Commission to carry out purposes of Act to regulate Commerce arises from their having become a branch of the Federal Government not known to the Constitution. Complains of delays in Reports.[attached to Fish, 1-20-03]TELEGRAM. White HOUSE, Washington. 5 WU MC 01 43 Paid----4p Dover, Delaware, January 21, 1903. Theodore Roosevelt President of U. S.. Washington. The bolters are industriously circulating report among members of General Assembly that you favor the election as United States senators of a bolter and a Democrat by the Delaware Legislature. Will you authorize me to deny report? J. Edwards Addicks, Member Rep. National Committee, from Delaware.[*For attachment see 1-22-03*]Custom House, [*Ackd 1-24-1903*] Surveyor's Office, [SHORTHAND] New York, January 21st, 1903. [*see Mollison, W. E. 1/15/03*] My dear Mr. Cortelyou: I have received your letter of January 20th, enclosing the letter from Mr. Mollison of Vicksburg, Miss., and have read Mr. Mollison's letter with much of interest. I have also had sent to me a copy of the petition signed by a majority of the Republican State Committee in Mississippi to be sent to the President. The interview that Postmaster General Payne and I had with Mr. Hill and the U.S. District Attorney Montgomery from Mississippi, and their recital of the attitude of the old line Republicans of that State, in feeling that the Republican party of Mississippi was being given a hearing, impressed me not a little, and I think also made quite an impression on Mr. Payne. The statement of Hill himself had no impression on either of us, and I am sure neither of us has ever had any thought but that his usefulness to the party had gone for good. The only question was whether the Republicans of Mississippi as a body did not number among themselves men of high character and competent for wise and sincere counsel. Mr. Wilson, being a Democrat, would need to be wise far beyond the common measure of man to administer (Mr. Cortelyou, 2) the affairs of the Republican party in the State in a manner satisfactory to the Republicans. Montgomery, the United States Attorney, being a man of more than ordinary intelligence and to all appearances a man of deep convictions, made quite an impression on me at this interview, and I think also on Mr. Payne, as I have said. We told Mr. Hill at that time that in our judgment it was needless for him to expect any recognition; and afterwards in private conversation I told him frankly that I was sure his time had passed as a leader of the Republican party of Mississippi who would be recognized but the national administration, and that if he made any effort to get the party recognition on different lines in Mississippi, he would have to put forward other men and men of the very highest character personally and politically and standing for something in the business world. But since I read the two letters from Mr. Wilson that you gave me when I was last in your room, I can understand how and why the President has so much faith in him, and I have no desire to try and change his opinion as to him or to try and alter his course in the least. It is a very interesting experiment he is trying, and since the situation in the South in almost every State seems so hopeless, there can be no harm in following up such a promising experiment as he is making through Mr. Wilson, who seems to be, at the least, a man of great intelligence and quick discernment(Mr. Cortelyou, 3) In any event, no doubt the letter of Mr. Mollison reflects the actual opinion of the thinking and conscientious Republicans of Mississippi. I return his letter herewith. Sincerely yours, James S. Clarkson Mr. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington. (Enclosure)[SHORTHAND] [*[1-21-03]*] [*Ackd 1-22-1903 Photo Sent*] 1733 N STREET, WASHINGTON, D. C. Dear Mr. Loeb Will you have a signed photograph of the President sent to F. W. Louis Butterfield Ingle Dene Oxford England It need not be a large size Mr. Butterfield is a cousin of ours + most anxious to have the photograph. Sincerely Ever Anna Roosevelt Cowles January 21 - 1903[*Ackd 1-24-1903*] The Ten Eyck Positively Fireproof Albany. N.Y. H.I. Rockwell and Son Jan. 21, 1903. Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, White House, D. C. Dear Sir:- I am very anxious that the enclosed letter shall reach the President at once. I met Mr. Loeb here today. He advised me to send this letter to you so that it would take the course I respectfully suggest. Won't you do me the favor then to hand this letter to the President, which I leave open so that you will understand the nature of[n] its contents. Thanking you in advance for the prospective courtesy, I remain, Very truly yours, Thomas J. Cummins. P. S. In case of any response, will you be kind enough to address me at #65 First Place, Brooklyn, New York City, as I move about considerably and my movements are somewhat indefinite.The Ten Eyck Positively Fireproof Albany. N.Y. H.I. Rockwell and Son Jan. 21, 1903. To President Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President:- I notice the sad death of a friend, Mr. Julian Ralph. The duties of the office to which he was recently appointed--that of literary representative in the East for the St. Louis Exposition--are just in line with my own lengthy experiences, as I compliment myself in saying, you are fully aware. If you are not entirely familiar with my literary and newspaper career in those experiences, permit me to refer you to a former memoranda submitted to you last year in connection with the London Consul-Generalship. I presume those papers are on file in the State Department. Now permit me to ask--and earnestly too--for the reasons more particularly advanced in soliciting your friendship last year-- that you recommend me for the position made vacant by the death of Mr. Ralph. I know that you will thoroughly appreciate my fitness for the work, the experience I have had on the United States and European press being particularly useful in this connection. Hoping for a favorable response and with the warmest wishes, as usual, for your success from every standpoint, I remain, Respectfully and sincerely yours, Thomas J. Cummins.[Enc in Cummins 1-21-03][*File*] [[shorthand]] United States Senate Washington D.C. January 21, 1903. My dear Mr. President: I omitted to tell you this morning, as I had intended, that [that] the sub-committee of the Committee on the Judiciary after hearing Mr. Bayrd and Mr. Elliott, of Delaware, in opposition to Mr. Byrne's confirmation agreed by a vote of two to one to confirm him. I believe he will be confirmed without further difficulty. Very respectfully, Charles W. Fairbanks The President, White House,[*Ackd 1-22-1903*] J.W GODDARD & SONS 98 -102 BLEECKER ST. AND197 MERCER ST. NEW YORK NORTON GODDARD Jan. 21st, 1903 George B. Cortelyou, Esq., Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Cortelyou, I am very much obliged to you indeed for your letter of January 19th in regard to the Sefferian matter. I trust that the action of the Department of State in sending to the Turkish Legation your letter and its enclosures and giving [you] instructions to renew the request for the desired permission, will this time result favorably to Mr. Sefferian's interests. Thank you very much indeed for the kind attention that you gave this matter, I am, Very sincerely yours, Norton Goddard [*As the President requested it I take pleasure in asking you to tell him and Mrs Roosevelt that Mrs. Goddard and I had the pleasure of welcoming on Jan 15th a very healthy little girl baby and that Mrs. Goddard is making a splendid recovery.*] Department of State, Washington, January 21, 1903. Dear Mr. President:- I have consulted with Quesada in regard to the extension of the Cuban treaty. He is ready to sign a protocol at any time extending the treaty. I made this known to Senator Cullom. and asked him whether he thought it would be necessary. He said that, from present appearances, he thought they might ratify the treaty before the date fixed, but that he would let me know if it became desirable. So I am waithing for some intimation from him. Yours faithfully John Hay Jan 21st 1903. Georgetown Madison Co, NY Hon John Cunneen Attorney General of New York Dear Sir, Herewith I send your Honor a coppey of a Bond and also the Judgment of many of the Citizens of Georgetown. I will herein explain to you in a short way Because I have lots of writen and Printed evidence and Explanations in the Attorney Generals office allready and Governors Roosevelt and BB Odell have both Promised me that my case would be considered and investigated. And Governor Odell presented my writings to Attorney General Davies himself and advised him to act. But Attorney General Davies wrote to me to Imploy an Attorney to act for me. I wrote to him that I had imployed Attorneys and paid them in advance so long as I had money to pay. And that I had bin sold out of Land and Home on a State loan Mortgage and was wholy dependent upon a Pension for Sum that [?] and that [?] Kenedy had written.2nd page 1-21-03 me the same to present my case by an attorney, but when I don so He refused to act. And my attorneys letter who droped my case is also in the Attorney Generals office and by Michael H. Kiley giving his Excuse for abandoning my case Lawyer Wilson now of Syracuse was onse my attorney But abandoned it [*my case*] for to be a Political Candidate But didn't get nominated at Binghamton Lawyer Barclay a nephew of Hon Garrit Smith was onse my attorney and would have don his dutey well But he died very sudenly & misterious at Morrisville Madison Co. N.Y. I have tryed to imploy attorney Henry Coman now of your office and he and other attorneys was Present when I Presented the judgment of People of Georgetown and my case to Judge John E. Smith myself. But Mr. Henry Coman told me I couldn't do any thing in Madison County because John E. Smiths influence ruled. Mr Henry Coman has never injured me that I know of and he know a great deal[*[1-21-03]*] 3rd Page) about my case. But he is a village neighbor and legal fraternity member and the party I complain of whose names and offices are on the Coppey of Bond herewithinclosed May be more intitled to his simpathy or neutrality than I am, But he can tell your Honor much truth about Madison county if he is a mind to and how Religious prejudice has influence in Politics and outside of Politics. The M. H. Riley case of School Commissioners & I have experienced the same all my life and was Born in Georgetown Madison County n.y. and have suffered much culumny coersion and confliction and now I ask and Demand an Investigation and acounting of my property by the proper Legal authority. The Property the Bond was given for. Otis Stevens one of the Bail on the Bond was County Treasurer of Madison Co.n.y. And Became a defender and signed over the Property my Bond comes to little with Madison County n.y. I claim Madison County should[*[1-21-03]*] 4. page [/] Bec responsible for neglect of duty and dishonesty of its officials who are under oath and under Bail. The Bond was given for my noted trotting mare Nelly. S and some mortgages I held upon Father and Mothers home farm in Georgetown amounting to more than seven hundred dollars and I had bin offered before the Committee was apointed and after it was apointed five thousand dollars and all cost made and in the presence of John C Smith whose name is on the Bond in three places and who interfered and forbid the man Robin Murchant to purchase of me, and said he was the man who had full control of my buisness and not Judge Kenedy at that time, and Mr. Robin Murchants letter is in the Attorney Generals office to that efect. My trotting mares name Nelly. S. was changed to the Famous Maud. S. and she was sold without my knollage or consent to [4] Joseph Harker for 40000. dollars and again to Wm Vanderbilt and again to Robert Banner and she died some time ago and her Maud. S. pedigree is also in the Attorney Generals office and Nelly.S. has never bin heard of or[*[1-21-03]*] 5th page acounted for in any way. But before the sale my mare Nelly L, was shown at the State Fair at Syracuse and was driven by George Hosmer Single Double and Tantrim and the Syracuse Papers called the team Nelly. L, and Mate and the same team was driven by Wm Vanderbilt at Fleet Wood Park in 2.15 1/2 and called Maud. S. and mate. I can give lots of such evidence if I have an oportunity. For men who knew my mare Nelly L at home in Georgetown have identified her in Robert Bonner stable and one man from Cortland who present when my trotting mare Nelly L arived in New York and got her leg hurt getting off the cars as that pedigree in Attorney Generals office tells about The Poem hided Progress Protection & Pretension that I herein inclose is a Truth in Rhyme how the plot was acomplished If I acuse John E. Smith and allies of Horse stealing wrongfuly why don't they make me acount first I don't want any Charity while Thiefs are allowed to steal in name of law. I just want my liberty and eaqual rights my own and after more than a forth of a Century of Paraded6th Page Soldier love Pretension and Belicution & Confiscations in Republican and Protestant Madison County, ny I want my Just and Legal rights more than ever. And I dont want the state of New York to let me stay on my land they have sold without allowing me to Bid on my own that I have Paid with Pension checks the Interest upon many times. And then Pretend it is Republican Soldier home Charity. I Dispise such false charity. They dont turn me out of land and home because it would make my case more Publick. But I wont go untill official authority does put me out in official stile. Mayby Republicans will try and have a Democrat do it Your Honor may think that I say to much about Party and [illegible]. But I only refur to the Pretencion Politix Prejudice & Prohibishionism that has bin used to Carry out and cover up the crime I Complain of for my experiences in Madison Co ny will make a Biger Book than John Bunyans Pilgrims Progress and I want my case Investigated. Barney Loftus [*[Loftus]*]Chicago Evening Post, Jan 23 9-54 AM 1903 [*Ackn 1-24-1903*] J.C.SHAFFER,Prest. Chicago, January 21, 1903 My dear Mr. President:- The information comes from Washington that Senator Quay has made a combination with the Democrats and a few Republicans, to block all legislation at this session of Congress unless the Omnibus Statehood Bill passes. It is my opinion that it would be better that this Congress should die, and no legislation whatever should be enacted, rather than the method that Mr. Quay has inaugurated should be countenanced either by a trade or a compromise. His policy of rule or ruin will ruin the Republican party's prospects if he succeeds in his method at this time, and the Democrats are supporting him for the purpose of putting the Republican part at a disadvantage, and to insure their defeat at the next election. The sentiment in the middle West is practically unanimous against the Omnibus Statehood Bill, or any compromise with Quay. At a luncheon I gave today to Dr. Lyman Abbott, [today] where there were a number of prominent business men of Chicago present, it was a unanimous thought, and vigorously expressed, that it would be better to answer the challenge of Quay, "No legislation this session unless the Omnibus Bill is passed," by stating "No trade or compromise with a hold up on any terms". His power will be broken, and his influence scattered if he succeeds in preventing proper legislation, and thus compels you to call an extra session of Congress, and your influence with the people, I believe, will be greatly strengthened. I am Yours sincerely, His Excellency, J. C. Shaffer Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington, D.C.[attached to [?] 2-10-03] [1-21-03] Jan 21–03 [?] Republic FIRST-CLASS SERVANTS ONLY ARE OBTAINED THROUGH REPUBLIC “WANT” ADS. ALL DRUGGISTS TAKE ADS FOR THE REPUBIC AT OFFICE RATES. NINETY-FIFTH YE JUDGE ADAMS SCORES DEFENDANT DENNIS Declares From the Bench of the Federal Court That He Should Be in the Penitentiary. STATE LAWS ARE VIOLATED. Court Sustains Demurrer to Indictment Charging Fradulent Use of Mails, and Instructs Jury to Acquit. The jury in the case of Hugh C. Dennis and Thomas W. Garland, indicted on a charge of using the mails in a scheme to defraud, returned a verdict of acquittal yesterday in the United States District Court, on instruction by Judge Elmer B. Adams. This instruction was given at the conclusion of the case, on a demurrer filed by defendants’ attorneys. The demurrer alleged that the proof offered by the Government was at variance with the charges in the indictment offered in court. Judge Adams, in sustaining the demurrer, made an address in which he expressed his opinion of the methods of the Brooks Brokerage and Commission Company. Judge Chester J. Krum, who represented Dennis, asked for the acquittal of his client, Judge Adams said: “Gentlemen of the jury, it is with regret that I instruct you to return a verdict of acquittal against this defendant Dennis. This man ought to be in the Penitentiary. The evidence here introduced by the Government, and conceded by the defendant to be true, shows that he has violated the laws of the State and committed an offense which entitles him to a term in the Penitentiary. “On the evidence submitted the Federal courts have no jurisdiction in this case, but it is clearly a case for the State authorities to deal with. If the community desires redress for the acts complained of against this defendant, the attention of the State authorities should be brought to them in such a manner that official cognizance could be taken of them and prosecution be begun.” SPOKE TEN MINUTES. In this strain Judge Adams continued for ten minutes, during which the large audience hung upon his words with intense interest. Although the Judge delivered his remarks in a calm and dispassionate voice, they created a most profound impression upon the large audience, composed largely of brokers and business men. At the conclusion of the Government’s case Colonel D. P. Dyer, United States District Attorney, stated to the court that there was no evidence to support the indictment of Thomas W. Garland, and as far as the Government was concerned he was willing to admit that they had not shown that Garland had any connection with the case, and he would ask that the court dismiss the defendant Garland. On motion of Garland’s attorney, W. H. Clopton and H. Slickerman, the court dismissed the case against Garland. After court had adjourned, Judge Adams said: “Owing to the fatal variance between the proof offered by the Government and the allegations in the indictment, there was no recourse but to sustain the demurrer on the defense, and instruct for an acquittal. The Government charges that the defendant had devised a scheme to defraud by holding out that he was engaged in a legitimate brokerage business, buying, selling and delivering grain, and soliciting money from investors for that purpose. It appeared on trial, however, that the Government had established another thing entirely. The scheme of the defendant, as established by witnesses, and as conceded by defendant, was not to engage in a legitimate business of purchasing, selling and delivering grain, but to gamble on the fluctuations of the grain market. BUCKET-SHOP SCHEME. “It was a bucket-shop scheme, established for the distinct purpose of gambling on the changes in the market prices of grain. The defendant openly held out such purposes and prospects, and the patrons who responded to his solicitations did so knowingly and in furtherance of such purpose of gambling. Thus, they were not entitled to any remedy or redress under the Federal statues. The business is a distinct and open violation of the State laws against gambling, and the proper remedy lies with the State authorities, if the community desires to suppress such schemes or punish the men engaged in violating the State laws.” The case went to trial Monday, and the Government introduced a large number of witnesses, most of whom were customers of the Brooks Brokerage and Commission Company. They testified to having sent money to the concern and having received no return on their investments. All they received was letters notifying them that fluctuations in the market had wiped out their investments. E. C. Walden, secretary of the concern, gave information concerning this manner in which the business was conducted. He said that from June 1 to July 15 more than $30,000 was received from customers, of which less than $5,000 was returned in “profits.”TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 12:25 p.m. 5 WU. SS.KQ. 9 HAVANA, January 22, 1903. Roosevelt, Washington. Think proposed appointment Steinhart very opportune. Chapelle.Department of State, Washington, January 22, 1903. [?] [74] [?] [Acpd 1-22-1903] Dear Mr. President: I enclose a letter just received from Archbishop [P.I.] Chapelle. Of course I do not agree with him in his estimate of Governor Hunt, but I thought I ought to show you what so influential a Catholic prelate thinks about the state of things in Porto Rico. I need not say I would take Hunt’s word against any of them. Yours faithfully John Hay [slat 1/17/03][*???*} Jan. 22. '03 Dear Mr. President I signed the Panama Treaty at 5.15 I shall give out the news tomorrow morning, if you do not object. Yours sincerely, John Hay[*[For Encl see 1-22-03]*] [*File C. F.*] 800 - 16th St [DEPARTMENT OF STATE] WASHINGTON. Jan. 22. 1903 Dear Mr. President Rixey has been here and forbids me the Department today. I hope to see you tomorrow at Cabinet. I hope to sign both the Canal and Alaska Treaties within 24 hours. I have seen Panama and Great Britain. Yours faithfully JH. [*[JOHN HAY]*][1-22-03] Reampre Bogota. You will not volunteer advice to Colombian Government in relation to Canal propositions mentioned in your But if consulted you may say you are authorized to assure Colombian Government that those propositions would have no chance of acceptance by our President or Congress. Ack. receipt. Hay[ENCL IN HAY 1-22-03]Jan 24 12- 40 PM 1903 How, Taylor & Mitchell, Attorneys at Law, St. Paul, Minnesota. Jared How Carl Taylor William D. Mitchell Ackd 1-26-1903 January 22, 1903. The President, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir:- Following my conversation with you on the 14th inst., and in accordance with your suggestion in that regard, I write you concerning Senate File numbered 6461, being "An Act providing for an additional District Judge in the District of Minnesota", and the matter of your appointment of a Judge to fill that office when created. Doubtless by the time this reaches you there will have reached you also numerous petitions for the appointment to that Position of Honorable Hascal R. Brill, for more that twenty years a Judge of the State Court of the State of Minnesota. In my conversation with you I stated my belief that Judge Brill would have practically the unanimous support of the Bench and Bar. I find that some who have been offered the opportunity of signing the petition to you for the appointment of Judge Brill had theretofore been approached by friends of Honorable Page Morris, who is also a candidate, and had placed themselves in such a position that they could not consistently sign the petition of Judge Brill. That Judge Brill is universally considered the fittest candidate that the State can offer seems to me still to be beyond question. I have never known a criticism upon his integrity of purpose or courage in carrying it out, during his more than twenty years experience upon the Bench. It is to all lawyers with whom I have talked, the most desirable characteristic of a Judge that he shall be known to be honest, courageous and wholly impartial, How, Taylor & Mitchell. page. 2 without friends to serve or enemies to fear. It is, perhaps, equally desirable that it be fully recognized that his position was awarded him through judicial fitness alone, and not through the influences of political friendships or enmities. I should not be willing, even if I could find myself able, to Way anything derogatory to the character of Mr. Morris. I know of nothing of that kind which might be said. The situation, however, with regard to him is this: Notwithstanding the provisions of Section 6 of Article 1 of the Constitution of the United States, it is wholly apparent that the office under consideration is being created at the instance of the friends of Mr. Morris who are now in Congress, if not at the direct instance and through the direct influence of Mr. Morris himself, in order that Mr. Morris may, upon his coming retirement on the fourth of March, he provided with the office. It is true that the Act and the appointment of Mr. Morris under it will not be in direct violation of the letter of this constitutional provision, but it is manifest that the people of the United States in making this constitutional provision attempted to forestall the possibility of political trades for the creation and filling of civil offices, and it is wholly manifest that the entire transaction of the creation of this office by Congress and the appointment of Mr. Morris to it would be open to all the objections which the people attempted by this provision to forestall. Personally I resent the filling of judicial offices through political bargains, and with politicians, however meritorious they may be in a general view. I am confident that those of the Bench and Bar of this State, whose opinion upon the subject you would be interested in, consider that this transaction, if carried through to the appointment and confirmationHOW, TAYLOR & MITCHELL, PAGE. 3 of Mr. Morris, would be discreditable to the Minnesota delegation in Congress, and that it would establish a most unfortunate precedent with regard to our judicial offices, which more than any other offices, perhaps, ought to be filled without regard to political merit or gratitude for activity in politics. There will doubtless be presented to you petitions in behalf of Mr. Morris. I say again that I should not be able to make any charge against Mr. Morris if he were not a Congressman, and if the office which he sought and which his friends sought for him were not a high judicial office; but I believe fully that as between Judge Brill and Mr. Morris, and apart from the personal friendships and political considerations, the Bench and Bar of the State would be practically unanimous in the opinion that Judge Brill would be the fitter appointee. Although it is realized that a majority of the Minnesota delegation in Congress has been pledged to the support of Mr. Morris, the citizens of this State who ask you to appoint Judge Brill feel justified in relying upon their conviction that he is the most eminently qualified candidate for the position, and upon their belief that you will not be a party to creating so dangerous a precedent as would be involved in denying the appointment to one who is qualified by merit only, and giving it to one who is placed in the ppsition with regard to the office that Mr. Morris occupies. It may be proper for me to say that the Secretary of the Treasury has authorized me to declare to you, or to anybody, that he is a firm friend and warm admirer of Judge Brill. This I add in order that, if you shall chose, you may inquire from him regarding Judge Brill's character and judicial qualities. Yours very truly, Jared How.[For 1 attachment see How, 1-22-03]TELEGRAM White House, Washington. SENATE, JAN. 22, 1903. 10:29 a.m. Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. J.G. Darlington, about when I talked with the President this morning, is the President of the Union League, Philadelphia. See my letter of yesterday to the President. M. S. Quay. [Ackd 1-26-1903] [2] T. RICHARDSON, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. AN EXCELLENT MONTHLY NEWSPAPER. JAN 24 2- 45 PM 1903 OFFICE OF THE VIDETTE. VOX POPULI VOX DEI. PORT GIBSON, MISS., Jan 22nd. 1903 President T.H.Roosevelet. Washington. D.C. Sir: As a public man and a member of the Rep. Ex. Committee of this State; I deem it fit and proper to express an opinion touching the appointment of Mr. Edgar S.Wilson as Referee in matters pertaining to Federal Offices in Miss. Never in the history of the Republican Party of of this State has there been less cause for friction bet. the Party leaders than during the past year. I attribute this political calm to the firm; but conservative course of Mr. Wilson. While the Stat[e] Press has never lost an opportunit[y] to attack him; he has stood as firm as a granite rock. In his efforts to make the best recommendations for Federal appointments; he has almost invariably taken the Party leaders into his counsel , and they have without hesitation, cooperated with him . Of course; When his appointment as Referee was announced ; considerable dissatisfaction was manifested within Rep. Circles in Miss. ; but his straight forward course has effectually disarmed every one . It may be in the nature of presumptionT. Richardson, Editor and Proprietor. An Excellent Monthly Newspaper. Office of the Vidette. Vox Populi Vox Dei. Port Gibson, Miss., 190 on my part to suggest anything in reference to the Refereeship in this State; but I think it would be sound policy to recognize Mr. Wilson,s efficient work should it be thought necessary to make any changes in existing conditions in Miss. That my views may have some consideration at your hands; permit me to state that I was a mem, of the Rep. Convention of /84 and, also, was a delegate to the Philadelphia Convention. With best wishes for your health, and indulging the hope that every measure put forward for the Public good during your Administration will have the endorsement of the Country_ I have the honor to be_ Very respectfully & c. Thos. Richardson[*JAN 23 9-16 AM 1903*] Cadwalader. L. Cadwalader. rge W. Wickersham. orge F. Butterworth. Henry W. Taft. Edward J. Hancy. CABLE ADDRESS - LABELLUM. 40 Wall Street, New York, (Personal) January 22, 1903. [[shorthand]] [*T*] [*Ackd 1-24-1903*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, The Capitol, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. President:- Upon my return I found your letter of the 19th instant, for which please accept my thanks. I am sending you an address, delivered by Will at a meeting of the American Bar Association in 1895. There are some things in it which touch upon corporate and labor matters that may be of interest. When I spoke to you of it, I thought that it advocated more directly publicity in corporate dealings. Faithfully yours, Henry W. Taft. (Enclosure)TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 9 PO NX JM 16 Paid 233 pm. Tuskegee, Ala., Jan.22,1903. Mr. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. Tell President I have just reached home from California and will communicate with him at once. Booker Washington. TELEGRAM. File White House, Washington. 1WU. HB. FD. 13 Paid Nite 4:16 a.m. Topeka, Kans., 21. January 22, 1903. Theo. Roosevelt, President:- Kansas sends you Chester Long for Senator, I hope I helped a little. W. A. White. [[shorthand]] [*[1-22-03]*] How, Jared St. Paul, Minn. Endorses Hon. Hascal R. Brill for new District Judgeship in the District of Minnesota. Appointment of Hon. Page Morris to this position would be open to objections.[attached to How, 1-22-03]. [1-22-03] The President says to issue a statement for the press today in this matter - in answer to statements by both sides in Delaware, each claiming friends within y administration. [??] Done 1-22-1903Shorthand[attached to telegram Addicks 1-21-03]1815 H Street Ackd 1-24-1903 Jan 23, 1903 My dear Mr President; - We are very much shocked at being connected with a scandalous rumour, of which indeed we never heard. So far as we know, the only approach to the subject was this: - In referring to the old libel against Mr Cleveland my wife said: - "It was as absurd to accuse Mr Cleveland of beating his wife as it would be to say the same thing of Mr Roosevelt." I know the report must now seem as ridiculous to you as it does to me, but I cannot let the implication of malice and disloyalty pass unchallenged, even though I am sure you believe me. Yours faithfully, George F. BeckerAckd 1-23-1903 Department of State, Washington, January 23, 1903 Dear Mr. President: - Mr. Dickey has been to the Department, and has said that $600 is not enough. He requires at least $1300. This seems to me a rather impudent demand. What do you say? Yours faithfully John Hay I also claim to go as Consul; but you have decided that. [*JAN 25 11- 26 AM 1903*] [*[1-23-03]*] [*Ack'd 1/26/1903*] [[shorthand]] SIGILL COLL YALEN NOV PORT NOV ANGL LUX ET VERITAS YALE UNIVERSITY His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States. Dear Mr. Roosevelt: The course in Military Science at the Sheffield Scientific School of Yale University requires each student of the Senior class to write a theme before April first. The themes are to deal with theAwaiting your kind reply I am, Very sincerely, Howard S. Hutchinson Class of 1903 S.S.S. Branford Ct. Box 428 January 23/03. lives of men who have distinguished themselves in wars or with military subjects like field fortifications- and so for this I have chosen for the title of my theme - The Military Career of Theodore Roosevelt.- Would you kindly refer me to books in which your early military career is to be found I feel we'll posted on your military life during our war with Spain but can find no books giving an earlier record. [*Ackd 1-26-1903*] EXCELSIOR STATE OF NEW YORK EXECUTIVE CHAMBER ALBANY January 23, 1903. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- A few weeks ago I wrote to you with reference to Mr. Benno Loewy's candidacy for appointment as an additional judge of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of New York in event of House Bill No. 16724 being enacted. I have just received a letter from Mr. Wolffram, editor of the New Yorker Herald, in regard to the matter. The Herald, as you remember, did a great deal of good work for you when you were a candidate for Governor and has been a steadfast friend since. Mr. Wolffram is very earnest in advocating the appointment of Mr. Loewy and I think his wishes should receive consideration. Very truly yours, B. B. Odell [*[Odell]*]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 3WU Y. FD. 15 D.H. 1:55 a.m. Topeka, Kansas, 22. January 23, 1903. President Roosevelt, Washington. Much demonstration and general satisfaction being shown over selection of Long for United States Senate. E. F. Ware.[ca 1-23-03] Secretary of the Navy, Washington, D.C. In re Mabini at Guam: Under date of January 23, 1903, the Navy Department cabled Governor of Guam that Mabini (and all other prisoners) could leave the island without taking oath of allegiance, by a government transport, etc., it being understood, however that they will not be allowed to land in the Philippines without taking the oath of allegiance. It was intended by this order to give Mabini absolute freedom on the island. Expects report from Commander Schroeder; Mrs. Schroeder says that Mabini was not under any restraint except such as to prevent him from going to PhilippinesGeo. Gebbie Vice President A.R. Keller President Cable Address Gebbie Sole Publishers The Complete Writings of Theodore Roosevelt Uniform Edition Gebbie and Company 714 Spruce Street Philadelphia, PA. [*Ackd 1-26-1903 Enc. returned*] Jan. 24, 1903. Mr. George B. Cortelyou, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. My dear Sir:- At the request of the President I am sending you under separate cover as many of the illustrations as have been completed, and will send others from time to time. In each case I will have the title of the book as well as the title of the picture put on the margin so that the President can, at a glance, see in which volume each belongs. I have also sent a picture of the Black Tail Deer. This is simply one of the regular prints with the alteration made so that I can know whether I have the right idea. If this is correct the picture will be changed generally. The illustrations used in the volume "New York" are from prints owned by the Hon. John Crimmins, and loaned to us for the purpose. I shall be very glad to have these prints returned as soon as convenient, with any suggestions the President may have to offer. Yours very truly, A. R. Keller 109TELEGRAM. [*File*] White House, Washington. January 24, 1903. Dear Mr. President: The enclosed cable seemed to be of such important character that I have taken the liberty of sending it over to you this evening. Very respectfully Benj. F. Montgomery.[For enc. see 1-24-03] [*[For attachment see 1-24-03]*] sympathy. He can not fail to succeed but I am eager because of his unusual training for his success to come quickly. I am sure you know me well enough to understand that all I mean by this letter is the hope that you will bear his name in mind so that if by any good chance for him, he or his name should come to your notice, you [*Ackd 1-26-1903*] [*JAN 26 9- 56 AM 1903*] [*[1-24-03]*] 10 East Fourteenth Street. My dear President Roosevelt; I am going to assume that in spite of your previous obligations, you will not think I am taking a liberty to write briefly of a dear friend of mine whose success I have much at heart. Dr. James F. Mitchell for several years the Resident Surgeon at Johns Hopkins has just begun his professional life in Washington. He has the best of preparatory training. He has skill, loyalty, devotion andmay recall what I have said of him. I shall not ask you to pardon this intrusion because I feel so sure that nothing can dull your keen interest in this effort of any well trained young man to get a foot-hold in life. Believe me Sincerely, Ella Lyon Swift - Indianapolis January the twenty fourth.[*File*] Hotel St. Andrews. Jan. 24th 1903. My dear President Roosevelt Please accept my sincere thanks for your kind words of sympathy in my hour of trouble. Faithfully yours. Florence Allison Thomason [*[Thomason]*] To President Roosevelt. The White House.studied matters closely from every point of view and I cannot see how you could have acted differently from what you have, and I am sure and believe that time will justify your actions. I am keeping in close touch with the Advisory Committee in this state and matters are being handled cautiously and wisely. I had a talk with Mr. C. H. Scott this morning and he and the other members are most devoted and loyal. I have written a separate letter today about Mississippi matters. I am in close and constant touch with the Negro leaders and Negro papers in every part of the country, and with the exception of a few soreheads in Washington and Boston, no President has ever had the gratitude and loyal support of a race to the extent that you have it now. Of course, we must and shall watch closely, in the Southern States especially, every point that we may not be taken unawares by an enemy. I am most anxious to see a really first class man go as Minister to Liberia, and if I can help you find such a man please let me know. This note will reach you through my Secretary, and I have left the matter of the means of communicating [*File CF*] BOOKER T. WASHINGTON Personal and Confidential. TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED. TUSKEGEE,ALABAMA. January 24, 1903. My dear Mr. President:- I have just reached home from a three weeks trip to California, but I have kept closely in touch with matters in the South during my absence. I have received both of your letters on my return. I cannot feel that it would be to the best interest of all concerned for me to see you just now, in person, and that I had better not do so provided the same end can be accomplished indirectly. If it cannot I will go to Washington at once. In any case I mean to see both Postmaster General Payne and Gen. Clarkson soon. I am not afraid to do anything that I think is right, but I think it just as well to recognize the fact that the newspapers are making quite an effort just now to keep the South inflamed and if it can be avoided, without yielding in the matter of principle, I do not think it wise to do anything that will add to the flames, especially now that matters seem to be somewhat quieting down. I have BOOKER T. WASHINGTON. TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED. TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. it to you to his discretion I hope that you will talk fully and freely with hi[s]m regarding any matters that you want me to understand or anything you may want me to do. I have given Mr. Scott some memoranda to take up with you. The marked copy of the Charleston News and Courier and your letter do not seem to have connection. I think you must have sent the wrong newspaper. I am hoping that you thoroughly understand, Mr. President, that I mean at all times to stand firmly by you. Yours very truly, Booker T. Washington. To President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C.TELEGRAM Received in cipher. White House, Washington London-Received January 24 [03]-8:45p. Secretary of State. Number 17-the White cipher. I had confidential talk day before yesterday, in his room, with Prime Minister, who is slowly convalescing. I represented serious and hostile effect upon American public opinion certain to result from German bombardment and consequent importance of terminating situation by raising blockade. He seemed much annoyed and perturbed by German action. Said his anxiety is equal to mine for settlement; that (if!) Venezuela has enabled Bowen to comply with terms, which he considers have been made very easy, blockade will be raised. I had previously ascertained that representations have been made to Prime Minister by members of Parliament as to hostility in their constituencies to German alliance and importance its termination by prompt settlement of questions at issue with Venezuela. TIMES also expresses public desires for an early settlement. My impression is, if it should turn out, and become known, that Germany is the obstacle to, or even delaying settlement, public opinion here would compel the abandonment of agreement with that country. White --I--[Eve, in Montgomery 1-24-03][*File*] University Club Fifth Avenue & 54th Street Jan. 24th 1903 The President: I have invited Messrs. Trautman & Holls to luncheon at Ellis Island on Wednesday next. I have carefully noted all that you say. It will be my earnest endeavor at all times to execute the immigration laws rigidly, but fairly & without unnecessary friction, & I think I can satisfy any reasonable person that I have never exhibited any anti-foreign feeling. Sincerely Yours — Wm. Williams[ca 1-24-03] Swift, Ella Lyon, Indianapolis, Ind. In interest of Dr. James F. Mitchell; says he has just begun his professional life in Washington; was for several years Resident Surgeon at Johns Hopkins; hopes the President will bear him in mind ; writer is anxious to see the Dr. succeed.[attached to Swift 1-24-03][*[Enclosed in Abbott, 1-31-03]*] [*From The Outlook of Jan. 24' 03*] Negro Office-Holders The interest both North and South in President Roosevelt's attitude on the race question continues unabated. It is a curious fact, however, that the President has made fewer negro appointments than either President Harrison or President McKinley. Public attention has been focused upon his action on the race question because what he has done has been in his characteristically frank and direct manner. When Booker Washington dined at the White House, it did not occur to the President that it concerned or would interest any one outside of his own private circle. His appointment of Dr. Crum to the office of Collector of the Port of Charleston, South Carolina, was made because no negro Federal office-holder had been selected under his administration for that State, and because it had been intimated to the Administration that while Charleston would vigorously protest against a negro postmaster, it would acquiesce in the appointment of a negro to such an office as that of Collector of the Port. The President recognizes the very widespread and deeply felt reluctance among Southern whites to having a negro in a public office where he comes in contact with the wives and daughters of the white residents; but he felt that this objection did not affect the Port Collectorship. The President having made the appointment of Dr. Crum on political and civic grounds that are entirely tenable in the South as well as in the North, and under the impression that he was acting with ample consideration of the feelings of Charlestonians, we do not see how he can withdraw the appointment either with justice to his appointee or with regard for his own self-respect. The South Carolina Senate has, however, passed a resolution of protest to be forwarded to the United States Senate, and it is possible--although we think hardly probable--that the appointment may not be confirmed. A Federal negro appointment has been made in Boston. William H. Lewis, a graduate of Amherst College and of the Harvard Law School, has been appointed United States Assistant District Attorney. The appointment was made by the District Attorney, but with the undoubted approval of the President. Mr. Lewis is not only a capable lawyer, but during his college and university courses was a very popular and successful athlete--famous all over the country as one of the best football players that Harvard University has ever had. In his college life no distinctions were made on account of his color. We believe it is a perfectly sound contention that if the South is to have negro Federal officers the North should have them too.[Enclosed in Abbott, 1-31-03] From The Outlook of Jan 24 '03 The Indianola Case While the desirability of having a negro Collector of the Port in Charleston may be honestly questioned by those who have the welfare of both whites and blacks in the South at heart, we do not think that any fair- minded and really patriotic citizen can give anything but cordial asset to the Administration's attitude on the Indianola case. Mrs. Cox, an educated and re- spectable negro woman, has been post- mistress at Indianola, Mississippi, for about ten years. She was appointed by President Harrison and reappointed by President McKinley. Some of the most influential and highly respectable white citizens of the town are on her bond. There has been no question raised for ten years on the part of anybody in the town conccerning the satisfactory character of her administration of the post-office. Dur- ing the Harrison and McKinley Adminis- trations, the white Democrats of Missis- sippi, believing in the doctrine that the spoils belong to the victor, accepted the fact that Republican Administrations would appoint Republican postmasters. There was no white Republican in Indianola. President Roosevelt, however, in pursu- ance of what we believe to be his very wise and non-partisan policy, began to name white Democrats for certain offices in the South. This led some of the white Democrats of Indianola to see a chance of getting the post-office for them- selves. The attack on Mrs. Cox, there- fore, had its origin in a political cabal. Indeed, when pressure was brought to bear to compel her to resign her office, a public meeting was held in the town, and forty of the best citizens voted for her retention, against thirty-seven votes for her expulsion. All the testimony of the most intelligent and fair-minded residents confirms the belief that Mrs. Cox has been an efficient and creditable Federal official, and, in our opinion, the Govern- ment is bound to protect its officers in the faithful performance of their duties with all the power and authority at its com- mand. The Post-Office Department has taken the properr stand that when the local authorities of Indianola shall assure the postmistress of proper protec- tion, the office, which has been closed, will be reopened. This makes the ques- tion a very simple one; the citizens simply have to determine whether they want a post-office in their community enough to see that it is respect. It has been said that the Post-Office Depart- ment has deprived the citizens of Indian- ola of the facilities of the United States mail. To us it appears that the citizens are simply depriving themselves of these benefits. [Enclosed in Abbott, 1-31-03] From the Outlook of Jany 24 '03 The Detention of Mabini Senator Hoar, at the request of the Anti-Imperialist Commmittee, has introduced a resolution into the Senate asking for an inquiry into the so-called Mabini case. Mabini is a Filipino not only of unusual intelligence, but of thorough education and culture; he was one of Aguinaldo's Cabinet in the early days of the American conflict in the Philippines. He is an "irreconcilable," and when Aguinaldo and other influential Filipino officers took the oath of allegiance to the United States Government he declined to sign it with them. For this reason, he was deported from the Philippine Islands and was for a time a political prisoner at Guam. The War Department declines to let him reenter the Filippines unless he will take the oath of allegiance to the American civil government there. The grounds for this refusal are these: Mabini was and is a man of peculiar and forceful personal influence among the insurrectionists. He is a violent if not a virulent opponent of American sovereignty; he is at the same time believed to be a man of honor, so that if bound by the oath of allegiance he would not undertake to undermine or attack the civil government. He has asserted thus to be the very reason why he declines to take the oath. Not bound by it, he could very easily on his return give an apparently patriotic character to the bands of ladrones and marauders who are now -- although making a great deal of trouble in some parts of the islands-- regarded by both Americans and natives as nothing more than brigands. It seems to us that the attitude of the War Department in this respect is entirely logical and entirely commendable. A fact, we believe, not generally understood in this country is that Mabini is no longer a prisoner of any kind. He is living on the island of Guam without civil or military control, and is as free as the reader of these lines to leave Guam to-morrow, and could go to any port in the world save the port of Manila. He may even take passage on a merchant vessel and sail for Manila without a finger being raised to prevent him, but when he reaches Manila he cannot disembark without first taking the oath. If he should start for San Francisco and land there next month, and begin a tour of the United States lecturing in behalf of Philippine independence, we venture to say that the Government would neither interfere nor raise the slightest objection. There are those who protest against the exaction of an oath of allegiance on the ground that any person of sound mind and not a criminal may enter the United States at will without even a passport; but in the time of the Civil War the oath of allegiance was exacted here when it was believed to be necessary, and it must be remembered that warlike conditions exist in the Philippine Islands to-day. So far from believing that the treatment of Mabini by the United States Government is harsh and inhuman, The Outlook is of the opinion that it is peculiarly liberal even for a free and democratic government.yesterday is dining to-night with Lady Minto & Sir Michael Herbert at the British Embassy. I need not say that I am treating this matter as strictly confidential. Believe me with the greatest respect very faithfully yours T. St. John Gaffney The President [[shorthand]] [*File CS*] [*Ackd 1-26-1903*] THE NEW WILLARD, WASHINGTON, D.C. Jan 25th 1903. Dear Mr. President Referring to the conversation which I had with you yesterday in regard to Colonel Arthur Lynch, I have reason to know that any unofficial suggestionmade by you to Sir Michael Herbert would be received in the most friendly spirit & would be immediately conveyed to Lord Lansdowne. Having this information from the most authoritative source I would most respectfully ask you not to delay in making the Ambassador acquainted with your feelings on this subject which had already aroused Irish American public sentiment. Capt. Shawe-Taylor whom I presented to youwith your views and wishes in the matter to furnish this estimate? I think you know, better than anyone else, my struggles and my aim in life -- I am prepared to have you say "No" - and I tremble when I think of my audacity. Always, Very Truly Yrs. Newton M Shaffer JAN 26 2-58 PM 1903 [*Ackd 1-28-1903*] NEW YORK STATE HOSPITAL FOR THE CARE OF CRIPPLED AND DEFORMED CHILDREN. NEWTON M. SHAFFER, M.D., SURGEON IN CHIEF. OFFICE OF THE SURGEON IN CHIEF, NO. 25 EAST 38TH ST., N.Y Jany 25, 1903 My dear Mr. President, I am going to ask for a favor: I have been asked by a prominent publishing house to furnish a sketch of my life. They also ask that some one of position and influence should contribute to this sketch a short estimate of the nature of my work and its value. If your father or Mr. Howard Poller were alive, I would naturally go to one of them - Would it be consistentVenezuela DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. January 25, 1903. Memorandum. Count Quadt called by appointment this afternoon, and read me a cable which he had received from his Government. "The German Government has heard with surprise of the manifestations of public feeling in America in reference to the bombardment of San Carlos. These expressions are evidently based on a presumed state of facts which does not exist. In pursuance of the orders to carry on an effective blockade the PANTHER was proceeding to Lake Maracaibo when it was fired on by the Venezuelan fort. It returned the fire, as, under the circumstances, it was bound to do. The German officers acted strictly within the limits of international law, and no American or English naval officer would have done differently." [*This is not a quotation of the words of this cable which was communicated verbally*] I said that as the Government of the United States had not felt called upon to make any observations on the matter, [and] it could only regard this communication as an act of courtesy, for which I was most grateful, and that I was sure the President would also appreciate it. Count Quadt also stated that he had had several agreeable interviews with Mr. Bowen, and that he hoped the whole question was in the way of-2- speedy settlement. I expressed my gratification at hearing this, as incidents like the one referred to were likely to reproduce themselves so long as the blockade lasted, and that, as the object of the expeditions seems now to have been accomplished, it was most desirable that the blockade should be raised, especially as the interests damaged by further delay were rather German and English than Venezuelan. The Commercial Advertiser. Established 1797. 187 Broadway and 5 & 7 Dey Street, Editorial Department. New York, Jan. 26th, 1903. [*Ackd 1-29-1903*] Dear Mr. President:-- As you know, Williams has consulted me almost constantly since he took office. I had two long talks with him on Saturday and Sunday during which he showed me your two letters. I agree with what you say in every particular, and so, in fact, does he. He has every desire to do what you wish and to avoid everything that may in any manner embarrass you or give ground for complaint against your administration. He is just as sincerely devoted to you as I am, and he is very anxious that you should not doubt that. I have gone very fully into most of the complaints against him and I am fully aware of what he is doing. I am honestly convinced that not one of the complaints against him is well founded. I know the one about "star chamber" proceedings is sheer rubbish. I am sure that everyone who investigates him, who takes the trouble to go to Ellis Island and personally inspect what he is doing will come away from there approving heartily all that he has done. More than this I am satisfied that the outcome of this assault upon him by about the most corrupt gang of Germans there is in the city will be general and hearty approval throughout the country. There isn't a particle of doubt that the people of this country as a whole want the pauper and imbecile classes of Europe kept out of here, and I think the course which Williams is pursuing will be found in the end to be a very popular one. At the same time, I advised him to follow your suggestions in seeking by all reasonable means to placate the persons and societiesThe Commercial Advertiser. Established 1797. 187 BROADWAY AND 5 & 7 DEY STREET, Editorial Department New York. -2- who are criticising him, and this he promises to do. Don't misunderstand me,--he does it willingly. I should prefer he did not know I have written you this. Yours always, J.B.Bishop President Roosevelt.TELEGRAM. White House, Washington, 21 WU SS JN 16 Paid 1244pm. Canton,Ohio, Jan. 26,1903. Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary, Washington, D.C. Have mailed acceptance to President. Please express to him my high appreciation of the honor conferred. William R. Day.[*File*] [*accepts appointment*] United States Circuit Court of Appeals For the Sixth Circuit, [*JAN 27 12- 42 PM 1903*] Judges' Chambers, Canton, Ohio. January, 26. 1903. My Dear Mr. President, I beg to acknowledge receipt of your note of 23d, tendering the appointment to succeed Mr. Justice Shiras upon his retirement from the Supreme Court. I am highly honored by and deeply appreciative of this action on your part. I shall undertake so great a work with no little misgiving at to my fitness for it, and shall spare no effort, if appointed and confirmed, to prove worthy of this confidence. Thanking you very cordially, I am, Very Respectfully Yours, William R. Day The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C. [*Sent 1-3-03*] [*shorthand notes?*] 264 Beacon Street. Boston. Massachusetts. Monday, January 26th. 1903. My dear Theodore, We arrived safely in Boston on Saturday after a very pleasant visit at the White House, and I desire to thank you very much for all that you did to make our stay so enjoyable. I have just had a letter from my brother-in-law, --for your hospitality, and wish my kindest remembrances to Mrs. Roosevelt, I am most sincerely yours, Charles Mifflin Hammond. Bro. Hon. W. O. Edmonds, '83. P.C. -- asking me to get him the best picture of you that there is. Mrs. Robinson likes best the three quarters length standing one, and so do we. As Hattie and I also want one, would it be asking too much if you would send me two with your autograph on them. Both BIll Edmonds & ourselves would appreciate these very much. Thanking you again[*File CF*] Department of State, Washington, D.C., Jan. 26., 1903. Dear Mr. President The Alaska Treaty went to the White House this morning. I am securing the little Cuban Treaty now. Yours JH. [*[JOHN HAY]*][???] Department of State, Washington, January 26, 1905. Dear Mr. President: The Cuban supplementary treaty was signed this morning, but Mr. Cullom has just been here and says that he is not without hope that they may get this treaty through. He think we had better not send in this supplementary treaty for a day or two. I keep it subject to your order at any time, and shall send it over in a day or so at all events. I enclose also a memorandum of a conversation with Quadt yesterday. Yours faithfully John Hay[*Ackd 1-26-1903 Encl returned*] Department of State, Washington, January 26, 1903. Dear Mr. President: Here is my letter to Dudley and the letter to Dickey, Dickey's letter demanding $2,600, and Senator Frye's letter endorsing his demand. If you have time to look at them before starting please send them back to the Department, as there is not time to send you copies. Yours faithfully John HayJAN 28 8-43 AM 1903 Ackd 1-29-1903 Cambridge, Mass., January 26, 1903. Mr. President:-- I have your very kind letter with its cordial words concerning Mr. Von Holleben. I have sent them by wire to his address. May I mention in this connection that some of his adversaries have begun recently in the newspapers to put the blame for some of his so-called "mistakes," not only on him but on me as his adviser. It is not my office and not my right to tell you how much or how little he himself has been informed beforehand as to certain actions of his home government; but I can assure you that, as far as I am concerned, I had not the slightest previous knowledge of the Frederick statue, and far from pushing the war-like development in Venezuela, I have done my utmost to prevent it. I even went several times to New York and to Washington to plead for friendly arrangements. That two years ago I started the movement to bring over either the Crown Prince or Prince Henry, is quite true, and I gladly take the responsibility. As to South America, the matter has, of course, changed so fully in the last few days that now the friend of peace cannot do anything but pray to you, Mr. President, to have patience2 with the German Jingos. Private cablegrams, which I have received yesterday and today, convince me that the excitement in Germany has gone to an absolutely unreasonable degree, but I feel sure that it will settle down in a few days as soon as some misunderstandings are cleared away, if official America does not show impatience with this outburst of Teutonic excitement. I was delighted to see from the papers that you will give to the two leading German-American singing societies a chance to come to the White House. That lies exactly along the lines I had hoped for. But my intense wish for your personal success with the German-American voters makes it a duty for me to add a word in regard to this matter, as I suppose that you hear little about the lower layers of the German population. The Arion and the Liederkranz are, of course, the two so-called exclusive societies compared with those hundreds of clubs and associations which represent the masses. There is direct antagonism between that small upper class and that large lower class, clearly shown by the fact that when last November one hundred and twenty societies of New York celebrated German Day for the first time, these two leading societies alone did not take part. Now the President 3 of this German Day insists that you have hurt those 30,000 people who assembled that day in Madison Square Garden. I asked him a few days ago what could be done to bring the German masses of New York into line with your Administration. He told me then that on that German Day the whole assembly sent a telegram to you and one to Emperor William, and that while the Kaiser wired his greetings, you did not react on it. He insists that this was the one great disappointment of the gigantic festivity, and that a kind telegram from you at that hour would have brought you many thousand votes for years. I have urged the gentleman to repeat his telegraphic address on the next German Day, and since you honor now in an admirable way the two exclusive societies, I plead the more for kindness to those hundreds of inferior clubs which are otherwise so easily influenced by Tammany Hall. May I finally ask at once your favor for a great undertaking of national and international extent, an undertaking which I think will be unique and will, I hope, not be unworthy of the national life under your Presidency. The St. Louis World's Fair plans a great exhibition of modern thought, with the participation of the leading scholars of the world and with the definite task of bringing out the4 Unity of Knowledge as against the scattered specialistic work. They have appointed Presidents Harper, Butler, Pritchett, and Libraian Putnam as an Advisory Board, and this Board has chosen Professor Newcomb from Washington as President, Professor Small of Chicago and myself as Vice Presidents of the whole Congress. Above all, at the suggestion of a scientific committee, they definitely accepted last week the plans which I had drawn up for the whole International Congress. The tremenduous responsibilities of the undertaking fall thus primarily on me, and it is therefore an almost instinctive desire on my part to ask from the first for your favor and interest in this broad work, which we all trust might become a blessing for American scholarship and public welfar. May I add privately that in working out my plans, I did not forget that this Congress will meet through the second half of September, 1904, a time when every platform for the far-reaching promulgation of sound views through your political friends and admirers might be of some importance in the great campaign. The plans of the Congress have indeed an abundance of room for the discussion of every question which refers to the national welfare. Very respectfully yours, Hugo Münsterberg President Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C.For [*shorthand*] The President. Theodore Roosevelt. [*Ackd 1-26-1903*] [*File*] [*[Ca. 1-26-03]*] That you may not forget the "small solemn thing" of Mandan days I send you a picture of [Mrs. Tilden Russell Selmes] her as she is now - my Isabella - Yours Ever P. M. T. S. 28 East Seventy-fifth Street[*Ackd 1-29-1903*] All quotations subject to change without notice Orders will be entered subject to delay through Strikes Fire or other unavoidable causes. Travers Brothers Co., Manufacturers of Cordage, 41 Worth Street, New York, F. C. Travers, President. A. F. Travers, Vice Pres't. V. P. Travers, Treasurer. [Shorthand] Jan 26th 1903 Hon Theodore Roosevelt President United States Deus lui I. know is mis please you to hear that the Directors of the Merchants Trust in my city have Elected me Their Vice President With best wishes for your good health I Remain Yours Frank. C. TraversThe Churchman 47 Lafayette Place New York Editorial Rooms [Ack] January 26, 1903. Hon. Rufus B. Bullock, Albion, Orleans Co., N. Y. Dear Sir: Your letter of January 21 with Letter to the Editor enclosed was duly received, and we are glad to have your personal judgment of our editorial on President Roosevelt. The President in a personal communication to the writer took a very different view of the editorial, however, from that expressed in your letter. We are returning your communication because while we have felt constrained for the benefit of our general readers to chronicle and comment upon matters of State, it has seemed wise not to open our Correspondence Columns to the discussion of political issues. The reasons for this will, we think, be apparent to you without our enlarging upon the subject further than to say that we could not make the Correspondence Columns of The Churchman a place for political controversy. Yet we feel it due our readers— and we have had wide expressions of appreciation of this course not only to chronicle and comment but at times to express an editorial opinion upon political matters. For the extra copies in case of publication We return the enclosure of one dollar and beg to thank you again for the benefit of your criticism. Very truly yours, Editor of the Churchman. J.M. [*B*][*Ackd 1-29-1903*] All quotations subject to change without notice. Orders will be entered subject to delay through Strikes Fires or other unavoidable causes. Travers Brothers Co., Manufacturers of Cordage, 41 Worth Street, New York F. C. Travers, President. A. F. Travers, Vice Pres't. V. P. Travers, Treasurer. Jan 26th 1903 Hon Theodore Roosevelt President United States Dear sir I know it will please you to know that the Directors of the Merchants Trust to NY City have Elected me First Vice President With best wishes for your good health I Remain Yours Frank. C. Travers[Ack] The Churchman 47 LAFAYETTE PLACE NEW YORK EDITORIAL ROOMS January 26, 1903. Hon. Rufus B. Bullock, Albion, Orleans Co., N. Y. Dear Sir: Your letter of January 21 with Letter to the Editor enclosed was duly received, and we are glad to have your personal judgment of our editorial on President Roosevelt. The President in a personal communication to the writer took a very different view of the editorial, however, from that expressed in your letter. We are returning your communication because while we have felt constrained for the benefit of our general readers to chronicle and comment upon matters of State, it has seemed wise not to open our Correspondence Columns to the discussion of political issues. The reasons for this will, we think, be apparent to you without our enlarging upon the subject further than to say that we could not make the Correspondence Columns of The Churchman a place for political controversy. Yet we feel it due our readers— and we have had wide expressions of appreciation of this course- not only to chronicle and comment but at times to express an editorial opinion upon political matters. For the extra copies in case of publication We return the enclosure of one dollar and beg to thank you again for the benefit of your criticism. Very truly yours, Editor of the Churchman. J.M. [*B*][ENC. IN BULLOCK 1-27-03][1.-26-03] [Enc in Nolcott 1-27-03][*Denver Republican*] [*Jany 26th 1903*] 10 PAGES. DENVER. COLORADO TO REPUBLICANS OF COLORADO E. O. Wolcott Issues a Statement, Conceding the Election of Senator Teller - Clear and Concise Outline of the Situation Is Logically Presented. Former Senator Edward O. Wolcott last evening issued the following address: TO THE REPUBLICANS OF COLORADO: The seed sown on the opening day of the legislative session has borne its certain fruit. The inevitable has happened, and the conspiracy entered into between a few Republicans and the Democracy has brought the only result possible, the election of a Democratic United States senator from Colorado. The terms of the fusion or deal are unimportant; they will some day be fully exposed, and the degradation and dishonor that has come to the party in the senatorial election indicate the heavy price the Republican conspirators paid for the coalition. When the legislature met there was but one question presented, should the 15 members and float members from Arapahoe county be unseated? The evidence of fraud was overwhelming and conclusive. Every honest man in the state knew that the facts not only justified but required the unseating of these Democrats. Even when four of the five fusion Republican members of the elections committee of the house reported against unseating 11 of them, they dared not face the people of the state in a direct vote, and so the help of "the three Mexicans," nominally Republicans, but who by the terms of their agreement of adhesion, waived all scruples that other men might entertain, came to the rescue and, making with the Democrats a majority of the house, insured the retention of the fraudulently elected members, and permitted the other fusionists to vote in favor of the unseating. The refusal to unseat these Arapahoe county members was a crime against the Republican party, and against justice, and was the second exposure of the terms of this wicked deal. The law, federal and state, required the two houses to vote separately for senator on the 20th of this month, and thereafter each day at noon, in joint session. No member of this legislature can fulfill his duty to the state and the nation without compliance with this law. On the 21st of the month, before 12 o'clock, a fusion Republican member moved an adjournment of the house until 2 o'clock on the 23rd. It was a palpable trick. Protests from the real Republicans were unheeded, and being finally informed that it was the governor's wish, and might save possible violence, they consented, and, the Democrats voting aye, the motion was unanimously carried On both the 22nd and the 23rd the Democratic members of the house, notwithstanding they had voted to adjourn, met in joint session and balloted for senator Yet on the 23rd and 24th, when the trickery of the motion had been made apparent, the same member of the fusion party again moved an adjournment until the 25th at 10 o'clock, and then until the 26th, and in spite of the votes and objections of the Republicans, 22 in number, the motion again, with Democratic votes was carried. On Saturday, the 24th as everybody knows, 51 Democrats voted in joint session for Mr. Teller, no Republican having voted at any joint session. This was the third demonstration of the corrupt deal. On Wednesday evening at 8 o'clock, the general assembly consisted of 51 Republicans and 49 Democrats. At that hour the senate by a motion, put by its chief clerk, unseated, without argument or hearing, or evidence, two Republican members lawfully holding their seats. The lieutenant governor, the presiding officer of the senate, acting with courage and patriotism, refused to put this revolutionary motion, and, assured by his associates in the state government of their approval and support, sought to protect the legally elected senators from this action, and by steps justifiable and, if properly supported, legal, presided over the organization of a Republican senate composed of 19 members - the support of which the lieutenant governor was assured, fell away from him. There was still left the house, which if it promptly recognized the Republican senate, might, with it, constitute a valid and legal general assembly. This recognition was sought for in vain. On the 23rd and 24th the Republican members notified their associates, who were allied with the Democracy, of their readiness and desire to recognize the Republican senate. This was refused them by their fusion associates, who insisted, instead, on voting with Democrats for adjournment. This constitutes the fourth link in the absolute proof of the terms of the deal or combination. There were three joint sessions of the general assembly. At the last one 51 Democrats voted for Mr. Teller. No other joint sessions have been held, and no Republican has voted in any joint session. The election of Mr. Teller is tinctured with fraud; first in the trickery of the adjournment by the Democrats of the house; second, in the arbitrary and fraudulent expulsion of two legally elected senators. There is, however, for the reasons given above, now no other legally constituted senate, as there might have been but for the conspiracy, and it[?] the real Republicans were unheeded, and being finally informed that it was the governor's wish, and might save possible violence, they consented, and, the Democrats voting aye, the motion was unanimously carried On both the 22nd and the 23rd the Democratic members of the house, notwithstanding they had voted to adjourn, met in joint session and balloted for senator Yet on the 23rd and 24th, when the trickery of the motion had been made apparent, the same member of the fusion party again moved an adjournment until the 25th at 10 o'clock, and then until the 26th, and in spite of the votes and objections of the Republicans, 22 in number, the motion again, with Democratic votes, was carried. On Saturday, the 24th, as everybody knows, 51 Democrats voted in joint session for Mr. Teller, no Republican having voted at any joint session. This was the third demonstration of the corrupt deal. On Wednesday evening at 8 o'clock, the general assembly consisted of 51 Republicans and 49 Democrats. At that hour the senate by a motion, put by its chief clerk, unseated, without argument or hearing, or evidence, two Republican members lawfully holding their seats. The lieutenant governor, the presiding officer of the senate, acting with courage and patriotism, refused to put this revolutionary motion, and, assured by his associates in the state government of their approval and support, sought to protect the legally elected senators from this action, and by steps justifiable and, if properly supported, legal, presided over the organization of a Republican senate composed of 19 members - the support of which the lieutenant governor was assured, fell away from him. There was still left the house, which if it promptly recognized the Republican senate, might, with it, constitute a valid and legal general assembly. This recognition was sought for in vain. On the 23rd and 24th the Republican members notified their associates, who were allied with the Democracy, of their readiness and desire to recognize the Republican senate. This was refused them by their fusion associates, who insisted, instead, on voting with Democrats for adjournment. This constitutes the fourth link in the absolute proof of the terms of the deal or combination. There were three joint sessions of the general assembly. At the last one 51 Democrats voted for Mr. Teller. No other joint sessions have been held, and no Republican has voted in any joint session. The election of Mr. Teller is tinctured with fraud; first in the trickery of the adjournment by the Democrats of the house; second, in the arbitrary and fraudulent expulsion of two legally elected senators. There is, however, for the reasons given above, now no other legally constituted senate, as there might have been but for the conspiracy, and it is now too late to undo the wrong, and by unseating the fraudulently elected members from Arapahoe county insure the valid election of a Republican senator. The welfare of the state requires that there shall be no possible question or doubt as to the legal status of the two legislative bodies. Important laws are to be passed, moneys must be lawfully paid, our public institutions must be protected and our state credit preserved. Wicked and unforgivable as is the wrong done the Republican party, yet from the point of view of the highest citizenship, there is but one thing to be done, and that is for the people to accept the deplorable situation, and for the governor of the state to issue a certificate of election to Mr. Teller. It is enough that we are disgraced at home. The state needs the help of our senators at Washington in countless ways for the upbuilding of Colorado, and we should not, if it can be helped, throw doubts upon their title to represent us. It is important also that this assembly should be able to devote its time to proper legislative work, and not to be further occupied by quarrels over the senatorship. It is most desirable also, for the public morals, that the professional boodle brokers, those foul birds that hover over the legislature looking for corruption, representing men whose ambitions or desire for revenge lead them to expenditure of money to debauch votes, should transfer their field of action to some more promising spot. The above is a fair and true statement of the situation. Senator Teller is in no sense a party to the frauds, while he is the beneficiary of them. He has served Colorado for nearly a generation at Washington, and whatever may be our regret that he no longer marches in the ranks of the party that has so highly honored him, every citizen of the state wishes him health and strength, and believes that he is single minded in his devotion to the material interests of the state. The Republicans of Colorado have passed through many vicissitudes, and have faced overwhelming defeat; but always before at the hands of an open enemy. We have never walked as deep in the valley of humiliation as to-day; but after the darkness comes the dawn. All honor to the Republican members of the house who stood firm for party and principle and whose skirts are clear of Democratic taint! All honor to the Republican members of the senate, and their party associates who left their homes and came here ready to act at the call of duty! The great mass of Republicans in the state are beginning to understand the situation and the party treachery of which many of even the fusion Republican members were the dupes. The lesson of to-day will not be lost, and the party, purified and strengthened, will guard forever hereafter against the presence of traitors in its citadel. For myself I have not the slightest sense of personal disappointment, nor do I cherish rancour towards anybody. My first vote was cast in Colorado more than 30 years ago. I was a Republican then, and have been since. I was a Republican in '96. I am a Republican in 1903, and shall always remain a Colorado Republican. I have an abiding and indestructible faith in the principles and teachings of the party, and in the wisdom and fairness and judgment of its members in Colorado. In this hour of party shame and humiliation, I see in the heavens only the day star of hope. EDWD. O. WOLCOTT.[*Feb 1 12- 23 pm 1903 AcKd 2-3-1903*] The Brown Palace Hotel Absolutely Fireproof The Brown Hotel Company. Denver, Colo., Jan. 27, 1903 190 Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, President of These United States, Washington, D. C. My Dear Colonel: - - I am in receipt of your letter of 20th inst. and I was more than glad to hear from you. I believe it to be my duty to make a plain statement further to you concerning the recent troubles of the Republican Party in Colorado. Your friends, including myself, made every honorable effort that was possible for us to make to bring about the election of a Republican Senator, knowing that was in accord with your views as well as our duty to the Party. We found ourselves in this position, viz: The Democrats had the advantage of us in the State Senate, and while we had a safe majority in the House, in which latter branch of the Legislature we were able to oust Democrats for good and sufficient reasons, every time we ousted a Democrat in the House the Democrats were able to oust a Republican in the Senate, and the result would have been that we would have lost 11 Republican Senators, who hold office for four years, and besides, we would have embarrassed the State administration and would probably have made necessary a special session of the Legislature, and this would have been a great injury to the Party, because it would probably have cost the taypayers of Colorado $50,000 to $75,000, which they would naturally look upon as an unnecessary expense. Mr. Teller's election was brought about by a trick and by coercion and duress in forcing member of the Democratic Party into their "rump" joint assembly, and compelling them to vote against their real sentiments,T. R.--2 as many of the Democrats did not want Mr. Teller. But that part of the fight is over; I now come to matters of direct personal interest. Mr. Wolcott has repeatedly said that next to the Senatorship his ambition was to head the Colorado delegation to the next National Convention, and we are thoroughly satisfied that this means an anti-Roosevelt delegation. One of his ex-Federal office-holders and supporters said to a Republican within the last 24 hours, that he intended, or his supporters together with Wolcott, intended, to line up the federal office-holders against you, with a view of trying to frighten you into the belief that the only way you can get a delegation from this State would be to take care of the present Wolcott federal office-holders, whereas your real friends know that your dependence in this state will be upon the rank and file of the Republican Party, eighty per cent. of whom, at least, are against the federal office-holders because of their attempting to run the Republican Party in the interest of Mr. Wolcott; and it has resolved itself into this condition, viz: That it must be either a "Wolcott Republican Party" or a Republican Party, and your friends to a man want it to be a Republican Party, and it is unnecessary for me to assure you that they will stand by you and send to the National Convention a clean Roosevelt delegation, because we know that you enjoy the entire confidence of the people, and that the citizens of Colorado feel that they owe you a debt of gratitude in the matter of your support of irrigation, anti- trust, etc. The politics of the true Colorado western citizen, regardless of party politics, is like and in keeping with your Rough Riders- "Roosevelt and Roosevelt." Wolcott is sneaking out of the state, and all we now need is to resolve ourselves into a sanitary board and "fumigate" this high altitude as it is rid or soon will be of Wolcott's political, short, but disgraceful presence. However, he has left behind him a "boodle" of perhaps $200,000.00 and a number of Federal office-holders who have openly disgraced their officialT. R.--3. positions and in the public eye have violated all that is dear to you and your political public record, by openly and brazenly deserting their official duties and for the past three weeks put in their time, both day and night, "boosting" for Wolcott. The public expect some prompt action or else the Republican Party of Colorado will be embarrassed in all the future campaigns and handicapped in 1904. Through Mr. Wolcott's persistence, Mr. Perkins, President of the Burlington, wrote a letter to Mr. David H. Moffat, (President of the First National Bank of Denver, and who, you will remember, was a delegate to the Philadelphia Convention, and under whom I am holding my present position,) asking Mr. Moffat "to use every agency toward the re-election of former Senator E. O. Wolcott; that the merged financial interest of the country would have to secure the election of Senator Wolcott back to the United States Senate, in order that they could have a man in the Senate who was both willing and able to 'hammer' the present anti-trust policy of our President." Mr. Moffat gave Perkins a "jar" in his answer- told him he personally was for the renomination and election of President Roosevelt, and the people of Colorado were and would be for both, and Mr. Wolcott was in very bad repute amongst all classes--even the women (respectable) would not "stand for him" in any manner, politically, socially, or otherwise. Now Colonel, the height of my ambition in this world is to see you elected President of these United States in 1904. The representatives of the Republican Party of Colorado, who individually and collectively are your friends, and on whom you can rely implicitly, and who you can trust and recognize, are the Hon. Frank C. Goudy, whom you well know, Governor James H. Peabody, Hon. D. B. Fairly, Chairman of the Republican State Central Committee, Hon. I.N. Stevens, Editor of the Colorado Springs Gazette, Hon. Irving Howbert, of Colorado Springs, Judge WalterT. R. --4. N. Dixon, of Pueblo, Dr. John Grass, of Trinidad, Hon. Simon Guggenheim and the "Colorado Major General" Hon. Otto Mears. I want to especially mention my friend, "Billy" Freeman, of the Colorado & Southern Road, here in Denver, Hon. J. Q. MacDonald, Mayor of Florence (whose letter I sent you), Mr. N. F. Handy of Canon City, Mr. James M. Parker, of Colorado Springs, Mr. Geo. Bowen (a Jack Greenway of a fellow) Mgr. of The Colorado Fuel & Iron Co., Pueblo, Hon. Harry Churchill, of Greeley; all of the last mentioned are young men and the whole list represents the commercial interests of the "illustrious and glorious Colorado," and together with their Republicanism, their united efforts and management, as well as their untiring and undivided support, coupled with hundreds of others, including the good women of Colorado (the others--the low class only, can Wolcott associate with, cordially speaking), you can depend upon, and rely that they, with "Roosevelt and Roosevelt" cow-boys, ranchers, miners, (the thousands of coal miners in Colorado and their wives and friends) the gold and other miners, mining men and a good large majority of all and every other good citizens, regardless of their politics too, Colonel, will go down the line for you in 1904; and I assure you and guarantee you personally that "colonel" Philip B. Stewart has the backing of them all. The Wolcott, Filipino, Anti-Roosevelt insurgents, are firing all their Spanish, poisonous sharp-shooter bullets at Phil. Stewart now, and I want to say that Phil is a prince; he showed and proved his ability in this Senatorial fight, and has the confidence of the people as well as the respect of all good citizens. Ever faithfully yours, Sherman Bell[*For 2. attachments see ca. 1-1903*]Tel. [7??-4] Richmond. Civic Service House, 112 Salem Street. [?/] Meyer Bloomfield, Director akd 1-30-03 Boston, January 27 1903 President Theodore Roosevelt: My dear sir: The Rev. Edward Everett Hale and other good americans will be the speakers at a mass meeting of immigrants, such as we have been holding regularly, to commemorate Lincoln's Birthday. President Eliot was the speaker at the last meeting. Five hundred men and women of Hebrew, Italian, Irish and Polish origin meet to hear men that help bring a closer contact between them and things american. May we ask you for a helpful word that I can read to the assembled people? You may remember me as having come to you with a note of introduction from Dr. Foulke, trying to arrange for some date on which you could address the social settlements of Boston and their constituents in Faneuil Hall. I had the good fortune of seeing you often in New York several years ago, as I have grown up with the University Settlement for the past twelve years. As a Harvard man, with the assistance of many other Harvard men, I am trying to do my country's work in the Boston foreign colony. Very Respectfully yours Meyer Bloomfield[for attachment & enc see ca 1-27-03]Albion N. Y. Jany 27 1903 [*Ackd 2-2-1903*] 5 W. Park St. Rufus B. Bullock [*2 / *] [*Bu*] Dear Mr. Secy Under the Drs advice for Mrs. Bullock to spend the winter in a dry cold climate to avoid the effect of our Atlanta soft coal smoke & soot on her bronchial tubes we are here at my fathers old home. The enclosed explains itself. Yours truly Rufus B Bullock Hon. Geo Cortelyou Secy[FOR ENC. SEE ED. TO CHURCHMAN .1-26-03 BULLOCK. 1-20-03][*[ca 1-27-03]*] [*Ackd 1-29-1903*] [*JAN 27 9- 33 AM 1903]* [*?*] [*[1-03]*] 209 EAST SIDNEY AVENUE MT. VERNON, N.Y. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. My dear Mr. Roosevelt:- I am a member of a debating team of Columbia University, which has an important inter-collegiate debate for next month upon the subject, Resolved, that Pres. Roosevelt's policy of appointing negroes to offices in states where sentiment is opposed to it, is unwise. We will probably have the negative. This debate will be given considerable prominence and we want to represent fairly your side of this controversy and would accordingly consider it an extreme favor if you could place us on the track of some of the literature upon this subject representingcorrectly your arguments or for any other information you might be kind enough to let us have. Respectfully, J. Henry EssexPostal Telegraph-Cable Company in connection with The Commercial Cable Company. Clarence H. Mackay, President J. O. Stevens, Sec'y. Wm. H. Baker, V.P.& G.M. Clarence H. Mackay, President. Albert Beck, Sec'y. Geo. G. Ward, V. P. & G. M. Telegram The Postal Telegraph-Cable Company transmits and delivers this message subject tot he terms and conditions printed on the back of this blank. [*file CS*] 36 H S"WS"72 Paid Govt Received at Washinton,D.C.Jan.27-03. (Where any reply should be sent.) The President, Canton,O. There is no truth in the newspaper story about the state department having asked Germany to postpone the erection and unveiling of the statue, on the third of November at the request of the secretary of War Dr Hill inquired something about the weight and dimension of the statue. No other communication of any sort has been made by the state department to the German Government. John Hay, 1:14, Pm. [*Cabinet Shall anything be said to the press?*]HOTEL ROYAL ROME Situé en plein midi dans la partie la plus haute et plus saine de la Ville près de l'Ambassade Anglaise et du Palais Royal, à peu de distance de la Gare. [*Ackd*] [*2-13-1903*] Situated full South on the highest and healthiest part of Rome near the English Embassy and Royal Palace a short distance only from the Railway Station. [shorthand] [automatic stamp] [*FEB 2 9 - 40 AM*] Via Venti Settembre [drawing of hotel and environs] LIT. L. SALOMONE ROMA G. MAZZERI PROPRIETAIRE SPQR STEAM HEATING - LIFT - ELECTRIC LIGHT CHAUFFAGE CENTRAL - ASCENSEUR - LUMIÈRE ÉLÉCTRIQUE Jardin d Hiver January 27, 1903 My dear President Roosevelt: I am here on a four months' congé from The Century and I am proud to see from the inclosed pages from the Tribune that as an offset to the loss of unfaltering support of the "befo' the wah" element you are sure of the support of all those Italians who know a "fellow-countryman" when they see him. Seriously, I find an extraordinaryinterest here in our affairs. I congratulate you on the successful completion of the Canal negotiations, and on the dignified postponement of the reception of Frederick's statue. All the Americans I meet are most indignant at the San Carlos bombardment. Your appeal to The Hague Conference is a triumph of the right principle. Any power that goes to war over that obstacle is already in the wrong, ipso facto. I have been talking with dramatists over here and when I return in April I am going to agitate for an amendment to the copyright law which shall give them better security - so that their rights may not be endangered by the printing of stage - copies, which now are pirated in more or less garbled form. With a respect not diminished by distance, Faithfully Yours, R. U. Johnson. The next peril to the peace of Europe (a diplomat tells me) will be the death of Francis Joseph.[*Ackd*] [*1-29-1903*] [*Jan 28 9-06 am 1903*] 122 East 17th Street, New York City, Jan. 27th, 1903 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Dear Mr. President, You have doubtless heard of the Vicomte R. M. de Vogüé, member of the French Academy. In a recent letter I received from M. de Vogüé he refers to an article which he recently contributed to the Gaulois reviewing the translation of your book "The Strenuous Life". I have succeeded in procuring this article which I am now enclosing to you as possibly it may haveescaped your attention. The Vicomte de Vogüé, like all eminent frenchmen of letters, holds you and your work in profound esteem. Trusting that Mrs. Roosevelt is well, believe me, with very kind regards, Yours sincerely, Elisabeth Marbury (Enclosure, one)[*Ackd 1-29-1903*] Roosevelt & Son, P. O. Box 1222. Cable Address, Roosevelt. 33 Wall Street, New York, January 27th, 1903. To the President of the United States, Washington, D. C. Dear Theodore: -- It is again the Question of the Bolivian Syndicate and the Acre Concession, where they seem to be putting my name forward in the newspapers, much against my will. The situation seems to be that Brazil and Bolivia are each bluffing very hard and threatening war, but hesitate to fire the first shot, and are rather inclined to settle the matter, if possible; and, Brazil seems might be induced to pay a reasonable amount to have our concession cancelled, and a word from the United States Government would do it. Of course, anything that works in the interest of peace adds somewhat to our prestige, and a settlement of that kind would let me get out of the Syndicate, where the name could no longer be used, which I so much dislike. I do everything to prevent its use, and write now as I understand a committee will probably be down to see you in the matter, but wish to assure you that I have taken no hand in its going, and understand perfectly that you cannot consider my being in the matter one way or the other. Christine came back to us, delighted with her visit at the White House, fully appreciating the privilege it was to go there. I hope she was a good girl while there, and did not put her foot in it in any way, but she is childish and has so much to learn in the way of tact, I always fear she will do something not quite advisable. With much love to Edith and the children, I am Very sincerely yours, W. Emlen RooseveltJan. 27th [*[03]*] 300 Beacon Street. Boston [*Ackd*] [*1-29-1903*] Sir I have the honor to inform you that I am in this country and await your pleasure for appointing a time for painting your portrait. I am at your disposal fromhonor to be, Sir Your obedient servant John S. Sargent [*Sargent?*] The President of the United States the 10th of February until the end of April. It would be kind of you to let me know at this address [what] the date that you select, as my plans for portrait painting in New York and Charlestown will depend on your decision. I have the [*PP7 1903*] Office of the [*sec*] Civil Governor of the Philippine Islands Manila, P. I., January 27, 1903. My dear Mr. President: I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your note of the fourteenth of December, enclosing a letter from Archbishop Ireland in respect tot he urgency in the settlement of the questions between the Church and the Insular Government, and proposing that the questions all be settled by a board of arbitration. It would gratify me very much if the matter could be remitted to a board of arbitration safely, but my short experience in dealing with the claims of the friars as to the value of their property is such that I tremble to think of the amount which we might have been made to pay by their unblushing and unscrupulous lying methods had we submitted the matter to arbitration, as we proposed to do at Rome. They are most unconscionable, and I do not expect to settle the matter except by a plain statement that I shall never recommend the purchase of the lands until they come down to something reasonable. They are in a situation now where they can do nothing with the lands and they are bound to accept a reasonable figure. The Islands could not stand the issue of the bonds required to pay what they claim the lands to be worth. I shall be able, however, to write you a little more intelligently on this matter in the course of the next two or three weeks, when I hope to have all the papers in readiness to renew negotiations which-2- have been suspended with the Delegate. The conditions here have been very much affected by the schism in the Catholic Church. I did not anticipate a schism; I really did not think that the antagonism to the friars was great enough for a real separation, - but it has actually come. At first I did not suppose the movement would amount to much, but so far as I can learn from conversations with the governors from all over the Archipelago, and from other sources of information, I find that the movement has the real backing and sympathy not only of the riff-raff of the people but of the educated and sober-minded Filipinos who, much discouraged with the refusal of Rome to withdraw the friars, are determined to achieve independence in religion from their domination. There is going to be a good deal of rowing over property, and a good deal of litigation. The Delegate has expected that I would interfere in behalf of the Roman Catholic Church as Executive and decide questions of the right of possession and of title, without remitting him and his church to the courts; but of course that I could not do. I have issued a circular letter, a copy of which I enclose. He pressed me for a circular letter on the subject and I have issued it, but now that it is out I am not sure that he feels greatly pleased with it. The truth is that the Latin ecclesiastic it is very hard to teach what impartiality is between his church and some other church. I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your cablegram in-3- which you advised me that I may stay here and that you will get another man for the Court. I beg to express my sincere regret that you should have been embarrassed in finding someone to fill the place on the Supreme Court and that my reluctance to accept has increased that embarrassment. I beg to renew my deep gratitude for your kindness and consideration to me, and to say that your yielding to the Philippine pressure in allowing me to stay here has had, I think, a very good effect with the people. For the first time in their lives they have felt that they have exercised real influence with the governing power at Washington and they have accomplished their purpose by petition. I have told them that because they are responsible for my staying they must accept the faults in the administration hereafter as their own. The situation is clearing somewhat here and we shall be able soon to take steps forward, if only Congress will give us a good currency and reduce the tariff. I am informed by some private dispatches that you have selected Judge Wm. R. Day to fill the place vacated by Justice Shiras. I am sure that Day will make a good judge; he is a man of very level head, of great common sense, a good lawyer and orthodox on all the questions in which we are interested. He is a loyal man, a safe man, and will never do anything on the bench to discredit the President responsible for his appointment. He is a man of high ideals, -4- of great integrity and much courage. He showed while Secretary of State that he was a man of marked ability. Recurring for a moment to the Church matter, it is quite evident that Ireland writes at the instance of Rome. O'Gorman wrote me that they at Rome were very anxious to have an arbitration in spite of the fact that they declined to agree to withdraw the friars. They know, as Mr. Root knew, that in an arbitration they would be able to get a good deal higher price than by negotiation, for the friars and their witnesses are past masters in the art of lying; but it was this very fear of the undefined obligation which we assumed by going into an arbitration that was made the basis of the last telegram which I received from the Secretary of War on the subject while at Rome. I shall work along with Archbishop Guidi until we get to a point to see how near we are to a solution before I make a final recommendation upon this subject. Ide has given out and Worcester is about in the same condition; they will both have to take six months in the States. Meantime, Smith will take Worcester's work and I shall take Ide's and Wright's work until Wright returns. The work will not be so well done, but we can get along. I have been through the provinces of Laguna, Tayabas and Batangas and find there an excellent state of public order. This is a comment on the changes which have taken place, for-5- those three provinces were the seat of war considerably less than a year ago, and we traversed the center of each in our journey. I can see in the opposition to Philippine measures the fine Italian hand of our dear friend Aldrich of Rhode Island. Whenever there is anything which is likely to injure the tobacco, sugar or silver mining interests under the so-called trust arrangements, that very able and deft manager of the Senate appears long enough in Washington to disturb the even tenor of projected remedial legislation. With warm regards and with great respect, believe me, Sincerely yours, Wm H Taft President Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. 1 Enclosure.[*E F Ware*] [*Ackd*] [*1-29-1903*] [*File*] TOPEKA.KANSAS. January 27, 1903. Washington, D.C. My dear President:- Several times rumors of my resignation have been going over the wires. They do not emanate from me. If anybody says it any more they have got to ,"smile" as "The Virginian" said. Yours very truly, E. F. Ware[*File PPF PPF Pr*] Denver Jany 27th 1903 Dear Mr. President: Your note of the 21st just reached me yesterday morning. Mr. Teller had been already elected to the Senate. I venture to enclose with this, a statement I have publicly made this morning, which covers the facts. — I have realized for many months that both my character and my political standing in Colorado, as well as the situation here, have been subjects of constant misrepresentation to you. — I must be content, however, to let these demonstrate the truth — It usually does. — I am obliged to you for your line - and with personal regards, am Sincerely Yours Edwd. O. Wolcott.[For 1. enc see 1-26-03 To Republicans of Colo. ]1-27-03[03] Bloomfield, Meyer, Boston, Mass. Mass Meeting is to be held to commemmorate Linclon's birthday; would like to receive few words from the President, to be read at the Meeting. Encloses President Eliot's recent address on "New Americans."[attached to Bloomfield 1-27-03][*ca 1-27-03*] Bullock, Rufus B. Hon. Albion, N. Y. Encloses letter from the Editor of the Churchman returning to writer his letter in which Mr. Bullock Stated that the editorial criticism of that paper on the President's appointment of colored persons was not justified. B[ATTACH TO BULLOCK 1-27-03]Address delivered by William Williams, Commissioner of Immigration at New York, on January 27, 1903, before the Federation of Churches and Christian Organizations of New York City. Certain Undesirable Features of the Present Immigration, With Suggestions as to Requisite Restrictive Legislation. I am requested to give an account of recent and requisite restrictive legislation in relation to immigration. There has been no such recent legislation of any importance, and we are to-day executing laws which were framed mainly in 1891 and 1893, since which time vast changes have occurred in the character and nationalities of the aliens who seek a new home in this country. Any intelligent discussion of further requisite legislation must be preceded by a thorough appreciation of the changes above referred to, which have been so gradual that the country as a whole has only recently begun to realize that to-day we are adding annually nearly one per cent to our population from portions of Europe which twenty years ago sent us hardly any people. To consider the topic of immigration to-day as meaning the same as2 it did in 1882, merely because in both years the total aggregate amount was about equal, is to entirely overlook the radical sociological, industrial, racial and intellectual distinctions which exist between the Anglo-Saxon, Teutonic and Scandinavian races and the Slav, Magyar, Italian, Greek and Syrian races. I do not intend to burden this short address with statistics, but I desire to place before you a few figures which will at once illustrate the character of the above changes. I shall use round numbers. In 1882, Germany sent us 250,000 people, Great Britain and Ireland 180,000 and the Scandinavian countries 105,000, or in all 535,000 people: whereas Italy only sent us 32,000, Austria 30,000 and Russia 21,000, or a total of 83,000. In 1902, on the other hand, Germany sent us only 28,000, Great Britain and Ireland 46,000, and the Scandinavian countries 54,000, or a total of 128,000 people; whereas Italy alone sent us 180,000, Austria 170,000 and Russia 107,000 aliens. The total aggregate arrivals from these three last named countries reached the enormous figure of 457,000. In other words, the immigration from Germany, Great Britain and the Scandinavian countries is to-day almost as insignificant as was twenty years ago the immigration from Italy, Austria and Russia. It is generally conceded that immigration in the past has been a very important factor in enabling this country to attain the position of eminence which it now occupies, and that it has contributed in a large degree towards the wonderful material development of the United States. The Northwest is in this respect under a peculiar obligation to the old world, and in some of its sections the voters of foreign extraction outnumber those of native birth. But such development 3 has been caused not by the mere fact that hundreds of thousands of foreigners have been coming here annually but by the further fact that they have gone out into the agricultural regions and that they have come from Great Britain, Germany and Scandinavia, countries whose inhabitants more closely resemble our people in blood, traditions and ideas of Government than is the case with any of the other larger countries of Europe from which our immigrants come. It is almost certain that had our early immigration proceeded from these portions of Eastern and Southern Europe which are now sending such large numbers of illiterate aliens into our great cities, this country would not now enjoy its present civilization. The occupations of those who are now coming here, and the portions of the country to which they proceed, are roughly stated as follows: Out of 700,000 who arrived last year, about 3,000 were professionals, 80,000 were skilled workmen, 420,000 were unskilled laborers, and 150,000 were women and children with no occupation. The average amount of money is shown by the records to have been less than six dollars per capita, and if we assume that it was ten dollars per capita, we have made ample allowance for such money as the aliens may have declined to exhibit at the immigration stations. Only 70,000 were possessed of over thirty dollars each. Seventy per cent intended to settle in New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. New York State alone received over 200,000. Considerably less than ten per cent went West and about two per cent South. The statistics show, and it is a well-known fact, that the great stream of immigration to-day is a city immigration and that the bulk of the immigrants do not go and cannot be urged to go into 4 the unsettled parts of the United States for the purpose of developing them. The pauper statistics show that about thirty aliens out of every ten thousand become objects of charity, whereas in the case of the native born, both white and colored, only nine out of every ten thousand persons become such. It is probably true that the United States needs all the able-bodied and intelligent laborers that it can procure, and at the present time no steps should be taken which will result in preventing such people from coming here. On the contrary, we must strive to so legislate as to secure these people and keep out those who are below a certain grade of intellectual and economic fitness. Germany and England have a large surplus population and yet these countries are sending us but few immigrants. I do not attempt to answer fully the economic question suggested by these facts, but it would seem that the present large influx of undesirable and unintelligent people from Southern and Eastern Europe may be at least one of the reasons why we do not get the better labor that used formerly to come here. The indiscriminate cry for additional labor is to-day largely the cry for the cheapest labor of Europe and Mexico, the presence of which tends to cheapen our standards, to drive out American laborers and keep the best European laborers from coming here. If the immediate development of all the material resources of the country were the only issue involved it might be proper to let in all kinds of laborers, more particularly the Chinese, who are amongst the most efficient in the world ; but all thinking men realize that we are confronted with problems of 5 greater importance than the immediate material development of the country and that our national ideals and character cannot be sacrificed for mere pecuniary gain. I desire to lay special stress upon the fact that the question at issue to-day is not the total restriction of immigration but only the proper regulation thereof. Europe has a great many very desirable people, and also millions who are undesirable, and each nation of Europe has its quote of both. At least a portion, and many of us believe a considerable portion, of our immigration to-day, consists of this undesirable element - undesirable because it is often found to be unintelligent, of low vitality, of poor physique, able to perform only the cheapest kind of manual labor, desirous of locating almost exclusively in the cities, and unfitted mentally or morally for good citizenship. At the present stage of the discussion it is as unnecessary as it would be impossible to state what is the relative percentage of the desirable and the undesirable. It is sufficient for the present purposes to know that at least a considerable number of those coming here, more particularly from Eastern and Southern Europe and Syria, are people who, although they may be able to earn a living, are not wanted, will be of no benefit to the country, and whose presence on the contrary tends to drag down its standards. It is of this undesirable minority alone that I am speaking. That it should exist is only natural, in view of the poverty of parts of the old world and of the efforts made abroad to stir up immigration. Specific evidence of its existence results not only from observation at Ellis Island, but from the fact that large numbers of these people are almost destitute at the time of their arrival, have since found it impossible to earn a6 living in this country, have become public charges and are eventually deported. The Out Door Poor Department of the City of New York cites over 2,500 such instances as having occurred during the twelve months preceding June, 1902, and the large number of aliens and children recently arrived who are receiving charitable support in our almshouses afford further proof of my contention. Finally, since August 1st over 600 aliens who have arrived within twelve months have signified their inability to earn a living and requested assistance or deportation. Certain other characteristics of some of these aliens are illustrated by an official letter written by Health Commissioner Léderle, notifying the Government that the city declines to further receive aliens with contagious diseases into its hospitals (notwithstanding the receipts from this source amount to about $25,000 per annum) for the following, amongst other, reasons: "Their personal habits are often uncleanly; so much so that it is difficult, expensive and often impossible to keep the wards in the cleanly condition essential to the well being of other patients. While, as has been said, they are the most prolific source of mixed infection of our hospitals, they are also dangerous because they frequently suffer from contagious skin diseases, favus and ringworm. The majority have lice on head or body, or both, and cases of trachoma are extremely common among them." In view of these facts and of the wretched appearance and absolute poverty of a considerable number of the aliens who arrived in this country during the fiscal year ending June 1902, I think you will be somewhat shocked to learn that less than four-fifths of one per 7 cent of these aliens were excluded, and you will agree with me that this percentage did not afford the country the necessary protection. At this point I will explain the essential features of the existing law. The classes to which most of the excluded aliens belong include the diseased, paupers and persons likely to become public charges. The application of the last named provisions to individual cases is not an easy matter. The term pauper includes a very poor person who is dependent either on private or public charity. In determining who is likely to become a public charge, we have no arbitrary standard by which we can be guided, and common sense and good judgement must be used in deciding this difficult question. I will meet with no opposition when I say that the least the people of the United States should require is the continuance of a very rigid enforcement of the existing laws, from the standpoint of the American people, and not from that of alien relatives or friends, too often not such in fact, who upon the arrival of each steamer are constantly pressing for the admission of some one in whom they may be, at least temporarily, interested. By way of illustrating the difficulties with which the authorities are beset in correctly executing the immigration law, and the necessity for a rigid inspection, I cite four typical cases which were presented on a single day, showing how readily aliens have become public charges, even though they had close relatives in this country. (1) A Portuguese woman who arrived April 7th, 1902, was allowed to join her married daughter in California. This woman is now at Ellis Island, destitute and requesting deportation. And yet the Government has been criticised for deciding in8 certain cases that destitute alien parents shall not land, merely because they happen to have children in this country. (2) As recently as December 4, 1902, a Russian Hebrew named Schebse Schatelisky was allowed to join his married daughter at Attick, R. L., who declared that her husband had a clothing store worth over $7,000, and that she desired to care for her father. This immigrant was "picked up in the streets of New York" and sent to this station by the Out Door Poor Department of that city with the request that he be returned to Russia. (3) The Police Department of Bristol, Conn., writes that one Redman reached Bristol on December 30th, with his wife; that he left her at a laundry and told her that he would look for work; and that the following day he left town and has not been heard of since. The Police Department adds that the woman has no friends and it requests that the Government take charge of this alien. (4) Lastly, the Department received the following letter, which requires no further comment: St. Louis, Mo., Jan. 8, 1903. Sir: About six months ago a relative (namely a brother) arrived from Austria in the expectation of making his living here. He has spent all his money in his traveling expenses and stands now here without means. I myself am poor. Please write me whether you can return the old man and his child to Austria, because otherwise both will be public charges in this city. Respectfully, A. Brix, 1403 St. Louis Ave. Only yesterday nine new applications were made for deportation of persons who had arrived within the 9 year and had become public charges. Since January 1st, 36 such persons, exclusive of these nine, have been actually deported, and this number is only a small proportion of those who applied during this period for, but were refused, deportation because it could not be proven that the causes of their inability to earn a living were of a permanent nature. It follows from these cases, which are only cited because they are typical of numerous others, that the biassed statements of interested persons as to the ability of many of their alien friends or relatives to earn a living, are not always a safe guide in determining whether such aliens can land and that in many such cases the sworn officers of the Government must perform the very unpleasant duty of ordering their deportation. You will derive further information as to the necessity for a rigid execution of the existing law and of the lines along which it is being executed if I briefly describe some of the persons who have recently sought admission to this country, but were excluded. The descriptions are taken at random from official correspondence of the Treasury Department. One case is as follows: It appears that this alien had but $1.25 in his possession when he arrived; that his passage was prepaid by a sister and that he is equipped with no trade and has no prospect of employment. Moreover he is certified by the examining surgeon as having a frail physique. Another case is as follows: In view of the physical condition of the father (who was suffering from hernia) as certified by the10 examining surgeon, the fact that the two children are afflicted with trachoma, a dangerous contagious disease, as well as the fact that the father has but little money, the Bureau is of the opinion that the excluding decision of the Board was wise and proper. Another case is as follows: The elder appellant is certified to be suffering from the effects of senility and cataracts, and the son has conjunctivitis. The have but little money, no skilled trade and but one relative who is not bound to aid them in any way, although he makes the usual profession of willingness to do so. Another case is as follows: Appellant is certified to have hernia and poor physique. He has $3 in cash and has no relatives here, excepting brothers-in-law who are not legally bound to render him assistance in the unfortunate period which is sure to ensue as the result of his present physical ailments. Another case is as follows: Appellant is an assisted immigrant and as the daughter to whom he is destined is only a servant and earns very little, it is doubtful to what extent she can assist this man who is stated to be of frail physique and without a trade. Another case is as follows: The appellants are both advanced in years and are totally without money or legally responsible relatives in this country. The man is equipped with no skilled trade and has no means of securing employment; both appellants are furthermore stated to be of very infirm appearance. 11 Another case is as follows: Appellant has but one dollar in cash and has no legally responsible relatives in this country. He is certified as having acute conjunctivitis and a weak abdominal wall, conditions which will undoubtedly interfere very materially with his earning a livelihood. Another case involving an Italian laborer of 57 is as follows: The appellant is certified to have weak abdominal ring. He is without a trade, has only a few dollars and is destined to a son-in-law who barely earns a living for himself. Another case is as follows: The appellant (an Italian laborer of 50) is no longer young, is certified by the surgeons to have a poor physique, is practically without money and encumbered with the care of his family (a wife and three very young children) although having no prospects of employment or legally responsible relatives to assist him and family until work can be procured. The probability of these persons requiring charitable assistance is plainly apparent. Another case is as follows: The man is practically a pauper as he stands, though only 40 years of age, he is prematurely old12 in looks and has no money. He is certified by the examining surgeon as having poor physique, is bent over and is in fact just one of those people as to whom the law specifically provides that they shall not be brought to this country. Another case is as follows: The appellant comes here (without means) to join her husband who cannot be found and is reported to have left this country three weeks ago. She is encumbered with the case of an infant son and is certified to be pregnant. Another case relating to an Italian woman who came here with two small children and with no money, is as follows: The appellants are paupers in their present condition. The husband and father is stated to have been refused embarkation because of an eye disease, probably trachoma. Another case is as follows: The appellant comes here with two helpless children, leaving four others at home, being almost without money and going to relatives who are not in a position to furnish assistance. He is stated to be in poor physical condition. Instances of the foregoing character could be multiplied almost indefinitely. The attempt to bring such people here, although clearly ineligible under our laws to land, shows that some influences are at work to send to the United States a portion of the refuse of Europe. Nor do these instances include the large number of persons with contagious diseases brought here during the fiscal year ending June, 1902. 13 And in this connection I wish to allude in passing to the reckless manner in which certain ships' surgeons have until recently been making written oath to the general good health and physical condition of such diseased persons. The present law, unfortunately, fails to adequately punish the offences thus committed and one of the good features of the present bill (which contains many other excellent administrative features and should for this reason alone at once become a law) is a clause allowing the Secretary of the Treasury to impose summarily a fine of $100 in each case where a diseased alien is deliberately brought here. Since assuming office last May it has been my endeavor to put the machinery of the Ellis Island Immigrant Station in fit condition to execute the existing laws, and I regret to say that in December it was found necessary to deport over nine hundred aliens, or about three per cent. of the arrivals during that month. The specific instances hereinbefore cited will give you a fair general idea of the character of these unfortunate people, for whom one can have only the deepest sympathy, but it must be remembered that our own people are those whose interests must receive first consideration in all such matters and it was distinctly to their interest that these aliens should be returned. To admit ineligible aliens merely because they have been wrongly allowed to reach our shores is not only to disregard the law but also to encourage the coming here of other improper persons. Notwithstanding these exclusions, over ninety-seven per cent of those who arrived were admitted and I believe that these included a great many whose mental, physical and material condition was not such as to enable them to benefit this country14 by their presence. To exclude such persons new legislation of a radical character is required. The specific disabilities which may be imposed are probably covered by existing law, excepting the so-called illiteracy test which is embodied in the bill now before Congress. It happens that the illiterates correspond closely with some of the classes hereinbefore mentioned who are objectionable for reasons other than their illiteracy. Making allowance for those illiterates who will be excepted from the provisions of the proposed measure, it has been computed that about ninety thousand aliens will be debarred from admission should it become a law, and that it will hardly affect the desirable immigration from the northern countries of Europe. For these reasons the effect of the measure would be beneficial, at least for the present. I doubt whether in the end the proposed test will be found to meet every requirement, and I am sure it will not be sufficiently far reaching to touch the real evils of the existing immigration. No further specific test other than the illiteracy test appears to be practicable as a means of keeping out undesirable immigrants, and none other is under discussion. And yet I am of the opinion that before long the necessity will be realized of enacting a law the effect of which will be to exclude all persons who are not physically vigorous and whose presence will tend to lower our standard of living or civilization. This would enable the Government without legislative discrimination against any nationality to meet the situation arising upon the approach of a period of industrial depression or when a stream of undesirable immigration sets in from particular sections of Europe, the certain effect of which, if unchecked, will be to 15 dilute and debase the elements which in the past have made this country great. The indefinite character of the proposed standard and the consequent difficulty in applying it will be at once suggested. It would be idle to deny the existence of this difficulty, which, however, will be found to be inherent in the peculiar and difficult character of the problem pressing for solution. In a lesser degree precisely the same difficulty exists in the application to individual classes of the statutory provision "likely to become a public charge." It should be quite possible to create boards of experts, men of high character and ability, versed in economics, sociology, ethnology and kindred sciences and removed from the sphere of political influence, whose judgment in these matters would on the whole meet with approval. Aliens have no inherent right to come here, and if the American people, as I think it does, wishes to exclude from the country generally undesirable people, even though they do not come within the range of specific disabilities, and those who will be obviously unfit for American citizenship, I fail to see why they should not do so. We should see to it that our rapid growth is not as the expense of national character. Such a law would not meet with the approval of those who think that this country is a proper refuge for any who care to come from Europe. However we may have looked upon this matter in the past, it is, on account of our own present large population, of the changed character of the immigration and of the efforts of interested persons to induce people to come here who would otherwise never think of doing so, full time for us to protect ourselves and our institutions by whatever means may be appropriate. I repeat that the solution is difficult on account of the[*Lne. in Williams 2-8-03*] 16 difficult character of the problem itself. I chiefly desire at the present time to insist that there are certain very undesirable features in the present immigration which cannot be reached by legislation imposing definite disabilities. The exclusion of all persons whose presence would tend to lower our standard of living or civilization would not keep out any of the large number of desirable immigrants who annually seek admission and who are a real addition to the wealth of the country, but I believe it would enable us to keep out aliens of the class who are ever ready to breed political and industrial discontent as well as those who are crowding into our already congested tenement districts, many of whom remain un-American in their ideas and aspirations, even after years of residence in the United States. 7[Enc. in Bloomfield 1-27-03]ELIOT AT NORTH END. Harvard President Talks to Parents and Others. Tells Former to Save to Educate Children. Says Publicity Is the Cure for Many Public Evils. President Eliot of Harvard delivered an address last night on the subject "New Americans" in the hall of the North Bennet street industrial school, before a large audience mostly composed of the citizens of the North end. By far the greater portion of the audience were foreigners, and to them President Eliot gave much good advice, particularly on their relations with the republican form of government under which they now live. The one great point which he advocated must strongly was the education of the children. He advised his hearers to invest in the education of their children every dollar they could possibly spare. Mr. Meyer Bloomfield was presiding officer, and introduced President Eliot. Mrs. Quincy A. Shaw occupied a front seat, and was an interested listener throughout. President Eliot said: "Ladies and Gentlemen: The subject which is announced for me is 'New Americans.' Now, we are all new Americans. It is only 270 years since the first adventurers came to these shores, and 250 years is a very short time in the history of a nation, in the development of a people. You are only just a little newer Americans than some of the rest of us. "Mr. Bloomfield has told you that I am president of the neighboring university across the river Charles. Perhaps you think that I am some sort of a privileged and exclusive sort of an American, so I want to tell you something about my family stock. We came from the North end, just exactly where we now are. My grandfather kept a shop in Dock square. His uncle Andrew was the minister of the New North Church in Hanover street for more than 30 years, and he lies buried in the Copp's Hill burying ground. "So I say I come out of the North end and I come from people who were then doing exactly what some of you are doing. In what sense then have my people been privileged, for they have been? Only in this sense: That Samuel Eliot, who kept the shop in Dock square, took great pains that every one of his children should have the best education he could give them. They [?] educated in the Boston public schools, and three of them were further [?] educated in Harvard College. One [?] three sons was my father, and he took pains that all his children should have the best education he could give them. Accordingly, I was sent, when 10 years old, to the Boston Public Latin school, and when I went out of that school I very easily got into Harvard College. Every boy in this room who has the wits can do the same thing. "You are all interested in the civic service house, and the very name reminds us that you have special concern with that portion of the American government which is in the hands of cities. What do we expect or want of our city government? We want clean streets. We want pure water and plenty of it. We want effective, trustworthy sewers under the streets. We want bright street lights. The most famous of New England's authors, Ralph Waldo Emerson, said 50 years ago that light is the best policeman. That is a tribute to human nature. Light is the best policeman because the wrongdoer as a rule, wants to get in the dark. He wants to get out of sight. I think that is a tribute to human nature. We want well managed hospitals and we want brave and alert police. "But, most of all, we want from our cities good schools. Good free schools, well managed, used all the time - not four or five hours in the morning only, but all day and all evening. We want the best popular instructions open to everybody. Now we have to confess out of our own experience as a nation, that universal suffrage does not produce the best municipal or city government in the world. I dare say that some of you have come from cities better managed than Boston, from cities that give all these things that I have enumerated, except schools, better than Boston. I know no foreign city that gives as good schools as Boston does. "Now here in the North end there are many defects. You have not streets so clean as the Back Bay. There is every reason why you should have cleaner streets than those of the Back Bay. Because the population is denser, the public ways should be cleaner. They should be exquisitely clean. They are not. Now, what is the remedy for civic evils in our country? It is a slow remedy - one has to be patient - but it is a very sure remedy. The remedy is publicity. "Take, for instance, this recent horrible evil, the coal strike. The men struck for reasons they never stated. The miners' union is a secret organization. The operators refused for reasons that they never stated. They again form a band who operate in secret. And the strike went on, and the consequences are upon us at this moment, much suffering, much loss. But at last, after five months, we arrive at a method of resuming coal mining subject to the award of the commission whose function simply is to get at the facts of the case on both sides, and publish them, and express an opinion about them. That is to say, at last both sides were compelled to resort to the method of publicity as a remedy. We don't know at this moment what is going on in the anthracite mining region. We are still kept in ignorance about it. But we are on the way to learn. We are on the way to arrive at a result, equitable, we hope, after publicity is obtained. "I don't know that I could give any advice to you half as good as the advice to invest in the education of your children every dollar you can spare. It is the best possible investment that a human being can make. It is the best possible investment from every point of view. If you look at it merely from the pecuniary point of view - the lowest point of view - to devote yourself and all the resources you can get together to the education of a boy or a girl who can grow up with much more mental training than you ever had, and do things in the world that you never could; to earn many times the money you could ever earn - that is indeed a profitable investment. That boy or girl, grown up and at work earning, prospering, will take care of you. "There are various kinds of schools accessible to you here. There are the free schools of the city. There are also the parochial schools belonging to this or that religious organization. How to choose? You are perfectly free to choose. The choice should be determined by what seems to you the most essential feature of the training of a child - the most essential, sure protection against the evils and troubles of life. There are many who hold that education within a church is safest and best, and I am not here to deny this proposition or to affirm it. I would only point out that when an institution of religion conducts a school or a college, the educational part of the work - the strictly educational part of the work - is generally not the primary object, but the secondary object. That may be wise and just, but the educational object is generally secondary under those conditions. Now in the free schools of the American cities and towns the educational object is the primary object. You will choose between these objects. "If a young man really loves a good woman, mother, sister, wife, he is as safe as he can be made with his disposition and powers. If he does not love a good woman, he is in a very exposed situation, no matter what country he is in, or in what state of society he may live. I have had occasion to make one special observation, namely, the observation that the Jewish family is the family which develops most frequently this divine love, this love which promotes sacrifice. I have had occasion to observe that it is in the Jewish family that the human relations are profoundly tender." When President Eliot had finished, Mr. Bloomfield announced that he would be glad to answer such questions as any one in the audience might wish. There seemed at first some hesitation, but finally one young woman got up and asked President Eliot's opinion as to the propriety of using the schools for concerts Sunday afternoons during the winter for the entertainment of the public. President Eliot, while advocating in his reply outdoor exercise and recreation, said he could see no objection to the use of the schools for such purposes during the severe winter months. A young man in the audience then wanted to know what President Eliot meant when he said that labor unions were organizations. "An organization that takes its decisions in secret, sometimes called executive, session," answered President Eliot. "It took its late important decision to strike without publishing its motive for it. The employers are just as bad, however. Both sides exhibited a distrust of publicity."[1-27-03] [[?] in Ogden, 2-4-03]THE EVENING POST: NEW YORK, TUESDAY, J [?] productions in their entirety; and the example of French and German operahouses shows that it pays well to produce operas in this manner. Fears were expressed at yesterday's meeting that it might be difficult to make satisfactory arrangements with M. de Reszke as artistic manager. But, of course, he would sing as well, and would in all probability have no desire to make impossible demands, as he would regard his managerial duties in the light of an artistic experiment which would entertain and delight him as much as the public. Whatever is done, it may be taken for granted that the directors will consider it incumbent on them, as a matter of honor, to endorse Mr. Grau's engagements for future seasons, especially in such eases as those of Mr. Anthes and Mr. Hertz, who gave up good positions abroad to come here, and who have been cordially welcomed. THE NATION VS. INDIANOLA. Last Saturday's debate in the Senate served to clear up the point really at issue in the case of the closed post-office at Indianola, Miss. It is only incidentally a question of the civil rights of the negro. Color prejudice and race exclusions enter into the matter merely by a side door. The challenge which the President took up was an unmistakable challenge of the national supremacy. What he had to answer was the question, so sharply put to him, whether he would allow an irresponsible mass-meeting in a small town to dictate to the general Government what Federal appointees, or what class of them, should be allowed to fill Federal office. Mr. Roosevelt met this covert attempt at nullification, just as President Cleveland met Debs's in 1894, and Lincoln met South Carolina's in 1861, with the round assertion that the discharge of Federal Functions depends, in no part of this Union, upon the whim or consent of a locality. Senator Spooner, speaking for the Administration, left not a vestige of the case that had laboriously been built up by the opponents of the President's action in the premises. They have said that, with fanatic zeal, or with selfish political motives, he has been trying to force upon a respectable and law-abiding community a postmistress who is personally offensive. Nothing of the kind. He has simply refused to be a party to forcing her out of a national office by local intimidation. It has been said that his uncompromising attitude has imperilled the growing good feeling between North and South, and seriously embarrassed those who are laboring for the negro's real good. But to none of those things did the President look. He saw only the national sovereignty impugned. He saw the Constitutional appointing power usurped, or attempted to be usurped, by a body known to no law, State or National. And he did but his sworn duty in taking the position that a Federal commission must be respected is every part of this country, whether the inhabitants of any particular locality are pleased or displeased. The essential facts in the Indianola case were put, in the Senate debate, beyond dispute. Senator McLaurin's version of them did not differ materially from Senator Spooner's. It is agreed on all hands that the postmistress, Mrs. Cox, is an estimable woman personally. She and her husband are well-to-do, owning $10,000 or $15,000 worth of property. She has the respect of the entire [?] by all. So [?] tempt of all mankind. Once let the principle be established that local prejudice may rightly take upon itself forcibly to vacate a national office, and there is an end of Federal supremacy. President Roosevelt has chosen an impregnable position. It cannot be carried, and he will not retreat from it. Indianola cannot be allowed to dictate to the United States. This the simple yet broad issue. "Concede our right to name our postmaster," says the mass meeting in Indianola, "or we will not go to the post-office." "Very well," replies the President of the whole country, "until you submit yourselves to the lawful Federal authority, your post-office will remain closed." That is the whole case. It is not a negro in office, but the national supremacy, that is in question. And surely, the nation with a big N is as properly asserted in its own territory as it is in international diplomacy or throughout the islands of the distant seas. But that is all that President Roosevelt has done. He has simply placed the broad shield of national sovereignty over a member of the Federal Government. The fact that she is a woman, and black, adds to the pathos of the situation, and heightens the chivalrous aspect of the President's act; but the act itself was compelled by the highest considerations of legal and Constitutional right, from which there can be no dissent which does not strike at the heart of the nation's true grandeur. THE NEW MILITIA LAW. In getting the militia law (which was approved by the President last week) placed upon the statute book, Secretary Root has carried out one of his most cherished plans for the modernization of our military establishment. As the law now stands, it calls for no radical departure from American military practice. It establishes no new body of [?] serves, although this was part of Secretary Root's original plan, and [d?] not infringe upon the rights of [?] State. In its essence the law provides for closer relations between the [?] and Federal troops, for the organization of the National Guard upon the [re?] army model, for the rearming [?] State troops with weapon like those by Federal soldiers, and for [join?] noeuvres of both bodies of troop [?] of its best features is the [establishment?] of a list of competent officers [?] in the several States and [Territories?] who shall be the ones first [cal?] [?] and commissioned in a [voluntary?] [?] in the event of hostilities. When it is considered that [?] practically the only [comprehensive?] [?] lation affecting the militia since [?] importance is obvious. Its [?] long been apparent to any [?] our State troops. By this [?] mean that our foreign affair [?] strengthening of our first [?] simply that in the interest [?] themselves the time for a [?] tion had more than [com?] neither sense nor economy [?] having its own form of [mi?] tion. While some States [?] their troops after the [r?] have persistently clung [?] tems. In some the funds [?] troops have been well [fr?] many they have been [?] weapons, useless equipment [?] ing up regiments which [?] have been disbanded. The primary object of [?] therefore to unify the States [?] [?] ministration, left not a vestige of the case that had laboriously been built up by the opponents of the President's action in the premises. They have said that, with fanatic zeal, or with selfish political motives, he has been trying to force upon a respectable and law-abiding community a postmistress who is personally offensive. Nothing of the kind. He has simply refused to be a party to forcing her out of a national office by local intimidation. It has been said that his uncompromising attitude has imperilled the growing good feeling between North and South, and seriously embarrassed those who are laboring for the negro's real good. But to none of those things did the President look. He saw only the national sovereignty impugned. He saw the Constitutional appointing power usurped, or attempted to be usurped, by a body known to no law, State of National. And he did but his sworn duty in taking the position that a Federal commission must be respected in every part of this country, whether the inhabitants of any particular locality are pleased or displeased. The essential facts in the Indianola case were put, in the Senate debate, beyond dispute. Senator McLauren's version of them did not differ materially from Senator Spooner's. It is agreed on all hands that the postmistress, Mrs.Cox, is an estimable woman personally. She and her husband are well-to-do owning $10,000 or $15,000 worth of property. She has the respect of the entire community. That is admitted by all. So is it that her conduct of the post-office has been satisfactory. There are absolutely no charges of any kind against her. But a public meeting in Indianola determined that she must no longer be postmistress, and called upon her to resign by a day fixed. Mrs.Cox promised to resign, and did, in fact, soon forward her resignation to Washington; but the President, being fully advised of the facts, and perfectly aware that her action was taken under duress, refused and still refuses, to accept her forced resignation. Now this woman happens to be colored. But if she were white or yellow or red, Mr.Roosevelt's duty would remain as clear and imperative. He cannot, with due regard to the national dignity or to the Constitution which he has taken an oath to maintain and defend, allow the federal appointing power to be transferred from the President and Senate to a public meeting in a Mississippi town. Senator McLauren darkened counsel by many words without wisdom in regard to the right of petition, and the guarantees surrounding peaceable assemblies met to seek redress of grievances. But, granting the grievance-which, in this case, is confessed, merely that of a dark skin to whom was the petition addressed? To any ruler, State or National? To any legislative body whatever? No, but to the postmistress herself. And the particular significance of the "petition" sent to her may best be measured by a resolution introduced at the same public meeting, and voted for by a large minority, calling upon a certain Dr.Dudley to leave the town. He was a colored physician who was building up a considerable practice among his own people in Indianola. This was an offence in the eyes of those Southerners who would shut the door of learned professions to a negro (after boasting that they want to "educate" him) as rigorously as they would public office. At any rate, the hint was enough for Dr.Dudley, and he promptly fled. He knew what was implied in the "petition" addressed to him. It was a thinly veiled threat of ugly consequences to follow if he did not comply. It was precisely the same in Mrs.Cox's case, and she clearly resigned under threats as did the colored doctor escape for his life. Such outrages upon the private citizen cannot directly prevent; but if it did not prevent them against their own officers, it would deserve the con-F-C January 28, 1903. The Commission: In pursuance of the directions of the Commission, I investigated the raising of funds among the inspectors of the New York custom house for campaign purposes and to promote the passage of a bill to raise inspectors' salaries from $4 to $5 per day. In 1899 a movement was set on foot to raise the salaries of inspectors, and "The Mutual Benefit Association of the Inspectors of Customs at the Port of New York" was organized. The proposed charter for the association declared that its object should be "to promote the interests of its members in respect to securing such national, State, or municipal legislation, rules, or regulations as will insure or result in benefiting the members of said association individually and promote the interest of the association collectively and generally." An executive committee was appointed, composed of Samuel B. Rogers, W. O. Cloyes, W. H. H. Holton, H. B. Wilson, L. Schermerhorn, and S. P. Donnelly. Rogers was president and Cloyes was secretary. On January 5, 1900, an agreement was made between the above named executive committee and Henry H. Smith, a lobbyist in Washington, of which I submit a copy. It recites that the the committee has employed Smith "as their counsel and attorney to argue before the Secretary of the Treasury, the proper committees of the two Houses, and the President, and do whatever may2 be in his power as counsel and attorney" to secure the passage of the bill raising the salaries to $5 per diem. The committee agree to pay him $1000 retainer fee and for immediate contingent expenses, and $2000 more within two months after the approval of the bill by the President. Smith has received in all from the inspectors $1625. I saw a receipt acknowledging $250 as part payment of a fee of $300, authorized by resolution of the inspectors. This fee of $300 was to secure the revocation of a decision emanating from the Solicitor General which determined that the extra compensation of inspectors at $2.50 per night for services over time in examining passengers' paggage could not be given. These matters occurred before the President's order forbidding such action. The bill to increase salaries was drawn at the Barge Office, and the inspectors claim it had the approval of the Secretary of the Treasury. The executive committee had an interview with Governor Odell in 1900, at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, at which something was said in regard to the contributions by inspectors to the campaign fund, and the inspectors "got sat down on very hard." They said to the governor they would make liberal contributions as they always did. The governor "got quite hot about it and said he would do what he could to help the bill along, but the matter of the contributions had nothing to do with it and that he would not be a party to it." The present bill passed the Senate June 25, 1902; was referred to the House Committee on Ways and Means, and reported3 back June 27, 1902. Nothing more was done before adjournment, but on the reassembling of Congress it was taken up very early, passed the House December 9, 1902, and was approved December 16, 1902. General Clarkson, surveyor of the port, worked actively for the bill, and saw the Speaker, Messrs. Dalzell, Payne, and other members of the Ways and Means Committee in regard to it. He had heard of the contract with Harry Smith, but told some of the inspectors they ought to pay Smith nothing. He assured the Speaker and Committeemen that there was to be no lobbying or anything to taint the bill, and told the inspectors that any money paid to Smith was pure blackmail and for services never rendered. On January 16, 1903, Smith wrote to Cloyes, secretary and treasurer of the Inspector's Association, saying: "Of course you will remember that I withdrew as your attorney in 1901, in accordance with the President's order, and have had nothing to do with the inspector's bill since that time. The inspectors are under great obligations to General Clarkson, for if it had not been for his work and efforts, the bill would not have passed, objections having been made by various interests. The balance due me as attorney and counsel during the last Congress I hope you will see liquidated at your earliest convenience." The inspectors consider that they are bound to pay Mr. Smith some balance on the agreement, and are raising the money to do so. E. I. Rosenfeld, a friend of General Clarkson's and connected with him in many business transactions, has a desk in the office of the surveyor and receives his mail there every morning. I conversed with him in a small room adjacent to the large room of the office. Mr. Rosenfeld has taken an interest in this bill and in the claim of Mr. Smith for the balance of4 his fee of $3000, and has left the settlement of this matter in the hands of Gen. L. T. Michener of Washington, to whom he wrote on January 8 of this year, enclosing the contract made between the inspectors and Smith, saying: "They have paid Mr. Smith up to the present time $1600. He now makes a claim for $2000 additional. The facts in the case are there was absolutely nothing done in this matter until in June General Clarkson took the matter up and upon his personal assurance to the heads of the various committees that there were no fees in it to anybody and that it was a public measure and to this effect he pledged his word of honor, whereupon the bill passed, first the Senate, and, when Congress reconvened again in December, it passed the House and has become a law. Mr. Smith had no more to do with this bill becoming a law than one of the clerks in your office. It was done wholly and solely upon the representations of General Clarkson to the effect that it was a measure of justice on the part of the Government to employees who were not being paid commensurate with their services, and upon his personal pledge to the heads of Committees, the Speaker of the House, and to the Secretary of the Treasury that there was no lobbying in it nor was there any money being used in any manner, shape or form. The inspectors informed Mr. Smith to leave it alone, that they were through with him, and that the President's order of January 4, 1902, absolutely prohibited them from employing counsel. You will note that this contract was dated January 5, 1900, and that Mr. Smith has not rendered any services for the inspectors subsequent to the President's order. I am confident that with your knowledge of the facts in the case, together with your personal knowledge of Mr. Smith, that you will have no difficulty in adjusting this, and I am authorized on behalf of the inspectors to say to you that any settlement you may make will be complied with by them and of course they will pay you for your services in the premises. When any settlement is accomplished, the inspectors want Mr. Smith to deliver to you every and all correspondence that he has had with the inspectors on the subject, and the inspectors will, on their part, return to him all his correspondence to them." A meeting of the Mutual Benefit Association of the Inspectors was called for Thursday, January 22, 1903, to elect officers and to perfect their organization. I told Mr. Cloyes, one of the inspectors, that the organization was in violation of the President's order of January last, and he promised me they would5 not meet or carry the thing any further. Mr. Stranahan also told me that if desired he would have this organization stopped. I told him it was desirable to do so, and that I had told Mr. Cloyes, who had promised to stop it. In addition to the moneys raised by the inspectors to pay Smith and generally to secure the passage of their bill, a fund of some $5000 for the Congressional Campaign Committee was also raised by them through Mr. Rosenfeld. Mr. Rosenfeld states that he was engaged in collecting campaign funds for the Congressional Committee, and authorized by the Committee to do so; that he collected upwards of $30,000; that some $5000 was collected from the inspectors; that he had told the inspectors, or some of them, to go to Miss Lynam (a stenographer at No. 68 Broad Street, not in the public service). He spoke of it to perhaps half a dozen of the inspectors and they told the others. The bulk of the inspectors went to Miss Lynam's office and paid her $20 apiece. From the amount collected, some $5000, it would appear that at least 250 out of the 330 inspectors had paid this $20. There is, however, some discrepancy as to the number of contributors. Cloyes, one of the inspectors, says Miss Lynam told him that about three hundred had contributed. Cloyes himself paid her $20, as well as $20 to the Republican State Committee, $20 to the Assembly of the District, and $12 to the Kings County Club. That was his political contribution. Others paid this $20 in lieu of other political contributions. She kept a book containing the names of all the inspectors, and checked off the payments, but no receipts were given, although6 receipts were given when other political contributions were paid. Cloyes says he expected a receipt but did not get it. Miss Lynam turned the money over to Rosenfeld, who states that he received part of it in September, the bulk of it in October, and about $700 after October 20. Miss Lynam turned over the list of inspectors and the statement of the amounts received from each to Inspector Cloyes, who said at first that he had it in his safe, but on the following day said he could not find it and believed it had been stolen from his locker in the Barge Office. Mr. Rosenfeld said General Clarkson had nothing to do with the collection of this money, and that the Congressional Committee did not know from whom the money was received. Inspector Cloyes states that $20 was the usual sum contributed in an off year. Other inspectors stated that they had heard of Miss Lynam's office and of the amount to be contributed by rumors from different persons around the Barge Office; that "the rumor committee was working over time." Some stated that they went and contributed; others that they did not. One inspector, Samuel Dunlap, asked what this contribution was for, but no one seemed able to tell him. Some said it was in connection with their bill pending in Congress; the proceeding struck him as irregular. He had often contributed to campaign funds through the treasurer of committees and received receipts, but in this case no receipts were given, nor was the object of the contributions stated. He had an idea that this was a bunco7 game, and said he never threw away his money that way. Inspector Robert Utley said his impression was that the contribution was to help the bill to increase the inspector's wages. Other inspectors said this fund was for the Congressional Committee. James S. Clarkson, surveyor of the port, said he knew nothing about the collection of this campaign fund; that he told the inspectors that he thought that persons whose salary was less than $2000 ought not to be asked to pay anything. I told him that as Rosenfeld was connected with him in business, it would naturally be inferred that when Rosenfeld asked them for the money that he (Clarkson) desired it and they would pay it for that reason. He said he had told them they need not; that Rosenfeld had been connected with him in business for many years and was still doing business for him and getting his mail at the office. It seems evident from the foregoing that, although this money was collected by Mr. Rosenfeld, who is not in the Government service, and who states that neither General Clarkson nor the Congressional Committee knew the source from which it was derived, the circumstances attending its collection would naturally lead to criticism for the following reasons: General Clarkson was actively aiding the inspectors in getting the bill passed for the increase of their pay. Rosenfeld was known to be his intimate friend and business associate, had a desk in his office and appeared to be taking part in general work there. The request for political contributions came from Rosenfeld.8 The amount of the contribution was fixed in such a way as to resemble an assessment. The inspectors were certain to believe that this was Clarkson's request, and that contributing $20 apiece, the sum asked for, would aid them in getting the bill passed, and some of them actually believed it was for this purpose. Rosenfeld himself took an active part in matters relating to the bill, as is shown by his correspondence with General Michener. The motive of the contribution was stated in the language of Inspector Cloyes: "Self-preservation is the first law of nature. Every inspector will tell you the same thing, that they all walked up and gave $20." Mr. Clarkson, the surveyor, has great power, both officially and personally, over the inspectors. He ought not to permit his friend and business associate who has a desk in his office to collect political funds from the inspectors. Mr. Rosenfeld intimated that he might again be engaged in the collection of funds hereafter in the same way. Whatever he does on the outside, he certainly should not collect funds from the inspectors. Rumors damaging to the public service have already been spread in regard to these collections; and while General Clarkson's efforts for the bill appear to be on behalf of a desirable public measure, the fact that they occurred simultaneously with this collection of money is most unfortunate, and scandal in connection therewith would be a natural outgrowth of the peculiar circumstances of the case. It is my opinion that Mr. Rosenfeld's connection with the9 surveryor's office ought to cease; that Mr. Rosenfeld ought to collect no moneys from Federal employees hereafter for political purpose; and that General Clarkson should see to it that such collections are not made. Wm Dudley Foulke Commissioner.[Enc. in Porter, 1-28-03]134 State Street Brooklyn N.Y. Jan 28th/03 [*ackd. 1-30-1903 2*] [*Jan 29 8- 56 AM 1903*] [*[1-28-03]*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt - My Dear Sir. I wish to mention to you further, after reading of Dr. Hillis visit with you, and tell you that I am a member of Plymouth Church and am delighted to know you favor the plan of enlarging the work and to bring before the world more fully the great teaching of Henry Ward Beecher A memorial of high ideal should be placed before the public. He was God appointed and though his body rests in Greenwood - he lives to day!well might Lincoln "love" Beecher. Two great souls now just over the river men call death. I hope the picture of Lincoln's little Tad has reached you safely and that your little Boys may feel already that they are acquainted with that quaint character, known as "Lincoln's little Tad". If you would be glad to send me just a few lines from your own hand of recognition, in my effort, I shall be helped and strengthened in large measure and shall feel that my labor is not in vain. May God bless the President of the United States, Theodore Roosevelt. Faithfully I am Mrs. Viola Gilbert.[For 2. enclosures see ca. 1-28-03]DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, January 28, 1903. No. 834. His Excellency Powell Clayton, etc., etc., etc., Mexico. S i r : The Candelaria Gold and Silver Mining Company having presented to the Government of the United States a claim against the Republic of Mexico, as briefly set forth in the accompanying memorial, the President, believing in the disposition of Mexico to afford justice to citizens of the United States, before considering the claim with reference to possible diplomatic action, directs you to use your friendly good offices on behalf of the claimant by presenting to the President of Mexico the state of the matter as follows: The claimant represents that, notwithstanding repeated efforts to obtain a fair hearing of the case upon its merits, this has been found impossible, either before the Department of Fomento, where an administrative error is alleged to have been committed, or before the judicial tribunals of Mexico.-2- It would greatly relieve the situation in which the claimant and this Government are placed, if the Government of Mexico would, in consideration of the peculiar circumstances of this case as recited in the memorial, be kindly disposed either to indicate the grounds on which it refuses to take executive action for correcting the alleged administrative error by which the claimant represents he has been unjustly and unlawfully deprived of a valuable property; or show that the claimant, if wronged, either has open to him a remedy for his wrong before the courts, or has neglected to pursue it. In order that the representations of the claimant may be known to the President of Mexico, you are instructed to hand him, unofficially, a copy of the enclosed memorial. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant JOHN HAY. Enclosure: Printed memorial, dated New York, January 10, 1903, signed by Page and Conant, attorneys for the claimant,- two copies. [ENCL IN HAY 2-4-03]1759 R Street, N.W., Washington, D.C., January 28, 1903. To His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, White House. Sir: My concern at the state of affairs at the South just now, must be my warrant for this letter. Though but a private citizen, I think I may say that it has ever been my aim to try and bring about a better understanding and a kinder feeling between all classes of our citizens. This, and the friendship that has existed for many years between us, emboldens me to address you now. The South has long had to face a problem which, though belonging in a measure to the whole country, in its more immediate and acute bearings, belongs almost exculsively to her. In dealing with it, she has had some bitter experiences; but this was in the past, and she has put it behind her. It has been a cause of congratulation to her that of late years it has appeared as if her constancy were being rewarded, and the problem were being settled2. for the peace and well-being of all classes of our people. One Race, under wiser counsel than had formerly prevailed, was applying its energies to building itself up industrially. The other, relieved from the old exactions, was doing the same. With this appeared to pass the chief cause of misunderstnading between the two Sections of the Country. Within little more than a year, this happy condition has apparently undergone a change. The Race issue which appeared almost settled, has suddenly started up again. More feeling exists than has been shown for a long time. The great body of the Whites of the South who, after years of solid adherence to one Party, were beginning to divide on economic questions, appear to be suddenly realigning themselves as solidly as before. And thoughtful men everywhere throughout the South are asking seriously why this is so. Some think that it is due to the appointment of negroes to office. But such appointments as have been made do not, in my judgment by any means wholly account for it. Similar appointments were made by your last three predecessors without arousing the universal feeling throughout the South that has appeared of late. While, on the other hand, more appointments have been made by you from among the conservative Whites of the South than by any other3. Republican President. The reason, therefore, for the present ferment, must lie deeper than the mere appointment and re-appointment to office of Negroes. My personal conviction is that it is not these appointments alone, or even mainly, that have excited the South; but these appointments taken in connection with other things, from which an idea has been formed of your attitude towards the Negroes. They have been taken as indicating a policy on your part, which the South knows would be ruinous to her: as striking at a sentiment which has its roots in the deepest depths of her being: as indicating a want of appreciation of the grave dangers that underlie her Social fabric. These dangers cannot be expressed in cold print. But they infect every Southern question; they lie at every man's door, and when they stir they thrill every heart. To one who does not feel them, they cannot be explained by reasoning; but they are felt, and they are felt, whether rightly or wrongly, to be more imminent now than for a good while past. The old relation between the Races has changed within the last ten years. Those who made the relation one of kindliness and affection, are passing away; but the problem for this very reason is all the more grave. Every question raised between Whites and Negroes now becomes a Race-question. The Negroes generally will4. not have it otherwise. And this makes the gravity of the problem. The South does not fear Social Equality. It knows that it cannot be. But it fears the consequences of anything looking like the most remote recognition of it. It feels, as no one else can, the consequences of every agitation of this kind. It knows the effect of even a single act that, insignificant in itself, may be misinterpreted and magnified. A spark may light a conflagration. Read in this light, every act becomes important, and it is my opinion that acts which have appeared to you quite simple, have had a far-reaching effect of which you did not dream. The appointment of a Negro as Collector of one Port, is felt in every port from Norfolk to Sabine Pass. The intervention of the Government in the affairs of a rural post office touches the remotest cross-roads in Mississippi, Virginia and the Carolinas. "Social Equality" and the "Sword and the Torch:" terms which none would have ventured to use five years ago, are beginning to be openly advocated by candidates for office. This issue, even should it come, the South would meet with a constant heart. But it shows the meaning that has been attached to your action. I do not after these years, have to be assured that your highest aim is to give this whole Country the 5. best Administration that God vouchsafes you the power to give it. Nor do I for a moment, question your sympathy with the Southern people, as with all others in their troubles. It is for this reason that, with my knowledge of the South and its conditions, and with my esteem for you personally, I make so bold as to say that either you have misunderstood these conditions, or have been misunderstood by those who know them. With great respect, I have the honor to be, Yours very truly, Thos Nelson Page.United States Civil Service Commission, Washington, D. C. IN YOUR REPLY REFER TO FILE NO. F-7059-C AND DATE OF THIS LETTER. Address: "CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION, WASHINGTON, D. C." January 28, 1903. The President. Sir: The within report of an investigation made by the Commission in regard to the raising of funds among inspectors of the New York custom house, for campaign purposes and to promote the passage of a bill to raise inspectors' salaries from $4 to $5 per day, is herewith submitted for your information and for such action as may seem to you appropriate. The Commission concurs in the recommendations of the report. We have the honor to be, Your obedient servants, John R Procter Wm Dudley Foulke James Rudolph Garfield Commissioners. Encl. [*see Clarkson, James S. 2/4/03*][For 1. enc. see 1-28-03 Faulke]School District No. 1, Cripple Creek, Colo. BOARD OF DIRECTORS J. W. PALMER, PRESIDENT, VICTOR J. W. BEMAN, CRIPPLE CREEK WM. E. PRUETT, VICTOR L. E. SMITH, CRIPPLE CREEK CLINT TILLERY, CRIPPLE CREEK WILSON M. SHAFER - - SUPT. OF SCHOOLS P. O. BOX 306 TELEPHONE 127 G. B. PORTIS, SECRETARY. HIGH SCHOOL BDLG. TELEPHONE 127 [Cripple Creek] Victor, COLO., Jan'y 28th 03 190__ Mr. P. B. Stewart, Colorado Springs Colorado. Dear Sir: I desire to extend my heartiest congrtulations to you and other Gentlemen with you ,for the gallant and successful stand you have taken in the Colorado Senatorial fight. You have made it possible for the Republicans in Colorado ,who wish to be honest in Politics to redeem their anti-election pledges to the people in regard to Mr. Wolcott. I know I represent the sentiments of every loyal stanch Republican in this community, when I say that you have carried out the wishes of the Republican Party of Colorado. Myself with a host of others here believe that we should consider the fight as just beginning and hope that it will be kept up until it is won for decency and right. Should there be, at any time, anything I can do for you ,I shall be more than pleased to do it, and hope that you ask it. I am Very Truly Yours W. E. Pruett[Enc. in 1-29-03 Stewart] TOWNSEND SCUDDER. RAWDON W. KELLOGG. CABLE ADDRESS, IPATOS, NEW YORK TELEPHONE, 210 CORTLANDT. Scudder & Kellogg, Counsellors At Law, 7 Pine Street, New York BRANCH OFFICE: JAMAICA, QUEENS COUNTY, NEW YORK. TELEPHONE 12 P: JAMAICA. [*Ackd Feb 12 / 1903 State*] [*BUREAU OF APPPOINTMENTS. FEB 13 1903 Department of State*] [*ASSISTANT SECRETARY, FEB 12 1903*] [*CHIEF CLERK, FEB 2 1903 Department of State.*] To His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. Mr. President. While a member of the 56th Congress I took a keen interest in the question of the level of the waters of the Great Lakes and the possible reduction thereof by reason of artificial drainage. My interest in this subject grew out of my acquaintance with Mr. Andrew H. Green, of New York, to whom I was endebted for much of the data which I afterwards put in a speech on this subject when the Rivers and Harbor Bill was under discussion. I was very much pleased to learn that an appropriation had finally been made to investigate the dangers threatened by a possible lowering of the level of the waters of the Great Lakes, and that a Commission was authorized, the same to be appointed by the President. His long years of service as one of the Commissioners of the Niagara Reservation, his splendid experience, his faithfulness and great capacity it seems to me fit Mr. Green pre-eminently for appointment on this Commission. I do not assume that any words of mine add, or can add, to your knowledge and appreciation of Mr. Green, but I have pleasure in saying that his appointment, as you must know, would be accepted as fit, appropriate and statesmanlike by the thinking people of the country, could you see your way clear to honor him. Respectfully yours, Townsend Scudder[*akd. 1-30-1903*] Jany 28th 1903. 16 EAST ELEVENTH STREET, NEW YORK. Dear Mr. President. I am venturing to send you a little book by post, which may I think interest you to look through! After talking with yr. sister on the subject, I was persuaded to carry out my vague idea, that these [note] "selections"from my dear Fathers note books might interest you? At any rate they will show you many times over, what he thought of work, & giving ones best self to all undertakings that life & duty place in ones way, & surely no one realizes that fact as you do, in your splendid example as head of the land to all who are striving & struggling along in their various walkes of life. Perhaps when Fred & I come to Washington for [our] a few days next month we may have the great pleasure of seeing you & Mrs Roosevelt. In the mean time please forgive me for taking up your precious time with this note. Always Sincerely yrs Lucy C. Whitridge[SHORTHAND][File] [*[w. 1-28-03]*] Gilbert, Mrs. Viola, Brooklyn, N. Y. Hopes the President has received the picture of President Lincoln's son "Tod", which she recently forwarded. Would like to have an autograph letter from the President in recognition of her efforts as a church worker. (Booklet of her services attached.) [*The photo has been ack'd over Secy's sig.*][Enclosed in Gilbert, 1-29-03][Ca. 1 - 28 - 03]Mrs. Viola GilbertINTRODUCTORY. ––– “You are at liberty to use my name for all Christian purposes.” - George Dana Boardman, D. D., LL.D., Baptist, Philadelphia, Nov. 7, 1894. “In all your blessed work, begun, continued and ended in God, you have my best wishes and prayers for your success.” - Frances E. Willard, March 2, 1895. “A very successful Christian worker, able, magnetic, eloquent and instructive.” - W. H. L. Stark, M. D., Ocean Grove, N. J., July 11, 1894. "An inspired Evangelist." – Philadelphia Inquirer, March 20, 1891. “An efficient and edifying teacher of the Gospel. The depth of her own spiritual life makes itself felt upon her congregation. One who lives so near to her Master, cannot but lead others nearer to Him.” - Wm. Dayton Roberts, D. D., Presbyterian. Philadelphia, Jan. 7, 1892. “I rejoice in the good you have been enabled to accomplish, and in the evidences given you of God’s blessing upon your work.” - Wm. R. Nicholson, D. D., LL. D., Bishop Reformed Episcopal Church, Philadelphia, Oct. 29, 1894. “She joins to culture and refinement the earnest spirit which takes no account of labor and sacrifice, if only the end in view be attained. A popular speaker.” - Brooklyn Standard-Union. “You have borne your part bravely, and you still have work to do. There is need always for eager and earnest men and women, to speak the living word, out of a heart on fire, and this you can do.” - Robert Collyer, D. D., New York, 1890. “Mrs. Viola Gilbert, of New York, has recently conducted union services, which have created the deepest interest among the churches. The undersigned bear testimony to her consecration, skill and tact, in dealing with individuals, and earnest, effective manner of presenting the Gospel. We heartily commend her to any church.” - Rev. J. Kirkpatrick, Presbyterian; Rev. Jas. B. Graff, Methodist; W. H. Gill, D. D., Presbyterian, Philadelphia Nov. 21, 1891. “A lady of rare culture and refinement. Her prepossessing manners and commanding presence inspire profound respect.” - Brooklyn Union, 1884. “Mrs. Viola Gilbert gave a very attractive entertainment last night, in Plymouth Church. She is pleasing in manner and speech, and is most earnest and original.” - Brooklyn Eagle, 1884. “To no one would I be more willing to say yes, to the wish you express, than to you, engaged in so good a cause.” - Henry Ward Beecher, Dec. 6, 1884. “Zion’s Mission was founded, and is maintained, by Mrs. Viola Gilbert, a woman of refinement and station.” - New York Mail and Express, Feb. 11, 1889."She is a woman of great courage and patience. This is the first time she ever ventured into such a field as the 'Bloody Sixth Ward.' There has been a great change. The toughs have become her friends." - New York Sun, 1889 "The influence wielded by Mrs. Gilbert is very great. Men who were heretofore neglectful of their families, are now model husbands and fathers." - New York Press, 1889 "I have come to recognize in her a faithful, conscientious laborer in the vineyard of the Lord. Her efforts in this city have had the seal of the Master's approval, and I believe she will prove a blessing to all to whom her ministrations may be extended." - Mrs. I. C. Wynn, Pres. Central W. C. T. U., Camden, N. J., May 21, 1894 "My observation of her spirit of consecration to the Master has led me to appreciate both her labors and her character, and I believe the blessed 'well done' will be hers." - Mrs. H. O. Hilderbrand, Ex-Pres. Central W. C. T. U., Camden, N. J., May 21 1894 "Mrs. Viola Gilbert has done a marvelous work." - Camden, N., J., Telegram, 1894 "I am please to know you have met success in your good work." - William L. Strong, Mayor of New York, Nov. 15, 1897[Enclosed in Gilbert, 1-28-03]The Commercial Advertiser Established 1797. 187 Broadway and 5 & 7 Dey Street, [*ackd 1/30/03.*] Editorial Department. New York, Jan. 29th, 1903. Dear Mr. President:-- The enclosed may amuse you if you have a moment to spare. I have seen Butler and he will come to supper with us on the 26th of February. Poor fellow, he is in a very poor condition, suffering from lack of sleep and nervousness brought about by his long strain of anxiety during his wife's illness. He makes light of it, but I really thing he should go away for a change and rest. Yours always, J. B. Bishop President Roosevelt.[For 1. enclosure see 1-29-03][*Ackd 2-3-1903*] Newport Jan. 29th [*[03]*] Dear Theodore: I am sending you a lot of stuff from Grohman which has just come. The end of March he says will suit him perfectly + the more you write the better. This he says in advance of my letter to him telling him you wld let him have the stuff by March 15th + [that] from 1500 to 2000 words. Our letters must have crossed. I also send some "suggestions" of his which may be of use to you + cannot fail to amuse. The illustrations are interesting: don't fail to look at them inside the advance sheet. We are all well here. I am very glad to get home again + shall never go away again! I enjoyed myself hugely in Washington + am only sorry Daisy wasn't there to see Bowen + you talk over Venezuela. She might just as well have stayed over Sunday for the boy is up an aboutYou will be doubtless much relieved to hear that I am rapidly being restored to life again. All consumptive, typhoid, bubonic pestilential & beri-beri symptoms have passed away. Give our best love & compliments to Mrs. Roosevelt to whom I am also writing. Yours ever, Winthrop Chanler[*Secretary of State, Jan 30 1903*] [*Bureau of Appointments, Department of State. Jan 30 1903*] Personal. WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON. January 29, 1903. My dear Sir: I am directed by the President to ask you to be good enough to furnish him with a list of the appointments and reappointments he has made of colored men, coming under your Department, and the cases in which he has appointed white men to succeed colored men. Very truly yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou Secretary to the President. Hon. John Hay, Secretary of State.[*[For 2 attachments see ca 1-31-03]*][*Jan 30 9-14 AM 1903*] Jan 29th 1903 [*akd 1-30-03*] President Roosevelt, Washington D.C. Dear Sir : - I beg you to again accept my sincerest thanks for your invitations which I appreciate second only toyour goodness in bestowing such distinction upon me. My humble work is the sincere and earnest expression of my heart, mind and hand, a high standard to live up to and the courage to do and teach the Principle of Right. That I merited your attention is in itself a compliment. That I have not accepted your kindness - a proof only that I belong to the "unsociable" genus of our family that prompts me to live in the quiet and seclusion of my home. Butif I may, on some further visit to the White House, take the liberty of calling with Mrs. Keppler to pay our respects to our President and Mrs. Roosevelt, I shall be most happy indeed to be this privileged. Yours Most Respectfully Jos. Keppler.[*ca.1-29-03*] Dear Senator Platt The young German officer is Captain Henry G. von Witylebin in Garde Fussileir Regemint stationed in Berlin. - We want him detained for duty as Military Attache at the German Embassy in Washington City The happiness of two people depend on this. Please help me sincerely yours Mary Phelps Montgomery[Enc in Platt, 1-29-03][*Ackd 1/30/1903*] [*JAN 30 8-33 AM 1903*] UNITED STATES SENATE WASHINGTON. January 29, 1903. My dear Mr. President: Will you please read the attached letter from Mrs. Mary Phelps Montgomery. Mrs. Montgomery is a member of the Eno family and is a lady whom you, I feel sure, would like to oblige, as would I. I am somewhat familiar with the true inwardness of the case and should say that it possessed qualities that might appeal to your interest. I hope so, at any rate. Will you do me the favor, in any event, of writing to me on the subject, in order that I may intelligently reply to Mrs. Montgomery. Yours sincerely, T. C. Platt The President.[For 1 enc see Montgomery ca 1-29-03][*Ackd 2-2-1903*] [*[1-29-03]*] WILLIAM A. OTIS & CO. BANKERS AND BROKERS. COLORADO SPRINGS, COLORADO. WILLIAM A. OTIS. PHILIP B. STEWART. WILLIAM P. SARGEANT. FRANCIS GILPIN. Dear President Roosevelt, I am sorry to learn that you can not get a rest in the mountains this spring. I will arrange it all right with Goff. I cannot acquaint you with the circumstances leading up to the election of Teller except at a meeting with you. The reasons and causes are very complex. I believe that we reached the best result attainable - altho I did not believe that Teller's election would result until it was accomplished. I hope you will not prejudge the matter until I can go over it with you. I hold us this fight as one made for the best interest of the party here - and for your own good. I have ample evidence to submit to you showing how your own prospects were involved in Wolcott's fight. His enormous corruption fraud came from sources hostile to you and was subscribed to place the beneficiary where he could harm you. I am frank to say I prefer Teller to Wolcott - but I did all I could to prevent Teller's election. Always & Sincerely your friend Philip B Stewart Wednesday 1/29/1903[For 1. enc. see Pruitt 1-28-03][*file cc se rec*] EUROPEAN PLAN CABLE ADDRESS "NEWWILLARD" THE NEW WILLARD, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE & FOURTEENTH ST. F. S. HIGHT MANAGER WASHINGTON, D.C. 29.1 1902 Dear Sir. I just got a cable announcing me the sudden death of my mother. I must immediately return to Europe and beg you to excuse me for our tomorrows appointment. With best compliments von KrunhaarLIST OF EMPLOYEES KILLED AND INJURED WITHIN A PERIOD OF SIX MONTHS, WHO, UNDER RULING OF COURTS, HAVE NO REDRESS, BUT WHO WOULD BE PROTECTED BY LAW AS AMENDED AND NOW PENDING. Accidents Resulting from Coupling and Uncoupling Cars to Engines, Cars to Tenders and Other Special Causes, January to June, 1902, inclusive. CONDUCTORS | TRAINMEN* | OTHER EMPLOYEES* | TOTALS | ITEM NOS. Killed | Injured Killed | Injured Killed | Injured Killed | Injured| 1. Cars to engines - front end................... ........... .............. 2 23 .......... ............. 2 23 1 2. Cars to tenders... ....................................... ........... 6 9 192 ........... 13 9 211 2 3. Caboose to engines and tenders........ ........... ............ 1 8 .......... ............. 1 8 3 4. Empty cars, including caboose and passenger cars, to loaded cars ............. .......... ............ ........ 22 .......... ............ ......... 22 4 5. Work and supply trains............................ ......... .......... 1 5 ......... ......... 1 5 5 6. Cars in terminals evidently not engaged in interstate traffic .............................................................................. ............ 1 1 26 1 ......... 2 27 6 7. Caught between ends of cars on inside of curve, or caught by uncoupling lever and adjoining car.. ......... 1 1 76 1 2 2 79 7 8. Coupling "Bad Order" cars; such cars so marked or disarrangement so very evident that condition is fully known........... ..................... 1 2 2 45 1 3 4 50 8 9. Caught in frog when it is expressly stated that couplers and all attachments are in first class condition ........................................................... ......... ......... 5 1 ......... ......... 5 1 9 10. Caught between cars and buildings, or other permanent side obstructions.......................................................... ........ ......... 3 19 ....... . ........ 3 19 10 11. Coupling safety chains ......................................... ......... ......... 1 8 ..... ... 2 1 10 11 12. Load fell from car........................................................ ......... ......... ......... 2 ......... ......... ......... 2 12 13. Foot turned............................................................... ......... ......... ......... 3 ......... ......... ......... 3 13 14. Coupling engine to engine ....................................... ......... ......... 1 7 ......... 6 1 13 14 15. Cars on tracks in industrial works, link and pin largely used ........................................................ ......... ......... 1 3 ......... ......... 1 3 15 16. Turning angle cock, or coupling or uncoupling air hose............................................................... ......... ......... 5 10 ......... 1 5 11 16 Total.............. .............................................. 1 10 33 450 3 27 37 487 Total coupling and uncoupling casualties in this period -Killed 75; Injured 1,062 *"Trainmen" include brakemen, yard switchmen, yard trainmen, drillers, droppers and others engaged in yard switching. "Other Employees" include operating employees not otherwise specified. NOTE. -in item No. 2 in this table the totals are much larger than the totals of the corresponding items (5, 6, 15 and 16) in table No. 3 in the Quarterly Bulletins. This is due to the more condensed and general character of table No. 3. In that table the cause recorded is usually the main cause as stated by the railroad company. The figures in item No. 2 in the present table are the result of the details of every accident, including some cases recorded in the bulletins as miscellaneous, in which an engine or tender figured. Some engines and tenders are equipped with automatic couplers, and defects in these couplers or their appurtenances would naturally appear in the bulletin table under items 1, 2, 3, 8, 13, or 18. THE INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION. Washington, January 29, 1903.[*(ENCL IN MOSELEY 2-3-03)*][1-29-03]6 The Commercial Advertiser. By the Commercial Advertiser Association. THURSDAY EVENING, JANUARY 29, 1903 SOUND ADVICE FOR THE SOUTH. A Louisiana judge sitting in New Orleans has given the white people of the whole south an admonition which they will do well to take to heart. In charging a grand jury he called for the indictment or impeachment of all justices of the peace and other officials who have failed to suppress mob violence within their jurisdictions in connection with recent lynching of negroes, and said: The white people of this state now exercise all of the powers of government. Our laws are made by white men and administered by white men. To say that the courts and the laws are inadequate to the punishment of the negro when he deserves punishment, and to his protection when he is entitled to protection is to confess that our race is incapable of administering the government. We cannot turn these helpless people over to the tender mercies of irresponsible mobs without incurring the contempt of all enlightened people and the wrath of a righteous God. That is a far more important question for the south to bend its mind upon than the danger of "social equality" involved in the appointment of three or four negroes to federal office. the philosophical faculty coexists with other faculties whose aims are purely professional, such as the faculties of law, of theology and of medicine. To be sure, the teaching of the applied sciences is largely restricted to the Polytechnicum; yet the Polytechnicum derives its inspiration wholly from the teachers of pure science who occupy professional chairs in the universities. It is probable that what President Hadley really meant to criticize was the plan which makes a degree in the liberal arts an essential prerequisite of professional study. This view is held in Germany, and to some extent in England, while in the United States it has been making its way into educational theory during the past few years. This, of course, is a question which is to extensive for consideration here, but we fancy that it formed the main subject of Dr. Hadley's remarks, of which we shall await a more detailed. ALL LOOSE AGAIN. Some careless person said "Philippines" in the Senate yesterday, and immediately the entiere "Anti" outfit in that bodt began to "shriek and gibber" like the sheeted dead in Hamlet. That is the invariable effect of the mention of that word in the presence of a group of "Antis." It sets upon them like moonlight on lunatics, aggravates their mania and sets them to gibbering and capering worse than ever. Senator Rawlins of Utah, a notorious incurable, fairly leaped to his feet at the first syllable of the word and resumed the antics which were cut short when the Senate adjourned last spring. He began gibbering again about Secretary Root, about "foul crime" by our soldiers in the Philippines about "murder in cold blood," and when efforts were made to calm him by assuring him that was worrying over something that was past and he became violent and expressed a determination to "cram the false and infamous charge down the teeth of the men who have falsely given utterances to it." Of course, the other lunatics were affected sympathetically the minute Rawlins began to gibber. Carmack of Tennessee, who has been docile and quite harmless for several months, immediately went wild. He looked over the chamber and saw lurking in the corners of it more "devils than vast hell can hold." Something or other that he perceived was the "meanest and dirtiest" thing he had ever seen there, nothing less than "the very vermin of this debate, and I am a little surprised to find it crawling in the hair of the honorable senator from Indiana. From the hair of Senator Beveride poor Carmack, with the illogical method peculiar to lunatics, passed to Jake Smith, denying furiously that he was any more the "American army than the senator from Indiana is the American Senate," and with a final swoop fell upon the secretary of war and accused him of "loose and lavish unveracity." Naturally, during this capering by Carmack, Tillman of South Carolina was impatiently waiting for his turn. He showed at once that his mania had a humorous cast, for he posed as the defender of the "honor of the American army and the country," and "wished to God" that he could have his way in regard to it. This outbreak, coming quite unexpectedly from the senator whose most recent previous utterance was a SOUND ADVICE FOR THE SOUTH. A Louisiana judge sitting in New Orleans has given the white people of the whole south an admonition which they will do well to take to heart. In charging a grand jury he called for the indictment or impeachment of all justices of the peace and other officials who have failed to suppress mob violence within their jurisdictions in connection with recent lynching of negroes, and said: The white people of this state now exercise all of the powers of government. Our laws are made by white men and administered by white men. To say that the courts and the laws are inadequate to the punishment of the negro when he deserves punishment, and to his protection when he is entitled to protection is to confess that our race is incapable of administering the government. We cannot turn these helpless people over to the tender mercies of irresponsible mobs without incurring the contempt of all enlightened people and the wrath of a righteous God. That is a far more important question for the south to bend its mind upon than the danger of "social equality" involved in the appointment of three or four negroes to federal office. that body began to "shriek and gibber" like the sheeted dead in Hamlet. That is the invariable effect of the mention of that word in the presence of a group of "Antis." It sets upon them like moonlight on lunatics, aggravates their mania and sets them to gibbering and capering worse than ever. Senator Rawlins of Utah, a notorious incurable, fairly leaped to his feet at the first syllable of the word and resumed the antics which were cut short when the Senate adjourned last spring. He began gibbering again about Secretary Root, about "foul crime" by our soldiers in the Philippines about "murder in cold blood," and when efforts were made to calm him by assuring him that was worrying over something that was past and he became violent and expressed a determination to "cram the false and infamous charge down the teeth of the men who have falsely given utterances to it." Of course, the other lunatics were affected sympathetically the minute Rawlins began to gibber. Carmack of Tennessee, who has been docile and quite harmless for several months, immediately went wild. He looked over the chamber and saw lurking in the corners of it more "devils than vast hell can hold." Something or other that he perceived was the "meanest and dirtiest" thing he had ever seen there, nothing less than "the very vermin of this debate, and I am a little surprised to find it crawling in the hair of the honorable senator from Indiana. From the hair of Senator Beveride poor Carmack, with the illogical method peculiar to lunatics, passed to Jake Smith, denying furiously that he was any more the "American army than the senator from Indiana is the American Senate," and with a final swoop fell upon the secretary of war and accused him of "loose and lavish unveracity." Naturally, during this capering by Carmack, Tillman of South Carolina was impatiently waiting for his turn. He showed at once that his mania had a humorous cast, for he posed as the defender of the "honor of the American army and the country," and "wished to God" that he could have his way in regard to it. This outbreak, coming quite unexpectedly from the senator whose most recent previous utterance was a declaration that "we in South Carolina will have to again resort to killing niggers to keep them out of office," cast such an aspect of jocosity over the proceedings that Senator Quay concluded that the time had arrived to lower the curtain, and he thereupon moved, also in a spirit of jocosity, to "close the debate." What will be the effect of the outbreak upon the "Antis" outside the Senate? It is too soon to say specifically, but there were unmistakable signs last evening and this morning that those in this vicinity and in Boston were affected sympathetically. There were rustlings, and murmurings, and a disposition to mount the old merry-go-round and resort to other of the familiar form of diversion kept constantly ready in the "Anti" asylums. They may all get loose to-day or tomorrow, and if they do life will be worth living for a month at least They start easy and they stop hard. The mere mention of Secretary Root's name is always sufficient to cause an outbreak, for his ways, while intended to be calming and quieting, have quite the contrary effect. They [?] [*(Enclosed in Bishop, 1-29-03)*][*Ackd 2-2-1903*] UNIVERSITY OF TENNESSEE KNOXVILLE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT 30 January 1903. To the President, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President: Is there still time to present the claims of a candidate for the position made vacant on the bench of the Sixth District by the appointment of Judge Day to the Supreme Court? You will do me a great kindness if you will send me word whether it is worth while for us to make up the case for a very dear friend of mine, a distinguished lawyer of this city. Let me tell you briefly who the man is. Edward Terry Sanford is a native of Tennessee, thirty eight years of age, the son of Colonel E. J. Sanford, a lifetime Republican who did more than any other man to hold his party in this section together, and never, as far as I know, asked any recognition for his services. Mr. Sanford is a graduate of the University of Tennessee and of the law department of Harvard University, whose faculty, I know, think very highly of him. The dean of the law faculty of Harvard recommended him recently for a law professorship in Washington and Lee University, which he declined. Mr. Sanford is known as one of the ablest and most scholarly lawyers in the South, and will undoubtedly receive the highest endorsement of the Supreme Court of Tennessee, of Judge Lurton, and other eminent jurists in this section. He has been a consistent Republican, but has never2 sought office. Mr. Sanford and his brother own the Knoxville Journal and Tribune, which is, I believe, the most influential Republican newspaper in the South. President Eliot and the law faculty of Harvard can testify to his scholarship and legal learning. The bar of Tennessee will, I am sure, be a unit in approving the appointment from the professional standpoint. I can testify in addition to his high social standing and noble character as a man. Is there time to present the claims of this gentleman to you? I take the liberty of writing you thus frankly because I believe it is best for my friend and because I know that you will like it best and will give me an equally frank reply. Very respectfully and sincerely yours, Chas. W Dabney [*[1-30-03]*] [*ackd 2-2-1903*] My dear Mr President, I thank you for your kind thoughtfulness in presenting me with the manuscript. The manuscript of your splendid address delivered on the life and character of William McKinley, I regretted very much not to be able to hear it, and to be deprived of the pleasure of greetingyou in our old Buckeye home. My sons join me in grateful recognition of the great honor conferred on Mr Day. Wishing for you and yours, all the happiness this world can give I am Sincerely Mary E. Day. January Thirtieth,[*File C. F.*] Department of State, Washington, January 30, 1903. Dear Mr. President:- I herewith return President Jordan's letter on the seal fisheries. His suggestion of referring the matter to The Hague has been rejected by you in advance. If we can get our Alaska boundary treaty disposed of, we can then call the High Commission together, which has a plan already matured for the salvation of the seals. Yours faithfully John Hay [*see Jordan. David Starr -*] [*1/20/03*] Ree Jordon. Invalid Stans 1/20/03[*Ackd 1/31/1903*] GEO. GEBBIE VICE PRESIDENT A. R. KELLER PRESIDENT CABLE ADDRESS GEBBIE SOLE PUBLISHERS THE COMPLETE WRITINGS OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT UNIFORM EDITION GEBBIE AND COMPANY 714 SPRUCE STREET PHILADELPHIA, PA. January 30, 1903. Mr. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- Your letter of the 26th instant has been received and I note the comments on the pictures. We shall place these pictures in the hands of an engraver and correct the points criticised. I enclose herewith title pages of four different volumes. These books do not bear a sub-title and, in order to make them uniform with the balance of the volumes, I should appreciate it very much if you would ask the President to suggest sub-titles; from ten to twenty words will be sufficient. Thanking you for an early reply, I am Yours very truly, A. R. Keller[*(For 1. enclosure see ca. 1-30-03)*] [?] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR [*File [shorthand]*] Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D.C. January 30, 1903. Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. Sir: In reply to your request of yesterday I have the honor to state that no colored men have been appointed to strictly presidential offices under the Department of Justice and no white men have been appointed to succeed colored men. There have, however, been two colored men appointed to positions under the Department -- John S. Durham, of Pennsylvania, assistant attorney, Spanish Treaty Claims Commission, and William H. Lewis, of Massachusetts, assistant United States Attorney for Massachusetts. During the past year the President has made three appointments in Mississippi and two in South Carolina. Very respectfully, P C Knox Attorney General. Navy Department, Office of the Secretary, Washington. January 30, 1903. My Dear Sir:- Replying to your note of January 29, the President has made no appointments of colored men or reappointments of colored men under the Navy Department, nor has he appointed white men to succeed colored men. Outside of myself, the Assistant Secretary of the Navy is the only other Presidential appointment under the Navy Department. Very truly yours, W. H. Moody Secretary. [*[Moody]*] Hon.Geo.B.Cortelyou Secretary to the President.[*(1-30-03)*] State of Colorado City and County of ss COPY Denver Richard W. Morgan, being duly sworn, according to law, deposes and says that he is a float representative, representing the Counties of Arapahoe, and Boulder, in the 14th General Assembly, and that during the latter part of December, 1902, I received transportation from my home, LaFayette, Colo. to Denver and return. I understood at that time the transportation was sent to me at the request of the Anti Wolcott managers. I went to Denver the following day after the receipt of the pass, and as requested by letter, I went to the Adams Hotel, the Anti Wolcott headquarters, and met John F. Vivian, who at that time was Secretary of the Republican State Central Committee. Mr. Vivian told me that he wished to introduce me to Mr. Philip B. Stewart, the right hand man, and representing President Roosevelt in Colorado. I accepted the invitation, and said that I would be very glad to meet such a man. I was then introduced to Mr. Stewart, who was in the adjoining room. Mr. Stewart then undertook to state the reasons why I, as representative, should not support Mr. Wolcott. and why Mr. Wolcott should not be elected U. S. Senator. He said that some time gone by Mr. J. P. Morgan of New York had had a tilt or trouble with the President in respect to something, and that the President treated him (Morgan) like any other ordinary individual, and that Mr. Morgan was now, in his (Stewart's) opinion, supporting Mr. Wolcott for the U. S. Senate merely as a snub to the President. Mr. Stewart at that time gave me to understand that President Roosevelt was strenuously opposed to the election of Mr. Wolcott, and stated to me that "of course you will not throw a straw in the way of President Roosevelt." Had I not been a strong supporter of Senator Wolcott, I would have been won over to the Anti Wolcott side by representations made to me in this conversation by Mr. Philip B. Stewart. Richard W. Morgan. Sworn and subscribed before me this 30th day of January,1903. Herbert C. Hefner. Notary Public.[*Ackd 2-3-1903*] [*Feb 2 9-36am 1903*] New Orleans Jan 30/03. My Dear Colonel I know how little attention you pay to sensational Yellow Journal reports which are a slur upon Southern manhood. - While we may & do strongly differ with you at times, you and yours will always be cordially welcomed and you may rest assured Miss Roosevelts reception here will be marked only by the greatest courtesy and warmest hospitality of our people. - Your friend Jno. M. Parker To Col. Theodore Roosevelt.TREASURY DEPARTMENT OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY WASHINGTON, January 30, 1903. DIVISION OF APPOINTMENTS Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. Sir:- I have to acknowledge receipt of your letter of January 29, 1903, making inquiry, by direction of the President, as to the appointments and reappointments of colored men which he has made under this Department, and of the cases in which he has appointed white men to succeed colored men; also the entire number of appointments under this Department made by the President in Mississippi and South Carolina during the past year. In reply I have to inform you that reappointments were made in the cases of John H. Deveaux, Collector of Customs, Savannah, Georgia, (Commission dated May 15, 1902), and Robert Smalls, Collector of Customs, Beaufort, South Carolina, (Commission dated July 2, 1902). Dr. W. D. Crum, colored, was nominated (Not yet confirmed) for Collector of Customs at Charleston, South Carolina, to succeed R. M. Wallace, (white). The following white men have been appointed by the President to succeed colored men: M. O. Markham, Surveyor of Customs, Atlanta, Georgia, (Commission dated January 23, 1903) to succeed Christopher C. Wimbish; Benjamin F. Keith, Collector of Customs, Wilmington, North Carolina, (Commission dated-2- January 31, 1902), to succeed John C. Dancy; Elmer E. Wood, Naval officer, New Orleans, Louisiana, (Commission dated December 17, 1902), to succeed John Webre. The following appointments have been made in Mississippi and South Carolina since January 1, 1902: John F. Swan (white), Collector of Customs, Shieldsboro, Mississippi, Commission dated January 18, 1902; Thomas V. McAllister (white), Collector of Customs, Vicksburg, Mississippi, Commission dated March 3, 1902; Robert Smalls, (colored), Collector of Customs, Beaufort, South Carolina, (re-appointment), Commission dated July 2, 1902; Micah J. Jenkins (white), Collector of Internal Revenue for the District of South Carolina, Commission dated December 18, 1902; Dr. D. W. Crum (colored) (Nominated, but not confirmed), Collector for Customs at Charleston, South Carolina. Respectfully, L M Shaw Secretary.[For enc. see ca 1-30-03][*Personal*] FREDERIC H. BETTS. SAMUEL R. BETTS. JAMES R. SHEFFIELD. L.F.H. BETTS. BETTS, BETTS, SHEFFIELD & BETTS COUNSELLORS AT LAW, EQUITABLE BUILDING, 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK TELEPHONE 4554 CORTLANDT. CABLE ADDRESS, "MIRAGE", NEW YORK. January 30, 1903. [*Ackd 2/1/1903*] President Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C. Dear President Roosevelt: Knowing the deep interest you take in Ellis Island matters, and your personal regard for Joe Murray, I write to tell you how much better, in my opinion, that situation has recently become. For several months past, as you are probably aware, Murray has felt somewhat aggrieved because of what seemed to him lack of consideration on the part of the Commissioner himself and the official position he held. Undoubtedly some friction existed, due in a measure, no doubt, to the difficulty the Commissioner has had in taking Murray's exact measurement, and on the part of Murray to fully understand the nervous energy, prompt decision and unflagging industry of he Commissioner. So, when Commissioner-General Sargent was in New York a short time ago, we arranged for a meeting between him, Commissioner Williams, Mr. Van Ingen and myself, and the matter was thoroughly threshed over, both in regard to Murray and, incidentally, in regard to certain other subordinates, with, I believe, the most satisfactory results. I felt that if Murray were given a certain amount of official importance and had assigned to him one of the two or three excellent men whom Williams has at his command, to act as secretary or as his assistant, who could do the letter writing and that sort of thing, that the friction would greatly diminish, if notBETTS, BETTS, SHEFFIELD, & BETTS. PAGE 2 Jan. 30/03 190 cease altogether, and I knew this would be your wish. Murray is altogether too loyal and devoted a friend of yours, and too honest a man, to be allowed to cherish any grievances on account of his treatment in your administration, and at the same time Commissioner Williams is doing such magnificent work, and doing it with such splendid self-sacrifice, that it was a very delicate question to determine how far he ought to sink his own views of the correct method of treating his assistant and others, especially if he felt he might thereby jeopardize the best results of [the] his work. However, the matter is now being ironed out in first-rate shape, and you do not need to be assured that I will do anything I can to assist in accomplishing this result. Allow me to congratulate you upon your beautiful tribute at Canton to President McKinley. It was inspiring, discriminating and noble. I long for an opportunity to talk over with you some of the public questions now paramount as affecting the administration, but appreciating how little time you must have for anything but the necessary official work, I will try and abide my soul in patience. The New York situation is, I think, a little clearer, but it will bear watching. With very best wishes, believe me always, Very faithfully yours, James R. Sheffield. Mrs. Sheffield and I have received the invitation to the White House Reception Feby 5 - and are hopeful of being able to be present. J.R.S.[*✓ File*] SECRETARY'S OFFICE. DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, WASHINGTON, D.C. January 30, 1903. Dear Mr. Cortelyou: Secretary Hitchcock directs me to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 29th instant, enclosing communication from the Civil Service Commission, making charges against Surveyor-General Goodale of Denver, Colorado, and to say that he will be pleased to bring these charges to the attention of the President when the question of Mr. Goodale's reappointment is taken up. The Secretary requests that you inform the President that Mr. Goodale's term expired January 9, 1903,and that no recommendations have been filed, as yet, looking to his reappointment. Very truly yours, Wm. Sooy Smith Private Secretary. Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, White House.[*Ackd 2-3-1903*] WILLIAM A OTIS & CO. BANKERS AND BROKERS. COLORADO SPRINGS, COLORADO. [[shorthand]] WILLIAM A. OTIS. PHILIP B. STEWART. WILLIAM P. SARGEANT. FRANCIS GILPIN. Jan. 30, 03 Dear President Roosevelt, I am in receipt of yours of the 26th with enclosure for Goff. I am forwarding the latter to him. I am coming to Washington to see you at the earliest possible time. This Wolcott Campaign has been arrived at you from the start. I have known it for months. Your endorsement at the State Convention was opposed by him and by his lieutenants. They were only quieted by my serving notice that the matter would be fought out on the floor of the Convention. Mr Wolcotts backing came from your opponents in New York. I know this officially and I know their plan from letters sent into the state by them. I know it from Wolcotts statements here and in New York. These words were taken down and reported to me by a man who heard them - uttered by Wolcott, "The people of the state do not know a gentleman. They are a lot of heathen. God damn them, I will show them two years from now by not only taking the National delegates from this State but from the whole West. Roosevelt will not have smooth sailing. This state will go for Hanna. We can nominate him with a solid West and South. Hanna will be the next President" Knowing such to be the meaning of Wolcott's election I have urged a relentless fight on him at this time. We can win this state for you in 1904 - and give you the electoral vote. I have won the confidence of the strongest powers in the State, and am offerred any amount of money necessary to carry on the CampaignWILLIAM A OTIS & CO. BANKERS AND BROKERS. COLORADO SPRINGS, COLORADO. WILLIAM A. OTIS. PHILIP B. STEWART. WILLIAM P. SARGEANT. FRANCIS GILPIN. for the next two years. I can not explain the situation by letter; but my judgement is that your interests are far better protected even with Teller than they could have been with Wolcott elected. Always Sincerely Your friend Philip B Stewart Jan'y 30th 1903 I enclose a letter characteristic of many I get and which I believe represent the feeling of the voting Republicans[*(CA 1-30-03)*] DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR. APPOINTMENTS OF COLORED MEN DURING 1902. Jan. 13. JOHN C. DANCY, Recorder of Deeds, D. C. vice H. P. CHEATHAM, colored. Jan 12. JOHN E. BUSH, Receiver at Little Rock, Arkansas. Reappointment. Jan 20. HERSHEL V. CASHIN, Receiver at Huntsville, Alabama. Reappointment. Jan, 16. NATHAN H. ALEXANDER, Receiver at Montgomery, Alabama. vice J. C. LEFTWICH, colored. Dec. 2, ALEXANDER B. KENNEDY, Receiver at New Orleans, La. vice C. J. JOHNSTON, white. At Jackson, Mississippi. Jan. 13. F. H. COLLINS, white, was appointed Register, vice JAS. HILL, colored, and Jan. 21. ISAAH T. MONTGOMERY, colored, Receiver, vice GEO. E. MATTHEWS, white. This Department has no other appointees in Mississippi, and none whatever in South Carolina.[Enc. in Shaw 1-30-03][*(1-30-03)*] Sheffield, James R. New York City. In re Ellis Island Affairs: Joe Murray felt aggrieved because of lack of consideration on part of the Commissioner; situation has improved recently. Congratulates the President on his tribute to President McKinley. New York situation will bear watching. [*Andrew H. Green, N.Y.*] WHITE HOUSE Respectfully referred to the SECRETARY OF STATE for acknowledgment and consideration. By direction of the President: GEO. B. CORTELYOU, Secretary [*Jan 30 2-27PM 1903*] [*Recommended for Lakes Levels Commissioner by Townsend Scudder.*][ca. 1-30-03]Uniform Edition GOUVERNEUR MORRIS [ ] By THEODORE ROOSEVELT Philadelphia GEBBIE AND COMPANY 1903Uniform Edition OLIVER CROMWELL [ ] By THEODORE ROOSEVELT Philadelphia GEBBIE AND COMPANY 1903Uniform Edition THE ROUGH RIDERS [ ] By THEODORE ROOSEVELT Philadelphia GEBBIE AND COMPANY 1903Uniform Edition THOMAS H. BENTON [ ] By THEODORE ROOSEVELT Philadelphia GEBBIE AND COMPANY 1903 [[shorthand]] AR[Enclosed in Heller, 1-30-03][*FEB 1 12-30 PM 1903*] BOOKER T. WASHINGTON. TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED. TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. [*File*] New York City, January 31, 1903. My Dear Mr. President:- I have had full and I think satisfactory conferences with both Dr. Abbott and his son, Mr. Lawrence F. Abbott, of "The Outlook", and the Editor of "The Churchman". I have also had a conference with Bishop Walters. I shall write you more in detail as to these conferences when I reach Tuskegee. I leave here to-day. Yours very truly, Booker T. Washington To, President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. E. The Outlook Company 287 Fourth Avenue New York [*File*] January 31st, 1903. My dear Mr. Cortelyou: Please accept my thanks for your kind note of yesterday calling my attention to the fact that the recent presence of certain colored officials at the Judicial Reception at the White House last week was simply in accordance with ordinary conventions. We supposed this to be the fact and if we comment on the matter at all shall say so. Thanking you for your courtesy and for the information which comes to us from the President through you, I am, Yours sincerely, Lawrence F. Abbott Mr. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President White House, Washington, D. C. [*Ackd*] [*2-2-1903*] [*A*] THE OUTLOOK 287 FOURTH AVENUE NEW YORK Jany 31st, 1903 Dear Mr. President In an hour's talk yesterday with Mr. Booker Washington yesterday on the Race Problem in the South I got the impression that you have probably not seen the latest comments of the Outlook on your policy. I therefore venture to enclose the paragraphs which were the direct result of my recent visit to the White House I am, with respect, faithfully and cordially yours Lawrence F. Abbott The President. White House Washington.[For 1. enclosure see 1-24-03][*Ackd*] [*1-31-1903*] [*[ca. 1-30-03]*] 40 Central Park, South Dear President Roosevelt Many mutual friends would, I am sure, intercede with you in my behalf but I have made up my mind to come directly to you, confident that if you grant the favor I am going to ask, it will be because you can do a helpful thing to hundreds of deserving women in trouble, and not because some particular friend asks you to do it. I know the value of a busy man's time and will be as concise as possible. Miss Lansing called on you in Albany with her cousin Mr. Phelps on behalf of the managers to see if you would not consent to say a word in behalf of the New York Exchange for Womans Work, a society established to help gentlewomen in reduced circumstances. You treated thematter in such a kindly way, that we have been hoping ever since that some day, you would honor us by recognizing, publicly the value of our work. The tenth of May is our twenty-fifth anniversary. Our work isnot only national but international. As there are eighty- five exchanges formed on our model in this country and our example has been followed in different cities in Europe. The work has had an uninterrupted growth, and thisyear, we sent to women for work done $70,000. The work is emphatically educational as well as philanthropic. I am sure that you will never render any public service which will be more keenly appreciated President Roosevelt, than a few words of yours would be by the thousands of gentlewomen who are bravely making the best of misfortune, and by those who are doing the hard work of begging for money to establish sales rooms for the benefit of the educated poor.We can celebrate on Saturday the ninth of May or Monday the eleventh or any day possible for you to give to the cause. Believing always that the best fortune may come to those who expect the best of those who can give the best. I am, waiting hopefully for a word from you which will gladden the hearts [*40 Central Park, South*] of hundreds of good women all over the country. Very Sincerely Yours Mary L. Choate January thirtieth Mrs Wm. G. Choate[For 1. enc see ca 1-31-03 N.J. Exchange for Woman's Work][*Ackd 2-2-1903*] Regia Ambasciata D'Italia. Washington, D. C. January 31st 1903. My dear Mr. President, I take pleasure in sending to you a copy of the Illustrazione Italiana, in which you will find, as page 51, the reproductions of some photographs which could interest you. I am, my dear Mr. President, Yours respectfully E. Mayor des Planches[*Ackd 2-5-1903*] [*FEB 4 8-55 AM 1903*] Executive Committee FRANK C. GOUDY G. W. BAILEY L. B. STRAIT W. S. BOYNTON SAMUEL V. NEWELL CHAS. F. CASWELL JESSE F. McDONALD PHILLIP B. STEWART W. K. BURCHINELL PERCY S. RIDER P. W. SWEENEY JAMES H. BROWN S. S. DOWNER A. R. BROWN C. F. MEEK D. B. FAIRLEY, CHAIRMAN JOHN F. VIVIAN, SECRETARY headquarters Republican State Central Committee 1625 Champa Street P. O. Box 66. Denver, Colo., January 31, 1903. My Dear President:- Respecting recent events in political matters in Colorado with which you have been advised by resolutions, I wish to explain that the meeting of the state central committee was handled and packed by the federal office holders, they securing unlimited transportation for committeemen, those holding proxies and rooters. The Denver & Rio Grande Railway Company of which Mr. Wolcott is attorney, and which covers more than three quarters of the territory, denied me any transportation. There was 51 proxies out of 102 present. The speakers and everyone active in handling that meeting, were men who never made a single speech during the last campaign or turned their hand over to aid the election of our ticket and they hail from counties that never go Republican, and the "provisional committee," so called, with but one exception are from counties that never go Republican and are men that cut no ice at home. The Arapahoe county committee are of the same class. They threw our ticket down last fall, both in registration and in getting out the vote. In some precincts in the city of Denver with a total registration of 600 votes, the committee failed to register as many as 200 Republican voters. They fell fully 5000 short of registering and getting out the vote.D. B. FAIRLEY, CHAIRMAN JOHN F. VIVIAN, SECRETARY Executive Committee FRANK C. GOUDY G. W. BAILEY L. B. STRAIT W. S. BOYNTON SAMUEL V. NEWELL CHAS. F. CASWELL JESSE F. McDONALD PHILLIP B. STEWART W. K. BURCHINELL PERCY S. RIDER P. W. SWEENEY JAMES H. BROWN S. S. DOWNER A. R. BROWN C. F. MEEK Headquarters Republican State Central Committee 1625 Champa Street P. O. Box 66. Denver, Colo., ____ "2" I have been a strong supporter of Senator Wolcott for more than twenty years and was up & until the close of the last campaign. It was agreed with Mr. Wolcott and his managers that he should leave the state during the campaign and avoid making a Wolcott fight of it. I soon found that most of his following wished the defeat of the Republican ticket. I knew this during the campaign. The Wolcott following, with few exceptions threw us down all over the state. They were cold and luke warm and all the time declaring that we had no show to win and did absolutely no work. At the last moment when it looked like we would fail for the want of funds on election day, Mr. Wolcott was appealed to for $10,000. He refused to put up a dollar and wrote a four page insulting letter in reply. He urged that his supporters withdraw from the campaign and let us go down to defeat, and as he put it "Get rid of the new crowd", and did this not mean Senator Teller? But for the generous donation of $5000. from Mr. Thomas Walsh and $5,000. given me the day before election by Phillip B. Stewart, we would have lost the battle. We elected the state ticket and a majority of the Lower House and eleven of the eighteen senators, the Democrats having [eighteen] seventeen holdover senators. Thus, at no time was it in our power to legally electD. B. FAIRLEY, CHAIRMAN JOHN F. VIVIAN, SECRETARY Executive Committee FRANK C. GOUDY G. W. BAILEY L. B. STRAIT W. S. BOYNTON SAMUEL V. NEWELL CHAS. F. CASWELL JESSE F. McDONALD PHILLIP B. STEWART W. K. BURCHINELL PERCY S. RIDER P. W. SWEENEY JAMES H. BROWN S. S. DOWNER A. R. BROWN C. F. MEEK Headquarters Republican State Central Committee 1625 Champa Street P. O. Box 66. Denver, Colo., ____ "3" a Republican United States Senator. If we threw out eleven members of the house, they would have thrown out eleven hold-over senators instead and we could have kept this up until we had a solid house and the Democrats a solid senate. We sought to create a rump senate. As chairman I joined in this move and we had it under way. It was condemed by Judge Campbell, Judge Helm and all the leading lawyers and business men in our party. The Governor was besieged by overtures from the business men of Denver to not wreck the Republican administration for two years by recognizing the rump senate, in an effort to secure an illegal certificate for a Unites States Senator. The Democrats would have tied up appropriations and would not have hestiated to have ruined the state's interests to have carried their point. We simply had to surrender. I want to assure you that there was never any deal entered into with the Democrats. This state is safe for you and the electoral ticket in 1904, but if a Wolcott fight is attempted the result will be defeat for the state and legislative ticket of the Republican party. The people will not tolerate the Wolcott style of politics. We would have been defeated by 20,000 last election had Mr. Wolcott been a factor in the campaign. This letter is not personal or confidential. You are atExecutive Committee D.B. FAIRLEY, CHAIRMAN JOHN F. VIVIAN, SECRETARY FRANK C. GOUDY G.W. BAILEY L.B. STRAIT W.S. BOYNTON SAMUEL V. NEWELL CHAS. F. CASWELL JESSE F. McDONALD PHILLIP B. STEWART W.K. BURCHINELL PERCY S. RIDER P.W.SWEENEY JAMES H. BROWN S.S. DOWNER A.R. BROWN C.F. MEEK Headquarters Republican State Central Committee 1625 Champa Street P.O. Box 66 Denver, Colo.,_______________ "4" liberty to make any use of it you see fit. Faithfully yours, D.B. Fairley Chairman. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. [*✓*] Secretary's Office, Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C. [*[✓]*] January 31, 1903. My dear Sir: I am in receipt of your letter of the 29th instant, and in compliance with the request of the President, hand you herewith a statement showing all the appointments and re-appointments that he has made of colored men under this Department for the year 1902. But two appointments have been made in Mississippi - one colored and one white, and none in South Carolina. Very truly yours, E. A. Hitchcock Secretary. Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President.[*FEB 1 12- 27 PM 1903*] [*Ackd 2-2-1903*] The Churchman 47 Lafayette Place New York. Editorial Rooms. January 31, 1903. To His Excellency The President of the United States, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. Mr. President: I beg to acknowledge to you directly the message to me in Mr. Cortelyou's letter of January 29. I am sure it is unnecessary for me to repeat what I have said both editorially and to you in person, that I have nothing but condemnation for those who misinterpret your motives and imagine that you have any intention of forcing the colored question on the South. It was because I knew you and your purposethat I felt constrained to point out what seemed to me a mistake in method which would, all unconsciously to you, bring the race question to a sharp issue, and that I could write the editorial in the spirit in which I did. I am trying to say something editorially of the unjust interpretations of you and your intentions in connection with the facts of your treatment of the South, but it is an exceedingly difficult thing to do without in a way seeming to accuse by excusing. (You will forgive the crude use of the French proverb.) I hope I shall find my way to it, and if I can, I shall rejoice in saying what is in my mind. Booker Washington spent two hoursThe Churchman 47 Lafayette Place New York. Editorial Rooms. in my office with me yesterday on this very question. The interchange of thought was too personal and confidential to write about, but it would have been a rare privilege if we could have had the conversation in your presence. In fact, I have longed for a further and wholly private talk with you ever since the hurried conversation at the White House. Washington and I agreed that there not only had been but that there was for you more promise of helping the Southern people, both white and black, then for any other President since the war. You have been guided in the past and I believe that you will bein the future. Very faithfully yours, Silas McBee [*[McBEE]*]Jan 31st [*[03]*] 200 Beacon Street Mr President I thank you and Mrs Roosevelt most heartily for your very kind invitation to stay at the White House, which I accept with great pleasure for a few days, as shall be convenient to you. On first arriving at Washington whichyou prefer a full-length would you write me to that effect, as I shall bring the canvass with me. Believe me Yours respectfully John S Sargent [*[Sargent?]*] I expect to do on Tuesday the 10th I will go to a hotel with my paraphernalia work, and will present myself on Wednesday. In answer to your question, I usually take about six sittings, from a three quarter length, of an hour and a half on an average. They tell me that the majority of portraits at the White House are three quarter lengths. If The American Monthly Review of Reviews 13 Astor Place, New York Albert Shaw, Editor January 31, 1903 Dear Mr. President: I get a good many letters and communications from the South, and, of course, you are in receipt of unlimited quantities of them. I enclose one -- or rather a copy, since the original was not typewritten and therefore not so easy to read -- which I think comes about as near to expressing the best and sanest Southern view as anything I have yet seen. Run your eye over it if you have time, and when you are through with it perhaps Mr. Cortelyou will take the trouble to mail it back to me. Faithfully yours, Albert Shaw. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C.[Enc. in Shaw 1-31-03]The American Monthly 13 Astor Place, New York Albert Shaw, Editor January 31, 1903 [*Ackd and enc. retd. 2/3/1903.*] Dear Mr. Cortelyou: I enclose a note for the President with a long letter from a well-informed Southern man which so clearly sets forth conditions in the South that I should be glad if the President could take the time to run it over. If he hasn't the time, of course, it doesn't matter at all; and, finally, since when the President has glanced at it there will probably be no further use to be made of it, it would be convenient to me if you could mail it back. As ever, sincerely yours, Albert Shaw Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President.[For 1 enc see Shaw 1-31-03][*[ca 1-1903]*] Bell, Sherman, Denver, Colo. In re Colorado Political Situation: Democrats had advantage in the Senate ; Teller's election was brought about by a trick and coercion; enumerates parties upon whom the President can reply. [*[ca 1-31-03]*][Attached to Bull, 1-27-03][*[ca 1-31-03]*] [*File*] Appointments and Reappointments of colored men by the President, and of white men to succeed colored men. STATE DEPARTMENT. On September 14, 1901, there were 12 colored men in the Diplomatic and Consular Service; on January 16, 1902, Minister Smith, Monrovia, was displaced by another colored man. WAR DEPARTMENT. 1 colored man appointed to 2nd lieutenancy in the Philippine Scouts, February 17, 1902. No appointments made from South Carolina during past year, and only 2 from Mississippi, 2nd lieutenancies. TREASURY DEPARTMENT. 2 colored collectors of customs reappointed. 3 white men appointed to succeed colored men, (Surveyor, Collector, and Naval Officer) 2 appointments have been made in Mississippi since January 1, 1902; and 3 in South Carolina. DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE. No colored man appointed to strictly Presidential office; and no white man to succeed a colored man. In Mississippi there were 3 appointments during past year, and in South Carolina, 2. POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT. No original appointments of colored postmasters. Following (colored) reappointments of postmasters: Florida, 1; Georgia, 1; Mississippi, 2. 2 appointments of white men to succeed colored man - 1 in Georgia and 1 in South Carolina. In Mississippi 28 postmasters were appointed during 1902 (Since Sept. 14,1901, 42) In South Carolina, 18. (Since Sept.14,1901, 26) NAVY. No appointments or reappointments of colored men and no appointments of white men to succeed colored men. (Secretary and Assistant Secretary only Presidential appointments). INTERIOR DEPARTMENT. 3 appointments (1 colored to succeed white man) 2 reappointments. In Mississippi the Register, white, appointed tosucceed colored man; Receiver, colored, to succeed white man. In Mississippi 2 appointments have been made - one white and 1 colored; none in South Carolina.[Attached to Cortelyou to Hay 1-29-03][*[ca 1-31-03]*] COLORED MEN IN OFFICE SEPTEMBER 14, 1901. Haiti, William F. Powell, of New Jersey, E.E.& M.P. Liberia, Owen L.W. Smith, of North Carolina, M.R.& C.G. " James Robert Spurgeon, of Kentucky, Sec. of Legation. Bahia, Brazil, Henry W. Furniss, of Indiana, Consul. St. Thomas, West Indies, Mahlon Van Horne, of Rhode Island, Consul. Santo Domingo, Campbell L. Maxwell, of Ohio, Consul General. La Rochelle, George H. Jackson, of Connecticut, Consul. Tamatave, Madagascar, William H. Hunt, of New York, Consul. Sierra Leone, Africa, John T. Williams, of North Carolina, Consul. Cape Haitien, Haiti, Lemuel W. Livingston, of Florida, Consul. Asuncion, Paraguay, John N. Ruffin, of Tennessee, Consul. Vladivostock, Russia, Richard T. Greener, of New York, Commercial Agent Minister Smith, at Monrovia, was displaced by John R. A. Crossland, of Missouri, (also colored) January 16, 1902. No other appointment has been made since September, 1901, to a position which was at that time held by a colored man; no other colored man has since been appointed to any position under this Department, and in no case has a white man been appointed to succeed a colored man. [* Bureau of Appointments, JAN 31, 1903 Department of State.*][attached to Cortelyou to Hay 1-29-03][*Wrote Sen. Clapp 2-2-1903*] White House, Washington [January 31, 1903.] Memorandum for the President: Senator Dolliver desired the President to know that a banquet will be tendered Senator Nelson Monday night by the Norwegians in Washington. Senator Dolliver said that the President may be surprised to know that there are forty such persons here. It is very much desired that the President will send a short letter to be read at the dinner, addressing the letter to Senator Clapp of Minnesota. The dinner is in honor of the sixtieth birthday of Senator Nelson. It will be held at eight o'clock.[ [ENC IN] ATTACHA TO DOLLIVER TO T.R. 10-21-03][*[ca 1 - 31- 03]*] John Q. MacDonald, Manager Florence, Union, Metallic and National Plants, United States Reduction and Refining Co. Colorado.Enc in Choate, ca 1-31-03] [ca. 1-31-03]New York Exchange for Woman's Work The New York Exchange for Woman's Work 334 Madison Avenue OFFICERS President Mrs. William G. Choate Vice-Presidents Mrs. C. R. Agnew Mrs. William E. Dodge Mrs. Charles E. Sherman Mrs. Russell Sage Recording Secretary, Miss Susan Herriman Treasurer, Mrs. Frederick Van Lennep Treasurer Permanent Fund, George F. Baker Managers Mrs. Cornelius R. Agnew Miss Katharine Lambert Miss S. O. Agnew Mrs. Howard Martin Mrs. George F. Baker Mrs. Chas C. Marshall Mrs. Albert Boardman Mrs. Chas E. Miller Mrs. John Shaw Billings Mrs. Horace Porter Mrs. WM. G. Choate Mrs. Frederick Peterson Miss Davis Mrs. Russell Sage Mrs. WM. E. Dodge Mrs. Geo. H. Story Mrs. George Lewis Gillespie Mrs. Chas. Stewart Smith Miss Susan Herriman Miss Stillman Mrs. Richard Somers Hayes Mrs. John T. Terry, Jr. Mrs. C. H. Isham Mrs. David Turnure Mrs. John Edward Kerr, Jr. Mrs. W. Gilman Thompson Mrs. Charles Sherman Miss E. S. Vaill Mrs. William V. Lawrence Mrs. Frederick Van Lennep Miss Mary R. Choate Miss Florence Van Wyck Mrs. Carl Aug. De Gersdorff Mrs. WM. T. Wardwell Mrs. Edwin Gould Miss Louise Rollins Mrs. Jonathan Thorne Miss Frances Stockwell Mrs. Boudinot Keith ADVISORY BOARD Mr. William G. Choate Rev. E. Walpole Warren, D D. Mr. George F. Baker Mr. Victor Morawetz Ms. E. Ellery Anderson Mr. F. B. Thurber Mr. Henry H. Adams Mr. George H. Story Mr. William V. Lawrence Dr. Frederick Peterson Mr. Jordan Rollins Mr. Charles Stewart Smith Mr. Robert C. Ogden Mr. Charles C. Marshall Rev. Marvin R. Vincent Mr. John Edward Kerr, Jr. Mr. William T. WardwellNEW YORK EXCHANGE FOR WOMAN'S WORK COMMITTEES HOUSEKEEPING DEPARTMENT Miss SUSAN HERRIMAN, Chairman Mrs. C. R. AGNEW Mrs. JOHN T. TERRY, Jr. Mrs. W. V. LAWRENCE Mrs. WM. T. WARDWELL Mrs. DAVID TURNURE Miss MARY CHOATE INFANTS' DEPARTMENT Mrs. GEORGE F. BAKER Mrs. EDWIN GOULD FANCY AND USEFUL ARTICLES (PARLOR FLOOR) Mrs. JOHN EDWARD KERR, Jr. OLD FURNITURE, OLD LACES, AND BRIC-A-BRAC Mrs. GEORGE H. STORY INFORMATION BUREAU Mrs. CHARLES E. SHERMAN COMMITTEE ON SUGGESTIONS Mrs. GEORGE LEWIS GILLESPIE, Chairman Miss S. O. AGNEW Mrs. CARL AUGUST de GERSDORFF Mrs. ALBERT BOARDMAN Mrs. CHAS. STEWART SMITH Mrs. RICHARD SOMERS HAYES COMMITTEE ON ADVERTISING Mrs. FREDERICK PETERSON, Chairman Mrs. CHARLES C. MARSHALL Miss FRANCES STOCKWELL Miss LOUISE ROLLINS Mrs. WM. V. LAWRENCE COMMITTEE ON OUT-OF-TOWN HONORARY MEMBERS Mrs. JOHN SHAW BILLINGS, Chairman Mrs. W. GILMAN THOMPSON Mrs. JANVIER LE DUC COMMITTEE ON ANNUAL ENTERTAINMENT FOR CHILDREN Mrs. FREDERICK VAN LENNEP, Chairman Mrs. GILMAN THOMPSON Miss LOUISE ROLLINS Mrs. CHARLES STEWART SMITH Mrs. CARL AUGUST de GERSDORFF Miss FRANCES STOCKWELL Miss SUSAN HERRIMAN Miss M. R. CHOATE Mrs. EDWIN GOULD Mrs. JOHN TERRY, Jr. Mrs. CHARLES SHERMAN COMMITTEE ON FINANCE Mrs. WM. G. CHOATE, Chairman Mrs. GEORGE F. BAKER Mrs. GEORGE H. STORY Mrs. WM. GILMAN THOMPSON Mrs. FREDERICK VAN LENNEP Miss STILLMAN 3[*P.P.F.*] [*[ca 1-03]*] Mr. President: Permit me to extend to you and yours my most earnest wishes for another year of happiness and health. I sincerely congratulate you upon the successful administration of public affairs which has characterized the fading year, may the new one be even more so. Also permit me to thank you for the kind consideration I always received at your hands. [*(From Capt Loeffler Jan 1st 1903)*]Department of Agriculture, Office of the Secretary. Washington, D.C. [*File about January 1903*] Wilson Jas The President White House[For enc see ca Jan 1903]ca Jan. 1903 [James Wilson][*[ca Jan.1903]*] -1- Agricultural Education. I bring you today the cause of the farmers of our country -- the creators of wealth, the foundation on which society rests, the conservative class that works in the sunlight through long days, keeps level heads when others are excited, and reinforces all other classes when they wear out. The farmers of the country need an education more comprehensive than that which we have borrowed from the old world, originally designed for the professional man, the man of leisure, and the hereditary law-giver. The activities of the age in lines of research have reached the tillers of the soil and inspired them with ambition to know more of the principles that govern the forces of Nature with which they have to deal. Someone has said that education consists in speaking and writing our language-2- correctly. That may apply to speakers and writers, but there are those in the land who say little and write less, but live by doing things. Let me illustrate the need of agricultural education by a few references to the work of the Department of Agriculture, which exists because the President and the Congress desire to help the people who support in greatest measure the social structure. Meteorology. Students of growth are aware of the influence exerted by heat and moisture upon plant and animal life, and find it necessary to inquire into the winds and their circuits, and into evaporation and its effects. They recognize the necessity of adding meteorology to the list of things to be studied, and the wisdom of reducing the facts concerning it to an exact science as soon as it can be done. Congress is expending about a million and a quarter of dollars-3- a year for this purpose, satisfied that the husbandman and the seaman receive information that justifies the expenditure. The cyclones that come up from the southward into the Caribbean Sea are observed, heralded and forecasted, until they leave our hemisphere and travel eastward on parabolic paths that are being quite definitely outlined. Their seasons are being foretold with increasing accuracy. The cold winds that come from the north are anticipated, and their time and intensity told to farmers, gardeners and fruiterers, enabling them to save their crops in all our southern States. The extent of our jurisdiction enables us to make intelligent forecasts both for our own people and those of foreign countries. We tell shipmasters sailing to Europe what weather they may expect for several days on their voyages, and we tell European vessel owners what their ships may look for in coming to our shores. When cables-4- are laid to the Orient we shall have increased opportunities to extend our usefulness, and to follow storms around the world. Until within the last six years meteorology has not been taught in our educational institutions. Within that time thirteen universities and colleges have availed themselves of our men located with them to have lectures delivered for the benefit of their students, and several have made meteorology a feature of their courses of study. We also take students into our employ to help them through college with a beginning in meteorology. We help 125 young men toward an education, so that we may get some of them when we need them, and have scholars in the land along this line. Foreign nations, recognizing our lead in this line of applied science, send their meteorologists to study with us.- 5 - Animals. We sell about a quarter of a billion dollars' worth of animals and animal products a year to foreign countries, in addition to supplying our own people with meats and dairy products more cheaply and more abundantly than any other nation is able to provide for its own people. Successful manufacturing depends upon cheap food, primarily, and cheap food, to a considerable extent, accounts for our growth in this direction. Nations that collect taxes on food can not compete with us in the world's markets. They lose workers, who naturally come to the source of cheap bread and meat. We must see to it, however, that our exports of meats have clean bills of health, and the health of our own people demands that rigid inspection be given all meats that enter into interstate commerce. We inspected 38,800,000 carcasses last fiscal year. We sell forty-five-6- million dollars' worth of live animals annually we sell 215 million dollars worth of live animals annually. We must keep our animals healthy, or lose that trade. We have the healthiest animals in the world, we intend to eradicate every disease to which they are subject, and some of those diseases are already disappearing. Asia is the breeding ground of most animal diseases. The continent of Europe, because of its multiplied jurisdictions, is unable to get rid of these affections of flocks and herds, and we therefore refuse entry to all ruminants from that source. From the mainland of Asia the Philippines have imported surra and rinderpest, which have destroyed most of their ruminants and threaten their solipeds with the same fate. We are compelled to quarantine against all ruminants from the continent of Europe, and against all animals from our new possessions in the Orient. As a nation we have not been students of the animal. We have developed a track horse and a lard pig, but little-7- more. Our experiment stations have been studying the feeding of animals with some success, but the development of flocks and herds for the varied climates, soils, and other conditions of our country has had very little attention. Congress intended that the agricultural colleges of the States should do all work of this kind, but little has been done, and few of these institutions have animals to illustrate instruction or teachers capable of either giving the instruction or putting the student on the road that leads to it. The scientists of the Bureau of Animal Industry are busily engaged in eradicating animal diseases throughout the country, and are meeting with marked success. Some fifteen years ago Dr. Salmon discovered that the tick found upon Texas cattle, being taken to the north and transferred to northern animals, introduced the germ that caused animals to die of fever in a few days. This gave the hint for-8- the late experiments conducted by the medical bureau of the War Department regarding the carrying of yellow fever germs by mosquitoes, and the carrying of malarial germs by the same agency. We are, as I said, endeavoring to keep out of the United States diseased animals from countries that are permitted to send animals here We have them examined by scientists on the other side of the water, and, out of abundant caution, hold them in quarantine on this side. All these precautions did not keep foot-and-mouth disease of out New England, but every effort is being made to stamp it out, regardless of what it may cost to do it. It took fifty years to eradicate this disease from Great Britain. Since 1885 that people has used drastic measures, such as we are employing here, and with success. We are cooperating with several States in experimentation with regard to domestic animals along lines of nutrition, and have sent agents to both European and Asiatic-9- countries to introduce dairy products from the United States and ascertain the methods by which they can be shipped with the greatest certainty of arriving in good condition. An interesting fact connected with our agriculture in the United States, along this line, is the shipment of our stock feeds to foreign countries that compete with us in the markets of the world with their dairy products. Denmark gets her stock feed from the United States, principally, and sells thirty-five million dollars' worth of dairy products in the British markets every year, in competition with ours. There is room for growth along these lines on New England farms. Plant Industry. Our export of plant products to foreign countries amounts to over six hundred million dollars a year. Very few of the plants that bring to the United States this-10- large amount of money are indigenous to our country. We have an organization in the Department of Agriculture, for plant study, that includes some two hundred scientists. These gentlemen are working along all lines in which the producer is interested; and in order to make plain what we are doing, permit me to take up some of the work in hand, in order to show the necessity for education. Corn is the second crop in importance in the United States. We sell it extensively when we have a surplus. There are certain uses to which foreigners can put it -- the making of high wines, starches, etc, -- but our corn has never found its way into general use among the common people of foreign countries, for the reason that its composition is such that a workman can not get the same sustenance from the same amount of corn that he can from other cheap cereals, such as oats, rye or barley. Wheat, for example, is so composed that it makes the most perfect-11- ration of any of our grains. The muscle-producing elements stand in such relation to the heat-producing that it is superior to any of our cereals. The heat-producing element of corn is out of proportion to the muscle-producing elements; the carbonaceous is out of proportion to the nitrogenous. It will fatten animals, but an exclusive corn ration will not make animals grow nor furnish a ration for the dairy cow. The peasant of Europe, who has but a limited variety upon his table, can do his work upon black rye bread, but he can not do the same work on our maize. This is the reason why our corn finds its way abroad for manufacturing purposes only, or possibly to be used on the tables of people who can add the protein element by using meats, fish, eggs, cheese, etc. We are endeavoring to improve corn by cross-fertilization and selection, so as to create and develop varieties that will come near to making a balanced ration; and we will bring it about. We-12- are cross-fertilizing grains of the northwest, so that by creating new varieties we can select for the several localities and uses. We have lacked a first-class macaroni wheat, and have been paying some eight million dollars a year to foreign countries for the commodity made from it. A few years ago we found a wheat at the headwaters of the Volga in Russia, that grows successfully in ten inches of rainfall. We are extending wheat-growing westwardly into the semi-arid region through this plant. Two million bushels of it were grown last year, and we shall soon have all of it that is required in the United States. Moreover, being suited to dry conditions, it can be used for forage as well as for making macaroni or bread with a high gluten content. Many European and Asiatic countries are giving attention to the growing of cotton, and the opening up of Africa is quite likely to develop this industry considerably. The Department of Agriculture has been studying this-13- plant, with a view to creating, by hybridizing, new varieties that will furnish a longer and more valuable staple, and grow on the uplands where Sea Island, Egyptian, and other varieties will not grow. We are also meeting serious cotton-plant diseases by the introduction of immune varieties. Within the last ten years Department pathologists saved the Sea Island variety from root disease by creating immune sorts. We are introducing from foreign countries new fruits that have been successful in their localities for many generations, and distributing them in our country to meet hitherto unsatisfied requirements. We are also helping our fruit men to establish markets abroad by studying methods of preservation through refrigeration, and methods of packing and handling, in which we have been quite successful. Our agents abroad are enlightening the general public in foreign countries with regard to the value of our fruit products for general consumption.-14- A few years ago the United States bought three-fourths of the rice it consumed. The Gulf Coast of the States of Louisiana and Texas has a large amount of land suitable to the production of rice with machinery. The land is rich, large rivers are numerous, and water is found in abundance at from eight to sixteen feet below the surface. Enterprising men set about developing this industry in this locality. It was found that they did not have a rice suitable to our modern improved machinery. Too large a percent of it broke up in milling; it was too soft. A round, flinty rice, having a larger percentage of nitrogenous matter, was desired. The Department of Agriculture sent experts to the Orient, where rices of many kinds have been grown for centuries, and a rice suitable in this regard was found for our Gulf Coast people. The season of harvesting rice in this locality was too short, because, whether the rice was planted early or late, it ripened about the-15- same time. It was desirable that different varieties should be found, that would ripen at different periods. We have also met this requirement, with the result that during the crop season of 1903 the equivalent of all rice we use was produced within the United States. We find that orientals living here import varieties familiar to them, and these varieties we have introduced, for their benefit and ours. It was necessary to find a scientist who thoroughly understood the principles that control the production of rice in the United States, and who had the ability to comprehend conditions in the Orient, to get for our people just what was wanted. He found that one American with our machinery on the Gulf Coast grows as much rice in a year as four hundred Chinamen produce with their methods. The hop-raisers of the country were confronted with much the same difficulty. Their hops all ripened at the same time, while labor was scarce and dear, adding greatly to the expense of harvesting the crop. They wasted more-16- varieties that would ripen at different seasons. The old world has many varieties, but the old world did not fancy supplying them to the United States. We open our doors and our books, and explain our methods to everybody. Many foreign countries, on the contrary, give explicit orders that Americans shall get no information. We made contracts through our agents in Bohemia for several varieties of hop roots, but as soon as they learned that the consignment was to go to the United States, they broke their contracts and delayed us for a year in providing this necessary variation for our people. But we got them next year. An agent was sent with money in his pockets and instructions to stay there until he got the hop roots. They came! The methods usually followed by farmers in treating rusts and smuts have been found ineffective. Lines of work have been inaugurated which have had for their object the breeding of rust-resistant grains and their substitution for those known to be subject to disease. The smuts are-17- controllable, but additional work must be done along that line. Farmers are very conservative, and we must demonstrate to them the value and efficacy of the new methods of treatment before they will adopt them generally. Injury to the grain crops of the country from this cause is very great, and there is much need of education in our universities and colleges along this line. We are compelled to train men in the Department to do work in plant pathology, and for this purpose we are giving opportunities for postgraduate work to graduates of the agricultural colleges. The demand throughout the country for help of this kind, at agricultural colleges and other institutions, is so great that we are unable to supply it. We educate in those directions because professors need help, and not for the purpose of contributing to abstract science. Grasses. The grass crop is the most important of our farm production-18- Hay and forage crops occupy over sixty million acres of land. The most interesting problem concerning agriculture today is that of forage crops and the plants that are best adopted for the summer and winter feeding of stock in the several States of our country. Where it is not practicable to use commercial fertilizers, the fertility of the soil must be maintained by a system of farming that is, in and of itself, self-sustaining. The supply of nitrogen is imperative. We ship nearly one hundred million dollars' worth of this plant food out of the country annually in the export of our crops. The suiting of leguminous crops to several States of our country is of the very first importance in this regard, so that nitrogen may be supplied to the soil, as indicated to us by the discoveries of Hellriegel some years ago. We are looking over the habitable globe for legumes that will fit into our system of cropping in the several States. Enough attention -19 has not been given to this class of forage crops. We are beginning to learn, in many parts of the country, the value of alfalfa, to which, also, enough attention has not been given. We are introducing a variety from Turkestan that is not winter-killed in our northern latitudes. It has been found that the bacteria that associate themselves with the roots of leguminous crops, in order to bring free nitrogen from the atmosphere into the soil, are necessary when legumes are planted in new soils. The Department has been experimenting for several years with regard to the practicability of making these bacteria commercial commodities. They have been for some time past used in this was in liquid and other forms, but we are able now to send them out to the people in dry condition, so that soils which have never grown clover or alfalfa or cowpeas or soy beans or other leguminous crops, will, when the bacteria are supplied, respond promptly. Many disappointments-20- are not by farmers in planting new leguminous crops, because the bacteria are not found in the soil. We hope to obviate this difficulty in the future. The cold winds from the north frequently destroy not only the orange crop of Florida, bu the orange trees as well. A hardy tree that would bear sweet oranges became a necessity. We have hybridised the Florida orange with the Japanese trifoliate to that end, and have been waiting for out several thousand hybrids to bear fruit. Several of them produced oranges last fall that are very promising. We may not get everything we desire from the first cross, but we already have hybrids that will be valuable in commercial directions and singularly enough, we find, among the hybrids, some valuable hedge plants, which will retain their foliage through the winter in southern latitudes. These are examples of the work being done along plant lines.-21- Specialists in Plant Physiology and Physiological Chemistry. The extreme specialization which has become so marked a feature in the different departments of our colleges and universities in producing a set of men well trained in narrow and specific lines, but who are unable to coordinate the knowledge they possess with the important facts in other branches of work. In technical and practical agri- cultural work and investigation, we can make only limited use of men with such narrow training. For example, ordinary chemical analysis can not tell what is going on within a plant. No matter how thoroughly trained the chemist may be, his chemical training alone will never teach him the real problem. An eminent authority on plants has said: "The chemist has stood outside the factory in which the real work we want to know about is being carried on, and has told us of so many tons of this material being carried-22- in at the gates and so many tons of that coming out; he has even burned down the factory, and all of its contents and machinery, and has even told us how many tons of the various materials were there at the time; but this is not what we want, valuable as the information is; what we want and what we expect to obtain is more information regarding what is done with the materials in the factory; what machinery they are put into, and how they are put in what stages they go through, and how one stage follows another, what wear and tear is to be endured, and how we can step in and stop the working of the machine for our own bene- fit, at the best possible time." In order to do this, the one who undertakes the problem must have a thorough knowledge of chemistry, he must also have a knowledge of plant physiology and physics. He must recognise the fact that he is dealing with a living organism, and when he kills it, he is dealing with an entirely different thing. He can not get the training which-23- will enable him to solve such problems by taking a special course in chemistry, or a special course in physiology, or a special course in physics; neither can he get it by taking a special course in all of these put together. He must perfect himself along these lines, and then he must take a special course in working with the living plant itself, applying his knowledge and learning by experience how to interpret correctly what goes on in the living organism. The colleges and universities do not seem to recognise the necessity for this broad training. It is true that it can not be crowded into a four years' course, and perhaps not in six; it may take eight. The one prominent fact is that we must have men broadly trained to attack these problems, and if the universities can not train them, we shall have to do it in the Department. -24- Forestry. The forests of our country are vanishing. The woodman has chopped his way from the Atlantic to the Pacific. The last great reserve of valuable soft pine woods in the extreme northwest is being attacked by seven hundred sawmills, and it is only a question of time when it will be gone. The educator has been neglecting the forest. Something had been done in the Department of Agriculture prior to President McKinley's administration, but for the last six years rapid progress has been made. We are now training a large number of young gentleman of good fundamental education, along this line. We are studying the scientific features of the Government reserves. Population has extended over our public lands, and has absorbed all that are valuable is the rain belt. General attention is now turning towards the semi-arid and arid portions of our country. It is well known that forests conserve the rainfall, and hold -25- the water well into the summer season. Good progress has been made within the last few years in setting apart forests for this purpose. Our Forester consults with private owners and helps them along the line of reforesting, preservation, harvesting, etc. The Department of Agriculture is trying to impress the habit of tree-planting upon our people, last year we sent out fifty thousand young trees to the several States where they would be at home, and this year will send out a hundred thousand, with instructions regarding the time to look for seed from the several trees, how to germinate it, how to start nurseries, etc. We are studying the insects that attack trees, and better methods of turpentine orcharding have been demonstrated and the facts given to the people interested is that industry. We are also testing mercantile woods and taking up all questions regarding the rehabilitation of our country with suitable trees. Two-26- schools of forestry have been established lately, one at Cornell and one at Yale, so that in the future we shall have educated foresters in the country. Soils. Little has been done with regard to the study of the soil in our country. Very few men have devoted themselves to the study of soils an their possibilities, and their adaptability to different crops. The Department of Agriculture has built up a Bureau of Soils within the last few years, and has a hundred students investigating along these lines. We cooperate with the several States, and have sent a scientist to our island possessions to help the people there to a knowledge of the possibilities of their soils. We are training men who will be fitted to observe and appreciate the resources and peculiarities of our varied soils. We shall have a new class of students along this-27- line, who will be valuable to the country generally, and meet requirements heretofore unsatisfied. We have already some practical results from the work of this Bureau. Our people have been paying something like six million dollars a year to the people of Sumatra for wrapper tobacco. Our physicists found suitable soil in the Connecticut Valley, and have been showing the people in Connecticut and Massachusetts how to grow this tobacco. Nearly a million dollar worth was grown last year, and within a few years this large amount of money will be saved to our people. We have taken up the study of the filler tobacco for which we have been paying to people outside of the United States some eight million dollars annually. We have studied the conditions under which this tobacco grows, the soils, etc, and by search and investigation have found soil conditions identical with these where the fine, aromatic filler cigar tobacco now being used in our cigar trade, grows in other countries. It will only be a few-28- years until we shall have succeeded in setting this industry on its feet. I may observe here that as soon as we get a new industry within the reach of commerce, we help commercial men, to make a beginning and then turn our attention to something else. Nothing is more surprising to the student of our country than the wonderful resources we have for producing everything suitable to our latitudes. When a valuable mine is discovered, it attracts general attention and makes a noise, but the discovery of a new soil adapted to an immediate want, though it continues to produce, makes much less impression than the mine, which eventually become a hole in the ground. One of the objects of the Department of Agriculture is to help the American people to produce everything suitable to our latitudes, and another is to help the island peoples under our flag to produce what we can not grow is the United States. We buy some four hundred million dollars' worth of things every year from foreign-29- fields, sometimes more, sometimes less. About half of that might be grown in the United States, and the other half can be grown by the brown man in our new possessions. We can produce sugar in the United States, in connection with diversified farming, cheaper than it can be produced in any other country, and we shall, as seen as the farmer learns how to grow a full crop of beets and how to use the by-product. The sugar comes from the water and from the winds that blow over the country. It takes nothing from our soil. Its production gives employment to a great deal of capital and to many laborers. European countries grew beets with an average of 13 to 14 percent of sugar. Beets are now grown in our dry institution, under irrigation, in which from 16 to 20 percent of sugar is commonly found, and from which as high as 25 percent has been extracted. As fast as the Government builds dams in the desert, the movement of our people into the British possessions will turn to our irrigated lands and make markers for our manufactures.-30- There are many things we can not grow, such as coffee, rubber, spices, fibers, fruits, etc, for which we are paying about two hundred million dollars a year. We have established experiment stations in the Hawaiian Islands and in Puerto Rico, and have sent several scientists from the Department to help the Commission in the Phillippine Islands to teach better methods of agriculture to the people there. The true policy for these people would be to grow what we can not grow here, and the best help we can give them would be to open our markets for everything of that kind. Then they would have money in their pockets to buy from our people the commodities they require to develop their islands.-31- Insect Friends and Foes. The Department is studying the insect friends and enemies of the farmer. To illustrate: The San Jose scale is not native of this country. An entomologist was sent to Japan to find, if possible, the enemies of this scale, on the supposition that it was native there. He assertained that it did not exist on any of the islands of the Japanese Empire, except in the neighborhood of imported trees and shrubs. It was found, however, near the Great Wall of China, where no foreign trees or shrubs had ever been introduced, and it was there kept in check by its natural enemies. It had been introduced from China into the United States, probably on flowering peaches. The ladybird that feeds upon San Jose scale in China has been imported, and is being propagated and distributed; and hopes are entertained that it will save our orchards. A parasite of the South African black scale that is so destructive-32- has also been imported, and gives promise of effective work. The Mexican cotton-boll weevil, which has sread over most of Texas, is being dealt with along practical lines, to ascertain to what extent it can be controlled under present conditions, or whether rotation of crops must be employed to be effective. The Department in this case manages farms, and finds that judicious treatment of the soil and the destruction of all rubbish give satisfactory results. Irrigation. The question of irrigation is now prominent in the land. To our dry regions, where the rainfall is less than the necessities of the crops, resource is had to irrigation. The Department of Agriculture is studying the scientific side of the use of water. It is necessary to inquire how much moisture is needed to produce a given crop, as crops vary very much in this regard. The effect of too-33- much water is being inquired into. The changes in soil condition through surplus water and the creation of marshes by seepage, are receiving attention. The carrying of water over soils and leak, and the practicability of cementing canals, are also being investigated. The upward movement of alkali in the soil through the application of water, and its lodgment in the soil-bed of plants through evaporation at the surface, until the percent is greater than the plants will bear, are being inquired into and remedies, through subdrainage, introduced. Statistics. A matter of interest to those of our people who grow animals and plants, is the getting of intelligent estimates regarding numbers and condition. We have a census once in ten years that tells us of the past. The statisticians of the Department of Agriculture endeavor to get information for the people regarding present conditions, so that producers-34- and dealers may set intelligently. To obtain the actual facts regarding these industries is out of the question, even the Census is based on intelligent estimates, as far as most agricultural conditions are concerned. But these estimates come very close to the facts, in most cases. The Department's Statistical Bureau has been a training school for statisticians, who are wanted by commercial concerns at higher salaries than the Government pays and, indeed, this may be said with regard to most of the specialties of the Department. A system of education is necessary in each of our Bureaus and Divisions, so that the young men under training may take the place of those who go out to universities, colleges and commercial work. Foreign countries tempt away some of our men by the offer of large salaries.-35- Nutrition. We know much more about feeding our domestic animals than we do about feeding ourselves. Most of the experiment stations of the States and Territories are conducting feeding experiments with their staple crops and their domestic animals, and through reports of their work the farmers of the country are acquiring intelligent information regarding economic feeding. Something has been done in foreign countries with regard to the nutrition of men, but the most systematic work in this direction is now being done in our own country under the auspices of the Department of Agriculture. A respiration calorimeter has been built in Connecticut for the study of the nutrition of human beings, and one has been built in Pennsylvania for the study of the nutrition of domestic animals. Bread from different kinds of flour, the effect of cooking on the nutritive value and digestibility of different kinds of meat, and the value of fruits and nuts, are being inquired into. The-36- feeding of inmates of reformatory and penal institutions, of working men and idle men, of the soldier in camp and on the march, at home and in tropical countries -- all these are being investigated. Good Roads. It is conceded generally that the people of the several States and Territories should build their own roads and highways. The Department of Agriculture is endeavoring to give object lesson in the several States with regard to road construction, and an office has been instituted in the Bureau of Chemistry to test the various materials with which the people in the several States construct their roads. Tea. The Department of Agriculture is studying the sciences that are grouped around the production of tea. Encouraging progress is being made. We are introducing the best kinds of tea from oriental countries and studying the preparation-37- of the leaves for the market without chemicals. There is hope that we shall succeed in making higher priced teas economically. There are plenty of idle young people who can pick tea in the localities where the tea plant is at home. We have also taken up the study of silk production, and the introduction of the proper mulberry tree, with a view to giving light, profitable work to the young people in many of our families throughout the country. We shall train some of Booker Washington's people at Tuskegee to help us in developing this industry among the people of the South. Education Necessary. Towards the doing of all these things such education is required as our higher institutions of learning here neglected, and it can not be longer neglected without seriously hindering the progress of our country. Sixty-five percent of our exports are from the farm, and grown by-38- people who have had special training beyond the traditions of the farm. A new country, with abundance of land stored with plant food, has given us an advantage over competitors who are required to maintain soil fertility by resorting to commercial fertilizers and intensive cultivation, made practicable through access to cheap labor. Our available free public lands are mostly taken up, while population steadily increases, and will continue to increase as long as opportunities for getting new land are more favorable to homeseekers here then anywhere else. The education of the scientist in agriculture should begin in the common school. It should be continued through the secondary school and the college, and round out with specialization in the university. This would give is teachers and investigators. The tillers of the soil in all cases should get something in their line in the primary school. Many of them would incline to get more in the secondary school, and an increasing number would go through college,-39- if we had school and colleges that would give them what they require. We have for such colleges, equipped with faculties and illustructive material, and because of this, few young people study along this line. The college president and Board of Control receiving Federal money, with which to educate the future, often neglect that work, and failing to do it, make the excuse that there are no students asking for this kind of training, so they use the funds for other purposes. They rob the children of the soil to educate more professionals, who are not so imperatively seeded. When does a young person become a judge of what he should study? When he goes to the primary, or the high school, or the college? Some few institutions that I know of have full faculties and a fair amount of material, and invariably they have full classes in the sciences of agriculture and the sciences related to it.-40- There is a demand for teachers and investigators, both at home and abroad. South Africa is steadily taking our scientists, at salaries ranging from $3,000 to $8,000, and is offering much more for mature men. Our now possessions call continually for men, when we can not well spare. I have been trying for two months to find a superintendent for the Government Experiment Farm in Luson, at $3,000 salary, but have so far failed to secure him. Not long ago I was asked to help find professors of animal husbandry for three of our agricultural colleges in the west. One would pay $2,000 a year, one $2,500, and the third $3,000. I could not find a suitable man of experiences they were not to be had in the country. Our agricultural college and experiment stations have endeavored to round out their staffs and faculties, but are unable to find as mature men as they require. We find it necessary to train most of our men in the Department of Agriculture. Our investigators are compelled to touch, and much of the time that should-41- be devoted to research is taken up this work. But if the Department is to grow, there is no other way. We have several hundred young men under instruction in the lines to which I have called your attention. The most important educational problem of our day is the education of the American farmer. Something is being done though university extension. Some States, like Missouri, have set about interacting the teachers of the common schools in summer schools, so as to prepare the primary teachers for doing this work. Some of the States, like Minnesota and Nebraska, have excellent schools of agriculture, that should develop into colleges. The State of Alabama gives $2,800 a year for the support of a school of agriculture is each of the Congressional districts of the State, with the object of making them feeders for its agricultural college. Nothing has been done in several of our States, however, to convince the farming population that applied science is of value in their life work.-42- There are fully eighty millions of people under our flag for whose welfare in the future the educator of the present is responsible. Half of them live by producing from the soil. The prosperity, comfort, and development of all of them are immediately affected by intelligent management of the soil, the crops, the flocks and the herds. Congress appreciates the value of education and research for this half of our population, and in addition to the grants of 1862 and 1889 appropriates annually, directly and indirectly, ever six millions of dollars to the Department of Agriculture, a sum equal to the combined income of the five greatest universities in the land. It will be observed that the Department of Agriculture helps farmers who are struggling with Nature, rather than makes research for abstract scientific facts. In the eyes of the pure scientist our work may be regarded as a bread-and-butter enterprise, but as long as the people need breakfasts, luncheons and dinners, there will be necessity-43- for study along there lines, which, as far as agriculture is concerned, have been neglected in the past. Two thousand specialists are helping the farmers of the country in their struggles with Nature. Seven hundred publications were printed last year, and over ten million books and pamphlets were sent out to the people. In other words, we are expanding the price of a first-class battle ship ever year to strengthen the hands of half our people who create a majority of the wealth of the country. The education of the farmer teaches observation and trains towards experimentation. It is as comprehensive as the universes it inquires into every created things it lays all science under tributes it is interested in every fact of history, whether it be the pedigree of a royal family, the life of the patriarchs, or the crop report of an Oxford bailiff is the fourteenth century; it takes note of the discoveries of the pathologist who finds new remedies for the ills of mankind, that it may minister to the-44- animal, and it demands a like knowledge of plants; it studies the rains that go up by the hills and go down by the valleys; it heralds the movements of the cyclones and inquires into the life-history of microscopic organisms. It comprehends the mold in the cellar and the breeding of the war-horse; it concerns itself with decomposition in the manure heap and conflagration in the forest; it experiments with vegetable growth possible in Alaska with its long winter, and in Florida with its perpetual summer; it suits plants to the sand dunes and the alkali plains, and cross-breeds grains for the corn and grass latitudes; it watches the descent of free nitrogen from the atmosphere to the soil through the legume and its bacteriological partner, and then into plant food through nitrification; it makes plain the laws of sanitation and is inquiring into the laws of nutrition. Look these fields over and conclude whether you think they will furnish forth their-45- student equally with literature, for the realities of life!Feb 1st/03. *[File*] British Embassy. Washington. My dear Mr. President Will you allow me to thank you very much for your kindness to me during my visit to Washington. I never leave the United Stateswithout a sincere pang of regret. There are no people in the world who are so genuinely kind hospitable and generous to visitors. If the people of Great Britain and the United States were only to visit each other more it would soon be possible to draw tighter the natural tie that binds us together. May I r respectfully wish youevery luck, happiness and health for now and always. Yours very sincerely Charles BeresfordWick Hill House, Bracknell. 1st February 1903 Dear Sternburg I must just write you a line to congratulate you upon your promotion it is capital I cut out of one of the evening paper an amusing little bit of poetry of which you are the hero butunfortunately can not at the moment lay my hand upon it We are starting on Wednesday in the Germania for New York and shall take the first train thence to San Francisco to catch the "Siena" to New Zealand to make a raid against the imported Red deer there which are growing quite fine heads we shall return via Java & Japan & Canada, Pacific in the fall Since you left my trip have been 1900 Kamstchatka vis Navicola fair sport 1901 Huan Shan Ibex, sheep, & Asiatic Wapiti grand sport, 1902 Northern Persia Aegagrus (Ibex) & sheep fair sport - Edward VII came over to lunch & walked off with my best Ibex (1901.)!We have been picking up quite a lot of curios "old rubbish" as a friend call its but of a much higher class than anything we had before In Russia I saw some old tapestry flemish 16th Century lost my head to it but dare not give the price on returning home Teresa was fired with the idea & back we started to have another look but I took a friend from the British Museum to get the best opinion on arrival the man & tapestry had vanished! after a month or so got into communication with himWick Hill House. Bracknell. & after prolonged haggling purchased it The art brokers say it is unique and worth a great many thousands So I really believe we have bested the Hebrew for once There are 2 pieces 5 1/2 feet wide The longer goes round the large drawing room from the door into the conservatory to the door into the hall & the smaller goes round the smaller drawing room from the door to the window 60 odd feet altogether The stitchis unusually fine & the preservation extraordinary There is such an amount of detail in it that each time one looks one discovers something fresh - I am taking with me to New Zealand your little ·22 pistol that you got for me & also the Stevens rifle & hope do some executing among the ducks The little ·22 pistol shot admirably with ·22 long rifle cartridge but very high with ·22 short which is a mystery to me the other way about would have all right. Yours very Sincerely S · G Littledale I forgot to say Mrs L sends all kinds of messages[*ackd 2-9-1903*] Personal. 30 EAST 64TH STREET. Feby I, 1903. My dear Mr. President: I understand that the office of Shipping Comr. is vacant by reason of the appointment of Capt. Dickey as a State R. R. Comr. If this should seem to you within the ability of Col.Partridge, whom you know as well as I, & thinks it would be pleasing to him to be appointed to it. If this chances to be one of the matters to be referred to the Hague, this may offer ground on which all can unite! I make this suggestion for what it may be worth; but you must not let it embarrass you. If it helps you I shall be glad. I should not hesitate to speak to Odell about it, if you would like to have me do so, for he has several times toldme that he would be glad to speak to you in P's behalf. Yrs, faithfully Seth Low.BMG 1445 Massachusetts Ave. Highland Terrace. Washington, D. C. February 1st [*[03?]*] To his Excellency Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States. Dear Sir, Will you kindly allow an old time admirer of yourself and your public career to present our respects to you some time this week? Going away to my native country soon, on a leave of absence, I am anxious to avail myself of my present stay in Washingtonto express my thanks to you in person for a great service you did me some years ago when, as Police Commissioner of New York, you gave orders to the local police to prevent the organ grinders from disturbing my young son who was then very ill with typhoid fever. By doing this you have perhaps saved my son's life - and that on a simple application of a woman perfectly unknown to you : although, in writing to me in connection with this matter you mentioned having watched with interest the achievements of Y. A. MacGahan -- my late husband -- the war correspondent, an Ohio man, who was instrumental in the emancipation of Bulgaria in 1878. Being thus an American by adoption I am somewhat averse to trouble the Russian Ambassador, Count Cassini -- who knows me -- to gain me admission to you; but concluded to try whether I could not gain my object in this more direct and democratic fashion. Very respectfully Yours B. MacGahan.[For attachment see ca. 2-1-03, Mac Gahan]BMG 1445 Massachusetts Ave. Highland Terrace. Washington, D.C. February 1. [*[03?]*] Dear Sir. Will you kindly let the president see the enclosed letter? I must own that I am an old time residential correspondent in the United States on behalf of the Russian political dailies; but in the present instance, I assure you, I have no professional object in view whatever; but, having to leaveWashington at the end of the week I should live to offer to Mr Roosevelt my personal thanks for a service rendered me, as well as the assurance of the very high esteem in which I have long since learned to hold him, as a public man. Knowing fully well how extensive are the claims on the President's time I will certainly curtail my call on him to a couple of minutes if need be, and will not take undue advantage of the courtesy of Mr Roosevelt if he finds it possible to receive me. Very respectfully yours B. Mac Gahan.[For 1. attachmnt see ca 2-1-03 cards][For 1. attachment see ca. 2-1-03 cards][*Ackd 2-2-1903*] EXCELSIOR [*PPF PR*] STATE OF NEW YORK EXECUTIVE CHAMBER ALBANY Feb 1st 1903 My dear Mr President, The appointment of Capt Dickey (if confirmed) for R.R. Commissioner will cause a vacancy in Shipping Commission at New York. I don’t believe that the selection of a New York City man will be of any service to you, while in the customary the selection of an upstate man will. For years Senator Platt has promised Winters of Saratoga a position and in view of events that are now transpiring at Albany I think will go a great way towards strengthening you for 1904. I think I can convince you of this at a personal interview. The death of my sister has so changed mymy plans that I [can] have of course cancelled all of my social functions and this will therefore permit me to come to Washington much sooner than I expected perhaps not later than the 10th [inst.] of Feb. I desire you however to keep this fact entirely quiet because I want to talk to you long and earnestly without having my arrival headlined in advance I suppose because of my desire to reward my friend Dickey I have committed an unpardonable offense which has however in no way injured either the party or myself. Jim Sherman I may possibly take care of that depends upon circumstances, if not however I hope that this new judgeship you will soon have at your disposal will not be finalised until I can see you. Enemies of both yours and mine are at work [and] but withState of New York Executive Chamber Albany a perfect understanding we can compass these attacks and have our party behind us. Will you drop me a line upon receipt of this note, assuring me of your intentions to wait until I can see you and in the meantime consider what I have written as absolutely and strictly confidential. With kind regards to to yourself and Mrs. Roosevelt in which Mrs. Odell joins me. Sincerely yours B. B. Odell Jr European Fireproof Great Northern Hotel. R. H. Southgate. J.C. Roth Assistant Manager. Chicago, February 1st 1903 My dear Mr President Such a good letter came to me from mother this week, written with her own hand, and so full of gratitude for all the loving kindness that is showered upon her in her illness from everywhere, and a half shame-faced pride in the dispatch from you and Mrs Roosevelt. She did not want it at first, for she did not believe it could be for her, and it was only after some persuasion and argument that the letter was brought home to her. Her letter was written seven days later, and she was then sitting up. There was no sign of weakness in her writing, though thedoctor warns me that I must not feel to buoyed up by her apparent strength. But even so, she has had a great joy and her sick room has been wonderfully brightened by it. God bless you both for it ! She is the sweetest, dearest, gentlest all mother in all the world. I gather, although not very clearly, that she has written to thank you, for she says that she may have offended against form, but her motherheart was in it. I tell her truly that she need not fear: the same hearts which dictated the message will understand and meet the yearning reference in her's. You have made her and me very happy. I am counting the weeks till I can return to her. Wherever I go they have heard of your loving message and ask me how mother is. The world is full of good, kind people, is it not? Ever gratefully yours Jacob A Riis[*Ackd 2-4-1903*] Princeton, New Jersey 1 February, 1903 My dear Mr. President, I have just learned that, out of thoughtful consideration for me, in view of the death of my dear father only ten days ago, the Princeton Men in Washington have postponed for a few weeks the dinner they were to have given on Thursday evening next. I had meant to attend the dinner, of course, as an official duty, not a privatepleasure, and I had looked forward with the greatest gratification to spending the previous night, the night of the [twenty] fourth, with you. But I must confess that, though I would not have asked for the postponement of the dinner, it jumps with my feelings. I am for the time being in no spirits for pleasure. I feel, therefore, that I am relieving you of a sad quest in asking you not to expect me on Wednesday, and in begging that you will pardon my seeming lack of appreciation in doing so. Of course you were making no special arrangements for my entertainment. I hope, therefore, that I am causing you no inconvenience. It goes hard to deny myself the pleasure of seeing you and of speaking with you about things which I am surehold the thoughts of both of us; but I know that you will understand and approve. With warmest regard and appreciation. Faithfully Yours, Woodrow Wilson The President of the United States(Copy) The Messenger, 27 & 29 West 16th St. New York. Feb. 1, 1903. Hon. Eugene A. Philbin, Dear Mr. Philbin:-- It was very kind of you to go to all that trouble in behalf of my applicant for the Detective Bureau. Pity we cannot have chaplains for our police force, who are really our peace armies. At least the priests and ministers might exert more influence than they do, quietly, of course, and not a la Parkhurst. Were I in parish duty, it is just such factors within my lines I should work on, as they can hinder so much evil and do much good. What a happy choice that is of President Roosevelt for the Manila Bench! Mr. McDonough is a man of such fine principle and so very loyal, always true to his convictions and never untrue to his friends. I am so glad that the President has given him this great mark of confidence, because he holds the President in highest esteem. In the Messenger for February, we have the Bull of Pope Leo XIII to the Church in Manila. Within a week I hope to have it in neat pamphlet form, and shall send you some copies. I judge from the Manilan news I receive, that the people out there are satisfied that matters will be arranged without further appeal to public sentiment here. There is a slight irritation with Gov. Taft for seeming to favor Aglipay, but it is only seeming, since he has to temporize with these men, and besides he has adroitly warned them they must look to-2- the courts for adjudication of their claims to any Church property they may possess. The issue some people are trying to make of the death of Padre Agostino, is purely a political one, and there is no ground of appeal to religious sentiment on his account. He chose to run risks which were perfectly clear to him. There is so much demand on genuine sentiment in life that one has none to waste on men who get what they bargain for. Yours very truly, John J. Wynne, S.J.[Enc in Philbin, 2-11-03][*[CA 2-1-03]*] [*Confidential*] Col. Boynton says that as far as he has been able to learn it could be undesirable -- that her standing is doubtful. He thinks Geo. Kennan could tell more about her. He himself knows but little, beyond the fact that she is believed to be a secret agent of the Russian government.[*1917*] [*[C A 2-1-03]*] [SHORTHAND] The President says tell her Mrs. Roosevelt cannot make any other engagements at present and to ask Kennan he (the President) ought to see her ack. Mr. Kennan by telephone TR[*[C A 2-4-03]*] [SHORTHAND] Memorandum: Mr. Kennan states that he has known Mrs Mac Gahan for a number of years; that he knows nothing whatever to her discredit and no reason why she should not be permitted to call to see the President; that she is not a revolutionist or anything of that sort, but rather an adherent and supporter of the government, of perfectly good repute, and, he thinks, is an American citizen; that she supports herself by writing for the leading Russian newspapers, among them the Moscow Gazette; that she is the widow of the famous war correspondent, whose body was brought to this country on a United States war vessel. Mr. Kennan does not think she has any connection with the Russian government. [*I have not yet written Mrs Mac Gahan that Mrs. Roosevelt cannot see her.*][attached to Mac Gahan, 2-1-03] [ca 2-1-03]Mrs. B. Mac Gahan. 1445 Massachusetts Avenue Highland Terrace [128 West Seventy First Street] Washington Mrs. B Mac Gahan, respectfully request the honor to be informed when could she present her respects to the mistress of the White House. Resident Correspondent of the "Moskovskya Viedomosti " Russia. [attached to Mac Gahan 2-1-03] [ca. 2-1-03]Mrs. B Mac Gahan. Resident Correspondent of the "Moskovskya Viedomosti" Russia. 1445 Massachusetts Ave Highland Terrace Washington Mrs. B. Mac Gahan. 128 West Seventy First Street New York[*Ackd 2-3-1903*] United States Senate, Washington, D.C. Feb. 2nd 1903. Mr. President, I was very sorry immediately afterwards, that I said anything to you this morning about the appointment of Canal Commissions. I feared that you might construe it as an effort upon my part to connect that matter with the subject about which you wished to see me, and I assure you that I had no such thoughts. I hope I am incapable of doing anything of that kind. When you spoke of Arkansas affairs it came to my mind that I had intended to let you know that I was favorable to Senator Jones appointment and that I would say so then. That was [are] the only reason that I mentioned it. Very Respectfully yours, James H. BerryThe Commercial Advertiser. Established 1797. 187 Broadway and 5&7 Dey Street, Editorial Department. New York. Feb. 2nd, 1903. [SHORTHAND] [*Ackd 2/3/1903*] Dear Mr. President:-- If it is really important that I should bring Williams on to see you, I shall, of course, do so willingly. I am, however, so tied up with important engagements during the present week that I cannot get away without missing some things which are of great moment to me. I know you wish me to be frank always about coming when you ask me to do so. I think Williams is going to do just what you wish without further urging from you. If he does not and you are still at all uneasy about the matter and think I can be of any service to you in regard to it, let me know and I will drop everything and come on to Washington with him. Thank you many times for your friendly letter about my "anti" article. The chief pleasure I have in writing is found in the satisfaction which I occasionally give you. Yours always, J. B. Bishop. President Roosevelt.[*Ackd 2-11-1903*] [*[2-2-03]*] [*FEB 10 12 - 51 PM 1903*] Subject - [F]RED Herria's Stories of Cuba and Larimore- [*2/*] Jack Rheuter - Marquis De MoresColumbia Falls. Mont. 2/2/03 [*Ackd 2-11-1903*] Subject: - Fred Herrig = Stories Of Bad Lands Sir : - I am doing a series of stories as told by frontier types of actions connected with their life x Dealing principally with men now serving x One of these men = FRED HERRIG, who seems to have been with you during the time you were in the Badlands, who went to Cuba with your regiment, and who is now a ranger on the2 Flathead Forest range, has given me his story of the time of the supposed challenge to duel issued by the Marquis de Mores to you x Herrigs story is so vastly different from any already published that I intend using it, if it is a correct account of what took place. As the stories are being run in all the Northwestern Press syndicate papers I am anxious of course to have them reliable = as consequence of this fact I 3 want to first lay before you his account. If it is not correct I desire to know and if so will assure you that the story will not receive further attention. Herrig says = Briefly = 1st That he was with you in Larimore at the time the challenge was issued by the Marquis. 2nd You had come out from the East and had taken him in your employ. 3rd That you had been in the neighborhood4 Some time but having made up your mind not to have anything to do with Mores had not called upon him. 4th It seems that De Mores had taken exception to this fact = rather considered it a slight. 5th That you and Herrig were on the street together in L- when you were approached by the Marquis, sho was dressed as usual = weighted with cartridges etc. approaching De Mores spoke to you and of course without being absolutely rude you could5 not avoid returning the salute. 6th De Mores asked why you had not called = You evaded the question - He insisted in knowing why seemed indignante He kept on insisting and in usueal bluff manner demanded your reason. 7th You then said that you had not called because you had no desire to do so. That you thought that a good reason for not having done so. De Mores again insisted. You then said that since he insisted you would say that you6 did not approve of his conduct and associates. That you did not think it to any mans credit to be seen in his company. That you formed your own opinion and had made up your mind to that effect. 8th De Mores became extremely indignant and all that but knew that he could not carry on his high handed acts with you. That is was on the street = Many people in view and that he knew you had many friends on hand, if you needed them.5 9th De Mores left and a short time later you received a formal challenge to fight a duel. 10th you did not reply in the usual way but wrote your reply and forwarded it for publication in a paper published in a near by town. The reply was published. In the reply you went on to say that you had been challenged to fight a duel by the Marquis de Mores. That you were not perfectly8 familiar with the code of honor, but as you understood it - you being the challenged party had the right to choose the weapons. But as the Marquis de Mores was a tenderfoot and a foreigner and not up on American coustoms you would wave your rights to him. However you were ready to fight him in any manner from a fair fist fight to gattling guns. 11th The publishing of you reply caused such merriment among the citizens that the Marquis never had, at least so far as the public9 knew, occasion to call your attention to the challenge. Another Story of Herrig = He was in your employ when their came up a minor election. Fifteen men were to vote. Eight men were in your employ? and seven with another outfit. You could carry the election if all voted your way. Herrig had however given his promise to the other side. You talked to him and said you desired him to vote your way. He told you of his promise and said he10 did not see how he could go back on his word. You and Herrig rode to the voting place, voted and waited for some more voters, as each one arrived he voted and then entered a game = You walked around smoking and enjoying yourself as best you could. The game grew = lasted all day = All votes are cast and counted = Your side had lost by one vote = Herrigs. You thanked those who had voted for your side and together you and Herrig mounted and returned. On the way you told Herrig you though11 more of him than ever owing to the fact that he had stuck to his word. --- This man Herrig rode sixty miles in a storm = at the time he was injured and sick = so that he could register and not loose his vote at the last national election. and from the day of registration to Nov. 4th was ill. When he learned the result of the election he forgot his illness and has not lost a day since. I spent five days with him in his cabin on12 the Flathead Forrest reserve. His place is the best equipt and neatest of all the cabins I have visited. He talks of his return from Cuba and visit to Oyster Bay. Tells how he worked to recover the guns = wanted to down those Indian's. Tells of a trip into Sandiaga with you when he took on to much native drink and got on the wrong horse. How he lay under a fly the day of its famous "Round Robin" = and while apparently asleep listened to the conversation about same. He has a number of your letters and thinks more of them than he does of his Russian wolf hound13 or horses = and that means much. There are many things he tells of - quietly - Cuba and his story of the campaign = being a quaint - as you say "dutchman who hates the dutch" his story is good. With Herrig is his old time partner = Jack Rheuter - six feet two inches = The man who lay in prison so long charged with murder by the De Mores crowd = who was finally cleared = His account of Larimore go with Herrigs. This has been rather long to tax you with but could barely have been done in less and if14 fear many vital points have been lost. The latter end regarding Herrig and Rheuter have been added feeling that you would perhaps be pleased in knowing something personal about Herrig and Rheuter = If I had two such friends I certainly would want to know about them = It is no joke = these men are honest and would go any place or do anything you might wish = With two such fellows near one - one could go any place. They would be faithful and no confidence could be placed in such men. I am Yours Truly S. Claude Burr[For attach see [ca . 3-10-03]Department of State, Washington, February 2, 1903. Dear Mr. President:- I return the corrected treaty, with your message to accompany it. I should be glad if you could get it to the Senate to-day, as it will save something in time of ratification. Yours faithfully John Hay. [SHORTHAND] [*[Defer]*] [*[10]. 9.30 a.m*][*Ackd*] [*2-3-1903*] Department of State. Washington, February 2, 1903. Dear Mr. President: This is the report on Mr. Mahlon Van Horne, of Rhode Island, who is now Consul at St. Thomas. It bears out the statement of the Consular Bureau that he is an unsatisfactory officer. If you wish to give this place to Senator Scott's friend, Payne, without notification to Rhode Island, Mr. Payne can be at once ordered before the Department for examination. Yours very sincerely John Hay [SHORTHAND]Department of State, Washington, February 2, 1903. Dear Mr. President:- In reply to your note enclosed, I send a report on the matter referred to. Faithfully yours John Hay [*in re - list of Presidents' appointments & reappointments of colored men by [P?????]*][*File*] [*C. F.*] Speaker's Room, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. February 2,1903 To the President: Replying further to your letter of February twenty-sixth,1903, in which you ask the question:- "Is it not possible for the House to pass a Resolution reciting the amended Cuban treaty and saying that whenever the Senate adopts such a treaty it shall take effect?" I have examined this question and consulted with many of my colleagues and am satisfied that such a resolution could not be passed in the session at this time. There is no question, in my opinion, but that we have the power to do so, yet as to the propriety of it there is a very united sentiment against any such action. I am, Mr. President, with very great respect, Very truly yours, D B Henderson [*[Henderson]*][*Ackd*] [*2-3-1903.*] LAW OFFICE OF HOLLS, WAGNER & BURGHARD, 120 BROADWAY NEW YORK. FREDERICK Wm. HOLLS. LOUIS A.WAGNER. EDWARD M. BURGHARD. [*Private: Not for the Public Files.*] February 2nd, 1903. Dear Mr. President: Not having seen the exact text of the Alaskan boundary agreement I refrain from expressing a decided opinion about it on the merits. The newspapers, however, do state emphatically that the question is referred to six jurists, three English and three American, with power, by a majority vote, to determine the question. It is further stated that the treaty has been recalled for verbal correction in that this body of men was called a tribunal of arbitration, and it is stated that the view of our Government is "that it is not a tribunal of arbitration, for the reason that it consists of an even number of members without an umpire." If these statements are correct, it seems to me that the views of the Government are based upon a serious misapprehension of fact, to which I take the liberty of most respectfully calling your attention in this letter. According to international law and usage the one essential feature of an arbitration is the constitution of the person or body, under any name desired, by mutual agreement of the parties in dispute, at the same time conferring upon such person or body the right to make an award which both parties expressly or by implication obligate themselves to accept and carry out. The number of members of2. Law Offices of Holls, Wagner & Burghard. 120 Broadway, New York. FREDERICK Wm. HOLLS. LOUIS A.WAGNER. EDWARD M. BURGHARD. the body so constituted is emphatically not an essential principle. All this was so clearly recognized as an established principle of international law and usage, that it was adopted into the Hague Treaty for the Peaceful Settlement of International Difficulties, of which Article 34 provides: "The umpire shall "preside over the tribunal. When the tribunal does not in - "clude an umpire, it shall appoint its own presiding officer". In my commentary on this article, made three years ago, I used the following language, (p. 278): "The Comittee recognized " the great importance of having an uneven number of arbitrators " wherever possible. At the same time tribunals with an even " number may sometimes be preferred, as in the case where such " a tribunal was expressly provided for under Article 6 of the " proposed Treaty of Arbitration between Great Britain and the " United States." In other words, Mr. President, the pending treaty, according to the above newspaper reports, which have not been denied or corrected, provides for an arbitration of the Alaska boundary dispute,- a question which you personally and many of your friends, following your lead, have for years emphatically declared to be one which was not fairly susceptible of arbitration. I can understand that your opinion on the subject has3. Law Offices of Holls, Wagner & Burghard, 120 Broadway, New York. Frederick WM. Holls. Louis A. Wagner. Edward M. Burghard. been changed for good and sufficient reasons of state, if that be so; but I cannot believe that the Government of the United States can hold that the merits of the proposition are in any way affected by a change in nomenclature. During my stay in London last summer I had long and interesting conversations on this subject with the highest leaders of both political parties, and with other men of great prominence. From all of these conversations I gathered the strong conviction that beyond another perfunctory attempt the present Government of Great Britain, with the cordial assent of the opposition, would decline to advocate the Canadian claims much longer. I would have reported this experience to you on my return had I believed that there was the slightest shadow of danger that a proposition for arbitration, with an even or uneven number of judges, or under any name, or upon any condition, might ever receive your sanction; and furthermore, though I knew that I acted with perfect propriety and entire discretion, I did not wish to obtrude information upon you which presumably you had received elsewhere. I now regret very deeply my omission. It would be folly to deny that the political effect of this treaty is very likely to be exceedingly grave. Upon this branch of the subject, however, it is manifestly impossible for4. Law Offices of Holls, Wagner & Burghard. 120 Broadway, New York. Frederick Wm. Holls. Louis A. Wagner. Edward M. Burghard. me to write with the same freedom which I could use in conversation. I feel that having been honored with your friendship and confidence I can do no less than to offer to report and advise with you fully on this serious feature of the situation, and if you will kindly appoint a time for an audience, say on Friday or Saturday of this week, I will leave pressing engagements, and report in person at the White House. From the strictly political point of view, letters which I receive from the West and other information of absolute correctness, regarding especially what we, for convenience sake , call the "German vote," are worthy of attention. I also feel that I am doing you a service in advising you to consult upon this entire subject such a staunch, true and loyal friend of yours, and a publicist of such wide influence as Albert Shaw. I am sure he would be delighted to give you the result of his extremely thorough and careful study of the situation. I have the honor to remain, Dear Mr. President, with sincerest respect and regard, Your obedient servant, Frederick W. Holls[*Ackd 2-4-1903 FEB 3 2- 56 PM 1903*] Cornell University Political Economy and Politics Ithaca, N.Y., Feb. 2, 1903 To the President Washington, D.C. Dear President Roosevelt : Saturday in New York I learned of an ingenious plan which the Democrats are proposing regarding Trust legislation. The scheme is to introduce and urge a bill for the voluntary incorporation by the federal government of corporations doing an interstate business. The bill is to be practically a copy of the "New York Business Companies' Act : 1900" bill which you approved and recommended to the New York Legislature, but it will of course be adapted to the federal government. Neither my informant nor I knows certainly whether this plan will be carried out. It is certain that it is under serious consideration by some prominent Democrats in the House. They think that it will rather seriously embarrass the Republicans to reject it, and that it is too rigid a bill for them to approve. While doubtless if there were plenty of time the bill could be somewhat improved in its adaptation to the federal government, it is still a much better one, as long as it is voluntary, than would be likely to be passed under the pulling of various conflicting interests if the matter were taken up deliberately. Federal incorporation is probably constitutional. While in the report of the United States Industrial Commission I opposed the plan of the ground that it was altogether too centralizing in its tendency, later investigation has convinced me that it has not that tendency to a serious degree, and I do not believe that bill madeCornell University Political Economy and Politics -2- voluntary would do the slightest harm to any business interests. Since, with the possibility that this form of attack may be made, you may wish to have the Attorney General or some members of Congress look over the bill with reference to possible action regarding it, I am sending in the same mail a copy of the bill as it was reported by the New York Senate Judiciary Committee. The reasons for some of the provisions that seem most radical and others that seem most liberal are given in the Appendix to my book on The Trust Problem of which there is a copy in the Congressional Library. Very sincerely yours J. W. Jenks.[For 1 enc. see ca. 2-2-03, Jenks][*ackd 2/3/1903*] GEO. GEBBIE VICE PRESIDENT A. R. KELLER PRESIDENT CABLE ADDRESS GEBBIE SOLE PUBLISHERS THE COMPLETE WRITINGS OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT UNIFORM EDITION GEBBIE AND COMPANY 714 SPRUCE STREET PHILADELPHIA, PA. [SHORTHAND] February 2, 1903. Mr. George B. Cortelyou, Washington, D. C. My dear Sir:- Your letter of the 31st ultimo at hand, in answer to ours of the 30th regarding the title pages of the four volumes. We note the President does not think a sub-title necessary. In explanation of our request I want to call the President's attention to the fact that we have put sub-titles on all of the other eighteen volumes, and to continue the uniformity of the entire set it is necessary, in our opinion, that these volumes should also have some sort of sub-title. I should appreciate it very much if you would call this fact to President Roosevelt's attention. Yours very truly, A. R. Keller[For 1. attachment see ca. Feb. 1903][*File*] Mr. Williams Loeb Sr., and family appreciate and were greatly touched at the thoughtfulness of the President and Mrs. Roosevelt in sending the flowers, on the occasion of their great sorrow. 249 State St., February second, Nineteen hundred and three.TELEGRAM. [✓] White House, Washington. 9 WU 0 GI 108 Paid------8:15p Indianapolis, Ind., February 2, 1903. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. Washington, D.C. I am today advised that one Lycurgus Lindsay and his attorneys are in Washington making representations to State Department regarding certain mining property in litigation in Mexico and that they propose going to the President direct. Please say to the President that this is the case concerning which Dr. Jameson visited him at Oyster-Bay, last summer and Jameson and I are vitally interested. We charge Lindsay with gross fraud. We shall present our case regularly at State Department. Meantime we wish the President to know this much that he may not be deceived or misled by these people if they carry out their proposal to call on him. Harry S. New.OFFICE OF THE THIRD ASSISTANT SECRETARY. [*2/2/03*] Mr. Secretary I am called to Cambridge by the death of my brother-in-law returning on Tuesday - I submit here a brief of the case against Van Horne Consul at St Thomas W. I. There are both charges against him from persons who have sent him money and by the bureaux of the Dept. for failure in his duties. H. H. D. Pierce[For 1 enc. see memo re Van Horne ca 2-2-03.][*Ackd 2-3-1903. AY FEB 3 12- 26 PM 1903*] State of New York, Supreme Court Chambers. Rome, N.Y. W.E. Scripture. February 2nd, 1903. My dear President:- There is a report current that McMillin is soon to retire from the Supreme Bench of New Mexico. George S. Klock of Utica would like the appointment. He has been District Attorney of Oneida Country for two terms and performed its duties with great ability and credit. He read law with me and was with me for seven years and I personally know that he is fit for the position named. He has throat trouble and through the advice of physicians has lived in New Mexico and is now stopping in Denver Col., In fact, he has not been in this County only about two weeks near Christmas time after 16 months. He had a hemorrhage and had to return to the West. The climate of New Mexico seems to agree with him. If you can see your way clear to appoint him, I am sure you will never regret it and that the same will be creditable to the appointing power. Your friend, W. E. Scripture To the President, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C.[*ackd 2-2-1903*] [[shorthand]] [*[2-2-03]*] British Embassy Feb 2, 1903 Dear Mr Cortelyou, Will you kindly ask the President whether he will be good enough to receive me tomorrow or next day in order to present Captain de Chair the new NavalNaval Attachè! Yrs very truly Michael H Herbert[*[ca. 2-2-03]*] MEMORANDUM OF CHARGES against Mahlon Van Horne, of Rhode Island, Consul of the United States, St. Thomas, W. I. On October 3, 1902, the Department sent to Mr. Van Horne a letter from Mr. H. F. Coleman, stating that six months previous to that time he had sent $60.00 to Mr. Van Horne for the purchase of postage stamps but had received no reply to the letter. On October 27, 1902, the Department called upon Mr. Van Horne for an explanation of his failure to reply to a letter from Mr. F. H. Farrell, dated August 1901, enclosing $5.00 for the purchase of postage stamps. December 8, 1902, Mr. Van Horne was asked to explain his failure to reply to a letter from H. W. Benn, dated almost a year before enclosing $2.00 for postage stamps. On December 26, 1902, the Department called upon him to explain his failure to reply to a letter from Mr. W. L. Babcock, enclosing $2.00 for postage stamps, and on January 2, 1903, Mr. Van Horne was asked to report concerning his failure to reply to a letter from Mr. William C. Merrill, dated a year before, enclosing $10.00 for the purchase of postage stamps.2. There is conclusive evidence in the Department's possession of Mr. Van Horne's receipt of several of the sums of money mentioned. In transmitting Mr. Merrill's complaint the Department called Mr. Van Horne's attention to his failure to reply to instructions and directed him peremptorily to either purchase and forward the stamps requested by the various persons or to remit to the Department a draft covering the several amounts of money. Although it takes only six days for a letter to reach St. Thomas from New York, practically a month has elapsed and no reply has been received from the Consul. Various complaints have been made against Mr. Van Horne for failure to reply to letters requesting commercial information, which consuls are usually willing, and in fact are expected to furnish. The attention of the Department has been directed on several occasions to his failure to comply with promises made by him in his private business relations. Mr. Van Horne's whole work at St. Thomas and his correspondence with the Department have been most unsatisfactory. He has as a rule shown great lack of intelligence in carrying out the Department's instructions, and to many instructions he has made no reply whatever. St. Thomas, West Indies, Mahlon Van Horne, Consul. ---o0ooo--- From C. June 28, 1900. Nomination Prosper H. Moron, Vice Con. To Con. July 7, 1900. Moron appointed. Bond enclosed. From Con. No.169. August 4, 1900 Moron's bond with alien sureties. To Con. August 15, 1900. Bond returned, and new form enclosed for United States sureties. No reply. To Con. February 11, 1901. Reminder of V.C.Bond. New forms enclosed. Must be furnished without further delay. No reply. To Con. September 25, 1901. Reminder V.C.Bond. Asked to explain neglect to reply to previous despatches, and to furnish bond at once or Moron would be dropped. From Con. November 4, 1901. No.209. Last blank bond was sent to American Surety Company. To Con. May 31, 1902. Informed if Moron did not furnish bond by June 30, 1902, his name would be dropped from the list. From Con. July1, 1902. (Telegram) Request time complete Moron bond. To Con. July 10, 1902. Moron dropped. Nominate another man From Con. August 11, 1902. Nomination A.Schroeder, Vice Consul. Moron could not furnish bond because he would not answer questions of American Surety Company. To Con. September 30, 1902. Schroeder appointed Vice Con, and form of bond enclosed. From Con. No.236. November 7, 1902. Form of bond for Vice Consul not received. To Con. November 19, 1902. Another form enclosed. No reply. [Enc. in Peirce 2-2-03][*Prof*] [*[ca 2-2-03]*] Jenks, J.W. Ithaca, N.Y. [SHORTHAND] Tells of an ingenious plan the Democrats are proposing regarding Trust legislation - to urge a bill for voluntary incorporation by the Federal Government of corporations doing an interstate business. Bill is to be practically copy of the "New York Business Companies' Act, 1900" bill, which the President approved and recommended to New York Legislature. (Is sending copy of bill by same mail)attached to Jenks 2-2-03[*[ca. Feb. 1903]*] There were only 4 books in all without sub-titles –- the three above-named & The Rough Riders, for which Mr. Loeb suggests the following as a sub-title -– "A history of the 1st U.S. Vol. Cavalry"[attached to Heller, 2-2-03][*Ackd 2-6-1903 Feb 5 8-50 AM 1903*] Booker T. Washington. Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute. Incorporated. Tuskegee, Alabama. February 3d, 1903. Personal and Confidential My dear President :- I write according to promise bearing upon my interviews with the editors of The Churchman and The Outlook. I had a long talk with Dr. McBee of The Churchman? I found that Dr. McBee did not disagree with you in what you had done except perhaps in the case of the Indianola matter, but he did disagree as to the method and time of making the Crum appointment and the Lewis appointment especially. I tried to express as best I could how these matters came about, but the main thing I tried to impress upon him was the fact that notwithstanding the outcry about your placing Negroes in office the facts showed that you had nominated but one colored man to office in the South in a locality where no colored man was holding office before you came into the Presidency, and that was the case of Dr. Crum. On the other hand, the net result of your Negro Southern appointments shows that there are two less Negroes holding Presidential offices in the South than was true under President McKinley. You have increased the quality of Negro officials inthe South and reduced the quantity. This fact I am getting into the ears of the people North and South wherever I have the opportunity. Dr. McBee said that he did not intend to have any more adverse editorials upon your position at present at least. I had a long conference with Dr. Lyman Abbott and Mr. Lawrence F. Abbot. Both of them, especially Mr. Lawrence F. Abbott, feels that they have been supporting your policy as they have understood it and were somewhat chagrined to feel that you had the feeling that they had not stood by you. Mr. Lawrence Abbott has already sent you his most recent editorials. Dr. Abbott is going to have an editorial in an early number of The Outlook which I think will place matters in a more satisfactory condition so far as The Outlook is concerned. I furnished Dr. Abbott a statement, as I did the editor of The Churchman, as to what you have actually done in the South in the appointment of Negro officials, and Dr. Abbott is going to use these facts in his editorial. I am now making an effort to get hold of some Southern editors with a view of trying to acquaint them with the facts in relation to your Southern appointments. Yours truly, Booker T. Washington[*Ackd 2-6-1903*] Booker T. Washington. Tuskegee Normal And Industrial Institute. Incorporated. Tuskegee, Alabama. February 3, 1903. Personal. Mr. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Washington, D. C. My dear Sir:- On the 12th of February, Lincoln's Birthday, the colored people are in the habit of holding large meetings especially in the Northern cities. Two on a large scale are planned for,- New York and Boston, and in these meetings I am reasonably sure that strong resolutions endorsing the President's policy in the South will be passed. I cannot but feel in the present state of public feeling that such resolutions if pretty generally passed all over the country will rather serve to put the President in an awkward position rather than help. if you will be kind enough to let me know the feeling of the President on this subject I can take measures to control these meetings in a large degree if I am notified in time. Yours truly, Booker T. Washington.Established 1878. THE EVENING POST LOUISVILLE KY "IF NEW AND TRUE, NOT OTHERWISE" Louisville, Ky., Feb. 3, 1903. RICHARD W. KNOTT, Editor. BOYLE G. BOYLE, Managing Editor. Mr. John R. Proctor, Washington, D.C. My Dear Proctor:- I am obliged to you for calling the attention of the Postmaster General to my letter. I sent it to you because I know so many of these letters never reach the person for whom they are intended. I share with you a certain feeling of disappointment at the recent outbreak in the South of antagonism to the President. It is marvelous to me how little it takes to inflame the southern mind and drive not the people but the leaders to extremes. I think the outbreak is largely manufactured by the politicians, Democrats and Republicans, who do not like to see the offices slipping away from the machines. The principal offenders are the Courier-Journal, the Atlanta Constitution and the New Orleans newspapers, and when they start out on a crusade, the other journals in a position of less advantage, are almost compelled to follow. Once the movement begins, it is the man who can outdo all others in his extravagance that receives the most applause and the most support. And yet, there are men, usually cautious, conservative and well balanced, who seem to be driven to a kind of frenzy whenever any question relating to the negro becomes matter for public discussion. We must not under-estimate the power of this feeling over men ordinarily reasonable. On the contrary, it seems to me well to take it into careful consideration and avoid making an issue, avoid even accepting an issue. It is aEstablished 1878. THE EVENING POST LOUISVILLE KY "IF NEW AND TRUE, NOT OTHERWISE" Feb. 3, 1903. RICHARD W. KNOTT, Editor. BOYLE G. BOYLE, Managing Editor. Mr. John R. Proctor. (2) subject that I rarely discuss in the paper unless I have to, because it is not one that can be frankly and fully discussed. Whether or not there is a powder magazine in the South I am not prepared to say. I think better, both of the whites and the blacks in the South, than most people seem to think, better than they think of themselves; but a large part of the southern people believe that there is a powder magazine, therefore they are not willing to discuss coolly the question of cigarette smoking. I think the President has done the South a good service. I have the utmost confidence in his purposes and in his ability and courage. Wherever I can say a word that will stay the rising passion, I say it, and when I cannot say it and get a hearing, I keep quiet. I imagine that in this matter the President is actuated by what may be called abstract principles. He believes firmly in the equality - the legal equality - of all men. He would have that equality recognized by all men. While he has not run so directly counter to southern prejudices as Mr. McKinley, he has allowed his opponents in the South, these blatant demagogues, to force certain issues upon him which I should like to have seen him avoid, because I believe that in avoiding them he would have accomplished more for the real good of the service and for the real good of the country. I was struck the other night in reading a passage from Rufus Choate. He was making a speech on the Bank Bill which he ardently favored. The southern people were asking for an amendment forbidding the establishment of a branch bank in any State without theEstablished 1878. THE EVENING POST LOUISVILLE KY "IF NEW AND TRUE, NOT OTHERWISE" Feb. 3, 1903. RICHARD W. KNOTT, Editor. BOYLE G. BOYLE, Managing Editor. Mr. John R. Proctor. (3) consent of that State. Mr. Choate said that he had no doubt whatever of the constitutional power of Congress to establish such branch banks without the consent of the southern people, but that if the banks were to be established they must have local approval and support, and confidence; therefore, he preferred to accept the amendment. He preferred the bill thus amended to the bill without that amendment, advancing among other arguments this: "All things which are lawful are not convenient, are not practicable, are not wise, are not safe, are not kind. A sound and healing discretion, therefore, a moral coercion of irresistible circumstances may fitly temper and even wholly restrain the exercise of the clearest power ever belonging to human[e] government." I think the President has been unjustly assailed. I think he has been denied that credit due him from the people of the South for the work he has done for public services in the South; but he must be wary, he must be on his guard, he must not allow his zeal even in a good cause to carry him farther on a certain path than he can carry his supporters with him. Had you been in Kentucky during the past six or eight years you would understand something of the temporary power of false issues, something of the ease with which partisan passion can be aroused and is aroused for the definite purpose of obscuring real issues and real interests. I had hoped not for a continuation of this controversy but forEstablished 1878. THE EVENING POST LOUISVILLE KY "IF NEW AND TRUE, NOT OTHERWISE" Feb. 3, 1903. RICHARD W. KNOTT, Editor. BOYLE G. BOYLE, Managing Editor. Mr. John R. Proctor. (4) a diversion of some kind, some new thing that would occupy the public mind and fix public attention, carrying it away from the matters involved in the Indianaola postoffice in the appointment of Crum. In the West, on the prairies, when the settler[s] finds the wind bringing the fire nearer and nearer to his home, he kindles a flame of his own and makes the wind and the fire clear a space for him where he may find safety. There is a good deal of wisdom in this policy as applied to modern politics. I am thus rambling on in a personal, friendly letter to you merely that you may know that the friends of the President are strong, confident and hopeful. I feel that he will come out of this confusion benefited and more firmly fixed in public confidence than before. I am afraid the true interests of the South are being retarded and the progress of the South checked. It is this that gives me chief concern. We must always remember that the South is not governed by a Democracy, it is in the hands of a small governing class, not an aristocracy of intelligence or of wealth or of birth; but a small, governing class who maintain their position by their ability to arouse public passion at the wrong time, on the wrong issues. My hope has been that with the elimination of the negro vote, with all fear removed of negro domination, so-called, the white men of the South would begin to consider public questions dispassionately and divide along new lines. This outbreak indicates to me that that is the fear of the politicians and that in order to postpone that division ofEstablished 1878. THE EVENING POST LOUISVILLE KY "IF NEW AND TRUE, NOT OTHERWISE" Feb. 3, 1903. RICHARD W. KNOTT, Editor. BOYLE G. BOYLE, Managing Editor. Mr. John R. Proctor. (5) opinion, sentiment and action, they are seeking to drive back the white people with this cry of negro equality. There is a certain method, therefore, in this madness, but it is a method which cannot be combated openly. It is like poison in the blood. It requires on the part of the physician the greatest care, insight and patience. I was glad to get the statistics you refer to as being contained in Document #112 published by the National Committee in 1900. Can you send me that document? I use your figures today in an article in the Post but should like to have that document at hand. Facts like these I think will ultimately carry the truth home to the minds of the thoughtful people in the South. But these are facts it is difficult to secure. Someone at Washington ought to prepare a list giving the offices, and the name of the appointee, to which President McKinley appointed a negro and a like list showing what President Roosevelt has done in this regard. Such a comparison might weaken the President's hold in certain quarters of the Republican organization; therefore, I do not think that it ought to come from his political associates, especially, but I should like to have these facts where I can put my hand upon them. I, too, believe that the southern people (speaking of them as a whole) are warm-hearted and generous. I think they will waken after a while to the fact that they have been ill-used and their confidence abused not at all by the President and his advisors, but by their own home politicians. With kind regards, I am, Yours truly, Richard W. Knott[*6*] Springfield, Minn, Feb 3, 1903 Werter Herr! Möchte hiermit Ihnen meinen Dank aussprechen für Ihr entschiedenes Eintreten gegen die Hetzereien gegen Deutschland. Es thut mir ordentlich wohl, wenn ich die Germania lesen kann, nachdem man durch erbärmlichen englischen täglichen Zeitungen fast zum Tollw....[?] geärgert wird. Obschon ich ein geborener Amerikanischer Bürger bin, kann ich mich durchaus nicht für den in den englischen Zeitungen zur Schau getragenen Patriotismus begeistern. Aber leider befürchte ich, daß Ihre so guten Betrebungen, den Krieg zu verhüten, vergeblich sind, da man höheren Orts dieselben nicht zu würdigen scheint, sondern sogar dagegen arbeitet [?] [Ey.?] Root. Und wie Sie selbst einmal sagten, dass Sie anfingen pessimistisch zu werden, so werden es auch viele. Aber[?] u. das ist meine [?] Meinung, Wehe der Partei, die solchen Krieg hervorruft. Und das meine ich, sollte den Herrn in Washington klar gemachtwerden. Geradk die Vermania ist dozu im Stende viel zuthür. Es lößt sich nichtleuchnen, daß die groß Majorität der deulschen Papublikener sind u. daß diefe die Repullikaner öfter zum Siege verholfen. Unter den Deutschen hot aber wohl keineZeitung solchen Piefliß als die Denmania u. ich, der ich früher ein Büger. von Wis wear, weise, daß die Hermania der Stoot Wise in der Joschehotu. sollte da die Vermanna, die doch viel beim Senalor Speoner gilt oder es doch sollte, denfellen nicht bewegen können, daß er den Pruidenten oder doch sonst jemand, der Aobinatsglieder gerenloss, sich einmal mit allem Graße dagegenzuerklären? Und wenn das nicht ginge, so könnte die Hermania entschieden so viel then, daß Sie jenen Herrn alsteckt u zwar auch indirektin ihrerZeitung, daß Sie wenn man an moßgebender Stelle nicht ehrliche Actwärtige Polilik treibe, nicht länger mit der Partei entweher werde, des wurk ein ersten helfen. Denndie Germania u. vielleicht einige andere Deutsche Zeitungen geben die Macht Rosevelt u. Consorten zu stürzen oder wieder ins Recht zu bringen. [?] aber würde Rosevelt sehr zur Vernunft bringen, als die Gefahr geschlagen zu werden. Und mit seiner Wiederwahl steht's doch nicht so glänzend, daß er ohne die Deutschen etwa fertigwerden könnte. Im Senat thut man doch jetzt schon genug, um [ihr?] abzuthun. Ich meine, die Germania sollte umso mehr zu diesem äußersten Mittel greifen, da diese Hetzereien in erster Linie doch gegen die Deutschen hier zu Lande gerichtet sind. Diese will man einmal eines verstehen[?] u. ihr Loyalität [?]. Es ist ein Jammer, daß die Deutschen diesen Hetzern nicht einmal zeigen, was eine Harke[?] ist, wie zur Zeit der [?]. Mit Gruß Ihr H. Baellcher[?].Enc in Schlamety 2-6-03[*File C F *] [*DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE. RECEIVED FEB 3 1903 PRIVATE SECRETARY.*] Department of Justice. TELEGRAM Received. No. SENT By — TIME. CHECK. RECEIVED BY — REMARKS. 1 2P. Govt. K 7—634 From Senate, February 3, 1903, The Attorney-General. Reported favorably from judiciary committees, your bill to advance anti-trust cases. Charles W. Fairbanks.[*Ackd 2-3-03*] [*[ca 2-3-03]*] United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. Monday. Personal Dear Mr. President, The Com. on the judiciary by a vote of 7 to 6 decided against the confirmation of Mr. Byrne of Delaware. This is to be regarded as informal and no report is to be made until you are fully advised, Mr. McComas will see you, and I will also confer with you soon as possible regarding the matter. Respectfully yours, Charles W. Fairbanks Mr President.[*Ackd 2/3/03.*] [*✓*] United States Senate, Washington. Feb. 3/1903 My dear-Mr-President I desire to thank you most heartily for the beautiful copy of your Canton speech on Pres't McKinley The sentiments expressed fit the subject and touch the hearts of his friends The 'souvenir" is to me doubly valuable in memory of McKinley and as a token of your esteem Sincerely Yours M A Hanna[*File*] Department of State, Washington, February 3, 1903. Dear Mr. President:- I have had some correspondence with Mr. White in regard to your proposed election as a member of The Pilgrims Club, and, as it appears that Mr. Brittain was in error in saying the King was to be an honorary member, I have directed Mr. White to write a civil note to the Club saying that you thank them for the proposed compliment, but think best not to accept membership in the Club. Yours faithfully John HaySECRETARY'S OFFICE, DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR. WASHINGTON, D. C. February 3, 1903. My dear Sir: I am in receipt of your letter of the 31st ultimo, and note the President's statement that a number of Alaska people have said to him that great caution should be exercised before following any or Mr. Ivey's recommendations, which were transmitted to me in your letter of the 24th ultimo. Very truly yours, E. A. Hitchcock Secretary. Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, White House.[*Ackd 2-5-1903*] [*Confidential*] INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION. WASHINGTON. Continental Hotel, Philadelphia, Pa., February 3, 1903. Hon. GEORGE B. CORTELYOU, Secretary to the President, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. Cortelyou: I enclose a letter to the President, but I am anxious that it should not be filed. I write it simply because I am detained here and therefore unable to call personally upon the President. If the President would only see Mr. Wanger, Speaker Henderson, or Mr. Dalzell-2- and get any two of them to agree I am sure the bill will pass, as we believe General Grosvenor is friendly. Every railroad employe of the country, who takes an interest in affairs, knows about this measure and looks for its passage. Think of a situation where only one railroad in the United States holds up a measure of supreme importance to the life and limb of a large class of our citizens! Please consider both communications, as far as you possibly can, confidential. I am, with great regard and respect. Edw. A. Moseley [*[MOSELEY]*][*Ackd 2-5-1903*] COMMISSION: GEORGE GRAY, JOHN M. WILSON, JOHN L. SPALDING, E. W. PARKER, E. E. CLARK, THOMAS H. WATKINS, CARROLL D. WRIGHT. OFFICERS: CEORGE GRAY, CHAIRMAN. CARROLL D. WRIGHT, RECORDER. ASSISTANTS TO RECORDER: EDWARD A. MOBELEY, CHARLES P. NEIL. Anthracite Coal Strike Commission. Continenta Hotel, Philadelphia, Penna., February 3, 1903. TO THE PRESIDENT: The bill, proposing seemingly necessary amendments to the Safety Appliance Law, in line with the recommendations contained in your Message to Congress, has passed the Senate, and, after some modification agreed to by the representatives of the railway employes in order to meet the expressed wishes of some of the representatives of the railway companies, was favorably reported by the House Committee. It now awaits action on the calendar. Its fate is in the hands of Mr. Wanger, who has charge of the bill, and the Committee on Rules, consisting of the Speaker, Mr. Dalzell and General Grosvenor. The necessity for these amendments is greater now than when they were introduced because decisions of the courts, which could not have been made if these amendments were a part of the law, have practically sapped the vitality from this law, which has effected-2- so great and far-reaching a humanitarian purpose. Mr. Clark, of the Conductors, has called these decisions to the attention of the Attorney General, who has taken an active interest therein, and who has expressed an intention to intervene, if permitted, with the hope of securing reversal of decision. So far as is known only one railway company is active in opposition to the amending bill. If something is not done soon this beneficent measure must fail. I am confident that if this bill is only given an opportunity it will undoubtedly pass within ten minutes and be the means of saving the lives and limbs of thousands of our valued citizens. I am, with great respect. Edw. A. Moseley [*Moseley*][For enc. see ca. 6-1902][*Ackd 2-4-1903*] The Churchman 47 Lafayette Place New York. Editorial Rooms. February 3, 1903. Mr. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to The President, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Secretary: Kindly bring the enclosed advance proofs of my editorial on "The President and the South" to the President's attention and greatly oblige me. I will have mailed to you tomorrow copies of the paper with the picture of the President for his use and your own. Very faithfully yours, Silas McBee Editor-in-Chief. [*[ McBEE]*][*Ackd 2-6-1903*] [*FEB 5 8-39AM 1903*] ANDREW M. LYNCH, PRESIDENT. ALBERT SCHONBECK CHARLES J. VOPICKA ERNEST McGAFFEY JOHN A. MAY, SECRETARY. CITY OF CHICAGO, BOARD OF LOCAL IMPROVEMENTS. Chicago, Feby. 3. 1903. Dear Colonel:- Looking over your books last night has impelled me to write you about my last hunt. We were in Mississippi County Arkansas, just across the river from where you were in Mississippi. The time was last December and we were 17 strong - 7 hunters, 2 guides, a cook and 7 hounds. We put up 4 tents, with a stove in the cook's tent and one in the sleeping tent, and canvas flies over the tents to keep things dry. We camped on a little side hill in virgin timber and close to a stretch of cypress swamps. It was the finest hunting ground imaginable. There wereANDREW M. LYNCH, PRESIDENT. ALBERT SCHONBECK CHARLES J. VOPICKA ERNEST McGAFFEY JOHN A. MAY, SECRETARY. CITY OF CHICAGO, BOARD OF LOCAL IMPROVEMENTS. 2 plenty of deer and turkeys, quite a few wild-cats, an occasional bear and panther and southeast from camp splendid goose and duck shooting, Swamp rabbits as big as fawns almost were thick, and plenty of fox and grey squirrels. Coons were plentiful and we found a bee-tree so we were kept busy. I often wished you had been with us. You would not have been "Mr. President," but just Theodore Roosevelt, and when it came your day to bring in the wood, you would have been given a good ax and a chance to go in and win. I had'nt chopped any wood for many years, but it came as natural as eating to me, You know the kind of timber we hunted in. Sweet gum, cottonwoodANDREW M. LYNCH, PRESIDENT. ALBERT SCHONBECK CHARLES J. VOPICKA ERNEST McGAFFEY JOHN A. MAY, SECRETARY. CITY OF CHICAGO, BOARD OF LOCAL IMPROVEMENTS. 3 ash, oak, and cypress, with green briar thickets that were "rippers" to get through and cypress knees to stumble over in the swamps. We still-hunted the deer, and turkey-hunting was carried on by means of callers mostly. I was the luckiest of the turkey-hunters, although I could'nt "call" to amount to anything. But the turkeys seemed to have a fatal habit of getting up out of briar patches at a distance of 30 or 40 yards and with 000 shot I could kill them every time. Of course it was like shooting at a haystack. One of the guides killed a turkey, but I got all the rest of the turkeys killed on the trip. They fairly "pestered" me when I went into the woods with theANDREW M. LYNCH, PRESIDENT. ALBERT SCHONBECK CHARLES J. VOPICKA ERNEST McGAFFEY JOHN A. MAY, SECRETARY. CITY OF CHICAGO, BOARD OF LOCAL IMPROVEMENTS. 4 Parker, When I took the Winchester I saw deer, but every time I shouldered a shot-gun the turkeys would hunt me up. We trailed a bear on 2 different days, but being without horses he distanced us. We got on a panther's trail one day and ran him through miles of swamp and thicket but he got away. On three different days we got a wild-cat with the dogs, one of them being a monster. Bobcat chasing with a pack of hounds was a perfect pandemonium of fun. The guides both had high, sweet voices that sounded further than the horns through the timber, To keep up with the dogs when the catANDREW M. LYNCH, PRESIDENT. ALBERT SCHONBECK CHARLES J. VOPICKA ERNEST McGAFFEY JOHN A. MAY, SECRETARY. CITY OF CHICAGO, BOARD OF LOCAL IMPROVEMENTS. 5 started for the swamps and cane required "bottom" and the baying of the hound the yelling of the guides and the general hullabaloo made the timber fairly ring. We had to carry compasses and once or twice someone got lost. I thought I would have to stay out all night once but held fast to the integrity of the compass and got into camp at ten oclock. The weather was pretty chilly, but we slept like logs, ate like starved men and had a glorious time. I wish you had been with us. The guides were very fine shots at running game & both used 32 cal. Winchesters. We got all the game we could eat & brought back some venison, turkey, & wild cat skins.City of Chicago, Board of Local Improvements. ANDREW M. LYNCH, PRESIDENT. ALBERT SCHONBECK CHARLES J. VOPICKA ERNEST McGAFFEY JOHN A. MAY, SECRETARY. 6 We are going to have a lively fight here this spring and elect Carter Harrison mayor. With Mrs McGaffey's and my own best regards and wishing to be remembered to your family. -- and with good luck to you always, Sincerely yours, Ernest McGaffey. P.S. Don't bother to answer or acknowledge this letter.[For one attachment see 2-3-03][*Ackd 2-6-1903*] State of New York Commissioner of Labor Albany February 3rd, 1903. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. My dear Mr. President,- You will be pleased to know that the appointment of Mr. McDonough to the Supreme Court in the Philippine Islands has given universal satisfaction to his many friends, Catholic and non-Catholic, and especially to Mgr. Farley, the new Archbishop of New York. My nephew, the Rev. Dr. McMackin, is an intimate friend of Archbishop Farley who has been to him always a kind father and benefactor. On last Saturday, in the course of an interview, my nephew brought up Mr. McDonough's appointment, and he tells me the Archbishop expressed his high esteem for-2- you and his deep appreciation of the appointment just made. "This is another proof to us," he said, "that President Roosevelt is determined to do the right thing by Catholics. It is the very best possible selection that could be made and I congratulate the President and our friend John." My nephew remarked that you naturally expected the support of Catholics under present difficulties and for your nomination in the future. Mgr. Farley replied that he thoroughly understood that. You have in him a warm friend and admirer and he is a friend worth having. I may add also, that the accession of Archbishop Farley has established more cordial relations between New York and St. Paul. Archbishop Farley is a very broad-minded man and thoroughly in sympathy with America. Mgrs. Ireland and Farley are very friendly. Elected Archbishop by the unanimous vote of the prelates here and at Rome, Mgr. Farley possesses in an unusual degree the esteem and confidence of Rome and of the entire American hierarchy. He is allied with no parties or factions and hence his word will carry immense weight here and at the Vatican. In his own diocese, he has already brought complete union and harmony among clergy and laity who love and revere him tenderly. I write you all this because I want you to know what a high regard the new Archbishop of New York has for you and how much we all appreciate your kindness to Mr. McDonough, as well as all your strenuous efforts to solve intelligently and justly the many difficult problems now coming before you. Believe me, dear President, with esteem and affection, Ever devotedly yours, Jno. McMackin. Personal.LAW OFFICES OF, ARMAND ROMAIN, MACHECA BUILDING, CANAL STREET, NEW ORLEANS. February 3rd, 1903. Hon. F. B. Williams, Chairman, Republican State Central Committee of Louisiana. Dear Sir:- From various sources I gather that the executive section of the committee of which you are the head has definitely decided to ignore me completely in the distribution of patronage now going on. To be more specific, I take it that the position of Surveyor of Customs for which I was a candidate, has been, or will be, awarded to some one else. The reports are to the effect that you consider the Second Congressional District already supplied with its quota of positions. My answer to that is that I was entitled to consideration as much as anybody in the Second District, or in the entire State for that matter, and it will not suffice, to tell me, at this time, that I would have been looked after; but for the fact that the district has already received its share of appointments. In enumerating the appointments, we are told that the Postmastership, and the Naval Office were not entirely within your control. If that be so, then, I say, the Second District cannot be justly charged with these two offices. Your entire Committee knows the services I have rendered [x] to the Republican party in this State since 1896. It would be neither modest nor necessary to enumerate them here. Suffice it to say, that in the hour of success, I was justified in expecting some reward or consideration at the hands of those I had helped to power. The result proves that I was mistaken. The disappointment is a bitter one. Rest assured, however, that my convictionsF. B. W. #2. remain unshattered. I am a Republican, and will continue to do what I can for the success of the policies advocated by the Party. But at the same time, let there be no misunderstanding about my attitude towards your Committee. Their treatment of me, I desire to stamp as unfair, unjust, inconsiderate, and indecent. I dislike to use stronger words of disapproval and resentment. It forces me to the belief that as I cannot receive fairness and justice at the hands of men, supposed to be my friends, I must consider them as my enemies. Let there be no misunderstanding between us in the future. Do not expect from me any party service. Look rather upon me as your avowed and open opponent. I shall fight you fairly and squarely; but as vigorously as I can. I shall endeavor to wrench from your committee, the control of the destinies of the party; and shall do so on grounds far more important than merely personal interest. I shall do my utmost to that end, not only in this City, but in every section of the State, where, I still have friends dear and true to me. Yours respectfully, Armand Romain. I have sent a copy of this letter to Hon. L. Clarke, National Committeeman.[Enc. in Williams 12-7-04]McGaffey Ernest Chicago Ill. Feb. 3, 1903. Outlines in detail a hunting trip he took last December in Arkansas - just across river from where the President was; wishes the President could have been with them. A lively fight is anticipated in Chicago, and they are going to elect Carter Harrison Mayor. Kind regards from himself and Mrs. McGaffey.[Attached to Mc Gaffy, 2-3-03][*[2-3-03]*] THE COURTS HOLD. That it is not necessary to equip locomotives or tenders with automatic couplers because the law does not so specifically provide. That a car is not in interstate traffic unless actually in transit in an interstate journey, loaded with interstate commerce, or being actually moved or handled in preparation of an interstate movement. In other words, a car having made an interstate journey is not in interstate traffic while being switched unless such switching is in actually preparing an interstate train. Nor is a car which has been loaded in one state with freight destined to another state, and which has been unloaded and is returning empty for another load, in "interstate traffic" while so returning empty. That the law does not require that cars shall be equipped with couplers which will couple automatically with those in use on another road even though the car goes to that other road in an interstate movement, That it does not even require that the care of one company shall be so equipped as to couple automatically with other cars of that company which may be equipped with another type of automatic coupler. In other words: It is only necessary that cars shall be equipped with automatic couplers which will couple automatically with their own kind of couplers. The effect of these decisions, if upheld, must be to defeat practically every effort to recover for personal injuries received while coupling cars which are equipped with automatic-2- couplers of different types; while coupling cars not actually in an interstate movement and loaded with interstate commerce, or while coupling locomotives or their tenders equipped with push bars or link and pin couplers, on to cars equipped with automatic couplers of any type.[ENCL IN MOSELEY 2-3-03][*Foulke*] Custom House, Surveyors Office, New York, February 4th, 1903. Sir: In response to your letter of January 29th, in which you sent me, by direction of the President, the report of the Civil Service Commission in the matter of raising funds among the Inspectors of the New York Custom House for campaign purposes, and saying he would like to hear from me on the subject, I would say that I did not receive it until the 3rd, on my return from Atlantic City, where I had been for two weeks on account of illness. I have made an investigation into the matter as much as I could in the short time since receiving the report, and herewith send my reply thereto. I also return herewith the report of the Civil Service Commission to the President. Yours respectfully, James S. Clarkson Surveyor. Mr. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington. (Enclosures)[FOR ENC. SEE CLARKSON TO T.R. 2-4-03]CUSTOM HOUSE, SURVEYOR'S OFFICE NEW YORK, February 4th, 1903. To the President: The report of the Civil Service Commission, dated January 28th, 1903, "Of an investigation made by the Commission in regard to the raising of funds among the Inspectors of the New York Custom House for campaign purposes and to promote the passage of a bill to raise Inspector's salaries from $4 to $5 per day", and sent to me as Surveyor of the Port, by Secretary Cortelyou, under date of January 29th, 1903, by your direction, did not reach me until yesterday owing to my absence from office for two weeks on account of illness. I, therefore, make my reply at the earliest opportunity. I want to make my communication as frank as I can make it and as truth shall require. Therefore, I will say that the report made to the Commission by Commissioner Foulke, and supported by the entire Commission in referring it to you, I find on my own investigation to be accurate in its statement of facts, but not correct in its inferences. First, it is true, as stated, that money was raised from the Inspectors during the political campaign of 1902 and raised through the efforts of Mr. Rosenfeld, some five thousand dollars in all. It was raised for and paid to the Republican Congressional Committee, and the inference that it was raised for, in whole or in part, or devoted, in whole or in part, "to aid in passing the Inspectors bill" is wholly incorrect. That it was raised by Mr. Rosenfeld's help at the solicitation of the Inspectors, as I am now told, is true; but the inference that Rosenfeld's action was inspired by me or known to me because of close friendship between Rosenfeld and myself in incorrect. I never knew that the money was to be raised or was being raised. When the Inspectors talked to me of raising a campaign fund, I told them that was something that we, as office-holders, could have no part in doing; and so far from advising them even to contribute, I stated to all who talked to me that I did not believe that any place holder with a salary of $2000 or less should be expected to contribute, and that I had always taken this position when connected with the Republican National Committee, as such a salary afforded no man more than an income for himself and family. Had I known that Mr. Rosenfeld was taking part in raising the money, I should have promptly asked him to desist,- not because he, as a private citizen, was not eligible to do so, but because of the fact from his nearness to me personally there might be the criticism and inference that are drawn in Commissioner Foulke's report to the Commission. Aside from this criticism, it is to be said that the raising of this campaign money was straightforward and as far from wholesome objection as the best of the various processes for raising money from officeholders (2) holders for political purposes ever are or ever can be. All that can be said in defense of such a practise at all can be said in defense of this instance. The money was raised for a contribution to the Congressional Committee and every cent of it was faithfully devoted to this end, and not a tithe of it devoted to any other purpose. The Congressional Committee was not told when the money was delivered to it of the source from which it came, because of the fact that the Inspectors bill was then pending before Congress, and the officers of the Committee did not know the source of this money until after the bill had passed Congress. As to Mr.Rosenfeld, I know him to be a thoroughly honest man, and I am willing to be held both personally and officially responsible, as in his stead, if the least of wrong doing can be shown on his part in this matter, in which he acted without my knowledge, unless raising money for a campaign committee and paying it over faithfully to such a committee is to be considered as wrong. What I mean broadly is that if any of the money then thus raised by Rosenfeld was appropriated or diverted to any unworthy purpose whatsoever, or devoted to the aid of procuring help for the passage of the Inspectors bill in Congress, I am willing to stand removal from office or presentation for indictment, as a proper penalty for such wrong doing having been possible during my service as Surveyor and through the action of Rosenfeld. As to the bill increasing the Inspectors' pay and my connection therewith, I would say I am willing to take the full responsibility for the passage of such bill. On taking charge of this office, I decided that I would master it in all of its many details and get full control of it in all of its departments and responsibilities, or else give it up. The first thing I did was to get acquainted personally and to see at his place of work each of the eleven or twelve hundred people in its service, and also to inspect personally all the docks and piers on the one hundred and forty miles or more of river and bay shore under my jurisdiction. I soon found that the important thing for good and honest service was to have the great corps of Inspectors - some 330 in all - made up not only of efficient, but also honest men. For this is a service that requires Inspectors of such honesty as may safely be left alone in the dark. After a month I met the Inspectors in a body, together with the Collector, and told them that I wanted to know them personally, to get near them and to establish confidence between us ; that I realized that their work, which averaged sixteen hours daily and for every day in the year, was severe and their pay of $4 a day inadequate; that I would work to have their pay increased to a proper sum, and then after that that I should insist on square and honest service and no further acceptance of bribes in the form of gratuities or tips; that I would then purge the corps as speedily as possible of any and every dishonest man found in its lists, and that I would expect all the fair men among them to aid me in making it a corps of gentlemen. I said, further, that I would stand by them and fight for them whenever they were right, but would have no mercy on any of them when they were wrong. I am glad to be to able to add that since the passage of the bill and the increase of the pay we have made constant improvement(3) in the corps of Inspectors; better service has been rendered by the great body of them, as they feel the recognition of their work by Congress to be a call on their honor for the best service that is in them. We have also already purged out of this corps, by dismissal, several unworthy men, and transferred a dozen more to other fields where the service is less important. After I found that the Inspectors responded to my talk on high lines and in such fine spirit, I took up the work of helping to pass the bill increasing their pay. Under the pay of $4 a day they had to work every day in the year, Sundays and holidays included, the larger part of the time far into the night, necessitating the purchase of two meals a day away from home and the paying of their own street car and ferry transportation, thus cutting their pay down to $3 or less for a day of sixteen hours work. Before beginning to work for the bill, I told them I would make it a condition that none of them nor any hired agents in their behalf should be in the lobby for it and that they must withdraw any agents or attorneys that they had formerly employed. They promptly agreed to this, and I was shown letters from Henry H. Smith, an attorney whom they had employed, in which he withdrew from their service. On lines which I have stated herein, I presented the case to the proper committees in Congress, giving my assurance that it was an honest bill, for a purpose that would be greatly beneficial to the service of the port and the increase of the revenues therefrom, pledging myself also that there should not be a stain on the purity of the bill's purpose or in its passage through Congress. It received unanimous recommendation from the committees and was passed by unanimous vote both in the Senate and House, and I believe that Congress never passed a measure for a more honest purpose or in a more honest manner. After its passage, in December last, I learned that the Inspectors were raising money to pay Mr. Smith for services. I wrote them from New Mexico, where I was at the time, protesting against such a course, saying it was a violation of the agreement, and added that for them to pay money to anyone for the passage of this bill would be to pay blackmail pure and simple and also to stain an otherwise honest bill. On my return I was shown a contract which they had entered into before I had become Surveyor and for services rendered prior to that time, and for which they had not yet fully paid, and it was this money due for services in the previous Congress which they said they felt obligated to pay. You will see by the letter from Mr. Smith to the Inspectors quoted on page 3 of Mr. Foulke's report that he says, "I withdrew as your attorney in 1901, in accordance with the president's order, and I have had nothing to do with the Inspectors bill since that time". As for Mr. Rosenfeld's presence in the Surveyor's office for a time and the friendship between him and me, I would speak with entire frankness and have nothing whatever to conceal. As you know, I took this position without previous notice, and in taking it suddenly I had to give up completely my active connection with three or four large business enterprises in which I was an officer or director, and in all of which Mr. Rosenfeld had been associated with me. The mail for me on these matters was large and came to me mixed up with the official mail.(4) At my request, Mr. Rosenfeld left his own business and came to my help and took charge of these business matters of mine, not only including our mutual business but also my other private business in which he was not connected. For, in getting charge of the office work and in spending so much time on the docks I had all I could myself possibly do. His presence here was for such an honest and open purpose that it did not seem that it could have been misunderstood by any person, yet it may have been open perhaps, as I can see now, to the criticism made of it by Mr. Foulke on the statements made to him. However, it is ended now and Mr. Rosenfeld is no longer open to criticism on this score, and I, besides, have retired from the most of the business in which I was privately connected before. In this connection, I feel the sense of a gentleman's duty to say that Mr. Rosenfeld in all these matters has always been a man of such honor and of such honest purpose and action, in refraining from any use of his friendship with me for any unworthy purpose through official favor, as would perfectly satisfy you if you knew all the facts as I know them. As to the organization among the Inspectors under the name of The Mutual Benefit Association, or the organization through whose suggestion the money was raised for the campaign, I not only agree now with the recommendation of the Civil Service Commission that it be disbanded, but I also am on record as having advised its dissolution last Summer as being an organization both inadvisable and unnecessary. Yours respectfully, James S. Clarkson Surveyor.Enc in Clarkson 2-4-03[*[2-4-03]*] [*FEB 6 9-21 AM 1903*] HON. CHARLES S. SYMONDS, Pres. GEN. CHARLES W. DARLING, A. M. Cor. Sec. THE ONEIDA HISTORICAL SOCIETY FOUNDED 1876. THE ONEIDA HISTORICAL SOCIETY AT UTICA, N. Y. Subject Egypt Exploration Fund. Dear Sir; To His Excellency, President Roosevelt, LL. D., Honored and Dear Sir:- It is exceedingly interesting to know that you have become a Patron of the American Branch of the Egypt Exploration Fund, which has accomplished much good work, mainly through the untiring exertions of Rev. Dr. William C. Winslow, LL. D., of Boston, Mass., who for many years has been the honored Vice-President of this society for the United States. You may not, however, be aware of the fact that some radical changes have recently occurred, and that a large number of the local honorary secretaries for the United States, about eighty five in number, have signed a request, which has been sent to Sir John Evans, the president of the parent organization, asking the London Committee to re-appoint Dr. Winslow, the founder of the American Branch, as Honorary Vice-President for the United States. I have the honor to be, Yours with respect, C. W. Darling Cor. Sec. Honorary Secretary, at Utica, of the Egypt Exploration Fund: Associate Member of the Victoria Institute, London, Eng.: Member of the American Historical Association, at Washington, D. C., etc., etc. Utica, N.Y. Feb. 4th, 1903.[*Ackd 2-6-1903*] House-In-The-Lane, Marion, Massachusetts. February 4th Dear Colonel. I read in the papers that Maj Waller is being urged for the command of the Marine Corps. It may be, that this is only newspaper talk; and that no one in authority considers him, but in case his appointment is being urged, I wish you would pardon mySuggesting that to many people such reward and promotion for him, would be most unfortunate and ill advised. It would seem to be placing a premium upon the style of war fare which alone has brought discredit to our army in the Phillipines. I have no brief against Waller personally, and I know that with the exception of the murder of the cargadores, his record is a remarkable and creditable one. But in the words of the Merchant Marine he has "dirtied his ticket." It is true that he was acquitted, but the findings of the court were disapproved by no less an authority and fine soldier than Gen. Chaffee, who wrote that Waller's act, "shall not pass into an approved precedent to be followed by any of the many young officers - to their discredit." I feel sure that the elevation of Waller would be harmful to the good of the service, unfair to other officers with clean records, and a political blunder. In his speeches Mr Bryan already is calling attention to the fact that Glenn, for torturing a native with the water cure, was fined $50; less than a civilian would have to pay for smashing a window on Fifth Avenue. If Waller is not being considered by you[*[2-4-03]*] House-In-The-Lane, Marion, Massachusetts. and Secretary Moody, I am more than sorry that I took up your time with this letter. But i felt that before making any protest in public, I ought to write to you in confidence, and suggest how it strikes one who hopes he has the good of the service at heart. You know how I feel about the Army and Navy, and you will understand. Always Sincerely Richard Harding Davis[*File*] [*DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE. RECEIVED FEB 4 1903 PRIVATE SECRETARY.*] Department of Justice. TELEGRAM RECEIVED. No. SENT BY — TIME. CHECK. RECEIVED BY — REMARKS. 1 jF 133P Govt. K From SENATE, February 4, 1903. The Attorney-General. Bill to expedite trials and anti-trust cases passed the Senate this morning. Charles W. Fairbanks.attached to Song, 2-4-03[*Ackd 2-6-1903*] EDITORIAL-DEPARTMENT THE CENTURY-MAGAZINE UNION-SQUARE-NEW-YORK R. W. GILDER, EDITOR. R. U. JOHNSON, ASSOCIATE EDITOR. C. C. BUEL, ASSISTANT EDITOR. Feb. 4. 1903. My Dear Mr. President, It occurred to me that, as we prepare for the press so long in advance, Mr. Jenks's article, if he prepares it (& he said he could not take it up for a month) would not appear at the earliest till May. I therefore have written an editorial for April, which I venture to enclose. We had a great time in Washington - thanks to the good people of the White House! Respectfully & fondly, R W Gilder Hon Theodore Roosevelt.[*Ackd 2-6-1903*] J.W. GODDARD & SONS 98-102 BLEECKER ST. AND 197 MERCER ST. NEW YORK NORTON GODDARD February 4th, 1903. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. My dear President Roosevelt,- I have been told that if a new Federal Judge for New York is authorized that Morris, the President of the Republican County Committee will be a candidate for the place. I have no idea whether you will consider Mr. Morris a suitable man for the place, and have nothing to say on that subject. What I do want to say is that if you appointed him to this position that would of course make vacant the position he now holds of President of the County Committee, and I wish very earnestly to ask you if you would feel willing to talk to me about the matter before it was in any way foreclosed. I feel that it is of importance that Mr. Morris should be gotten out of the Presidency of the County Committee and that a man I could absolutely rely on should be put on. If Mr. Morris could be gotten out by appointing him to some place or other, that he was fitted to fill, that would be the easiest way to accomplish the first step, but even if he could not be gotten out in this graceful way, I think he should be gotten out anyhow. I hope therefore, that if you contemplate any appointment for Mr. Morris, that you would not actually make it until I was satisfied with his successor. Moreover, I think Mr. Morris shouldJ.W. GODDARD & SONS 98-102 BLEECKER ST. AND 197 MERCER ST. NEW YORK NORTON GODDARD --2-- T. R. resign and his successor be elected and installed before Mr. Morris was appointed. I have worked hard to get an interview with Collector Strahan, and Surveyor Clarkson in accordance with your request written to me some time ago, but owing to the absence of Mr. Clarkson, I have been unable to do so. He returned to his office yesterday however, and I sought him but the Collector was away. However, I have communicated with the Collector to-day and I hope to hear during the afternoon that he has arranged with General Clarkson for a mutually convenient date when I can have the talk with them proposed. Very truly yours, Norton Goddard[For 1. attachment see Goddard, 2-4-03]COPY [* [2-4-03]*] MEMORIAL petitioning the President and Senate of the United States that, among such amendments as may be made to the Reciprocity Treaty between the United States and the Republic of Cuba now under consideration, it shall be proposed that Porto Rican coffee be included among these products imported into the Republic of Cuba, obtaining the highest rebate. WHEREAS, coffee today constitutes the principal source of the agricultural wealth of Porto Rico and is in urgent need to protection and aid for its restoration and development; and WHEREAS, until it shall [hxxxx] become known and appreciated in the markets of the Republic of Cuba, which are now practically closed to it, shall be open to our coffee upon the most liberal terms possible; and WHEREAS, under the terms of a resi procity treaty between tho United States and the Republic of Cuba proposed by the representatives of both countries, as well as under the terms of a preliminary draft of such treaty now under consideration by the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the Senate of the United States, Porto Rican coffee as a product of the soil of the United States is placed among those products enjoying a twenty percent rebate when imported into Cuba; and WHEREAS, the economic equilibrium of Porto Rico, which was disturbed through the loss of the Cuban markets for its coffee, will be still further impaired by reason of the loss that will attend the production of sugar in Porto Rico because of the advantages which the said reciprocity treaty will afford for the importation of Cuban sugar into the United States, and it seems but just that the rebate to be granted upon the entry of our coffee into the markets of Cuba should be on a more liberal basis than a twenty per cent reduction; and that the federal government should avail itself of this opportunity of giving to Porto Rico a just and practical share of protection or2 aid to the end that it will contribute to the prosperity of this Island in the same degree that is enjoyed by the people of the United States; and WHEREAS, as the amendments to the proposed reciprocity treaty between the United States and the Republic of Cuba are present under consideration it is urgent that this petition be forwarded at once to the proper authorities at the seat of the national government: NOW, THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED BY THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY OF PORTO RICO that the Governor of Porto Rico be and he is hereby requested to cause copies of this memorial to be laid before the President and Senate of the United States to the end that in the final draft of said treaty Porto Rican coffee may be included as one of the products of the soil and commerce of the United States enjoying the greatest reduction of import duties in the Republic of Cuba. (signed) MANUEL F. ROSSY, Speaker of the House of Delegates. (signed) ANDRÉS CROSAS, President pro tempore of the Executive Council. Approved February 4th, 1903. (signed) WILLIAM H. HUNT, Governor.I, CHARLES HARTZELL, SECRETARY OF PORTO RICO, DO HEREBY CERTIFY that the foregoing document is a true copy of a Memorial passed by the SECOND LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY OF PORTO RICO and approved by the Governor February fourth, nineteen hundred and three entitled a "MEMORIAL petitioning the President and Senate of the United States that, among such amendments as may be made to the Reciprocity Treaty between the United States and the Republic of Cuba now under consideration, it shall be proposed that Porto Rican coffee be included among those products imported into the Republic of Cuba, obtaining the highest rebate, the origin of which is on file in the Office of the Secretary of Porto Rico. IN WITNESS WHEREOF I have hereunto set my hand and caused to be affixed the great seal of Porto Rico, at the city of San Juan, Porto Rico, this fourth day of February A. D. nineteen hundred and three. Chas Hartzell SECRETARY. HP.[Enc in Adee, 2-18-03][*Copy sent to Sen. Lodge 2-5-1903*] [*New*] Department of State, Washington, February 4, 1903. Dear Mr. President: I have noted and herewith return, as you request, Mr. Harry New's telegram of the 2nd. of February. The matter is giving us a good deal of trouble, as Mr. Lindsay, who is charged with gross fraud by Mr. New, has a Boston lawyer who is strongly recommended by Senators Hoar and Lodge, who writes me interminable and very abusive letters, to which it is very difficult to send civil answers. Yours faithfully, John Hay [*see New, Harry S. 2/2/03*]7 [* State 2/4/03*] [*File*] L/S DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. February 4, 1903. George B. Cortelyou, Esquire, Secretary to the President, White House. Sir: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 29th ultimo enclosing one of the 27th idem from Mr. Mark Birmingham, who requests a copy of a report made by Dr. D. J. Hill concerning the case of the Candelaria Gold and Silver Mining Company. I enclose herewith, for the President's information a copy of the reply which I have made directly to Mr. Birmingham. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant John Hay Enclosure: To Mr. M. Birmingham, February 4, 1903. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, L/S February 4, 1903. Mark Birmingham, Esquire, Office of the Candelaria Gold and Silver Mining Company, 25 Broad Street, New York City. Sir: I have to acknowledge the receipt, by reference from the President, of the letter which you addressed to him on the 27th ultimo wherein you request, on behalf of Mr. Bird, a copy of a report made by Dr. David J. Hill concerning the case of the Candelaria Gold and Silver Mining Company. In reply I have to state that the paper in question is of a consultative character between officers of the Government, has not been communicated to the Ambassador of the United States at Mexico City and is not therefore a part of the records of the Government. The Department has, however, adopted the suggestions of Dr. Hill as the basis of an instruction to Ambassador Clayton. This is of record in the Department, and I have the [WRITTEN ON BACK OF PAGE] [*[FOR ENCL SEE 1-28-03]*] -2- the pleasure to enclose herewith a copy thereof for your information. I am, Sir, Your obedient [m] servant JOHN HAY. Enclosure: To Mexico, No. 834, January 28, 1903.[FOR ENCL SEE 1-28-03][*Ackd*] [*2-4-1903*] COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY, UNITED STATES SENATE Washington, D. C. February 4, 1903. The President: Sir: Allow me to express my earnest sense of your great kindness in according Davidson a personal hearing. It was a gracious action for which he had no right to hope. But he came to my room last night a good deal disheartened. He thought that you seemed possessed with a very strong feeling against him; that he was unable to do himself or his case justice, and that you seemed so impressed with views already entertained that he was hardly allowed to complete his statement I dare say that feeling was the feeling of a man when everything he holds sacred and dear in life is at stake on a result of a brief interview, in which he has to bear his part before the person whom, of all others in the world, he considers the most entitled to honor and reverence. So you will pardon me, before your final decision, for stating the case as I understand it. I do not think, if I remember rightly, that the letter of the Secretary of War, which you gave me to read, states the case correctly. You said that you supposed thatit was not drawn up by the Secretary in person. So I am, of course, implying no disrespect to him. This man has been convicted of just one thing, and of nothing else. That is, breach of arrest. The other charges against him have been held to be untrue. The matter of gambling with soldiers was pronounced by the Judge Advocate to be untrue, and the man who made the charge was a worthless person named French who had had a quarrel with Davidson, and has since been tried for drunkenness and compelled to resign. Now as to the charge of breach of arrest. He was ordered to remain with his Company under arrest. It was not, under the military usage, an arrest which required him to remain in his tent. But his Company was ordered to a hollow, or a place with some western name, where a ranch or cabin was situated. He went to that ranch or cabin which was in the place where his Company was ordered to go. He was convicted of going [to] from the place where he was ordered to remain with his Company under arrest, to a place which the Court-Martial thought a different place, and which was really the same place. The conviction was in ignorance of the distinction between an ordinary arrest, where the man is not in strict confinment, and the one where he is; and in ignorance of fact. Now thatis the whole thing for which this officer has been convicted. And it is a Bill passed on fullest and most careful consideration in both Houses of Congress, to redress that grievance, that you are asked to veto. Now there is brought up against him some boyish offense at West Point. Davidson tells me that he got one more than the number of demerits which are allowed, or were at that time allowed, to be marked against a man without censure. You may remember the old practice at Harvard which was much like this. If a man got no more than thirty marks his offense was not noticed. If he got more than thirty, he received a "private admonition". The offense for which he was punished - by being kept back from his furlough for a month - was one which was shared by a very large number of his class, including the man who graduated first that year. There was some hazing done. The authorities ordered that the young men who would come and confess would be let off without punishment. Several confessed and were so let off. The others agreed that they would not confess, and those of the latter who were detected were punished. Have you any objection to directing that I may have a copy of the letter or report of the Secretary of War which you were kind enough to show me? The purpose for which Iwish to use it, is to have a thorough and complete statement from the records made. So that whatever may be the fate of this Bill, there may go into history, in regard to this man, an exact statement of his case. I am, with high regard, faithfully yours, Geo F Hoar The President, White House.EXECUTIVE MANSION PORTO-RICO [*INDEX BUREAU REC'D. FEB 17 '03 DEPT. OF STATE*] [*INDEX BUREAU REC'D. FEB 17 '03 DEPT. OF STATE*] San Juan, February 4th, 1903. The President (Through the Secretary of State) Washington, D. C. Sir:- I have the honor to transmit herewith copy of a Memorial, "petitioning the President and Senate of the United States that, among such amendments as may be made to the Reciprocity Treaty between the United States and the Republic of Cuba, now under consideration, it shall be proposed that Porto Rican coffee be included among these products imported into the Republic of Cuba, obtaining the highest rebate." I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, Wm H Hunt GOVERNOR. ENCLOSURE as above.Enc in Aden 2-18-03[*Ackd 2-9-1903*] GEO. GEBBIE VICE PRESIDENT A. R. KELLER PRESIDENT GEBBIE CABLE ADDRESS SOLE PUBLISHERS THE COMPLETE WRITINGS OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT UNIFORM EDITION GEBBIE AND COMPANY 714 SPRUCE STREET PHILADELPHIA, PA. February 4, 1903. Mr. George B. Cortelyou, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- Your letter of the 3d instant has been received and I note what you say in regard to the reluctance on the part of President Roosevelt to suggest sub-titles. We would not urge this matter unless we deemed it absolutely necessary. In books like BENTON and MORRIS where they have been published in a separate series, no sub-titles were used, but on books like THE NAVAL WAR and WINNING OF THE WEST and others of the series, sub-titles have been used. Now, as this is a Uniform Edition and we started out to use subtitles on the first volumes, it is very necessary that the same form be continued throughout. The books Thomas Benton and Gouverneur Morris are already set up and the paper is in the hands of the printer and they will probably be put on press to-morrow, but of course they will have to be held until the question of sub-titles is settled. When I was in Washington the President was kind enough to assure me that he was willing to give us every assistance, and to use his own words "these books are for all time"; in other words he wanted to have everything just right, and as that voiced our sentiments exactly I did not hesitate to ask him to suggest these sub-titles. Of course he has not much time for thought on literary matters and I want you to assure him that we would not press this matter unless we considered it important. Had we omitted these titles in the first books we would not make a point of it now, but having started in that style we feel we must continue it throughout. Yours very truly, A.R. KellerAcked 2-5-1903 Feb 4 - 1903 My dear Mr. President: Although I know, because of your personal interest in Mr Byrne and your knowledge of his service to the State in the past, you regret the action of the Senate Judiciary Comte. Yet I also feel that there are compensations to you in the chance it givesyou of striking a blow at Addicksism without any action which would bring you in collision with Mr. Hanna. Therefore I want to urge upon you the consideration of Mr. Percy Nields who is endorsed by the entire bar of Delaware and also by the judiciary as a fit and competent man to fill this place. I do this also because altho' I think it important for Delaware that this attitude be taken by the administration I think it far more important [that] you come out of this matter with colors flying. And therefore a positive star appointment is necessary to clear the public mind. This it will do and the doubtsand suspicions left over from last autumn can now be wiped out of existence. In spite of the personal regret in you, this opportunity to checkmate Mr. Hanna and prove to the country not only that you are still yourself but still captain is most fortunate. It will encourage your backers all along the line and delight the plain peopleYou know, without my repeating it - how entirely I have accepted and respected your wishes not to take an active part in this matter. But now that the matter has come to such an unexpected crisis I can not but be sure that this is the time for you to strikea positive blow. The feeling is universal. You will pardon my writing about this, but I care more every day of my life - and my friendship with you that you should continue to stand as an example to [y] our young men and an encouragement to our grown men With affection and respect I am yours sincerely Florence Bayard La FargeLuke Wright [?? Wright] [? White] [Largent] [?] for JonesDepartment of Justice, OFFICE OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL, WASHINGTON, D. C. 4 February 1903. , 190 Respectfully referred, by direction of the Attorney General, to The President. [*Long*] C. C. Long Private Secretary.For 1 attachment see Fairbanks 2-4-03[*File*] 681 West End Avenue. N. W. Corner 93rd St. New York. Feb 4th 1903 Dear Theodore: Thank you for the invitation to supper which we all three accept with great pleasure. And thank you also for the prompt reply as to the Whittier correspondence. I've got lots of things to tell you- if I get a chance! Yours ever Brander Matthews President Roosevelt.[*Ackd 2-6-1903*] [*FEB 5 8- 53 AM 1903*] [*Personal*] The Evening Post Editorial Rooms, 206-210 Broadway, NEW YORK CITY. P.O. Box 794. Telephone, Cortlandt 84. Feb. 4, 1903. Dear Mr. President:-- Mr. Gilder tells me that you had not seen the Evening Post's comment on the Indianola case. I enclose a copy of the article, and beg to say that your whole attitude in that matter, and your policy respecting negro appointments, so far as we understand it, commands our most hearty approval and will have our public support. You may possibly care to know that, through Mr. White's retirement, I have succeeded to the editorship. There is, of course, to be no change in the policy of the paper, and I presume there will be occasion to differ from you sharply; but I want to assure you of our desire to be honest and fight fair. Personally, I should be glad to have you number me among those friends whose regard is strong enough to survive your occasionally making them very angry. During my recent stay in Washington, I was glad to find, on inquiry, that a better morale in the entire public service is thought to derive its impulse from the White House. When occasion offers, the Evening Post will not be slow or grudging in bearing testimony to the very great lift you have given to the cause of civil-service reform. This letter requires no answer. I write it simply to assure you that we, in our humble sphere, are more than ready to uphold your hands in every good work, and shall criticise you only when we feel compelled to do it. Believe me, With much respect, Sincerely yours, Rollo Ogden.[For 1. enc see 1-27-03, Evening Post][*Ansd 2-4-1903*] [shorthand] Telegram. White House, Washington. 8 WU HU GI 20 DH --- 4p New York, Feb. 4, 1903. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington. Have you heard from my friend and does he understand that I am to call on him tomorrow? John A. Sleicher, Holland House.[*Ackd 2-6-1903*] [*Confidential.*] U.S. IMMIGRATION SERVICE, OFFICE OF THE COMMISSIONER, NEW YORK, N. Y., February 4,1903 The President: Last fall I was directed by Mr. Shaw by wire to swear out a warrant for the arrest of a certain person for removing public documents. The fact of the removal was not only perfectly obvious to any one who could see, but the Department's views were confirmed by U. S. Attorney Burnett who advised that a penal statute had been violated. I thereupon swore out a warrant, which has not yet been served. An opportunity was given the person in question to "explain" and he occupied over five hours in doing so. His explanation has been reduced to writing and will in due time be placed before you. The gist of it is that these public papers had been laid aside by him from time to time and that he left them at Ellis Island thinking that they would be in shape for my ready reference, should I wish them. I will not burden this letter with any unnecessary details regarding this extraordinary transaction. The explanation is on its face false. (1) Soon after learning that the boxes had been opened he wrote to me as fallows (thereby showing that it was his intention to remove these papers and not to leave them for me): When I left Ellis Island you very kindly accorded me the courtesy of allowing me to store some boxes containing pictures, books and other of my personal property, in the vault at Ellis Island, for which I thank you. Will you be good enough to ask Mr. Young to have the Express Co. at Ellis Island ship these goods to the Fall River Line pier so that I can make arrangements to have them shipped to their destination?-2 (2) The character of these documents, several of them incriminating, many of them relating to complaints against this office and to the differences between the accused and his superiors in Washington, all matters in which he had a personal interest and most of them matters as to which it is inconceivable that he should have wished that I be informed, further show the falsity of the explanation. He was shown the most extraordinary courtesy and was allowed to personally inspect these documents at Mr. Van Ingen's office before being questioned in regard to them. He is on record as saying that his explanation applied to all of the documents and that he desired to add nothing. That being so, I respectfully submit the explanation is at an end. He was allowed to explain in his own words and I made no attempt at cross examination, with the result that he spread on the record, not only a disclaimer of any wrongful intention, but certain explanations which might seem plausible enough to one not familiar with the complicated character of Ellis Island work. In order that the falsity of these ex parte statements might be clearly exposed on the record, I obtained permission through you and Mr. Knox to comment thereon ex parte. This Mr. Van Ingen did for me by producing before General Burnett a number of the specific documents (all of which were covered by his explanation) and showing how false and even senseless the explanation was.-3 It now seems that General Burnett is of the opinion that your permission to explain extends so far as to require him to again send for the accused, show him Mr. Van Ingen's comments in refutation of his general explanation, and enable him as to each of these documents to spread on the record some voluminous statement; and if it be false, the Government will be compelled to refute it by a process as tedious as full preparation for trial, and for failure to so refute it this person will establish an ex parte record of his own making, on which he will claim a vindication. There are three thousand documents involved, each one of different significance, some important, others unimportant. I repeat that the abstraction stands unchallenged, the only question being whether the accused could show that it was technical and without real motive. He has answered fully and I do not for one moment believe that it was your intention to place upon me in advance of a trial, the enormous burden of practically preparing for trial, merely in order to meet such falsehoods as he might choose to spread on the record in regard to each of these three thousand documents. You told me and so did General Burnett that this was not to be in any sense a trial, and yet it promises to degenerate into one, in which this man will establish an ex parte record on which he can claim vindication. I performed a very unpleasant duty in bringing these4- matters to my superiors' attention and I acted with their approval throughout. I now respectfully request the privilege of an interview with you, Mr. Shaw. Mr. Knox and Mr. Sargent, at which I shall produce the full record taken before General Burnett and I promise to satisfy you in fifteen minutes that this record contains all of the explanations you ever intended to allow this man to make. Notwithstanding the enormous additional work which it has entailed, I am glad that it has been made, for it gives me additional grounds for asserting that he is a dishonest man. If he is not, I am so lacking in intelligence that I am not fit to hold this office one day longer. Very respectfully, Wm. Williams J.For attachment see 2-4-03[SHORTHAND] Goddard Norton, 98 Bleecker St. New York, Feb. 4, 1903. Understands that if a new federal judge for New York is authorized, Mr. Morris (President of the Republican County Committee) will be a candidate. If Mr. Morris should be selected, his present position of course would be vacant; asks if the President would talk with him about matter before it is in any way foreclosed; feels that it is important that Mr. Morris be gotten out of the Presidency of the Committee and a man be put in whom he could rely upon; hopes soon to have conference with Collector Stranahan and Surveyor Clarkson, in accordance with the President's request some time ago.[Attached to Goddard, 2-4-03]Williams Wm. (Immigration Commissioner) N. Y. Feb. 4, 1903. Outlines his connection with a warrant prepared by direction of Secretary Shaw for arrest of a certain person for removing public documents; performed an unpleasant duty in calling matter to the attention of his superiors; now asks an interview with the President, Mr. Shaw, Mr. Knox and Mr. Sargent, at which he will produce the full record taken before Gen'l Burnett and will satisfy the President that the record contains all of the explanations he ever intended to allow the man to make; is glad that the additional work entailed has been done, for it gives him additional grounds for asserting that the man is dishonest; if he is not, Mr. Williams is so lacking in intelligence as to be not fit to hold his present office. [SHORTHAND][attached to Williams 2-4-03]2-4-03[*Ackd 2-7-1903*] EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT THE CENTURY MAGAZINE UNION SQUARE NEW YORK R. W. GILDER, EDITOR. R. U. JOHNSON, ASSOCIATE EDITOR. C. C. BUEL, ASSISTANT EDITOR. I hope the Georgia Governor's hide is not too thick for this to enter! The Evening Post. New York, Wednesday, Feb. 4, 1903. A STANDARD OF GENTLEMANLINESS. TO THE EDITOR OF THE EVENING POST: SIR: According to announcements in the paper, a recently visiting Southern Governor did not care to associate with the President in Washington, but was quite free to associate with Mr. William R. Hearst in New York. It is amiable of his Excellency to take the opportunity of thus clearly illustrating his ideas as to what constitutes a gentleman, in a community where both Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Hearst are so well known. NEW YORKER. New York, February 3. alias R. W. Gilder[*Ackd 2-7-1903*] EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT THE CENTURY MAGAZINE UNION SQUARE NEW YORK R. W. GILDER, EDITOR. R. U. JOHNSON, ASSOCIATE EDITOR. C. C. BUEL, ASSISTANT EDITOR. I hope the Georgia Governor's hide is not too thick for this to enter! The Evening Post. New York, Wednesday, Feb. 4, 1903. A STANDARD OF GENTLEMANLINESS. TO THE EDITOR OF THE EVENING POST: SIR: According to announcements in the paper, a recently visiting Southern Governor did not care to associate with the President in Washington, but was quite free to associate with Mr. William R. Hearst in New York. It is amiable of his Excellency to take the opportunity of thus clearly illustrating his ideas as to what constitutes a gentleman, in a community where both Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Hearst are so well known. NEW YORKER. New York, February 3. alias R. W. Gilder[*Ackd 2-7-1903*] The Commercial Advertiser. ESTABLISHED 1797. 187 BROADWAY AND 5 & 7 DEY STREET, CIRCULATION DEPARTMENT, 5 & 7 DEY STREET. NEW YORK, Feb. 5th, 1903. Dear Mr. President: -- As you know, I never thrust my advice upon you and I am not going to now, but if you are disposed to have me do so, I should like to talk with you about candidates for the new United States District Judgship in this, the southern district. I hear a good deal about possible candidates which I think you should know before making up your mind. I am moved to say this because I think a great deal can be done to strengthen you by a careful selection. Doubtless it will be ample time to talk about it when you are here on the 26th. Yours always, J. B. Bishop. President Roosevelt. You will see by the enclosed that I have a "nigger row" of my own on my hands.For 1. enclosure see ca 2-5-03Ext. sent to Adm'l Taylor-2-5-1903 The President / I hope you will not object to a short statement regarding my reasons for answering your question as I did. With nearly one third of our battleships, and more than a third of our monitors, in the Pacific, I dont see how we could successfully fight the fleet Germany could send over except on our coast where the monitors could [successfully] effectively support the battle ships. If the latter were defeated in the West Indies they would have no fortified fort to retire to, so could be followed and destroyed like the French ships after La Hogue. As for the advantage we have in stations like San Juan and Culebra the Germans could seize a fort in Haiti or San Domingo notably Samana or Cartagena in Columbia where they would havebetter protection for their coal and repair ships than we would. Therefore if a large fleet were sent over we should I think temporarily abandon the West Indies Venezuela and this side of the Isthmus until such time as we could compel their restoration. This would come all the sooner if we preserved the ships we now have carrying as they would the flower of the personnel. / I suppose Admiral Taylor who is nearer you than other officers argues in a different way and I will admit that if you should ask me to point out four or five officers the best in my opinion for large commands I should include his name and not mind. So you would get an honest opinion is not a good one and so I know you will judge of those I have already expressed. Very respectfully and sincerely yours C. E. Clark.[*File*] Custom House, Surveyor's Office. New York, Feby 5, 1903. My Dear Mr. President: Coming back yesterday morning from Atlantic City: where I had been for two weeks, fighting off incipient pneumonia, I found the report of the Civil Service Commission, sent to me by your direction. Today I have your letter of the 3d. After spending yesterday & today in investigation I have made my answer or comments on the report of the Commission, & have just mailed it to Mr. Cortelyou, to be laid before you. As I have had today a return of the influenza my physician advises me not to risk a journey on the cars until tomorrow. I will come over tomorrow evening, & will be glad to see you at your pleasure any time Saturday, or later. I shall find pleasure in talking frankly with you as to the affair of my office & as to Mr. Rosenfeld. There is nothing wrong in any respect. As I have explained in my official letter the purpose of Mr. Rosenfeld's presence in my office was so plain & fair that I never supposed it could be misconstrued. I fancy matters have been exaggerated to you as to that, as they have been as to other matters probably. I have been on a straight road, & I can stand on my own. I want first to make a good record in my office, & next I want to help what Ican fairly in politics in your service & that of the party. I have no other purpose. I do not want to be in any one's way , & I want nothing that any one else has - and more than all, I do not want to [embarras] embarras you in the least. but instead to help you. as you shall give me work to do. If I shall be found in the least unworthy or inefficient I shall, in the least intimation, relieve you from any embarrasment. through me. Sincerely Yours. James S. Clarkson [*F1*] [*[ca. 2-5-03]*] The Arlington: T. E. Roessle, Proprietor. WASHINGTON, D.C. , ____190_ Friday- My dear Governor: The enclosed resolutions have just been adopted unanimously by a rising vote. Faithfully yours, Charles S. Francis. Hon. W. H. Taft, Secretary of War.[For 1. enclosure see ca. 2-5-03]Ackd 2-6-1903 Committee On The Judiciary. UNITED STATES SENATE Washington, D.C., February 5, 1903. TO THE PRESIDENT: I desire to withdraw my letter of yesterday in regard to the case of Francis S. Davidson, for whose relief a bill has passed the two Houses of Congress, which has been withdrawn at your suggestion. I have been, I am satisfied, grossly deceived in regard to the case. I am also satisfied that I have been much to blame in not having examined the record myself in person. I took the statement of Davidson himself, instead of examining the record. I perhaps ought to say as a slight, though by no means an adequate excuse, that the matter was investigated by Secretary McCrary, who became satisfied that Davidson had suffered an injustice, and that it has been repeatedly examined by Committees of the Two Houses of Congress, with a like result. Yet, especially after learning the opinion of the War Department, I ought to have gone to the original source of information before troubling you. I am, with high regard, faithfully yours, Geo F. Hoar[For 1. attachment see ca. 2-5-03] LAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER, & BURGHARD 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK FREDERICK WM HOLLS. LOUIS A. WAGNER EDWARD M. BURGHARD [*Private - not for Public files.*] February 5th, 1903 Dear Mr. President: I thank you very much for your kind letter of February 3rd. I shall report at the White House at 12.45 tomorrow but I think it will save time if you will kindly read this letter before we meet. I venture to hope that upon further consideration you will come to the conclusion that I have not been guilty of a foolish misuse of words! Your definition of the word "arbitration" is perfect in its clearness and conciseness. It is "where some outside body decides the question at issue between two parties". Let us take the particular words singly and define them correctly. What is "some outside body"? Clearly, a body outside of the two parties, - so far outside indeed as to be for this particular purpose beyond the influence of the two parties, and guided only by its own sense of justice. The members of such a body, if appointed or agreed upon by the parties, are thereafter no longer representatives of those parties, unless it is clearly provided that they are to be "representatives" and that they are simply to negotiate under the supreme direction of their Sovereigns, and this construction would nullify the definition, "outside party".2. LAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER & BURGHARD. 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK FREDERICK WM HOLLS. LOUIS A. WAGNER. EDWARD M. BURGHARD. In the summary of the treaty printed in Wednesday's Tribune, Article I refers to the appointment of this boundary line tribunal to consist of six "impartial jurists", and it distinctly says that "all questions must receive a majority vote of the tribunal". This excludes the idea that the members are "representatives" of yourself and King Edward, - to personify the parties, or that the members are to vote according to the directions of their home governments. If it is simply to be "a meeting between the representatives of two parties in an endeavor to come to an agreement" all these provisions are useless and mischevious. But Article VI. goes still further and distinctly says: (I again quote the Tribune)- "Referring to Articles III, IV. and V. of the said Treaty of 1825, the said tribunal shall answer and decide the following questions:" Then follow questions covering the entire boundary dispute. With all due respect, Mr. President, I submit that this is very different from simple negotiation, or "an endeavor to come to an agreement" and I confess I cannot see the slightest resemblance between the proceedings of this tribunal and "the correspondence that has gone on between the Foreign Office and the State Department for the last year and a half on the subject". I think I may modestly claim to have diligently studied the subject of international arbitration, in all its phases, and if 3. LAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER & BURGHARD. 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. FREDERICK WM HOLLS. LOUIS A. WAGNER. EDWARD M. BURGHARD. this treaty does not provide for arbitration, in the sense in which that word is to-day understood by all international lawyers- and I will not except one- then I am at a loss to find a better definition, or any possible ground for the differentiation. You say yourself "the question of an even or uneven number has nothing to do with it". Certainly the fact that one-half of the tribunal is to consist of citizens of one of the parties, and the other half of those of the other makes no difference: but even this is not provided for in the summary of the treaty as printed. There is nothing to prevent either party from appointing an outsider as one of its three representatives. The Pious Fund Arbitration at the Hague was the first instance in a long while in which neither of the contending parties had a citizen of its own as a member of the Court. We had Judge Harlan and Senator Morgan on the Behring Sea Tribunal, and Charles Francis Adams on the Geneva Tribunal, and Great Britain has invariably appointed one or more English citizens upon international tribunals to which she ever agreed to submit a case. Surely none of these men were "representatives" of their respective countries, in the true sense of the word, when they sat on the bench, and while I admit that in a perfectly proper sense they were representatives, it was certainly not for the purpose of negotiation. If negotiation was wanted, I venture to suggest that the country will ask why Mr.4. LAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER & BURGHARD. 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. FREDERICK WM HOLLS. LOUIS A. WAGNER. EDWARD M. BURGHARD. Choate and Lord Lansdowne could not have attended to this without a treaty, which I venture to assure you most respectfully and most emphatically will certainly not generally, and especially not in England or Canada, be taken to mean what you are kind enough to state in your letter. This is what makes the situation, in my opinion, so serious. I need hardly tell you that my heart is delighted beyond expression by your emphatic statement that "there is no proposition for an arbitration with an uneven or even number of judges, or under any name, or upon any condition, which ever has received or ever will receive" your sanction. Now what result is reasonably to be expected if this treaty is ratified and carried out? I doubt whether the vicious persistency of the Canadian politicians in this matter has ever been thoroughly appreciated in Washington. Already they claim that Justice Mills, a bitter Tory, is to be one of the three jurists named by Great Britain, and the other two will be named by Sir Wilfred Laurier in fear and trembling of the Tory opposition. There is not, in my opinion, one chance in a thousand that one of the three will yield on the essential question of demanding an outlet to the sea, and of course there is no possibility of the American members yielding that point. The other questions about the Portland Channel and the small points regarding5. LAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER & BURGHARD 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. FREDERICK WM HOLLS. LOUIS A. WAGNER. EDWARD M. BURGHARD. the southern end of the boundary could be settled in a half hour with the aid of a few engineers, and are not important enough for a treaty; but on the main point it is safe to assume that the tribunal will divide three and three. What then is the situation? This treaty will in the whole world be taken as an admission on the part of the United States Government, that here is a question of a disputed boundary [*which it is not!*], held to be sufficiently grave and sufficiently doubtful to warrant the enlistment of the services of three great impartial jurists on either side, and if they fail to agree the Canadians will triumphantly demand the remedy of arbitration which we forced upon Great Britain at the cannon's mouth in Venezuela in 1895, and by which they will rightly expect to gain something on the time honored principle of "splitting the difference." I need not elaborate further. The only question of difference between us seems to be that of the definition and with the knowledge that I have of the crystal clearness of your mind when going straight to the point of a difference regarding definitions, I confidently believe that further consideration will convince you that I am not quite so far wrong as you seem to think on first impression. I have the honor to remain, Dear Mr. President, with greatest respect, Your obedient servant, Frederick W. Holls[*Mr Leupp will call this P.M.*] 45 Wyatt Bldg February 5/03. My dear Mr. President: I learn that the two Senators who are helping the Democrats in committee to stave off a report on the Crum case are Perkins & Jones. Crum's friends have been given a hint from another member of the committee, whom I suspect to be Elkins, that Perkins could come over if he were convinced positively that you want the nomination confirmed & that Booker Washington vouches for it. O'Brien was told at the Capitol today thatany word you care to send Ogden - who, though Addicksism in any form makes him wild, wishes to deal fairly with you ? If I heard tolerably early tomorrow. I might telegraph a word on my own account for his editorial guidance. Sincerely yours - Leupp you were going to make a recess appointment if they passed Crum over for the session, and telegraphed off a hint of it without consulting me; so, as he was duplicating for me to the Evening Post, I am a little anxious to see this evening's issue & find out just how he put it. [*x*] Ogden is anxious to know what you are going to do about Byrne now. Would it be asking too much to have you send me a telephone message by Mr. Cortelyou —[*Ackd 2-6-1903*] COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY. UNITED STATES SENATE. Washington, D.C., February 5, 1903. TO THE PRESIDENT: I desire to withdraw my letter of yesterday in regard to the case of Francis S. Davidson, for whose relief a bill has passed the two Houses of Congress, which has been withdrawn at your suggestion. I have been, I am satisfied, grossly deceived in regard to the case. I am also satisfied that I have been much to blame in not having examined the record myself in person. I took the statement of Davidson himself, instead of examining the record. I perhaps ought to say as a slight, though by no means an adequate excuse, that the matter was investigated by Secretary McCrary, who became satisfied that Davidson had suffered an injustice, and that it has been repeatedly examined by Committees of the two Houses of Congress, with a like result. Yet, especially after learning the opinion of the War Department, I ought to have gone to the original source of information before troubling you. I am, with high regard, faithfully yours, Geo F Hoar [*see memorandum*]For 1. attachment see ca 2-5-03[*File CS Private - Not for Public Files.*] LAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER & BURGHARD. 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. FREDERICK WM HOLLS. LOUIS A. WAGNER. EDWARD M. BURGHARD. February 5th, 1903. Dear Mr. President: I thank you very much for your kind letter of February 3rd. I shall report at the White House at 12.45 tomorrow but I think it will save time if you will kindly read this letter before we meet. I venture to hope that upon further consideration you will come to the conclusion that I have not been guilty of a foolish misuse of words! Your definition of the word " arbitration" is perfect in its clearness and conciseness. It is "where some outside body decides the question at issue between two parties." Let us take the particular words singly and define them correctly. What is "some outside body?" Clearly, a body outside of the two parties,- so far outside indeed as to be for this particular purpose beyond the influence of the two parties, and guided only by its own sense of justice. The members of such a body, if appointed or agreed upon by the parties, are thereafter no longer representatives of those parties, unless it is clearly provided that they are to be "representatives," and that they are simply to negotiate under the supreme direction of their Sovereigns, and this construction would nullify the definition, "outside party".2. LAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER & BURGHARD. 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. FREDERICK WM HOLLS. LOUIS A. WAGNER. EDWARD M. BURGHARD. In the summary of the treaty printed in Wednesday's Tribune, Article I refers to the appointment of this boundary line tribunal to consist of six "impartial jurists", and it distinctly say that "all questions must receive a majority vote of the tribunal." This excludes the idea that the members are "representatives" of yourself and King Edward,- to personify the parties, or that the members are to vote according to the directions of their home governments. If it is simply to be "a meeting between the representatives of two parties in an endeavor to come to an agreement" all these provisions are useless and mischevious. But Article VI. goes still further and distinctly says: (I again quote the Tribune) - "Referring to Articles III, IV. and V. of the said Treaty of 1825, the said tribunal shall answer and decide the following questions:" Then follow questions covering the entire boundary dispute. With all due respect, Mr. President, I submit that this is very different from simple negotiation, or "an endeavor to come to an agreement", and I confess I cannot see the slightest resemblance between the proceedings of this tribunal and "the correspondence that has gone on between the Foreign Office and the State Department for the last year and a half on the subject". I think I may modestly claim to have diligently studied the subject of international arbitration, in all its phases, and if3. LAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER & BURGHARD, 120 BROADWAY. NEW YORK. FREDERICK WM. HOLLS. LOUIS A. WAGNER. EDWARD M. BURGHARD. this treaty does not provide for arbitration, in the sense in which that word is to-day understood by all international lawyers - and I will not except one - then I am at a loss to find a better definition, or any possible ground for the differentiation. You say yourself "the question of an even or uneven number has nothing to do with it". Certainly the fact that one-half of the tribunal is to consist of citizens of one of the parties, and the other half of those of the other makes no difference; but even this is not provided for in the summary of the treaty as printed. There is nothing to prevent either party from appointing an outsider as one of its three representatives. The Pious Fund Arbitration at The Hague was the first instance in a long while in which neither of the contending parties had a citizen of its own as a member of the Court. We had Judge Harlan and Senator Morgan on. the Behring Sea Tribunal, and Charles Francis Adams on the Geneva Tribunal, and Great Britain has invariably appointed one or more English citizens upon international tribunals to which she ever agreed to submit a case. Surely none of these men were "representatives" of their respective countries, in the true sense of the word, when they sat on the bench, and while I admit that in a perfectly proper sense they were representatives, it was certainly not for the purpose of negotiation. If negotiation was wanted, I venture to suggest that the country will ask why Mr.4. LAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER & BURGHARD. 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. FREDERICK WM HOLLS. LOUIS A. WAGNER. EDWARD M. BURGHARD. Choate and Lord Lansdowne could not have attended to this without a treaty, which I venture to assure you most respectfully and most emphatically will certainly not generally, and especially not in England or Canada, be taken to mean what you are kind enough to state in your letter. This is what makes the situation, in my opinion, so serious. I need hardly tell you that my heart is delighted beyond expression by your emphatic statement that "there is no proposition for an arbitration with an uneven or uneven number of judges, or under any name, or upon any condition, which ever has received or ever will receive" your sanction. Now what result is reasonably to be expected if this treaty is ratified and carried out? I doubt whether the vicious persistency of the Canadian politicians in this matter has ever been thoroughly appreciated in Washington. Already they claim that Justice Mills, a bitter Tory, is to be one of the three jurists named by Great Britain, and the other two will be named by Sir Wilfred Laurier in fear and trembling of the Tory opposition. There is not, in my opinion, one chance in a thousand that one of the three will yield on the essential question of demanding an outlet to the sea, and of course there is no possibility of the American members yielding that point. The other questions about the Portland Channel and the small points regarding 5. LAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER & BURGHARD. 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. FREDERICK WM. HOLLS. LOUIS A. WAGNER. EDWARD M. BURGHARD. the southern end of the boundary could be settled in a half hour with the aid of a few engineers, and are not important enough for a treaty; but on the main point it is safe to assume that the tribunal will divide three and three. When then is the situation? This treaty will in the whole world be taken as an admission on the part of the United States Government, that here is a question of a disputed boundary, (which it is not!) held to be sufficiently grave and sufficiently doubtful to warrant the enlistment of the services of three great impartial jurists on either side, and if they fail to agree the Canadians will triumphantly demand the remedy of arbitration which we forced upon Great Britain at the cannon's mouth in Venezuela in 1895, and by which they will rightly expect to gain something on the time honored principle of "splitting the difference." I need not elaborate further. The only question of difference between us seems to be that of the definition and with the knowledge that I have of the crystal clearness of your mind when going straight to the point of a difference regarding definitions, I confidently believe that further consideration will convince you that I am not quite so far wrong as you seem to think on first impression. I have the honor to remain, Dear Mr. President, with greatest respect, Your obedient servant, Frederick W. Holls[*Mr Leupp will call this P.M.*] 45 Wyatt Bldg February 5/03. My dear Mr. President: I learn that the two Senators who are helping the Democrats in committee to stave off a report on the Crum case are Perkins & Jones. Crum's friends have been given a hint from another member of the committee, whom I suspect to be Elkins, that Perkins could come over if he were convinced positively that you want the nomination confirmed & that Booker Washington vouches for it. O'Brien was told at the Capitol today thatany word you care to send Ogden - who, though Addicksism in any form makes him wild, wishes to deal fairly with you ? If I heard tolerably early tomorrow. I might telegraph a word on my own account for his editorial guidance. Sincerely yours - Leupp you were going to make a recess appointment if they passed Crum over for the session, and telegraphed off a hint of it without consulting me; so, as he was duplicating for me to the Evening Post, I am a little anxious to see this evening's issue & find out just how he put it. [*x*] Ogden is anxious to know what you are going to do about Byrne now. Would it be asking too much to have you send me a telephone message by Mr. Cortelyou —[*Ackd 2 7-1903*] [*[2-5-03]*] My dear Theodore, I hate to take advantage of our relations to ask any favor of you but in this instance feel justified by our friendship and the worthiness of my cause. I am writing on behalf of Col. Robert W. Bernard, who hopes for an appointmentas Colonel of the Philippine Constabulary. Colonel Leonard as you know served his country with distinction in the Civil War, the Spanish War & the insurrection in the Philippines. His worth is a matter of common report in Army circles as I know through General Kobbé, and it would seem to me that a man who has so frequently responded to his country's call is entitled to some preferment. He has but four years of active service remaining & I hope that you can see your way clear to give him this appointment. Mrs. Morgan & I are going down to Washington next weekand are looking forward to the pleasure of taking supper with you after the reception to the Army & Navy. Sincerely yours Wm Fellowes Morgan To/ Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. Feb. 5th 1903(COPY) Feb. 5th, 1908. Extract, from Senator Hoar. In the land of the tropical palm - In the land of the coral and calm, Is a beautiful isle, That is governed with guile By a Tyrant, "The Despot of Guam". (By E. F. Ware) Cordially approved, and forwarded to one Moody, the despot in question, by T.R. All below the last line of verse is in President's handwriting. Original sent to Secretary Moody Feb. 6, 1903. [*Retd & filed Moody*]THE AMERICAN MONTHLY REVIEW of REVIEWS 13 ASTOR PLACE, NEW YORK ALBERT SHAW, EDITOR *[File*] February, 5, 1903 Dear Mr. President: I have your interesting letter, for which I am greatly obliged to you. Of course you know that I myself regard your treatment of the South as considerate beyond that of any other President,- not even excepting Mr. Cleveland,- since the Civil War. It was not as approving of Mr. Starling's views altogether that I sent you his letter, but only because he seems to be wholly free from any political schemes of his own, and therefore an exceptionally good witness as to this almost incomprehensible wrong-mindedness prevalent just now in the Southern States. I have had another letter from this gentleman criticizing the position I took on the Indianola case in the February number of the Review. I do not think his points on the Indianola case could add anything to your enlightenment as to Southern opinion, and will therefore not trouble you with the document. Undoubtedly the misunderstanding prevalent in the South as to your position and policy is due to the Booker Washington dinner,- or rather to the false versions of that affair that have been circulated for purposes of mischief. You have done your duty most broadly and intelligently, and some time the South will understand. I note your kind suggestion that I get over to Washington next week to see you. I shall endeavor to come. I am writing separately with regard to Judge Emory Speer, of Georgia, who desires to be promoted to the vacant circuit judgeship in his part of the country, and has intimated that he would like to have me write to you. Faithfully yours, Albert Shaw. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington, D. C.[ca 2-5-03][Enclosed in Bishop, 2-5-03] SOUTHERN JUSTICE. We publish in another column an interesting letter from a citizen of New Orleans protesting against some comments made by us a few days ago upon a charge by a judge in Louisiana. The newspaper despatch from which we obtained the charge misled us into saying that the judge was "sitting in New Orleans," but we fail to see how that makes any vital difference in the matter. Our point was that the advice was sound for the entire south, no matter what the particular locality from which it emanated. It is worth while in considering our correspondent's protest to reproduce what the judge said: The white people of this state now exercise all of the powers of government. Our laws are made by white men and administered by white men. To say that the courts and laws are inadequate to the punishment of the negro when he deserves punishment to his protection when he is entitled to protection is to confess that our race is incapable of administering the government. We cannot turn these helpless people over to the tender mercies of irresponsible mobs without incurring the contempt of all enlightened people and the wrath of a righteous God. In commenting upon this we had in mind an account which had come to hand two days earlier of the killing of a negro, who had shot a white man who as sheriff had sought to arrest him, by a mob of 500 persons in St. Charles Parish, La. Orderly justice was refused the man, though nothing could be more certain than his conviction and execution on trial in court. the judge's charge bore directly on this case, and as much seemed to us "sound advice." That is was delivered 200 miles from New Orleans instead of in it, does not seem to us to mitigate its soundness in the least. As for the question of "social equality," our correspondent surely does not intend to deny that the white people and press of the south have objected to the appointment of negroes to office on the ground that such recognition constitutes an attempt to bring about "social equality"! That is the main objections that is made in South Carolina to Dr. Crum's appointment, and it is made in Indianola in defense of the movement there against the colored postmistress. As for the attempted "compulsion" at the President's reception, it is quite impossible to take that seriously since precisely the same thing has been done previous Presidents, including Cleveland. We have not the slightest disposition to be unfair to the south in this matter. On the contrary, we have the deepest sympathy with them in the awful problem with which they are confronted. At the same time, we cannot agree with our correspondent that lynching and social equality are totally different and separate questions. The race which denies social equality must demonstrate its social superiority by upholding law and order and by giving to the inferior race the same absolute justice that it exacts for its own members. That is the substance and the spirit of Judge Porter's charge, and no sounder advice could be given to the white people of the south. THE CROWDED CARS. Editor of The Commercial Advertiser: Sir - Your "Fair Play" (?) correspondent of yesterday essays to justify the murderous outlawry of Waterbury strikers on the ground that the elevated stations THE SOUTH AND THE NEGROES. Editor of The Commercial Advertiser: Sir - You say in the editorial of Jan. 29 entitled "Sound Advice for the South:" "A Louisiana judge sitting in New Orleans has given the white people of the whole south an admonition which they will do well to take to heart." You destroy the point you make in the article by the usual carelessness northern papers show in discussing southern matters. The charge to the grand jury, from which you quote, was not made by "a Louisiana judge sitting in New Orleans," and could not have been made by any such judge. It was made by Judge Charles Porter of the Eleventh Louisiana District to the grand jury of Natchitoches parish, which is some 200 miles from New Orleans. By making it applicable to New Orleans you make the charge to the grand jury absurd, as New Orleans has recently shown its willingness and ability to protect the negro in all his rights and to suppress mob violence, the best white citizens having expressed and shown their willingness to perform police duty whenever this became necessary. Let me further say that in no paper has the charge been credited to a New Orleans judge; and had your editor taken the trouble to read the item upon which he comments he would not have made the mistake he was guilty of. I mention this error because it seems impossible for the Republican papers in the north to get the smallest southern incident correct. With such errors as to fact, it is perhaps not surprising to see these errors as to doctrine. For instance, instead of praising Judge Porter's charge, you consider it necessary to lug in a sling at the south, and remark: That is a far more important question for the south to bend its mind upon than the danger of "social equality" modelled on the appointment of three or four negroes to federal office. The Commercial Advertiser has again got things mixed. What the southern papers had to say about social equality was not drawn out by the appointment of negroes to federal office, but by the appearance of negro men and women at the President's judiciary reception. To be compelled to meet negroes socially is offensive to the southern white people, but I don't see what that has got to do with Judge Porter's charge or why it is brought in, unless it be that The Advertiser will not say a word favorable to the south or a southerner without accompanying it with a sting. As a matter of fact, the lynching question and the social equality question are different and are wholly unconnected with each other. The southern people regard the two as equally important, and consider the preservation of the white race and white civilization, free from any negro mixture, as equally necessary as the suppression of mob disorder, and the lynching of whites as well as negroes. They are working to secure both results and it is not necessary to abandon their efforts to prevent social equally in order to suppress disorder, violence and lynching. They have made great progress in the suppression of lynching, as much as could reasonably be expected under the adverse conditions existing. Lynching has been suppressed in the southwest permanently I believe - in nineteen out of twenty counties. If it exists in some localities, as in Natcheitches, Judge Porter's charge is evidence of the earnest effort being made to suppress it even there. Usually, such efforts would command praise only, but The Advertiser's comment shown that even when the south goes right, according to your own views, you cannot avoid taunting it on an entirely different matter. If the suppression of lynching has got to wait until we accept your views on "social equality," I am afraid it will never come; but I believe the south is capable of handling these two questions at the same time. Yours truly, NORMAN WALKER. New Orleans, Feb. 2.[Enclosed in Francis, ca. 2-5-03]RESOLVED, That the Republican National Editorial Association in joint session with the Republican State Editorial Association of New York, declares that the splendid, progressive and patriotic administration of President Roosevelt justifies the general demand for his nomination by the Republican National Convention which will assemble in Chicago, June 21st. We are convinced that no other candidate could bring to the ticket so great strength and such sure success. Heartily endorsing his administration, believing in his sincerity of purpose, his integrity of character and his unselfish devotion to the public good, we regard him as a representative type of the best and most progressive American Citizen. Dealing honestly, courageously and independently with all the varied and conflicting interests of the country he has won the well deserved confidence and support of the American people, and RESOLVED, That we pledge our best efforts to secure the unanimous nomination of Theodore Roosevelt for President at the coming National Republican Convention. [*[W. H. Taft - [illegible]]*]Feby 5th 1903. Respectfully referring to the President for his information Wm H Taft Sec'y of War Thursday -[*[ca. 2-5-03]*] Francis S. Davidson receives a salary of $900 per annum, and a pension of $7.50 per month - in all, $990 per annum. attached to Hoar 2-5-03[*File*] Office of the Commissioner Department of the Interior, Bureau of Pensions, Washington. February 5, 1903. To the Honorable, Secretary of the Interior. Dear Sir: Quite recently, I think it was Monday, Feb. 2nd, Mr. Jas. Hay Congressman from Virginia, called upon me and said that he desired to get the papers in the Sampson case. Thereupon a conversation arose. I desired to know the reason of his request, stating that the pension matter was all settled and that there was nothing pending. He stated that the reason he desired to get them was because he was a Congressman and had a right to them. Thereupon I said to him that he was not the Congressman in whose District the parties interested resided; to which he replied that being a Congressman he, Mr. Hay, had a right to the papers. I thereupon told him that the papers contained the record of Mr. Sampson's diseases leading up to the pension; that I considered such information privileged and confidential; and I asked him if he would be satisfied with an examination of the papers with the medical portions removed; to which he replied that he had a right as a Congressman to the papers and that he wanted all of them. Thereupon I refused to let him have any of them, telling him, however, that my decision was not final, that if my superior officers ordered me to let him have them that I would cheerfully obey any order that would be given. My understanding at the time was that he desired to take the papers away with him, at least that is the impression which is still remaining in my mind from the conversation which occurred. I didn't get the impression that he wanted to see them, but I got the impression that he desired to take them off with him; that however is immaterial, I should not have permitted him to have the papers under either theory. He did not condescend to give me any reason whatever during the conversation for his taking the papers except that he was a Congressman; nor did he seem inclined to argue any matter concerning the case, but seemed to be of the opinion that he had an arbitrary right to demand and receive the papers immediately. Very respectfully, E. F. Ware Commissioner.Grigsby [*Root (Holt)*] [?????] Cor. Ask Jones about R. B. Macdonald for agent[SHORTHAND] POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT, OFFICE OF FOURTH ASSISTANT POSTMASTER GENERAL, Division of Post Office Inspectors and Mail Depredations, WASHINGTON, D. C. [*4800*] February 6, 1903. Mr. George A. Dice, Post Office Inspector-in-Charge, Saint Louis, Missouri. Sir: Referring to papers and record secured by you for use as evidence in the case against Dennis, et al, after your telegram of January 24, 1903, was received Senator Burton was informed that you were holding the books and papers by the advice of the United States Attorney and that you would not surrender them to the State courts unless required to do so by subpoena. The Senator was told that his clients should take the matter up with the United States Attorney. As I wired you today, Senator Burton has information that you have surrendered the books to the State authorities and they are held by them subject to your order; also that the United States Attorney states he has no further use for them. The Senator insists that you should be instructed to return the books at once but the Department would not issue such an order without being fully advised by you as to the facts. The Senator states that if the books are returned he will personally guarantee that they will be again placed is your hands whenever the Government needs them; and that if you do not returnInspector Dice. -2- them his clients will be compelled to institute an action for their recovery. Very respectfully, W. E. Cochran. Chief Post Office Inspector.Letter of Chief Inspector to Inspector in charge at St Louis, dated Feb. 6, 1903.[*[2-6-03]*] [*Copies of Telegrams.*] POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT, OFFICE OF FOURTH ASSISTANT POSTMASTER GENERAL, Division of Post Office Inspectors and Mail Depredations, WASHINGTON, D.C. [January 23, 1903.] Dice, Post Office Inspector-in-Charge, Saint Louis, Missouri. Would advise that you suggest to Circuit attorney that he issue subpoena for you to produce papers. You may then submit papers and confer with him on case. [*Cochran*] January 24, 1903. Dice, Post Office Inspector-in-Charge, Saint Louis, Missouri. Representations are made to Department concerning Dennis case that to surrender certain papers voluntarily placed in your hands for a specific purpose would be a breach of faith. Please advise me. [* Cochran*] January 24, 1903. Dice, Post Office Inspector-in-Charge, Saint Louis, Missouri. Situation in Dennis case as reported by you today is satisfactory to Department. [*Cochran*] February 6, 1903. Dice, Post Office Inspector-in-Charge, Saint Louis, Missouri. Harlan, attorney for Dennis, wires Senator Burton that you have surrendered books to Senate authorities, and that they are held subject to your order. Also states that United States Attorney says he has no further use for them. Please report fully all facts with your recommendation. [*Cochran*]Copies of Telegrams[*File CS*] The Catholic University of America, Washington, D.C. Feb. 6, 1903 My Dear Mr. Cortelyou ; Will you inform the president that I saw Senator Kearns yesterday and interested him in Mr Byrne. He thinks that it may be best to have the name reported back to Committee as with Eight against it, there will be difficulty in confirmation. I saw Senator Hoar who said that he thought that it would be confirmed notwithstanding the adversereport but it would not be by any help of his. His opposition is not personal to Byrne but because of his recent affiliations with Addicks. I also wrote Archbp Ireland as the President suggested. I will follow the matter up as I would like to see Byrne win. Yours sincerely Thomas J Conaty[*File PPF*] Department of State, Washington, February 6, 1903. Dear Mr. President:- I am expected at the British Embassy at a quarter past ten this morning, and think I ought to see you for a moment in private before I go. What time could you see me and where? Yours faithfully John Hay [*Please send verbal answer by bearer*]No. 66. DEPARTMENT OF STATE Washington, February 6, 1903. Excellency: I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your note of the 5th of February, which I have submitted to the President. He charges me to say that, although he appreciates fully the honor done him by this renewed offer from the British, the German and the Italian Governments to act as arbitrator between those Governments and that of Venezuela, yet, in the present situation considering that his services in that capacity would not substantially expedite the conclusion of the pending negotiation, he sees no reason for changing the view he has hitherto held, that in such a case the high court of The Hague, which was created by the principal civilized powers for precisely such emergencies, is preferable to any individual chief of state. He requests me, therefore, in expressing his conviction that it would not be best for him to accept the honorable service you have suggested, to express also his grateful appreciation of your confidence. I am, dear Sir Michael, Very sincerely and respectfully yours, JOHN HAY. His Excellency The Right Honorable Sir Michael H. Herbert, K.C.M.G., C.B., etc., etc., etc.[Enc in Hay 2-7-03][*Ackd 2-9-1903 Enc. returned*] GEO. GEBBIE VICE PRESIDENT A .R. KELLER PRESIDENT CABLE ADDRESS GEBBIE SOLE PUBLISHERS THE COMPLETE WRITINGS OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT UNIFORM EDITION GEBBIE AND COMPANY 714 SPRUCE STREET PHILADELPHIA, PA. [[shorthand]] Feb. 6, 1903. Mr. George B. Cortelyou, Washington, D. C. My dear Sir:- I send you herewith several photographs which have been taken from drawings just received from the artists. These are for "The Winning of the West". The photographs are not very good but I thought the President might get an idea of the character and make some criticisms before we made the plates. Yours very truly, A. R. Keller [*Ackd 2-9-1903*] H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. Personal. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES [[shorthand]] Feb. 6, 1903. Dear Theodore:- I want to give you this little pamphlet to read in an off moment. It will not take you ten minutes. It is a small historical event and I know you have the same love of small historical events that I have. I am interested in it because it was a piece of work well done, prevented other bad riots in Boston, and the man who did it was a kinsman of my own. It is written with the utmost simplicity, which I know will please you, and there is a sentence on the second page which I have marked which reminded me so of you that I wanted you particularly to see it. Sincerely yours, H. C. Lodge To The President.TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 2 PO.BT.KQ. 111 Paid, 2 extra - 2:45 p.m. Sherman, Texas, February 6, 1903. Mr. George B. Cortelyou, White House, Washington, D.C. Senator Hanna's slave pension bill is regarded in Texas as direct bid for vote of Southern delegation. As a friend of the President, I ask that the matter be called to his attention in this light immediately. For his good, I believe that appointments should be made as recommended by me. These recommendations have been made with only the President's good in view, and if people secretly his enemies receive recognition, his friends here should not be held accountable for results. I urge, without wishing to appear presumptious and with great friendship for him and respect for his office, that the matter be laid before him in this light. Cecil A. Lyon, State Chairman.[*Feb 9 8-50AM 11903*] ROBERT C. OGDEN, PRESIDENT 794 BROADWAY, NEW YORK CITY GEORGE FOSTER PEAPODY, TREASURER 27 PINE STREET, NEW YORK CITY CHAS. D. MCIVER, SECRETARY GREENSBORO, N. C. SUPERVISING DIRECTOR J. L. M. CURRY DISTRICT DIRECTORS EDWIN A. ALDERMAN H. B. FRISSELL CHAS. D. MCIVER DIRECTOR PUBLICATION BUREAU CHAS. W. DABNEY EXECUTIVE SECRETARY ASSOCIATED WITH THE PRESIDENT EDGAR GARDNER MURPHY THE SOUTHERN EDUCATION BOARD OFFICE OF EDGAR GARDNER MURPHY MONTGOMERY, ALABAMA P. O. BOX, NO. 347 THE BOARD ROBERT C. OGDEN J. L. M. CURRY GEORGE FOSTER PEAPODY, CHAS. D. MCIVER, WALLACE BUTTRICK EDWIN A. ALDERMAN H. B. FRISSELL CHAS. W. DABNEY H. H. HANNA WALTER H. PAGE WILLIAM H. BALDWIN JR. ALBERT SHAW EDGAR GARDNER MURPHY February 6/03. Dear President Roosevelt: The Editorial of Dr. Albert Shaw in the current issue of The Review of Reviews seemed to me so serviceable that I requested its publication in the Advertiser, the leading paper of Alabama. You will see that it has a prominent place on the editorial page. Very sincerely, Edgar Gardner Murphy[For 1. enc. see 2-7-03 (clipping)][*Ackd: 2-9-1903 Bus. file Power of Atty. signed, entrusted, acknowledged and returned.*] DOUGLAS ROBINSON, CHARLES S. BROWN & CO. REAL ESTATE AGENTS AND BROKERS. 160 BROADWAY, DOUGLAS ROBINSON, CHARLES S. BROWN, FREDERICK WINANT. UPTOWN OFFICE, 570 FIFTH AVENUE. CABLE ADDRESS, "ROBUR, NEW YORK." TELEPHONE CONNECTION New York. February 6th, 1903 Dear Theodore:-- I have just opened an account for you with the Real Estate Trust Company, as I find the Union Trust Company, with whom you have an account for sometime, and where I still have an account for you, do not like to collect coupons. As I have just cut off your coupons for the year, I thought I had better open an account with the Real Estate Trust Co. as they will collect them and deposit them with your account. As you are a stockholder in this institution and I am one of the directors I hope you will approve. I have a power of attorney from you that is lodged with the Union Trust Company, and this one enclosed will answer every purpose as far as drawing checks [are concerned] on Real Estate Trust. Please have your signature witnessed & acknowledged and return the paper to me. Mr. Gracie has been over all your securities today in your box, and is prepared to give me a clean bill of health, which I have no doubt you will be glad to know. He found everything correct and none of the securities there purloined or missing. This no doubt will give you a great sense of relief. Yours very truly, Douglas Robinson The President, White House, Washington, D.C.[*Ackd. 2-10-1903 FEB 8 11-56 AM 1903*] Germania EMIL VON SCHLEINITZ, Editorial Rooms. EDITOR-IN-CHIEF. 2 Milwaukee, Feb. 6th 1903. President Roosevelt Washington, D.C. Dear Sir! As the editor of a paper, that has always been loyal to the republican party and sincerely hopes to be able to remain so, I consider it my duty, to send you the enclosed letter, which is only one of very many, that I have received during the last few weeks. Of course I need not tell you, that this letter contains many sentences; that I consider [it] entirely unjustified, but the fact [x] remains, that there exists great indignation among the German-Americans and that they show a very decided inclination, to make the dominant party responsible for the infamous and unprovoked attacks on Germany that they are compelled to read every day in the english press of this country. As a man, who takes a more than friendly interest in your political future and who is very anxious to keep the German vote for the republican party, I would respectfully suggest, that something ought to be done or rather said, to alleviate this feeling of unrest and resentment among the citizens of German extraction. Mr. Holls, to whom I haveGermania EMIL VON SCHLEINITZ. Editorial Rooms. EDITOR-IN-CHIEF. Milwaukee, __ 190_ communicate my fears, is of the same opinion. I am sure, that you will appreciate that prompted me to write this letter. I have really no doubt, that the republican party will have to suffer for it, if this shameful press campaign against a nation, that has given us so many proofs of friendship, is permitted to go on much longer. I am, Mr. President, Yours very sincerely Emil von Schleinitz. [*[Schleinitz]*]for [1]2 enclosures Willrick ca 2-6-03] see attachment White House memo co 2-6-03][*For the President*] [*[ca 2-6-03]*] Emil V. Schleinitz, Esq., Milwaukee, Wis. My Dear Sir:- At your request I herewith submit to you a statement of facts gathered and observations made by us during our recent visit at Ellis Island relative to the treatment and examinations of immigrants. I think there will be no difference of opinion between us as to the facts in this matter. My conclusions are subject to your criticism and I submit them for what they are worth, but I believe, that in the main you will share my opinion as to the needs and requirements of the island and the changes and reforms necessary in order to do away with the untenable conditions now prevailing there. It should be said at the outset, that the chief object of our visit was, to ascertain the truth or falsity of the many charges heretofore made by a portion of the public press of unwarranted and unnecessary harshness and even cruelty practiced towards immigrants by the present administration at the island, and of an uncalled for severity in the interpretation of the Immigration Law, as well as of the deplorable conditions surrounding the immigrants at Ellis Island by reason of wholly inadequate accommodations. You will readily remember, that President Roosevelt, at the time of our visit at Washington, was deeply interested in this matter, and for the purpose of affording you an opportunity to visit the island under circumstances most favorable to an impartial and thorough examination, gave you a letter of introduction to Mr. Williams, the Commissioner of Immigration at Ellis Island, which in the absence of Mr. Williams, was delivered to Mr. Allen Robinson in charge2. at the time, and that in consequence of the President's letter, we were enabled to make a much more careful and thorough examination into the conditions there, than would have been possible, without such introduction, within the short time at our disposal. I think you will also agree with me, when I say, that there can be no doubt about the desire of the President to see the Immigration Laws administered, so that no injustice may be done to the worthy immigrant, nor to this country, by the admission of persons unqualified for citizenship, and further, that our stay at the island convinced us, that the officials now in charge have done and are doing their best under the conditions with which they are confronted and with the means at their disposal. The charges, as frequently made by the public press, of harshness and cruelty practiced towards immigrants, did not seem to be borne out by the facts as ascertained by us, and we became convinced, that such cruelty and such harshness as do exist there, are due to causes beyond the control of the present administration. Those causes are obvious and glaring and are disclosed even by a superficial examination. There can be but little dispute about the evils now existing at the island. The conclusions to be drawn from the facts and conditions, and the remedies to be suggested are another matter, and must of necessity lack that thoroughness and value, which a more intimate prior acquaintance with the whole subject of Immigration and a more extended inquiry would have added. Any shortcoming in that direction however, I have no doubt is excusable in view of the urgency for immediate action of some kind, tending to bring about a speedy change and relief at the island. The most apparent evil, and one unreservedly admitted by the official in charge, is the absolute lack of room available for the immigrants. Nothing can be said to3. exaggerate this evil. The detention rooms especially, are so utterly inadequate, so destitute of every comfort and convenience as to render them unfit for human occupancy, particularly when crowded to suffocation, as is a common occurrence at the present time. The detention rooms for [*Detention Quarters*] women and children, especially, presented a sickening sight. Weak women and little children were compelled to stand by the hour because there was no place for them to sit down. The cruelty resulting from such condition may readily be imagines. It seems incredible, that such a state of things should exist, but unfortunately it does. People are confined in these detention rooms for days and days, until a ship is ready to take them back to the country from whence they came. It may be said, without fear of exaggeration, that the existence of these detention rooms in their present condition is a disgrace to our country, and that their continued toleration would amount to a crime against humanity. This lack of proper accommodations extends to other quarters. The dining room for immigrants, for instance, has a capacity for one hundred and eighty persons only, while thousands may [xxx] require to be fed there at a time. The sleeping rooms also are lacking in every reasonable comfort. In short the whole building set apart for the use of the immigrants, to use the language of the official in whose charge we made our tour of inspection "was an afterthought." The main building is a substantial structure which was erected to furnish, first of all, commodious quarters for the officials. When it was found, that after all, the immigrants might require some room, a poorly constructed, illy adapted, and utterly inadequate addition was tacked on to the main building, to serve, as best it might, for the accommodation of the immigrants. It may be too late now to change the purposes of the main building so as to afford immediate relief, but if that is impossible4. impossible, it seems to me, that the government of the island should be furnished at once with a large steamboat to be anchored at the island, with ample accommodations at least for the poor women and children, so as to afford them some comfort and privacy. This would bring immediate relief until more suitable halls could be built. Until something of this sort is done, the conditions of the immigrants will remain cruel and inhuman, and the officials, even with the kindest of disposition[s] towards the immigrants, will be unable to modify these conditions to any appreciable degree. Moreover they will be most seriously embarrassed in the proper performance of their duties, and subject them to unfounded charges of cruelty and harshness when there is no real cause for doing so. And another matter of the highest importance to both the immigrant and the government, it seems to me, relates to the method of the examinations, which determine the right of the immigrant to be admitted to this country, if possessed of proper qualifications, and that of this government to exclude him from it and order him deported to the place whence he came, in case such immigrant is not properly qualified. Even a superficial observation of the work of the inspectors charged with the duty of conducting these examinations must lead to the conclusion, that the methods now in vogue are faulty and must lead to consequences detrimental to the rights of many immigrants as well as to the best interests of this country. Under the present interpretation of the Immigrant Law, many of the best and most desirable immigrants are admittedly excluded from this country, while scores of the worst elements are admitted. When it is stated, that thousands of immigrants unable to speak English come up for examination in a single day, it becomes apparent, that an examination conducted by a few inspectors must be devoid of thoroughness and often result in gross injustice.5. The examining force at the island is numerically insufficient and as a result of these hurried examinations persons pass as qualified that ought to be held for special inquiry, and others are held, that have every qualification to be passed as eligible to land, as we had occasion to ascertain. One thing ought under no circumstances to be permitted, which is that of holding persons for further inquiry and detention, unless the grounds of such detention are clearly stated and appear on the records of the inspector. An inspector unable to state the reason for holding an immigrant for special inquiry at once subjects himself to a suspicion of unfair dealings and improper motives, especially in cases of immigrants with money. The position of the inspector is one of high trust and calls for the exercise of more than ordinary intelligence and judgment as well as for undoubted honesty and fairness. Men not possessed of these qualities can do more to bring into bad repute, and cause obloquy to be cast both upon the Immigration Law and its administration, than can be done through any other agency. This applies also with double force to the boards of special inquiry of which there are three at the island. All cases held for special inquiry come before these boards, each of which keeps a record of its proceedings and has a stenographer to take down such testimony as is presented by the immigrant and his friends. The formal organization of these boards seems unobjectionable, but the methods employed and the results attained seem indeed subject to some serious criticism. The fact, that the membership of [a] the boards is made up from the ranks of the inspectors seems to be objectionable, as the prior employment and training of these men does not well fit them for a membership on these quasi-judicial boards, where a broader experience in the affairs of life and higher mental attributes would seem to be essential prerequisites for an6. efficient exercise of the important duties devolving upon such boards. No law devised by human beings is perfect, and the present Immigration Law expecially seems to be very defective in some important particulars. The general character of the law necessarily makes it difficult for these boards to apply its provisions to individual cases, and there being no discretion vested in these boards, it must be a frequent occurrence that great injustice is done to their migrant. It seemed to me that the slavish adherence to the letter of the law practiced by the boards in our presence, defeats in many instances the very object and spirit of the law. The examinations conducted in our presence and the decisions given by several of these boards furnished a convincing proof that the clause of the law relating to contract labor is at this time interpreted and applied in a manner not to be commended, since the result of such interpretation is, that the worst elements are frequently admitted and the best are excluded. Persons that were clearly hired as contract laborers, appeared to be carefully instructed in advance, how to deny their contract. They were furnished with enough money to reach their place of destination, and owing to such instructions and the possession of sufficient means, they were readily admitted. Persons, on the other hand, who were too honest to swear falsely and admitted, that they had been promised work by a relative or friend here, and who had accepted such promise, were ordered deported, though entirely unobjectionable, simply because promises to give employment were made and accepted. Several cases of this sort came under our direct notice and the injustices of the proceedings was readily admitted, not only by the official in charge, but also deplored by the very members of the boards, who pleaded as an excuse for their decision, producing such results,, the necessity of a strict adherence to the letter of the law. I have not sufficiently7. sufficiently examined the present law to be able to give you any opinion on this point, but if the present law actually compels these boards to act as they do now and to interpret the law in their present manner, then there is no doubt about the fact, that this law ought to be repealed at once as bad and inadequate. The whole administration of matters relating to Immigration, it seems to me, requires great wisdom, tact and judgment. No iron-clad regulations should prevail. Much discretion should be vested in the administration, and especially in these boards of special inquiry. If without such discretion now, then they should be invested with it as soon as possible. Under the present methods there can be no doubt that people are ordered deported who are the very best of the immigrants and who have the ability to immediately go to work and with no danger on their part to become a public charge. This seems utterly wrong, and a result entirely at variance with the wishes and the intentions of the present administration. Had such an interpretation and administration of the law prevailed in the past, then hundreds of thousands of our best citizens of foreign birth would have been barred from this country. It is true that an appeal from the decisions of these boards may be taken by the immigrant or his friends, who feel that justice has not been done, but it stands to reason and is apparent, that in most cases, either from lack of proper knowledge or sufficient intelligence, such appeal is not taken. Even where appeals are taken to the secretary of the treasury, the record transmitted on such appeal, will be one-sided and inadequate to properly present the side of the immigrant, and therefore, in most cases, would prove a useless procedure. It seems, moreover, that the secretary of the treasury should not8. be burdened with the investigation and examination of such appeals, which could more properly and much more effectively, be heard on the island by a board properly constituted for that purpose as a board of appeals. The immigrant and his friends would thus be enabled to present testimony and be given a better opportunity to present their side of the case. There are two other features at Ellis Island that seem objectionable, because of doubtful propriety at least, namely that of feeding the immigrants and of changing their foreign into American money. These privileges are at this time in private hands, free from such government supervision as would insure the impossibility of abuse. A proper supervision, it seems, is not now possible, because of the lack of a sufficient governmental force. The toleration of such private enterprises on the island is not to be commended. In the past it invariably has led to abuse. The government, it seems, could readily and much more safely change the money of these inexperienced and trusting foreigners. When it is stated that between May 1, 1901 and May 1, 1902, 403,541 immigrants exhibited $6,566,881 as they passed through Ellis Island, it may readily be appreciated, why government officials should at least supervise, and strictly so, the exchange of such vast sums of money, for without the slightest thought of imputing wrongful motives on the part of the present holders of these privileges, it would seem much better for the government to remove even the temptation for wrong doing. It was also apparent, that the privilege of feeding the immigrants is subject to serious criticism. While it is a fact, that the government official in charge at the island has done his best to prevent overcharges for food, by having cards posted in conspicuous places, setting forth the9. price of the various articles of food, yet it is also true, that by reason of lack of supervision the immigrants can be imposed upon without restraint. I will only mention that we saw immigrants approach the counter to buy food with handfuls of money, absolutely trusting the representative of the private concern to take from such moneys only the amount due him for food -- five or ten times the amount might have been retained without any redress on the part of the immigrant. Such possibilities should not exist and the government certainly should have a supervisor controlling both of these privileges strictly. But all of these matters are of minor importance when considering the whole system relative to the examination, admission or rejection of immigrants. This system, it seems to me, is radically wrong and illy conceived, though it has the sanction of time. I know that from time immemorial immigrants have been allowed to come to our shores in great numbers to knock for admission, and then subjected to all the trials, tribulations and hardships of a long and weary examination, often to be robbed and fleeced by every hand through which they had to pass. Now th[is]e strict sense of duty and discipline enforced by this present administration seeks to protect her immigrants from injustice and robbery, but the terrible agonies of a weary wait, the injustice from hasty and insufficient examinations, and the unwarranted cruelties from miserable housing, a deportation by innimical and often brutal and selfish transportation companies, unwillingly performing their duty, are still left in glaring and inhuman form. [*Deportations.*] The character of immigrat[ans]ion has much deteriorated, in one instance out of a batch of 4310 cases 699 were excluded and ordered deported. What hardships await such10. poor wretches on their way back may readily be imagined. The case of twenty or more men, women and children may be mentioned in our hearing despite the protestations of the steamship agent, that his ship was in no condition to offer them shelter, being without fires or steam, were ordered back to this ship in the cold winter night, because the detention rooms could not hold all. I have no doubt these poor women and children were better of[f] on the cold freezing ship than in these terribly foul detention rooms, but what a commentary on the greatness, justice and humanity of this great country of ours. The mind naturally seeks for a way out of all this calamity, cruelty and barbarity, for such it is without doubt. Is this whole system not wrong? Why must these poor people be permitted to come here by the thousands to be put back by the hundreds? And if th[is]e class of immigration deteriorates from day to day, and we see that the cruelty and hardships increase also, why not change the whole system? I believe it can be done and should be done, and I believe also that our present honest progressive President is the one to do it. I will make a suggestion. It may be entirely impracticable, but having seen the frightful present conditions I feel that plain duty compels some change for speedy and practical relief. The whole examination of immigrants ought to be transferred to the country of the emigrant, not even to the port from whence he is to sail. The United States have counsuls and consular agents every where, and where none are now, or not in sufficient numbers, others could be placed. These Consuls or Consular agents ought to be charged with the duty of making inquiry into the qualifications of would be immigrants. If such additional11. additional duties are onerous let their salaries be commensurate. Their services would be invaluable to this country. The solicitations of agents of transportation companies, to emigrate, could be traced by our officials abroad. Their misrepresentations could be nullified. It would be much less of a hardship for intending immigrants to travel personally to his nearest consular agency, and be rejected, than to America[n] and be rejected. The qualified person would be glad to go to this extra expense, because of the certainty of admission. Our Consuls should be their courts of special inquiry. There would be ample time for inquiry, months if necessary, Proper instructions to our Consuls would innure the immigrations desired and the exclusion of the undesired. Steamship companies would not be out [of from] much revenue, because they would be saved the cost of re-transportation, but the amount of injustice and suffering that would be saved would be incalcuable. Moreover in this manner only could pauper labor be excluded systematically inasmuch as a Consul charged with these duties and having the power and opportunity would almost [universally] invariably get behind specious instructions and pretense If the present inadequate, unsatisfactory and unjust system is to continue, then much money must be expended to provide for the ever increasing throng of the poor and ignorant immigrants who seek to come here to improve their conditions. Would it not be much better to have all immigrants pass muster abroad, to establish their qualifications for American citizenship in their homes? [Is] Are not th[is]e the local American authorities better qualified to ascertain these qualifications than ten inspectors trying to inspect three or four thousand men, women and children in a single day?12. Our Consuls undoubtedly would be glad to serve as such courts of special inquiry, and such inquiry would not be a farce as it seems to be only too often now. These facts, observations and suggestions, my dear V Schleints are submitted only because of my earnest desire to be of some service in the cause of good government as well as in the service of humanity, and not because I feel that I am specially qualified to make them or that they may prove to be of great value. Very truly, Gebhard Willrich [enclosed in Schleninitz 2-6-03][*[2-6-03]*] (Letter from Gebhord Willrich to Emil V. Schleinitz.) In re IMMIGRATION - Conditions at Ellis Island: Offers suggestion that examination of immigrants be transferred to the country of the immigrant, consular officers to be charged with duty of making inquiry as to qualifications of would-be immigrants. This would forestall the suffering and injustice incident to deportation. Existing methods of examination are faulty; under present interpretation of law, many of most desirable immigrants are excluded, while scores of the worst element are admitted; examining force is numerically insufficient; clause relating to contract labor is being interpreted in a manner not to be commended. Detention quarters are a national disgrace; wholesale deportation. Press accounts of cruelty and harshness towards immigrants not sustained. [Attached to Schleinitz 2-6-03]Emil von Schleinitz Editor in Chief. "Germania", Milwaukee, wis. Feb. 6, '03 Calls attention to the almost endless attacks of the Press on Germany and hopes something may be done to check it. Encloses letter from H. Baettcher (which is one of many) deprecating the unprovoked and unmerited attacks. If not discontinued the Republican Party will surely alienate the affection of the German Americans. [*shorthand notes*][*add*] [*2/*] [*shorthand notes*][attached to Schleinitz 2-6-1903] [*[File]*] The Outlook Company 287 Fourth Avenue New York February 7th, 1903. My dear Mr. President: Please accept my cordial thanks for your valued and instructive letter of February 3d, enclosing the letter from Mr. Procter and the letter to Mr. McBee. It is exceedingly interesting to find a Southerner like Commissioner Procter taking the reasonable and commendable view which he does -- a view, which it seems to us here, must in the end prevail. I shall hand your letter to my father on Monday and I know that he will -- if possible -- avail himself gladly of the opportunity of talking with you on the Trust Question. Just now I am greatly absorbed in the Addicks Case. My contempt for, and indignation against, Addicks is in no small degree the result of the inspiring stand which you, yourself, have taken both in public speech and in public acts against the forces of corruption in municipal, state, and national affairs. I wonder if you are seeing George Kennan's articles. I am, with respect, Faithfully yours, Lawrence F. Abbott The President, White House, Washington, D. C.[*Ackd*] [*2-10-1903*] [*Feb 8 11- 08 AM 1903*] [SHORTHAND] United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. February 7, 1903. The President: There is a controversy in regard to lands and property of various kinds in Porto Rico, with the Holy Roman Catholic Church. The matter is under consideration by the Committee on Pacific Islands and Porto Rico, of which I am Chairman. I do not know just what measure will be reported, but we are to consider the subject at the next meeting of the committee, on Monday, the 9th instant. One of the propositions, and one that I think of favorably, is to provide for the appointment by the President of three commissioners, to hear all parties in interest and determine all the questions involved. Some of the parties interested are aware that this kind of a measure is likely to be reported favorably by the committee. I do not know whether they will be seeing you in advance, to recommend appointments on the commission, but, if so, I hope you will not in any way commit yourself until after the bill becomes a law, and I can fully acquaint you with the nature of the questionsUnited States Senate, WASHINGTON. D. C. The President - 2. to be passed upon. I intended to speak to you about this this morning, but, in the hurry, forgot to do so. Hence, this note. Very truly yours, etc. , J. B. Foraker.[*File CF*] Department of State, Washington, February 7, 1903. Dear Mr. President:- I have had a talk with Dolliver in regard to the Alaska treaty. He is strongly in favor of it, and after leaving me he went to see Allison, and now tells me that Allison heartily approves the treaty and will vote for its early ratification. Fairbanks was here also, and not only says he will do all in his power to have the treaty passed, but is convinced there is very little opposition to it. The same man who disturbed the mind of Spooner has also been writing to Fairbanks. He is a certain Judge Burke, an attorney of the Northern Pacific Road, who probably prefers the present unsettled state of things as being in the interest of business. Yours sincerely John Hay[*File*] [*CF*] Department of State, Washington, February 7, 1903. Dear Mr. President : - I enclose copy of a communication which, by your direction, I sent to the British Ambassador. Yours faithfully John Hay [*state 2/6/03*][For enc see Hay 2-6-03][*Ackd 2-9-1903*] HEINS & LA FARGE, ARCHITECTS. 30-32 EAST TWENTY-FIRST STREET. NEW YORK. G. L. HEINS C. GRANT LA FARGE February 7, 1903. My dear Theodore:- At the risk of seeming unpleasantly intrusive, I feel impelled to say to you that I do not think you have quite met the point in Florence's letter. It is very hard for the inexpert in matters political to judge what the outcome of the present complication in Delaware will be, but I think that Delaware can take care of herself, whether or not you interfere on behalf of the right; but I wonder if you do realize how the country feels about your position? I hear it on all hands and from all sorts of people, and the question they ask of themselves and of each other is "Will the Administration ignore the difference between plain right and plain wrong?" And the press, so far as I have seen it, is unanimous. When you are criticised for your attitude about the Southern question or the Trusts, or any such matter, I do not care, and it does not hurt me, because about these things there is room for the widest difference of perfectly honest opinion, whether intelligent or otherwise. But in the Addicks case it is different, and there the kind of thing that people feel cuts me very deep; for when all is said and done he is a flagrant and filthy scoundrel, who by his dreadful deeds has struck hard at everything that a decent, self-respecting American holds dear, and at everything that you preeminently stand for among our public men; and yet the one action that you have openly taken gave him aid and comfort. There seems to be no possible doubt that Byrne is absolutely unfit for the position to which you nominated him, and that his unfitness has been fully demonstrated, and it seems clear that the Judiciary Committee of the Senate has done right in rejecting the nomination. If you leave this nomination to be fought out on the floor of the Senate you may or may not affect the situation in Delaware. I know, of course, that if you withdraw it, you certainly will affect that situation, but that is not my reason for writing you; it is because I feel that unless you withdraw the nomination, you will injure the name of a friend of mine, which will hurt me as though it were my own. I know that I need not give you any explanation of my action, for we know and trust each other too well to make that necessary. Faithfully yours, C. Grant La Farge. President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C.that remark of yours that you had done only what any other man could do "if he had a mind" - and it has struck me that this is exactly what Washington himself would have said - and Lincoln too! B.M. [*file*] Feb 7th 1903 HOTEL GORDON WASHINGTON. D.C. Dear Theodore: (I begin this way because I am addressing the old friend [and not] rather than Mr. President). We cannot leave Washington without thanking you for the very goodtime we had on Thursday - evening, My wife and my daughter were as pleased as I was that you had us all at your own table and that we had a chance to talk to you again - and better still - to hear you talk. The only trouble was that the time was all too short to chat about half the things we have in mind. It was a delight also to see Mrs Roosevelt looking so well. Yours Ever Brander Matthews P.S. I've been thinking over[2-7-03] Woodcock, A. J., Dr., Riverside Farm, Byron, 111. Presents the President with an old Roman coin, which was collected by his father, the late Major Albert Woodcock, in Italy, where he was in the Consular Service. The President's speaking with the Blackfoot Indian delegation in the old sign language of the mountains and plains pleased strenuous people throughout the world. President's writings find favor with sportsmen.[attached to Woodcock 2-7-03]ENC. FOR BYRNE 2-12-03 2-7-19034 The Irish-American The Irish-American New York, Feb. 7, 1903. people need only a glance through the sad history of their own land, for over seven hundred years to realize how utterly false and worthless are her professions of amity,- o truly described in the warning of the inspired lines of Davis: "Though the Saxon snake unfold at thy feet his [?] of gold, And vow thee love untold,- trust him not Green Lad; Touch not, with loveless clasp, a coiled and deadly asp, But, with firm and guarded grasp, in your steel-claw hand." THE LATEST LAND SPECULATION. Dispatches from one other side of the Atlantic, during the past week, drew attention to the fact that the property at Kilmessan, in the County of Meath, Ireland, had been advertised to be sold, on the 5th of February, at the auction sales rooms of Messrs, Ganly, in Dublin; and some stress was laid on the alleged circumstance that this estate (which, by the way, was in the market for incumbered properties, several years ago,) included the hill of Tara, and the supposed site of the ancient palace of the "High Kings" of Ireland. As those of our readers who keep track of such they should do anything; as though nominally a Commission to select a site for the Post-office building, the members could not do even that much, as no appropriation had been made to defray even the ordinary expenses of the Commission, much less what would be required for the purchase and acquisition of the necessary ground. As one of the Washington correspondents intimates, the law appointing the Commission was found, on examination, to be defective in every point in which it was possible that it could be made faulty; and, until Congress shall have passed a practicable enactment on the subject, New York will have to go on laboring under the same difficulties and deficiencies that have so often been pointed out and complained of, without amelioration or improvement. Yet, more than three-fourths of the mails of the United States pass through the New York Post office, and a corresponding amount of the total postal revenue of the government is drawn from the same source. The injustice in the matter is manifest and disgraceful to the central government; but not half so disgraceful as the plain intention of the party now in control of Congress that no adequate remedy or corrective shall he applied. RELEASING THE PRISONER A cable dispatch from Dublin, of date February 3d, announces the release from prison, on that day, of Mr. William Redmond, although only half the term for which he had been sentenced had expired, and no reason was assigned for his discharge, as he declared that he stood by every word of the speech for the utterance of which he was prosecuted, under the Coercion Act, passed especially for the purpose of enabling the government to arrest and imprison men without right or justice. At the same time, Mr. John Roche, M.P. and Mr. Reddy, M.P., who were arrested on similar charges to those preferred against Mr. Redmond, were released from prison; and it was stated that there would be a general jail delivery of all the incarcerated members of the United Irish League, throughout the country. The action of the alien London government, in this matter, affords a good illustration of the methods on which English rule in Ireland is carried out; and, at the same time, furnishes a logical explanation of the hostility of the Irish people to that rule. If Mr. Redmond and his fellow- prisoners were guilty of an offense, political or otherwise, and had been rightfully convicted - after a fair trial - then they should have been left to suffer the full penalty pronounced against them, without favor of remission. Their discharge without assigned cause, or the expression of regret or repentance on their part, is a confession of judgment against itself by the ruling power, --an acknowledgement that all the proceedings in their regard were outrages against their natural right and liberties, and acts of tyranny of the worst kind. That is the verdict of England on her own misgovernment of Ireland. If the Irish people did not resist, and oppose that ubiquitous system, they would be unworthy to be regarded as men, or beings in any way deserving of freedom. THE DELAWARE SENATORSHIP. Delaware ought to have two Demo- Sampson was again incapacitated by the same malady. He was mentally incapacitated again when he was given his important command during the Spanish war, and the Washington [?] knew it, and in spite of it put him [?] this most vital post above old [?] tried officers who ranked him in [?] service. The Santiago conspiracy [?] lowed his evident breakdown; but the truth is becoming known at last justice will be done. Admiral Schley and his course[?] battle, in which he was in actual com- mand, will be amply and speed[?] dicated. [?] [?] the same time, Mr. John Roche, M. P., and Mr. Reddy, M. P., who were arrested on similar charges to those preferred against Mr. Redmond, were released from prison; and it was stated that there would be a general jail delivery of all the incarcerated members of the United Irish League, throughout the country. The action of the alien London government, in this matter, afford a good illustration of the methods on which English rule in Ireland is carried out; and, at the same time, furnishes a logical explanation of the hostility of the Irish people to that rule. If Mr. Redmond and his fellow-prisoners were guilt of any offence, political or otherwise, and had been rightfully convicted, -- after a fair trial, -- then they should have been left to suffer the full penalty pronounced against them, without favor or remission. Their discharge without assigned cause, or the expression of regret or repentance on their part, is a confession of the judgment against itself by the ruling power,-- an acknowledgement that all the proceedings in their regard were outrages against their natural rights and liberties, and acts of tyranny of the worst kind. That is the verdict of England on her own misgovernment of Ireland. If the Irish people did not resist and oppose that iniquitous system, they would be unworthy to be regarded as men, or beings in any way deserving of freedom. THE DELAWARE SENATORSHIP. Delaware ought to have two Democratic Senators in the United States Senate, as she did in the days when the Bayards and the Saulsburys were in their prime. Since it is otherwise, we had nothing to do with the factional row among the Republicans that has kept the State unrepresented in the Senate. One of the details of this contention, however, affects the reappointment of United States District Attorney William M. Byrne, of Wilmington. In this we regret to see that shameful and utterly unjustifiable attacks are being made in many papers on the personal character and professional standing of Mr. Byrne. We are not concerned about Mr. Byrne's politics, except to regret that he is not a good Democrat. But he is too well-known in this city as a brilliant orator and a sober, scholarly advocate to have these attacks on his personal character count in any way against him. We are rejoiced, therefore, to see that President Roosevelt, for whom Mr. Byrne has done loyal and effective service, is standing by him, and pays no heed to the mean and malicious slanders that have been so rife. It does the President credit, and we hope he will not in the least retreat from the manly stand he has taken in Mr. Byrne's favor, in spite of the factional clamor that has been raised. THE SCHLEY CONSPIRACY. Startling testimony in proof of the conspiracy of the Navy Bureau ring of Washington against Admiral Schley is given in the medical [re???] in the pension case of Rear Admiral W. T. Sampson's widow. It shows that for fully five years before his death Admiral Sampson was afflicted with aphasia. The first attack was in 1897, when he was a patient at the Naval Dispensary, in Philadelphia. Some ten months later - in January, 1898 - while he was in command of the battleship Iowa, of the North Atlantic Squadron, Capt. of the [?] [?][Enc. in Murphy, 2-6-03] [2-7-03]EXECUTIVE SECRETARY SOUTHERN EDUCATION BOARD EDGAR GARDNER MURPHY NEW YORK CITY, MONTGOMERY, ALABAMA, IN CARE, ROBERT C. ODGEN, PRESIDENT IN CARE, SOUTHERN EDUCATION BOARD 784 BROADWAY. P.O. BOX NO. 347.SATURDAY MORNING. THE MONTGOMERY ADVERTISER. FEBRUARY 7, 1903. 3 SPECIAL Seats on Sale Thursday Jefferson Theatre Birmingham Four Nights Commencing Tuesday, Feb. 10th. Matinees Wednesday and Saturday. KLAW & ERLANGER'S Stupendous, Original Production of General Lew Wallace's BEN HUR The Most Important and Most Impressive Spectacle Ever produced. NOTE - Birmingham is the only city visited between St. Louis and New Orleans, as an extremely large stage is needed for the big chariot race and other scenes. EXCURSION RATES ON ALL ROADS. Prices 50¢, $1, $1.50 and $2. Mail Orders with remittance filled in the order received. When in Doubt Come to Us. Whenever you are in doubt as to the best place to entertain your friends come to us and the problem will be solved to your entire satisfaction. Then too the best people can be seen at our place and this is no small matter -- we are It in our line. Cafe, Lunch Counter, Soda Water, Confectionaries, Fruits, Cigars and Tobacco. Bastiani & Cassimus. My Lady's Jewels Nothing charms a woman like beautiful jewelry. Not necessarily expensive jewelry, but tasteful. Our cases contain a large assortment of Feminine Finery DEBATE ON TRUSTS MORE INTEREST AROUSED IN SPEECHES. Mr. DeArmond of Missouri Closes Argument for the Democratic and Mr. Littlefield of Maine for Republicans. Washington, Feb. 6. - General debate on the anti-trust bill closed in the House shortly before 6 o'clock this afternoon. The debate had continued since 10 o'clock this morning. More interest was arohsed as it proceeded and the closing speeches by Mr. DeArmond (Dem., Mo.) and Mr. Littlefield, (Rep., Maine) were delivered to crowded galleries and a full attendance on the floor. The closing, however, was devoid of clashes. The other speakers today were Messrs Lawrence (Rep., Mass.) Parker (Rep., N.J.) Terrell (Rep., Mass.) Jenkins (Rep., Wis.); Douglass (Rep., N. Y.); Henry (Dem., Texas); Fleming (Dem., Ga.); McClellan (Dem., N.Y.); Williams (Dem., Miss.), and Kleberg (Dem., Texas.) Tomorrow, for three hours, the bill will be considered under the five minute rule, after which the final vote will be taken. At the opening of the House Mr. Foss (Ills.) reported the naval appropriation bill and the debate on the anti-trust measure was opened by Mr. Lawrence (Mass.) who took issue with Senator Morgan (Ala.) regarding the latter's statement in a recent interview to the effect that neither party was in interest on the question. Mr. Henry (Tex.) did not desire to fight legitimate corporations, but believed that monopolies could and should be outlawed. The pending bill, he thought, did not aim at existing and admitted combinations in restraint of trade. Mr. Jenkins, chairman of the Judiciary Committee, said the power of Congress was as limited upon this question as that of any common council in the cities of the United States. He declared there were no trusts and that the business of the country was carried on by corporations. He agreed, however, that the taxing power of the government might be invoked to suppress undesirable corporations. Mr. Fleming (Ga.) announced that he would vote for the bill, but criticized the weakness of various sections, one of which he declared was to place corporations now in existence in possession of information about future corporations. He urged that section 5 be made applicable to water transpotration. He opposed the section which prohibited the carrier from transporting trust made goods. He was opposed to it because it placed the responsibilite of determining what was trust made goods upon carrier. Mr. Gilbert (Ky.) said his private opinion was that the bill was not only a homeopathic dose, but that it would do more harm than good. The Republican Party, he said, was now engaged in the same sort of desperate effort to destroy the trusts which characterized it in its attempts for ten years to establish bimetallism by international agreement. Mr. Williams (Miss.) replied at some length to the assertions of Mr. Sibley (Pa.) a few days ago that "the day of indivirualism and competition had passed." Mr. DeArmond (Mo.), in closing the general debate for his ride, said he realized how difficult it was to deal adequately with the trust question. Human greed with he best human intellect at its command was not too easily baffled and therefore a solution of the problem required sincere and honest endeavor. He was one of those, he said, who believed that a revision of the tariff could accomplish much. He did not believe that the tariff sheltered all trusts. Still, if it would break the bones of any of the giant trusts, why, he asked, should not the remedies be applied? Some of the other side, he said, openly admitted that the tariff should be revised in certain particulars. Why should not the bars be let down if the tariff had been made a sheltering place and breeding ground for trusts. His side proposed an amendment to clothe the President with power to suspend duties on trust made articles whenever necessary to protect the public. Why, he asked, would not the other side join in the enactment of the amendment? Do you prefer, he asked addressing the [?] he hoped it would address itself to the members of the House. Mr. Littlefield created considerable amusement by reading a most extravagant denunciation of combinations, and then announcing that the extract was not from the speecd of any gentleman on the other side, but from a speech of Sir John Culpepper, delivered in the English Parliament 262 years ago. "They had 'em then," said he, "just as we have 'em now. I call your attention to the fact that there was no protective tariff in those days." In reply to a question, Mr. Littlefield said he did not believe Congress should penalize over capitalization. To do so, he said, would produce a panic. When Mr. Littlefield concluded, the general debate was formally declared closed, and at 5:45 p.m. the House adjourned. A TRAVESTY ON FAME IN THE ALABAMA LEGISLATURE. (For the Advertiser.) One, in the days of bitter war, Faced death and danger on the seas. He bore his country's flag afar To ever-glorious victories. And Alabama's name for aye, Through him, shall live in history. The other, in those days of strife, Sought peace and safety in his home; Preserved his fortune and his life And grieved not at his country's doom. No foes he gained - for none he fought. While others died, he "sold and bought". The years passed by; a time there came, When death had called away these men, To say which earned the crown of fame. What did the grateful people then? The day had come to give reward And show the commonwealth's regard. The name of him who stayed at home in comfort while the other strove, To it applause and honors come As highest in the people's love! The fame of him who fought so well Was left for other tongues to tell! G.M. Passing Throng Mr. C. N. Ruble and F. W. Barlow of Albert Lea, Minn., are in the city as the guests of Mr. C. C. Devinne, 110 Herhon Street. Mr. Ruble and Mr. Barlow are making a tour of the South, having been to Mobile and New Orleans and will leave today for Atlanta. Mr. Barlow, who is President of one of the largest dairies in Minnesota, expressed himself as highly pleased with Montgomery. Mr. Rubie lived in Tennessee several years ago and has been in Montgomery before. This is Mr. Barlow's first trip to the Southern States. Capt. R. L. Butt of the Atlantic Coast Line has recently returned home after visiting his son, Richard L. Butt, at Wilmington, N. C., and taking his son, Arthur J. Butt, to Annapolis, Md., to prepare for the United States Naval Academy, renewing old acquaintances in Baltimore and spending a very pleasant week in New York City, the guest of an old time friend. Hon. George A. Sorrell, member of the late Constitutional Convention and a prominent East Alabama lawyer, and Mr. George W. Sealy of Alexander City, who have been in the city attending Federal Court the past two days, will return to Alexander City today. Mr. Charles F. Moritz has gone to Boston on a business trip. He will be absent from Montgomery about two weeks. Mr. Frank Allen is in Boston on a combined business and pleasure trip. News in Brief. SHERIFF William O. Robbins of Elmore County yesterday took John Colbert, a negro, from the Montgomery County jail, where he has been in confinement for a day, to the Elmore County prison at Wetumpka, where Colbert is wanted for enticing contract labor away from the State of Alabama. AT a meeting of the directors of the Lost Creek Coal and Mining Company, held yesterday at the Merchants and Planters National Bank, William B. Jones was elected President to succeed the late Robert Goldthwaite, and M. Kahn was elected to fill the vacancy on the Board. [THE Grand Jury of Montgomery C?] THE MANXMAN STAGED LARGE AUDIENCE ENJOYED DRAMATIZATION OF BOOK. Jame O'Neill and Company at the Montgomery Theatre - Miss Buckley Won Hearts of the Theatre-goers. The gloom and depression of "The Manxman," made it a serious subject for the dramatist but the versatile Hall Caine arose to the occasion and his prosaic story of the interesting Isle of Man, abridged to suit the exigencies of the stage, makes an intensely soul-stirring play. The was undoubtedly the verdict of a large and cultured audience at the Montgomery theatre last night on the premier presentation here of the drama. This cultured audience went to the theatre prepared to pay homage to the dramatic art of James O'Neill. It left the theatre vowing its regard for Miss May Buckley, a winsome young woman, new to these parts, who proved her right to be styled an eminent actress. Chief in interest to book lovers was the dramatization of the story. In writing the play Mr. Caine and Wilson Barrett, who collaborated with him, took the character at the dramatic moment when "Pete" Quillian had decided to declare his love for Kate Creegan, daughter of Caesar Creegan ,the religious innkeeper, who had long been his master. This incident is the beginning of the play. "Pete," in his honest simpliicty, calls upon Philip Christian, his life-long friend, to intercede for him with Caesar. He has not realized that Kate has learned to think much of this friend who, in birth and prospects, is so much above either of them, and that.Philip has looked with great favor on the inn-keeper's daughter, pleads for "Pete." Caesar replies by turning "Pete" from the inn, but Kate, piqued at the action of Philip, sends him away to seek fortune in a happy frame of mind because she promises to marry him on his return. Pete returns after an absence of years, only to be betrayed by those in whom he had placed his trust.Philip, his friend, in whose care he has left Kate, has been far too attentive to her, and she has become the talk of the village and a subject of insult by Philip's roystering cousin. Philip has felt safe from his friend because rumors have come of the death of the wanderer in the African gold fields. All are surprised by the return of Pete. Kate pleads that Philip shall marry her and face his friends, but he refuses to marry his old companion. Pete showers love upon his wife and provides he with a fine home and has been made supremely happy by the arrival of a baby. With all his attention he cannot make Kate happy. Pete is full of love for Philip and is the leader in the demonstration that marks his induction into the office of Deemster, of judge. He asks Philip to visit and cheer his wife. Then to Philip the wife reveals the reason of her sorrow. She is living a lie with Pete and her child does not belong to him. Philip leaves her to hear himself hailed as a great hero. Kate flees, but has not the heart to take away the baby and so deprive Pete of everything. So Pete comes home from his jollification to find only the little one left to him. Even then he remains loyal, however, for he tells the scandal-mongers who come in that Kate his merely gone to visit an uncle in Liverpool. Conscience works its revenge on those who wronged him. Kate has fled to Philip and he has hidden her - but it is in fear, not in love, that they live together. To Philip's home comes "Pete," not with suspicion, but to show how eager he is to defend Kate's character. He has a letter which he says he has received from her, but which Philip knows has been written by himself. His trust is another brand for the burning conscience of the guilty pair. "Pete" learns how he has been betrayed when Kate, unable longer to remain away from her baby, steals again into his home. He finds her there and wrings from her the confession that breaks his heart - the truth about her betrayal. In this moment, however, he rises above his own passion, and in his pure love for her shields the woman who has been so faithless to him. He takes his own sublime revenge at the last when he leads the erring woman to her father and makes the canting Caesar take her in. It is then he learns the full facts, for Philip confesses that he is guilty. "Pete" would kill him except for the interference of Caesar. In the end, however, he takes himself away to find a new and better life free from deceit, and leaves the guilty ones to live out their blasted lives. Mr. O.Neill is ever virile and he gave a fair presentation of "Pete" Quillian, marred only by a frequent lapse as to his lines. This is unpardonable in an actor of the accomplishment, expensive and talent of Mr. O'Neill[.] The jumbling of words caused one to awake to the realization that he was merely witnessing an actor and destroyed the illusion. But Miss Buckley! She reached the [?] CASCADE THE PURE WHISKY is Made from Best of Grain PURIFIED by Our Special Process, Hence Mellow and Wholesome. Montgomery Distributors, B. S. Griel & Co. I. Brickman. tu-th-sat do not say to her mentally, "Bless you for keeping a merry face, my girl!" I never think of her either that I don't relax my face, eyes and forehead and try to have them assume the bright, sunny, merry look this sister of benediction always wears. But one can't do it continually, you say. The pain and botheration of life are too much. Well, I don't know. That girl manages it somehow, and she has to get up very early and go to the office when the thermometer is at zero and has to work all day, I am sure. The merry face is much more within our control than we imagine it to be. Then, too, it is certain if we make ourselves wear this bright, hopeful expression rain or shine that our troubles will not strike in so deep and that they will be over sooner, so that by and by they will hardly touch us at all. MARY GOULD LYTLE. JUST RIGHT FOR THE CHORUS. How Poor Sophronia Pinover Secured Fame at Last. Brooklyn Eagle. Sophronia Pinover was so homely you could feel her coming two blocks away and around the corner. Her ugliness was so pronounced and penetrating that the blind man who sat on the church doorstep feared she might some day restore his sight. The town clock used to hold its hands before its face when she passed by - afraid of being stopped. It was even aserted in her neighborhood that flies, alighting on her, experienced pains in their feet, but as to this I cannot speak with authority, since I am not in the confidence of any fly that ever thus achieved corns or bunions. Yet the fact remains that Sophronia was no ravishing beauty. For a time she tried to console herself with the reflection that handsome is as handsome does, but the more tangible reflection in her mirror gave convincing testimony that handsome didn't and, therefore, wasn't. Then she studied the "How to Make Yourself as Beautiful as Albert Hubbard Ayer" department in her favorite newspaper, but the more she worked over her complexion the more her face looked like a football massaged by a couple of strong college teams. As last, driven to desperation, she decided to put herself out of her misery. So, having called for the deadliest mixture she could find at the drug store soda fountain, she gulped it down, ran out into the crowded thoroughfare and fell to the sidewalk. When the ambulance surgeon looked into her face he said she was suffering from rheumatism of the mind, superinduced by natural causes. He expressed the opinion that there was one chance in a thousand of saving her life. Not that her illness was so very serious, but there were three street car tracks to cross, and it was a 1000-to-1 shot that the ambulance would be run down by a trolley car. The next day, when she came to at the hospital, a strange man stood by the bed with a bundle of newspapers under his arm. "I am a theater manager, " said he, "I see by the papers that you are a marvelously beautiful young woman. I shouldn't have known it by merely looking at you, but if you see it in The Sun it's so, and if you see it in some of the others it more than so. Therefore, I am here to offer you an engagement. Can [?] On the Square. [JOHN?] B. STETSON Co; It's quite an undertaking to throttle strong Winter and force mild Spring to the front, but that's exactly what we are doing at present. We luckily secured shipments of our Spring styles in hats and they are now on display and await your inspection. Young's Celebrated soft and stiff Hats, $3.00, $3.50, $4.00 Stetson's Famous Hats, all styles $4.00, $4.50 and $5.00 A Big Assortment Black and Pearl Hats $1.50, $2.00 $2.50 CAPITOL CLOTHING STORE. S. Gassenheimer & Co. [19.A?.B,?] Oliver Plows The best by long test---therefore the leaders. Experienced farmers prefer them to any others. Competitors only claim theirs to be as good as Olivers. Patterns for all soils and all purposes that do the best work[?] your entire satisfaction. The too the best people can be seen at our place and this is no small matter - we are It in our line. Cafe, Lunch Counter, Soda Water, Confectioneries, Fruits, Cigars, and Tobacco. Bastiani & Cassimus. My Lady's Jewels Nothing charms a woman like beautiful jewelry. Not necessarily expense jewelry, but tasteful. Our cases contain a large assortment of Feminine Finery at low cost that will appeal to the judgment of the most exacting giver. If you are undecided as to what you will give - a glance over our stock will probably give you the desired idea. J. A. Weiss, The Jeweler. Established 1867. Toole's Bread. That's all. James Toole Bakery. PHONE 1020. 13 N. Perry St. Heiskell's Heiskell's Ointment accomplishes astonishing cures of skin diseases, after the most powerful internal remedies have failed. After bathing the part with Heiskell's Soap use Heiskell's Ointment and it will quickly remove all Blotches, Pimples, Eruptions and Sores. Cures Tetter, Erysipelas, Salt Rheum, Scald Head, Itch, Ringworms, Ulcers, Piles, Barber's Itch; relieves and heals Burns and Scalds. Makes the skin soft and beautiful. Prescribed by physicians for half a century. At druggists 50c. Send for free book of testimonials. JOHNSTON, HOLLOWAY & CO., Philadelphia. Ointment E H Groves This signature is on every box of the genuine Laxative Bromo=Quinine Tablets the remedy that cures a cold in one day made goods upon the carrier. Mr. Gilbert (Ky.) said his private opinion was that the bill was not only a homeopathic dose, but that it would do more harm than good. The Republican Party, he said, was now engaged in the same sort of desperate effort to destroy the trust which characterized it in its attempts for ten years to establish bimetallism by international agreement. Mr. Williams (Miss.) replied at some length to the assertions of Mr. Sibley (Pa.) a few days ago that "the day of indivirualism and competition had passed." Mr. DeArmond (Mo.), in closing the general debate for his ride, said he realized how difficult it was to deal adequately with the trust question. Human greed with he best human intellect at its command was not too easily baffled and therefore a solution of the problem required sincere and honest endeavor. He was one of those, he said, who believed that a revision of the tariff could accomplish much. He did not believe that the tariff sheltered all trusts. Still, if it would break the bones of any of the giant trusts, why, he asked, should not the remedies be applied? Some of the other side, he said, openly admitted that the tariff should be revised in certain particulars. Why should not the bars be let down if the tariff had been made a sheltering place and breeding ground for trusts. His side proposed an amendment to clothe the President with power to suspend duties on trust made articles whenever necessary to protect the public. Why, he asked, would not the other side join in the enactment of the amendment? Do you prefer, he asked, addressing the Republican side, to trust the trusts rather than your own President? "We are not seeking to destroy," Mr. DeArmond said, "but to preserve, to act as a bulwark to prevent the concentration and constantly multiplying monopoly which will finaly crush out the American individual" Mr. DeArmond said the bill reported from the Judiciary Committee was quite a different measure from that originally introduced by Mr. Littlefield. "When the gentleman from Maine started out," said he, "he had blood in his eyes and a tomahawk in his hand. But by the time he and his colleagues caught up with the trusts they were smoking the pipe of peace. The sky was clear and the pickings were to continue good for the trusts." (Democratic laughter and appleuse). If it was desired to do something effective, Mr. DeArmond said, the minority amendment should be adopted. Corporations should be made amenable to local courts as individual were. The taxing power of the Government should be used as it was to regulate State banks. The bankruptcy law should be used to throw trusts into the courts if they violated the law. He believed, he said, that members should seriously strive to place an effective law on the statute books. "The administration and the Republican majority in Congress," he said, "will go far enough to satisfy the people's good, but not far enough to hurt the people's enemy." Mr. Littlefield closed the debate for the majority. He said that no one seriously believed with the existing constitutional limitations, that a bill could be prepared that would fully and adequately meet the situation. But, he believed the committee had presented a "fair, reasonable and constitutional measure," and as such March, April, May There is a best time for doing everything - that is, a time when a thing can be done to the best advantage, most easily and most effectively. Now is the best time for purifying your blood. Why? Because your system is now trying to purify it - you know this by the pimples and other eruptions that have come on your face and body. Hood's Sarsaparilla and Pills Are the medicines to take - they do the work thoroughly and agreeable and never fail to do it. Hood's are the medicines you have always heard recommended. I cannot recommend Hood's Sarsaparilla too highly as a spring medicine. When we take it in the spring we all feel better through the summer." MRS. S. H. NEAL, McCrays, Pa. Hood's Sarsaparilla promises to cure and keeps the promise. [?] prepare for the United States Naval Academy, renewing old acquaintances in Baltimore and spending a very pleasant week in New York City, the guest of an old time friend. Hon. George A. Sorrell, Member of the late Constitutional Convention and a prominent East Alabama lawyer, and Mr. George W. Sealy of Alexander City, who have been in the city attending Federal Court the past two days, will return to Alexander City today. Mr. Charles F. Moritz has gone to Boston on a business trip. He will be absent from Montgomery about two weeks. Mr. Frank Allen is in Boston on a combined business and pleasure trip. News in Brief. SHERIFF William O. Robbins of Elmore County yesterday took John Colbert, a negro, from the Montgomery County jail, where he has been in confinement for a day, to the Elmore County prison at Wetumpka, where Colbert is wanted for enticing contract labor away from the State of Alabama. AT a meeting of the directors of the Lost Creek Coal and Mining Company, held yesterday at the Merchants and Planters National Bank, William B. Jones was elected President to succeed the late Robert Goldthwaite, and M. Kahn was elected to fill the vacancy on the Board. THE Grand Jury of Montgomery County took a recess yesterday afternoon at 3 o'clock, until Monday at 9 o'clock. It is understood that the jury has done a big amount of work for the first week's session, having examined a majority of the witnesses. JUDGMENT for the plaintiff was rendered by Judge A. D. Sayre in the civil division of the City Court of Montgomery yesterday for $45 in the case of W. F. Puckett vs. E. E. Forbes. THE Governor yesterday appointed William T. Thornton, Notary Public at Talladega. A PETITION in voluntary bankruptcy was filed yesterday by J. S. Pou of Opelika. M. PELLETAN SPEAKS. Defends Himself from Recent Attacks Upon Him. Paris, Feb. 6. - M. Pelletan, Radical-Socialist, Minister of Marine, seized the opportunity during today's discussion of the naval budget in the Chamber of Deputies to explain his policy to defend himself from the attacks of which he has been the object. He said: "I have always kept in mind the naval reserves of 1870 when the German ships were able to place themselves at the mouth of the Gironde. I have wondered what was the use of the millions of francs previously spent on the navy. I have a proud admiration for the great Admirals of those days, but institutions must be modified. I do not forget the glorious names of the past, but there was in the navy a sort of inheritance giving a tacitly recognized right to a privileged situation. I will struggle unceasingly against the tendency to separate the military portion of our people from the mass of the nation, and to create a detestable military particularism. Even recently the staff of the navy held opinions hostile to the republic. I have sought to repair injustices caused by this state of mind. I respect all men's convictions, and ask of none what are his political ideas, but I insist upon it that the ideas shall not be manifested publicly. I especially will not tolerate that an officer, because he is a republican, be barred from promotion. The more progress that democracy has made the less access it has had to the general staff. I have sought to distribute promotion equally between officers who have issued from the naval school. There exists in the navy not only a distinction of rank, but a distinction of caste." Lee in Statuary Hall. Richmond, Va., Feb. 6. - The bill providing for a statue Gen. R. E. Lee to be placed in Statuary Hall in the Capitol at Washington was a special order in the State Senate today and there were speeches both for and against it. Senator Bryant of Henrico County opposed the mesaure on the ground that no statue of Lee or monument to him should be erected at any place, unless it is done in response to an invitation and request from the authorities and in accordance with the unanimous voices of the people of the locality where such token is to be put. A Negro Hanged. Danville, Va., Feb. 6, - Arthur Wilton, colored, was hanged in an enclosure in the rear of the city jail today for the murder of Jake, Lee, colored, Nov. 13. to find only the little one left to him. Even then he remains loyal, however, for he tells the scandal-mongers who come in that Kate has merely gone to visit an uncle in Liverpool. Conscience works its revenge on those who wronged him. Kate has fled to Philip and he has hidden her - but it is in fear, not in love, that they live together. To Philip's home comes "Pete," not with suspicion, but to show how eager he is to defend Kate's character. He has a letter which he says he has received from her, but which Philip knows has been written by himself. His trust is another brand for the burning conscience of the guilty pair. "Pete" learns how he has been betrayed when Kate, unable longer to remain away from her baby, steals again into his home. He finds her there and wrings from her the confession that breaks his heart - the truth about her betrayal. In this moment, however, he rises above his own passion, and in his pure love for her shields the woman who has been so faithless to him. He takes his on sublime revenge at the last when he leads the erring woman to her father and makes the canting Caesar take her in. It is then he learns the full facts, for Philip confesses that he is guilty. "Pete" would kill him except for the inferference of Caesar. In the end, however, he takes himself away to find a new and better life free from deceit, and leaves the guilty ones to live out their blasted lives. Mr O.Neill is ever virile and he gave a fair presentation of "Pete" Quillian, marred only by a frequent lapse as to his lines. This is unpardonable in an actor of the accomplishment, expensive and talent of Mr. O'Neill. The jumbling of words caused one to awake to the realization that he was merely witnessing an actor and destroyed the illusion. But Miss Buckley! She reached the perfection of art which she has undoubtedly attained through the hardest work and deep study of the emotions which wrung the poor little Manx maid. She felt every word she uttered and she made the audience feel. She was a living, suffering, loving Kate Creegan. This is the highest tribute that can be laid at her feet. Liebler & Co., the astute and far-seeing producers of the plays have in this young woman what, in theatrical pariance is termed "a find." Her name will undoubtedly appear in larger type next season. The supporting company was good. The Caesar Creegan of Mr. Kent was a stage mosaic as was the Nancy of Miss Annie Wood. These character parts were assigned to players who gave them an exquisite finish. Mr. Kilgour, as Philip Christina was stilted at times, and failed altogether in the parting scene of the last act. He has done better work than this. Barring the perfect work of Miss Buckley, Miss Wood and Mr. Kent, the company needs reharsal. It may be harsh to sound a note of tichnical discord when the play was so well received and so thoroughly enjoyed, but the imperfections noted were too apparent to pass unnoticed. The scenic investments were beautiful. Each scene was a picture and they were frequently applauded. Mr. O'Neill was rewarded by numerous curtain calls. The Merry Face. There is an advertising poster that I look at whenever I see it upon wall, signboard or fence. It represents a young woman holding in her hand something a dozen other hands are reaching for and all want at once. What the thing is that the girl has in her hand does not matter. That thing is not the thing at all. Whatever it is, even as she holds it, so her face holds me. It is so merry, bright and alert, so radiant with fun and happiness! A dozen hands are stretched for what she can give only to one, and she is laughing while she considers which shall have it. Her white teeth gleam, her mouth is spread into the broadest sort of a smile. The poster is only a rough thing, probably. Probably when the artist made it he or she never thought of contributing anything to high art, but the face of that merry maid is just the most successful high art work I have seen since - well, since the Paris Exposition. Somehow the sourest minded person smiles every time he sees the poster maid; at least I pity him if he does not. It is so mirth provoking, so full of sunlight and of that joy of living we each ought to carry from cradle to grave. A child would shout with laughter the first time he saw it, an infant in arms would crow and stretch its fat fists toward it. The merry poster maid ought to be printed large and in fast colors and placed along town and city streets where millions of sad faced ones would see her every day and laugh till the aching facial muscles that tell of discouragement and suffering relax and soften and assume for the time the happy child look that should never have gone out of them. The dearest boon one can bestow on this world is to present to it always a merry face. It will thank you and bless you forevermore, for it has much trouble of its own. A young lady often goes downtown in the morning when I do. She is perhaps a stenographer - I don't know - but she has the same merry, radiant face as the poster maid, except that her face, being that of a real girl, is far more beautiful. There is the same lightening, merry look, the same arch, happy smile. The line of humor about her mouth is decided, the softly closed lips tell of sweet temper, the lustrous eyes shine with merry thoughts. I always watch her as long as I can without making her think I am staring at her. I never see her that I with authority, since I am not in the confidence of any fly that ever thus achieved corns or bunions. Yet the fact remains that Sophronia was no ravishing beauty. For a time she tried to console herself with the reflection that handsome is as handsome does, but the more tangible reflection in her mirror gave convincing testimony that handsome didn't and, therefore, wasn't. The she studied the "How to Make Yourself as Beautiful as Albert Hubbard Ayer" department in her favorite newspaper, but the more she worked over her complexion the more her face looked like a football massaged by a couple of strong college teams. As last, driven to desperation, she decided to put herself out of her misery. So, having called for the deadliest mixture she could find at the drug store soda fountain, she gulped it down, ran out into the crowded thoroughfare and fell to the sidewalk. When the ambulance surgeon looked into her face he said she was suffering from rheumatism of the mind, superinduced by natural causes. He expressed the opinion that there was one chance in a thousand of saving her life. Not that her illness was so very serious, but there were three street car tracks to cross, and it was a 1,000-to-1 shot that the ambulance would be run down by a trolley car. The next day, when she came to at the hospital, a strange man stood by the bed with a bundle of newspapers under his arm. "I am a theater manager," said he, "I see by the papers that you are a marvelously beautiful young woman. I shouldn't have known it by merely looking at you, but if you see it in The Sun it's so, and if you see it in some of the others it more than so. Therefore, I am here to offer you an engagement. Can you sing?" "No," she moaned." "Good! I will put you in the chorus." Grau Will Take Vacation. New York, Feb. 6. - Maurice Grau ,the head of the Maurice Grau Opera Company, officially announced at today's meeting of the company that he would abandon the opera business for a year at least. The directors then decided they would not engage in the opera business until Mr. Grau was ready to resume active management. After the meeting, Mr. Grau said: "The company is not out of existence but it will not engage in the opera business after the first of June for at least a year." Agricultural Bill. Washington, Feb. 6. - The Senate Committee on Agriculture today considered but took no final action on the agricultural appropriation bill. The general understanding is that the bill which will be held up for a time in order to ascertain whether it is possible to dispose of the Statehood bill without putting it on the agricultural appropriation bill as an amendment. The committee still stands by its decision, however, to connect the two measures if necessary. Mobile Gets New Steamer Service. Mobile, Ala., Feb. 6. - The Di Giorgio Importing and Steamship Company of Baltimore has transferred its Southern fruit importing business to Mobile, and hereafter six steamers of the company will engage in the fruit trade between Bocas del Toro, Colombia and this port with weekly sailings. The Di Giorgio is one of the strongest concerns in the fruit importing business. CAUSE OF FALLING HAIR. Dandruff, Which is a Germ Disease - Kill the Germ. Falling hair is caused by dandruff, which is a germ disease. The germ in burrowing into the root of the hair, where it destroys the vitality of the hair, causing the hair to fall out, digs up the cuticule in little scales, called dandruff or scurf. You can't stop the falling hair without curing the dandruff, and you can't cure the dandruff without killing the dandruff germ. "Destroy the cause, you remove the effect." Newbro's Herpicide is the only hair preparation that kills the dandruff germ. Herpicide is also a delightful hair dressing. Sold by leading druggists. Send 10c in stamps for sample to The Herpicide Co., Detroit, Mich. E. G. Fowler, Special Agent. - sat. AMUSEMENTS. MONTGOMERY THEATRE MATINEE TO-DAY 2:30 AND TO-NIGHT The Jolly Comedy Hello Bill Matinee prices: - Adults 50 cents; children 25 cents. A Big Assortment Black and Pearl Hats $1.50, $2.00 $2.50 CAPITOL CLOTHING STORE. S. Gassenheimer & Co. 19.[25?].[13?], Oliver Plows The best by long test---therefore the leaders. Experienced farmers prefer them to any others. Competitors only claim theirs to be as good as Olivers. Patterns for all soils and all purposes that do the best work of any kind required, in any soil. Buy the Oliver and avoid disappointment. WE SELL AND GUARANTEE THEM 14 Loeb Carriage Co. 112 Commerce St. Telephone 314. Our Steam Cleaning Will Be a Revelation to You Capital City Laundry, C. M. SMITH, Proprietor. 219-21 Montgomery St. 'Phone 106. YUNG'S RESTAURANT By D. Fleming. 26 N. Court Street. THE PLACE FOR THE Choicest the Markets Afford Imported and Domestic Wines. Rye, Gin and Corn Whiskey, $1.25, $1.50, $1.75, $2.00 to $5 Per Gallon. Write for Price List. Mail orders solicited. Express Prepaid on all goods from $2.50 per gal. and over No Marks on boxes to indicate contents. H. Levystein & Co., 22 Commerce St. : Montgomery, Ala Automobiles in the Alps. Should the experiments in progress in the neighbor hood of Berne prove as successful as is anticipated, travelers to Switzerland in the summer of this year will be able to cross the mountains by automobile instead of the usual post diligence. The actual trials will be made in the spring, and the result, if successful, will be not only to allow travelers to make the different journeys in half the time, but to open to automobilists the chance of driving over the mountain roads, which are at present closed to them on account of the horses.4 SATURDAY MORNING. THE MONTGOMERY ADVERTISER. February 7, 1903. The Advertiser. THE ADVERTISER CO., Publishers. W. W. SCREWS, F. P. GLASS, President. Sec.-Treas. Member of the Associated Press and American Newspaper Publishers' Association. Complete Report of THE ASSOCIATED PRESS. DAILY AND SUNDAY (by carriers or mail). Per annum........$7.80 Six months........$3.90 Three months.... 1.96 One week......... .15 One month........ .05 Single copies...... .05 Sunday edition [aid??] per year....$2.00 WEEKLY EDITION - TEN PAGES. Per annum.......$1.00 Six months....... .50 Three months.... .25 Single copies..... .05 All communications should be addressed and all money orders, checks, etc., be made payable to THE ADVERTISER CO., Montgomery, Ala. VICTOR H. HANSON, Manager Advertising Department, Foreign and Local. The Advertiser will be found on sale in the following cities at the places named: BIRMINGHAM - W. D. Barkston, Tel. Bell 511, General Agent, and all hotels and dealers. MOBILE - John K. Evans, 116 North Royal Street, Mobile Bureau, and all hotels and newsdealers. SELMA - T. W. Barker, General Agent, and hoels and newsdealers. ATLANTA - Kimball House News Stand. NEW YORK - Bretano's, Union Square. WASHINGTON - Metropolitan Hotel. The Advertiser's authorized city subscription collectors are J. H. BUTTON, City Circulator. Z. L. EASON, Collector. T. J. HIGGS, Collector. HENRY IRWIN, Collector. The Advertiser's Telephones: Advertising Department ......................867 Business Office and Circulation Dept......230 City Editor's Rooms................................ 14 Editorial Rooms ....................................571 The Advertiser's Circulation Grows. The circulation of The Advertiser during the last month of last year was larger than in any previous month in its history. It steadily increases its lead in circulation in, and its hold on the good will of the people of, Alabama. Here are the sworn figures for December, 1902: 1...................Monday 2.....................11,236 3.....................11,272 4.....................11,213 5.....................11,175 6.....................11,210 7 (Sun.).........14,984 8..................Monday 9.....................11,194 10......................11,152 11......................11,139 12.....................11,186 13.....................11,218 14 (Sun.).........25,720 15..................Monday 16.....................11,142 17......................11,145 18......................11,161 19......................11,175 20......................11,160 21 (Sun.)...........15,125 22...................Monday 23......................11,126 24......................11,140 25......................11,153 26......................11,180 27......................11,192 28 (Sun.)..........14,910 29...................Monday 30.....................11,150 31......................11,180 Total.. .. .. ........317,556 Daily Net Average for Dec..12,214 Sunday Net Average for Dec.17,685 COMPARISONS. Daily average for December, 1902......12,214 Daily average for December, 1901......19,992 Net gain .......................................... 1,222 Sunday average for December, 1902....17,685 Sunday average for December 1901....13,581 Net gain ........................................... 4,004 V. A. Scott, Circulation Manager of The Montgomery Advertiser, being duly sworn, says: The foregoing statement of The Advertiser's daily circulation for the month of December, 1902, if true and correct, and complied after all returns from newsboys, news agents and left-over copies have been deducted. W. A. SCOTT, Circulation Manager. Sworn to and subscribed to before me this 7th day of January, 1903. F. W. JACKSON, [Scal.] N. P., Ex-O. J. P. SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 1903. DOUBLE GOLDEN SYMBOL. The American Newspaper Directory uses certain signs to denote the relative standing and merit of the whole field of newspaperdom which comes under its notice, and one of these signs is the mystic symbol [ [?] ] denoting "golden," which stands for high quality, and is thus explained: "Advertisers value this paper more for the class and quality of its circulation than for the there number of copies printed." Such papers are credited with a single symbol; but there is a higher grade, according to this standard authority, which have BOTH QUALITY AND QUANTITY, and require the DOUBLE GOLDEN SYMBOL [ [?] ] to describe adequately their standing. The Advertiser has been accorded this double golden symbol [ [?] ] and is the only paper so distinguished in this section of the South. FOUND A USE FOR IT. IMPROVE THE CAPITOL. The discussion in the House yesterday upon the Capitol improvement bill, developed the fact that a considerable majority of its members had made up their minds to support a liberal appropriation. An amendment to appropriate only $25,000 for the work of repairs was voted down by a decided majority. The argument of the opposition to a liberal appropriation seemed to be based on three ideas only; first, that the State was very poor, and, second, that the State's taxes were poorly assessed, and, third, that $25,000 was an enormous sum of money, abundant to do everything necessary. To hear any one in these days argue that Alabama is poor is amazing. It is not denied that there are poor people in the State, but to declare that the State as a whole is poor is a waste of words. It produces no effect on any one's mind. The poorest man in the State knows better. The aggregate tax assessment was never so great. Farming lands are more valuable than at any time since the Civil War. There are more miles of railroads than ever before, and they are in better condition. There are more mines, more factorier, more big cities, more thrifty towns, more banks, better markets for every product of human labor. The State is better able to build a million dollar Capitol today than it was twenty-five years ago to spend twenty-five thousand dollars. The second objection urged to a liberal appropriation was that a vast deal of property escapes the assessor. There is no doubt about that. It has always been true and always will be. It is the case in every State in the Union. The ideal tax laws have not yet been devised. But there is no logic in making that an objection to an appropriation to provide a commodious, creditable State house. The time to talk about poor methods in assessments is when a bill to improve the system is up. If there is so much unassessed property in the State, it is really further evidence that the State is able to provide a comfortable Capitol. Don't hold back needed appropriations, but amend the assessment laws. Again it is urged that $25,000 is sufficient to do the proper thing by the Capitol. That sum won't put the present building in order, much less enlarge it, or secure the rest of the square. Building materials and labor are not as cheap as they were some years ago; general prosperity has affected those things as well as all other commodities. The Carnegie Library now going up on Perry Street is not a large building, nothing like as large as the addition to the Capitol should be; yet it is costing $50,000. It is estimated that the rest of the Capitol square can't be bought for less than $50,000 now; the longer the purchase is put off the more it will cost. That space is absolutely essential to the dignity of the Capitol, and to its comfort. There is but one way to get it, and that is provided in the bill. The appropriation of $250,000 is none too much to do the work properly, and it ought not to be undertaken otherwise. The State is able to do it, and it ought to do it now. We believe the people want it, and that the Legislature will so decide. HE IS A CHEERFUL LIAR. We frequently complain, and with justice, that the Northern papers in many cases misrepresent the South, and yet there are reasons for it. For example, The Atchison (Kas.) Globe, publishes a letter from a former citizen of that town now in Alabama, and among other things, he writes thus: The people here haven't raised anything for three years to amount to anything. Corn is 70 cents a bushel, and it will be $1 before long. I have lived here two years, and haven't killed a negro yet. They don't think anything of killing a negro down here. A fellow killed a negro preacher the other day. It took just jects to the Barksdale pure elections bill because "it is an insinuation that there has been crooked work in former elections," is simply too pure and innocent to bump up against this wicked old world. Right you are. Whether there have been unfair elections in Virginia or Alabama in the past is not a matter to discuss. On this point, at least, "let the dead past bury its dead" and let it remain buried. What we now want, and what the people should insist on having, is a law under which elections will be absolutely fair. If any legislator hesitates to vote for such a law under the impression that it will be an admission that previous elections or election laws have not been fair, he should quit the business of law-making. A NEGRO OF GOOD SENSE. The State of Virginia has among its penal statutes this rigorous law, passed years ago: If any person conspire with another to incite the colored population of the State to acts of violence and war, against the white population, or incite the white population of the State to acts of violence and war against the colored population, he shall, whether such insurrection be made or not, be punished by confinement in the penitentiary not less than five nor, more than ten years. This statute, as will be observed, is for the protection of both races and for the good of all the people. It bears with equal severity on each race, and provides the same penalties for whites and blacks who violate it. And in connection with it, and in striking contrast with the negro Hayes, we find in a recent issue of The Richmond Times-Dispatch a letter from a colored lawyer of that city who states that he practices in all the courts of the city and has "failed to see any injustice done to any one." Under the old election laws of the State there was so much ignorance and corruption at the polls that he quit voting, but under the limitations of the new Constitution, which he heartily approves, he has qualified as a voter and adds that he is so well satisfied with the administration of the government by the Democrats that he doesn't want to see any change. Then he continues: Where is all this prejudice said to be on the part of the white people against the colored people? The fact that we are here and doing well is conclusive evidence to my mind that they are our friends, because if they should say to us "go," we would be driven out of existence like the dry leaves of autumn, scattered by a mighty wind. My wife and children are all here and are natives of Virginia; all of my property, both real and personal, is here in Virginia. Therefore, I want all this foolishness to stop, and stop now, or else the statute here mentioned will be put into full force and effect. If a black man cannot live in Virginia he can live nowhere else, for I regard Virginia as being the cream of the world and the garden-spot of creation. What is true of Virginia is true of Alabama. Our State may not be exactly "the garden-spot of creation," but it is good enough for any mere mortal to dwell in, and to be contented and happy in. The negroes, if they will, can qualify themselves gradually as electors and will be protected in their rights. They can acquire and hold property and otherwise become contented, useful and prosperous citizens. If they will turn a deaf ear to those who are only intent on robbing them, or stirring up discontent and hard feeling, they will have nothing to complain of. It is such men as Hayes, encouraged by white men who are really more culpable, who cause or threaten trouble between the races. The colored people would do well to allow themselves governed by men like the one from whom we have quoted. Letter to The Editor. The City Campaign. A Man of Convictions and Courage Desired. necessity of a well paid Judiciary, and has enacted a statute increasing the salaries of the Judges all along the line. Will the Legislature be just and follow the example of the Congress? I feel quite sure that the legislators simply need conscientious consideration of the matter to reach a favorable conclusion to the Judges, furthermore, I believe they will give the matter that consideration. A bill is now pending in either branch of the Legislature, providing for an increase in the salaries of the Judges, but I understand the bill is opposed by some on the ground that it is unconstitutional, in that it increases the salaries of the Judges now in office, and that, therefore, the bill is violative of Section 281 of the Constitution. Some of the best lawyers in the State have expressed the opinion that the bill is not, when construed in connection with Section 150 of the Constitution and sub-division 6 of the schedule, violative of the constitution in any respect, but that it is entirely within legislative competency to enact such a law, even though it should in express terms increase the salaries of Judges now in office, which it does not. However this may be (I deem it unnecessary to discuss the question), lett's concede for the sake of argument that Section 281 prohibits the Legislature from enacting a law which will increase the salaries of the Judges now in office. No one at all familiar with the Constitution will urge that the Legislature is prohibited by that instrument from enacting a law that will carry an increase of salary to the Judges who are to be elected in 1904; and if it is desirable to increase the salaries of the Judges who will be elected in 1904, and the constitutional objection mentioned is valid, the present Legislature is the only one that can make the increase, because another will not meet until two years after the next Judges have been elected. But lets examine the bill which is now pending, with a close of determining whether or not the objection of unconstitutionality is tenable. As I understand the wording of the bill, it provides in general terms for an increase in the salaries of the Judges, of course, fixing the amount of increase. It makes no mention, in express terms, of an increase in the salaries of the Judges now holding office, nor is there any expression of any limitation as to when the bill, if it should become a law, will take effect. Therefore, if the position of those who contend that the Constitution prohibits the Legislature from making any increase in the salary of Judges now in office in correct, the law by virtue of the constitution would not be effectual until the successors of the Judges now in office are elected; or to state the proposition differently, the law would not affect the salaries of the Judges now in office. It also follows, that if the contention as to the Constitution prohibiting the increase in the salaries of the Judges now in office is correct, that it would be a matter of supererogation to put in the law any proviso, that it shall not affect any increase in the salaries of the present Judges, or as to when it shall go into effect. The bill in its present shape, under this view, would be complete to carry increase to the salaries of the next Judges, and the Constitution would prevent the present Judges from having any increase under it. To my mind, this is plain - plain as a, b c law, and no legislator need have any scruples in voting for the bill, so far as constitutional objection goes, for it is a measure in perfect keeping with that instrument, for the purpose of increasing salaries of future judges, even in the light of the objection urged. But, when all of the sections of the Constitution relating to this matter are considered together, it may be that the courts would hold that Section 150 is an express provision relating to a particular class, and that Section 281 has a different field of operation and does not prohibit the Legislature from enacting a law increasing the salaries of the Judges now in office. So it would seem to be a question of judicial construction as to when the law would take effect, and of consequence, whether or not it would affect the salaries of the present Judges. If the bill should pass in its present form, and some Judge now in office should apply for the increase in salary, the Auditor could decline to issue his warrant for the same, then the Judge could apply for a mandamus, and the question, whether or not under the Constitution, the law affects an increase in the salary of Judge now in office, would be presented for decision by the courts. Certainly, no legislator who is favorable to an increase of salary, but thinks the Constitution does not allow it to the present Judges, would object to passing the bill, and thus allow the Judges to have the question determined. Even if the Court should hold that the law cannot affect the salaries of the Judges now in office, it certainly would not hold that the law is unconstitutional, and declare it void, but would leave it of force to affect an increase in the salaries of future Judges. It is to be hoped that the Legislature will consider the matter very maturely before declining to pass the bill pending. If it needs amendment, of course, the proper amendments should be made. J. M. Falkner. WHAT THE STATE PAPERS ARE SAYING. Best Ways to Make Human Life Safer in Alabama. By Hon. J. H. Webb, Solicitor for Mobile County. Editor The Advertiser. Press of official business has interfered with my answering you letter sooner. All of the conditions you complain of do not exist here. Except during last year, homicides have not been frequent in this county, and, as a rule, such cases are tired at the term the indictment is found, acquittals are rare and reversals few. There have been no lynchings during my two terms as Solicitor, several white men have been convicted of the murder of negroes, and there has been only one acquittal, in such a case, where I thought the evidence did not justify it. What I have to say is from a Solicitor's point of view, and its application may be to some extent local. Of course, liquor and concealed weapons are, as Hon. J. J. Parker would say, prolific "tombstone breeders," but I do not understand that your inquiry calls for a discussion of this phase of the subject. Punishment, swift and sure, is the great deterrent of crime. Were those inclined to slay reasonably sure that they would be punished, as the law provides, they would more often stay their hands. But the idea is prevalent that the verdict prescribing a long term of imprisonment is meaningless, and, that a pardon or parole will be granted afted a few years of good behavior. I therefore think that if it was understand that there could be no clemency extended after conviction for murder, except that it should be subsequently shown that the defendant was innocent, it would have a most salutary effect in decreasing this class of crime. A comparison of our ratio of homicides with that of England, where clemency is rarely exercised in such cases, ought to convince the most skeptical. A great obstacle to getting the best material on juries in capital cases is the "axed opinion." While the law provides that the Sheriff may make the juries comfortable, yet the practice is quite the reverse and they are often locked up for days and nights with no provision as to their comfort and, hence, the service becomes a torture as as well as an interference with their business. Our enterprising papers publish the details of every homicide, and they are eagerly read by the most of those who will subsequently be called upon as jurors. In this way all form an opinion, and, with many, the terror of jury service causes it to become decidedly fixed and enables the defendant to challenge for cause. Another thorn in the side of prosecuting attorneys is the practice of marshalling around the defendant his relatives "even unto the third and fourth generation," and having the jury's attention directed to the "gray haired father," the "saluted mother," the "devoted wife," the "sweet sister" and the "poor little children." The defendant's lap full of babies is to some extent, an argument no Solicitor can successfully combat. I think a majority of the jury ought to be able to return a verdict. A majority of the Supreme Court of the State and nation decides matters as weighty as were ever submitted to the arbitrament of man ;a majority of those composing our constitutional conventions and law-making bodies define our rights as well as fix the penalties under the law. It is next to impossible where the defendant is of any prominence to get a jury on which one or more men are not biased in some way, and the result is a mistrial or a compromise verdict. The State is greatly indebted to our system of criminal law the doctrine of error without injury. It was a well established doctrine in civil cases, and means simply that the Supreme Court need not reverse the case because of some technical error, if no injury resulted to the defendant thereby. This was indeed a long step in the interest of justice and economy. Another innovation, much to be desired, is some limit to the number of special charges. After a learned Judge has charged fully on every phase of the law applicable to the case, the defendant's counsel will often request fifty or more charges, some patently bad, and others almost identical in wording but by a shade of difference brought within the law, but at the same time confusing both to Judge and jury, and by the refusal of which a long and expensive trial is often for naught. The Supreme Court of Mississippi (Mabry vs. State, 71 Miss. 716 14 [S.M.?] Rep. 267) have recognized this abuse and curbed it. This multitude of special charges is called "the defendant's last speech to the jury" and they are potent weapons in the hands of his friends thereor, when there is difficulty in agreeing on a verdict. I think it would be a good idea to abolish the degree in murder and simply provide that the unlawful and malicious killing of a human being should constitute murder, and be punished by death or imprisonment in the penitentiary for not less than ten years. A glance at our decisions will show that many cases have been reversed because of error in defining the degrees of murder, or the failure of the jury to fix the degree. Frequently, where there is difficulty in reaching a verdict ,the jury will compromise on murder in second degree, and the defendant invariably appeals because he cannot in the next trial be convicted of any higher offense; while, if the degrees were abolished, as suggested, he would often be afraid to appeal as he might be punished capitally at the [?] [?] I am aware that some of my suggestions might be classed as impracticable, because some would require constitutional amendments or passage of laws that would be opposed by the conservative and by those accustomed to represent the defendants, but I nevertheless think that such changes would promote justice, give greater protection to life and greatly decrease the expense of the administration of the criminal laws. Yours truly, J. H. Webb, Solicitor for Mobile County. THE PRESIDENT AND THE NEGRO A JUDICIAL VIEW OF HIS ATTITUDE. Some Editorials in The Review of Reviews - Roosevelt Has Not Appointed a Single New Negro Postmaster. The following from Dr. Albert Shaw, editor of The Review of Reviews, appears in the February number of that magazine; A Southern Appointment. President Roosevelt has made about eighty appointments of federal officeholders in the State of South Carolina, of whom only one has been a negro. This one exception is a certain Dr. Crum, named for the post of collector of the port at Charleston. The State Legislature last month, adopted resolutions calling upon South Carolina's two Senators to attempt to prevent confirmation when Dr. Crum's appointment should come up for action in the Senate. In our opinion, President Roosevelt would have done better not to appoint Dr. Crum. He has so nearly ignored the clored race in the making of Southern appointments that he might as well have adhered without variance to his main policy of selecting for office in the Southern States only such persons as are entirely agreeable to the people most concerned. In the North, there might well be a good many negro appointments; but not now in the South, it is true enough that only two-fifths of the population of South Carolina is of [?] white blood. On the other hand [?] to get their mail at a town some thirty miles distant. Not Primarily a Race Incident. Whereupon, there arose a considerable clamor in the Southern press against President Roosevelt, not merely for the temporary closing of the postoffice at Indianola, but for the alleged forcing of colored postmasters upon long-suffering white communities. The fact seems to be that President Roosevelt, out of thousands of appointments made since he came to office, has not named a single new colored postmaster in any Southern State. A few already in office may have been continued, as a matter of routine, by the renewal of their commissions. The papers on file in the Postoffice Department show a large number of eager applications from white people (none whatever from negroes) for appointment to the Indianola postoffice; and there is some justification for the theory that a part, at least, of the agitation against Mrs. Cox was due to the scal of the supporters of the various rival aspirants for the job. It was not really a question, at Indianola, of white and black, but primarily a question of the dignity of the United States government as represented there by a branch of its postal service. The Real Interests of the Negro. We cannot say too emphatically that, in our opinion, as matters stand at present, Federal offices are of no use at all to the negro race in the South. President Roosevelt has in the main acted upon this view. An exceptional appointment, like that of Dr. Crum, although absolutely justified by the President's logic and to be commended on several theoretical grounds, does not work well in practice, because it creates a local irritation that imperils things that are of real importance to the negro. Just now, in several Southern States there is a strong disposition on the part of many white men to divide the State school funds, allowing to the negro schools only the amount of [?] The Mysterious Visitor Is Now Invading Many Homes. It Strikes Young and Old Who Are Physically Weak and Pre-disposed to Disease. Paine's Celery Compound Fortifies the Body, Cleanses the Blood, and Gives Strength to Resist All Attacks. 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Scott, Circulation Manager of The Montgomery Advertiser, being duly sworn, says: The foregoing statement of The Advertiser's daily circulation for the month of December, 1902, is true and correct, and complied after all returns from newsboys, news agents and left-over copies have been deducted. W.A. SCOTT, Circulation Manager. Sworn to and subscribed to before me this 7th day of January, 1903. F.W. JACKSON, N.P.,m Ex-O. J.P. [Seal.] SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 1903. DOUBLE GOLDEN SYMBOL. The American Newspaper Directory uses certain signs to denote the relative standing and merit of the whole field of newspaperdom which cones under its notice, and one of these signs is the mystic symbol [ [?] ] denoting "golden," which stands for high quality, and is thus explained: "Advertisers value this paper more for the class and quality of its circulation than for the mere number of copies printed." Such papers are credited with a single symbol; but there is a higher grade , according to this standard authority, which have BOTH QUALITY AND QUANTITY, and require the DOUBLE GOLDEN SYMBOL [ [?] to describe adequately their standing. The Advertiser has been accorded this double golden symbol [ [?] ] and is the only paper so distinguished in this section of the South. FOUND A USE FOR IT. For years the little organ known as the vermiform appendix has been a standing joke with newspaper writers, and even some of the medical men have treated it with scant ceremony. It has to a great extent been regarded as a sort of left-over portion of the human anatomy, probably of use at some remote period of our existence, or pre-existence. Some have been so wanting in respect as to intimate that, as we were probably only worms at one time, this little organ kept its form and we just grew around it, as it were, and left it very much in its original shape. others claim that there was a time during a portion of the animal period of our growth wen this appendix was useful as well as ornamental, and that we have gradually grown away from it, as we grow away from prehensile tails and toes, and it is left in us to worry and vex us, and give the scientific folks something to palaver over. But now comes one Dr. Hershey of Denver, with the assertion that he has found a real use for this much discussed and contemned portion of our anatomy, and declared that in his deliberate opinion it is an organ which "has most important function," and he reasons very learnedly on the subject. Among other things he says: "There is no organ in the abdomen more important than the appendix vermiform is. So much can be done to preserve its function, so much can be done to prevent its attacks of appendicitis but not until it has become deeply imbued in the minds of all general practitioners that instead of an accidental vestigal organ we have a functionating body that should be as familiar to us as any of the abdominal viscera. If this view of the little organ shall be accepted by the medical fraternity as a correct one, and if further investigation and study shall sustain Dr. Hershey's contention, the result may not only be vastly beneficial to the human family, but will take away form us one of he most fruitful subjects for guying the doctor folks about. That will be a joke on the jokers. The Marion County News asks why The Advertiser omits the votes of Senators and Representatives on bills which pass the two houses. The Advertiser is not publishing a journal of the Legislature, and to print all the names for each roll call would take more space than we care to devote to that purpose. There was a strike riot in Lynn, Mass., the other day, and during the disturbance t one man fired a number of shots. The Hartford (Conn.) Times tells us that "The man who fired the pistol narrowly escaped lynching." That was not in the South, remember Perry Street is not a large building, nothing like as large as the addition to the Capitol should be; yet it is costing $50,000. It is estimated that the rest of the Capitol square can't be bought for less that $50,000 now; the longer the purchase is put off the more it will cost. that space is absolutely essential to the dignity of the Capitol, and to its comfort. There is but one way to get it, and that is provided in the bill. The appropriation of $250,000 is none too much to do the work properly, and it ought not to be undertaken otherwise. The State is able to do it, and it ought to do it now. We believe the people want it, and that the Legislature will so decide. HE IS A CHEERFUL LIAR. We frequently complain, and with justice, that the Northern papers in many cases misrepresent the South, and yet there are reasons for it,. For example The Atchison (Kas.) Globe, publishes a letter form a former citizen of that town now in Alabama, and among other things, he writes thus: The people here haven't raised anything for three years to amount to anything. Corn is 70 cents a bushel, and it will be $1 before long. I have lived here two years, and haven't killed a negro yet. They don't think anything of killing a negro down here. A fellow killed a negro preacher the other day. It took just fifteen minutes to try his case, and then they turned him loose and gave him the cartridge back that he shot away. Now, this precious donkey writes in apparent earnest, and though the Globe may not believe a word he says, there are doubtless many of the readers of that paper who take every word of it as gospel truth, and who will form their impressions of Alabama and Alabamians from what is here written. The statement that there is any section in Alabama where the people have not raised anything in three years is without truth, of course, but it is not as injuriously false as are his statements about the negro. We who live in Alabama know the falsity of such statements, but all his Kansas readers do not. Many Northern people are ready to believe anything derogatory to the South and the Southern people, and no doubt this fellow's lies find many believers. While we may wonder at some of the opinions found in Northern papers, we can find some reason for it when we read letters like the above. It does seem to us that the eating business is getting all mixed up in these good latter days. Human beings are being fed on all sorts of food which used to be given only to animals, and now we see it stated that horses and cattle are eating syrup and that it is an entirely successful food, fattening and wholesome. Are we reaching a point where men and animals are going to swap rations? And how about the drinks? Shall we swap juleps for swill? That is a question that will touch some people in a vital spot, but there is no telling what the reformers and experimenters will do before they get through. "We want wives with money" is the heading of an editorial in The Tacoma (Wash.) Sun-Democrat, the gist of the article being that the editor doesn't want any impecunious husband hunters from other States to be poaching on the preserves of home women. The turning down of the President's man Byrne of Delaware, by the Senate, may not be a very large straw, but it points to something and seems to have been enough to settle Addicks himself. The city of Pensacola is threatened with an oil famine, The Journal says. Where's that oil well they discovered in the bay? Or was it gas? John D. Rockefeller is baldheaded and his newly-born grandson shows the same peculiarity. That's heredity, we judge. Says The Richmond Times-Dispatch: The member of the Legislature who ob- mentioned will be put into full force and effect. If a black man cannot live in Virginia he can live nowhere else, for I regard Virginia as being the cream of the world and the garden-spot of creation. What is true of Virginia is true of Alabama. Our State may not be exactly "the garden-spot of creation," but it is good enough for any mere mortal to dwell in, and to be contented and happy in. The negroes, if they will, can qualify themselves gradually as electors and will be protected in their rights. They can acquire and hold property and otherwise become contented, useful and prosperous citizens. If they will turn a deaf ear to those who are only intent on robbing them, or stirring up discontent and hard feeling, they will have nothing to complain of. It is such men as Hayes, encouraged by white men who are really more culpable, who cause or threaten trouble between the races. The colored people would do well to allow themselves governed by men like the one from whom we have quoted. Letter to The Editor. THE CITY CAMPAIGN. A Man of Convictions and Courage Desired. Editor The Advertiser: The much mooted question of today among the citizens of Montgomery is "who is to be our next Mayor and Aidermen." Among the many candidates in the field which one will prove to be the 'right man in the right place' or, has the man yet to appear in the field? is another problem that presents itself to the thinking voter today. "Tis the opinion of the writer that if a man, a live, energetic, up-to-date progressive man will come before the people and pledge his word of honor that, so far as lies within his power to make and enforce laws on Sunday observance- on the keeping of the Sabbath as a God-fearing, Christian people should do and as such we pose before the world-a man who has an honest conviction and better still, the courage of his convictions, a man who will be neither coerced or intimidated by men already in power, above and beyond all else a man "without a price." If there be such a men aspiring to the honor of the office of Mayor of Montgomery, and indeed we admit it an honor. let him come forward and let the fact be known and there will be no doubt of his election. The same is true of the men who are day after day announcing themselves as candidates for aldermen. The time has come for a change and no time has ever been known to do better than the time which we can claim as our own right now. So, present yourselves gentlemen, let the voters of Montgomery know that you stand for law and order and for the reforms of which we have spoken and your election to the position for which you aspire will be assured, for thank God the Sabbath observing, law-abiding men are yet in majority in Montgomery. The building of a fine hotel, creditable to our city, the paving of our streets and cleansing and beautifying of our city generally are issues to be considered most assuredly, but, paramount to these and all other considerations is the social and moral reform of our city, a city which for natural environment, for healthfulness and progressiveness has been blessed as few others by the "giver of every good and perfect gift. J. H. McCall. JUDGES' SALARIES The State Judiciary is Not Properly Paid. Editor The Advertiser: I read with approval your editorial published some days ago, relative to an increase in the salaries of the judges. The Legislature has very properly enacted a law which raises the salary of the Governor. Now let it go further and do justice to the judiciary by enacting a law increasing the salaries of the Judges. The Executive, Judicial and Legislative Departments may be conceded to be of equal importance. Certainly the Judiciary, that Department, which is charged with the duty of construing the laws, and with the more important duty of holding the scales of justice equally poised between all litigants, is of far reaching importance to every citizen, and its members should be men of pronounced legal ability, and whose probity is unquestioned. A cheap Judiciary is poor economy for any State, cheap judges make expensive litigation. These remarks are indulged without reference to our judges now in office. As a rule, low salaries for judges will secure none but men of mediocre ability, and the wonder is, how can the judges we now have afford to remain on the bench. Alabama, with the low salaries it pays her Judges, has been fortunate indeed, to get the Judges it has. The Congress of the United States has recently recognized the importance and jection urged. But, when all of the sections of the Constitution relating to this matter are considered together, it may be that the courts would hold that Section be is an express provision relating to a particular class, and that Section 281 has a different field of operation and does not prohibit the Legislature from enacting a law increasing the salaries of the Judges now in office. So it would seem to be a question of judicial construction as to when the law would take effect, and of consequence, whether or not it would affect the salaries of the present Judges. If the bill should pass in its present form, and some Judge now in office should apply for the increase in salary, the Auditor could decline to issue his warrant for the same, then the Judge could apply for a mandamus, and the question, whether or not under the Constitution, the law affects an increase in the salary of Judge now in office would be presented for decision by the courts. Certainly, no legislator who is favorable to an increase of salary, but thinks the Constitution does not allow it to the present Judges, would object to passing the bill, and thus allow the Judges to have the question determined. Even if the Court should bold that the law cannot affect the salaries of the Judges now in office, it certainly would not hold that the law is unconstitutional, and declare it void, but would leave it of force to affect an increase in the salaries of future Judges. It is to be hoped that the Legislature will consider the matter very maturely before declining to pass the bill pending. If it needs amendment, of course, the proper amendments should be made. J. M. Falkner. WHAT THE STATE PAPERS ARE SAYING. When the Papers Drop Them. Eufauia Times. Governor Pennypacker makes a bad start by abusing the newspapers. He ought to know that politicians die when the papers drop them. His Best Friend. Jasper Eagle. Which is the negro's best friend, the man who would give him social equality on an empty stomach, or the man who would appease his hunger and deny him social equality? No More of Them. Mobile Herald. The bachelor Governor or Kansas is willing to give the women every chance except the one to marry him. He is in favor of woman suffrage. Perhaps he doesn't realize that when women get the right to vote there will be no more bachelor Governors. Will Order It Opened. Mobile Item. Now that the negroes of Indianoia are entering complaint that their mails are not delivered promptly, and are complaining that the non-delivery is a discrimination against the negroes of that neighborhood, the President will, doubtless, order the reopening of that postoffice, even though he has to accept a white man as postmaster. His Thinking Cap. Selma Times. Mr. Roosevelt should put on his thinking cap, if he is capable of doing any serious thinking along this line, and come to the conclusion that instead of being a friend to the negro race, he is their worst enemy, in that he is stirring up discord and hatred that it will take years to overcome. Severe But True. Sheffield Reaper. Dr. Bragg's report on the condition of jails in Alabama is a severe, but true arraignment and should induce the legislature to enact remedial laws in the interest of humanity. The Doctor takes a shot at the practice of magistrates sending prisoners to the mines on frivolous charges against whom nominal fines have been assessed and a large item of costs. The legislature should remedy this evil, because it brands as criminals persons who are guilty of no moral turpitude, and in some instances misdemeanant guilt may be doubted. Doesn't Want Them. Birmingham Ledger. Alabama does not want any of those Kansas bachelors who are to leave the state if the tax of $50 is to be made the law. Of course, there is no reason to think that an Alabama woman would marry a man who could not get a Kansas woman. That is not the point, but a man who would leave a State rather than marry, or pay $50 a year for liberty, is not a desirable citizen. He has no kind of patriotism that is worth anything to the State. He neither aids its finances nor increases its population. Women Doctors in Paris. How many women doctors practice in Paris? A statistician has gone into the question. He finds that while twenty years ago only seven women had taken their medical degrees there, in the face, moreover, of violent opposition, the 3,600 physicians now established in Paris include fifty-seven women. The latter all have busy and remunerative practices. THE PRESIDENT AND THE NEGRO A JUDICIAL VIEW OF HIS ATTITUDE. Some Editorials in The Review of Reviews - Roosevelts Has Not Appointed a Single New Negro Postmaster. The following from Dr. Albert Shaw, editor of The Review of Reviews, appears in the February number of that magazine: A Southern Appointment. President Roosevelt has made about eighty appointments of federal officeholders in the State of South Carolina, of whom only one has been a negro. This one exception is a certain Dr. Crum, named for the post of collector of the port at Charleston. The State Legislature last month, adopted resolutions calling upon South Carolina's two Senators to attempt to prevent confirmation when Dr. Crum's appointment should come up for action in the Senate. In our opinion, President Roosevelt would have done better not to appoint Dr. Crum. He has so nearly ignored the clored race in the making of Southern appointments that he might as well have adhered without varlance to his main policy of selecting for office in the Southern States only such persons as are entirely agreeable to the people most concerned. In the North, there might well be a good many negro appointments; but not now in the South. If is true enough that only two-fifths of the population of South Carolina is of pure white blood. On the other hand however, nearly all the people who have business with the collector of the port at Charleston are white people who would prefer a white man in the office. President Roosevelt's motives are of the purest and highest; his attitude toward the South is chivalrous and considerate; no explanation or apologies are due from him; and, indeed, the behaviors of some people in the South toward Dr. Crum's appointment seems perverse to the verge of lunacy. That is why the appointment is regrettable. Roosevelt's Southern Policy. When President Roosevelt was in Charleston at the time of the exposition, leading white citizens advised him not to appoint a negro to such an office as the postmastership, but they assured him that there would be no objection to his naming a negro for a post like that of collector of the port - an office that is not in any familiar way related to the local life. And they further said that if any negro were to be appointed, they would commend that most excellent fellow-citizen of theirs, Dr. Crum, to whose worth they themselves had paid tribute by making him the head of the negro department in their exposition, subject to the general direction of Mr. Booker T. Washington. The President unquestionably acted in perfect good faith, therefore, in naming Crum. President McKinley could have appointed forty Crums and nothing would have been said. Mr. Roosevelt is the one President since the Civil War who has been willing to ignore the mere political aspects of the Southern race question, and to consider the situation broadly and with deep sympathy for both races. He has seen the difficulties of the problems which must find solution on the ground by the people who have to live, and work and maintain civilization in those Southern States. It is a curious fatality, therefore, that the white Democrats of the South should be so unappreciative of Mr. Roosevelt's position; while, on the other hand, it is a great mark of the President's magnanimity that he is not much swerved from what he had originally conceived to be the broad, historic path of duty by the casual circumstance that his policy does not for the moment please either race in the South. A Suspended Southern Postoffice. There has been another incident - and an extremely acute one - that deserves a little comment. At the town of Indianola, in the State of Mississippi, a certain Mrs. Cox, a negro woman , served for several years as postmaster in President Harrison's time, and she was again appointed several years ago by President McKinley. Her commission will expire in the latter part of the present year. She did not expect or desire re-appointment, but would have been glad to serve out the term. All the testimony - and there is an enormous quantity of it - - agrees that Mrs. Cox has been an excellent postmistress. Her bondsmen are the leading white Democrats of the neighborhood. A few weeks ago, there arose in the town of Indianola a wave of anti negro feeling, and two or three colored men were warned to leave the town. Then followed the suggestion that Indianola ought no longer to have a colored person for postmaster; and Mrs. Cox was called upon to resign. It is in dispute whether or not the request to resign was accompanied by serious threats. A formal resignation was sent by Mrs. Cox; but reports from postoffice inspectors and other convinced Postmaster General Payne that Mrs. Cox had acted under duress, and that she did not in fact wish the department to accept her resignation. Mrs. Cox, meanwhile, left the town, and the Postoffce Department at Washington suspended the postoffice, so arranging matters that the people of Indianola had [makes?] instant. Not Primarily a Race Incident. Whereupon, there arose a considerable clamor in the Southern press against President Roosevelt, not merely for the temporary closing of the postoffice at Indianola, but for the alleged forcing of colored postmasters upon long-suffering white communities. The fact seems to be that President Roosevelt , out of thousands of appointments made since he came to office, has not named a single new colored postmaster in any Southern State. A few already in office may have been continued, as a matter of routine, by the renewal of their commissions. The papers on file in the Postoffice Department show a large number of eager applications from white people (none whatever from negroes) for appointment to the Indianola postoffice; and there is some justification for the theory that apart, at least, of the agitation against Mrs. Cox was due to the seal of the supporters of the various rival aspirants for the job. It was not really a question, at Indianola, of white and black, but primarily a question of the dignity of the United States government as represented there by a branch of its postal service. The Real Interests of the Negro. We cannot say too emphatically that, in our opinion, as matters stand at present, Federal offices are of no use at all to the negro race in the South. President Roosevelt has in the main acted upon this view. An exceptional appointment, like that of Dr. Crum, although absolutely justified by the President's logic and to be commended on several theoretical grounds, does not work well in practice, because it creates a local irritation that imperils things that are of real importance to the negro. Just now, in several Southern States there is a strong disposition on the part of many white men to divide the State school funds, allowing to the negro schools only the amount of school taxes actually paid by the negroes themselves. Against propositions of this kind, the best conscience of the white Democracy of the South is arraying itself; and it will win the fight for free and universal education of all the children of all the people, black and white. This question alone is of a thousand times more vital importance to the negroes of the South than an occasional Federal office., If Dr. Crum of Charleston had been as broad minded and disinterested a representative of his race as might have been wished, he would promptly have declined the collectorship at Charleston, thus using a conspicuous opportunity to make it plain that leading negroes of the South would rather be of real service to their humble brethren than take federal office at the cost of making it harder for the best men of the South to help the negro race in matters where help is really needed. Roosevelt, Payne and Party Politics. The South will, of course, some day see matters in their true proportious, and will then do justice to President Roosevelt's attitude, which has been so free from mere political calculation on his own behalf as to be truly quixotic. He could with perfect ease have made his renomination safe and sure by the simple expedient of placating the professional negro politicians. Owing to the fact that more than a third of the voting strength of Republican national conventions comes from the Democratic "solid South," the President took his political life in his hands, so to speak, when he entered upon the policy of appointing white Democrats to a great many of the leading Southern offices. As for Postmaster General Payne, who is said by the newspapers to be seeking to control the Southern negro delegates to the next national convention in President Roosevelt's interest, it is strange that the one idea with which he has long been most conspicuously identified should so often be overlooked. For many years past, Mr. Payne, as a prominent member of the Republican National Committee, has tried to secure the virtual exclusion of the South from national Republican conventions by a total change in the method of appointing delegates to the States. At present, the representation of each State is in accordance with its membership in Congress. Mr. Payne would base representation upon the actual Republican vote. Now, it happens that South Carolina at the last election gave McKinley only 3,579 votes, while Pennsylvania gave him 712, 565, and New York about 822,000. On the strict basis of the popular vote at the last election, in a Republican national convention of a thousand members, Florida would be entitled to 1; Mississippi and South Carolina combined to 1; Louisiana to 2; Georgia to 4 or 5; Arkansas to 6; Alabama to 7, and the other Southern States to considerably more. It would not only be an excellent thing for the Republican party, but also a very good thing indeed for both races in the South, if a sweeping reform could be brought about in the make-up of the Republican national conventions. The Hon. Henry C. Payne, Postmaster General, deserves the hghest credit for his persistent work to bring about such a reform. He hopes to see it accomplished in the convention of 1904 - it would have been accomplished at Philadelphia in 1900 but for a lingering memory of services rendered in certain quarters in 1896. Breath Misapplied. "Twas not for want of breath he died, But rather that he misapplied The ample breath he had, I wot. Before he went to bed that night He witlessly blew out the light, The gas escaped; the man did not. - Brooklyn Eagle. EASE CURES BABY ILLS. It is the best and safest remedy for all bowel troubles of babies or children. It quickly cures Constipation, Sour Stomach. Diarrhoea, Worms, Convulsions and loss of sleep. 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Buy of your Druggist, or send 4c. in stamps for Particulars, Testimonials and "Relief for Ladies," in letter, by return Mall. 10,000 Testimonials. Sold by all Druggists. Chichester Chemical Co., Mention this paper, Madison Square, PHILA., PA.4 M-9-18-02. D. M. HOUSER, PREST. CHAS. M. McKEE, Vice Prest. [*Destroy J.A.S.*] ST. LOUIS GLOBE-DEMOCRAT GLOBE PRINTING COMPANY, Publishers. ST. LOUIS, February 8, 1903. Col. John A. Sleicher, Office of Leslie's Weekly, New York City, N. Y. [Friend Sleicher -- I am glad that you have fixed matters with Thomson so that we will have an attractive exhibit of Kansas City. I think we will get good notices of it in the papers of that town. Everything that we say in our article on Kansas City is, of course, correct. It is a typical[y] great Western town. We will get that World's Fair in 1909 yet. I have always had faith in the idea. It will be a great thing for Leslie's Weekly [y]to say that it started the movement for the World's Fair. If the St. Louis Fair of 1904 turns out to be the success arti[c]stically and financially that we expect it to be the 1909 world's fair will be as certain as anything in the future can be.] I think that Roosevelt's nomination and election are sure -- that is, as sure as anything in the political world which is ahead of us a year and a half can be. Your Kansas friend is probably correct in saying that the enthusiasm for Roosevelt in the West is not quite so exuberant as it was a year ago. The enthusiasm can be called out, however, whenever there is any need for it. He will have the entire West, nearly all the East, and a considerable part of the South, notwithstanding the hostility of the Lily Whites to him. The negro question is a big issue, and we have not finished with it yet. You noticed what Root said about it the other night in New York. That probably represents Roosevelt's view now. He sees that the negro cannot be4 M-9-18-02. D. M. HOUSER, PREST. CHAS. H. McKEE, Vice Prest. 2 St. Louis Globe-Democrat GLOBE PRINTING COMPANY, Publishers. ST. LOUIS, forced upon the South, and that the conferring of the ballot on the negroes indiscriminately was a mistake. I always thought it was a blunder. In 1887 I wrote a series of editorials in the Globe-Democrat -- which was almost my first work in this office -- advising the negroes to divide up between the parties, to let the past die, to drop all prejudice against the Democrasy and all gratitude to the Republicans for emancipation, and to align themselves on the living issues as if slavery had never existed. My advice to them was based on the knowledge that a division of the darkies between the two parties would be better for them and infinitely better for the Republicans. I knew that for every negro vote lost to us we would gain two white votes in the South. I believe that the position was correct, but the Republican papers turned upon the Globe-Democrat for what I wrote at that time, denounced it for backsliding, and we at length dropped the matter, as being premature. Many Republicans have come over since then to our position of sixteen years ago. I have an idea that the President will soon be over to it. [You could make a good point now by writing an editorial in favor of the seating of Reed Smoot, the newly elected Senator from Utah. He is not a polygamist, and never was. He was always a Republican who placed his allegiance to the country ahead of his devotion to his church. No objection can be brought against him which will weigh with reasonable persons. Not ten votes will be cast against him in the Senate if the fight against seating him is made. He is a man of wealth, ability and character. You could, in connection with the article, get his photo, if you wanted to. He would]4 M-0-10-02. D. M. HOUSER, Prest. 3 CHAS. H. McKEE, Vice-Prest. ST. LOUIS GLOBE-DEMOCRAT GLOBE PRINTING COMPANY, Publishers. ST. LOUIS, be glad to give it, I have no doubt. Such an article, I think, would help Leslie's in Utah, and throughout the West, for the crusade against [?] has no strength in any Western state. Very truly yours, Charles M. Harvey.[Enc. in Sleicher 2-10-03] [*File Family Pres.*] Groton School Groton, Mass. Feb. 8th,'03 Dear Father, I am all recovered or nearly so from the tonselitus. Kermit has a slight cold. There is going to wrestling in the winter meet this year mine has gained such repute that Sam. Crocker who is running it says he is to put me in a class higher than I ought. It's awfully funny how you get a reputation without deserving it. There is only one fellow in the III rd Form who likes books and doesn't like poetry. He's George Martin No boy of this age seems to care for poetry it makesyou almost feel as if the race was getting decident I have just started Milton for the 2nd time he is great. I hope the horses are all well now. Your loving Ted. [*[Theodore Roosevelt Jr.]*] [*Ackd 2-10-1903 2 Feb 9 8- 46 AM 1903*] U. S. IMMIGRATION SERVICE, Office of the Commissioner, New York, N. Y., February 8, 1903. The President: You have recently requested me to get in touch with the best philanthropic and social agencies in New York City. I assure you that I am doing all that I can in this line in view of the very limited amount of spare time at my disposal, for this office transacts business every Sunday in the year, sometimes until 5 p.m. Every intelligent person with whom I converse (whether engaged in charitable work or business) is of the option that altogether too many low-grade aliens are entering this country. In an address which I recently delivered, of which I take the liberty of sending you a copy, I have taken the position, not that immigration as a whole is undesirable, but that it contains today a certain undesirable minority which we should eliminate by whatever means seem most appropriate. [If I mistake not,] Such undesirable minority does not include any of the able-bodied laborers with even a small amount of intelligence, who are coming here. If I mistake not, there will before long (if there is not already) be a great outcry against the admission of these people, and the Executive branch of the Government will be expected to suggest some means for keeping them out. I am thinking of inviting four or five of the leading universities to detail for study at this station during April and May, some graduate who will be able and willing to2- study the many economical, sociological and industrial questions which arise out of the stream of immigrants passing through this station. I will be in Washington on Wednesday next for the conference concerning the public documents. Respectfully, Wm. Williams Commissioner. J.-[For attachment see 2-8-03 enc. 1-27-03][[shorthand]] Williams, William, New York, N. Y. In re IMMIGRATION: In opinion of intelligent people that altogether too many low-grade aliens are entering this country. In his recent address, Mr. Williams took the position that while immigration as a whole was not undesirable, it contains certain undesirable minority, which should be eliminated; and if he is not mistaken, there will soon be a great outcry against the admission of these people. Is thinking of inviting some of the leading universities to detail a graduate to study economical and other questions in connection with immigrants. Will be in Washington Wednesday next for conference concerning public documents. (Copy of address referred to enclosed.)[attached to Williams 2-8-03]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 1 PO ON JH 13 Paid 2:40p.m. New York, Feb. 9, 1903. Secretary George B. Cortelyou, White House. Thanks for telegram. Have been Judge Adams; interview West satisfactory. Go Washington tonight. Clarence W. Bowen.NAVY DEPARTMENT. WASHINGTON. Feb. 9, 1903 Dear Mr. Barnes, I enclose the letter from Richard Harding Davis and copy of Mr. Cortelyou's reply which by oversight were not enclosed with the Secretary'sreply on Saturday. Sincerely yours Fred L. Fishback EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT THE CENTURY MAGAZINE UNION SQUARE NEW YORK R. W. GILDER, EDITOR. R. U. JOHNSON, ASSOCIATE EDITOR. C. C. BUEL, ASSISTANT EDITOR. [*File*] Feb. 9th, 1903 My dear Mr. President, I have telephoned you my hearty thanks for your kind & highly valuable suggestions - and I have acted upon them. After sending that Ed. - I began to feel it was too much in the nature of apology - but I had not the facts. I have written and telegraphed - & hope to have something illuminating from "A Southerner" -J.R.P. Some good people down there are very much disturbed - and one hears here, about Charleston, "I wish he hadn't" from Republicans. Facts will be reassuring - & the statesmanship of your position will be appreciated, & its high tone. Truly & Respectfully R. W. Gilder Hon. Theodore Roosevelt PresidentH.C. LODGE, CHAIMAN. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Personal. Feb. 9, 1903. To The President:- I return this letter which you en- close. The Reverend Dr. Winslow was removed by the Bos- ton branch from the Secretaryship for good and suffi- cient reasons. He has been agitating in every way to get back, and this is one of his methods. If you care to know more about him I will tell you. This requires no attention whatever. I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, Sincerely yours, H.C. Lodge [*Ackd 2-11-1903 FEB 10 9-44 AM 1903*] The Churchman 47 LAFAYETTE PLACE NEW YORK. EDITORIAL ROOMS. February 9, 1903. To His Excellency The President of the United States, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. Mr. President: In thanking you for your generous letter may I say that my severest disappointment, over what I conceive to be an error in judgement, was due to the fact that an ounce of justification was given for the passions of the worst element, and for the prejudices of the best people in the South, -- but worse than all, an ounce of occasion for the commercial politician to divertattention from his selfish schemes, which you are so successfully opposing, to the race question. My disappointment as to a matter of judgment, however, is as nothing to my enthusiastic following of your leadership against this degrading commercial spirit—a menace alike to a sound government, a pure society, and a high personal integrity. The other matter is an incident. This involves the security of government, "the safety, honor and welfare" of the whole people. Faithfully yours, Silas McBee[*Ackd*] The Churchman 47 LAFAYETTE PLACE [*FEB 10 8-51 AM 1903*] NEW YORK. EDITORIAL ROOMS. [shorthand] February 9, 1903. To His Excellency, The President of The United States, Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C. Mr. President: Through an oversight on my part the advance proof of "Chronicle and Comment" was not enclosed in my letter this morning. I wanted you to see it. Very faithfully yours, Silas McBee[For enc see 2-14-03][*Ackd 2-10-1903 [2-9-03]*] To the President of the United States. My dear Mr. President:- The enclosed letter of Captain Cowles received on the day of Admiral Sampson's death, was my assurance that Ralph's appointment was a certainty.Naval Academy, as soon as they are yours to give. Sincerely yours Elisabeth B. Sampson 1613 New Hampshire Avenue Washington, D. C. Feb. 9, 1903 The Anniversary of Admiral Sampson's Birthday. Only by accident have I learned that there is a sad mistake somewhere I now wish to ask if you will give to Ralph, the eldest son of Admiral Sampson one of the new appointments to the [*[For enc. see. 5-5-02]*][2-9-03] Ackd. 2-10-1903 My dear Mr. Cortelyou Will you do me the very great kindness to present, yourself, the enclosed letter to the President. It is a formal application for an appointment to the Naval Academy which until justwhen the Examination came. And I was so absorbed day and night with my care of my husband, that I had been able to do nothing for my son. He passed well in Mathematics, but failed in Spelling and Grammar, and no re-examinations were now I supposed was secured. Four years ago I made the same request of you, and you promptly and kindly granted it. President Roosevelt confirmed the appointment which President McKinley then made. But Ralph was only just fifteenpermitted last year, for the first time in the history of the Academy. I cannot believe that Admiral Sampson's son is to be other than a Naval Officer. Yours sincerely Elisabeth B. Sampson 1613 New Hampshire Ave Washington, Feb 9, 1903 [*[For attachment see 2-9-03]*][*CF*] [*Navy*] DEPARTMENT OF THE NAVY BUREAU OF NAVIGATION WASHINGTON, D. C. February 9, 1903. Dear Mr. Cortelyou: I enclose a memorandum which expresses in some degree the situation in the West Indies, as desired by the President in your letter of February 5th. Sincerely yours, H.C. Taylor. The Honorable Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, White House, Washington, D.C.[For 1. enc. see H.C.T. ca 2-9-03]MEMORANDUM. [2-9-03] Admiral Clark is correct in the general principle that one third of a nation's battleships and monitors should not be separated by a great distance from the other two thirds, but this general principle of strategy applies only to one theater of operations, unless the two theaters have some bearing upon each other, as was the case with the two theaters of operations, one in Northern Italy and another upon the Danube, during the campaigns in which Napoleon and other French generals were opposed by the Archduke Charles and other Austrian generals in the famous wars of that period. In our case no direct influence of the one theater in the Pacific upon the other in the Atlantic can be expected, and the reply to the first statement is that we must wage two wars or campaigns distinct from each other, one in the Pacific and one in the Atlantic. Now if we were to be certainly over matched in both of these localities it might be the part of wisdom to withdraw from one and concentrate in the other, abandoning either our possessions in the Philippines, or our hold of Porto Rico an dominance in the waters of Haiti and the Antilles generally. Such, however, is not the case. We are now equal to the Germans in naval strength and for several years they will not so far outstrip us in number of ships as to balance our strong positions in Porto Rico and the Philippines. If during the next few years we steadily strengthen our fleet and post ourselves in well equipped primary bases, both in the 2. Philippines and the Antilles, we shall be able to confront Germany alone at any time, so far as we can look into the future. I believe it unlikely that the spirit of the American people will ever permit a deliberate withdrawal from great territories gained by them in honorable war. This temper of the American people must be allowed for in all plans of strategy which are to be practical and not purely ideal. We may say then that as against Germany we would not at any time withdraw from Porto Rico, but would hold the waters of that region with our fleet until a sufficient garrison had been thrown into it by our army. This, even if our fleet were inferior, and had to incur the reverses due to battles with a superior force for the purpose of crippling that force, even at the risk of the destruction of our own. Correct strategy demands that we shall strongly garrison Porto Rico and provision it completely whenever any sign of war is seen. With reference to the implication conveyed in Admiral Clark's remarks that the monitors could not effectively support battleships except on our own coast, it is to be noted that from Key West to Guantanamo the waters are sheltered and the route along its whole length is smooth and favorable to monitors and small craft. Our plans provide for a reserve squadron, now organizing, to be known as the "Coast Squadron", and to be based permanently upon Key West. This force, though not useful at great distances from our coast, is a most formidable reserve for operations3. in the Yucatan Channel or the Windward Passage. With it in effective commission, ready to quickly move to Guantanamo, our battleships could hold the Windward Passage based upon Guantanamo, and from that position dominate any war situation we can reasonably conceive to exist in the West Indies. I call attention further to the fact that Guantanamo need not be extensively fortified in order to make it a safe shelter for our fleet. Pending large and extensive works to be perhaps erected some day by the army engineers at this point the Navy can in a fortnight prepare a naval defense for this port which will effectively defend it from anything less than a regular siege. With us based on Guantanamo the enemy's fleet could not hold strong positions in Haiti for any length of time, nor even in Porto Rico and Culebra unless, by an alliance with the French, they could base themselves upon Martinique. It appears, therefore, that strategic considerations are strongly opposed to Admiral Clark's proposition that we should, if a large fleet were sent against us, "temporarily abandon the West Indies, Venezuela, and this side of the Isthmus until such time as we could compel their restoration". I am convinced further that other considerations than strategy forbid our thus abandoning these salient points so critically important to our success in war and our commercial development in peace. Any withdrawal from them would be more than temporary.4. An enemy strong enough to disposess us of the Island of Porto Rico would so fortify and garrison the same as to enable it to stand the sieges of many campaigns, even after our fleet became superior to the enemy's in those waters. Although this island is between three and four thousand miles away from the enemy's bases, it is at the same time from one thousand two hundred to one thousand five hundred miles distant from ours. If we abandon,not only it, but also our positions in the Windward Passage, Haiti, as well as Porto Rico, would become a stronghold for the enemy. We cannot figure on the laws of strategy alone, nor wait twenty years, -- even ten-with a foreign flag flying over these islands of the West Indies. The wound to the pride of our people would be lasting and would injure not alone the prestige of one or two administrations, but in greater or less degree the development of the nation. Referring to the last paragraph of Admiral Clark's letter, in which he urges that we should preserve the ships an the personnel we have at present, the evidence of past naval history is all opposed to this preserving of our ships and people, and in favor of expanding them freely in battle and all active service. The French thus preserved their ships in Brest and Toulon, and the English wore themselves out in keeping the seas off these ports, and frequently in the presence of hostile forces outnumbering their own. This very exposure, fatigue and wearing out of the material and personnel brought those victories which are ever reaped by action when opposed to inaction. There is something more important to be preserved than ships, guns and men; that is the spirit and traditions of a5. war like race. H. C. T. [TAYLOR][Enc in Taylor, 2-9-03][*Ackd 2-12-1903*] C. MINOT WELD, President. WILLIAM C. WILLIAMS, Cashier. FRANCIS A. LOW, Asst. Cashier. FRANK H. WRIGHT, Asst. Cashier. The National Suffolk Bank, No. 53 State Street. Boston, Mass., Feb. 9, 190[*[3]*] [SHORTHAND] Dear Ted: Here in Boston we are very much interested ih the "Ship Subsidy Bill". New York has bought most of our railroads, and we are taking to building ships. We have started a line with four (4) large ships from Seattle to Japan and Manila, but it looks discouraging as we have to compete with the Canadian Pacific Railway Lines with an annual subsidy of seventy thousand pounds; The Pacific Steam Navigation Co. with a subsidy of thirty six thousand pounds, and the Japanese Line, "Nippon Musen Kwaisha" with a subsidy of one hundred seventy thousand pounds; with every foreign nation giving subsidy to its ships of course we cannot compete. We do need our own steam ships on the Pacific to get our share of the oriental trade, and the markets of South America are clos[ing]ed to us for lack of regular transportation. Our ship yards are in need of work. As a banker I [think] know they enjoy very poor credit, and as the prospect of business grows poorer it will be harder for them to borrow money; if they go under, who is to build our navy? I understand that if Mr. Grosvenor, chairman of the committee on Merchants Marine Fisheries, would take a little more interest, and push the bill now in his committee there would be a good chance of passing it this session. The question goes up before the committee on February 10th. I have made this short in hopes that you might read it; A hint from you to Mr. Grosvenor might do all the good in the world. With good wishes for you and yours, I am, Very truly yours, C Minot Weld (Dic. A. V. W.)(J.W.G.) [*Feb 9*] Copy. To the President of the United States of America. One of your most obedient and devoted servants, J.H. Thieriot, United States Chargé d'Affaires to Portugal, has the honor to transmit to you an address to him by Dr. Sebastiao Magalhaes Lima, President of the Peace League of Portugal. Legation of the United States of America, Lisbon, 9 February 1903.[For 1. enclosure see 1-1-03]WHITE HOUSE. WASHINGTON. Memorandum: Representative Long telephones that he will call to-morrow (Tuesday) morning in regard to the Stanley appointment on the Dawes Commission; that he has seen Mr. Curtis, who offers no further objection;that he (Mr. Long) has heard from Governor Stanley and expects to hear again from him. February 9, 1903.From the President's desk Murphy is to call here Friday to see the President [*[ ca2-9-03]*] [*File CF*]Sampson, Elizabeth B., Mrs. Washington, D. C. Asks that Ralph, the eldest son of Admiral Sampson, be given one of the new appointments to the Naval Academy.[*File CS*] BOOKER T. WASHINGTON. TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE, INCORPORATED. TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. February 10, 1903. Personal. My dear Mr. President:- I thank you sincerely for your good and encouraging letter. Since reading the editorials in The Outlook and Churchman I feel very much encouraged by me effort. I confess that one of the things that has proved a heavy burden for me to bear during the last two or three weeks has been the disposition on the part of some of the papers to put me in antagonism to you. I have been bearing it patiently, however, knowing and feeling that time will cause all classes to understand you thoroughly. The feeling has been so foolish and intense that for me to have spoken out would I fear, have meant the loss of what influence I may possess over an important class of people in the South. I presume you saw the flurry kicked up over my being invited to Gainesville, Florida, to speak before the state meeting of County Superintendents of Education. The State Superintendent of Education who invited me, stood up manfully, and I went anddelivered the address. The result was that I was never more cordially received by both races even in Boston, than in Gainesville. I am now making a quiet but persistent effort to get hold of the Southern editors something in the way that I did the editors of The Outlook and Churchman. Yours very truly, Booker T. Washington To President Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington.[*File*] ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE, CHAIRMAN. COMMITTEE ON TERRITORIES. UNITED STATES SENATE. WASHINGTON. February 10, 1903 Dear Mr. President: I have a wire that Mr. and Mrs. Shaffer will arrive at the New Willard to[night]morrow to remain here until Saturday. I thought you might want to know. You captured Davis and his wife "horse, foot and dragoons". Very sincerely, Albert J. Beveridge To the President, White House.WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. February 10, 1903. My dear Sir: I am directed by the Secretary of War to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of January 29th, and to say that only one colored man has been appointed to the army by President Roosevelt, viz., Edward N. Baker, Jr., who was appointed a second lieutenant of the Philippine Scouts February 7, 1902. Lieut. Baker had had long prior service in the army as a sergeant, and subsequently as an officer of volunteers in the Philippines. He was appointed to a vacancy made by the promotion of a white officer. No appointments have been made in the army within the past year from South Carolina, and only two in Mississippi, viz., Second lieutenant Edgar N. Coffey, and Second lieutenant Richard P. Winslow. (Lieut. Coffey was designated for appointment in February, 1901, but his appointment was not actually made until 1902.) No Presidential civilian appointments or re-appointments of colored men have been made, and no white men have been appointed to succeed colored men, during the administration of President Roosevelt; nor have any civilian appointments under the War Department been made, by direction of the President, in Mississippi and South Carolina during the past year. Very truly yours, M. O. Chance. Private Secretary. Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President.COPY. (SAINT LOUIS DIVISION HEADING.) St. Louis, Mo., February 10th, 1903 Hon. W. E. Cochran, Chief Inspector, Washington, D. C. Sir: Replying to your communication of the 6th inst., herewith, I beg to advise you that there were three record books turned over to Inspector Price by Hugh C. Dennis, or someone of his associates, of the Brooks Brokerage and Commission Company, Rialto Building, this City, at the time the Inspector had their business under investigation. These records, together with other documents that were secured by the Inspector in the course of the investigation, were used by him in presenting the case against Dennis, et. al., to the United States Grand Jury at its recent term. As result of the presentation of the case, an indictment was returned against Hugh C. Dennis and Thos. W. Garland. When the case was called for trial, the records were turned over by Dennis as well as the other documents obtained for the investigation from other sources, were presented in evidence against the defendants in the trial of the case. The evidence was complete in every particular and would unquestionably have secured convictions had the case gone to the jury. The court, however, held that the case as proven was a gambling scheme and not such a scheme as was alleged in the indictment, and directed-2- the jury to acquit. The documents were continued to be held by Inspector Price in this office by direction of Hon. D. P. Dyer, United States Attorney, for use in the trial of Chas. H. Brooks, former manager of the Brooks' Brokerage and Commission Company, who was also indicted for an offense of the same character. There are the status of the case with respect to the retention of the records when I received your telegram of the 24th ult. Subsequent thereto, the subpoena duces tecum was issued by the Circuit Court, directing me to bring the books before the State Grand Jury then in session. In obedience to that subpoena, the records, together with other records, were presented to the State Grand Jury, and at the conclusion of my statement, Circuit Attorney Folk requested me to leave the records and papers in his possession for a day or two. Attorney Harlan was informed by me that I had been subpoenaed and directed to produce these records before the Grand Jury. On or about the 4th inst., Mr. Harlan called upon Col. Dyer, and the latter consented as far as his office was concerned, to surrender the books, and telephoned me at the time that Mr. Harlan was in his office, and that if I had no objection I could turn the books over. Mr. Harlan came down to my office, and I assured him that I would secure the books for him as soon as Inspector Price returned, he being then in Court in Springfield. When Inspector Price did return, I think it was Wednesday of last week, I instructed him to go to the Circuit Attorney's office and get the records. He made two trips down there for that purpose, but did not find the Circuit Attorney, or his assistants, or anyone in, who had authority to turn the records over to him. I then telephoned the Circuit Attorney and the records were sent down to-3- me about 12 o'clock, February 7th. I was fully advised of the manner in which we came in possion of these records, and of our obligations in the premises. I have taken no steps in the matter that were not authorized either by the United States Attorney or in response to the subpoena from the Circuit Court. Mr. Harlen knew these facts, and I have stated to him that his telegrams to Senator Burton were needless and without warrant. He has stated to me that we are privileged to keep these records in our possession and they are now locked in the safe in our office. Respectfully, (Signed) GEO. A. DICE Inspector-in-Charge.Letter of Inspector in charge at St. Louis to Chief Inspector in answer to his letter of Feb. 6, 1903, [For attachment see 1-21-03, The Republic]OFFICE OF THE POSTMASTER GENERAL WASHINGTON February 10, 1903. Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. Dear Sir:- The Postmaster-General directs me to return the enclosed telegram from Hon. Cecil A. Lyon for the private files of your office, as requested in your letter of the 7th instant. Very truly yours, J.H. Edwards, Acting Private Secretary. [*ackd 2/12/1903*] [*FEB 12 9-53 AM' 1903*] 2603 Prairie Ave Feb. 10, 1903 My Dear Mr. President: I happened to be at Indianapolis the evening the bar gave a farewell dinner to Judge Baker. As is usual on such occasions there were lots of speeches. Had you were there, I am sure you would have been satisfied.You made the right selection in appointing A.B. Anderson U.S. District Judge. With my best wishes for the continued success of your administration. I am Very faithfully yours Otto Gresham[*PPF*] Dear Theodore I was out when your note arrived and when I got to the White House you were chevauchant over hill and dale. I am glad you are in the saddle again. Here is a very intelligent despatch from Harry White which promises well. Yours faithfully John Hay Tuesday [*see State 2/10/03*]John Goff [?][*File CF*] Department of State, Washington, February 10, 1903. Dear Mr. President:- I think Bowen is doing very well in the latest phase of the negotiations, and Sir Michael is doing everything in his power to bring about a favorable result. I am sure there is nothing for us to do in the present state of things but to hold our position entirely unchanged. Yours faithfully John Hay[*ackd 2-12-1903*] WILLIAM CROSWELL DOANE Vice Chancellor V Dictated in reply to yours of INCORPORATED MAY 1, 1784 University of the State of New York Departments ADMINISTRATIVE HOME EDUCATION COLLEGE STATE LIBRARY HIGH SCHOOL STATE MUSEUM JAMES RUSSELL PARSONS JR Secretary of University Director College and High School Departments HERBERT J. HAMILTON Head clerk Regents Office Albany N. Y. 10 Feb 1903 Personal To the President Washington, D.C. Dear Mr President: I see by the evening papers that Governor Odell has gone on to Washington. Before you meet him I want you to know that conditions here in education affairs are serious. Information comes to me that those high in influence are desirous of reorganizing the educational work of the State along political lines. I do not think that this result can be accomplished, but I believe that an attempt is being made in this direction. We have been very careful to follow the Governor's wishes and to save him embarrassment, but his non-committal attitude is a disappointment to us after what we had been led to expect. I firmly believe that if the Legislature settles this matter by transferring powers and functions of the Regents of the University to the Superintendent of Public Instruction it will result in a. political overturning in this State next fall. Evidence in our possession shows that the schools feel this most intensely. It is unnecessary for me to say why this prospect troubles me particularly at this time. Always faithfully yours J R Parsons jr[*File CSC*] [*FEB 11 9-00 AM 1903*] Address: "CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION, WASHINGTON, D. C." United States Civil Service Commission Washington, D. C. IN YOUR REPLY REFER TO FILE NO. Da-H AND DATE OF THIS LETTER. February 10, 1903. The President. Sir:- We have the honor to return herewith, as requested, memorandum in regard to conference between yourself, Gen. Clarkson, and ourselves. The statement of the situation therein contained is entirely satisfactory. We have the honor to be Your obedient servants, John R. Procter W D Foulke James Rudolph Garfield Commissioners. [*Encl.*][*File CF*] LESLIE'S WEEKLY 110 FIFTH AVE. NEW YORK AUSTIN B. FLETCHER, PREST. EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT. JOHN A. SLEICHER, EDITOR. February 10, 1903. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President, White House, Washington, D.C. My Dear President:- I had a talk with Dr. Webb last evening, which was to an extent quite satisfactory, though he desires to go into the matter a little more carefully. He told me frankly what you had written. Of course it was all I could have expected. I wish, for your information, you would read the enclosed letter from the leading political writer in the West, in my judgement, - Dr. Harvey, of the St. Louis Globe Democrat. I think he has a very clear prevision of political conditions, as his position gives him splendid opportunities for wide observation. After you have read the letter, I wish you would destroy it. Faithfully yours, John A. Sleicher.[For enc see 2-8-03]HENRY VAN KLEECK, PRESIDENT. [*K*] 318 BOSTON BLDG. M. C. T. LOVE, M. D., SECRETARY, 327 MAJESTIC BLDG. H. M. WARREN, TREASURER, 210 E & C. BLDG. VICE PRESIDENTS: MR. J. H. BAKER, PRESIDENT OF STATE UNIVERSITY MR. W. F. SLOCUM, PRESIDENT OF COLORADO COLLEGE MR. H. A. BUCHTEL, CHANCELLOR OF DENVER UNIVERSITY MRS. STANLEY M. CASPAR, MRS. W. S. DECKER, MRS. IONE T. HANNA, DR. CHARLES DENISON, MR. E. D. UPHAM. [*FEB 13 12- 41 PM 1903*] THE CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM ASSOCIATION OF DENVER. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE: MR. I. E. BARNUM. MR. S. M. CASPA. MR. HENRY C. CHARPIOT. MRS. CHARLES DENISON. MR. IRVING HALE. MR. CHARLES HEFNER. MR. HENRY J. HERSEY. DR. WILLIAM P. MUNN. MR. C. W. RHODES. MRS. THALIA RHOADES. MR. E. L. SCHOLTZ. MR. RALPH TALBOT. MR. WM. B. TEBBETTS. MR. LOUIS WAGNER. MR. H. M. WARREN. DENVER, COLO., Feb. 10, 1903. To Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir:- We deem it our duty to call attention to what may be termed the pernicious activity of federal office holders in this state during the late political campaign, and particularly during the recent struggle in the General Assembly over the selection of a Senator of the United States. We have hesitated to take this step as we do not wish this Association to become involved in any way in local political controversy. We find however that the non enforcement of the federal rules prohibiting political activity by office holders is being used as an argument against the merit system, which is certain to have an influence adverse to our efforts to secure the passage of a civil service reform bill now pending before the General Assembly. We therefore feel impelled to respectfully suggest that it any enforcement of the federal law or rules which have been violated, is to be made, it be done at once, so that the argument which is being used, that the National Civil Service rules in their application are subject to the influence of the political party in power for partisan purposes may be fully refuted. We take the liberty of bringing this matter to your attention in full confidence that it is against the policy of your administration that the federal patronage should be abused in the scandalous way it has been lately in this state. With great respect, I am your obedient servant. Henry Van Kleeck. President. Dict. VK. [*Refd to Sen Lodge & retd*][*Ackd 2-11-1903*] [*[2-10-03]*] 90 RUE DE VARENNE Dear Mr Roosevelt. Will you receive a copy of The Woman Who Toils, with the named expression of appreciation on my part. I follow with interest in the papers, all you do and say and shall carry with me always the agreeable memory of the few momentsmoments so graciously given out of your "strenuous" and noble life Sincerely Marie Van Vorst 1732 I Street. until Feb 18. Tuesdy, Feb 10St. Louis, Mo., February 10, 1903. Messrs. J.P. Morgan & Comany. New York City. Dear Sirs:- The General Mortgage Refunding Four Per Cent, Sinking Fund Gold Bonds of the Terminal Railroad Association of St. Louis sold to you are part of an issue limited to $50,000,000 and secured by mortgate and deed of trust to Central Trust Company of New York and William Taussig, Trustees, covering the entire property of the Terminal Association now owned or hereafter acquired. The bonds are dated January 1, 1903, and mature January 1, 1953; interest is payable January 1 and July 1 in New York. The General Mortgage provides a sinking fund for the redemption of $100,000 of bonds each year, beginning on July 1, 1906, by lot at 110, or by purchase in the market at a loss price. The entire issue is subject to call at 110 and interest on January 1, 1910, or any interest day thereafter. Of this issue of bonds $17,500,000 are reserved to retire or take up an equal amount of prior lien bonds, $14,500,000 are reserved for issue after January 1, 1906, at not to exceed $1,000,000 in any one year, for betterments and improvements and the acquisition of additional properties. The proceeds of the remaining $18,000,000 which are under contract with your good selves are to be used for extensive additions and improvements to be made immediately to accomodate rapidly increasing demands for additional terminals at St. Louis and East St. Louis, and for the acquisition of additional properties, including the entire capital stocks of the following named companies, the properties of which are unencumbered and on the stocks of which the General Mortgage will constitute a first lien: East St. Louis and Carondelet Railway; Illinois Transfer Railway Company; Granite City and Madison Belt Railroad Company; St. Louis Belt and Terminal Railroad Company; and Terminal Realty Company. The mortgage prohibits the placing of any lien on the existing properties of these companies which would underlie the general mortgage bonds. The issued capital stock of the Terminal Association is owned in equal shares by: Missouri Pacific Railway Company; St. Louis, Iron Mountain and Southern Railway Company; Wabash Railroad Company; St. Louis, Vandalia and Terre Haute Railroad Comany (Pennsylvania System); Baltimore and Ohio Southwestern Railroad Company; Cleveland, Cincinnati, Chicago and St. Louis Railway Company (N.Y. Central System); Louisville & Nashville Railroad Company; Chicago, Rock Island and Pacific Railway Company; Southern Railway Company; Illinois Central Railroad Company; Chicago and Alton Railway Company; Chicago, Burlington and Quincy Railway Company; and Missouri, Kansas and Texas Railway Company; These companies control over 50,000 miles of railway, or more than 25 per cent of the total mileage in the United States. Under a Gaurantee Agreement between the proprietary companies, the Terminal Association and the Trustees of the General Mortgage, and lodged with the Trustees, each of these companies binds itself forever to make use of the properties of the Terminal Association for all passenger and freight traffic within its control through, to and from St. Louis and destined to cross the Mississippi River at St. Louis; and further agree that the tariff rates of the Terminal Association shall be so fixed by it as to insure the production at all times of sufficient revenue to enable it punctually to meet and discharge the interest on all its bonded debt, rentals, including the tunnel and bridge across the Mississippi, also sinking funds installments, taxes and all expenses of every nature incurred in the maintenance, operation and renewal of its system and properties and every part thereof. Under this Agreement each of the proprietary companies also, to the extent of its proportionate interest, one-fourteenth, in the Terminal Association, guarantees the payment of all interest on the General Mortgage Bonds and the payment of the installments of the sinking fund. As further security for this issue of bonds there have been deposited with the Trustees 9,500 shares of a total issue of 10,000 shares of the capital stock of the Wiggins Ferry Company, which 794 acres of land in the City of East St. Louis, and practically the entire Mississippi river front on the Illinois side, opposite the City of St. Louis, for a distance of three miles; also Belt Railway lines in St. Louis and East St. Louis, and 70 acres of land in St. Louis. The property of the Wiggins Ferry Company is unencumbered. The Terminal Association owns the most extensive and complete system of railway terminals in this country, the result of a growth of more than twenty five years, and its value today is largely in excess of the mortgage debt. It owns the Union Station, the largest and most complete passenger station in the world, which contains thirty-two parallel tracks under roof, and is the passenger station in St. Louis of the various railway lines entering that City - some twenty two in number; 100 miles of main, side, yard, and storage tracks, a number of freight stations and warehouses, machine shops, roundhouses, etc.; two Belt Railway lines encircling the City of St. Louis, and three Belt Railway lines in the city of East St. Louis and vicinity. In the heart of the business district of St. Louis and East St. Louis it owns more than 200 acres of land. In addition to the above properties, the Terminal Association controls in perpetuity by lease the Eads Bridge and the St. Louis tunnel. The entire surplus of earnings of the Terminal Association since its organization, aggregating in round figures $2,500,000, have been invested in betterments and the acquisition of new properties, but in order properly to extend its facilities and meet the constantly growing demand upon it, the Terminal Association makes this bond issue, the proceeds of which will be devoted to the acquisition of additional facilities; among these may be mentioned, in addition to the various properties above referred to, the building of an elevated structure connecting the Eads Bridge with the Merchant's Terminal Railway, thus doubling the capacity of the bridge and enabling the Terminal Association to move passenger trains into the Union Station without passing through the tunnel. The Terminal System is open to the use of all Railway Lines without discrimination, and affords a convenient method for rapid interchange of traffic between all Railway Lines, and for this purpose occupies the only available lands in St. Louis and East St. Louis. Upon the completion of the improvements now contemplated, and to the construction of which the proceeds of this bond issue will be applied, the Terminal Association will be able to handle rapidly and economically all traffic of every character crossing the Mississippi River at St. Louis, and the recent admission into the Terminal Association of the Southern Railway Company, Illinois Central, Chicago and Alton, Chicago, Burlington and Quincy, and Missouri, Kansas and Texas, insures the use of the system of the Terminal Association by every railroad of importance entering St. Louis or East St. Louis. A contract with the owners of the entire system of East St. Louis Street Railways secures to the Terminal Association for the upper roadway of the Eads Bridge all trans-river street railway traffic at St. Louis for a term ending in 1952. The following figures will give some idea of the extent of the business handled, and railway terminals owned by the various companies, the properties or stocks of which come under the General Mortgage: Mileage including main and side tracks _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 240 Lands owned and available for industrial plants _ _ _ 1,500 acres. Trans-river freight, passenger, express, mail and baggage cars handled in 1902 _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 1,089,431 cars. The additions now being made insure an increasing income and more economic operation. Very Truly yours, Julius S. Walsh, President. (Signed.)[Encl in Gerhart 10-1-10][*File*] Rahway New Jersey February 10/1903 My dear Mr. Roosevelt, Truly, this time I'll try very hard not to drop into rhyme. I'll also be brief. But I really must send my thanks for the lines you so happily penned. Mrs Roosevelt is charming to say suchkind words, and perhaps when the Spring time brings blossoms and birds you'll hear me pass by with my fool's cap and bells, And I am Yours sincerely Carolyn Wells.TELEGRAM RECEIVED. Private cipher. From American Embassy, London, February 10, 1903 Secretary of State, Washington. Confidential. I have communicated your message to Lord Lansdowne at his private residence. He said it had afforded him much pleasure and asked me to express his thanks in with regard to German reference claims, he said that as Germany stipu- lated in Memorandum of December twenty-third that her first rank claims amounting to $323,000 were to be either paid at once or guaranteed for prompt payment, he considers German Government within its rights in demanding that these claims should be settled by some means more expeditious than an annuity spread over a long term of years. Strong representations were nevertheless made yesterday to German Ambassador as to necessity for expediting settlement and I ascertained most confidentially hint also given him that if delay prolonged this Government might have to sign Protocol alone. 1903[*[2-10-03?]*] Burr, S. Claude, Columbia Falls, Mont. Asks for the President's version of the story of the challenge to a duel by Marquis De Mores; has received an account of same from Fred Herrig, but it is vastly different from any other published. He wishes this material for publication. Tells of a story where Herrig failed to vote for the President, whereupon he received the President's thanks. Herrig's account of the duel is described herein.[ATTACH. TO BURR 2-10-03][*[ca 2-10-03]*] The President saw General Clarkson with the Civil Service Commissioners. General Clarkson explained that Rosenfeld had now entirely sundered his connection with the office and would have no chair or desk there hereafter, and also stated that he would permit him to have nothing to do with collecting money from any official in the Surveyor's office hereafter. The Civil Service Commissioners stated that with this understanding the whole incident was satisfactorily closed.[*Navy*] WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. February 10, 1903. Memorandum: On July 3, 1903, the Secretary of the Navy was informed by telephone that the President withheld permission to have photographs taken of the interior and exterior of the "Mayflower".[*File*] The Outlook Company 287 Fourth Avenue New York February 11, 1903. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: Your letter to my son he has handed to me. I am sorry that it is impossible for me to get away from my duties here at the present time, owing to special engagements which carry me on through this month. I judge, however, from the newspapers that Congress is giving some legislation on the trust question which if not adequate as a finality, is at all events promising as an initiation, and I am inclined to think that it would be of greater service for me to come on to Washington at a little later date, in case the conditions are such that an extra session of Congress becomes necessary. Of course I hope that it will not be necessary, but personally I hope it may be called, in case efficient action is not taken for the relief of the present conditions in the Philippines. I hope that you are finding time to read Mr. Kennan's articles on theTHE OUTLOOK COMPANY 287 Fourth Avenue New York 2 situation in Delaware, the second of which we publish this week. You may be sure that we should not publish these articles if we had not in our possession evidence which is quite convincing to us, and we think would be convincing to any impartial persons acquainted with the facts as we know them. It seems to me it would be far better, no only for the country but for the Republican party, to have even two Democratic Senators elected from Delaware than to have only one elected with the taint of Addicksism on him. Yours sincerely, Lyman Abbott. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C.[*Ackd 2-14-1903*] CUSTOM HOUSE. SURVEYOR'S OFFICE. NEW YORK. February 11th, 1903. My dear Mr. President: You know, of course, of the friendship toward you of Colonel J.J. McCook, - a friendship which I understand goes back to past generations, but I want to make sure that you do know of the manner in which he is upholding you all the time and in many places in these stirring times. First, he is connected with as many powerful organizations in the business world here as almost any other man. Second, he has not only access to these influential quarters, but in social life and at dinners with men of the same class he has this access under most favorable circumstances. To my own knowledge of several dinners he never hesitates in defending you and your policies and in the most powerful and persuasive manner; and to my knowledge also, his defence has changed the opinion of many important people, or people who were acting on a prejudice or from false information. He is very national, not only in sentiment but in acquaintance, has a large acquaintance and friendship in the South and all through the West, the latter which he gained when Receiver of the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railroad. I do not believe there is on Manhattan Island a man better posted on all corporation matters of interest than he is, and I doubt if there is another man intimately connected with great corporations in this city who has such a widespread knowledge of politics and the mass of the American people and their sentiments.(2) I have had an hour's talk with him today, and his analysis of the present situation and of the matters you have taken up was so impressive to me that I asked him if he had seen you lately and talked to you of these matters; he said he had not. I am satisfied that ten or fifteen minutes talk with him, in which he could give you the information that he has from inside quarters here, would be not only grateful to you but helpful to you. I found that he feels that you do not accept him in as close relations as he would like to have. He has a sort of feeling that you look upon him as contemporaneous with his father and your father and that he is a man rather of the past than of the present. You know how men get these impressions. There is no more virile man in capacity in this city than Colonel McCook. I am satisfied also that you have no better friend. He connects with and is very powerful with the interests that are now being besieged to turn against you. I quote, as one instance of his capacity to do, the peace that he made between McKinley and Platt. I am sure he is to be regarded not only as a valuable but a very powerful friend on this situation and one just as valuable to the public interest as to the party. I feel it a sense of duty to acquaint you with these facts. Sincerely yours, James. S. Clarkson Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington.[FOR ATTACH. SEE CLARKSON. 2-11-03]Feb. 11, 1903 Dear Mr. President, It will give me great pleasure to lunch with you Friday the 12th at half after one o'clock. Yours faithfully John HayFeb. 11. [*[03]*] Dear Theodore The Alaska treaty went through beautifully — thanks to your engineering. Holls wrote to Foster yesterday asking him how any sane man could support such a treaty! Bowen tells me Italy & England are both ready to sign & he hopes for a final word from Germany tonight. Mungo is delighted over the Alaska weather but I fear is no better of his grippe. Yours faithfully John HayBoston 122 Commonwealth Avenue. Ackd. 2-14-1903 February 11, 1903. My dear Mr. President, My first thought on getting home from Washington is to thank you for your kindness and for the pleasure that you gave me, especially that of meeting Mrs. Roosevelt.writes me from Groton "The name of Theodore Roosevelt makes it easier to keep school": Let me go Billings one better and say that you make it easier for us all to preach righteousness and to live it too. If in any way I can be of service to you in I only wish that we could have stayed over to your reception on Tuesday evening, as you were kind enough to suggest, but official duties compelled my return. May I also tell you with what sympathy and confidence your friends follow your administration. BillingsMassachusetts, you know with what pleasure I should respond to your call. I remain with kind regards Yours faithfully William Lawrence To The President of the United States.[*Ackd 2-12-1903 Encl. sent to Genl Greene Feb 12, 9-29 AM 1903 2*] PHILBIN, BEEKMAN & MENKEN, 111 BROADWAY, NEW YORK, (TRINITY BUILDING.) EUGENE A. PHILBIN. CHARLES K. BEEKMAN. S. STANWOOD MENKEN. February 11, 1903. The President, My dear Mr. President:-- I beg to hand you a copy of a letter received from Father Wynne, and which I referred to when I saw you in Washington last Thursday night. Father Wynne, you may remember, is a Jesuit, and having taken a great interest in the affairs at Manila, [he] is constantly consulted by the authorities of the Church as to such matters. The first part of his letter refers to one of the very many requests that are made to me to use my supposed influence with the Commission of Police, in relation to members of the force. The enclosed clipping from the "Evening Post" in relation to Captain Schmittberger, may prove of interest to you, in view of the fact that your recent letter indicated that you believe him fit for promotion to Inspector. My opposition to his advancement is not based upon the Lexow investigation incident, which, in my judgement, should not be regarded in any way whatsoever in connection with his application, but I think that his record since then, and particularly recently, is such as would make it very detrimental to the best interests of the Department that he should be promoted. With sincere regard, Yours respectfully, Eugene A. Philbin (Enclosure)[For 1 attachment see Philbin 2-11-03 1 enclosure see Hynm 2-1-03]All quotations subject to change without notice. Orders will be entered subject to delay through Strikes Fires or other unavoidable causes. Travers Brothers Co., Manufacturers of Cordage, 41 Worth Street, New York F. C. Travers, President. A. F. Travers, Vice Pres't. V. P. Travers, Treasurer. Feb. 11th, 1903 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt President United States Dear Sir Your letter to Mrs Van Vorst strikes the nail on the head every word you say is true and as you say ii is a great danger to our nation. Yes far greater than most people imagine it is this greatest I have thought of for years and we are glad to have such a powerful champion as you are may the good Lord spare you to defend this sacred cause. Yours Frank C. Travers[*File CF*] WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. Confidential. February 11, 1903. Memorandum: Senator Lodge telephones that the Senate has just ratified the Alaska treaty. This is due largely to Turner. It went through without opposition. Senator Lodge says that the President must not give any intimation as to who he is going to appoint, and especially should say nothing to Turner about it. Lodge has heard something to-day in that connection which he wishes to give to the President. Teller made a speech, but it was simply that he had no objection to the treaty, only wanting to be sure that the men appointed could be trusted. [[shorthand]]James S. Clarkson, Surveyor's Office, New York, February 11, 1903. Writes of the great friendship of Col. J.J. McCook for the President; of his wide-spread knowl- edge of political affairs; and thinks that if the President would talk with Col. McCook the Colonel could give inside information that would be grateful and helpful to the President.[ATTACH. TO . CLARKSON 2-11-03][*[2-11-03]*] Philbin, Eugene A. New York City. Encloses copy of letter he received from Rev. J. J. Wynne, to which he referred in recent conversation with the President. Father Wynne is a Jesuit and has taken great interest in affairs in Manila, to which his letter refers. Delighted with appt of McDonough. Also encloses clipping referring to Captain Schmittberger; it states that the city and police will not profit by the Captain's advancement; Mr. Philbin thinks the Captain's record is against his promotion.[attached to Philbin, 2-11-03]Office of Fourth Assistant Postmaster General Division of Appointments Washington MEMORANDUM February 11, 1903 Referring to the attached note of the Secretary to the President, there is nothing on file in this Department from which a definite statement as to the appointment of colored persons as postmasters by the President can be made, except in cases where the fact appears incidentally in the progress of the case; and so far as is known to the Department, there have been no original appointments of colored persons as postmasters by President Roosevelt, and the following reappointments of colored men as postmasters have been made: FLORIDA. Live Oak, Thomas S. Harris, nominated to the Senate for reappointment January 19, 1903. Mr. Harris was first appointed by President McKinley Sept. 17, 1898, and confirmed by the Senate December 20, 1898. GEORGIA. Darien, Charles R. Jackson, reappointed February 7, 1902, Mr. Jackson was first appointed by President McKinley September 14, 1897, and confirmed by the Senate January 14, 1898. MISSISSIPPI. Bay St. Louis, Louis P. Piernas, reappointed February 7, 1902. Mr. Piernas was first appointed by President McKinley May 26, 1897. Ocean Springs, Thomas I. Keys, reappointed December 18, 1901. Mr. Keys was first appointed fourth class August 14, 1897. The office was advanced to the third class October 1, 1900, and Mr. Keys reappointed by President McKinley March 21, 1901. There have been the following appointments of white men to succeed colored men as postmasters, so far as shown to the Department. OVERMemorandum continued: GEORGIA. Athens, William Fleming was appointed February 6, 1902, to succeed M. D. Morton, colored. SOUTH CAROLINA. Georgetown, William Hazard was appointed February 28, 1902, to succeed R. B. Anderson, colored. In Mississippi the number of postmasters appointed by the President during 1902 was twenty-eight. There have been forty-two appointments of postmasters by the President in Mississippi since September 14, 1901, and in two of these cases the nominations are now pending in the Senate. In South Carolina eighteen postmasters were appointed by the President in 1902. There have been twenty-six postmasters appointed by the President in South Carolina since September 14, 1901, and in four of these cases nominations are pending in the Senate.[Enc. in Payne 2-12-03]OFFICE OF NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. February 11, 1903. The accompanying lists show the comparative strength of the United States and Germany in commissioned ships on the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, and the seas contiguous thereto. It does not include auxilaries, converted yachts, armed merchant vessels, etc. To the German ships on the East American Coast should be added the schoolships STEIN, MOLTKE, STOSCH, AND CHARLOTTE, which are iron ships, sheathed, single screw, ship-rigged, and carry batteries of from 8 to 18 5.9-inch B.L.R.'S, and are fitted with torpedo tubes. They are vastly superior to our training ships. Two of them, the STOSCH and CHARLOTTE are now in the West Indies. The STEIN and MOLTKE are cruising in the Atlantic, and the Mediterranean. UNITED STATES SHIPS IN COMMISSION. Home Battle Fleet (North Atlantic), 16 ships: 8 battleships: MAINE, KEARSARGE, ALABAMA, IOWA, INDIANA, ILLINOIS, MASSACHUSETTS, TEXAS. 3 large cruisers: OLYMPIA, SAN FRANCISCO, ATLANTA. 5 small cruisers: MARIETTA, NASHVILLE, BANCROFT, TOPEKA (Training ship), ISLA DE LUZON. Reserve Ships, 4 ships: 4 coast-defense vessels: NEVADA, ARKANSAS, PURITAN, AMPHITRITE. (To this class belong the MIANTONOMOH and TERROR, out of commission.) Pacific Station, 4 ships: 1 armored cruiser, NEW YORK. 1 large cruiser, BOSTON 2 small cruisers, MARBLEHEAD and RANGER. (To this station belongs the coast-defense vessel WYOMING.) South Atlantic Station, 4 ships: 2 large cruisers: NEWARK, BALTIMORE (to be added later), 2 small cruisers: MONTGOMERY, DETROIT. European Station, 5 ships: 1 large cruiser, CHICAGO. 4 small cruisers: CINCINNATI, MACHIAS, ALBANY, RALEIGH. (To this station has been assigned 1 armored cruiser, BROOKLYN, now under repairs at New York.) Asiatic Station, 19 ships: 3 battleships: KENTUCKY, OREGON, WISCONSIN (May 1). 2 coast-defense ships: MONADNOCK, MONTEREY. 9 small cruisers: NEW ORLEANS, YORKTOWN, ANNAPOLIS, DON JUAN DE AUSTRIA, HELENA, ISLA DE CUBA, PRINCETON, VICKSBURG, WILMINGTON. 5 gunboats: CALLAO, ELCANO, QUIROS, SAMAR, VILLALOBOS.GERMAN SHIPS IN COMMISSION. Home Battle Fleet (Baltic and North Sea), 14 ships: 8 battleships: KAISER FRIEDRICH III (Flagship), KAISER WILHELM II, KAISER BARBAROSSA, KAISER KARL DER GROSSE, KAISER WILHELM DER GROSSE, WITTELSBACH, WETTIN, ZÄHRINGEN. 2 large cruisers: PRINZ HEINRICH (arm. cr.), VICTORIA LUISE. 4 small cruisers: AMAZONE, ARIADNE, NIOBE, HELA. Reserve Division of Baltic, 2 ships: 2 coast-defense armorclads: HAGEN, HILDEBRAND. (To this division belong also 2 ships of same class out of commission.) Reserve Division of North Sea, 2 ships: 2 battleships: BADEN, WÜRTTEMBERG. (To this division belong also 2 battleships of same class out of commission.) Mediterranean Station, 1 ship: Station ship LORELY. West African Station, 2 ships: 1 gunboat, HABICHT. 1 survey vessel, WOLF. East and West American Cost, 4 ships: 1 large cruiser, VINETA. 2 small cruisers: GAZELLE, FALKE. 1 gunboat, PANTHER. East Asiatic Station, 15 ships: 3 large cruisers: FÜRST BISMARK, HANSA, HERTHA. 4 small cruisers: THETIS, GEIER, BUSSARD, SEEADLER. 5 gunboats: ILTIS, JAGUAR, LUCHS, TIGER, VORWÄRTS. 2 torpedo boats: S 90, TAKU. 1 river launch, SCHAMIEN. Australian Station, 2 ships: 2 small cruisers: CORMORAN, MÖWE. (No ships at present on East African Station and European Station, which comprise North and West coast of Europe, excl. of Baltic and North Sea.)[For 2 attachments see 2-11-03 U.S.N. Intelligence][*[2-11-03]*] [*CS*] [*[2-1903]*] Comparison, United States and German Naval Forces, Available in February, 1903. ATLANTIC OCEAN. United States. Germany. First Class Battleships. NAME Battery. NAME Battery. Maine 4 12-in., 16 6-in. Kaiser Friedrich III. 4 9.4-inch, 18 6-in. Kearsarge 4 13-in., 4 8-in., Kaiser Wilhelm II same. 14 5-in. Alabama same Kaiser Barbarossa same. Iowa 4 12-in., 8 8-in., Kaiser Karl der Grosse same. 6 4-inch. Indiana 4 13-in., 8 8-in., Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse do. 4 6-inch. Illinois 4 13-in., 14 6-in. Wittelsbach do. Massachusetts 4 13-in., 8 8-in, Wettin do. 4 6-inch. Zahringen do. Baden 6 10.2-in. Wurttemberg do. Total. Guns. Total. Guns. 7 20 13-in. 10 32 9.4-in. 8 12-in. 12 10.2-in. 32 8-in. 144 6-in. 38 6-in. 28 5-in. 6 4-in. Second Class Battleships. Texas 4 12-in., 6 6-in. Hagen 3 9.4-in. Hildebrand 3 9.4-in. Total. Guns. Total. Guns. 1 4 12-in. 2 6 9.4 in. 6 6-in. Monitors. Nevada 2 12-in., 4 4-in. 13 Armored Gunboats, each Arkansas same with 1 12-in. gun in barbette. Puritan 4 12-in., 6 4-in. Amphitrite 4 10-in., 2 4-in. Total. Guns. Total. Guns. 4 8 12-in., 16 4-in., 13 13 12-in. 4 10-in. Atlantic Ocean, (continued). United States. Germany. Armored Cruisers. Name Battery. Name Battery. -------- oooo Prinz Heinrich 2 9.4-in., 10 6-in. Protected Cruisers. Olympia 4 8-in., 10 5-in. Victoria Louise 2 8.2-in., 8 6-in. San Francisco 12 6-in. Vineta same. Atlanta 2 8-in., 6 6-in. Amasone 10 4-in. Newark 12 6-in. Ariadne 10 4-in. Chicago 4 8-in., 14 5-in. Niobe 10 4-in. Cincinnati 11 5-in. Hela 4 3.4-in. Raleigh 11 5-in. Gazelle 10 4-in. Albany 6 6-in., 4 4.7-in. Total. Guns. Total. Guns. 8 10 8-in. 7 4 8.2-in. 36 6 in. 16 6-in. 46 5-in. 40 4-in. 8 4.7-in. 4 3.4-in. Cruisers and Gunboats. Eight of these, with combined Eight of these, with combined battery as follows:- battery as follows:- 20 5-in., 36 4-in., 34 6-pdr., 49 5.9-in., 4 4.7-in., 2 4.5-in. 8 3-pdr., 17 1-pdr., 12 6m/m. 4 4.1-in., 8 3.9-in., 16 3.4-in. 23 1-pdr., 8 6m/m.PACIFIC OCEAN. United States. Germany First Class Battleships. Name Guns Name Guns. Kentucky 4 13-in., 4 8-in., None. 14 5-in. Oregon 4 13-in., 8 8-in., 4 6-in. Wisconsin 4 13-in., 14 6-in. Total Guns. None. 3 12 13-in., 12 8-in., 18 6-in., 14 5-in. Monitors. Monterey 2 12-in., 2 10-in. None. Monadnock 4 10-in., 2 4-in. Total Guns. 2 2 12-in., 6 10-in., None. 2 4-in. Armored Cruisers. New York 6 8-in., 12 4-in. Furst Bismarck 4 9.4-in. 12 5.9-in. 10 3.4-in. Protected Cruisers. Boston 2 8-in., 6 6-in. Hansa 2 8.2-in., 8 5.9-in, New Orleans 6 6-in., 4 4.7-in. 10 3.4-in. Hertha 2 8.2-in., 8 5.9-in, 10 3.4-in. Thetis 10 4.1-in., Total Guns Total Guns. 2 2 8-in., 12 6-in., 3 4 8.2-in., 16 5.9-in. 4 4.7-in. 20 3.4-in., 10 4.1-in. Cruisers and Gunboats. Eight of these, with combined Thirteen of these, with combined batteries as follows:- batteries as follows:- 6 6-in., 14 5-in., 44 4-in., 20 4.1-in., 8 3.9-in., 40 6-pdr., 2 3-pdr., 20 1-pdr., 13 3.4-in., 1 4-pdr., 24 6 m/m. 46 1-pdr., 8 6 m/m.[attached to 2-11-03, naval lists]COMPARISON OF UNITED STATES AND GERMAN FLEETS. [*Fighting ships (excluding gunboats) in commission are checked by red mark)*] FIRST-CLASS BATTLESHIPS. UNITED STATES. Name. Tonnage. Launched. Battery. Stated speed. Knots. Maine 12,500 1902 Four 12-inch, sixteen 6-inch 18.0 Kearsarge 11,500 1898 Four 13-inch, four 8-inch, fourteen 5-inch 16.8 Kentucky 11,500 1898 Four 13-inch, four 8-inch, fourteen 5-inch 16.8 Alabama 11,500 1898 Four 13-inch, fourteen 6-inch 16.2 Illinois 11,500 1898 Four 13-inch, fourteen 6-inch 16.2 Wisconsin 11,500 1898 Four 13-inch, fourteen 6-inch 17.1 Iowa 11,300 1896 Four 12-inch, eight 8-inch, six 4-inch 16.5 Massachusetts 10,300 1893 Four 13-inch, eight 8-inch, four 6-inch 16.1 Indiana 10,300 1893 Four 13-inch, eight 8-inch, four 6-inch 15.6 Oregon 10,500 1893 Four 13-inch, eight 8-inch, four 6-inch 16.8 ————————————————————————————————— Total. Guns. Tactical speed. Knots 10 Thirty-two 13-inch, eight 12-inch, 15.6 forty 8-inch, seventy 6-inch, twenty-eight 5-inch, six 4-inch. GERMANY Name. Tonnage. Launched. Battery Stated speed. Knots. Mecklenburg 12,000 1901 Four 9.4-inch, eighteen 6-inch 19.0 Zähringen 12,000 1901 Four 9.4-inch, eighteen 6-inch 19.0 Wettin 12,000 1901 Four 9.4-inch, eighteen 6-inch 19.0 Wittelsbach 12,000 1900 Four 9.4-inch, eighteen 6-inch 19.0 Swaben 12,000 1901 Four 9.4-inch, eighteen 6-inch 19.0 Kaiser Karl der Grosse 11,130 1899 Four 9.4-inch, eighteen 6-inch 18.0 Kaiser Barbarossa 11,130 1900 Four 9.4-inch, eighteen 6-inch 18.0 Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse 11,130 1899 Four 9.4-inch, eighteen 6-inch 18.0 Kaiser Wilhelm II 11,130 1897 Four 9.4-inch, eighteen 6-inch 18.0 Kaiser Friedrich III 11,130 1896 Four 9.4-inch, eighteen 6-inch 18.0 Woerth 10,080 1892 Six 11-inch, six 4-inch 16.0 Weissenburg 10,080 1891 Six 11-inch, six 4-inch 16.0 Kurfürst Friedrich Wilhelm 10,080 1891 Six 11-inch, six 4-inch 16.0 Brandenburg 10,080 1891 Six 11-inch, six 4-inch 16.0 Baden 7,400 1880 Six 10.2-inch 17.0 Bayern 7,400 1878 Six 10.2-inch 17.0 Oldenburg 5,200 1884 Eight 9.4-inch 14.0 Württemberg 7,400 1878 Six 10.2-inch 17.0 Sachsen 7,400 1877 Six 10.2-inch 17.0 ————————————————————————————————— Tactical speed. Total. Guns. Knots. 19 Twenty-four 11-inch, twelve 10.2-inch, 14.0 forty-eight 9.4-inch, one hundred and eighty 6-inch, twenty-four 4-inch. SECOND-CLASS BATTLESHIPS. UNITED STATES. Name. Tonnage. Launched. Battery Stated speed. Knots. Texas 6,300 1892 Four 12-inch, six 6-inch 17.0 Puritan 6,300 1882 Four 12-inch, six 4-inch 12.4 Terror 4,000 1883 Four 10-inch 12.0 Miantonomoh 4,000 1876 Four 10-inch 12.0 Monterey 4,000 1891 Two 12-inch, two10-inch 13.6 Amphitrite 4,000 1883 Four 10-inch, two 4-inch 12.0 Monadnock 4,000 1883 Four 10-inch, two 4-inch 12.0 Arkansas 3,200 1900 Two 12-inch, four 4-inch 12.2 Wyoming 3,200 1901 Two 12-inch, four 4-inch 12.2 [*Nevada 3,200 190 Two 12-in., four 4-inch 12.2*] ————————————————————————————————— Tactical speed. Total. Guns. Knots. 9 Fourteen '12-inch, eighteen 10-inch, 12.0 six 6-inch, eighteen 4-inch. GERMANY Name. Tonnage. Launched. Battery Stated speed. Knots. Heimdall 4,100 1892 Three 9.4-inch 14.5 Frithjof 4,100 1891 Three 9.4-inch 14.5 Hildebrand 4,100 1892 Three 9.4-inch 15.1 Beowulf 4,100 1890 Three 9.4-inch 16.0 Siegfried 4,100 1889 Three 9.4-inch 16.0 Hagen 4,100 1893 Three 9.4-inch 15.1 Odin 4,300 1894 Three 9.4-inch 16.0 Aegir 3,800 1895 Three 9.4-inch 16.0 Arminius 1,583 1864 Two 8.2-inch 10 ? Kronprins 5,568 1867 Sixteen 8.2-inch 10 ? Neptune 6,000 1867 Sixteen 8.2-inch 10 ? ————————————————————————————————— Tactical speed. Total. Guns. Knots. 11 Twenty-four 9.4-inch, 10? (In addition, 13 armored thirty-four 8.2-inch. gunboats for coast defense.) ARMORED CRUISERS. UNITED STATES. Name. Tonnage. Launched. Battery Stated speed. Knots. [*(To be commissioned*)] Brooklyn 9,200 1895 Eight 8-inch, twelve 5-inch 21.9 New York 8,2.0 1891 Six 8-inch, twelve 4-inch 21.0 ————————————————————————————————— Tactical speed. Total. Guns. Knots. 2 Fourteen 8-inch, twelve 5-inch, 21.0 twelve 4-inch. GERMANY Name. Tonnage. Launched. Battery Stated speed. Knots. Fürst Bismark 10,654 1897 Four 9.4-inch, twelve 6-inch 19.0 Prinz Heinrich 8,870 1900 Two 9.4-inch, ten 6-inch 20.0 Prinz Adalbert 8,820 1901 Four 8.2-inch, ten 6-inch 21.0 Prinz Friedrick Carl 8,820 1902 - - - - - - 21.0 Kaiser 7,351 1874 Eight 10-inch, seven 6-inch 15.0 König Wilhelm 9,757 1868 Eight 9.5-inch, four 8.2-inch, six 6-inch 15.0 Deutschland 7,391 1874 Four 10-inch one 8.2-inch, two 6-inch 15.0 ————————————————————————————————— Tactical speed. Total. Guns. Knots. 7 Twelve 10-inch, eight 9.5-inch, six 9.4-inch, 15 nine 8.2-inch, forty-seven 6-inch. The thirteen armored gunboats and three old harbor defense boats included in the list of second-class battleships are considered of no effective fighting value, but in comparison of strength for coast defense for which these vessels are used, these are included as of value in connection with an elaborate organized system of submarine mine coast defense and a large fleet of small mine laying vessels, with which the United States Navy has nothing to compare. PROTECTED CRUISERS. UNITED STATES. Name. Tonnage. Launched. Battery Stated speed. Knots. Minneapolis 7,375 1893 One 8-inch, two 6-inch, eight 4-inch 23.0 Columbia 7,375 1892 One 8-inch, two 6-inch, eight 4-inch 22.8 Olympia 5,078 1892 Four 8-inch, ten 5-inch 21.7 Chicago 5,000 1885 Four 8-inch, fourteen 5-inch 18.0 Baltimore 4,413 1888 Twelve 6-inch 20.0 Philadelphia 4,410 1889 Twelve 6-inch 19.0 Newark 4,098 1890 Twelve 6-inch 19.0 San Francisco 4,098 1889 Twelve 6-inch 19.0 Albany 3,769 1899 Six 6-inch, four 4.7-inch 20.5 New Orleans 3,769 1896 Six 6-inch, four 4.7-inch 20.0 Cincinnati 3,213 1892 Eleven 5-inch 19.0 Raleigh 3,213 1892 Eleven 5-inch 19.0 Atlanta 3,000 1884 Two 8-inch, six 6-inch 15.0 Boston 3,000 1885 Two 8-inch, six 6-inch 15.0 ————————————————————————————————— Tactical speed. Total. Guns. Knots. 14 Fourteen 8-inch, seventy-six 6 inch, 15.0 forty-six 5-inch, eight 4.7-inch, sixteen 4-inch. GERMANY Name. Tonnage. Launched. Battery Stated speed. Knots. Kaiserin Augusta 6,056 1892 Twelve 6-inch 21.0 Victoria Louise 5,660 1897 Two 8.2-inch, eight 6-inch 18.0 Hertha 5,660 1897 Two 8.2-inch, eight 6-inch 18.0 Freya 5,660 1897 Two 8.2-inch, eight 6-inch 18.0 Vineta 5,885 1897 Two 8.2-inch, eight 6-inch 18.0 Hansa 5,885 1898 Two 8.2-inch, eight 6-inch 18.0 Prinzess Wilhelm 4,300 1887 Four 6-inch, eight 4-inch 18.0 Irene 4,300 1888 Four 6-inch, eight 4-inch 18.0 Geflon 3,765 1893 Ten 4-inch 19.0 Gazelle 2,645 1898 Ten 4-inch 19.0 Niobe 2,645 1899 Ten 4-inch 19.0 Nymphe 2,660 1899 Ten 4-inch 20.0 Frauenlob 2,715 1902 Ten 4-inch 22.0 Arkona 2,715 1902 Ten 4-inch 22.0 Thetis 2,660 1900 Ten 4-inch 20.0 Ariadne 2,660 1900 Ten 4-inch 20.0 Amazone 2,660 1900 Ten 4-inch 20.0 Medusa 2,660 1900 Ten 4-inch 20.0 ————————————————————————————————— Tactical speed. Total. Guns. Knots. 18 Ten 8.2-inch, sixty 6-inch, one hundred 18.0 and sixteen 4-inch.[?] NavyDEPARTMENT OF THE NAVY BUREAU OF NAVIGATION ENDORSEMENT. Office of Naval Intelligence. February 11, 1903. Information required for the President. Respectfully transmitted to the Bureau of Navigation. C. D. Sigsbee Chief Intelligence Officer. Respectfully forwarded, Wm. S. Cowles. Acting Chief of Bureau.