Actd 2/14/1903 William Michael Byrne U.S. District Attorney Wilmington, Del. Department of Justice Office of United States Attorney District of Delaware. Feb. 12, 1903 Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. Courtelyou, In my mail this morning, I find a letter from Senator O. H. Platt in my favor. Also one from Senator Quay, and Senator Wellington and Senator Mason. I hope some friends of mine will speak to Senator Nelson, but it may be if the President shows him the testimonial sent by the Lawyers, some good might follow it. I saw Senator McComas who things he can win. More good I think will follow their efforts than if I continued a plan of personal solicitation among the Senators. I renew my expression of gratitude to the President. Owing to the tendency to observe displayed by my friends of the press, I denied myself the honor of calling on the President. His extraordinary and chivalrous defense of me is not unnoticed by my friends as you will see by the enclosed clipping. Throughout this distressing ordeal, I have never failed to hold the interest of the President higher than my own; and it is because of many expressions from many places similar to the enclosure, that I am firm in my belief that a victory now can be turned later to the advancement of the progressive principles for which the President stands; but should the President at anytime take a different view, I respectfully askWILLIAM MICHAEL BYRNE, U.S. District Attorney, WASHINGTON, DC Department of Justice. OFFICE OF United States Attorney, DISTRICT OF DELAWARE. that he send for me and he will find me swift to concur in his plans to promote the public good. Very truly yours, Enclosure Wm Michael Byrne[FOR ENC. SEE 2-7-1903]WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. February 12, 1903. My dear Sir: The Secretary of War directs me to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 10th instant, and to say that the necessary legislation to carry into effect Governor Taft's recommendation in regard to the use of lighters and launch of the North German Lloyd Steamship Company has already been recommended by him to Congress. Very truly yours, M. O. Chance. Private Secretary. Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President.[*[Ca 2-12-13]*] [*Ackd 2-2-1903*] UNIVERSITY OF TENNESSEE KNOXVILLE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT My dear Mr. Cortelyou;– Will you have the kindness to bring this to the President's attention? I will thank you very much Yours very truly Chas. W Dabney [*Da*][*[Ca 2-12-13]*] [*Ackd 2-2-1903*] UNIVERSITY OF TENNESSEE KNOXVILLE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT My dear Mr. Cortelyou;– Will you have the kindness to bring this to the President's attention? I will thank you very much Yours very truly Chas. W Dabney [*Da*][*FEB 13 9-04 AM 1903*] EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT. UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF THE PAULIST FATHERS, THE CATHOLIC WORLD MAGAZINE, BOX 2, STATION N, New York. [*D Cr2,*] New York, Feb. 12. 1903 Hon Theodore Roosevelt. President of the United States My Dear Mr. President The accompanying letter has been sent to some of the most eminent non-Catholics in the United States. I would have given anything for a short appreciation from your own pen but I think it would be presuming too much to ask it. I however do think that on the occasion of the Silver Jubilee of the Holy Father in your own good tactful way you may [you may] sieze the opportunity to say something or do something to recognize the [occ] event. The Holy Father has through a century so stood for those great fundamental ideals that give stability to governments and moral healthto nations that it is an honor to do him honor. Moreover a word from the President of the United States will capture the hearts of the millions of Catholics in this country and the Philippines. If you think well of doing something - do it regardless of me and in a way that will do the most good.You cannot find me any closer in your highest interests than you have done by the many favors I have received from your hands. Believe me with the highest-esteem. Sincerely A.P.Doyle Paulist- McDonough’s appointment is great.Editorial Department Under the Supervision of the Paulist Fathers. The Catholic World Magazine. Box 2, Station N. New York New York, New York Feb. 13th, 1903 My dear Sir, His Holiness Leo XIII celebrates the completion of twenty-five years of his pontificate on March 2nd next. A great number who are not of this faith recognize that he has served and promoted the cause of truth and humanity, of religion and social progress throughout our modern world in a more than ordinary way. The Catholic World Magazine will publish in its March issue a number of appreciations of the life and work of the Holy Father from the most eminent non-Catholics in our United States. We would be pleased to include such an appreciation of Leo XIII from you in this number. A succinct statement of some 200 words giving in your judgment an estimate of the labors of Leo either in special or general lines would be most highly appreciated. Thanking you in advance for your kindness in this matter. We remain with very great esteem Sincerely Yours [Doyle?][*[ENC. IN DOYLE TO T.R. 2/2 -03]*][*Ackd 2-12-1903*] 212, South Capitol Street, Washington, D.C. Feb. 12, 1903 [STAMP] SEMPER ET UBIQUE FIDELIS [END STAMP] My Dear Mr. President: - You can easily imagine how much I hesitate to occupy even a minute of your time; but, after reading your letter to Mrs. Van Vorst, I am forced to thank you for it. Mr. Gilder told me the other day that, when I had said you were "a man of letters in love with life", I had expressed you; but,To the Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, The White House. but, in the light of this letter, how poor that honest phrase seems! Trusts and the surface evils are small things compared with the awful dwindling of the nation through love for spurious ease and selfish entertainment. I am Yours, Respectfully, Maurice Francis Egan.[*PP3*] [2-12-03] [STAMP][LATIN ILLEGIBLE] My dear Mr. Roosevelt: - May I write not to the President of the United States but to the man who almost converted me to Cromwell? It is so much easier. Besides I have so long wanted to say that I think that was a most convincing and noble work. I felt as if you had understood the real Cromwell.Carlyle's bumptious man of God and wrath irritated me so that I was fatigued; but your Cromwell with his human weakness and human affections and the colossal burden that he carried bravely until it broke his heart — he was a Man! Thank you for your kind words. I'm pretty shaky about Beyond the Limit. I know it isn't art, but it wrote itself in spite of me So perhaps it is truth. It would give me very great pleasure to meet Mrs. Roosevelt and you: I hope I may for a few minutes when next I go to Washington. And I do wish that some of you would honor our plantation in Arkansas by killing a few of our wild turkeys and deer. We haven't any bears! Believe me Very gratefully yours, Alice French Davenport February the twelfth 1903 GEO. GEBBIE VICE PRESIDENT A.R. KELLER PRESIDENT CABLE ADDRESS GEBBIE SOLE PUBLISHERS THE COMPLETE WRITINGS OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT UNIFORM EDITION GEBBIE AND COMPANY 714 SPRUCE STREET PHILADELPHIA, PA. February 12, 1903. Mr. George B. Cortelyou, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir: - Your letter, with returned photographs and the President's suggestions for sub-titles, has been received, for which kindly accept thanks. Yours very truly, A.R. Keller[*[For enc. see 2-11-03]*] [*File W*] THE POSTMASTER GENERAL WASHINGTON February 12, 1903. My dear Mr. Cortelyou:- Replying to your letter of January 29th, I enclose herewith memorandum showing the appointments of colored postmasters made by President Roosevelt since he became President; also the cases where white men have been appointed by President Roosevelt to succeed colored men as postmasters. Very truly yours, H C Payne Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President.[*Ackd 2-12-1903*] Thursday February 12th THE ARLINGTON, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President: Important business calls me to New York this afternoon, and I regret very much that I am thus prevented from coming to the musicale tonight, for I had looked forward to it. I enclose herewith a copy of the affidavit which you desired. I deeply regret the friction that exists in Colorado politics, and, especially, that you should have been troubled because of it. There is, however, but one sentiment among Colorado republicans, [of] and that is of cordial friendship towards you and towards your administration; and during allour late party differences, I have never heard in Colorado a single expression that savoured of other than of loyal and devoted support of you. — If you come to Colorado in the spring, I should be very much gratified if you would spend a night with me at Wolhurst, and to know if, in any way I can serve you. Sincerely Yours, Edwd. O. WolcottJas. S. Wood Feb 14 8- 46 AM 1903 Chas. S.Wood. J. S. Wood & Bro. Ackd Cotton Factors and 2/17/1903 Dealers in Fertilizers 222 Bay Street, East. Savannah, Ga. Feby 12th 1903 His Excellency The President Hon. Theodore Roosevelt Washington D.C. My Dear Sir: Following a recent visit to Liberty County of [this] State, in the neighborhood of the old "Midway" Church and Settlement, I beg the honor to refer you to the neglected condition of the old Cemetery at the church, in which I am informed lie burried the remains of two of your Grandfathers, Bulloch, Elliott. There is a "Midway" Society--I understand in the vicinity, which meets once a year at a convenient season, and some kind of a celebration with speechmaking and reminiscent deliverances, is in order. The Society has for its purpose the noble desire of helping in mind the glorious history connected with this "Midway" settlement and perpetuating same. The dues I learn are nominal and barely sufficient to keep in repair the old building. Please pardon the suggestion that if you could find time to give the matter some attention, either directly or indirectly, especially with regard to the old Cemetery, it would no doubt be appreciated by the good people who yet remain in that locality, and most of who are decendents of that celebrated company of early settlers. With great regard I am your obedient Servant. Charles S. Wood[For 1- attachment see Wood 2-12-03][?] [2-12-03] Wood, Charles S. Savannah, Ga. Calls attention to the neglected condition of the cemetery at Midway Church, Liberty County, Ga., where the President's grandfathers are buried.[*[Attached to Wood, 2-12-03]*]COPY. Georgetown, S. C., February 13th, 1903. Hon. Elihu Root, Secretary of War, Dear Sir: Allow me as a confederate soldier, who commanded a battalion of scouts under Genl. Johnson and Hood, and who heard the first and last gun of our unfortunate war, to thank you for your address at the Union League Club. You have well said that the question now is what can be done for them (the negro) now that the first plan (universal suffrage) has failed, and this challenges the best thought and patriotism of our country. As a former slave holder and feeling the deepest interest in the negro, I urge unceasing effort to allay race prejudice. This can not be done by political appointments. Now bear with me in giving my experience in carrying out my idea of allaying race prejudice. I was appointed Post Master of this town in April last. The Post Office had a negro postmaster. He had held the position for four years. His help were all negroes. Of course the whites felt agrieved and were down on the Republican Administration. Race prejudice had just culminated in a general row which riot was put down by state troops sent here for the purpose. You can imagine from what I have written what a hostile feeling existed between blacks and whites. In assuming charge I felt it incumbent on me as a citizen of the State to do what I could to allay this feeling. My first act was to select my Assistant from one of the most prominent families in the State. I next selected by general delivery window clerk - a lady from one of the most influential political families in the State. I explained fully to them that I wanted their cooperation to put down the ill feeling then existing between the two races, and the most practical way to do it was for me to appoint the negro Postmaster as my clerk. I explained that to have him working in the office with us was no more objectionable to me than having our negro butler waiting on us at table. They readily agreed with me, and the appointment was made. There has never been an unpleasant occurrence, no friction of any kind, and the greatest harmony now exists between the two races. I candidly believe that the same feeling does not exist anywhere else. A more respectful people to the lady at the delivery can not be found, and I tell you this to my mind is the solution "What can be done for them". It must be done by our own people as a free will offering to elevate the colored citizen. The President appointments in this State have made it possible for any one to accept positions under his appointees, and no Republican President had gained such popularity in this State. It was most alarming to free silver and free trade politicians. It is a great mistake to suppose because we are solid Democrats on State issues that we are Democrats on national issues. If you can conceive some plan to eliminate the negro from politics, and let the people feel that there is no danger from that quarter you will see South Carolina, North Carolina, Alabama, Louisiana and Tennessee carried for the Republican party. I am a great admirer of Mr. Roosevelt, and there is no doubt about the popularity of his Administration, debarring this negro question. It makes many a voter in this State most anxious. Our state is now second in the manufacture of cotton goods, and when our mills now partially furnished are completed it will be first in the Union. History records no-3- such strides after a devastating war. Such a people cannot afford to vote for "free silver - free trade". The negro makes us vote it. What can be done for them is most applicable to the people of this State. And I trust some plan may be devised which will enable us to vote as we feel would be for the business interest of our state. Be assured if you should ever visit this section of our State that a warm welcome awaits you. With kind regards and great respect, Very respectfully, Wm. Miles Hazzard.TELEGRAM. [File ??] White House, Washington. 5 WU.SS.KQ. 26 Paid - 12:36 p.m. NEW YORK, February 13, 1903. President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. Will be able to make suggestion on district judgeship in day or two, which I think will be satisfactory. Please hold until then. This is confidential. B. B.Odell Jr.[*File carefully] [*[Ca 2-13-03]] COPY. My dear Sir: I thank you for your very sensible letter of February 13, which I shall bring to the attention of the President. Very truly yours, ELIHU ROOT.Masons Feb 15 10- 41 AM 1903 MATINECOCK LODGE No. 806, [G symbol] F. & A. M. Asnd 2/17/1903 File Meets every Wednesday in the Oyste Bay Bank Building. James Duthie, Master. Walter Franklin, Secretary Oyster Bay, L. I., FEb 14 1903. The Honble Theodore Roosevelt, Dear Brother Roosevelt, I enclose you a document which I think will be of interest to you. It is a "Fac Simile" of the original petition of the Late President James Buchanan, for initiation & membership into Lodge No 43 of Lancaster Pa. & as we have another copy for the Lodge, I shall be pleased & honoured to have you retain the enclosed copy. A short time ago I received a communication from a Brother in Illinois regarding a Clandestine Brother I showed it to R. W. Brother W. L. Sevan & he said he would transmit the same to you through Bro Loeb & I have no doubt you have received the same. My Dear Brother may I ask you to talk with Bro Loeb on the subject of Clandestine Masonry, there are a few of such Lodges throughout the land, and more specifically in Ohio. The Brethren of Martinecock Lodge send greetings, we are all proud of our distinguished Brother. Yours Fraternally James Duthie Master[FOR ENCL SEE 11-13-1816][*Ackd 2-16-1903] [*(Crum case)*] TELEPHONE CALL 1387. WHITEFIELD McKINLAY Real Estate, Loans, Insurance and Notary Public. No. 936 F STREET, N. W., WASHINGTON, D.C., February 14, 1903. Mr. President : Under the excitement of the moment in the interview I had with you this morning I omitted to remind you again that I am not actuated by a desire to advance the personal interest of Dr. Drum. This matter has passed far beyond a personal phase and by its widespread publicity has become national in its character and of the most vital importance to the colored race. If the southern opponents of the Negro succeed in defeating this appointment it will establish a precedent which will make it almost impossible for you or any other President to appoint, for years to come, a colored man to any office in the southern states and greatly endanger the tenure of office of every colored man now in government service in that section of the country. It therefore involves a principle and policy of transcendent importance to the entire race and their friends. This conclusion is based upon a thorough knowledge of conditions in the south and the characteristics of southern white politicians obtained by a long residence among and contract with them. It is very apparent to me that the southern democratic politicians are actuated by the double purpose of excluding colored men from office in the south and demoralizing colored voters in northern states. In my opinion it is a shrewed game of politics which a Republican Senate should understand and checkmate at once by confirming Dr. Crum. Very respectfully, W. McKinlay[*File*] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. February 14, 1903. Dear Mr. President: By a curious coincidence, the Mabini matter appears to have been stirred up in the Philippines at the same time that it was stirred up here. I enclose a copy of the endorsement by Governor Taft on the subject, which seems to indicate that there is at least one great and good man who shares our opinion. Faithfully yours, Elihu Root [*filed Philippines Mabini case 1/12/03*] The President. Enclosure.[Ackd 2 - 1? -1903] Major Thomas W. Symons, Corps of Engineers, U. S. Army. [SHORTHAND?] Buffalo N.Y Feb 14, 1903 My dear President Roosevelt, I beg that you will accept my very sincere thanks for the signal honor that you have done me. I shall try my best to fill my new position to your satisfaction. With the highest respect and esteem I am most sincerely yours. Thomas W Symons [*[Symons?]*] Major Corps of EngineersFeb. 14, 1903 Ackd 2/25/1903 American Embassy, London. Dear Mr. President. I send you by todays Despatch Bag a package of stockings which I was horrified to find by a recent letter from Mrs. Grant LaFarge ought to have been forwarded by me before Xmas. Not being aware of their arrival here and having received no letter, that I was aware of from Mrs. Morgan about them, I wrote to her and found that she had ordered Beale & Inman - a firm of hosiers with whom I also deal - to send them to her with a note from herself. They enclosed the letter inside - instead of placing it outside - the parcel, which, being addressed to me, wassupposed to contain articles ordered by me and was not opened at all until the receipt of Mrs La Farge's note, when it was found at my house. I enclose Mrs Mofan's wish from which you will see that neither she nor Mrs La Farge are to blame nor can I quite admit that I am, except to the extent of not opening promptly packages which are addressed to me. I hope you have not suffered any inconvenience through failure to receive these useful articles. I also send you by this same bag a small offering from myself in the shape of a book entitled "The Friends of England" by George Peel second son of the late Speaker of the House of Commons--now hon Peel--and grandson of the Prime Minister of that name. He is the cleverest member of his family and is particularly anxious,being imbued with the admiration generally felt in this country, that you should see it. I don't know that it needed such an elaborate explanation of the causes of hostility to this country which may be sent down more briefly, I think to jealousy. That the book is well written and interesting; and sets forth clearly the way in which this country has always thwarted any Power which threatened to be supreme in Europe. If you should have time after reading the book to send a word or two of commendation it would cause the author a thrill of pleasure. My wife has just returned with Muriel from a visit to Ireland where they should write the hon Lieutenant & his wife at the castle and subsequently with George Wyndham, the Chief Secretary. I should have accompanied them under ordinary circumstancescircumstances but did not feel justified in leaving London so long as the Venezuela crisis had not ended. He is as you know a very clever man and a great friend of ours and she found him in several long talks that Daisy & he had together not only enthusiastic about settling the Irish question with his proposed land bill but equally so about you. He asked innumerable questions about you and finally expressed a wonder whether you had ever heard or knew anything of him and she inferred that nothing would make him so happy as the feeling that you approved of his efforts to settle the long standing difficulties in Ireland. I see that Jusserand has arrived and I hope you will find him to equal my description of[*[2-14-03]*] AMERICAN EMBASSY LONDON him. I am sure you will greatly enjoy talking with him on all sorts of literary and other questions. There are very few which he cannot discuss in an interesting way. He is fully alive more over to the great responsibilities of his new post and means to do his best to be worthy of them. He is, as [you] I told you, extremely prejudiced against this country and attributes deep designs and base perfidy to its policy which are [frequently] usually without the least foundation. As you know, they "blunder" into things here - witness that German alliance against Venezuela - and do not usually carry out many great policies after long reflection. [and] It is the more curious as he knows England so well and most of his writings are aboutEngland in the olden time. But the prejudice I have mentioned in no way derogates from his attractive personality (barring his personal appearance!) and I hope he will be the great success which I think he ought t be. I am expecting Mr Choate back tomorrow and I was overjoyed to be able this morning [to be able] to cable the Secretary of State that orders were given upon the signing of the protocols for raising the blockade. Thus ends I hope what may be considered the critical period of the Venezuelan Question and I trust that my management of this and of it has met with your approval. We are greatly to becongratulated I think that there has beeen no outburst of popular opinion at home, the fear of which I have been constantly impressing upon this fort. In spite of the satisfaction and interest the case has afforded me I must confess to a sneaking regret at not having been able to take advantage of the occasion to talk [the] to the Italian authorities in their own language and impress upon them the Monroe doctrine & our policy generally - But that will doubtless come, though Meyer so far shows no signs of moving. Their purses arein the bag I congratulate you on the many successes you have lately achieved in our domestic policy as well as abroad, especially in the anti-trust line, all of which elicits much admiration here. Yours most sincerely Henry White Bag closing and I have not time to read over.[*Ackd 2-18-1903*] [*FEB 17 9- 05 AM 1903*] "IMPROVEMENT THE ORDER OF THE AGE" PRINCIPAL OFFICE AND FACTORY SYRACUSE, N.Y. U.S.A. THE SMITH PREMIER TYPEWRITER CO. Syracuse, N.Y. U.S.A Feb. 14, 1903. TRADE MARK THE PEN IS MIGHTIER THAN THE SWORD BUT THE SMITH PREMIER TYPEWRITER BENDS THEM BOTH Cable address "Premier Syracuse." Dic. T. L. W. [[shorthand]] To The President, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. President: In the midst of your great task, conscious as I am of the time and energy you devote to every duty you are called upon to perform, I hardly suppose it has come to your attention that I have taken the Presidency of the Smith Premier Typewriter Company of Syracuse. Such, however, is the case, and some papers have stated that it was my intention to take up a permanent residence in this city. This, however, is not a fact. Although it will be necessary for me to be here much of the time, I shall continue to devote as much time as is necessary to conserve the interests of the Republican Party in Brooklyn. I have sincerely appreciated all that you have done for me and those associated with me, and I write this letter simply to assure you that I will be ready at all times to respond to any call that you may make upon me in your own behalf, or for the Republican Party, certain that whatever I may be able to do to conserve your interests will inure to the good of the party whose standard it was my honor to aid you in upholding in this stated. I beg to remain with great respect and profound faith in your splendid administration, [*[Woodruff]*] Your sincere friend, Timothy L. Woodruff S.[*[2-14-03]*] [PUBLIC-No. 87.] An Act To establish the Department of Commerce and Labor. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That there shall be at the seat of government an executive department to be known as the Department of Commerce and Labor, and a Secretary of Commerce and Labor, who shall be the head thereof, who shall be appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, who shall receive a salary of eight thousand dollars per annum, and whose term and tenure of office shall be like that of the heads of the other Executive Departments; and section one hundred and fifty-eight of the Revised Statutes is hereby amended to include such Department, and the provisions of title four of the Revised Statutes, including all amendments thereto, are hereby made applicable to said Department. The said Secretary shall cause a seal of office to be made for the said Department of such device as the President shall approve, and judicial notice shall be taken of the said seal. SEC. 2. That there shall be in said Department an Assistant Secretary of Commerce and Labor, to be appointed by the President, who shall receive a salary of five thousand dollars a year. He shall perform such duties as shall be prescribed by the Secretary or required by law. There shall also be one chief clerk and a disbursing clerk and such other clerical assistants as may from time to time be authorized by Congress; and the Auditor for the State and other Departments shall receive and examine all accounts of salaries and incidental expenses of the office of the Secretary of Commerce and Labor, and of all bureaus and offices under his direction, all accounts relating to the Light-House Board, Steamboat-Inspection Service, Immigration, Navigation, Alaskan fur-seal fisheries, the National Bureau of Standards, Coast and Geodetic Survey, Census, Department of Labor, Fish Commission and to all other business within the jurisdiction of the Department of Commerce and Labor, and certify the balances arising thereon to the Division of Bookkeeping and Warrants and send forthwith a copy of each certificate to the Secretary of Commerce and Labor. SEC. 3. That it shall be the province and duty of said Department to foster, promote, and develop the foreign and domestic commerce, the mining, manufacturing, shipping, and fishery industries, the labor interests, and the transportation facilities of the United States; and to this end it shall be vested with jurisdiction and control of the departments, bureaus, offices, and branches of the public service hereinafter specified, and with such other powers and duties as may be prescribed by law. All unexpended appropriations, which shall be available at the time when this Act takes effect, in relation to the various offices, bureaus, divisions, and other branches of the public service, which shall, by this Act, be transferred to or included in the Department of Commerce and Labor, or which may hereafter, in accordance with the provisions of this Act, be so transferred, shall become available, from the time of such transfer, for expenditure in and by the Department of Commerce and Labor and shall be treated2 the same as though said branches of the public service had been directly named in the laws making said appropriations as parts of the Department of Commerce and Labor, under the direction of the Secretary of said Department. SEC. 4. That the following-named offices, bureaus, divisions, and branches of the public service, now and heretofore under the jurisdiction of the Department of the Treasury, and all that pertains to the same, known as the Light-House Board, the Light-House Establishment, the Steamboat-Inspection Service, the Bureau of Navigation, the United States Shipping commissioners, the National Bureau of Standards, the Coast and Geodetic Survey, the Commissioner-General of Immigration, the commissioners of immigration, the Bureau of Statistics, be, and the same hereby are, transferred from the Department of the Treasury to the Department of Commerce and Labor, and the same shall hereafter remain under the jurisdiction and supervision of the last-named Department: and that the Census Office, and all that pertains to the same, be, and the same hereby is, transferred from the Department of the Interior to the Department of Commerce and Labor, to remain henceforth under the jurisdiction of the latter; that the Department of Labor, the Fish Commission, and the Office of Commissioner of Fish and Fisheries, and all that pertains to the same, be, and the same hereby are, placed under the jurisdiction and made a part of the Department of Commerce and Labor; that the Bureau of Foreign Commerce, now in the Department of State, be, and the same hereby is, transferred to the Department of Commerce and Labor and consolidated with and made a part of the Bureau of Statistics hereinbefore transferred from the Department of the Treasury to the Department of Commerce and Labor, and the two shall constitute one bureau, to be called the Bureau of Statistics, with a chief of the bureau; and that the Secretary of Commerce and Labor shall have control of the work of gathering and distributing statistical information naturally relating to the subjects confided to his Department; and the Secretary of Commerce and Labor is hereby given the power and authority to rearrange the statistical work of the bureaus and offices confided to said Department, and to consolidate any of the statistical bureaus and office transferred to said Department; and said Secretary shall also have authority to call upon other Departments of the Government for statistical data and results obtained by them; and said Secretary of Commerce and Labor may collate, arrange, and publish such statistical information so obtained in such as to him may seem wise. That the official records and papers now on file in and pertaining exclusively to the business of any bureau, office, department, or branch of the public service in this Act transferred to the Department of Commerce and Labor together with the furniture now in use in such bureau, office, department, or branch of the public service, shall be, and hereby are, transferred to the Department of Commerce and Labor. SEC 5. That there shall be in the Department of Commerce and Labor a bureau to be called the Bureau of Manufactures, and a chief of said bureau, who shall be appointed by the President, and who shall receive a salary of four thousand dollars per annum. There shall also be in said bureau such clerical assistants as may from time to time be 3 authorized by Congress. It shall be the province and duty of said bureau, under the direction of the Secretary, to foster, promote, and develop the various manufacturing industries of the United States, and markets for the same at home and abroad, domestic and foreign, by gathering, compiling, publishing, and supplying all available and useful information concerning such industries and such markets, and by such other methods and means as may be prescribed by the Secretary or provided by law. And all consular officers of the United States, including consuls-general, consuls, and commercial agents, are hereby required, and it is made a part of their duty, under the direction of the Secretary of State, to gather and compile, front time to time, useful and material information and statistics in respect to the subjects enumerated in section three of this Act in the countries and places to which such consular officers are accredited, and to send, under the direction of the Secretary of State, reports as often as required by the Secretary of Commerce and Labor of the information and statistics thus gathered and compiled, such reports to be transmitted through the State Department to the Secretary of the Department of Commerce and Labor. SEC. 6. That there shall be in the Department of Commerce and Labor a bureau to be called the Bureau of Corporations, and a Commissioner of Corporations who shall be the head of said bureau, to be appointed by the President, who shall receive a salary of five thousand dollars per annum. There shall also be in said bureau a deputy commissioner who shall receive a salary of three thousand five hundred dollars per annum, and who shall in the absence of the Commissioner act as, and perform the duties of, the Commissioner of Corporations, and who shall also perform such other duties as may be assigned to him by the Secretary of Commerce and Labor or by the said Commissioner. There shall also be in the said bureau a chief clerk and such special agents, clerks, and other employees as may be authorized by law. The said Commissioner shall have power and authority to make, under the direction and control of the Secretary of Commerce and Labor, diligent investigation into the organization, conduct, and management of the business of any corporation, joint stock company or corporate combination engaged in commerce among the several States and with foreign nations excepting common carriers subject to "An Act to regulate commerce," approved February fourth, eighteen hundred and eighty-seven, and to gather such information and data as will enable the President of the United States to make recommendations to Congress for legislation for the regulation of such commerce, and to report such data to the President from time to time as he shall require; and the information so obtained or as much thereof as the President may direct shall be made public. In order to accomplish the purposes declared in the foregoing part of this section, the said Commissioner shall have and exercise the same power and authority in respect to corporations, joint stock companies and combinations subject to the provisions hereof, as is conferred on the Interstate Commerce Commission in said "Act to regulate commerce" and the amendments thereto in respect to common carriers so far as the same may be applicable, including the right to subpoena and compel the attendance and testimony of witnesses and the production of documentary evidence and to administer oaths. All the requirements, 4 obligations, liabilities, and immunities imposed or conferred by said "Act to regulate commerce" and by "An Act in relation to testimony before the Interstate Commerce Commission," and so forth, approved February eleventh, eighteen hundred and ninety-three, supplemental to said "Act to regulate commerce," shall also apply to all persons who may be subpoenaed to testify as witnesses or to produce documentary evidence in pursuance of the authority conferred by this section. It shall also be the province and duty of said bureau, under the direction of the Secretary of Commerce and Labor, to gather, compile, publish, had supply useful information concerning corporations doing business within the limits of the United States as shall engage in interstate commerce or in commerce between the United States and any foreign country, including corporations engaged in insurance, and to attend to such other duties as may be hereafter provided by law. SEC. 7. That the jurisdiction, supervision and control now possessed and exercised by the Department of the Treasury over the fur-seal, salmon and other fisheries of Alaska and over the immigration of aliens into the United States, its waters, territories and any place subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are hereby transferred and vested in the Department of Commerce and Labor: Provided, That nothing contained in this Act shall be construed to alter the method of collecting and accounting for the head-tax prescribed by section one of the Act entitled "An Act to regulate immigration," approved August third, eighteen hundred and eighty-two. That the authority, power and jurisdiction now possessed and exercised by the Secretary of the Treasury by virtue of any law in relation to the exclusion from and the residence within the Untied States, its territories and the District of Columbia, of Chinese and persons of Chinese descent, are hereby transferred to and conferred upon the Secretary of Commerce and transferred to and conferred upon the Secretary of Commerce and Labor, and the authority, power and jurisdiction in relation thereto now vested by law or treaty in the collectors of customs and the collectors of internal revenue, are hereby conferred upon and vested in such officers under the control of the Commissioner-General of Immigration, as the Secretary of Commerce and Labor may designate therefor. SEC. 8. That the Secretary of Commerce and Labor shall annually, at the close of each fiscal year, make a report in writing to Congress, giving an account of all moneys received and disbursed by him and his Department, and describing the work done by the Department in fostering, promoting, and developing the foreign and domestic commerce, the mining, manufacturing, shipping, and fishery industries, and the transportation facilities, of the United States, and making such recommendation as he shall deem necessary for the effective performance of the duties and purposes of the Department. He shall also from time to time make such special investigations and reports as he may be required to do by the President, or by either House of Congress, or which he himself may deem necessary and urgent. SEC. 9. That the Secretary of Commerce and Labor shall have charge, in the buildings or premises occupied by or appropriated to the Department of Commerce and Labor, of the library, furniture, fixtures, records, and other property pertaining to it or hereafter acquired for use in its business; and he shall be allowed to expend for periodicals and the purposes of the library, and for the rental of 5 appropriate quarters for the accommodation of the Department of Commerce and Labor within the District of Columbia, and for all other incidental expenses, such sums as Congress may provide from time to time: Provided, however, That where any office, bureau, or branch of the public service transferred to the Department of Commerce and Labor by this Act is occupying rented buildings or premises, it may still continue to do so until other suitable quarters are provided for its use; And provided further, That all officers, clerks, and employees now employed in or by any of the bureaus, offices, departments, or branches of the public service in this Act transferred to the Department of Commerce and Labor are each and all hereby transferred to said Department at their present grades and salaries, except where otherwise provided in this Act: And provided further, That all laws prescribing the work and defining the duties of the several bureaus, offices, departments, or branches of the public service by this Act transferred to and made a part of the Department of Commerce and Labor shall, so far as the same are not in conflict with the provisions of this Act, remain in full force and effect until otherwise provided by law. SEC. 10. That all duties performed and all power and authority now possessed or exercised by the head of any executive department in and over any bureau, office, officer, board, branch, or division of the public service by this Act transferred to the Department of Commerce and Labor, or any business arising therefrom or pertaining thereto, or in relation to the duties performed by and authority conferred by law upon such bureau, officer, office, board, branch or division of the public service, whether of an appellate or revisory character or otherwise, shall thereafter by vested in and exercised by the head of the said Department of Commerce and Labor. All duties, power, authority and jurisdiction, whether supervisory, appellate or otherwise, now imposed or conferred upon the Secretary of the Treasury by Acts of Congress relating to merchant vessels or yachts, their measurement, numbers, names, registers, enrollments, licenses, commissions, records, mortgages, bills of sale, transfers, entry, clearance, movements, and transportation of their cargoes and passengers, owners, officers, seamen, passengers, fees, inspection, equipment for the better security of life, and by Acts of Congress relating to tonnage tax, boilers on steam vessels, the carrying of inflammable, explosive or dangerous cargo on vessels, the use of petroleum or other similar substances to produce motive power and relating to the remission or refund of fines, penalties, forfeitures, exactions or charges incurred for violating any provision of law relating to vessels or seamen or to informer's shares of such fines, and by Acts of Congress relating to the Commissioner and Bureau of Navigation, Shipping Commissioners, their officers and employees, Steamboat-Inspection Service and any of the officials thereof, shall be and hereby are transferred to and imposed and conferred upon the Secretary of Commerce and Labor from and after the time of the transfer of the Bureau of Navigation, the Shipping Commissioners and the Steamboat Inspection Service to the Department of Commerce and Labor, and shall not thereafter be imposed upon or exercised by the Secretary of the Treasury. And all Acts or parts of Acts inconsistent with this act Are, so far as inconsistent, hereby repealed. SEC. 11. A person, to be designated by the Secretary of State, shall be appointed to formulate, under his direction, for the instruction of6 consular officers, the requests of the Secretary of Commerce and Labor; and to prepare from the dispatches of consular officers, for transmission to the Secretary of Commerce and Labor, such information as pertains to the work of the Department of Commerce and Labor; and such person shall have the rank and salary of a chief of bureau, and be furnished with such clerical assistants as may from time to time be authorized by law. SEC. 12. That the President be, and he is hereby, authorized, by order in writing, to transfer at any time the whole or any part of any office, bureau, division or other branch of the public service engaged in statistical or scientific work, from the Department of State, the Department of the Treasury, the Department of War, the Department of Justice, the Post-Office Department, the Department of the Navy or the Department of the Interior, to the Department of Commerce and Labor; and in every such case the duties and authority performed by and conferred by law upon such office, bureau, division or other branch of the public service, or the part thereof so transferred, shall be thereby transferred with such office, bureau, division or other branch of the public service, or the part thereof which is so transferred. And all power and authority conferred by law, both supervisory and appellate, upon the department from which such transfer is made, or the Secretary thereof, in relation to the said office, bureau, division or other branch of the public service, or the part thereof so transferred, shall immediately, when such transfer is so ordered by the President, be fully conferred upon and vested in the Department of Commerce and Labor, or the Secretary thereof, as the case may be, as to the whole or part of such office, bureau, division or other branch of the public service so transferred. SEC. 13. That this Act shall take effect and be in force from and after its passage: Provided, however, That the provisions of this Act other than those of section twelve in relation to the transfer of any existing office, bureau, division, officer or other branch of the public service or authority now conferred thereon, to the Department of Commerce and Labor shall take effect and be in force on the first day of July, nineteen hundred and three, and not before. Approved, February 14, 1903. [*Enc. in McBee 2-9-03*] [*2-14-03*] 214 The Churchman (8) February 14, 1903 they may not be able to revolutionize the Seminary-and the majority of them would no doubt hold that no revolution is desirable-yet their action two months from now will have influence on the history of the Church. They will have it in their power to take a forward step. They can put the Seminary on such a basis that a broader outlook may ultimately be gained. -------------------------------------------------------------- Chronicle and Comment. Anti-Trust legislation has at last reached a point where it is clear what can be passed and what will be omitted. The conference committees from the Senate and House have agreed on amendments to the bill creating a Department of Commerce which makes the head of the Bureau of Corporations a commissioner instead of a mere Bureau chief, adds to his authority, gives him the charge of collecting statistics; though these are to be solely for the aid of the President in recommending legislation to Congress, and are to be published at his discretion. This assures a publicity to which industrial corporations have not hitherto been subject. Both Houses have also passed the bill facilitating the passage of anti-Trust litigation through the courts, and the appropriation of $500,000 is also agreed upon. The Senate has passed the measure introduced by Senator Elkins containing all that is embodied in the House "Littlefield Bill" which was passed in the Lower Chamber 245 to 0, with the exception of the requirement that Trusts shall report their capital and that discrimination in price shall be punished just as discriminations in freight are when such price discrimination is intended to create a monopoly or to drive out of business a competitor. The first of these provisions, requiring a report on the real value on which stock is issued, could probably be secured under the authority given to the Department of Commerce by the amendment known as the Nelson Amendment, upon which the conferees of both Houses agreed. [The other is more questionable than any legislation proposed, and it is doubtful whether it would be constitutional]. [*Source has questioned the constitutionality of the order provision*] The publicity required by the Department of Commerce Bill is sufficient to lead Mr. John D. Rockefeller to oppose it, and his position has been placed on record in a most unjustifiable telegram, which he addressed, according to uncontradicted report, to leading Senators: "We are opposed to the Nelson Amendment and the Department of Commerce Bill. It should be defeated. Our lawyer will be in Washington in the morning." The instant result of this telegram seems to have been to lead the conferees of both Chambers to agree on the measure at once, and if anything was needed to insure its acceptance by both Chambers, this attempt to influence legislation should accomplish it. President Roosevelt has been more successful in his policy calling for the regulation of Trusts than any one anticipated when it was first proposed. The progress of anti-Trust legislation is the more striking in view of the tremendous influences as well as the subtle tactics that have been arrayed against the President's vigorous policy at every point. The Rockefeller incident, however it may be explained, reveals the boldness and effrontery of combinations that regard the money power as all-powerful. In view of our judgment, expressed editorially many weeks ago, that high-minded capitalists would be found on the side of the President in his demand for a proper publicity, it is rather significant that the reports from Washington indicate that the class of capitalists represented by Mr. Morgan favor the anti-Trust legislation, while the Standard Oil people oppose it. The true business interests of the country are of vital import, and must be protected in all legislation, but he would be a bold man who would claim that the Standard Oil methods were other than inimical to the best interests of the country and the people. But the subtlest and perhaps the worst phase of antagonism to the President's policy is the disposition of those representatives of organized capital who have endeavored to inflame race prejudice by trying to divert attention from themselves and their ways to the President's attitude toward the South. President Roosevelt, though asked by all the allies declined to arbitrate in settling what preferential treatment should be accorded the three allied Powers in meeting their claims. This issue may have to go to The Hague Tribunal. Mr. Bowen, United States Minister and Venezuelan representative, proposed what seemed to public opinion in this country a perfectly fair compromise. Until the negotiations are published in detail, it will be impracticable to pass with accuracy and impartiality upon the merits of the controversy. The public is only acquainted with the general outlines. The allies feel that for them to begin hostile operations against Venezuela, to carry on a blockade, and to keep their fleets off its coast for weeks together, and then submit their claims to exactly the same terms as that of nations which pursued a more pacific policy, would throw discredit on their entire conduct of affairs. The United States, however, has uniformly taken the ground that operations of this character should be conducted as part of the general duty of a country to maintain and enforce international law, and that such expenses should be borne as incident to the position of a great Power. Public opinion in Europe is criticizing the action of the allies. Count von Bülow, Chancellor of the German Empire, has been forced from one apologetic speech to another, Lord Lansdowne and his associates of the British Ministry are protesting that their position is wholly misunderstood, and English newspapers are most uneasy at the continuance of an alliance which endangers a good understanding with the United States. As soon as the President's declination to act was announced, the British Ambassador, who has been ill for several days, asked Mr. Bowen to call and said he was prepared to submit a protocol from his Government. Later the German Ambassador made a like announcement. It is understood that simultaneously with the appeal to The Hague the blockade will be raised; that Venezuela will pay each of the three Powers £5,500 in cash, and will set aside 30 per cent. of customs receipts from La Guayra and Porto Cabello to satisfy her creditors. This reference to The Hague is generally regarded as a diplomatic victory for Mr. Bowen. The decision will be considerably postponed, and as the blockade is relieved, Venezuela will have an interval for recovery before payment will be called for. A decision by The Hague would also have the force of a canon of international law, and if it should decide that blockades and bombardments do not entitle to preferential treatment the effect will be far-reaching. Mr. Bowen has always favored The Hague for this reason, and also because it would give Venezuela an opportunity to present a side of her case which is much obscured, and to show the shady character of some of the claims against her. That is probably why, in the first instance as now, the allies have preferred arbitration by the President. Mr. Bowen, who doubtless has had excellent advice from our Department of State, has conducted his case with great skill, especially in emphasizing the fact that the affording of preferential treatment for a period of years would prolong the alliance for the same time, a course which, as he shrewdly observed, "would be the source of the greatest surprise and regret." Indeed, it was so obviously so that the British Ambassador called on Secretary Hay to assure him that there was no such intention, and the passage was cancelled before Mr. Bowen's note was transmitted to the other Powers. Its publication had, however, secured the effect desired. The full text of the Alaskan Treaty, now published, shows that it opens to arbitration matters that were specifically reserved in the negotiations of 1899 and admits all the disputed territory to adjudication. It is even conceivable that the United States might lose under this treaty territory that she and Russia had occupied uninterruptedly for seventy-seven years with title recognized by the Hudson's Bay Company. We might be left with a strip of islands and a few headlands along the coast, a boundary to which no country would ever willingly assent. The case of the United States seems perfect, however, and it is almost a moral impossibility that any jurist could decide against our claim. Yet that a nation should arbitrate over territory of which it has been in uninterrupted political possession for two generations is certainly a stretch of comity which cannot but rouse opposition where large property and commercial rights hinge on the decision. And it is not surprising that senators from the Northwest and even from the Central West are protesting vigorously against the ratification of the treaty. The "Statehood Bill," admitting Arizona, New Mexico and Oklahoma, has been successfully kept in the path of legislation and though consideration of the Cuban treaty has been begun, an extra session is altogether probable. The Statehood Bill can be passed only by a compromise. That which is now proposed looks to the admission of Arizona and New Mexico as one state and of Oklahoma and Indian Territory as another. Senator Lodge pointed out, in a very able speech, that Arizona and New Mexico are not only each of them below the quota of population which should be required of a state, but they are also communities in which the percentage of illiteracy, instead of decreasing during the last thirty years, has been increasing. It has reached in New Mexico 33 per cent. and in Arizona 19 per cent. Both States, in addition, have an increasing Mormon population, and the bill admitting Arizona and New Mexico is felt to be inadequate in not sufficiently restricting polygamy. Secretary Root speaking last Friday at the Union League Club, New York, to a representative gathering of lawyers, financiers, politicians and business men in this chief of Republican social organizations said frankly that the effort to elevate the Negro race by the ballot, an effort in which the Union League has its full share of responsibility, had failed. The Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, passed two, five and seven years after the organization of the Union League Club, had embodied the scheme of[*Ackd 2-17-1903*] 256 West 94th Street 15th Feb. Dear Mr. President: I am sure you will be interested in these utterances of Lincoln on negro suffrage. Your enemies are doing you more service than lies in the form of all your friends. Yours always J. B. Bishop. [shorthand notes] President. Roosevelt.-ored me. With regards to Mrs Roosevelt and Miss Alice. I am Your's Very Truly Basil W. Duke Sunday Feby 15th. 1903 [*shorthand*]Ackd 2-17-1903 HM 212 East Broadway Louisville My dear Mr Roosevelt Accept my sincere thanks for the many courtesies you have shown me, and let me cordially express my grateful appreciation of your kind feeling for me, evinced in so many ways. I shall certainly be grateful to Providence if I am ever permitted opportunity to exhibit some substantial recognition of the friendship with which you have hon- -ored me. With regards to Mrs. Roosevelt and Mifs Alice. I am Your's Very Truly Basil W. Duke Sunday Feby 15th. 1903 [*shorthand*]PPF North Brighton. Staten Island Feb. 15th 1903. My dear Theodore, Constance and I start on a trip South this Monday and our first stop will be at Washington in the hope of having the pleasure of seeing you & Mrs. Roosevelt. We shall arrive at the Shoreham about 2.30 P.M. I have had much hard work organizing one of those Truck mergers which are the subject of so much political controversy & have also recently sucessfully concludes a celebrated lawsuit that has been pending nearly seven years in the New York courts & which I was compelled to bring to enforce my rights as a broker in the sale of the Hoboken Ferries. I have therefore earned & shall enjoy a rest of mind & body. I have been with [Emalen] several times this week after his return from seeing you and have enjoyed talking with him about you and the old days, which I suppose in your "strenuous life" you have forgotten, but there are many incidents which I recall to mind as if they happened yesterday. Now, if you can spare any time from your official business to see us, you know it would give us great pleasure. Send word to the Shoreham. Your old friend, Archibald Gracie at the next Convention. Mrs. Merrick joins me with best regards to yourself and family. Very truly Myron Merrick [*[Merrick]*] To President Roosevelt July 15th '03 P. S. Hope I did not leave fresh prints on your guest chamber mantle as per enclosure MM [*Ackd 2-18-1903*] [*2-15-03*] OVERLOOK ROAD. EUCLID HEIGHTS. Dear Mr. President I was very glad to have the visit with you. With your many cares, we feel much gratified that you should remember us. I know something of the tremendous and unceasing pressure upon the occupants of the White House and was glad to find you meeting it with such fine courage and strength. The noisy fault-finding few may cause much annoyance but real thinking people believe in you and are with you and will so express themselves Feb 17 9- 38 AM 1903 22 Elk St, Albany Feb. 15, 1903 [*Ackd 2-18-1903*] To the President Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President Regent Sexton telephones from New York that he saw you today and that you wished me to write you at once. I know the awful pressure of these closing weeks for you and I should not have called New York matters to your attention had the outlook been less serious. I am convinced that unless something is done without delay to inspire the Governor, Senators Platt and Depew with the gravity of the danger that confronts the Republican party over this school question the democrats will probably carry the State at the next election. Thursday I had a long conference with Dr. Butler and he agreed with me in indorsing the appeal of the Regents for unification, and proposed legislation to accomplish that end. Unification, protecting against political interference, as with the schools is the first thing. After such reform is accomplished by a simple bill, details of reorganization could be easily adjusted. I realize fully the difficulties in the way of such legislation, but they must be faced or there will be a material extension of political interference with the schools, which will certainly alienate a great many voters from the Republican party. There iseven greater peril in the intense irritation of the Roman Catholics (and to some extent the Jews) over Mr. Skinner's reopening of the question of Bible-reading in public schools. I know that unless the Roman Catholics can be placated in some way the Republican party is in great danger of losing their entire Catholic vote in this state. Feeling runs so high that should Mr. Skinner to satisfy the Catholics recede from his position, he will run into counter-troubles with narrow minded protestants. Fortunately such unification as the Regents propose coincides with both educational and political interests. It will satisfy the high school and other educators and the Catholics who say the Regents have always treated them fairly. A greater danger perhaps than all others threatens the Republican party, namely that the independents accuse [their] its leaders of an attempt to make "the work of the Regents as well-oiled a political machine as are other State departments." The democrats are quick to see this and will probably try to put the Republicans in a hole by favoring such unification as will take the schools out of politics. If the Republicans fail to act the democrats will have a big issue for the people at the next election. I do not know what Mr. Sexton said to you, but I want you to feel that I have come to regard him as a thoughtful man, careful to get his facts right, and whose statements are always reliable and who forecasts events usually justify. If the Governor, and our Senators really understood the situation I feel sure that for political reasons they would favor such unification as the Regents suggest. Always faithfully your J R Parsons jr.Washington February 15, 1903 Dear Mr President Allow me to send you a letter from Littledale which, I just have received, there are certain parts of it which I thought would interest you. Pray do not returnletter. I have just arrived to New York asking Littledale to camp with us for a couple of days before he continues this journey. If I can get hold of Littledale will you kindly allowme to call on you with him? Believe me Yours very sincerely Sternburg.[*Achd 1-17-1903] The Commercial Advertiser. ESTABLISHED 1797, 187 BROADWAY AND 5 & 7 DEY STREET, EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT. NEW YORK, Feb. 16th, 1903. Dear Mr. President:-- As you requested, in company with Williams and Van Ingen, I went yesterday very carefully over the charges against McSweeney as they had drawn them up. The case is such an answerable one, the facts themselves are so damning, that I advised the elimination from the letter to you of all condemnatory language, leaving the facts to speak for themselves. This advice Van In gen and Williams have acted upon. I am sure I am right about it. If there were no other case against McS., than that of the railway pass, he would stand convicted as a liar and a scoundrel. I can conceive of no more gross official misconduct than the plain statement of the facts in this case reveals. If anybody is to use strong language in regard to his, you are the man to do it. The other points in the indictment are only less condemnatory by comparison. The incident of the photograph shows him to be such an unspeakably vile creature that any healthy-minded man would wish to kick him out of his company. It seems to me that Burnett's part has been most reprehensible. If he did not comprehend the significance of this evidence, he must be a very feeble-minded person. If he did comprehend it and then sought to shield McS., he connived in his guilt so far as he sought to help him escape its consequences. Yours always, J.B. Bishop. President Roosevelt. [Odell] State of New York Executive Chamber Albany February 16, 1903 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr. President:- I have your letter of the 13th. inst. This is the first that I have heard about Mr. Holt's candidacy, and I wish you would do nothing about it until I can make some inquiries. Very truly yours, B.B. Odell Referred to Littauer & ret'd atcd 2/17/1903 IMPERIAL GERMAN EMBASSY. Washington, D.C. Washington, February 16, 1903. Dear Mr. Copelyou, I have applied for leave of absence and shall together with Countess Quadt sail almost immediately. As I have been here at my post for two years and a half it seems more than doubtful to me if I shall return to my present post. I would therefore ask you to do me the favor to take the President's orders as to the day and the hour when I could take leave from him. At the same time Countess Quadt and I are very anxious to take our leave from Mrs. Roosevelt and we both would be much obliged to you if you would kindly take her orders as well as to the time when Mrs. Roosevelt could receive us. Yours very sincerely, A. Quadt [Quadt][*Niagara Falls re A.H. Green] [*Geo. B. Cortelyou] [*Secy to the Pres't] [*12 Feb. 1903] Personal. WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. February 12, 1903. My dear Sir: The President directs me to send to you, for any comments you may care to make, the enclosed communication from Hon. Andrew H. Green, in reply to your representations concerning his proposed appointment as a member of the international commission to report upon the diversion of waters forming the boundary between the United States and Canada. Kindly return the enclosure with your reply. Very truly yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou Secretary to the President. Mr. Francis Lynde Stetson, 4 East 74th Street, New York, N. Y. Enclosure.[*[For 5 enclosure see Green, 6-4-02, Green ca. 6-4-02. Memo B ca. 6-4-02, Memo C ca. 6-4-02 & Memo D ca. 6-4-02. For 1 attachment see 6-4--02 Stetson]*] [*FEB 18 2-58 PM 1903*] St Augustine Florida 16 February 1903 My dear Mr. President: Referring to the enclosed letter from Mr. Andrew H. Green witnessed as by the annexed request of Mr. Cortelyou I have nothing to say in addition to the prior expressions of the Board of Directors of the Niagara Falls Power Company and of myself that in our judgment for reasons heretofore stated and not avoided by any reply of Mr. Green, he is not a proper person for appointment to the office that he seeks. But, I shall enter not into the strife and contentions which Mr. Green is known to delight. Very respectfully yours Francis Lynde Stetson (Copy.) Washington, D.C., Feb. 16, 1903. (Confidential.) You will doubtless remember that I wrote you some time ago concerning the candidacy of Mr. Hanna. The plan is a deep laid one, and is bound to give trouble unless frustrated at once. President Arthur made the mistake of his life in trying to carry out the Garfield policy, leaving the Garfield-Blaine people in control of the Government Departments. You know the result at the National Convention of 1884. The Administration should see to it that none but Roosevelt men be placed on guard. I am in office and I know whereof I speak. Everything around my way is just as McKinley left it, and it is all for Mr. Hanna. They owe their appointments to him, and who can blame them for being loyal to their providence? Practical politics would suggest that McKinley be taken out of the Adminstration, and Roosevelt be placed into it. Hoping that you are well, and that I may see you soon, I remain, Yours truly,[Eve in Washington 3-5-03]The Commercial Advertiser Established 1797 187 Broadway and 5 & 7 Dey Street Editorial Department New York. Feb. 17th, 1903. Dear Mr. President:-- I think you should read the enclosed carefully. It is my conviction the Philbin did you a very poor service when he wrote you as he did. In the statement that was published of his correspondence with you, you were put in the position of approving something the Evening Post had said,--a position, I am sure, you do not wish to occupy. I have no personal interest in Schmittberger, but I must say I think the methods used against him have been about the meanest I have ever seen employed against anybody. There is, of course, no reason why you should say anything more on the subject. I am only sorry the Philbin misled you into saying anything at all. Yours always, J.B. Bishop President Roosevelt [shorthand] [shorthand] [For enclosure see ca. 2-1903][*Ackd 2-17-1903*] Dear Mr. President I am writing to send you my new book which I hope you will accept with my cordial greetings, it is a work which I am sure will appeal to you and which I hope you may read with great interest it has been most highly spoken of & he has received such flattering letters from all parts of Russia as wellas Europe, Lord Salisbury read it with the greatest pleasure & Mr Balfour enjoyed going through it Since, Mr Jusserand also spoke very highly of it as well as the Italian Ambassador It is the first book of its kind that has ever been written and both Scholars and Students have sung its praises. The subject is the Italian Renaissance in England. I also wish to thank you dear Mr. President for your courtesy of the other evening at the White House, it was most kind and gracious of you to send us an invitation and we all appreciated it greatly. Hoping that Mrs Roosevelt is better and stronger & that you will not take my few lines amiss. Believe me dear Mr. Pres. yours very sincerely Caroline F. Einstein The New Willard Feb 17th 1903 [*Einstein*][*Ackd 2-17-1903*] United States Senate, Washington, D.C., 2/17 My dear Cortelyou Replying to your note I have a dinner engagement for tomorrow evening and can come to White House if about 10.45 will suit the President otherwise will call following morning. Truly Yours M A Hanna [shorthand] [*File*] Private Speaker's Room, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. Feby 17. 1903 Speaker's Chair Dear President, Send forBabcock on Phil. currency bill & lie down on him to help his country & his country's Chief . I'll work on him too. He was the man that beat Cooper's Bill Faithfully yours D. B. Henderson [[shorthand]]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. HOUSE OF REPS. Feb.17,1903. 2:55 p.m. The President. Making progress. Please send for Loud, of California, and enlist him for active war and siege-gun purposes. D.B. .Henderson [[shorthand]][[shorthand]] Vienna (Austria) 17th feb. 903 Hofburg [*Ackd 3/11/1903*] Your Excellency , It is the companion of Willy Chandler in Africa , who takes the liberty of addressing to you this odd letter. I need not say how proud I felt the day of your nomination to be the first man of the U.S. of A. and that I had had the chance to meet you and to be your and Mrs. Roosevelt's guest at Oyster Bay. Why I write to you all this babble? I will confess it to your Excellency. though not without blushing. The former Explorer has become in hisold days, a most passionate - poststamp - collection! All his energy goes there. Being Aide de Camp of his Majesty the Emperor I have plenty occasion to waylay princess and Ambassadors for such, and I should not have dreamed to inopportune your Excellency, Mr. McCormick being my friend, with whom I have always been on the very best terms. But it seems to be very difficult to get the U. S. of A. stamps, with all my efforts, I had no result whatever. So I came to this rather strange letter, when the Ambassador is unable to do it, the President certainly can" that was what I thought. Will your Excellency do me thegreat favor and order the Postal Department to send me an as complete as possible collection of the U.S. of A and Cuba and Phillipine and Guam, Postal and Departmental stamps, old and new, so far as such shall exist. It would cost your Excellency only one word and it would make so very happy yours. your Excellency very sincerely Captain HohnelH.C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [*PP?] [*ret'd to files] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES PRIVATE. Feb.17, 1903. Dear Theodore:- I return the letter from Mr. Van Kleeck and I have no doubt the office holders took a very active part in the campaign out there. I do not think there is much use in trying to say who is to blame. One side says if Stewart had never meddled we should have had a Senator and all would have been well,and the other side says if Wolcott had not been a candidate all would have been well, but the fact is that there were two factions and they tore the State apart,which is a very unfortunate and melancholy thing,and all I want now is to heal it up so that we can carry it in 1904 for the Republican ticket. Fortunately both factions are for you,so there will be no trouble about the delegation. The Springfield Republican,I see,says that three men could not have been selected for the Alaskan Boundary Commission with less judicial temperment than the three you have chosen. This,as coming from the Springfield Republican, I regard as distinctly encouraging and indicating that your choice is perhaps wiser than you realize. I also observe that personally I am not popular in Ottawa. I did a good piece of work yesterday in getting through the Philippine Currency bill. Aldrich and I managed it,and I think it did credit to our heads and hearts.H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Aldrichs' power of psychic suggestion was very much in evidence in the [matter by] manner in which we brought the Colorado Senators into line. I hope you will get the Secretary of the Treasury to straighten out Henderson in the House. We must have a conference with Cooper on it as head of House conference. If Hill and the people who beat the committee bill should be put on the whole business will be killed in conference, which would be a great disaster. Sincerely yours, H. C. L. — [*[Lodge]*] To The President.PASSENGER DEPARTMENT. THE NEW YORK & PORTO RICO STEAMSHIP CO. No. 1 BROADWAY JOHN E. BERWIND, PRESIDENT EDWARD J. BERWIND, VICE-PRES. F. KINGSBURY CURTIS, SECT'Y. HENRY T. KNOWLTON, TREAS. & GENERAL MANAGER. THE NEW YORK & PORTO RICO STEAMSHIP CO. SAN JUAN AGENTS SUCCESSORS TO ROSES & CO., ARECISO. J. T. SILVA BANKING & COM. CO., AGUADILLA . FRITZE, LUNDT & CO., MAYAGUEZ. FRITZE, LUNDT & CO., PONCE. SUCCESSORS TO A. J. ALCAIDE, ARROYO. BERTRAN HNOS, HUMACAO. BERTRAN HNOS, VIEQUES. J.BIRD Y LEON, FAJARDO. DE FORD & CO., JOBOS. New York, February 17,1903. Mr.William Loeb, Jr., Assistant Secretary to the President, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- In answer to your favor of the 16th instant we beg to advise you that we have reserved for Miss Roosevelt stateroom #30, and a berth in an adjoining cabin for her maid, on the steamship "Coamo" sailing from here on March 14th at 12 o'clock noon. We enclose herewith a diagram of the vessel showing the location of the accommodations. Very truly yours, The New York & Porto Rico Steamship Co., HENRY T. KNOWLTON, General Manager. Per PN Sec Rendorf. PS. Under separate cover we have forwarded illustrated and printed matter descriptive of our line.N.Y. & P.R.S.S. Co. PPFPlease give my love to Mrs. Roosevelt Alice and the children, and believe me Faithfully yours Patty M. F. Selmes. P.S. Don't forget the messages I sent you by Mrs. Robinson, and look out for the Grizzly you have wounded-- R.M.F.S. [* ? *] [*Ackd 2/18/1903*] [*Feb 18 9-08 AM 1903*] February 17th 1903. Twenty-Eight East Seventy-Fifth Street My dear Friend and President, It was pretty nice to see your hand writing again. particularly when it said what it did about my Best Beloved. A young friend of ours after reading your letter said "Gee! Isabella frame it for your grandchildren and they'll have the-kissed-by-Lafayettes backed off the boards" - to which the grasping child answered "Mr. Roosevelt would kiss me too, wouldn't he Muddy? And I'd rather be kissed by him than any man who could possibly live while I do." - Isabella won't be seventeen until spring and I think will go to school here next winter coming out the winter after; owing to my many handicaps, however the occasion must be more or lessvague - I haven't forgotten your promise to be good to her, and you never forget - The Easter holiday begins on the 9th of April and if possible I want to bring Isabella over and present her to you and Mrs. Roosevelt then, I am wanting to see you both in your new grandure - May I? John writes the presentation of your new ambassador was indescribably splendid, with white steeds, golden coaches with postilions clinging to every knob - When I picture old John careening along the high way in a golden coach then must I always laugh - My father is better just now but he will never be well, the dreadful things which mean the end to all of us seem unusually hard for him to bear - he has been so much alive and active always. I wish I could see you all, reading the papers about you enrages me; I hear of you once in a while from Mrs. Robinson who is always kind - I have seen your days and learned the impossible proportion between time and what you have to do, so I do not write when I want to, even about "Ten Virginian" and things which stir me deeply - I have a letter of yours written when you sent me "Red Men and White," which is a prophecy of "The Virginian" - How I wish Til could have read it! That Chapter on the lynching and the mountain trail are great writing - I wish I knew Mr. Wister - I want very much to take Isabella abroad this summer, but the ruin of the poor is their poverty, haven't you need of a messenger to France? Last Fall I was dreadfully anxious when you hurt your leg and pray always for your safety and good luck -[*File*] [*C.7.*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. C. February 18, 1903. Hon. George B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President. Dear Sir:- I beg to enclose herewith, with the request that you submit the same for the consideration of the President, a communication addressed by the Governor of Porto Rico to the President (through the Secretary of State), and an accompanying Memorial by the Legislative Assembly of Porto Rico petitioning for an amendment to the pending Reciprocity Treaty with Cuba which shall secure to Porto Rican coffee the benefit of the highest rebate of duty. It appears from yesterday's Congressional Record that a communication from the Governor of Porto Rico, transmitting a petition of like purport to the President and Senate of the United States, has already been laid before the Senate and referred to the Committee on Pacific Islands and Porto Rico. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, Alvey A. Adee ACTING SECRETARY. Enclosures as above.[For 2. enc. see Hunt, 2-4-03 Hortgale]incarnation of the slavery dogma presiding at a dinner not merely with one but two Africans of the purest breed and darkest shade as fellow guests, and of his asking Mrs. Martin's husband to interpret at the Throne of Grace the gratitude of the assembly for the progress of our efforts at home to defend and maintain the great principles upon which our Government was founded, that all men are born free and equal before the law. It would seem from the row made over our President's having Booker Washington to breakfast with him, that forty years of freedom had degraded the colored man socially, in [*pp? pr] 21 Gramercy Park, Feb. 18, 1903. My dear Mr. Secretary. In turning over one of my diaries last evening, under date of London, November 28, 1863 I struck a paragraph which will, I am sure, amuse you and possibly the President if you should see fit to show it to him. I will premise that I was then temporarily in London on account of my wife's health. [had more faith in English than in Gallic midwifery.] The paragraph I refer to read as follows: "Mr. Adams and Mr. Walker made speeches Thursday night at the Thanksgiving dinner at St. James's Hall. Selmar Martin was a guest with his wife, both originally slavesfrom Kentucky. He said Grace. Only think of Walker presiding at a dinner at which a negro was a guest, let alone his being chaplain of the occasion.' We spent this evening at Walker's apartment, saw Mrs. Walker and two daughters. Mrs. Walker had been at the dinner. They were very merry over their chaplain. Who shall say that we have accomplished nothing when such a constellation as Walker and Selmar Martin can occur at a public festival." Possibly you are young enough to need to be told that the second of the gentleman above referred to was Robert J. Walker, first prominent in American politics as a Senator from the State in which the village of Indianola is now the seat of war between its white inhabitants and our Postmaster General; that the said Walker was a delegate to the Democratic Convention of 1844 which practically excluded the Democratic Delegation of the State of New York from its deliberations because it was known to favor the renomination of Mr. Van Buren who had refused assent to the annexation of five new slave states out of the territory acquired from Mexico; by the vote of which states in Congress it was intended to perpetuate the dominance of the slave powers in our Government for many successive generations. Think of this - 2 - some parts of the Union, below the level of a runaway slave; [yet] for in those days the laws of the slave states put a price upon the head of a runaway slave dead or alive. Galileo was unquestionably right,- the Pope to the contrary notwithstanding,- when he said "[But] Yet the world moves" - but which way? Sincerely Yours, John Bigelow[*FEB 26 9-12 AM 1903*] [*ac?? 2/26/1903*] Bethany Mo. Feb 18th 1903. Mr President:- Believing that it is to the interest of this country and a right that we should have, I would respectfully request that, you recommend in your next message to Congress the enfranchisement of women. Yours truly Mrs Lou M. Lotz To Theodore Roosevelt, President of U.S. Washington D.C. I heartily endorse the above. Yours truly W.L. Lotz [*File ppy p*] 2/18/1903 Dear Loeb, Think you may enjoy enclosed from Wall Street Journal, this date. Michener [*File ppy p*] 2/18/1903 Dear Loeb, Think you may enjoy enclosed from Wall Street Journal, this date. Michener[ For 1 enclosure see 2-18-03 Review & ??][*Printed documents & copy of this letter sent to Judge Buxton 2/24/1903] Department of the Interior, YELLOWSTONE NATIONAL PARK, OFFICE OF SUPERINTENDENT, Yellowstone Park, Wyo. February 18, 1903. Mr. Geo. B. Cortelyou, Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir: Your letter of January 26, 1903, was received by me yesterday on my return to this post, from leave of absence. In compliance with the request of the President, I enclose herewith all of the printed matter that we have on hand, which I think will be of interest to Mr. Buxton. I have marked that portion of the last two annual reports of the Acting Superintendent of the Park, relating to the game, and I believe that they will give him about all of the information he calls for on this subject, which we have. Mr. Buxton asks "if the area of the Park has been extended to include the winter migration". This is a matter which is now before Congress, and the question is still unsettled. The inclosed copies of the game laws of the adjoining states have been in force up to the present time, but I am informed that there have been a number of changes made in these laws by the legislatures of both Montana and Wyoming, within the last few days. It will be some time before I can get copies of the new laws, but will be glad to forward them later if desired. I do not believe that there are any accurate returns published-2- as to the quantity of game killed in this section of the country. If the inclosed printed matter does not give Mr. Buxton all of the information he desires, we will be glad to answer any questions that he may ask, if possible to do so. Mr. Buxton's letter is returned herewith, as requested. Very truly yours, John Pitcher Major 6th Cavalry, Acting Superintendent[*Ackd 2-20-1903*] [*2-19-03*] 1600 I Street N.W. Dear Mr. President, I think you wont see your faithful supporter the Evening Post, every day - and so lest you miss the enclosed articleI send it, thinking you will approve of it, if you have time to look at it. Mamma says, "give my lve to him" I am less bold, & yours sincerly Emily Tuckerman Fby 19h[*Achd 2-21-1903] The Commercial Advertiser, ESTABLISHED 1797, 187 BROADWAY AND 5 AND 7 DEY STREET, EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT, NEW YORK, Feb. 9th, 1903. Dear Mr. President:-- I am astonished and pained by what you tell me about Greene. I spent two hours with him yesterday, going into Schmittberger's case very thoroughly and came to the conclusion that he is not playing straight in the matter. For some reason or other, which I strongly suspect is political, he is trying to make a case against Schmittberger. He has not a particle of evidence worthy a moment's consideration to sustain it. All that he has are the unsupported assertions of Philbin and Jerome, neither one of whom has a particle of proof. The Post has withdrawn all the charges that it made in the clipping which Philbin sent to you, after a demand had been made upon it for proof of its assertions. I cannot understand how any man, pretending to be your friend, could mislead you, and, what is much worse, publish in a garbled form a personal statement from you which put you in a false light before the public. I wish you would in all matters relating to the affairs of this city consult me before acting. I am sure you will say that I have never given you advice which has got you into trouble, and that whatever else I have done, I have never misled or deceived you. I am very sorry to say it, but I have utterly lost confidence in Greene. I was sure the statement about McS. would strike you just as it has. Your letter to Burnett is precisely right and should give him a very uncomfortable half hour, at least, after reading it. He is another man, I think, who is working under the damnnable influence of a "pull".The Commercial Advertiser, ESTABLISHED 1797, 187 BROADWAY AND 5 AND 7 DEY STREET, EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT, NEW YORK, -2- Your trust legislation is all right and has greatly strengthened you. The enclosed cartoon represents accurately the Democratic feeling about it. I send you also an article I have written to-day on the Crum issue. Your position on that is one of invincible strength. I had never any expectation that you would consent to withdraw the nomination. The issue raised is the most momentous that could be raised in this country, and there can be only one verdict upon it. I am looking forward with the greatest impatience to our meeting next week. I never felt more anxious to see you face to face than I do now. Yours always, J.R. Bishop. President Roosevelt. (Enclosures)[shorthand][*Ackd 2/23/1903*] [*FEB 21 9-32 AM 1903*] [[shorthand]] 36 EAST 70TH STREET Feb 19th -03 To the President My dearest President I beg to thank you for the consideration shown my friends Mr & Mrs Charlton - both are admirers of yours - he something of a traveller in this country - now starting on a southern & Western tour. I am confined to my room with the grippe - I met at the station in Washington and which housed me while there & snuggles still close to methe weather at Washington never did agree with me - but I hope that you will find it agrees with you for the next 5 years at least Your friend Joel B. Erhardt[*Ackd 2-21-1903*] [*Private: not for Public Files*] THE CHICAGO CLUB Feb. 19, 1903. Dear Mr. President- I never cry over spilled milk, and, the Alaskan Treaty question having been decided, of course I am loyally anxious for the greatest possible success of the entire plan. But I hope you noticed that King Edward in his speech at the opening of Parliament called the Joint Commission an "Arbitral Tribunal"! I shall stand by your definition! I have the honor to be, with great respect your obedient servant Frederick W. Holls [shorthand?][*File] UNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON. New York, February 19, 1903. Confidential. My dear Senator Platt: The impression prevails here among a number of the lawyers that Mr. George C. Holt is being considered very favorably by the President in connection with the new United States District Court Judgship for this district. While Mr. Holt is a lawyer of very high standing, and enjoys the confidence and esteem of his associates at the Bar, I am sure, from my personal knowledge of him, that his appointment to the Judgship in question would be a public misfortune. In the first place, Mr. Holt's age is against him, because he is sixty years or over, but most important of all is that he has the reputation (and it is a fact) of being one of the slowest lawyers at the Bar in the transaction of his matters. In fact, the expressions is frequently used among the lawyers, - "As slow as Holt". I have on two or three occasions seen him put juries to sleep, and his tediousness in the trial of cases is proverbial among the judges. The place in question absolutely requires a man with the ability to promptly dispose of the matters brought before him. Nothing can be said against Mr. Holt's character, integrity or standing at the Bar, and I speak only of his qualifications for the particular place in question. Very sincerely yours, (Signed) xxxxxxxxxxxx[Ever in Platl, 2-25-03][Ever in Platl, 2-25-03] [*FEB 20 9- 05 AM 1903*] [*File*] HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, WASHINGTON. February 19th, 1903. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington. Dear Sir:-- I return you herewith Governor Odell's letter, and will immediately see the Governor with a view of convincing him that Mr. Holt's appointment would be an eminently fit one. Very respectfully, L.N. Littauer [Littauer] [*Letter ret'd to files*]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 4 P0 B0 GI 63 Paid----12:40p Albany, N.Y., Feb. 19. [03]? Hon. Theodore Roosevelt: My investigation shows Holt to be all right but very lazy. There is absolutely nothing in the way of added strength from such an appointment either judicially or politically, Bruce is equal if not superior and I think Smith is superior to both and can produce as strong testimonials to that effect. If however, neither is satisfactory I should like to be heard. B.B. Odell, Jr.TELEGRAM. [*accd 2/21/1903*] White House, Washington. 7 PO BT JK 63 Paid 7:11 p.m. Albany, N.Y., Feb. 19, 1903. President Theodore Roosevelt. I notice in New York Sun, that an effort is being made to recall from the various states the vessels now loaned to the naval militia. New York has always maintained the vessel loaned to it at its own cost, in the highest state of efficiency. This vessel is necessary for the training of the naval militia. Hope you will not countenance the proposed change. B.B. Odell, jr. [*I – ref. [yo?] [?] List [?????] x*] [*shorthand letters*]Ackd 2-20-1903 Roosevelt & Son, AGENTS FOR EQUITABLE TRUST COMPANY, 33 WALL STREET. P.O. Box 1222 NEW YORK, Feby 19 1903 My dear Theodore Immediately on my return from Washington I set to work to get free of the Bolivian matter as I did not like my position. I have made a bargain by which I expect to be clear of it in a month, and wished to tell you so. It is at present entirely confidential and a deep secret but I am satisfied with the result. I hope what we see in the papers about Edith being worn out is overstated. Sincerely yours W Emlen Roosevelt[shorthand][*[ca 2-19-03]*] [*ackd 2/19/1903*] 1527 I Street Mr President: In behalf of The Yale Alumni Association of Washington City, I have the honor of presenting the compliments of the Executive Committee and of expressing their hope that you may find it not incompatible with other engagements to be present at the annual dinner of the Association on the evening of February the twenty-first, at such time time as you may find convenient after seven o'clock. The guests of the association will include President Hadley of Yale, Herbert W. Bowen, General Leonard Wood, Mr. Justice Brewer and other distinguished American men. The Executive Committee expresses the hope that you, as an adopted son of Old Yale, may be with her other sons in annual reunion assembled. For the Executive Committee John K. Stauffer, Yale '95.[*Ackd 2-20-1903*] [*2-19-03*] 1600 I Street N.W. Dear Mr. President, I think you wont see your faithful supporter the Evening Post, every day - and so lest you miss the enclosed articleI send it, thinking you will approve of it, if you have time to look at it. Mamma says, "give my love to him" I am less bold, & yours sincerely Emily Tuckerman Fby 19h[Enclosed in Hobson, 2-20-03] J. HAMPTON HOGE DIES OF PNEUMONIA Well Known Lawyer and Politician Passes Away After Week's Illness. ______ SURROUNDED BY HIS FAMILY ______ When End Came-Sleeps in Montgomery Funeral Party Left Roanoke Sunday Morning. Roanoke, Va., February 19. -- Colonel John Hampton Hoge, who had been critically ill with pneumonia at his home, 1201 Roanoke street, died Saturday at 12:30. Although it was known that Colonel Hoge was desperately ill, the news of his death in a way came as a surprise, as owing to the rally he made during Friday many were led to believe that he had passed the crisis of his illness and would recover. When seen by his physicians Saturday morning he was thought to be no worse, but about 12 o'clock he began to sink, and it was evident that the end was near. Doctors were summoned, but he died surrounded by his family before one of his attending physicians could reach his bedside. Colonel Hoge contracted the fatal disease at the president's reception to congressmen, given on Thursday, February 5th. Colonel Hoge and Mrs. Hoge were in the receiving line. This necessitated his standing in a cold draught of air. He contracted a cold, but thought nothing of it, until on Saturday morning his physicians announced that he was threatened with pneumonia and his wife decided to bring him home at once. He arrived last Sunday night and the disease rapidly developed until its fatal termination Saturday. He was attended by Doctors Gale and Fry, one of whom COLONEL JOHN HAMPTON HOGE. was constantly at his beside until Friday night, when his favorable condition warranted a lessening of their vigilance. He displayed a slight weakness Saturday morning, but it was not alarming. About 12:15 o'clock, however, he had a sinking spell, and in a few minutes the distinguished politician passed away. Colonel Hoge was a member of Calvary Baptist church. As a politician he had a national reputation, and was looked upon as a leader of the Republican party in close accord with the president. Colonel Hoge, who was one of the most prominent men in politics throughout the state of Virginia, was forty-seven years old and was a native of Waveland, Montgomery county. Colonel Hoge's father was Mr. Daniel Hoge, son of General Hoge and Mrs. Anne Hawes Hoge, daughter of Daniel De Jarnett and sister of Daniel C. DeJarnett, from whom Colonel Hoge inherited his eloquence as a speaker. His uncle, Daniel De Jarnett, was a member of the United States Congress for several terms, and also a member of the Confederate Congress, and one of the brilliant orators of the day. As a youth Colonel Hoge was sent to Preston and Olden's college, at Blacksburg, and later graduated with high honors at the Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical college, now the V.P.I. Later he graduated in law at the University of Virginia. He returned to Montgomery, and hung out his shingle to practice law in Christiansburg, and his reputation as an orator came with his first case in court. He was elected Commonwealth's Attorney of Montgomery, and held it until he came to Roanoke. His brilliant gifts as an orator brought him to the front as a criminal lawyer, and if it was known that he was to speak in a case, the court-room would be crowded. Mr. Hoge became prominent in politics soon after beginning the practice of law, and his services were much in demand by the Democratic Party with which he was then identified. The young orator was conspicuous in every campaign, and when General Fitz Lee was made Governor Mr. Hoge was made Colonel of his staff, hence the title of Colonel. He was a delegate from Montgomery in all state and district conventions, and the delegate from Montgomery was invariably called upon for a speech while conventions were waiting on reports. Colonel Hoge was named as elector on the Democratic ticket when Cleveland was elected in 1892 and did great service for the party, and when Mr. Cleveland came into office he appointed Colonel Hoge to a consulship, the nomination, however, being afterward withdrawn. In 1893, a sensation was sprung in politics of the state by the announcement that John Hampton Hoge had left the Democratic party and become a Republican, and a letter from Mr. Hoge explaining his position was published. Mr. Hoge at once became prominent in the party and was nominated for Congress in opposition to Major Otey in 1894, but was defeated. In 1898 he was again nominated for Congress, but the Gold men of the district having put up a candidate, Colonel Hoge withdrew. In Roanoke in August, 1901, he was nominated for Governor by the Republican State Convention, a convention which was for the first time in the history of the party in the state composed mainly of white Republicans. In his speech of acceptance he was at his best, and the stage of the Academy was crowded with Democratic friends of the brilliant orator and popular citizen. The story of the campaign is well known. He was defeated, but it added to his prominence, and he was the most conspicuous member of his party in the state. He was on the most friendly terms with the president. It was the intention of the president to honor him with an appointment. Colonel Hoge is survived by his wife, who was Miss Lula Otey, daughter of the late D. Otey, of Blacksburg, and six children, Louise, John Hampton, Lizzie Otey, Dan, James Otey and Alice and brothers and sisters as follows: Mrs. Alice H. Penn, Daniel De Jarnett Hoge, Elliot Coleman Hoge, James Hawes Hoge, Samuel Harris Hoge, who is postmaster in this city, and Mrs. H.K. Tallant, of Christiansburg. Colonel Hoge was an affectionate husband and loving father, and it was at his home that he was seen at his best. His death was a great shock to the people of Roanoke. Few men had more friends. The last sad honors were paid to the remains of the lamented Colonel J Hampton Hoge Sunday, when, in the presence of a large concourse of friends and sorrowing relatives, all that was mortal were borne to their final resting place in Blacksburg Cemetery. In the early morning the closer friends of the deceased politician and citizen were permitted to view the remains, and among those who called at the residence were the members of the postoffice staff who contributed a beautiful floral offering. The local bar association also sent a fine floral piece as a mark of their deep regard for one who had been at all times such a distinguished member. In addition to these offerings, there were numerous others of simple, yet beautiful design, from the many friends and relatives of the departed. A touching prayer by the Rev. Mr. Thomas, pastor of Calvary Baptist church, was said before the funeral cortege left the residence to en train for its destination in Blacksburg. The departure from Roanoke was made at 9:40 a.m., Christiansburg being reached at about 10:30. From this point the long journey of eight miles was covered to Blacksburg, over roads which were not in the best of condition. On arrival at Blacksburg Methodist Episcopal church, South, the funeral procession entered the sacred edifice, and the funeral services proper were commenced. Here at the old home of the deceased, there was a great outpouring of citizens, and so great was the crush that many were unable to enter the church, but were content to stand outside while the ceremonies proceeded. Those who officiated were the Rev. Arthur Rowbotham, of Roanoke, and Rev. T.F. McCrea and Rev. W.D Keene, of Christiansburg. During the services, and while the many hundreds viewed the remains of the distinguished Virginian, who had earned during his lifetime such a large measure of their regard, three beautiful hymns were rendered by the choir. They were, "Go Burry Thy Sorrow," "How Firm a Foundation," and "Oh, How Shall Rest Be Found." A chapter from Revelations was read by Rev. Arthur Rowbotham, of a touching and appropriate character, and on the conclusion of the ceremonies the funeral party left the church for the cemetery, a journey consuming two and a half hours. Among those who viewed the remains at the church was Nellie Mills, an old colored woman in her seventy- third year, who had been the nurse of the family in the days long gone by. Her grief was a touching incident of the occasion. On arrival at the grave the ritual of the church was read by Rev. T.F Mc Crea. The Rev. Arthur Rowbotham then committed the body to its final resting place, a prayer by Rev. W. D. Keene following. Hymns rendered at the grave were, "Sometime We'll Understand," and "Heaven is My Home." The family burying plot, in which the remains repose, commands a magnificent view of New river, and the Toms Creek valley, and few more lovely places are to be found in Virginia. Despite the bad conditions of the roads the attendance was an exceptionally large one, and the sad event will live long in the memory of Blacksburg citizens. In addition to the numerous friends and relatives of the family who attended from Roanoke, representatives of the prominent citizens, the pall-bearers themselves were drawn from the ranks of those whose association with the deceased had been a lifelong one. They were as follows: Judge John W. Woods, A. M. Nelson, H. T. Hall, R. A. Buckner, W. F. Penn, W. A. Pedigo. Honorary pall-bearers were: Judge W. G. Robertson, Captain J. R. Johnson, Christiansburg; R. E. Scott, Roy B. Smith, Colonel J. W. Hartwell, T. Lee Moore, Christiansburg PASSED RESOLUTIONS. --------- Roanoke Bar Association in Honor of Colonel Hoge's Memory ---------- The following resolutions were passed at yesterday's meeting of the Roanoke Bar Association held in the Circuit Court rooms at 5 o'clock: Whereas, The Bar Association of the City of Roanoke has been informed of the death of John Hampton Hoge one of its members, and is desirous of giving some permanent expression to the thoughts and feelings of its members occasioned by this event: Be it resolved, First: That there is universal regret and sorrow felt among us on account of the death of John Hampton Hoge, a distinguished member of the Bar of this city and of this Association. Second: That in our opinion he deserved as he had the affection and love of many friends amongst us, at home and abroad, who were drawn to him by his open, generous nature, by his kindly and genial bearing and by his attractive personality. Third: That he was greatly gifted as a debater and as an orator and the fame that he achieved at the Bar and on the Hustings, in this and in other States, was richly deserved. He was a loyal and fearless advocate. He never through fear nor favor forsook the cause of a client. Able both in attack and defense: bold in speech, yet courteous withal to friend and to foe: he was a gentleman, and as such, gentle and kind to the weak and to the oppressed. Fourth: As friend, father, husband, he needs no eulogy from us. His life speaks for itself. To many of us he was a friend loyal and true, with all of us his relations were cordial and pleasant. His loss is keenly felt and will continue to be deplored by those who knew him. Fifth: That these resolutions be spread upon the minutes of this Association; that they be printed in the daily papers of this city; and a copy of them be sent to the family of the deceased, and that the president of the Association appoint a committee to present them to the Corporation and Circuit Courts of the city with the request that they be spread upon the permanent records of these courts. The committee appointed at a previous meeting of the Association to draft these resolutions were, William Gordon Robertson, J.W. Hartwell and W.A. Glasgow. There was a very full attendance of the member of the Association and addresses were made by W.A. Glasgow, who presented the resolutions for the committee; as well as by J. Allen Watts, Wm. Gordon Robertson, Roy B. Smith and President C.A. McHugh. ---------------- VICTIMS OF CIRCUMSTANCES.[*Ackd 2/27/1903*] Columbia Falls, Mont. 2/20/02 [*[1903]*] Dear Sir: I have your kind letter of 11th inst which has been in answer to mine of 2nd inst. Thanks for your kindness. Regarding the so-called duel incident. Stories of same ran the rounds of Eastern papers. Herrig's account differs extremely from them. While waiting reply to my letter to the president, and hoping to have reply to same. I caused effort to be made to secure copy of paper in which the president's reply was supposed to have been printed. I now have before me two letters from men who claim to know where they can secure same and want to know how much - "there is in it." Owing to the fact that Herrig has often told this story and (2) because it is so now almost public property and because some writer will stumble on the story and use it. I believe that in fairness to all I should put it out. Of course however telling its story as it is known to the President. I shall make no move in the matter farther until I hear from you and will answer you that anything coming from your end will be entirely sub rosa and of personal nature. To get as facts I will mark out important incidents as told by Herrig and would suggest that those not true be marked out. 1st= Herrig being with Mr. R at time M. de M met him 2nd President nearing have called on M. de M owing to not liking his actions.(3) 3rd. President telling De Mores so - causing issuing of 4th. challenge to duel 5. Presidents reply through badlands press. 6th. De Mores dropped the matter as did the President until brought up by his friend in Maine = In again bringing your attention to its story I hope you can see that it would be best to have its true parts used and settle it. You are not base and of course any story of this kind at this time would have been snapped up by Western writers who would not have attempted to get at its truth. They would have quoted Herrig and let the matter drop.(4 I am in a position to put out a number of stories of the Badland Times which will keep the presidents acts before the voters of this district and wish any thing showing that he was "as one of them" will be good and no doubt strengthen this end. This at least, will do no harm. I hope to hear from you Yours truly S Claude Burr Columbia Falls Mont.[* or l. attachments see ca Feb 20, 1903][*New Mexico*] TELEGRAM. [*Accd 2/22/1903*] White House, Washington. 18WU.CW.RA. 25-Paid 2 ex. 11:46 pm. Santa-Fe, New-Mexico, Feb. 20, 1903. The President. Mr. President: The Legislative Assembly now in session has created a new county and it is named Roosevelt Co., honor of yourself. Albert B. Fall, Member Legislative Council. [*C --N*] [*Bacon*] [*2 5 p*] [*6 P*] TELEGRAM RECEIVED. From New York Feb 20, 1903. Recevied 2:46 PM. Hon John Hay, Secy of State. President not committal to Senators Kean, Dryden, Wetmore, Nelson & others. Nelson advises personal influence with Cortelyou. Please ascertain how matter stands & advise me Ira Harris[*Ext. sent Secy of Navy for report 2/23/03.*] 1 COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY, UNITED STATES SENATE. Washington, D.C. February 20, 1903. To The President: Sir: In the correspondence which I had the honor to have with you in regard to the case of Mabini, you said in a letter of January 17th, "Mabini is not in prison at all, but free to go anywhere in the wide world he wishes". In answer to a suggestion in mine that I could not be indifferent to a claim which asserted the constitutional right to set up a Bastille in our Oriental possessions, you answered, "The Bastille in question includes North America, South America, Australia, Europe, Africa, the mainland of Asia, and all the islands of the sea, excepting the Philippines". In your message of January 26th, sent to the Senate in reply to a resolution of January 15th, you say, "The inhabitant of the Philippine Islands, named Mabini, is at liberty to go on a government transport, anywhere outside of the Philippines Islands, etc." It seems proper that I should state to you that I am informed by General Miles that he saw Mabini, late in October, in prison in Guam, under the guard of a Company of Marines, with a sentinel with a loaded musket marching backward and forward2 in front of his door. If that be true, as it would seem there could be no doubt, there is some misunderstanding somewhere; either as to the issuance of the order referred to by the Secretary of War in his communication to the Department of the Navy, July 18th, or the delivery of such order, or its having been duly and promptly complied with. I desire now, to state again the case of Mabini. The facts are established beyond all reasonable question, and most of them are from the official records of our Government. He is a very able man indeed. He is a man of unspotted and pure life, well educated as a lawyer. He is of pure Filipino blood. He is the author of the Republican constitution proposed by the Philippine people. General Otis, in his despatch of December 13, 1899, declares that he is the ablest of the insurgents, and the founder of the late government. He is not only the founder of the late government, but he is the author of the very masterly reply to President McKinley. He was taken as a prisoner of war on the 11th of December, 1899, and has been a prisoner of war ever since. He is paralized in his lower limbs; unable to walk,and obliged to be carried about by attendants in arms if he is to move from place to place. He is, in all probability, very near his death. Hisbirth-place, his home, and all his relations are in Luzon. He declares that he does not know the conditions in Manila; that he has no means of communication with the outer world, and that he cannot tell whether the conditions are such that his duty to his country will require or permit him to take the oath of allegiance to our Government. He further declares that the grave is close at hand, and that he will not make the last important act of his life an act of dishonor. I suppose that he thinks, as I do, and as a very large number of American citizens think, that our government is an unlawful authority unless it shall be voluntarily submitted to by the people of the Philippine Islands. I suppose if you or I had read this story in Plutarch, or in the history of any other country, or of our country at any other time, we should have been stirred with admiration for the character, quality and heroism of the man. But if I am presumptuous in thinking so about you, I trust you will grant me your pardon. I wish to repeat to you in this letter what I have said to you verbally, and I think in writing before, that my appeal in behalf of Mabini, was made solely on my own motion and information in regard to the facts , and was made before I heard PAGE4 of the letter of Mr. Adams and others, or had the slightest idea that that letter was in the contemplation of anybody. The letter which I showed you of General Miles, also came a good while after I had applied to you. I deemed it my duty to show it to you, because, if you had made up your mind on the subject, supposing that Mabini was not in prison, you would have had a right to blame me for keeping back that information. So, although the letter was a private letter, it seemed to me my duty to make it known to you. The letter, as you will remember, contained absolutely nothing else, except a mere general statement of where he had been and what he had seen, without any reflections or statements as to any question of political or military policy. It is not likely that there will be any occasion to make a further communication to you on this subject. Indeed I have always disliked very much to appeal to any President of the United States, however strong my personal regard for him, in relation to his official or executive duties. But as this Mabini case is likely hereafter to be the subject of great public discussion, and to enter into important political debates, I have taken the liberty to present it to you as it seems to me. I hope you will believe that there is nothing so disagreeable to me, as to have it seem to me my duty to keep harping on the things wherein I differ from an Administration with which I am in general accord. I have the honor to be, Faithfully yours, George F. Hoar To the President, White House.HOGE & HOGE ATTORNEYS AT LAW, OFFICE MASONIC BUILDING. [*FEB 22. 11-26 AM 1903*] [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 2/23/1903*] ROANOKE, VA. Feb. 20th 1903 Mr. President Washington D. C. Dear Sir, I take the liberty of here enclosing to you, the account of my brothers death. During his last illness he several times spoke to me of your kindness to him and his wife at your reception on Feb. 5th, which will always be remembered and appreciated. Your obedient svt, Samuel H. Hoge.[For i. enclosure see ca Feb 19, 1903][*no clipping enclosed.] [*FEB 22 11- 33 AM 1903] [*Achd 2/23/1903] THE CONSTITUTION. ATLANTA, GA. OFFICER OF THE EDITOR. CLARK HOWELL. Feb. 20, 1903. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. Roosevelt: I will personally appreciate anything you may do for my friend, Mr. E. R. Gunby of Tampa, Fla. Mr. Gunby is now, and has always been, a consistent republican, and hence our positions have been apart politically. Personally, however he is a warm friend of mine and it would be a source of much pleasure for me to feel that you have recognized his merit by some appointment commensurate with his ability. Mr. Gunby has the esteem and confidence of all who know him. While a republican he is recognized throughout his state as a man of splendid ability, of the very best social standing, and I am sure that you could not find a repubican in the South whose appointment to any office would be received with more general satisfaction by the Southern people. In this connection, let me call your attention to a clipping from a recent issue of the Constitution containing a communication from Mr. Gunby concerning yourself. As you will observe, it was published at the same time we published Mr. Edwards' communication. By the way, while writing let me express the hope that Mr. Edwards' expression as regards the matter of Federal appointments in the South is a correct presentation of your position. Cordially commending my friend, Mr. Gunby, to your favorable consideration, I am, with best wishes, Very truly, Clark Howell[*P.P.F.*] Territory of New Mexico, 35th Legislative Assembly, Santa Fe. February 20, 1903. NESTOR MONTOYA, SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE COMMITTEE ON JUDICIARY. __ W.H.H. LLEWELLYN GRANVILLE PENDLETON A.W. POLLARD ALEX. BOWIE R. M. TURNER EDUARDO MARTINEZ DAVID MARTINEZ C. V. SAFFORD. CHIEF CLERK [*ackd 3/2/1903*] Col. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My Dear Colonel:- I have the honor to report that comrade Ritchie late of Troop G is in jail at Trinidad, Colo. on a charge of murder. It seems that our comrade was out at a small town some twelve miles from Trinidad, Agiullar, when he became involved in a controversy and said controversy terminated in his killing his man. I have just received a long letter from our comrade giving his version of the little affair, and it appears from said version that the fellow he killed called him very bad names, even going as far as to cast reflection on the legitimacy of our comrade's birth. He killed the fellow instantly, shooting him in the heart. Ritchie was one of the [crossed out] boys in Troop G and was a splendid soldier and I am going to see that he has a first class defense. Also have to report that comrade Webb late of Troop D has just killed two men at Bisbee, Ariz. Have not yet received the detail of our comrade's trouble in this instance, but understand that he was employed as a ranger in Arizona and that the killing occurred in a saloon and that he was entirely justified in the transaction. This is about all the news regarding the comrades in this neck of the woods. Was out at the Penitentiary yesterday, and had a very pleasant visit with comrade Frank Brito whom you will remember wasNESTOR MONTOYA, SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE Territory of New Mexico, 35th Legislative Assembly, Santa Fe. C. V. SAFFORD. CHIEF CLERK COMMITTEE ON JUDICIARY. ----- W. H. H. LLEWELLYN GRANVILLE PENDLETON A.W. POLLARD ALEX BOWIE R.M. TURNER EDUARDO MARTINEZ DAVID MARTINEZ sent to the Penitentiary from Silver City for killing his sister-in-law and he is very anxious to get out. The sentiment in Grant County is very strongly in his favor. You will doubtless recall the fact that he was shooting at his wife at the time he killed his sister-in-law. Since he has been in the Penitentiary his wife ran off with Comrade Coyne of Troop H, going to Mexico. This incident has tended to turn popular sentiment strongly in Brito's favor. Sincerely yours, Major W.H.H. LlewellynCOPY Territory of New Mexico, 35th Legislative Assembly, Santa Fe, February 20, 1903. Col. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear Colonel; I have the honor to report that Comrade Ritchie late of Troop G is in jail at Trinidad, Colo. on a charge or murder. It seems that our comrade was out at a small town some twelve miles from Trinidad, Agiuller, when he became involved in a controversy and said controversy terminated in his killing his man. I have just received a long letter from our comrade giving his version of the little affair, and it appears from said version that the fellow he killed called him [bad] very bad names, when going so far as to cast reflections on the legitimacy of our comrade's birth. He killed the fellow instantly, shooting him in the heart. Ritchie was one of the boys in Troop 6 and was a splendid soldier and I am going to see that he has a first class defense. Also have to report that comrade Webb late of Troop D has just killed two men at Bisbee, Ariz. Have not yet received the details of our comrade's trouble in, this instance, but understand that he was employed as a ranger in Arizona and that the killing occurred in a saloon and that he was entirely justified in the transaction. This about all the news regarding the comrades in this neck of the woods. Was out at the Penitentiary yesterday, and had a very pleasant visit with comrade Frank Brito whom you will remember was sent to the Penitentiary from Silver City for killing his sister-in-law and he is very anxious to get out the sentiment is Grant County is very strongly in his favor. You will doubtless recall the fact that he was shouting at this wife at the time he killed his sister-in-law. Since he has been in the Penitentiary his wish has ran off with comrade Coyne of Troop H, going to Mexico. This incident has tended to turn popular sentiment strongly in Brito's favor. Sincerely yours, (signed) W. H. H. Llewellyn.EXCELSIOR STATE OF NEW YORK EXECUTIVE CHAMBER ALBANY February 20, 1903. [*Confidential*] [*ackd 2/21/1903*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- I have found a position which Hanbury can fill as well, or better than, the one that has been contemplated. It is in the Tax Appraiser's Department. If the Senator is desirous of assisting Worden, it seems that this change could be made at his suggestion without any trouble, and it would help me in matters before the Legislature, and I think it would mean the restoration of conditions satisfactory to the Senator so far as Brackett is concerned. Brackett is incensed on account of Worden. I do not know whether it would be wise to attempt this right away or that there is any necessity of taking it up at once. I think what the Senator wants, and what all of us want in New York State, is a friendly feeling all round. I do not want to assume any position that would militate against him as the leader of the State. I suggest things as I have always done, and I think if he would take the matter up in this way, treating it fairly and compelling Hanbury to take the other place and take care of Worden, it would clear matters up. Worden could not take the position in the Tax Appraiser's Office down in Brooklyn,EXCELSIOR STATE OF NEW YORK EXECUTIVE CHAMBER ALBANY (2) but Hanbury is a resident there and could do so, while there would be a precedent for Worden taking the Shipping Commissionership. I think this conclusion of the matter would be satisfactory all around, and I hope that the Senator and yourself will agree with me and so arrange it, so that there will be no further trouble. This end of it, that is the Tax Apprenticeship, can be fixed up any time. With kind regards, I am Very truly yours, B. B. Odell Jr [*[Odell]*]PASSENGER DEPARTMENT. THE NEW YORK & PORTO RICO STEAMSHIP COMPANY No. 1 BROADWAY, JOHN E. BERWIND, PRESIDENT. EDWARD J. BERWIND, VICE-PRES. F. KINGSBURY CURTIS, SECT'Y. HENRY T. KNOWLTON, TREAS. & GENERAL MANAGER. THE NEW YORK & PORTO RICO STEAMSHIP CO. SAN JUAN AGENTS SUCCESSORS TO ROSES & CO., ARECIBO. J. T. SILVA BANKING & COM. CO., AGUADILLA. FRITZE, LUNDT & CO., MAYAGUEZ. FRITZE, LUNDT & CO., PONCE. SUCCESSORS TO A. J. ALCAIDE, ARROYO. BERTRAN HNOS, HUMACAO. BERTRAN HNOS, VIEQUES. J. BIRD Y LEON, FAJARDO. DE FORD & CO., JOBOS. New York, February 20, 1903. [*ackd 3/6/1903*] Mr. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- We beg to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 18th instant, addressed to the writer, and in reply would say that this Company will take pleasure in extending to Miss Roosevelt and maid the courtesies of the Line to Porto Rico and return. Beginning the latter part of March our steamers invariably sail North with full passenger lists. Therefore, if Miss Roosevelt has definitely decided when she will return, it would be advisable to reserve the accommodations as far in advance as possible. Upon receipt of your reply we shall be pleased to write to our San Juan office, making the required reservations. Yours very truly, The New York & Porto Rico Steamship Co., Henry T. Knowlton, General Manager. Per M Seckendorf [*SHORTHAND*][*[ca. Feb 20, 1903]*] [shorthand?] Burr, S. Claude, Columbia Falls ,Mont Has letters from men who claim to know where they can secure copies of newspaper containing the President's reply in connection with theDeMore duel incident; these men want to know how much "there is in it." Thinks he should publish Herrig's account of the episode.Believe me My dear President Yours most sincerely E N. Buxton To The President of The United States [*Ackd. 2/23/1903*] [*FEB. 21 18 30 PM 1903*] Feb. [*[21]*] 1903 STATIONS, WOODFORD OR CHINGFORD. KNIGHTON, BUCKHURST HILL. My dear President My daughter Clara and I are talking of taking a very brief run across to your side after Easter. It is not likely that we shall be on American soil for more than 10 days or a fortnight but it would be a great interest and pleasureto us if we might take you at your word and come to see you at the White House when at Washington, We might come in April or in May. Which is the best season? I hope that Mrs Roosevelt is well and your sister whose married name I cannot at the moment remember Pray remember me to them. I have just heard from Lloyd Griscom who is here in London - So many thanks for sending me the information I wanted about the Reserves.COPY. Boston, Mass., Feb.21, 1903. Hon. Elihu Root, Secretary of War, Washington, D.C. My dear Secretary: Thank you so much for your personal letter in regard to the Weaver case. It is just the kind of letter that I wish to keep on file. You would be surprised to know the number of improper requests I receive. The latest is from a capital fellow in North Carolina who wishes to get a combined bayonet and shovel adopted without reference to the Ordnance Department, by immediate pressure on the President. Of course, I wrote to him that such things were not done under this administration. More power to your elbow and heartiest congratulations on the long steps forward already taken in the way of militia bill and general staff bill. You have certainly earned the gratitude of every man interested in the army. Cordially yours, CURTIS GUILD, JR.[Enc in Root 2-25-03](S.L.) COPY. No. 10. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES. MADRID, February 21, 1903. The Hon. John Hay. Secretary of State, Washington, D.C. Sir:- I have the honor to acknowledge your No. 9 of February 7th, instant, transmitting the President's ratification of the Treaty of Friendship and General Relations between the United States and Spain, which is to be exchanged for that of His Majesty the King of Spain; as also the President's full power authorizing me to effect the exchange, and a form of Protocol of Exchange to be signed by myself and the Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs at the time the exchange takes place. I have to report that owing to the death of the late Queen Regent's mother, my presentation has been postponed. As soon as it has taken place, this matter, together with others now pending will be at once taken up; and when the formality of exchange has been consumated, the signed Protocol will be forwarded to the Department as instructed, and the facts reported by telegraph. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, Arthur S. Hardy.[Enc. in Loomis, 3-10-03][*C.F.*] [*Ackd 2-26-1903*] Department of State, Washington, February 21, 1903. Dear Mr. Cortelyou: As the simplest way of getting this matter before you I enclose Captain Harris's telegram. If the matter is settled, please let me know, that I may put him out of his misery. If there is still a chance for him, I take great pleasure in testifying to his high character and honorable antecedents. His father, of the same name, was Senator from New York in war times, and a man of great worth and eminence, and Harris himself is a gentlemen of the highest standing and character. Sincerely yours, John Hay Hon. George B. Cortelyou. [*state 2/20/03*][*FEB 21 2-46PM 1903*] [*ackd 2/24/1903*] New Orleans Febry 21/03 Col. Theodore Roosevelt Washington D.C. My Dear Colonel I will leave here on Thursday night and hope to have the honor of dining with you on next Saturday evening and reporting to you in person Mrs Roosevelt's opinion of our people. — Very Sincerely, J M Pollard [[shorthand]]P.O. Box 1222. Roosevelt & Son, Cable Address, Roosevelt. 33 Wall Street, NEW YORK. Feby 21-1903 Dear Theodore I know I have been remiss in not having sent you a bread & butter letter. All the same I enjoyed my visit and also the wedding extremely. More lucky than you I am going to get a holiday at Oyster Bay for the rest of this week. I am altering the landscape down by the marsh and though the Town Board got excited I am doing the work I desired and hope to make the approach to your summer palace more attractive. I was glad to get all the boys together last week andhave a glimpse of Ted. They are all enjoying life so much. I had an amusing two day visit from Will Sewall and hope he may prove successful in his new position. With love to Edith and the children Sincerely yours W Emlen Roosevelt[*File*] POTOMAC HOTEL CO. PROPRIETORS HOTEL RICHMOND 17TH AND H STs., N. W. TKE ALBANY ANNEX TO HOTEL RICHMOND ON OPPOSITE CORNER THE EVERETT M AND 16TH STS., N. W. HOTEL RICHMOND WASHINGTON D. C. Feby 22 - 1903 Dear Mr President - I have an infallible test as to whether a man is a loyal and steadfast Roosevelt man at heart and have applied it many times without any one but myself being the wiser. After all other tests as to fitness, honesty and ability are made I am in dead earnest in urging that the other and final test should be applied before a man is permitted to lay his finger on the great enterprise mentioned this morning. The consequences are so tremendous and far reaching. I should like to serve you in this last if I may. You may rely upon my discretion absolutely. I can ascertain and report the facts in any case upon a suggestion. You can command me. If this is to be a New York man I hope I may see him soon. Faithfully yours H.H.B. Mr Loeb. can reach me if there is any need.VERBATIM REPORT OF THE SPEECH MADE BY HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE, K.G. WHEN PROPOSING THE HEALTH OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES AT THE WASHINGTON'S BIRTHDAY BANQUET GIVEN BY THE AMERICAN SOCIETY IN LONDON AT THE HOTEL CECIL, STRAND, ON MONDAY, FEBRUARY 23RD, 1903.THE DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE:- Mr. Chairman and Gentleman:- I wish that I thought I could imitate the laudable example of brevity which has been set by our Chairman in proposing the last toast, but I am afraid that as an Englishman representing a number of Englishmen who have been so hospitably entertained by The American Society this evening (hear, hear,) it might hardly be considered respectful on my part if I were not to preface the toast which I have to give you by a few longer observations, although I hope they will not unduly trespass upon your time. I have had, Gentlemen, on more occasions than I can count, to perform the duty which has been performed by your Chairman of proposing the health of our King, but I do not think it has ever on any previous occasion fallen to my lot to be called upon to propose the health of the Head of a foreign Government. I assure you that I feel it a very great honour upon this occasion to be called upon to propose to you the health of the Head of the Government of that great and friendly Power, the United States of America, (loud cheers.) When on these occasions we have done honour to our own sovereign we have been accustomed not to attempt to discriminate between - but rather to associate - the double claims on our respect and loyalty which they possess, (hear, hear,) in the first place as the head and representative of the Government of our own country, and in the next place in regard to their own personal qualities. I am happy on this occasion that we are able to make a similar(2) double claim on behalf of the Head of the Government of the United States, (hear, hear,) whose health i have to propose to you. Long before the President of the United States was known to Englishmen in a political capacity, he had won a world-wide reputation as a writer on historical subjects, and other subjects connected with the interesting aspects of the life of his country. He was known to many among us - and this, Gentlemen, I can assure you is no small recommendation to Englishmen - as an accomplished and enthusiastic sportsman, (hear, hear, and cheers.) Since that time we have learned to know President Roosevelt as one who had from his earliest days been associated with American politics - we have learned to know him as a successful Civil Service reformer - we have learned to know him as a great and successful administrator and as a gallant military leader, (hear, hear.) We find in the President of the United States, therefore, not only that, but since he has succeeded, through the lamented death of the late President McKinley, to the highest office which by favour of his fellow-citizens can be conferred upon him, we have recognised that he has made his mark as one of the most eminent statesmen who have filled that high office, and he has proved himself a not unworthy successor of the great man whose birthday all Americans are to-day celebrating, (hear, hear, and cheers.) We recognise in President Roosevelt all those qualities which we most value and respect when we are fortunate enough to find them in our own statesmen, the qualities of patriotism, of honesty of purpose and of steadfastness in administration, (applause.) Gentlemen, the personal character (3) of President Roosevelt is, therefore, one which presents to Englishmen a singular and attractive combination. We recognise in him at once the author and the orator, the soldier and the statesman, the patriot and at the same time the intelligent and earnest friend of our own countrymen. Well, Gentlemen, I ask you to do honour to the President of the United States not only on account of his personal qualities, but I ask you also to do honour to him as the Head of the Government and the chief representative of that great nation between whom and us there exists so many and such strong ties of kinship, of history and of common interests, (hear, hear.) Never I believe at any previous time have the relations between the Governments of Great Britain and the United States - or between the peoples of Great Britain and the United States - been more cordial and friendly than they are at the present moment, (loud cheers.) I say nothing as to Governments because I believe that, notwithstanding some difficulties which are bound from time to time to arise between Governments which to so great an extent control the destinies of the great continent of North America, the relations between those Governments have generally in diplomatic language been termed perfectly and absolutely correct, (hear, hear.) But as to the peoples of those countries: I believe that at the present moment we are both in a fairly good humour with ourselves, and when we are in a good humour with ourselves it is not likely that we shall be in a bad humour with each other (laughter and cheers.) We have both recently passed successfully through considerable wars, which, while they may not have proved that our respective military organisations are absolutely perfect (laughter) have at least proved the possession on the (4) part of our people of great military qualities - qualities which will in the future tend to make our friendship valued and to cause our respective rights to be respected, (hear, hear.) We have welcomed in this country the tendency which we think we have recently observed on the part of the people of the United States to take a stronger and a keener interest in the affairs of the world outside their own continent. We are finding every day, in every part of the world, subjects of common interest, and I believe that as between ourselves and all other nations it would be very difficult to find a question upon which those interests were not found to be identical, (hear, hear.) Gentlemen, I believe that as these interests are fully and better understood on both sides of the Atlantic, the effect can only be to strengthen and intensify and consolidate those feelings of mutual respect and affection which now so happily prevail in the relations between the two countries, (loud applause.) Therefore, Gentlemen, I propose to you the health of the President of the United States.Enclosed in Van Duzer, 2-27-03 FEB 26 9- 42 AM 1903 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES WASHINGTON. February 23, 1903. Asn'd 2/27/1903 Dear Mr. President: Persuaded as I am of the very superior judgment displayed in connection with a number of appointments recently made at your hands, I trust you will not misconstrue my motive in transmitting this commendatory expression, for I feel that you are deserving of unusual credit, in that you have uniformly selected for appointment and promotion individuals whose qualifications and claims specially entitle them to the recognition accorded, and whose further service through enlarged opportunities for usefulness will contribute greatly to the benefit of the general public, and correspondingly to the prestige of your administration. It is manifest on all hands that your appointment of Mr. Cortelyou as a member of your Cabinet in charge of the Department of Commerce and Labor; the selection of Mr. Garfield as head of the Bureau of Corporations; the appointment of Judge Day to membership on the Supreme Bench, of Solicitor General Richards and Judge Van Devanter for Judges of the Sixth and Eighth United States Circuit Courts, and of Judge Morris for the new Minnesota district, together with the promotion of Generals Ludington and Wade, will meet with unqualified popular approval. Therefore, I take the liberty, and it affords me great pleasure to heartily congratulate you upon the unanimity of the public endorsement accorded these among others of your official of the Fifty-seventh Congress, now drawing to a close, in support of wholesome legislation and good public policy. Sincerely wishing for yet further accomplishment and success under your administration in cumulative and unlimited measure, I have the honor to remain, Yours obediently, Chas.Dick. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, The White House.[*File*] GRAND HOTEL SAN FRANCISCO CAL Feby 23 1903 Hon Theodore Roosevelt Presedent. Washington D C My dear Mr Presedent - I write to tell you of the chara cter and a bility of Mr A.A. Burn ham Scy of National Business League of Chi cago - I believe him to be the greatest private Scy (Cortelyou Excepted) inour country I do not believe there is a dozen more worldly wise men in the city of Washington If I were a "great man" or ever desired or expectedto be one I should try to hold on to him myself He has been the "Brain" and "Right hand" of our "National Business League" Which has done much toward securing good legislation and the "Executive Com" of which I am one have been directed by him - He has a fine knowledge of English and could prepare a "State Paper." - Now without his knowle dge I tell you all this because I desire that you should succeed abundantly Faithfully yrs Volney W Foster[*File*] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON Feb, 23/03 I have no information on the subject, beyond the papers sent to Congress. I infer that the Naval officer at Guam failed to understand his orders. I should suppose that the received instructions sent last month would be sufficient. E.R. [*[ROOT]*] [*Philippines in re - Mabini Case*] 1st Indorsement Office of the CIVIL GOVERNOR OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Manila, February 23, 1903. Respectfully returned to the Honorable the Secretary of War. "No thief e'er felt the halter draw With good opinion of the law." The cruel libels published by the Freedom against the two Filipino Commissioners need but to be read to show the spirit of the Dorr brothers and O'Brien in this matter. There have been three prosecutions of newspapers for libels and one for sedition in the year and six months since the passage of the libel and sedition laws. Two of these grew out of the dastardly libels upon the Filipino Commissioners launched by a scoundrelly Spaniard, Valdez, who cruelly mistreated his wife, a relative of Commissioner Legarda, and having thus injured her family never forgave her or them. Valdez was convicted, appealed, gave bond, and escaped from the Islands, forfeiting his bond. The Dorrs and O'Brien took up the libels and circulated them. The sedition suit grew out of libels in which they sought by the most vicious attacks on the Filipino officials and people to promote race hatred and insurrection in order that the conditions of turmoil in which Dorr had made his money by questionable means might return. On both the trials for libel and sedition the utmost latitude was given to the defendants to prove the truth of their statements, and not a single witness were they able to call that lent the slightest support to their outrageous and deliberately planned attacks. To show the devilish deliberation with which they conducted their plan of traducing brave patriotic Filipinos, they agreed with a disreputable attorney named Lamme, now fortunately departed from these Islands for their good, that the libel should be read as an offer of evidence in another law suit in which 2. from a previous ruling of the court they knew that it was incompetent as evidence, and then that they should immediately publish it in the Freedom as part of the court proceedings, and so privileged. The efforts the American people are making to establish a government in these islands are much obstructed by just such people as the Dorrs and O'Brien and their followers and supporters. I do not say that all the critics of the civil government in the islands are bad men; indeed many intelligent and honest men doubt the wisdom of our policy. But I do say that every American drunkard, every American tough, every dive keeper, every American who is prosecuted for any violation of law, every defaulting American public official, every American frequenter of brothels, every American vagrant, every dishonest American member of the Bar against whom disbarment proceedings are instituted, every American who disgraces the country whence he came, was a supporter of the Freedom, and is a decrier of the Civil Government, and spurns the Filipinos, calling them "niggers" and unfit to associate with Americans. Such men, usually the discharged sediment of the Army, or former camp followers, are distributed through the towns of the Archipelago, where the Army posts are, and some in other towns, running illicit gambling and liquor dives, and causing local riots every little while through conflicts with the local Filipino police. Since the Dorrs and O'Brien gave over the Freedom it has been much more decent in its management. No one who reads the Manila papers, American, Spanish and Filipino, can truly say that there is any "muzzling" of the press. The Government is criticized often, sometimes justly and sometimes unjustly, but such criticism is never made the basis of prosecutions for libel. The libel law is not more stringent than it is in England or in any of the states of America. It is simply the common law as administered in the United States. The sedition law finds its 3. counterpart in several of the States. The absence of a jury doubtless weakens the Government in one way, because it affords the opportunity to those who are convicted to attribute the result to the prejudice of judges under appointment of the Government, but this is inseparable from administration of law in a country where the great mass of people are wholly unfit for jury duty. I would favor making the judges irremovable except by action of the President, so as to take away from the executive here the power of removal. I ought to add that the only other libel prosecution under the new law that I now remember is that instituted by request of General Davis against the Libertas, the organ of the Dominican Friars, falsely charging General Bell with attempting to embezzle the funds which, through its energy and self-sacrifice, he had accumulated for the benefit of the suffering people of Batangas, and which he turned over to the Civil Government at his own suggestion. It seems to me that the few prosecutions under the libel law, the fact that it is only a declaration of common law principles, and the fact that the Government and officials are freely criticised without constraint, ought to rebut such charges as young Dorr finds it necessary to bring. It is true that the greater expedition with which libel and all other cases are liable under the present procedure, and the fact that when an editor makes a change of corruption against an official or other person, he is likely to find himself called upon in court promptly to prove it, makes the editor less prone to fill his paper with scandal than in America, where much scandal and many libelous attacks are allowed to pass unnoticed by prominent persons, because of the dreadful nervous strain involved in a personal litigation with all the false issue and uncomfortable notoriety that a long-drawn-out jury trial involves. On the whole, the condition here in this last respect is better than at home, but that freedom of the4. press, in the sense of the Constitution, is at all restricted, is wholly untrue. The truth is that in some parts of America the press has acquired much license from the reluctance of victims to assume the worry and expense of defending their rights and from the confidence of such victims that libels in the press are now generally disbelieved. So great has immunity from libel prosecution become for this reason that many editors assume that criminal prosecutions for libel are a relic of the dark ages, in themselves unconstitutional, and that a community in which an editor is really sentenced to jail for libel is one in which there is no free speech or free press. I presume it is hardly necessary for me to deny that the Commission or the Governor has attempted to use the power of removal to secure judgments of convition, or that any one in the employ of the Government has been threatened with discharge by the Commission for what he has said in a religious meeting or elsewhere. It is true that school teachers who rush into print to criticise the Catholic Church or to abuse the Filipino people, and who thereby disable themserlves for a useful discharge of their functions, have been notified that in accepting such positions they impliedly agreed to avoid exercise of free speech in such a way as to embarrass the Government in its most delicate duty,- that of introducing secular education among a people taught to believe that education without sectarian religious teaching is Godless, and to render themselves not only useless but really most harmful as teachers of Catholic children. At times, the prophecies of failure in our work so freely made by American enemies of the Civil Government will seem to be justified by passing events, but each six months' retrospect will show real progress made toward the goal towards which we are steadily working,- a government in which the humblest Filipino shall enjoy personal liberty and full opportunity for education and the pursuit 5. of happiness, a goal that it is as absolutely impossible to reach under an independent Filipino government in the present conditions as to make bricks without straw. The report the rifles are being brought into the islands at the rate of one thousand a month is more idle talk without the slightest circumstances upon which to base it. If the writer had any real reason to believe such a statement, it would seem his duty to give it to the officers of the government his information, but he has none. Such reports are merely useful for sensational articles to support a policy of decrying the civil government. The charge that the judges of First Instance or of the Supreme Court do the bidding of the Governor or the Commission in their decisions is most unjust to men of honor, learning and of the highest fidelity to Anglo-Saxon traditions of their high office. The charge that the trial was characterized by unfairness can be weighed by examination of the record. That there may have been error of courses may be true. That is what appeals are intended to rectify. If there was any spirit of unfairness in the rulings, that too can be rectified by appeal. I should be much surprised if it were true. WM. H. TAFT Civil Governor.[*File*] Senator [*Charles Henry*] Dietrich states that before any promises are made to Representative Mercer, he (Dietrich) and Senator [*Joseph Hopkins*] Millard would like to see the President. 2-23-1903.[Enclosed in Dietrich 9-27-01]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. London, February 24, 1903. Secretary of State. Number 30. Confidential. Referring to your instructions number 1130, I find the King has declined to be patron of Shrewsbury celebration, which will be a local function. I have also declined. Under these circumstances does the President still wish your instructions carried out!... CHOATE.[*FEB 26 9-16 AM 1903*] EXCELSIOR WM. MILLER COLLIER, AUBURN CUTHBERT W. POUND, ITHACA JOHN E. KRAFT, KINGSTON COMMISSIONERS WM MILLER COLLIER. PRESIDENT JOHN C. BIRDSEYE, SECRETARY CHARLES S. FOWLER, CHIEF EXAMINER STATE OF NEW YORK OFFICE OF State Civil Service Commission [Albany] Manhattan Hotel, New York City, February 24, 1903. [*Personal*] To His Excellency, The President, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President: I have received in the last few days several letters from various friends of mine stating that they had sent letters direct to you endorsing me for the position of Assistant Secretary of Commerce. In some instances these were mere voluntary expressions of their good will. I am sorry that they have done this because I feel that you will think that I am continuing unduly to push my candidacy. As a matter of fact, I asked all the persons from whom I requested letters, to send them to me so that they could all be forwarded at one time to you and thus save you inconvenience. I endeavored to get letters only from those classes of persons whom you mentioned in your talk with me over a year ago as being desirable sponsors. I would like to trespass enough upon your time to state to you the reason why I called on Saturday, the 14th instant. I did so because when I saw you about five weeks previously, and asked you if I could present my candidacy to Mr. Cortelyou, then [a] the prospective appointee as Secretary of Commerce, you said that you did not wish me to do so at that time, and did wish me to obtain your permission before doing so.-2- That was the sole purpose of my going to see you on February 14th, and I sincerely trust that you do not think I had any other purpose. I made every effort scrupulously to comply with your wish, and, as a matter of fact, told several friends of mine, who were personally acquainted with Mr. Cortelyou and who volunteered to speak to him in my behalf, that I was not at liberty to have them do so at that time. I wish to assure you that in all my candidacy I have endeavored to conduct it honorably and also in a gentlemanly manner, and that I strove rather earnestly for the place because I thought I was qualified for it and because I felt it offered greater opportunities than any other place in the service. Very respectfully yours, Wm. Miller Collier, Hotel Manhattan, New York City.[FOR ATTACH SEE CA- 2-24-03][FOR ATTACH SEE CA- 2-24-03][*File*] Washington. D.C. Feb. 24th 1903. Dear Theodore, We are leaving tomorrow Ash Wednesday right after church for Richmond to visit my mother's relatives. Prior to going Constance and I desire to pay our respects at the White House to thank you for your kindly extended hospitality, we enjoyed the musicale immensely.half past one we will await your answer here. Affectionately your old comrade, Archibald Gracie White House Constance says as she has sung many times in the Blue Room of the White House, in former years she would take pleasure in doing so now and it would seem appropriate for her to sing for you some of the Spanish songs which she used to sing for Aunt Annie. If you will let us know your pleasure through Mr. Stone so we can be at Mrs. Mason's luncheon by(COPY) Denver, Colo. Feby. 24, 1903. W. G. Evans, Esq., New York. Dear Sir: - Though I know that things that you take in hand at all, are sure to be attended to, at the suggestion of Jim Williams I write to beg you in the multitude of your other affairs, not to forget me and the Denver post-office. It is clear from the way the Wolcott gang are treating Williams, that they are knaves and fools that decent people can't have anything to do with; they have not the least idea of political decency or gratitude, and not sense enough to know which side their bread is buttered, which last is surprising, as it is all that politics means to them. Now that the senatorial issue is settled, I see no big issue that can arise until the National Convention meets, and if Wolcott or any one tries to give our votes to anyone but Roosevelt, it will be a failure. This post-office matter is, I am sorry to say, vital with me, and I am depending altogether on you and Mr. Stewart. Yours truly, (Signed) Geo. E. Randolph.[Eve in Stewart 3-5-03] File [CA- 2-24-03] Collier, Wm. Miller, New York City. Explains his position with reference to his application for the Assistant Secretaryship, Department of Commerce.[*[ATTACH, TO COLLIER 2-24-03]*][*[For 1. attachment see ca. 2-25-03]*] soporific in twelve chapters to be taken one every night on going to bed. I have yet to hear of a single case in which it failed to induce sleep. Yours Cordially John Bigelow. [*FEB 26 9-38 AM 1903*] [*ackd 3/2/1903*] NEW YORK PUBLIC LIBRARY PRESIDENT'S OFFICE 21 GRAMERCY PARK Feb. 25, 1903. My dear Mr. Roosevelt: Of course I can have no objection to the publication of my letter to Colonel Hay. I wish you had appointed Crum postmaster at New York instead of at Charleston, and transferred the Indianola woman to Boston. By this time your official cares ought to have subjected you in a greater or less degree to insomnia. Under this apprehension I take the liberty of sending you a [*File*] [[shorthand]] Washington, February 25 1903. My dear Mr. President: I should express my feeling very inadequately if I record my acknowledgement of the great honor you have conferred upon me with the formal word or two I was able to say to you in Boston a few days ago. I wish you to realize, Sir, that I am keenly conscious of the honor and your confidence, and I pledge you my best efforts to show that I am fit todischarge the duties of the high office which will devolve upon me. I remain, Sir, Very respectfully and Sincerely yours, Henry M. Hoyt. To The President.[*File*] EXCELSIOR STATE OF NEW YORK EXECUTIVE CHAMBER ALBANY February 25, 1903. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington D. C. My dear Mr. President: - I have your letter of the 23rd. The salary of the position that I wrote you about is $4000. I think it would be just as well to defer that matter for a little while if it can be done. Very truly yours, B. B. Odell Jr.EMO [*File*] UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE BUREAU OF FORESTRY WASHINGTON D C OFFICE OF THE FORESTER February 25, 1903. The President, White House. Dear Mr. President: I return herewith the axe you sent me some time ago, with the handle reduced to the proper length. I am afraid you will find the head somewhat heavy when it comes to chopping, but Sampson is going to send you one which will be a better weight. Very sincerely yours, Gifford Pinchot Forester.UNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON. February 25, 1903. Private and Confidential Ackd 2/25/1903 My dear Mr. President: I have received your letter of yesterday in which you express anew your preference for the appointment of Mr. Holt. How you can cling to this view and fail to perceive the impropriety and impracticality of that appointment is utterly mysterious and incomprehensible to me. I never felt so certain in my life about anything as I do about the complete unfitness of Mr. Holt for Judicial tenure; and if you appoint him to that place you will not be long in discovering that I am right and that, for all practical and business purposes, we might as well never have created the new Judgship. We passed the bill making possible the appointment of an additional Judge on account of the exigencies of the situation in the District Court. Mr. Holt has neither the physical nor the mental energy to cope with the work. Nothing that he has ever done in his professional career justifies the belief that he will display greater energy and aptitude in the administration of that Court than he has in the conduct of his legal business.UNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON. (2) I think you will agree with me, Mr. President, when I claim never to have arrayed my own predilections and preferences against your judgment in any very emphatic manner. I have ever restrained myself from assuming so strongly a position in antagonism to your wishes that I could not defer to your desires ultimately, and, though disappointed and possibly dissatisfied, accept your dicta in a cheerful spirit. Believe me, I cannot with any degree of equanimity consent to the appointment of a man whose chief claim to recognition is his social standing and whose unfitness for appointment is known to nearly every member of the Bar in New York, - i. e., to every member of the Bar who is active and potential in the practice of the law. If Mr. Holt's appointment follows this protest, I shall view it with absolute disgust. I shall, moreover, experience a diminution of that interest in public affairs that has been for so many years a vital element of my life. It seems impossible to me that you can persist in this view in the face of all that has been said. If you cherish the belief that Mr. Holt will be able to accomplish the politicalUNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON. (3) results that you have in mind, I simply wish to express the opinion that he cannot and, moreover, will not, meet your expectations. I predicate this view upon his well-known characteristics and political insignificance. It would be enormously gratifying to me to see a man appointed to that place who is alive, a good lawyer, a man of good health and capable of physical and mental endurance, and who will be able to preside over that Court of a long term. I believe Mr. Bruce to be that man. Mr. Holt, in the nature of things, could not remain at the Bench for many years, and then it is impossible to predict who may succeed him. While we are about it, Mr. President, let us do the thing right; and above all do not, I pray, put this cup to our lips. I hope you will pardon the feeling I have expressed in these lines. Believe me, I feel very earnestly on the subject. Yours faithfully, T. C. Platt The President, Washington, D.C.[For 1. eve: see (signed) xxxxx 2-19-03][*[For 2 encs see 2-25-03 2-21-03]*] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. February 25, 1903. PERSONAL AND CONFIDENTIAL. Dear Mr. President: Could I prevail upon you to fix a time for the interesting ceremony which Curtis Guild and I have been arranging for your benefit in the enclosed correspondence? I think Lodge and Wood would like to be present. I am doubtful about Mrs. Roosevelt. Faithfully yours, Elihu Root The President. Enclosures. WAR DEPARTMENT. WASHINGTON. COPY. February 25, 1903. Dear Colonel: I am much obliged for your letter of the 21st. Your North Carolina friend's suggestion of getting his combined bayonet and shovel adopted by immediate pressure on the President is original and interesting. Does he mean pressure of the bayonet, or of the shovel, or of both? Is should like to see it tried. Faithfully yours, ELIHU ROOT. Colonel Curtis Guild, Jr., 77 Kilby Street, Boston, Mass.[*[Enc. in Root 2-25-03]*]deep in my sense of gratitude and pride at his kind and gracious words concerning my services Yours very truly H.C. Taylor Rear Admiral, U.S. Navy. Mr William Loeb Private Secretary to the President. [*File*] Washington, D.C. February 25, 1903 My dear Sir:- Will you kindly inform the President, that his letter to the Governor of Indiana, was read, during the presentation ceremony of the sword presented to me by the State of Indiana, in the presence of the Executive Legislative, and Judiciary branches of the State Government in the State Capitol of Indianapolis. I beg you at the same time to assure the President how[*File*] Department of State, Washington, February 26, 1903. Dear Mr. President: - I have received your note of the 25th of February in regard to the Shrewsbury celebration. I had already given the order which you suggest. Yours faithfully John Hay[*File*] Department of State, Washington, February 26, 1903. Dear Mr. President: - In accordance with your request of February 14th, I herewith enclose the letter you referred to me from the Reverend A. P. Doyle, of New York City, as the matter has been considered by you in Cabinet. Yours faithfully John Hay[*2/9/03*] [*sec. St*] [*File*] [*L*] T/T DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. February 26, 1903. William Loeb, jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: I enclose for the President's information copy of a communication addressed to him by the United States Chargé d'Affaires ad interim at Lisbon, forwarding one apparently addressed to the United States Minister at Lisbon by Dr. Sebastião Magalhaes Lima, President of the Peace League of Portugal, congratulating him on the intermediation of the United States, terminating in the arbitration of the differences between the Governments of the Allied Powers and Venezuela. Mr. Thieriot has been instructed to make an appreciative acknowledgment. I am, Sir, your obedient servant John Hay Enclosure: From Portugal, February 9, 1903, with enclosure.William H. Moody, Secretary. [*9351 A 16 *] NAVY DEPARTMENT, Washington, Feb, 26, 1903. Sir: - I beg to acknowledge the letter of Mr. Loeb of February 23d, enclosing an extract from a letter from Senator Hoar in which he states that he has been informed by General Miles that Mabini in October was a prisoner in Guam under guard of a company of marines with a sentinel before his door, and directing me to ask for a report from the Governor of Guam on the matter to which it refers. The last telegram of the Department under date of January 23, 1903, to the Governor of Guam, is as follows: "It is presumed that since receipt of the Department's letter of July twenty-sixth neither Mabini nor any other person referred to in said letter is detained in the island against his will; but if by any chance such is the case you will inform him or them that he or they can leave the island without taking the oath of allegiance, by a government transport, to go to any port outside of the Philippine Islands touched by the United States army transports; and that on a private vessel he or they can go wherever he or they will, it being understood, however, that they will not be allowed to land in the Philippines without taking the oath of allegiance." This telegram was confirmed by letter of the same date. It was intended by the above order to Mabini absolute freedom on the island. I beg leave to suggest that Commander Schroeder, late Governor of the Island, is now at Honolulu on his way home and will be here within two weeks, when the exact conditions may be ascertained from him. In conversation with Mrs. Schroeder, who was a long time with her husband in Guam, -2- I was informed that Mabini was not under any restraint except such as would prevent him from going to the Philippines. I hope, however, upon arrival of the Governor that all ambiguity in the situation may be cleared up. It is to be remarked that the last orders from the Department concerning Mabini were subsequent to General Miles' visit to the Island of Guam. Very respectively. William H. Moody Secretary THE PRESIDENT.[*CF*] Rock Island Arsenal. Rock Island, Ill. February 26, 1903. Mr. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, White House, Washington, D.C. Dear-Sir: - I am just in receipt of your letter of February 21st, enclosing Mrs. Roosevelt's check for $30.00 and vouchers also signed by her. The check I have retained but the vouchers are herewith returned with a new set, to which I will beg you to be so good as to get the signature of the President. The law which authorizes sale of ordnance and ordinance stores to officers of the army, such as the President and his subordinates, does not authorize their sale to any one else and these vouchers would undoubtedly be suspended when they reach the auditing officers. Regretting that I should be obliged to trespass upon your valuable time for such a trifling matter, I remain, Respectfully D. M. Taylor [*Taylor?*] Major, Ordinance Department, U.S. Army[*File*] [*[2-26-03]*] 11 EAST 61ST STREET. Dear Mr. President. I am writing for Helen, as she is not yet allowed to use her eyes, to say how perfectly delighted we are with the beautiful porringer you have sent toTrusting that all three of us may very soon be able to explore our deep appreciation in person, believe me. Most sincerely yours, Payne Whitney February 26 - 1903 Joan, We will be a very proud family indeed when she eats her first oatmeal from the "President's Gift." Virtue will surely be transmitted from the giver. Thank you very very much indeed for this kindest of thoughts on your part. The Commercial Abbliner. ESTABLISHED 1797 187 BROADWAY AND 5& 7 STREET, EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT NEW YORK, Feb. 27th, 1903. Dear Mr. President:-- I enclose the articles which you expressed a desire to see together with one I have written today on that wretched craven Mabini. I have several men working for the telegrams you suggested and hope for good results of which to inform you later this afternoon. Your always, J. B. Bishop President Roosevelt.[For 1. enclosure see ca. 2-27-1903]TELEGRAM White House, Washington. 28WU...MX...RA...24..Paid 1 ex. in address. New-York, February 27, 1903. President Roosevelt, PRIVATE. Very thorough canvass made but must decline address Senator, preferring you; some sent you also sent him. Not worth while me duplicate them. J. B. Bishop.[*File*] [*2-27-03*] 1733, N. Street. Dear Mr Loeb Mr. Lloyd Griscom who was our Minister to Persia & who is now on his way to assume his duties as Minister in Japan, will call on the President this morning. Will you tell him I wrote & willyou have him see the President as soon as it can be arranged - Sincerely Yours. Anna Roosevelt Cowles February 27-1903[*File*] February 27 - 1903 — 1733 R. Street. My beloved Theodore I have read your speech of last night & think it as fine as Mil had said - Lloyd Griscom is to call on you this morning he is anxious to present his wife, or, to have me [to] do it She was Elsa Bronson most attractive & intelligent. TheyDevotedly Bye [*[A.R. Cowles]*] We will come to dinner at 7.30 tonight as arranged leave tomorrow - warning Mt, will be back again later of course would com eat any time if, you wished, it - so that, if, there be no hour for me to bring her today it will wait until they return - She is as keen as he about their work -[*File*] COMMISSION: GEORGE GRAY, JOHN M. WILSON, JOHN L. SPALDING, E. W. PARKER, E. E. CALRK, THOMAS H. WATKINS, CARROLL D. WRIGHT. OFFICERS: GEORGE GRAY, CHAIRMAN. CARROLL D. WRIGHT, RECORDER. ASSISTANTS TO RECORDER: EDWARD A. MOSELEY, CHARLES P. NEILL. Anthracite Coal Strike Commission. Washington, D. C., February 27, 1903. TO THE PRESIDENT: The Commission desire me to express their appreciation of the desire expressed by you in the note received this morning from Mr. Loeb, that the members dine with you after they have finished their report. I fear that it is impossible to indicate with any degree of certainty a time for the conclusion of our labors. The problems presented to us are many of them so complex, and the documentary and the statistical evidence presented to us so voluminous, that we find we must take time to analyze and digest it and make our awards with such deliberation as to satisfy ourselves of their substantial justice and not disappoint the parties of the public. I would not feel safe, therefore, in fixing any period to our deliberations earlier than fifteen or twenty days from now. We are working every-2- days and all day and we will do our best to make this period shorter if we can. Of course, we hope to present our report to you for your consideration and review, in order that we may have the benefit of consultation with you before it is given to the parties or the public. Very respectfully yours, Geo. Gray Chairman.Wm. C. Sheldon and Co. Bankers. No. 4 Wall Street New York, February 27th, 1903. Geo. R. Sheldon. Members of N.Y. Stock Exchange. Wm. S. P. Prentice. Wm. C. Sheldon. [*2-28-1903 Ansd by wire*] [SHORTHAND] To the President, My dear Mr. President:- I have received through Post Master General Payne your very kind and exceedingly complimentary offer of the position of Assistant Treasurer of the United States in New York. It is needless I know for me to tell you how much I appreciate any evidence of your good will and confidence in me. While the position you offer is one of dignity and responsibility, it would of course necessitate my giving up my business. I do not know whether the law requires this or not but it certainly would call forth a great deal of criticism if a banker in active business in Wall Street should become Assistant Treasurer here and while I do not care particularly about criticism myself, I do not believe it is good politics to needlessly stir it up. It just occurred to me that our friendWm. C. Sheldon and Co. Bankers. No. 4 Wall Street New York 190 Geo. R. Sheldon. Members of N.Y. Stock Exchange. Wm. S. P. Prentice. Wm. C. Sheldon. Robert Bacon would be an ideal man for the place. You of course know that he has severed his connections with Messrs. J.P. Morgan and Company and is out of business. He always has had the feeling that he would like to get into politics if he had the time and it would seem to me that this position would just suit him. If he would accept it, I could very well arrange it so that the request for his appointment should come through Senator Platt. I have just telegraphed the Senator that in view of all the circumstances that I think it is good politics to acquiesce in the appointment of Mr. George Holt to the new judgeship in New York. With kindest regards and with renewed thanks for your offer to me, I am as always, Sincerely yours, George R. Sheldon It really makes me unhappy to decline to do anything you ask of me G. R. S.[*P.P.F*] [SHORTHAND] [*ACKD 3/10/1903*] TELEPHONE No. 3412 GERRARD. TELEGRAMS AND CABLES - HARVARD, LONDON. The American Society in London. GENERAL COMMITTEE. Ex-officio Members. THE AMBASSADOR OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. THE SECRETARY. AMERICAN EMBASSY. THE AMERICAN CONSUL-GENERAL. THE AMERICAN MILITARY ATTACHE. THE AMERICAN NAVAL ATTACHE. D. C. HALDEMAN, Chairman. F. B. BLAKE, Vice-Chairman. J. MORGAN RICHARDS, Hon. Treasurer. F. C. VAN DUZER, Hon. Secretary. FRANK E. BLISS. E. MARSHALL FOX. GEORGE A. MOWER. ANDREW CARNEGIE. COL. MILLARD HUNSIKER. F. C. POISSON. THOMAS CLARKE. FRANK W. JONES. CAPTAIN E. M. SAWTELLE. R. NEWTON CRANE. JAMES McDONALD. ISAAC SELIGMAN. R. J. DAVIS. JOHN G. MEIGGS. HENRY S. WELLCOME. THOMAS L. FEILD. J. G. WHITE. F. C. VAN DUZER, Hon. Secretary. 114, Southampton Row, London, W.C., 27th. Feb. 1903. 1902. Sir: - I have great pleasure in enclosing you a verbatim report of the speech made by his Grace the Duke of Devonshire at the Washington's Birthday Banquet of The American Society in London, which was held on Monday, the 23rd. instant, at the Hotel Cecil. I anticipate that a correct and verbatim report will be of interest to you although no doubt a condensed notice of the speech has already appeared in the American newspapers. With the expression of my highest esteem, I am, Sir :- Very faithfully yours, F.C. Van Duzer Hon. Secretary. To, The President of the United States.For 1 enclosure see 2-23-03.6 The Commercial Advertiser. By The Commercial Advertiser Association. FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 27, 1903. SUBSCRIPTION RATES. THE COMMERCIAL ADVERTISER. One year . . . $7.50 Six months . . . 3.75 Three months . . . $1.90 One month . . . .65 Saturday edition alone (with illustrated supplement) per year . . . $2.50 Postage prepaid to all points in the United States, Canada and Mexico. In New York City the paper is supplied by newsdealers, at the regular subscription rates, single copies costing 2 cents. Saturday edition (with illustrated supplement), 5 cents. The postage to foreign countries is additional. REMITTANCES, unless made by bank draft, postal, bank or express money order or registered letter, will be at the subscriber's risk. Readers of The Commercial Advertiser leaving town may have the paper mailed to them for 15 cents a week or 65 cents per month, postpaid, and addresses will be changed as often as desired. PUBLICATION OFFICE. 187 Broadway. BRANCH OFFICES: Uptown, 1265, 1267 and 1364 Broadway. TELEPHONE 458 CORTLANDT -- All Departments. Any person who cannot buy The Commercial Advertiser on a news stand in any New York borough, in suburban towns, on railroad trains or elsewhere, will confer a favor by notifying the Publisher of The Commercial Advertiser, 187 Broadway, New York City. THE LAST PROP GONE. Mabini, the oppressed Filipino maroon of the Island of Guam, for whom all the "Antis" have been shedding rivers of tears for many months, has taken the oath of allegiance to the United States! When Aguinaldo, the George Washington of the Filipino revolution, turned craven and took the oath, Mabini refused it and was exiled to what the "Antis" found sad comfort in calling the "Bastille of Guam." Every time they thought of him there, marooned by the Tyrant Taft, acting under orders from the Tyrant Roosevelt and the Tyrant Root, they wept for American liberty. Every time Senator Hoar endeavored to call attention to the Bastille on the floor of the Senate, he sank sobbing and incoherent into his chair. When the Tyrant Lodge refused to hold another investigation of the "atrocities by our soldiers in the Philippines," all the "Antis" despaired once more of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence and wailed: "And Mabini is still in exile because he will not bow the knee to tyranny!" And now, under pressure from the Tyrant Taft, who would not permit him to land at Manila until he had taken the oath of allegiance, he has bowed. The "pusillanimous cuss!" as the late A. Ward would say. Why, he is no more of a George Washington than Aguinaldo was! He timed his capitulation about as inopportunely as he could. Carmack, under the guidance of the "Antis" hereabouts, opened only yesterday morning in Washington a special receiving hospital for old and decrepit lies about the conduct of American soldiers and officials in the Philippines, and was doing a very promising business when along came this news of Mabini's backdown. What is the use of going ahead now? Mabini was the last hope. All the other leaders in the struggle succumbed long ago. They have all taken the oath now save Senator Hoar and Erving Winslow and a half dozen or more other leading insurrectos in this country. It is a gloomy outlook for Freedom, and she has had no such provocation to shriek since Kosciusko fell. As for that Tyrant Taft, words fail to express the detestation which every true "Anti" must feel toward him in the presences of his brutal conduct in cramming the oath of allegiance down the throat of Mabini. No greater atrocity has been witnessed in the islands since this same Tyrant crammed the same oath down the throat of a Boston "Anti" a year or two ago; before permitting him to land in Manila. cern to commercial and financial circles. It will be a great pity if this wise legislation fails of enactment through the perversity of a factious opposition in congress. HILL AND PARKER. Mr. Frank Campbell, chairman of the Democratic state committee of New York, makes the following interesting announcement: If David B. Hill is a candidate Judge Parker will not be a candidate for President. If Hill is a candidate everybody will be for Hill. Time will develop whether Mr. Hill is a candidate. It is too early now. That may be considered as official and authoritative. Mr. Campbell is familiar with Democratic politics in this state during the past twenty years, and he is consequently thoroughly cognizant of the peculiar relations which have existed between Mr. Hill and Judge Parker during that period. Like everybody else having this knowledge, Mr. Campbell is entirely confident that Judge Parker will do in regard to a presidential nomination precisely what he has done at every stage of his career since 1885 -- follow the wishes of Mr. Hill. Persons of shorter memories and less accurate information than Mr. Campbell possesses may be interested in recalling Judge Parker's career since he first became conspicuous in the politics of the state, in 1885. Previous to that time he had been a close disciple of Grover Cleveland. In 1885, however, he joined forces with David B. Hill, and from that day to this has never parted company with him. He was with Hill against Cleveland in the campaign of 1888, when Hill carried the state for governor and Harrison carried it for President. He was again with Hill against Cleveland in 1892, when Hill engineered his famous snap convention. He was with Hill against the world in the state campaign of last year, when he agreed to abide implicitly by Hill's wishes as to his being a candidate before the Democratic convention for governor. The relations of the two for twenty years have been like those of an obedient son to a masterful father. Why is this the case? The answer is best made by a recital of historical facts. In 1885 Mr. Hill, who had been advanced in 1884 from lieutenant governor to governor through the election of Cleveland to the presidency, was a candidate for reelection. He had taken a strong liking to Parker, and made him chairman of the Democratic executive committee of the state committee. Mr. Hill was much pushed for money in the campaign, and he raised it on some personal notes for $10,000, one of which was indorsed by O'Brien and Muller and another by Alton B. Parker. Muller was then Hill's law partner and O'Brien was chairman of the state committee and a contractor and a bidder for work on the new aqueduct. After his election Hill, as governor, was able to exert sufficient influence upon the Aqueduct Commission to induce a majority of its members to award a contract to O'Brien, though his bid was $50,000 above the lowest offered. This proceeding was roundly denounced by Mayor Grace, a Democrat, who was a member of the commission, and by other members, and the facts as to Hill's exertion of influence were sworn to at a public investigation. It was charged openly that this excessive award, which amounted to the abstraction from the city treasury of $50,000, was made in order to supply the money with which to pay off Hill's notes. Hill showed his gratitude to Parker by appointing him, after election in 1885, to a vacancy on the Supreme Court bench. In 1889, when the Second Division of the Court of Appeals was created, Hill appointed him to it. In 1897 Hill had him nominated for chief judge of the Court of Appeals, and greatly to the surprise of everybody he was elected, though his own judicial district went against him by over 2,000 votes. His career upon the bench has been without blemish, and he is universally regarded as an upright and able judge. So far as his political ideas are known, they are in accord with those of his patron, Mr. Hill. He voted for Bryan in 1896, and again in 1900, but he gave in neither campaign any sign of his attitude toward free silver or any other issues. The question of greatest interest among those who know Judge Parker is: Has he reached the point at which he is ready to cease to be Hill's follower and set up for himself? Mr. Campbell evidently thinks he has not. Another question that might be asked is: Has Hill paid full measure of gratitude for the indorsement of that note? it really behooves the Hon. Jacob A. Cantor to concentrate his powers of vision upon. Very few of us care for his views on Cuba, and still fewer for his views upon the force and momentum of the "Parker boom" in the south. We do not pay him $7,500 a year to collect information about matters of so extraneous a nature; but we do pay him that amount to take decent care of our streets, among other things see that the city's money is well spent, and see to it also that his subordinate Livingston pays some slight attention to his real duties. Maybe the Hon. Jacob A. Cantor, refreshed by a foreign tour, may be able to apply his eyes and his mind with such vigor to these matters of administration as to accomplish something toward their solution. IS THIS THE VOICE OF THE SOUTH? We have had two speeches by southerners in this city during the past ten days on the subject of the negro and his rights. The first was by Senator Tillmann of South Carolina on Saturday evening, Feb. 14, and the other was by the Hon. A. C. Braxton of Virginia on Saturday evening, Feb. 21. It was said after Senator Tillman's speech, by several newspapers of the south, that he was not a fair representative of southern sentiment, and that if the south were to select a man to give voice to its attitude on this or any other question Tillman would be the last person to be selected. What does the south say of Mr. Braxton? He was a member of the recent constitutional convention in Virginia, and when he spoke on Saturday evening as the chief representative of the south before the members of the New York Southern Society he was cheered to the echo. Let us compare the utterances of these two southern statesmen and see in what respect they differ. Senator Tillman, speaking first, systematically, from the beginning to the end of his speech, said "niggers" instead of "negroes" when he alluded to the colored race. Here are some of his choicest passages: It was men of the north that first brought the niggers from their African jungles and sold them to my fathers. I, for one, thank God that slavery has gone from us forever. But in dealing with the nigger now, and the danger that he is threatening us with now, we may not all agree. For instance, we have given him the right of suffrage, and as a result we of South Carolina have been obliged to use the shotgun and the tissue paper ballot to prevent his domination. Why have we used these things? Why, because there are 30,000 more nigger voters in the state than there are white voters. Are there any conditions under which we will permit ourselves to be governed by a lot of ignorant, degraded men who know no more of government than so many baboons? Three months ago the President of the United States wrote a letter in which he said that where a negro had qualified for public office he was unwilling to shut the door of hope in his face. Now in South Carolina and Mississippi there are 250,000 more negroes than there are whites. We are educating them and what does it mean? Take Booker Washington or any other nigger and raise him as high in the scale of civilization as you want to. What are you doing when you do this? I'll tell you: you are shutting the door of hope in the face of the white man. You are starting to turn this government over to Africans. To prevent this the people of the south are willing to take the bloodiest of measures. You may believe that God Almighty meant that the nigger should be the equal of the white man, but you can't shoot it into the man from the south, and I assure you that you can't vote it into him. You've heard it said that I am in favor of lynch law; that I advocate it. I say to you to-night that while I was governor of South Carolina I would gladly at any time have led a party of men who were out to lynch a black man who had ravished a white or colored woman. Now comes the Hon. A. C. Braxton, after Senator Tillman's speech has been before the south for a week, and says, among other things, the following: In a moment of infatuation and thoughtless folly, in an evil hour, by the combined agency of fraud and force, the Fifteenth amendment was added to our federal constitution, thus carrying us as far beyond reason and right, in one direction, as slavery had taken us in the other. No white man believes in the fifteenth amendment, save as a theory to be applied to some other man's case. It is wrong in principle, it is impossible of enforcement where the inferior race is numerous; it is demoralizing to the negro; it is corrupting to the white man. To abandon that ignorant and helpless race to their own devices and control would be the greatest cruelty; to set them up as rulers over the race that produced Washington and Lee would be a crime against nature and a sin against God! In the south white men are unalterably resolved that, come what may, no black, red or yellow man shall ever rule over them or their children so long as time shall roll. (Cheers.) This is the decree of nature, which no human statue can reverse. As well try to set up crows to rule in a nest of eagles or jackals to make laws for lions. There is but one way to enable negroes to govern white men, and that is to first kill all the white men. When God, in His wrath, saw fit to banish us into the wilderness with the Fifteenth Amendment, He still, in His mercy, left a difficult, narrow, but safe path by which we might, after much striving and tribulation, once more achieve salvation and regain the promised land. They have reached Mount Pisgah, and are now, with rejoicing and gratitude to God, gazing once more into the happy land of Canaan! One by one the southern states have placed such restrictions upon suffrage, irrespective of race or color, that the vast area of ignorant, venial and vicious negroes is now safely and perpetually shut out. This denunciation of the fifteenth amendment was cheered frantically by the assemblage of southerners resident in New York, and some members of the same assemblage hissed when the orchestra began to play "Marching Through Georgia." Unquestionably Mr. Braxton's speech was in better taste than Senator Tillman's, but were the two far apart in their conclusions? Did not Mr. Braxton shut the "door of hope" as firmly in the face of the negro as Senator Tillman did? What does his denunciation of the fifteenth amendment mean? Does it mean anything less than a declaration on the part of the south that that portion of the constitution shall be nullified? Nobody will dispute the perfect legality of restricting the suffrage with educational qualifications and requirements. That has always seemed to us the best and most just method of procedure, not only against an ignorant negro vote but against an ignorant vote of all kinds, north as well as south. But Mr. Braxton does not stop with that. He demands that no negro shall be given office, which amounts to saying that 9,000,000 citizens, because of their color, shall be deprived of their rights under the constitution, no matter how excellent their character or how high their attainments. Is not that the position of the entire south to-day?TELEGRAM White House, Washington 11WU. MX.RA. 11-Paid 2 ex. Claymont, Delaware, February 28, 1903 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. Will send special messenger Sunday morning with important communication. J. Edward Addicks. National Committeeman.TELEGRAM. Ackd 3/1/03 CF White House, Washington. 9WU. U. RA. 125-Paid 7:55 pm.1 ex. Indianapolis, Indiana, February 28, 1905. His Excelleney, President Roosevelt, (Personal) I have before me a bill passed by both the houses of the general assembly proposing to place a statute of George Rogers Clark in Statuary Hall at Washington. A statue of Oliver P. Morgan has already been placed there and but a single allotment of space remains in Indiana. General Clark was never a citizen of Indiana and further doubt of the propriety of the bill before me arises from the statements contained in pages one forty, one forty one third volume of your "Winning of the West." Please write me so may have your views on the subject not later than Tuesday morning. I may quote from your book but anything you may communicate in writing will be held in strict confidence. Winfield T. Durbin[*File*] Department of State, Washington, February 28,1903. Dear Mr. President:- I send you copy of a despatch from Mr. Wilson, our Minister to Chile, which seems to me significant and gratifying. Yours faithfully John Hay [*File*] [shorthand] Department of State, Washington, February 28, 1903. Dear Mr. President:- The Queen of Holland requests that your name appear as arbiter on the protocol which the Dutch Minister is just now about to sign with Mr. Bowen for the settlement of certain claims of the Netherlands upon Venezuela. As her Majesty has just complied with our request that she should set for us as arbitrator in a similar class of claims, I see no reason why you should not comply with her request. If you see no objection, please say yes to the bearer, and do not take the trouble to write a note, as the matter is pressing. Yours faithfully John HayTELEGRAM Germany.Henry, Prine of Prussia Postal. White House, Washington. 1 CB HA JM 33 Govt. via Azores. K I E L (Received Feb.28,1903, 8:33 a.m.) President Roosevelt, White House Washington U.S.A. Can not help reminding you of our charming little excursion on horse back in Rock Creek Valley, just a year ago to-day. Greetings. Henry of Prussia. [*File CF*] H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES Personal. Feb. 28, 1903. To The President:- I have the honor to return herewith the correspondence of the Secretary of War with Lieutenant-Governor Curtis Guild, which you have submitted to me. The superior intelligence of the Lieutenant-Governor is manifested by the fact that he realizes that only by the combined pressure of bayonet and shovel personally applied is it possible to get anything done under this administration. I am glad to see that the Secretary of War has taken the suggestion to heart. I have the honor to be, with highest respect, Sincerely yours, H. C. Lodge[*File Cf Moody W.H *] WILLIAM H. MOODY, SECRETARY. NAVY DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, February 28, 1903. Sir:- I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of date February 27, directing consideration of and comment on a verse relating to the administration of the affairs of the Island of Guam now under the jurisdiction of this Department. I have the honor to state, Sir, in relation to Guam, that six inches or twelve, up or down, do no harm. Mr. Ware, being learned (in spite of his song), ought to know that in law I can there do no wrong. I protest, Sir, his verses are making me warm. Respectfully yours, The despot of Guam [*[William H. Moody]*] THE PRESIDENT. [For eve, see ca 2-28-03][*File*] Personal. WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. [*RECEIVED, FEB 28 1903 OFFICE SECRETARY OF WAR.*] February 28, 1903. [*Pittsburg dam*] My dear Sir: I beg to invite your attention to the enclosed personal memorandum of the President. Very truly yours, Wm Loeb, Jr. Secretary to the President. Hon. Elihu Root, Secretary of War. Enclosure. [*It has been ordered & will be done ER*] [*[Root]*]TELEGRAM. Received in cipher. WHITE HOUSE, Washington. Manila, ( Received 9:30 a.m., February 28, 1903.) 5 wu te di THE SECRETARY OF WAR, Washington. Confidential. Mabini took oath yesterday; Ricarte preferred to consult friends Hong Kong before so doing; has been deported thither. Unless public interest otherwise requires, suggest my endorsement of January 12 concerning Mabini be not published; might give rise discussion here; quite necessary and harmful, in view of having taken oath...Taft. -KQ-[Enc. in Moody, 2-28-1903] [NEW PAGE] [*[ca 2-28-1903]*] Office of Commissioner Department of the Interior, Bureau of Pensions, Washington, D.C. Said the “Despot of Guam;” “the island’s too low. I guess I will raise it six inches or so.” And he rose it right up with never a qualm. “I could raise it a foot” said the “Despot of Guam.”[*CF*] [*[1903 February ?]*] Monday 28 Dear Theodore I have seen Bowen: he seems to be acting prudently. Germany demands $350.000 preferential: he is trying, with Sternburg, to get them to recede. Mungo Herbert has asked me to come to see him. I am afraid he is rather seriously hit with his influenza. Yours faithfully John Hay[*[File ppf Pr*] [*letter retn to State Dept.*] [*[1903 February] ? 28*] Dear Theodore Here is that note of ours on Alaska [that] which you said you would like to see. We had a delightful evening with you. It was the first time my wife had dined out in more than a year & it was good for her. [*[HAY]*] J. H. April M sent 2 Rev Rd [Feb 1903] M172 m/72 advance sheet of this beauty Can Mr. Colilya Kenny Klum? Review _____ ______ below. The President and the South In the March Century we discussed "News from the South" of a very pleasing nature, namely, the great wave of popular education sweeping over the country, a movement enlisting the advocacy and services of the best men and women of the Southern States, in cooperation with many influential well-wishers. The other day a Southern acquaintance of ours was praising earnestly this movement and praising too, the special work done by Booker T. Washington. But he added that, according to his observation, recent actions of President Roosevelt-- with regard to the White House "incident" and certain federal offices--had somewhat put back the work of Booker Washington having made many of the good men of the South so sensitive concerning the "colored question" that they preferred not to be identified even with the best and wisest leader the colored race has yet produced in America. Undoubtedly there has gone abroad in the South an impression that the President has entered upon a crusade in favor not only of the official but the social recognition of the colored man, and this, possibly, in the interest either of his party or of his personal fortunes. Criticism has not been confined to the South, or to members of the opposite political party; even from Republicans in the North one occasionally hears criticisms of Presidential lack of "tact" in this particular. Now, we have nothing to do with the political aspect of the present situation, nor with its relation to the career of the President in his character of leader of one of the great parties. But the most unpartizan critic of public affairs must be deeply interested in the sociological bearing of the controversy; and such a critic has a right to discuss the justice of the biter criticisms which are uttered in connection with one who in the office of President, to which he was so tragically called, has evidently striven to do his duty, as he conceived it, not merely as the leader of a party, but as the chief magistrate of a nation. At the present writing it is not intended to go over the separate actions for which President Roosevelt has been condemned. It is desired merely to suggest that his critics North and South, and especially his Southern critics, to have little patience; to judge the President by his whole conduct toward the South; by his general attitude toward the people of the Southern States. We ask them whether any statesman in the world, in our day, could deliberately announce a standard of political principle which would be opposite to that proclaimed by the President in his letter concerning the Charleston affair. We do not hesitate to say that if the President had started out on such a crusade as has been suspected and charged; if he had determined to throw "tact" to the winds; if he had lost sight of the complications, the delicacies, the colossal difficulties of the race problem--it would be perfectly natural to doubt his wisdom, even his "safety." But it is our conviction that it will be found, as events develop, that his criticized actions, which circumstances have made conspicuous, have not been intended as extreme and minatory; rather that they are in line with his general policy as to the standard of fitness for office, and the dignity of the executive government; that, in other words, whether the policy of appointing colored men, in some instances in Southern communities is or is not commendable, this policy was not inaugurated by president Roosevelt, which it has been his especial endeavor to appoint god men to office everywhere. In this connection it should be remembered that Theodore Roosevelt's mother was a Southern woman and that many of his most intimate associations are Southern. This being the case, it would hardly seem reasonable to suppose that he is likely to be out of touch with Southern sentiment to the extent assumed, or that he has any desire to bring about a reaction, to the injury of a race which rightminded men, in the South as in the North, desire to see uplifted, in the interest of the peace and welfare of the entire community. It is pleasant to know, indeed, that the prominent representatives of Southern opinion were quick to understand that the President has not, as many imagined, entered upon a rash and impossible program. We are not setting up to defend all of the President's appointments, either white or black. We have ourselves looked with surprise upon a few of his which appointments willing though we have been to accede heartily to the theory of the President's general "good intention," and rejoiced as we are to recognize the steady growth of the merit system under his administration. Our chief desire now is to suggest patience and fair play with regard to a President whose honesty of purpose, sturdiness of character, and many noble traits are a national possession of which all Americans, of whatever, and of whatever part of our common country, have the right to be proud.The American Institute of Sacred Literature Directed by The Council of Seventy [*[ca. 2-1903]*] A Call for a Convention to Effect a National Organization for the Improvement of Religious and Moral Education through the Sunday School and Other Agencies We, the undersigned, Members and Associate Members of the Council of Seventy, and others, believing FIRST, That the religious and moral instruction of the young is at present inadequate, and imperfectly correlated with other instruction in history, literature, and the sciences; and SECOND, That the Sunday school, as the primary institution for the religious and moral education of the young, should be conformed to a higher ideal, and mad efficient for its work by the gradation of pupils, and by the adaptation of its material and method of instruction to the several stages of the mental, moral, and spiritual growth of the individual; and THIRD, That the home, the day school, and all other agencies should be developed to assist in the right education of the young in religion and morals; and FOURTH, That this improvement in religious and moral instruction can best be promoted by a national organization devoted exclusively to this purpose, Unite in calling a Convention, under the auspices of the Council of Seventy, to assemble in a city to be designated, in the month of February or March 1903, for the creation of such a national organization, the Convention to consist of (a) Members and Associate Members of the Council of Seventy; (b) invited teachers, ministers, and editors; (c) invited pastors of churches and superintendents of Sunday schools.[ Enclosed in Harper, Ca. 10-6-02]Enclosed in Bishop 2-17-03 ca 2-1903[Ackd 3/2/1903*] Cardinal's Residence 408 N. Charles St. March 1st, '03 The President of the United States Dear Mr. President,- During the past week, I signed a letter to you, endorsing the application of Father Gleeson from New York - for thepost of Chaplain in the United States Navy. Father Gleeson is, in all respects, a very worthy man; but I had overlooked the fact that Father Ferry of Brooklyn has a prior claim, as I commanded him to your kind consideration, on Nov. 28th, 1902. I had, for the moment, quite forgotten Father Ferry's prior application. Trusting you will take note of this, & refer to my letter of Nov. 28th, 1902, in favor of Father Ferry. Faithfully yours Mr. Prest. J. Card. Gibbons.The rank and file of the Southern whites I believe have little interest in the Crum case, but the Southern Democratic press, and the "Lily Whites" are keeping the waters stirred. There are some indications that the South is getting tired of the agitation and is beginning to see your actions in their true light, to see that in your policy you have really been most considerate of the South. As I said in the beginning it is hard, very hard to decide as to the wisest and best thing to do, but of all the above conclusions I am well convinced. Yours truly, Booker T. Washington To President Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 3/4/1903*] BOOKER T. WASHINGTON. TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED. TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. March 1/ 1903. Personal and Confidential. My dear Mr. President:- I have not written to you since I received Mr. Edgar Gardner Murphy's temegram for the simple reason that the Crum case is so complicated that I have not been able to make up my mind as to what the best thing to do is, and I often find that when in doubt the safe thing is to go slow or do nothing Of one thing, however, I am convinced and that is, if the Senate does not act and you decide to give him a recess appointment, the sooner it is done after Congress adjourns the better it will be as it will stop the discussion and the agitation. As I see the situation it is about this: With very few exceptions the colored people North and South together with the regular white Republicans in the South, are back of Crum. While the majority of the people in the North favor him, there is an element including the trusts and those who have money invested in the South, that is making trouble.Booker T. Washington. Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute, Incorporated. Tuskegee, Alabama. [*Ackd 3/4/1903*] March 1/1903. Personal and Confidential. My dear Mr. President:- I have not written you since I received Mr. Edgar Gardner Murphy's temegram for the simple reason that the Crum case is so complicated that I have not been able to make up my mind as to what the best thing to do is, and I often find that when in doubt the safe thing is to go slow or do nothing. Of one thing, however, I am convinced and that is, if the Senate does not act and you decide to give him a recess appointment, the sooner it is done after Congress adjourns the better it will be as it will stop the discussion and agitation. As I see the situation it is about this: With very few exceptions the colored people North and South together with the regular white Republicans in the South, are back of Crum. While the majority of the people in the North favor him, there is an element including the trusts and those who have money invested in the South, that is making trouble.The rank and file of the Southern whites I believe have little interest in the Crum case, but the Southern Democratic press, and the "Lily Whites" are keeping the waters stirred. There are some indications that the South is getting tired of the agitation and is beginning to see your actions in their true light, to see that in your policy you have really been most considerate of the South. As I said in the beginning it is hard, very hard to decide as to the wisest and best thing to do, but of the above conclusions I am well convinced. Yours truly, Booker T. Washington To President Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. [SHORTHAND][*ackd 3/2/1903*] Cardinal's Residence 408 N. Charles St. March 1st. '03 Mr President of the United States Dear Mr. President,- During the past week, I signed a letter to you, endorsing the application of Father Gleeson from New York - for thepost of Chaplain in the United States Navy. Father Gleeson is, in all respects, a very worthy man; but I had overlooked the fact that Father Ferry of Brooklyn has a prior claim, as I commanded him to your kind consideration, on Nov. 28th, 1902. I had, for the moment, quite forgotten Father Ferry's prior application. Trusting you will take note of this, & refer to my letter of Nov. 28th, 1902, in favor of Father Ferry. Faithfully yours Mr. Prest. J. Card. Gibbons.Department of State, Washington, March 2, 1903. Dear Mr. President:- The Lodges cannot come Wednesday. Do you mind my asking the Wendell Homeses in their place? There will be nobody else besides Root. Yours faithfully John Hay [*Do not write. Send this back as O.K. O.K! very much so TR*][*[3-2-03]*] [[shorthand]] UNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON. Dear Mr. Loeb: Please see that this reaches the President as soon as possible A. H. Howe[For 1 enc. see Platt 3-2-03]TELEGRAM Department of Justice Washington D.C., 2 March 1903 File No. W. Wickham Smith, Esq., 20 Williams Street, New York, N.Y. Referring to article in New York Herald this morning have parties removed any important connection with prosecution in silk fraud cases. P.C. Knox, Attorney General [Enclosed in Long, 3-3-03](PERSONAL) DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, YELLOWSTONE NATIONAL PARK, OFFICE OF SUPERINTENDENT, Yellowstone Park, Wyo. March 2nd, 1903. My dear Mr. President: Holte and Morrison, our two scouts, returned yesterday evening, from a trip to the Hellroaring country. They report having seen the fresh tracks of ten mountain lions, close to the point where we propose to make our camp. They also say that there must be many more in that section whose tracks they could not see, for there was very little snow on the hill sides on the north side of the Yellowstone. Now these lions have simply got to be thinned out, and if you will lend us a hand in the matter you will be of great help to us, and no one can offer any reasonable objection to your doing so. Mr. Poole telegraphed me that the three hounds would be shipped by express yesterday, and they should arrive here Wednesday or Thursday. Will have kennels and everything in readiness for them. Please let me know when you have definitely settled whether or not you will come out to us, so that we can complete arrangements for you. I am sure now that we can open up the trails and roads for you. I am sure now that we can open up the trails and roads so that you can visit every point of interest in the Park, and travel either on a horse or in a sleigh. We will have both horses and sleighs at your disposal so that you may take your choice.-2- I would suggest that you take the trip through the Park first and then go over to the Hellroaring country. This would enable us to talk over matters before establishing our camp in this lion country. But whatever arrangements you wish can be made in a very short time. Think you would have been greatly amused yesterday to have seen Buffalo Jones come riding up to my office, with a half grown lion on his saddle in from of him. He had caught it in a light trap, near where he is feeding our mountain sheep. He had its jaws fastened together with a piece of baling wire, and as the wire could not be seen it looked as if it were entirely free. Even if we do not find lions enough to amuse you, I think you will undoubtedly be interested in looking at the game. We had fifty-four deer on the parade ground day before yesterday. Yours sincerely, John Pitcher To His Excellency, The President of the United States, Washington, D. C.[*File*] UNITED STATES SENATE. WASHINGTON. March 2, 1903. The President, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President: The name of Robert Bacon has been suggested to me by influential friends in New York as being that of an ideal man for the vacant Assistant Treasurership of the United States at New York. this strikes me very favorably. Mr. Bacon, as you know, has lately retired from the firm of J. P. Morgan and Company and has been regarded as a very strong man. My impression is that, just at this time, his appointment would be a politic thing. I have no doubt it would gratify Mr. Morgan very such to have you appoint Mr. Bacon. It is not said that Mr. Bacon would accept the place, but I presume he could be induced to take it if it were tendered him. Yours truly, T. C. Platt H[Enclosed in Howe 3-2-03] CABLE ADDRESS: "Rynaport, New York." Douglas Robinson Telephone Connection. [*Bus. File*] 160 Broadway New York, March 2nd 1903 William Loeb Jr Esq Secretary to the President Dear Sir I beg to acknowledge receipt of your favor of Feb 28th enclosing two policies of insurance covering the Presidents Horses Carriages Etc. Yours truly Douglas Robinson G.Roosevelt & Son, [*P.P.F.*] P. O. Box 1222. [*Bus.*] CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT. 33 Wall Street, New York, March 2nd, 1903. Dear Sir:-- We have to announce to the Stockholders a severe loss by fire in the Roosevelt Building, corner of 13th Street and Broadway, which occurred about four in the morning of February 26th, practically wrecking the three upper floors and doing very considerable damage by smoke and water on the lower floors. The property was insured in the sum of $250,000., and the rents in the sum of $60,000. But, of course, until the matter is fully adjusted, we cannot tell what the loss will be, and we think it proper to notify you that until such time as the building is repaired and in running order, there will probably be a suspension of dividends. Everything will be done to push matters as fast as possible, and ascertain the actual loss to the Company. Yours truly, THE BROADWAY IMPROVEMENT COMPANY W Emlen Roosevelt President. The President, Washington, D. C.[*1254*] Form 168 THE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPANY INCORPORATED 23,000 OFFICES IN AMERICA. CABLE SERVICE TO ALL THE WORLD This Company TRANSMITS and DELIVERS messages only on conditions limiting its liability, which have been assented to by the sender of the following message. Errors can be guarded against only be repeating a message back to the sending station for comparison, and the Company will not hold itself liable for errors or delays in transmission or delivery of Unrepeated Messages, beyond the amount of tolls paid thereon, nor in any case where the claim is not presented in writing within sixty days after the message is filed with the Company for transmission. This is an UNREPEATED MESSAGE, and is delivered by request of the sender, under the conditions named above. ROBERT C. CLOWRY, President And General Manager RECEIVED AT Wyatt Building, Cor. 14th and F. Streets, Washington, D.C March 2, 1903 11 FX R F 24 Paid GR, Fx New York, 2 P. C. Knox, Attorney General, Washington, D.C. No. Hamill none whatever Skillman nominal only. See my interview in tonight Evening Post. W. Wickham Smith, 5.11 p.m. [*DEPARTMENT MAR 3 1903 OF JUSTICE*][Enclosed in Long, 3-3-03] Long[Enclosed in Long, 3-3-03] Long[SHORTHAND] Cardinal's Residence. 408 N. Charles St. Baltimore. March 3. 1903. My Dear Mr. President: I am honored by your invitation to lunch with you on Saturday which I gratefully accept & will be glad to discuss the matter of chaplains. Very sincerely Yrs J. Card. Gibbons Theodore Roosevelt President of the U. States.[*P.P.F.*] Oliver Iron Mining Company, Office of Marquette District. John C. Greenway, Superintendent Ishpeming, Mich. 3rd March, 1903. [*ackd 3/5/1903 Photo sent.*] [SHORTHAND] His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C., Dear Colonel, Can you not send me a large sized photograph of yourself with your name across face of same for the ornamentation of a new office which I am now fixing up. I would prize nothing more highly. With warm personal regards, Yours faithfully yours, John C. Greenway, P.S. How are you getting along? The confinement of Wash'n must be terrible on you. I read your letter to Constitution with great interest. I shall tell you what I think of it when I see you. J. C. GreenwayT/W DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. March 3, 1903. William Loeb, jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: I have received your letter of the 28th instant forwarding a letter from the German Minister at this capital to the President, stating that the German Emperor suggests that the presentation of the statue of Frederick the Great be postponed until the spring of 1904. I enclose a letter expressing concurrence in the suggestion which the President may sign and send to Baron von Sternburg if he approve of it. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant John Hay Enclosure as above. [*see State 3/4/03*][*[For 3 enclosures see ca. 3-3-1903 (clipping, 3-2-1903 Smith & Knox 3-2-1903]*] [*File CF*] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE OFFICE OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL WASHINGTON, D.C. 3 March, 1903. Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President. Dear Sir:- By direction of the Attorney General herewith find enclosed copy of telegram sent to W. Wickham Smith. New York, March 2., 1903 and Mr. Smith’s reply, together with clipping from The New York Evening Post of March 2nd, to be handed the President as soon as possible for his information. Yours Respectfully, C.C. Song [*[Song]*] Private Secretary.G.P. Putnam's Sons The Knickerbocker Press Dictated 27 & 29 West 23d Street New York 24 Bedford Street, Strand London, W.C [*ack'd 3/4/1903 Bus F*] [SHORTHAND] (All business communications should be addressed to the concern) March 3, 1903 His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President:-- I am enclosing with this semi-annual statement of sales for your several books that we have the honor of publishing for you. We pass to your credit the royalties on these sales about Twenty-Six Hundred and Fifty Dollars. We deduct a small debit for certain purchases, and enclose check and notes in the settlement of the balance. We are glad to be able to report that we are finding for the books some continued demand in the regular channels, and that we have, through experimenting and "pushing" in one direction and another, succeeded in building up a demand in certain new channels which had not heretofore been reached. You will note that an important portion of the credit is represented by the sale of the volumes in what we call the "standard library edition". We took pains, as you will bear in mind, during the past year to meet the convenience of the buyers of the books by issuing inuniform style all the volumes of the series, volumes of the series, volumes which heretofore could be obtained only in a variety of covers and for certain works also of size. In order to complete this uniform octavo set, we went to the expense of resetting the type for the "American Ideals". The increased demand for the volumes in this $2.50 form may, we think, be credited in large part at least to the plan arrived at of completing the set in uniform style. // We have also done what was practicable to make sale of what we call the Alleghany Edition, prepared for our subscription department. . For this set also, we took pains to print and to bind, uniform with the earlier volumes, the "American Ideals". //Further, we assented (we may admit with hesitancy) to a suggestion that came to us from a subscription publishing House which wanted to utilize an edition of the books in certain channels, the sales in which would they believed not compete with any demand that was within our control. We were naturally averse to having this set handled by any publishers but ourselves. There appeared to be, however, good prospect of securing for the author from the sale a couple of thousand of dollars, while there was also a margin, although not a very considerable margin, of manufacturing profit for the publishers. For the purpose of meeting the special requirement of these publishers, we were obliged to make a resetting of the entire set.The books are delivered in sheets, and the buyers themselves decide upon the special forms of binding in which their volumes are to be put. We have thus far completed and delivered about half the set, and we are passing to your credit and making settlement for royalty on this half, the amount being something under One Thousand Dollars. We judged that the author's requirements would be met by receiving for these sales of sheet copies the same royalty per work as is paid to him on the standard library edition, an edition which may fairly be taken as the unit for copyright credits. Our quotation to the subscription publishers handling this set was arrived at on the basis of the above calculation for author's royalty. We trust that our decision in this matter may meet your approval. // We have made some continued sales of the cheap Sagamore Edition chiefly for premium purposes. We consider these sales of value partly because they make some net addition (in this account. about $225.) to the credits for royalties and partly because they secure some general advertising of the author and his writings; advertising the effects of which may [probably] doubtless be felt in the sales of the higher priced editions. // I take this opportunity of suggesting that it will be desirable to add to this set of works a volume made up of the addresses of President Roosevelt, whenever you may decide thatthese addresses constitute material of sufficient compass for a well proportioned volume, and whenever you may have been able to have given what labor may be required for the preparation of the material for the press. We could utilize such a volume to good advantage at this time, when we have succeeded, through a considerable expenditure in advertising and publishing, in bringing the "works" to the attention of an increasing circle of readers and of buyers. Submitting this report and suggestion for your consideration, I am with much respect (and also, I may say, with cordial affection) Yours faithfully, Geo. Haven Putnam[*Also See Alaskan Boundary Com. ackd 3/4/1903*] United States Senate, Washington, D. C. March 3d, 1903. Mr. President: In view of the reports concerning my supposed intimate connection with the Canadian Pacific Railway which you were kind enough to mention to me, I have thought it proper to make a statement in writing concerning the matter, so that you can recur to the same should further reports come to you. Last Fall I was employed by Sir Thomas Shaughnessy, President of the Canadian Pacific Railway, to attend to the legal business of organizing two railway corporations under the laws of the State of Washington, to build lines of railway from Spokane to the Canadian boundary, and from Tacoma and Seattle to the Canadian boundary. My employment involved finding prominent men to act as incorporators, and to serve as Trustees until Sir Thomas’ principals should be prepared to come forward and take over the corporations. This work has been partially performed. The companies have been legally incorporated with Ex-Governor McGraw and Jacob Furth of Seattle, Mr. C.S. Bihler of Tacoma and Mr. D.C. Corbin of Spokane and myself as Trustees. ThereUnited States Senate WASHINGTON, D.C. (2) remains to be done in connection with my employment, the formal organization of the corporations by the election of officers and the adoption of by-laws, the issueing of the stock of the corporations, and the perfecting of the legal steps necessary to authorize a bond issue. When that shall have been done my work will have been completed, and I will be in a position to present my bill for services rendered. Sir Thomas may have it in contemplation to tender me further legal employment in connection with the building of these roads. I have thought this possible but up to this time he has indicated nothing of the kind. Should he do so, however, his tender will not be accepted until such time as its acceptance will involve no seeming impropriety or embarrassment. I feel compelled to continue to act as one of the Trustees until relieved by the election of others representing the beneficial interests of the roads, but the position is purely nominal, carries no compensation, and was accepted by my associates and myself to subserve the interests of our several localities Please pardon the excess of caution which has inspired this letter but I have felt highly honored by the good opinion which prompted youUnited States Senate, Washington, D.C. (3) tender me a place on the Canadian Boundary Commission, and I would not, by any apparent want of frankness, forfeit that good opinion. In conclusion, Mr. President, I beg to state that while the interest of the Canadian Pacific in these roads has been correctly surmised, I have never been authorized to make it public and I have therefore to request that this letter for the present may be treated as confidential. With high respect, Your obedient servant, George Summer[*[enc. in Long, 3-3-03]*] [*[ca. 3-3-03]*] STORY ALSO DISBELIEVED HERE. Denials by Those Most Closely Connected with Silk Fraud Cases. The report that three assistant appraisers at the post of New York were to be removed at the demand of Senator Platt because of their knowledge and connection with the pending silk fraud cases involving Rosenthal & Co., for which firm the Senator's son is counsel, and that the removals were to be made as an offset to not appointing Lynn Bruce, Platt's candidate for United States Court Judge, was not considered seriously down town to-day. W. Wickham Smith, who prosecuted the so-called silk fraud cases for the Government, said: "I don't believe a word of the report. Dr. Hamill, who is, I believe, in charge of the drug division, and Mr. Skillman, in charge of the woollen division and Japanese silks, may be in danger of losing their places, but I think I am safe in saying that they are not being sacrificed by the President to please Mr. Platt, nor because of what they may know about the so-called silk fraud cases. "Dr. Hamill has had nothing to do with silk at the Appraisers' Stores, nor with the silk cases. His work is appraising drugs. As for Mr. Skillman, he testified before Commissioner Shields in one of the silk fraud hearings that he only signed in a formal routine way the reports made to him by the examiners in the silk department. He did not unearth these alleged frauds, nor was he instrumental in 'working up' the case against Rosenthal & Co. It may be quite true that they are going out of the service, but you may be sure it is not for the reason given." Nevada N. Stranahan, Collector of the Port, according to the report, had a hand in the "slaughter," in that he was to be allowed to assist in naming three new assistant appraisers. He was asked about it: "The story is baseless, I believe. I know that Mr. Shaw has been dissatisfied with the work of some of the assistant appraisers and intended to make some changes. He asked me to suggest the names of some men that he might consider for possible future vacancies. There was no hint of politics or a 'deal' in the proposed changes. Mr. Shaw thought the service could be improved." [*Rollo Ogden*][*File*] The Commercial Advertiser. ESTABLISHED 1797. 187 BROADWAY AND 5 AND 7 DEY STREET, EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT NEW YORK, March 4th, 1903. Dear Mr. President:-- There are several things on the enclosed page which I think you will like to see. The Bigelow letter is immense. What a trump the old fellow is! He has put a final quietus, I think, upon the nigger issue. I am sure that the exhibition which Congress made of itself in the final hours will greatly help you. If these are the creatures who are trying to down you, the country will surely value you more highly than ever by contrast. Yours always, J. B. Bishop. President Roosevelt.[For 1. enclosure, see 3-4-03][*ackd 3/17/1903 [*G Agoston*] [[shorthand]] HONORARY MEMBERS: HON. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. GENERAL JAMES S. CLARKSON. HON. JULIUS FLEISCHMANN. HUNGARIAN REPUBLICAN CLUB, (INCORPORATED.) 54 ST. MARKS PLACE. MARCUS BRAUN, PRESIDENT. S. A. SANCIER, 1ST VICE-PRES. JOS. G. MANDL, 2D VICE-PRES. WILLIAM BLAU, COR. SEC'Y. D. D. NEMETH, REC. SEC'Y. MAX RECHNITZER, FIN. SEC'Y JOHN BLAU, TREASURER. F. POPLOVSKY, S'GT-A-ARMS. TELEPHONE CALL, 3917 SPRING. NEW YORK, March 4th., 1903 [[shorthand]] Mr. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb:- I somewhat fear that the subject of my present communication will evoke your mirthful comment, but I concluded to take my chances, and if it causes you amusement, why then so much the better. About two years ago I conceived the idea that it would be a thing to introduce the President gradually to some native Hungarian delicacies, not universally known, and following this train of thought I imported some exceedingly well developed goose livers which I sent him; a member of our Club, Mr. Gabriel Agoston, having learned through me that the President had developed and appetite and taste for this culinary article, wished to go me one better, and for this reason caused his mother to send him from Budapest two beautiful specimens of such liver, and now insists on me to forward one to you and one to the President with his compliments. In complying with my friends request I shipped one parcel to the President, and one to you in care of the Richmond Hotel, for the reason that I did not know your private address; should your palate be as pleased as I expect it will be, do not hesitate to say so, and we will get some more of the article for you. Thanking you in advance for accepting this little gift, I am Very sincerely yours, Marcus Braun [*over*]P.S. Please telephone to the Hotel Richmond and have the parcel forwarded to your house.[[shorthand]] HONORARY MEMBERS: HON. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. GENERAL JAMES S. CLARKSON. HON. JULIUS FLEISCHMANN. HUNGARIAN REPUBLICAN CLUB, (INCORPORATED.) 54 ST. MARKS PLACE. MARCUS BRAUN, PRESIDENT. S. A. SANCIER, 1ST VICE-PRES. JOS. G. MANDL, 2D VICE-PRES. WILLIAM BLAU, COR. SEC'Y. D. D. NEMETH, REC. SEC'Y. MAX RECHNITZER, FIN. SEC'Y JOHN BLAU, TREASURER. F. POPLOVSKY, S'GT-A-ARMS. TELEPHONE CALL, 3917 SPRING. NEW YORK, March 4th., 1903 [*Ackd 3/7/1903*] His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, President United States, White House, Washington, D. C. Mr. dear Mr. President:- My fellow members of the Hungarian Rep. Club pride themselves exceedingly in the fact that you have evinced a fondness for some Hungarian delicacies and dishes, and for this reason Mr. Gabriel Agoston of our Club caused his mother to send him from Budapest a beautiful specimen of a goose liver, which he requests me to forward to you with his compliments; in compliance with that request I took the liberty to ship to you to day the article in question. Sincerely trusting you will kindly accept this little gift and enjoy the same, I beg to remain, Most respectfully yours, Marcus Braun [[shorthand]]Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate. [*FILE*] Washington, D. C. March 4, 1903. To the President: S I R : I return the enclosed papers as you directed. I observe that Mr. Taft suggests that his endorsement of January 12 be not published. That is not contained among the papers which are sent me. So the observance of Governor Taft’s request will, of course, depend upon you or the Secretary of War. [*Note: This was quoted in letter to Sen. Hoar July 23.*] I do not know when the time will come that the American people will decide that the Filipinos are fit to govern themselves. If anything were needed to show that we are not fit to govern them, it is the fact that in the face of the statements of Governor Taft and others, that a terrible famine is impending over them, Congress has separated without doing what Governor Taft urges as absolutely necessary. The Republicans in the Senate declined to adopt his recommendation, and[*[ca 1903]*] proposed something which he said would be totally insufficient, and the Democrats in the Senate refused to do anything at all, on the ground that what is proposed will injure our domestic interests. It is not likely that I shall trouble you again on this subject, or on any other. I have the honor to be., Faithfully yours, Geo F Hoar To The President, White House.[*P.P.F.*] [*Wm A Coffin*] [*PPF*] [*Ackd 2/10/1902*] New York March 4 1903 Dear Mr President I address you in the name of many artists and more especially of the Society of America artists We are all anxious to know if it would be possible to have your portrait by Mr Sargent for exhibition this month by our Society. If this could be loaned for a short time, it would be a great favour to the artists here and to the admirers of Mr Sargent the painting not being perhaps officially placed we hoped might facilitate our request I need not add that everythingin the way of security would be provided. Please look upon this request as a manner of showing out great admiration of Mr. Sargents work. As for myself, I should like to add my own respectful good wishes. Jno La Farge President of the Society of American Artists. 57. West 10th Street New York [*John La Farge*] [[shorthand]][*P.P.F.*] [*Have sent card of admission to President's Gallery*] [SHORTHAND] [*Ackd 3/5/1903*] The Arlington Washington, D. C. March 4th [*[03]*] My dear Theodore. Mamie and I just arrived for a visit of a few days - and we will do ourselves the pleasure of calling on you and Mrs Roosevelt to-morrow morning - Will you kindly send me a card admitting us to your reserved gallery In the Senate Chamber - for which I thank you in advance - With kindest regards to all - Yours very truly Frederick RooseveltPersonal. WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. [*RECEIVED. MAR 5 1903 OFFICE Secretary of War*] March 4, 1903. My dear Sir: The President directs me to send to you for comment and return to this office the enclosed letter from Senator Turner dated the 3rd instant. Very truly yours, Wm. Loeb, Jr. Secretary to the President. Hon. Elihu Root, Secretary of War. Enclosure. [*Read & returned March 5/03 E.R.*] [*Root*] [*see Turner, Geo Mar, 3, 1903*]I have to thank you again for your very great confidence in me in ordering me to the Bench and then in withdrawing the order at the instances of my Filipino friends and for the staunch and courageous way in which you urge upon Congress out recommendations. I fear Congress will not pass the Tariff bill, but at your instance and that alone we shall have the sound currency and the $3.000.000 relief bill. the defeat of the tariff bill is a great disappointment. I do not know whether you will deem it wise to call an extra session. It would be March 4th 1903. MALACAN PALACE My dear Theodore, I am very sorry that in my surprise at receiving your telegram urging me to go on the Supreme Bench I should have permitted myself to suspect that perhaps in some way I had made it embarassing for you to continue me here. The truth was that I could not understand why there should be any difficulty in filling Shira's vacancy with a good man, and I considered, from The Matini matter has settles itself so as not to need further comment from me. As I close, work has just come that Congress has adjourned without doing anything with the tariff - this is a sad piece of news for us. from the talk we had in Washington that you had definitely decided not to give me an opportunity to go on the Bench. I could not summon to my aid the colossal vanity of supposing that I was the only man available. I was anxious not to be an obstacle and so tried to find out through Harry whether there was any other reason than your desire to have me on the Bench. I apologize and feel ashamed of the unworthy suspicion but when it is ten thousand miles away from home, he has a very indefinite knowledge of how his course really strikes people. I heard through Secretary Moody that the Catholics wanted my head and Pentecost for the Presbyterians and evangelicals had been abusing me for not going to church and for favoring the Catholics. I feared a man doubly damned [it] might be heavy for you to carry, and when you could relieve the situation by gratifying my ambition and pleasing both sides of the religious question , the action seemed natural and not to be criticised.a vacancy would thus be created to which Hollister could be appointed. Hollister is my life long and bosom friend, the most intimate one I have. We were classmates at Yale and had been brought up within a stone's throw of each other on Mt Auburn in Cincinnati before going to New Haven. He is a fair minded, high toned, hardworking earnest fellow of he most delightful personality. He has made an excellent reputation as a common pleas judge for ten years in Cincinnati and is a strong and well educated lawyer - He is a man whom you could not but love if you knew him and of the type that so appeals to you - I have taken to horse back riding for exercise. I have a horse which General Chaffee left- It is beautifully gaited MALACANAN PALACE a great thing for us if you would; but I can readily understand the complications, political and otherwise, that an extra session involves. I remember the great success You had with the amended spending bill in New York and an extra session but I suppose that could hardly be repeated. What with dishonest American officials, ladrones and a seditious agitation carried on under the auspices of a Democratic Labor party conditions are not calculated to make one easy and comfortable in his mind. However we are beggingaway and the advantage that the Anglo Saxon politician has over the Oriental is in staying power. The courts are working and we are sending the Cadrones to prison for long terms. We shall introduce them to a life of hard labor. [which] the great novelty of which wears off speedily. Of course the crowd of agitators, theorists and cranks are glad of any outbreak of Cadrones cherishing the hope that it will prove to be a success of a new insurrection; but no prominent man has been so anxious as to surrender his life of comfort, break his oath of allegiance and take to the woods for another war for wide prudence. The economic depression is our great handicap - I observe that the "Trust" party is against you. It hardly needed this to make your election sure but you have it. I see you have decided to appoint Day to the Supreme Branch. It is an excellent appointment. Day is sound on every issue, is a hardworker is a good lawyer, a man of high ideals and marked ability. More. than all he has that level headedness that always keeps him sight. He is a good fellow down to the ground. I sent you a telegram urging the appointment of Judge Howard C Hollister of Cincinnati to the District Judgeship of Southern Ohio. I was addressed by cable that Day would be or had been promoted, that Thompson was District Judge would be made Circuit Judge andsuccessful pursuit of the profession with immunity from capture with only 6000 men, you can see how inadequate the force is. In Burma and other English Oriental colonies the proportion of constabulary to people governed exclusive of military is six or seven times greater. I am very sorry to see by the newspapers that Secretary Root is ill. Each time I hear a report of this kind, I tremble lest you and we may lose him from the great work he is doing. Judge Ide, General Wright and Worcester are away. We have a base quorum and are running on one wheel. Isaiah and I are dividing the executive work. We don't over work but much important work has to be delayed. With my respectful compliments to Mrs. Roosevelt, believe me respectfully, gratefully, affectionately yours Wm H Taft The President - Washington MALACANAN PALACE and of elephantine legs. I am not an expert rider but I can stick on unless the horse becomes too obstreperous. It takes a very short time to develope lather both on the horse and me. You may be surprised, but I beg to assure you that I have no ambition to jump fences. I am very much pleased that my classmate Bowen has done so well in Venezuela. Some how or other Yale '78 is growing more and more indebted to you for prominences of its members.Hoyt whom you have just made Solicitor General was a '78 man - So was Hunt of Porto Rico. So was Porter McKinley's first private secretary - I fear that the suffering the people have had to endure during the last year, [and] as times continue hard, is making them cold and unfriendly to the American gov't and it will take us much patient effort to regain the influence which with the beginning of civil government we certainly had. Of course this state of feeling produced by cholera [it got] and the degree of quarantine extension, famine, loss of carabaos, fall in price of silver, and stagnation in business is seized upon by agitators and made the most of to stir up increased hostility to us - This is the critical condition that I feel I ought not to run away from, and turn over to an unfortunate successor with the additional burden of popular suspicion that my withdrawal will mean a change of policy toward great severity and "the strong hand." The permission to use the scouts in aid of the constabulary in putting down the Ladrones has been most useful. I feel assured that the present force of constabulary ought to be doubled, but we can not afford so to increase the expenses of our government. While the use of the scouts does not double our constabulary forces, still it greatly increases the means of suppressing lawlessness. When you consider that we are policing forty provinces with six millions of people (and no railroads, or wagon roads) given to Ladronism in a country whose peoples and mountains, and swamps and woods are most admirably adapted toPRICES SUBJECT TO CHANGE WITHOUT NOTICE Personal. Confidential. RUSSELL, BURDSALL & WARD BOLD AND NUT CO. W.L. WARD, PRES. SAM'L COMLY, V.PRES. R.H. BURDSALL, TREAS. PORT CHESTER, N.Y. E. BURDSALL, SEC'Y. March 4th, 1903. W.S. COMLY, GEN'L SALES AGENT. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My Dear President:- I am in receipt of a letter from Senator Platt this morning, in which he advises me that the Secretary of the Treasury has informed him that he has selected men for the three vacancies in the Appraisers' Department, and that it will not be possible for me to secure an appointment. I sincerely trust that the Senator may be wrong in his conclusions. I would not, for one moment, suggest to you the name of Mr. Stafford for the Drug Division solely for political reasons; if I was not absolutely sure that Mr. Stafford was thoroughly competent to fill this position to the satisfaction of his superiors, I would not present his name. Being satisfied of this, by reason of my acquaintance with him for the past ten years, and in addition to that, desiring to obtain all the strength I possibly can here in Westchester County, I feel warranted in asking your help at this juncture. Confidentially, there is a great deal of bitter feeling here in New York State between the Platt people and the Odell people. It is my aim and purpose in Westchester County to remain as neutral as possible under these trying conditions, and do everything I possibly can to bring about a better feeling between the opposing forces. I had a long talk with Col. Dunn last Friday and went up to AlbanyPrices subject to change without notice Russell,Burdsall & Ward Bolt and Nut co. W.L. Ward, Pres Sam'l Comly, V. Pres R.H. Burdsall, Treas. E. Burdsall, Secy. W. S. Comly, Gen'l Sales Agent Port Chester, N.Y. Hon. Theo. Roosevelt.- #2 and had a long talk with the Governor. I am trying to bring about a conference that should tend to clear the atmosphere but in the meantime I want to ask you to strengthen my hands just as much as you possibly can here in Weschester County. It is the first thing that I have asked and I would not ask it now if I did not feel the pressing necessity of this bit of patronage. There are certain plans and ideas that must be carried out, and you can help me very much at this juncture. Thanking you for any attention that you will be able to give this case, I remain Sincerely yours, Dictated M./W.L.W WLWard[For 1. attachment see Ward 3-4-03][*File*] Ward, W.L., [*[3-4-03]*] Port Chester, N.Y. Again writes in behalf of appointment of Mr. Stafford in the Appraisers' Department, Drug Division; has received letter from Senator Platt, saying Secretary Treasury had informed him that he has selected men for 3 vacancies in the Appraiser' Department, and that it will not be possible for writer to secure appointment for Mr. Stafford. Asks for the President's aid in the matter; bitter feeling in writer's section of New York State between Platt people and Odell people; writer is trying to bring about better feeling.[attached to Ward 3-4-03][*[Enclosed in Bishop, 3-4-03]*] 6 THE COMMERCIAL ADVERTISER, NEW YORK, [W?] The Commercial Advertiser. By The Commercial Advertiser Association. Wednesday Evening, March 4, 1908. SUBSCRIPTION RATES THE COMMERCIAL ADVERTISER. Published every evening except Sunday. One year...$7.50 Three Months...$1.90 Six months...$3.75 One month....65 Saturday edition alone (with illustrated sup- plement) per year...$2.50 - Postage prepaid to all points in the United States Canada and Mexico. In New York City the paper is supplied by newsdealers at the regular subscription rates, single copies costing 3 cents. Saturday edition (with illustrated supplement), 5 cents. The postage to foreign countries is additional. REMITTANCES, unless made by bank draft, postal, bank or express money order or registered letter, will be at the subscriber's risk. - Readers of the commercial advertiser leaving town may have the paper mailed to them for 15 cents a week or 65 cents per month, post-paid, and addresses will be changed as often as desired. - PUBLICATION OFFICE, 187 Broadway. BRANCH OFFICES: Uptown 1265, 1267 and 1284 Broadway. Telephone: 453 CORTLANDT - All Departments. - Any person who cannot buy The Commercial Advertiser on a news stand in any New York borough, in suburban towns, on railroad trains or elsewhere, will confer a favor by notifying the Publisher of The Commercial Advertiser 187 Broadway, New York City. - A WELCOME SOUND. At last the high, clear note of principle, coming straight from the conscience of an honest man, is heard at Washington. It was sounded by Congressman Cannon in the impressive and solemn speech which he made early this morning, and it will go straight to the American conscience all over the land. Not for many years has the Senate received such a stinging rebuke as this, though for many years it has deserved it. The shameless business which Mr. Cannon denounces as "legislative blackmail" has gone on during the closing hours of nearly every session and the Senate has been the chief offender. The man for whose benefit it has been worked especially now is Tillman of South Carolina. Imagine a Republican Senate allowing itself to be "held up" for blackmail by that man of all others! There is no excuse for it. Suppose refusal to grant his $47,000 demand were to be made and were to compel an extra session of both houses, would the Republican party suffer from a display of virtue like that? Have the Republicans of the Senate any such asset as virtue? If so, the time has come for an exhibit of it. ----------------------------------------------------- A TERRIBLE "NIGGER" PRECENDENT. We call the attention of all persons whose tender sensibilities have suffered because of President Roosevelt's atrocious conduct in having Booker T. Washington as his guest at dinner in the White House to the extremely interesting letter from John Bigelow to a member of the cabinet, published elsewhere in a Washington despatch. Mr. Bigelow, as the bosom friend and biographer of Samuel J. Tilden, may be set down safely as an "old-fashioned" Democrat, without a taint of abolitionism or even Republicanism upon him. What does Mr. Bigelow reveal? Why, that in 1863, at a Thanksgiving banquet of Americans in London, Charles Francis Adams, the American minister to England, and Robert J. Walker, who had been a senator from Mississippi, not only sat down with two "niggers" who were runaway slaves, a man and his wife, both "Africans of purest breed and darkest shade," but allowed the man to ask a blessing upon the feast! Mr. Walker actually presided at the banquet, and both he and Mr. Adams made speeches. And nobody protested, but all were "very merry" over the incident. Well may Mr. Bigelow ask if the world is moving backward! It certainly is so far as the ability of the average American citizen to carry on the intellectual process called thought in his own mind is concerned. ----------------------------------------------------- MORE POWER TO THE NAVY. The disagreement between the Senate and the House over the Naval Appropriations Bill has turned out to be a very fortunate thing for the navy, and therefore the nation. It will be remembered that the House had recommended the building of three battleships of 16,000 tons displacement each, while the Senate preferred four battleships of only 12,000 tons. The conference committee, representing both houses finally reached a compromise which, to a certain extent, represents a merging of the two propositions. The bill as it has become law will give five battleships instead of three; and of these five two will be of 13,000 tons and the other three of 16,000 tons each. The net result is a victory for those who believe that our navy should profit by the declared naval policies of the chief European powers, and that we should have our share of ships, fitted in size and armament, to match the greatest fighting vessels of any other nation. Equally noticeable is the circumstance that the law represents an impulse toward progressive naval expansion--an impulse which has appreciably grown in force [?] since the House bill was first [for????] [?] and which is not likely to be lessened with the lapse of time. It is reported that the administration lent its influence in favor of the liberal provisions of the amended bill; and if so, the administration has once more deserved well of the country. The only subject for regret is to be found in the cutting out of the provision for a powerful armored cruiser of 14,500 tons, as arranged for in the original House bill. The omission of this item was undoubtedly a necessary part of the compromise. The three training ships contemplated by the House committee were agreed to by the Senate. The summing up of the whole matter is that Congress has now consented to the immediate construction of five large battleships and of three training ships, while it has provided for an increased supply of scientifically educated officers by doubling the number of naval cadets at Annapolis for ten years and has increased the navy's forces of enlisted men by three thousand. Finally, some $800,000 will be expended upon ammunition for target practice and $120,000 will be devoted to prizes for marksmanship. This programme is wise, liberal and patriotic; and those who have aided in framing and enacting it into law are entitled to the warmest thanks and gratitude of the American people. ----------------------------------------------------- AN UNWILLING CONGRESS. The record of the session of congress which closed to-day is about equally divided between achievement and failure. Many things of large importance have been done, and other things of equally large importance have been left undone. When the two houses have performed their duty they have done so under pressure and grudgingly, the pressure having been invariably that of public opinion brought to bear through President Roosevelt. In this way they yielded on the trust question and passed the three measures which he desired and which embodied in law the views which he gave public expression to on his trip through New England last summer. There would have been no legislation whatever upon this subject but for his persistent and uncompromising instances upon it. So, too, with the general staff bill for the army and the bill providing five new battleships for the navy. The first of these is by far the most important army legislation we have had since the war, and its passage was secured only by the indomitable perseverance and unceasing advocacy of Secretary Root backed up at all points by the President. This bill and, in lesser degree because modified disastrously before final passage, the bill establishing a national militia mark the opening of an era in army management which is certain to be distinguished by greater efficiency. Of the navy bill, passed during the final hours, we speak particularly in another article on this page. Other measures of importance are the bill providing a practical gold standard currency system for the Philippines and one putting additional restrictions around immigration. The first of these, like so many other measures, was passed only after repeated applications of pressure from public opinion, and in the face of violent and solid opposition from the Democratic members in both houses. It should have been passed a year earlier, and had it been the insular treasury of the Philippines would to-day be from $1,000,000 to $2,000,000 better off. It is a stinging disgrace that the Philippine tariff reduction bill has been allowed to fail through Democratic opposition, egged on and sustained by the beet sugar and extreme high tariff interests. This is not the first time that the Democratic party, professedly a tariff reform party, has joined with the ultra protection wing of the Republican party to prevent a reduction in tariff rates. As a matter of fact, at no time during the past fifteen or twenty years have the ultra protection interests experienced any difficulty in securing the aid of Democrats in emergencies of this sort. The great and screaming failures of the session are those of the Senate in making an extra session necessary for the ratification of the Columbian Canal and Cuban reciprocity treaties. There is not a particle of excuse for this outcome. The Republican majority simply justifies the popular contempt for it when it pleads helplessness in the hands of Senator Morgan, as it plead it for so many weeks in the hands of Quay. No matter what explanation the Republican senators may offer, the country will not listen to them but will insist upon regarding the Senate with steadily increasing impatience and contempt. Nothing is more fatuous than for the members of the Senate to go about, as they do in Washington, assuming that they are the dominating power in the government, while in the public estimation they are simply objects of derision. A body that is not capable of conducting its own business whenever one member chooses to hold it up needs something far stronger than assumption of superiority on the part of its members to induce the public to think well of it. It cannot be denied that both houses, by their conduct during the final hours of the session, have emphasized the low estimate which the public already had formed of both their intelligence and patriotism. In the final struggle the Republican majority in both houses permitted the Populistic influences of the Democratic party to dominate and to control all action. That parting exhibit of quality will serve to fix the popular judgment upon the merits of the members as a whole, and it will not be a flattering verdict. ----------------------------------------------------- THE WABASH STRIKE INJUNCTION. If the injunction granted by Judge Adams in the United States Circuit Court at St. Louis yesterday is upheld by the Supreme Court there will be no more railway strikes in this country. It carries the power of injunction a step farther than it was carried in the famous injunction granted at Chicago on July 2, 1894, by Judges Woods and Grosscup on the application of Attorney-General Olney made through a special solicitor whom he had sent to Chicago for that purpose. That injunction was issued against the leader of the strike which was then on, Eugene V. Debs, and his associates, and opened as follows: Eugene V. Debs and [here followed a long list of names] and all other persons combining and conspiring with them, and all other persons whomsoever, are enjoined absolutely to refrain from interfering or stopping any of the business of any of the railroads in Chicago engaged as common carriers of passengers and freight between states, and from interfering with mail, express or other trains, whether freight or passenger, engaged in interstate commerce, or destroying the property of any of the railroads, from entering their grounds for the purpose of stopping trains, or interfering with property . . . from compelling or inducing by threats, persuasion or violence, any of the employees of said roads. The injunction went on the specify all the varieties of violence and disorder, defining them so minutely that escape by Debs and his associates was impossible in case they continued their previous methods. When this injunction was issued, Debs defied it, and the riot and disorder continued undiminished until finally suppressed by federal troops sent to the scene by President Cleveland. Debs was arrested in company with other leaders on July 11, was subsequently indicted, tried and convicted and sentenced to a term of imprisonment. The power to enjoin for the purpose of suppressing disorder by forbidding all interference with the efforts of the company to resume the business that had been interrupted was fully sustained by the higher court. The question raised now by the action of Judge Adams is whether the law justifies carrying the power to enjoin back to the time immediately preceding the strike and applying it to all efforts to interrupt the business of the company by bringing on a strike. Mr. Blodgett, the vice-president and general counsellor of the Wabash Company, in a statement issued today, says that this is the contention upon which the order of yesterday was issued, that the interstate commerce law makes it the duty of the railroad companies to receive and transport all kinds of interstate traffic and requires them to interchange such traffic with each other at connecting points, and any conspiracy on the part of any number of persons to defeat that act or the provisions of any other federal act is wrong and renders the parties liable, criminally and civilly. He declares that "this is not mere theory but settled law." If it is, the effect of Judge Adam's action cannot be other than to make railway strikes upon all lines doing an interstate business or carrying mails impossible hereafter. ----------------------------------------------------- THE ALBANIANS. One of the most important sections of the Austro-Russian programme of reform in Macedonia is that which relates to the suppression of Albanian marauders. These wild hillmen have in reality done more injury to life and property in the Christian vilayets of European Turkey than has been accomplished by the tax-gathers and soldiers of the Sultan combined. Prosperity cannot revisit Macedonia unless their raids can be checked and made impossible. Who are the Albanians? They are not Turks, nor do they acknowledge kinship with the Christians whose houses they burn and ravage. Ethnologists are somewhat at variance as to the racial affinities of these people; but the generally accepted view is that originally they were an offshoot of the Greek stock, though their language shows Slavic characteristics in its structure, while its vocabulary is full of words borrowed from the Latin centuries ago. Their country is the Epirus of ancient Greece, lying to the west of Macedonia; and in its ragged hills these fierce tribesman inhabit small hamlets which nestle in almost inaccessible nooks and afford a safe refuge from pursuit. The Albanians are born fighters as they are born thieves. They fight from the sheer love of fighting, so that when they are prevented from descending into the plains of Macedonia they wage fierce strife together, district against district and village against village, and even sometimes family against family. Centuries ago the Albanians were all Christians, but now the greater part of them as Mohammedans, yielding, however, no very strict obedience to the laws of the Prophet, and attacking Turk as readily as Christian. To hold these bold raiders in abeyance a very strong military force will be required. Heretofore the Turks have used the Albanians to terrify the Christians. Whenever the latter have complained of the tax-gatherer or of the oppression of the local officials, the threat has been made to let the Albanians in upon them; and this threat has many times been carried out, so that the peasants often tell the traveller: "We possess fine vineyards, but we dare not eat the grapes; we have fertile lands, but we dare not visit them." Thus it will be seen that no administrative reform in Macedonia can bring tranquillity to its people unless strong measures are also taken to drive the Albanian catherans back into their hills and keep them there by force. ----------------------------------------------------- IN ST. PETER'S. That was a very moving spectacle which was witnessed yesterday by the thousands who gathered in St. Peter's or were massed within its marvellous square to view the entrance of Pope Leo on the occasion of his pontifical jubilee. Even at this distance and through the medium of the comparatively brief despatches which described the ceremony, one feels something of the thrill which religious emotion and historic imagination impart to all who gaze, even in fancy, upon the adytum of Christianity's tradition. The human element of the scene was so impressive as to make even the bitterest sectary forget his theological prejudice. The wonderful old man who entered the portals of the greatest temple which the world contains appeals so very strongly alike [?] sympathies and to the imagination of the world. Far past the age assigned as the natural limit of human life, with the vital flame just flickering upon the verge of its extinction, far more a spirit than a mortal this white-robed figure stood for a moment in the presence of a silent multitude which symbolized the whole of Christendom and gave a benediction which even the unbeliever might accept as conveying something more than a merely human blessing. The figure of Pope Leo was, indeed, far less the figure of a saintly man than a concrete reminder of the sublimity and the perpetuity of faith and of the power which, in spirit of all the demonstrations of science [?] the assaults of those who glorify [?] human intellect, must still remain [?] most vital of all the forces which [dominate?] the destiny of man. ----------------------------------------------------- FROM JOHN BIGELOW'S DIARY How a Negro and His Wife Were Made Honored Guests at an American Dinner in London in 1863. (From Our Owner Correspondent.) WASHINGTON, March 4 [??????????] of the cabinet has received [????????????] John Bigelow, former [mini???????????] a letter which affords a [stri???????????] tary on the southern outcry [?????????] President Roosevelt for his [at?????????????] negro. Mr. Bigelow's [?????????????????] lows: 21 Gramercy Park. My Dear Secretary--In [t?????????????] of my diaries last evening, London, Nov. 28, 1863, I [s????????????] graph which will, I am [sur?????????} and possibly the President, see fit to show it to him. [???????] that I was then [temporaril????????] account of my wife's [healt????????] The paragraph I refer to "Mr. Adams and Mr. [???????] speeches Thursday night giving dinner at St. [Jame????????] Martin was a guest [wi??????????] originally slaves from [K?????????] grace. Only think of [W??????????] a dinner at which a [ne??????????] let alone his being [cha??????????] sion! We spent this [ev???????????] apartment, saw Mrs. [???????] daughters Mrs. Walker [???????] dinner. They were very [???????] chaplain. Who shall say [???????] accomplished nothing when [???????] tion as Walker and [S?????] occur at a public [festiv?????] Possibly you are [you???????] to be told that the [sec?????] men above referred [???????] Walker, first prominent [????tics] as a senator from the village of [Indiano???] of war between its [wh?????] our postmaster [gene?????] Walker was a [deleg?????] [?cratic] convention of [?cally] excluded the [De?????] of the state of New [?] [?erations] because it [wa?????] renomination of Mr. [?] refused assent to [th?????] new slave states out [?quired] from Mexico, [?] states in congres it [?] [?petuate] the [dominan?????] [?ers] in our [governmen?????] generations. Think of the slavery [dogm?????] [?ner] not merely with [?] of the purest breed [?] fellow guests, and of [?] [?tin's] husband to interpret at grace the gratitude of the the progress of our efforts [a?????] [?fend] and maintain the [gr?????] upon which our government [?] that all men are born free [?fore] the law. It would seem from [th?] our President's having [?] [?ton] to breakfast with him [?] of freedom had degraded [?] socially, in some parts [o???] low the level of a [runa?] those days the laws of [t???] a price upon the head [o???] dead or alive. Galileo was [unques?] pope to [contre?] when he said, "Yet [?] which way? [Sincer?] - THE ALDRICH [?] Editor of the [Comm?] Sir-I am pleased [?] last night's paper [ent?] Opposition." I [think?] men who are obliged [t?] of interest from time [t?] to feelings of disgust. [?] and reasonable bill, [?] the good of the [publi?] seems to be a person [?] proclaims that he will [?] to vote on the measure [?] people are being [on?] in this way-[especial?] [?ate,] where the ludicrous [?] [?torial] courtesy[?] permits [?] [?ed] boss to hold up [th?] after the [man?] The behavior of [t?] is an insult [?] whole [count?] the people. Stamford, [?] 3. - WASHINGTON'S [?] - Editor of Th[e? Commercial?] Sir-Many [?] this and [o?] regret the [?emoval of?] statue of [?hington fr? ] New York [?ut] if [pro?] [?quires] the [?t] where [i?] [Commerci? Adver?] notice [sug? ?tions for?] the [favori?] statue [o?] open space [?] most [opp?] steamship [ffices, on?] [?allel with?] [?he] gate [?] Green [Pa?] the [stat?] With De [?ster's s?] placed in [?nt] of [th?] the fence [?wn] and [?] in order [?his vicin?] improved New [Y?,] March [?]Department of State, Washington, March 5, 1903. Dear Mr. President:- I send you herewith a copy of our memorandum to the German Government, and also Sir Michael Herbert's report of his conversation with me in regard to the same subject. Yours faithfully, John Hay [*see State 12/16/01*]Department of State, Washington. [*See State 3/5/03*] March 5, 1903. To the President: I have the honor to transmit herewith Memoranda prepared in accordance with your direction as follows:- 1. Treaties submitted during the last session of Congress. 2. Treaties acted on, and 3. Legislation affecting the Department of State, or Foreign Affairs. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, John Hay.Speaker's Room, [*P.P.F.*] House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. March 5,1903. To The President, White House, Washington, D.C., My dear Mr. President: Last night on my return to the hotel after laying down the gavel, I was made most happy by finding your letter of March 4th addressed to me. Coming from you who had known me intimately so long, from the time that you fought gallantly for the reform in the Civil Service, to the time when you fought for your country as a soldier, and through your great and growing career as our Chief Executive you have known me intimately and have ever commanded my respect and affection, to do this most thoughtful act on your part, wholly voluntarily, touches my heart and shows that you are not forgetful of one who trustingly and affectionately struggled by your side for the common cause of our beloved nation. These kind words from one whom I revere for hisintegrity and patriotism make the act on your part all the more a treasure I am, my dear Mr. President, Sincerely and affectionately yours, D.B.HendersonWAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. Confidential. March 5, 1903. My dear Sir: The Secretary of War directs me to return to you your letter of March 4th, with enclosure of one from Senator Turner, and to call your attention to his notation on your letter. Very truly yours, Wendell W. Mischler Acting Private Secretary. Hon. Wm Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President. 2 enclosures. [*See Turner, Geo Mar 5, 1903*][*File*] Price + Smith Attorneys at Law 33 Pine Street, Frank Julian Price New York. Leonard Bacon Smith March 5th, 1903. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My Dear President Roosevelt:- I am very glad you like the Colt Automatic. As to the cartridges, the weapon takes either the 38 calibre Automatic Colt or the 38 calibre Rimless Smokeless. Personally I know nothing of the merits of the latter cartridge, but the former I can recommend highly, having used a good many. I am sorry that your son's Maine trip may have to be given up. If nothing interrupts, my own outing this year will probably be the run down the Allegash from Moose-head Lake to Fort Kent. Very sincerely yours, Frank Julian Price.[*Songworth, Mrs. Nicholas*] [*Parbar copy*] Telegram. White House, Washington. 5 WU HN GI 4 Paid – 9:15 p Lynchburg, Va, March 5, 1903. Mrs. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. Train thee hours late. Alice Lee Roosevelt.William A. Otis & Co. William A. Otis Bankers and Brokers. Philip B. Stewart. Colorado Springs, William P. Sargeant. Colorado. Francis Gilpin. March 5, 1903. To the President, Washington, D. C. My dear President Roosevelt:- I am exceedingly hopeful that the two Delaware Senators now elected, may give you the support [of the state] which is necessary to make certain the achievement of the matters which are of so much interest to you. I have felt much uneasiness over the failure of Colorado to support you with a Republican [State] Senator, although I cannot feel that our course in the matter could have been otherwise. You will remember the communication you sent to me from Colonel Randolph, and all that Senator Lodge quoted to you letters received from him, which apparently were carrying much weight with Senator Lodge. I have before me a letter of Colonel Randolph's, dated the 24th of February, written to Mr. Evans, of which I am sending you a copy, with the request that it be treated confidentially, in order that you may see how quickly [and essentially] an honest man has regretted taking the course which, though far easier, was certain to lead to the predicament in which Colonel Randolph now finds himself; an honest, respectable tool in uncongenial surroundings, cast aside as soon as his usefulness was over. Always cordially your friend, Philip B Stewart (Enclosure.)For 1 enc. see Randolph 2-24-03[*For 1 [eve?] - see 2-16-03, you will doubtless..."*] BOOKER T. WASHINGTON TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE INCORPORATED TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA March 5, 1903. Personal. My dear Mr. President:- Enclosed I send you extracts from a letter received from a man in Washington who has had considerable experience and is pretty level-headed. I thought you might like to see the letter. Yours truly, Booker T. Washington To President Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. [*shorthand notation*] [*ackd 3/6/1903*] WILCOX & MINER. COUNSELLORS AT LAW. ANSLEY WILCOX. WORTHINGTON C. MINER ROOM 816 ELLICOTT SQUARE. BUFFALO, N.Y. March 5, 1903. To the President, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President:- Permit me to tell you how heartily I commend your policy on the so-called negro question, and your views as expressed in your recent letter to Mr. Howell of Atlanta. I believe that these views and this policy, if adhered to courageously, yet tactfully, during the next six years of your occupancy of the White House, will at least begin to bear fruit and bring about a better state of feeling on the race problem in the south. This will the more certainly be so if you are fortunate enough to avoid mistakes in the selection of individuals to exemplify your policy. I am glad that you said frankly that this present agitation was started and has been stirred up by people outside of the south. I believe that this is true, and that it was done from sinister motives. A more unpatriotic thing could not be imagined. I am sorry for the failure of the Philippine tariff bill, but you have done wonders with the present Congress for a short session. I sincerely hope that your treaties will now be promptly ratified by the Senate, and give you a chance to go off for your well earned vacation with a mind comparatively free from care. With sincere regards, Yours very truly, Ansley Wilcox. [*Encl.*][For enc. see 1-31-03]Sent to Pres. 3/5/03 MEMORANDUM of TREATIES SENT TO THE SENATE, 57th Congress,2d Session. Country. | Date of Treaty. | Subject. | Sent to Senate. | Action. Mexico. | June 25, 1902. | Extradition | Dec.3,1902. | Pending. (Supplementary) Great Britain. | Sept.12,1902 | Extending time | Dec.2,1902. | Pending. for ratification of commercial conventions for British Guiana, Turks & Caicos Islands and Jamaica. France. | Sept.16,1902. | Extending time | Dec.3,1902. | Pending. for ratification of commercial convention of July 24,1899. Great | Oct.17,1902 | Extending time | Dec.3,1902. | Pending. Britain. for ratification of commercial convention for Barbados Denmark. | Nov.6,1902. | Extending time | Dec.3,1902. | Pending. for ratification of commercial convention for Ste.Croix. Great | Nov.8,1902 | Commercial rela- | Dec.3,1902 | Pending. Britain. tions with New- foundland. Cuba. | Dec.11,1902. | Commercial. | Dec.16,1902. | Pending. Colombia. | Jan.22,1903. | Panama Canal. | Jan.23,1903. | Pending. France. | Jan.31,1903. | Extending Reci- | Feb.3,1903 | Pending. procity Conven- tion of July 24, 1899, to Porto Rico. Guatemala. | Feb.27,1903. | Extradition. | Feb.27,1903. | Pending. MEMORANDUM of TREATIES ACTED ON BY THE SENATE 57th Congress, 2d Session. Country. | Date of Treaty. | Subject. | Sent to Senate. | Action. Spain. | July 3,1902. | Friendship & Gen- | Dec.3,1902. | Approved eral Intercourse. by the Senate without amendment. Presi- dent's ratifica- tion sent to Ma- drid for exchange. Cuba. | Jan.26,1903. | Extending time | Jan.26,1903. | Approved for ratification by Sen- of Commercial ate. Convention of Dec.11,1902. Greece. | Dec.2,1902. | Consular. | Jan.6,1903. | Approved by Sen- ate with amend- ment. Great | Jan.24,1903. | Alaska Boundary. | Jan.26,1903. | Approved Britain. by the Senate without amendment Treaty proclaim- ed,Mar. 3,1903.CIVIL SERVICE REFORM ASSOCIATION OF BUFFALO. Organised June 15, 1881. REPORT OF GENERAL MEETING, JANUARY 31, 1903. A meeting of the Buffalo Civil Service Reform Association was held on the evening of January 31, 1903, in the build- ing of the Young Men's Christian Asso- ciation. The attendance was large. Hon. James R. Garfield, a member of the National Civil Service Commission, was present, and made the principal address, which was printed below. Mr. Ansley Wilcox opened the meet- ing as President. The report of the Ex- ecutive Committee, prepared by the President and Secretary, was read by Mr. Frederic Almy, Secretary. REPORT OF EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. This report covers a period of nearly two years, the last general meeting of the association having been held on March 5, 1901. During this time your Executive Com- mittee has met monthly, except in mid- summer. The meetings in general have been well attended. much work has been done, some of it being noticed from time to time in the daily press. 1but other and sometimes more important portions of the work being unnoticed. The committee never finds any lack of willing workers to face undertakings, however serious and laborious. One or two vacancies in its number have occurred during the year and have been filled; and there are now three vacancies to be filled at this meeting. The committee again suggests that it needs an infusion of young and energetic blood, so that when some of the older members, who have now been for more than twenty years laboring in this cause, are impelled to lay down their oars they can feel assured that their places will be well filled, and that the good pace which has always characterized the Buffalo Civil Service Reform Association will be kept up. At our public meeting in March 1901, we were jubilant because at last (in June, 1900,) the civil service law had been made operative in the county offices in this and the three other large counties of the State, thus complying to that extent with the requirements of the constitution of 1894. The State Civil Service Commission has itself undertaken to administer the civil service law in these four great counties without the creation of any local boards, and the fact that the law has to be thus administered from Albany, and largely by correspondence, has led to some complications and some little friction, which is gradually being removed as a better understanding grows up. The law has been applied smoothly and successfully in the main, especially in the important offices of the County Clerk and County Treasurer, which have large clerical forces. 2 The former Sheriff, Mr. Caldwell resisted the application of the law, and claimed that all the deputy sheriffs in his office were exempt as being within the definition of the statute which puts in the exempt class "the deputies of principal executive officers authorized by law to act generally for and in place of their principals." Under the wording of this statute, which was never intended to apply to any such case, he was able to exempt substantially the whole of his force of employees, nearly all of them being sworn in as deputy sheriffs, and even two engineers at the jail, who had never been classed as deputy sheriffs before and who in fact, were only made deputy sheriffs in order to take advantage of the wording of this exemption. The case of these two engineers (People ex rel. Blust vs. Collier) was tested by the State Civil Service Commission in the courts, but the Sheriff was successful on an application for a mandamus, and on an appeal to the Appellate Division. Unfortunately, this case was not taken to the Court of Appeals; and still more unfortunately the fraud on the civil service law which it involved was never properly shown, for, if it had been, the decision would necessarily have been otherwise. The Board of Supervisors also resisted the application of the law, and claimed the right to appoint all the officers who were in any way named by that board, without restriction from the civil service law or rules. To support this contention they made various claims, of different degrees of absurdity, calling all sorts of minor employees "heads of departments of the government" 3and also "legislative officers and employees," under which heads they would have been in the unclassified service, under section 8 of the civil service law. It was conceded that the employees of the Board of Supervisors itself, i. e., its clerks, messengers, etc., who served it as a legislative body, were exempt, or, more properly, in the unclassified service; but to enforce the law as to substantially all other persons appointed by the Board of Supervisors test cases were brought in the form of actions by Mr. T. Guilford Smith, a member of this committee as a taxpayer, against John W. Neff, Auditor of Erie County, to test his right to audit and authorize the payment of salaries to illegal appointees. One of these cases, which involved the right of the Board of Supervisors to appoint a physician at the penitentiary (Dr. J. D. Howland) without regard to the civil service rules was brought to trial before Judge Hooker, and this association was successful in upholding the application of the civil service rules to this class of positions. The case has been appealed, but has never been argued on appeal. At about this time most of the other offices involved in these litigations were abolished by the law which did away with the offices of coroners and post-mortem examiners in Erie County, in 1902, and created the positions of medical examiner and deputy medical examiner. The Board of Supervisors then showed enough respect for the civil service law to apply to the State Commission to have these new positions adjudicated as being in the unclassified service or put in the exempt 4 class, and, contrary to the contention of this association, their application was granted by the State Commission. The county medical examiner was held to be in the unclassified service, as being the head of a department, and the deputy examiner was put in the exempt class. Both of these rulings your Executive Committee believes to be erroneous and unfortunate; but, as the positions are peculiar, and only two offices are involved, the rulings are not likely to be especially harmful as precedents. A special civil service examination for the positions of physician to the Erie County Jail and Penitentiary has now been ordered by the State Commission, and it is to be held on February 7th next. In this examination Dr. P. W. Van Peyma will assist as a special examiner and expert. Turning to the city civil service, the most important event of the past two years was the reorganization of the Municipal Commission by Mayor Knight, when he assumed office at the beginning of 1902. The Mayor, before election, had answered the inquiries of this association with respect to his views on civil service reform, and had asserted his past adhesion to the principles of the merit system, when in public office, and his intention to continue this. Just before he assumed office he announced his intention to reduce the number of the Municipal Commission from fifteen to five or seven members, all to be unpaid as before, and finally fixed upon seven, which this association had recommended. He allowed this association to suggest to him three of the members of this commission. 5These were Messrs. Wheeler, Sprague, and Ricker, who have long been known as friends of civil service reform, and thoroughly familiar with its principles and its details. Mr. Wheeler became the chairman of the new commission. The four other members whom the Mayor thereupon appointed had not been well known as advocates of or believers in civil service reform, and with respect to some of them it can honestly and fairly be stated that they had no special qualifications for the position. Some acute differences of opinion at once developed between the more experienced and the less experienced members. The commission differed even as to the need of a salaried examiner to assist in the preparation and examination of papers, which the three members of the commission named above considered indispensable, and which they had supposed was assured to them when they undertook the positions. Several other difficulties confronted the commission, most of them legacies from the retiring commission, and the new body has found its path a thorny one. One of these difficulties, with respect to a certain eligible list of policemen, completed by the retiring commission just before it went out of office, has been settled, we think, to the general satisfaction, but not without much discussion and many heartburnings. Of late, the City Commission seems to be doing its work more smoothly, and it is hoped that as all the members gain in experience and become used to one another there may be more and more complete harmony in working toward good ends. Obviously, however, in a large city, no 6 municipal commission of unpaid members can possibly do the work required of it without the aid of a larger clerical force, including one or more competent examiners; and this association should again call upon the city authorities to furnish to the commissioners the necessary force of assistants to enable them to do their work, and the pecuniary support which they require. The fact that they have not for years had enough money to print their rules is scandalous. More recently, there have arisen before the City Commission questions in regard to the proper classification of some of the more important positions in the city government, which have led in some instances, to acute disagreements in that body, and even to such disagreements among the members of your Executive Committee. By the last general revision of the city rules, many important appointive positions had been placed in the competitive class which were not previously in that class, and upon the incoming of the new administration in 1902, representing another political party, some of these classifications were called in question. It was promptly agreed that the heads of the four great bureaus in the Board of Public Works, the Bureau of Engineering, of Streets, of Water, and of Buildings, who are now called by the nondescript titles of "deputy superintendents," should be taken out of the competitive class and put in the exempt class, and this was done. But it has also been claimed that the assistants of these four important officers, who are substantially deputy chiefs of bureau, should also be exempted. This 7These were Messrs. Wheeler, Sprague, and Ricker, who have long been known as friends of civil service reform, and thoroughly familiar with its principles and its details. Mr. Wheeler became the chairman of the new commission. The four other members whom the Mayor thereupon appointed had not been well known as advocates of or believers in civil service reform, and with respect to some of them it can honestly and fairly be stated that they had no special qualifications for the position. Some acute differences of opinion at once developed between the more experienced and the less experienced members. The commission differed even as to the need of a salaried examiner to assist in the preparation and examination of papers, which the three members of the commission named above considered indispensable, and which they had supposed was assured to them when they undertook the positions. Several other difficulties confronted the commission, most of them legacies from the retiring commission, and the new body has found its path a thorny one. One of these difficulties, with respect to a certain eligible list of policemen, completed by the retiring commission just before it went out of office, has been settled, we think, to the general satisfaction, but not without much discussion and many heartburnings. Of late, the City Commission seems to be doing its work more smoothly, and it is hoped that as all the members gain in experience and become used to one another there may be more and more complete harmony in working toward good ends. Obviously, however, in a large city, no 6 municipal commission of unpaid members can possibly do the work required of it without the aid of a larger clerical force, including one or more competent examiners; and this association should again call upon the city authorities to furnish to the commissioners the necessary force of assistants to enable them to do their work, and the pecuniary support which they require. The fact that they have not for years had enough money to print their rules is scandalous. More recently, there have arisen before the City Commission questions in regard to the proper classification of some of the more important positions in the city government, which have led, in some instances, to acute disagreements in that body, and even to such disagreements among the members of your Executive Committee. By the last general revision of the city rules, many important appointive positions had been placed in the competitive class which were not previously in that class, and upon the incoming of the new administration in 1902, representing another political party, some of these classifications were called in question. It was promptly agreed that the heads of the four great bureaus in the Board of Public Works, the Bureau of Engineering, of Streets, of Water, and of Buildings, who are now called by the nondescript titles of "deputy superintendents," should be taken out of the competitive class and put in the exempt class, and this was done. But it has also been claimed that the assistants of these four important officers, who are substantially deputy chiefs of bureaus, should also be exempted. This 7change in the rules was not made by the City Commission, but in some litigations which have ensued the courts have so far held these positions to be confidential and, therefore, to be properly in the exempt class. This association has not taken part in any of these litigations. If these positions are really those of deputy chiefs of bureaus and were properly entitled so as to describe their duties, there seems to be much force in the claim for their exemption. But some of the cases which have arisen under this head were proper cases for the application of the prohibition in section 13 of the civil service law: "No person shall be appointed or employed under any title not appropriate to the duties to be performed," a rule which is intended to prevent evasions and frauds upon the civil service law. Another acute question arose with reference to the proper classification of the market clerk and his assistants. Early in last year the Mayor sent to the City Commission a request or suggestion for an amendment of the rules exempting the market clerk and his assistants. This association opposed the application, particularly with reference to the assistants to the market clerk, and it is now, we think, generally conceded that the assistants cannot be exempted. As to the market clerk himself, there was a clear division of opinion in the City Commission and in your Executive Committee, and the controversy has assumed many phases, which need not now be recited. A question arose as to whether the market clerk was, in fact and in law, the "head of a department," and, therefore, in the 8 unclassified service. The City Commission held that he was, and your Executive Committee concurred in this opinion, both decisions being by divided votes, but the State Commission held otherwise. The City Commission by a small majority then decided to put his office in the exempt class, and your Executive Committee, though by a divided vote, strongly opposed this action, but the State Commission confirmed it, and this change in the rules has now been made. The trouble with this office is that it is one of those nondescript places, owing to confusion in our Charter and ordinances, which are really hard to classify. It probably ought to be the head of a department, and so in the unclassified service; but, if it is not the head of a department, then, in the opinion of a majority of your committee, there was no good reason for exempting it from competitive examination, and the application for the change was charged with much force to political and personal motives, which did not commend the change to lovers of good government. This controversy, owing to peculiar circumstances, was magnified altogether out of proportion to the importance of the question involved. No great harm has been done by putting the single position of market clerk in the exempt class, whether it was right or wrong to put it there; but we believe that the discussion of this subject had some influence in leading to the final appointment of a competent man to the place. While these controversies have raged about a few positions in the city service, and the dissensions in the City Commission have unquestionably served, for 9the time being, to throw some discredit upon those at present engaged in administering the law, from the Mayor, as the head of the city government, down, the fact remains that the civil service law is thoroughly entrenched in Buffalo today, and in the main is being well administered, in spite of the crippled condition of the City Commission and its lack of sufficient funds. Our commissions have always worked largely for love of the cause, and without sufficient pecuniary support. Even when made up from men who were not originally believers in civil service reform, they have usually become such as they have learned to appreciate its significance and importance. Statistics tell the story of the growth of civil service reform in Buffalo better than anything else. Starting with the year 1884, nineteen years ago, there were 511 city employees on the roster, excluding teachers and laborers, and ninety-three of them, or about eighteen per cent., were specifically listed in civil service schedules A, B, and C of whom thirty-five, or about seven per cent., were in schedule B, the competitive class. Five years later, in 1889, there were in all 996 city employees, of whom 888, or about eighty-four per cent., were in the classified service, and 484, or nearly forty-nine per cent., were in the competitive class. After an- other five years the total number of positions had grown to 1,534, of which 1,294, or again about eighty-four per cent., were in the classified service, and 1,152, or over seventy-five per cent., were in the competitive class. In 1899 there were 1,952 places in all, and of these 1,620, or about eighty-three per cent., 10 were in the classified service, while 1,499, or nearly seventy-seven per cent., were in the competitive class, another ad- vance. Finally, in 1901, the last year for which we have statistics, there were on the roster 2,186 places in the city government, and of those 2,186, 1,942, or nearly eighty-nine per cent., were in the classified service, while 1,839, or over eighty-four per cent., were in the competitive class. These figures show a steady and encouraging advance. When we recollect that in addition to these figures that great body of our school teachers are practically classified in a civil service system of their own, and are governed by the merit system administered by a Board of School Examiners, the grounds for encouragement are still greater. These statistics are taken from an excellent paper written by Mrs. Owen D. Evans in competition for a prize offered last year by the Women's Auxiliary of the National Civil Service Reform League. Her essay was awarded the first prize and has been published and widely circulated as a pamphlet, the title being, "The Civil Service of Buffalo and Its Effect on the Municipal Government." It is an exhaustive and able study of the work in Buffalo, which led Mr. Curtis to call this "the banner city of civil service reform." On the same line of work, a medal was offered by Miss Truscott, a member of the Board of School Examiners, for the best essay on civil service reform, written by a student in the Buffalo high schools, and this was publicly awarded on December 5, 1902, to Noel Paul Bartley of the Central High School, for a brief and admirable essay, clearly and strongly written. 11On February 15 and 17, 1902, your secretary addressed the Daughters of the Revolution and the Women's Auxiliary of the Massachusetts Civil Service Reform Association in Boston. On March 11th the president of this association addressed the Buffalo Association of Collegiate Alumnae on the subject of civil service reform. The active interest of educated women in this question is a new feature, which promises much good. This association pays no salaries and has few expenses of consequence, except the annual contribution of $100 to the National League. It meets its expenses from dues of one dollar a year. A larger membership is desired, and not for revenue, but to widen the knowledge of and interest in our work. A continuing body of interested, aggressive believers in civil service reform is a force for good government, and helps the city forward to its best future. No comment is made in this report on matters of state or national interest in connection with civil service reform, which will be touched upon by others at the general meeting. Respectfully submitted, ANSLEY WILCOX, President, FREDERIC ALMY, Secretary, For the Executive Committee of the Buffalo Civil Service Reform Association. On motion, the report was accepted and ordered to be printed. 12 Mr. Wilcox spoke briefly following the re- port. He said that the report was intended to take the place of the usual address from the President as to purely local matters; but gave an outline of the condition of the civil service in the State, and commented on the annual report of the State Commission, just issued. He spoke of the mass of litigation which has sprung up as shown in the State Commission's report, as many as 100 cases having been begun within the year, in which the courts are asked to overrule classifications and determi- nations of the Civil Service Commissions, and practically to make over their rules. He referred to the series of important test cases, arising from Brooklyn, which are now in the Court of Appeals and soon to be argued, in which it is hoped that more favorable principles will be laid down by that court for the construction and enforcement of the civil service law. He also mentioned, with approval, the recommendations made in the report of the State Commission for several amendments of the law. Mr. Wilcox also spoke of the great advances made in the application of the merit principle in the federal civil service under President Roosevelt; of the admirable new civil service law for the Philippines and the great work of Governor Taft in that connection, and particu- larly of the reorganization of the National Civil Service Commission and the appointment of two new members on it, both of them ideally well qualified for the work. He said that this was almost the first official duty to which President Roosevelt gave thought, after his inauguration. On the evening of the day on which he took the oath of office, in Buffalo, after every one else had left the house, the new President spoke to Mr. Wilcox and Mr. George E. Matthews of the opportunity for strengthening this commission by appointing a new member, and named the two men whom he then had in mind. One of them was Mr. Foulke, of Indiana, whom he afterwards appointed; the other was an equally experienced and earnest civil service reformer, Mr. Richard [X] Dana of Boston. 13Mr. Wilcox then spoke of the more recent appointment on this commission of the Honorable James R. Garfield, of Ohio, a son of President Garfield, who died a victim of the savage ferocity engendered by the old spoils system, and he introduced Mr. Garfield as the speaker of the evening. Mr. Garfield spoke without notes, and frequently enlarged upon the printed outline of his remarks, which follows. His address was received with enthusiasm and applause. ADDRESS OF HONORABLE JAMES R. GARFIELD. The national government affects the individual citizen so indirectly and is so little in evidence outside of Washington that but comparatively few people realize the diversity and magnitude of the work carried on by federal officials and employees. In addition to the management of the necessary administrative departments, the national government is widely engaged in fostering and guid- ing scientific research and educational advancement; in developing improved methods for agriculture, transportation, and commerce; in opening new fields for the extension and expansion of our foreign trade. The machinery for this work is more complex, requires more kinds of labor and knowledge, than the greatest of our business enterprises. When we consider that over 236,000 persons are employed to conduct the civil establishment of the government we appreciate how great is the need of applying strict business methods and efficient administration in every branch of the public service. The growth of the civil list to its present proportion has been gradual in equal pace with the development of the country. Great events in our history which have resulted in war and the employment of vast military forces have in each instance, as soon as peace was restored, been followed by an immediate restoration of the predominating influence and power of civil administration. The great problems which have been primarily settled by for of arms have with us always been worked out under the civil powers of government. 14 We as a nation have done in a generation that which other nations have taken centuries to accomplish. In the short space of a century we have proved that a republic can not only exist, but grow strong and outstrip the world competitors. We have shown that the nice balance between extreme democracy and extreme centralization of government can be maintained. Yet we have never been free from the dangers and besetting evils of human government. Great success carries with it the possibility of great failure. Power and authority are available for either good or evil. The determining influence which will throw the balance one way of the other is the personal character of those in whom authority is vested. How strikingly this axiomatic truth is seen in the internal administration of public affairs! Compare for a moment the spoils system of civil administration, which prevailed for nearly half a century in our country, with the merit system as now in force, although still far from perfect, or with the first thirty years of national administration before the virus of partisanship had overthrown the administrative policy of our first five administrations. The administrations of Washington, Adams, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, and John Quincy Adams afford an example of the highest type patriotic public administration. While not forgetting the many unseemly personal quarrels of some of the great leaders of that period, as we study carefully the administrative records of those administrations it is most refreshing to learn how free they were, in matters of internal administration and public appointment, from partisanship or personal favoritism. The high standard of efficiency and integrity required by Washington was accepted and closely adhered to by his immediate successors. Compare, then, that period with the period lasting from the entrance of Jackson to the end of the Civil War. The story of Jackson's administration, influenced as he was by Van Buren in the matter of appointments, does not need retelling. It is chiefly interesting now in showing the immediate bad results of the change from the former policy. Instead of efficiency, individual 15 independence and integrity in the performance of public duties there almost immediately appeared inefficiency, political subserviency, dishonesty, and corruption. We have only to read the speeches and reports of Calhoun upon the condition of our civil service during Jackson's second administration to learn how utterly the high standard of public work had been destroyed. The power and authority of the higher government officials had not changed, but had simply been exercised for evil rather than good; and with each succeeding administration from Jackson onward the evil of the spoils system grew greater and more vicious. The great military events of the Civil War threw into the background civil administration; but as soon as peace was restored the thoughtful men throughout the country and in Congress realized the absolute need of a reform in civil administration. At first the task seemed almost hopeless, so thoroughly had the spoils system become rooted in the government service. The years of struggle for this reform were full of failures and most bitter disappointments. The overthrow of the spoils system could not then be accomplished by brilliant assault, but required systematic siege. The first great victory was the passage of the civil service law in 1883. From that time on the growth of the merit system has been continuous. The work can no longer be prop- erly called a reform. It has become a recognized fact, and the merit system of appointments to office is now a fundamental part of the national administration. The gradual development through the last twenty years, while too slow for many of the enthusiastic good citizens, has in fact been of lasting benefit to the movement, as the great mass of our people have been well grounded in what the merit system is. As in all such movements, there have been periods of great depression; but the general tendency has been upward, and public sentiment has crystallized in favor of the system. The boy at home or in school, under proper discipline, unconsciously accepts and makes part of himself the rules of right conduct and straight thinking, so that when he 16 goes out into the world he does naturally the right thing rather than the wrong. So with our nation. During the last twenty years we have grown to accept as essential principles --that the field is open to all who choose to enter--that the best man should win; that in the long run, what a man makes himself, not what he is given, counts most, and that the only aristocracy we will recognize is the aristocracy of individual character. As long as we kept at home within our old national boundaries we applied these principles gradually to governmental affairs, trying different experiments, too often bad ones; and party leaders did not readily discard the old discredited methods. But as soon as we struck out into international life the effect of our education was immediate and vigorous. No finer example of self-imposed restraint upon unlimited political power can be found in history than that given by our nation in forming the civil government for the Philippines. There lay a rich field for partisan and individual exploitation. A people long accustomed to the corrupt and tyrannic rule of Spain could not believe that there would be a cessation of the existing order of things. But from the first landing of our troops and the assumption of control over those islands we have administered their government solely for the benefit of the native population, and absolutely free from partisan bias or individual profit. President McKinley prescribed the highest standard of public duty in his instructions for organizing the civil government, and chose as officials men whose public character and services insured the formation of a government wherein efficiency, honesty, and courage would be the controlling influ- ences. The wisdom of his choice has been proved by the work of Governor Taft and his associates. Study the record of the past two years, examine the acts of our officials, learn how rapidly civil government superseded the military in the various provinces and municipalities, and we begin to appreciate the magnitude and high character of that work. While it is not wise to attribute the success of any great enterprise to a single cause, yet 17we can easily determine what elements were essential to success. The fifth act adopted by the Philippine commission was the civil service measure, a most comprehensive and practical law, applying to every official then in office and afterward to be appointed, those in office being required to submit to examinations to test their fitness to remain. Thus at the outset the civil government limited its powers to make appointments, and gave notice that political or personal influence should not control in the selection of public officials. At first the native Filipino could not believe such an order of things possible. Yet many were finally induced to enter the examinations, and to their surprise found that they were really appointed to public office. They then began to gain confidence in American men and methods. They learned that Spanish misrule was ended; that American ideas were to prevail. As rapidly as the natives have qualified themselves for various places they have been selected, and at present fill more than 60 per cent. of all the places, practically all the lower ones and many of the higher ones. Such Americans as were appointed have been most carefully selected through open competitive examinations, taken here in many cases. Of the 1,300 who have been examined here about 300 have beeen appointed, and of these only five have been sent back as inefficient or otherwise disqualified. As Filipinos shows themselves qualified for the higher positions they are given preference in appointment, and the American officials are being used as instructors to guide rather than as officers to rule. Governor Taft has stated that without the civil service law, strictly and impartially inforced, our success in the islands would have been impossible; that under it they have organized a civil service composed of honest, industrious, efficient people, who are not indebted to any person or party for their appointments, and know that promotion to the highest positions rests solely upon their own work. The effect of this system upon the native Filipino has been most gratifying. It has established a relationship of confidence which otherwise would have been quite impossible. 18 I have cited the work of the Philippine commission in order to call your attention to the effect that this work has had upon our own people. Many of those who originally were most violently opposed to the acquisition or retention of the Philippines, used as their chief argument the fear that the administration of such possessions would be given into the hands of political favorites, and that colonial administrations would become, through corruption, an enormous political machine, bringing dishonor and discredit to our home government. Hence, the effect of the wonderfully successful civil administration of our insular possessions can not be overestimated. We have seen demonstrated the enormous advantage of honest, efficient government by clean-handed, high-minded officials. Our people are demanding that similar conditions must obtain at home, and are more than ever demanding that the merit system be strictly and vigorously inforced. All that our nation has spent in life and treasure for these islands will be compensated for a hundredfold if we take to heart and act upon the lessons taught us by their administration. Never since the passage of our own civil service act has the time been more opportune for strengthening and improving the merit system. The rapid extension of competitive examinations is not what is now needed. Such extension is coming normally and steadily. But we do need an improvement in the method of administration, and a more intelligent inforcement of the law and rules as they now exist. The civil service commission is a part of the executive power of the government, not an instrument outside of the departments antagonistic to them and the legislative power. Its object is not to embarrass or hamper the orderly and prompt administration of the executive departments, but to provide for the public service people who are fitted for the performance of any duties that may be required by the departments, and to prevent violations of the law by either the appointing power or by persons within the classified service. The law does not provide for life tenure in 19office, nor does it protect the inefficient employee. The popular criticism that the law has produced an officeholding aristocracy can not be maintained -- the law as interpreted and inforced gives the widest latitude of dismissal for proper cause, affording every appointing officer the chance to get rid of inefficient or improper persons, but prevents such officer from filling vacancies with personal or party favorites. Furthermore, employees must realize that the merit system implies the possibility of reduction as well as promotion. Admission to the classified service through examination gives no right of life tenure -- permanence depends solely upon the industry and ability of the employee. The commission recognizes that its work can only be successful by being practical, by trying for the possible, not the impossible result; by recognizing that to obtain efficient administration is more important than merely to adhere to a rule or regulation. It will always be impossible to obtain the highest ideal toward which one strives; but if we are to come near that ideal we must recognize the limitations of human nature and human government. It is idle to criticise or inveigh against public administrators unless we can suggest something better than that which they are doing and show a practical way to accomplish it. Mere destructive criticism is worse than useless, for it foments discontent; but constructive criticism is always wise. Applying this suggestion to the merit system, let the friends of that system constructively criticize the law, the rules, the acts of the commission; then many improvements will follow. Fortunately, the merit system has no stronger friend than the executive head of our nation. Efficiency, honesty, and courage -- the underlying principles of the merit system -- are some of his great personal qualities. His wish for better civil administration is shared most fully by the heads of the executive departments. The work of the commission during the past year, thus strongly supported by the executive, has resulted in giving a better tone to the whole public service. The attitude of Congress has materially changed. 20 The best indication of the feeling of Congress toward the work of the commission was the granting, without a dissenting vote, the appropriation requested. With the force authorized by this appropriation it is believed the commission will be able to so organize its work as to promptly meet the demands of the departments. At the conclusion of Mr. Garfield's address a vote of thanks was tendered him on motion of Reverend S. V. V. Holmes, seconded by Honorable Henry A. Richmond. Mr. John B. Olmstead, Treasurer, presented his report, showing a balance on hand of $220.04. On motion it was ordered accepted and filed. Mrs. Owen D. Evans of the Buffalo Association of Collegiate Alumnae spoke briefly of the interest of educated women in civil service reform and of their work for it. Dr. Ida C. Bender spoke briefly of the importance of civil service reform in its relation to the public schools. Mr. Charles P. Wheeler, President of the Buffalo Civil Service Commission, spoke of the work of the local commission, and of the growth of civil service reform throughout the country. The following resolution was passed on motion of Mr. John Lord O'Brian: Whereas, After three years' experience with the present civil services law, the State Civil Service Commission, in its annual report, recently submitted to the Legislature, has recommended that the law be amended in the following respects: First -- That in order to secure compliance with the present provisions of the civil service law, forbidding removal from office for political reasons, the law be amended to provide that hereafter, before removals can be made from positions in the competitive class, a formal written statement, setting forth legal and sufficient reasons therefor, be filed by the appointing power with the proper Civil Service 21Commission, and the incumbent be permitted to file a written answer to the same; the intention being not to extend the practice of trial upon charges, but to make a record of the facts in each case. Second—That rule 8, paragraph 9, which has been in force for many years, allowing the State Commission to exempt from examination certain persons who render occasional or extraordinary services of an expert nature to public officials, be embodied in the law there being some doubt as to the legality of this rule under the terms of the present law. Third—That the terms "elective officers" and "legislative officers and employees," as used in section 8 of the present law, be made more specific and definitive, much contention having arisen over the construction to be given these terms. Fourth—That every resident taxpayer should have the power to institute proceedings to compel the placing of a position in the competitive class, but that the right to institute proceedings to compel the placing of a position in the exempt class should be limited to the appointing power. That the law be amended so as to provide that classification once made by any Civil Service Commission shall not be subject to collateral or indirect attack, by mandamus or other proceedings; but that the classifications when so made and properly approved, shall be subject to review only in direct proceedings against the proper commission by certiorari. That the commissions be given power to hear and determine each claim for exemption, and that such decision be final as to questions of fact, where there is evidence to support the findings (such decisions being, of course, subject, in all cases, to the approval of the Governor if made by the State Commission, and to the approval of the State Commission if made by a city commission), and subject also to direct review by the courts in certiorarl proceedings, like the decisions of other quasi-judicial bodies. Now, therefore, be it Resolved, That the Buffalo Civil Service Reform Association heartily approves of and indorses all of said recommendations, and especially the one relating to review of classifications in direct proceedings only; and that this association urges upon the Legislature the necessity of immediate action in line with said recommendations. 22 OFFICERS. PRESIDENT. Ansley Wilcox. VICE-PRESIDENTS. Sheldon T. Viele, T. Guilford Smith, Rev. Patrick Cronin, J. J. Albright. SECRETARY. Frederic Almy. TREASURER. John B. Olmstead. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. Ansley Wilcox, Henry A. Richmond, J. N. Larned, Henry W. Sprague, John H. Cowing, John B. Olmstead, John R. Warner, Walter J. Shepard, Frederic Almy, Charles B. Wheeler, Frank F. Williams, E. R. Rice, A. C. Richardson, Wm. Burnet Wright, Jr. Dr. Almon H. Cooke, Edward C. Hard, John Lord O'Brian, Dr. Lucien Howe, George A. Ricker, Charles B. Sears, Dr. Bradley Dorr.[*[Enc. in Wilcox 3-5-03]*] The dues of the Buffalo Civil Service Reform Association are one dollar a year. All who wish to join are urged to send their names to John B. Olmsted, Treasurer.SECOND ASSISTANT SECRETARY H. Department of State, Washington. [*File*] March 6, 1903. My dear Mr. Loeb: I send you herewith, for the information of the President, a copy of a personal telegram just received from Mr. Choate at London in reply to Mr. Hay's telegram of yesterday. I will try to forward the telegram to Mr. Hay tomorrow. Cordially yours, Alvey A. Adee William Loeb, Jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President, White House. Enclosure: Confidential telegram from London, March 6, 1903.[For 1. enc. see Choate, 3-6.-03]TELEGRAM RECEIVED. Private cipher. From London, March 6, 1903. 3:21 P.M / Received M. Secretary of State, Washington. Confidential. Cable received. Thank you for not insisting. Have written fully by St. Paul my reasons for opinion that I ought not to undertake a service which under other circumstances I should have greatly enjoyed. CHOATE. Deciphered by M.M.H. 3:45 P.M. March 6, 1903.[Enc in Adee, 3-6-03][*File ppF*] Lee, Higginson & Company. 44 State Street LJ. Boston. March 6, 1903. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Theodore: I have given a letter to John H. Storer, of this city. He is a good chap and tells me that he has something to show you in the nature of a charity that he thinks you will approve of immediately. I have been asked by a number of people to give letters to them to you and have declined utterly. I have given this one because my father knows Mr. Storer and I do not think he will bother you for long. My mother enjoyed her stay at the White House immensely, you were all so good to her. With love to all. Affectionately yours, George C. Lee Jr.[*ackd 3/7/1903*] 4 Wall Street New York March 6th/03 My dear Mr. President: I have the following telegram from Robert Baum which I have sent to Senator Platt - "Appreciate very much your kindness and please thank the Senator for me but commitments which I have made absolutely preventif necessary but this one seemed to me to be tied to a dock. I congratulate you on the adjournment of Congress: I wish they were like other Boards of Directors (for that is what Congress is) so that we could ask for or force resignation of incompetents — Always sincerely yours George R. Sheldon my accepting" Signed Robert Bacon. I am very sorry for this decision as he would have been just the man for the place - Neither Senator Platt or Bacon know that this place was offered to me or that I have had any communications with you on this subject. I am always ready to pull my oar in this boatBOOKER T. WASHINGTON TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA March 6, 1903. Personal. My dear Mr. President:- In my letter to you a few days ago I forgot to state that special efforts are being put forth to bring pressure to bear on Senator Perkins from the colored people in California who cast in that state about 3,000 votes. I think the result will be apparent very soon. Yours truly, Booker T. Washington. To President Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. much said that was in the highest degree complimentary. Of course there are some both republicans & democrats who do not like the cuban reciprocity treaty & others especially democrats differ with you upon the questions. I am very glad your daughter made the visit & was pleased to see the great anxiety felt and expressed that every possible honor should be bestowed upon her. With great respect Sincerely Yours Joseph Wheeler. [[shorthand]] [*ackd 3/10/1903*] Personal Wheeler, Ala Mar 6th 1903 Dear Mr. President, My daughters and self were in New Orleans during the entire stay of your daughter. I know it would have pleased. you to have seen the spontaneous, general & I may3 I was much among my old friends of the Boston Pickwick & Chess Clubs. Most of them are democrats and either old confederated or sons of confederates and I am glad to say that in the face of high party tension you were referred to with the greatest respect & I heard 2 say unanimous attention and applause which greeted her every where. The newspapers have told you much but they fail to convey to the reader the boundless extent of the manifestations. Her presence of necessity causes much discussion in the Clubs & elsewhere about your self.[*CS File*] Department of Agriculture, Office of the Secretary Washington, D.C. [*6*] March 6, 03 Dear Mr. President Your favor regarding the declination of a three thousand place by the North Dakota delegation and whether it cannot be given to Montana received. Whatever you desire to have done will be done. Let me see Hausborough however and learn just how much they mean all this. They may be trying to impress Edwardswith ultra devotion to his fortunes. the last talk I had with him he agreed that the place be given to his state. The other members of the delegation may not know this. I mentioned this in our last interview Will see you soon about it with esteem James Wilson [*File*] Department of State, Washington. L/S March 7, 1903. William Loeb, Jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President, White House. S i r: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of the 6th instant stating that the President wishes to be informed as to whether the Cuban treaty expires on March 31st, and, if not, the exact date on which it does expire. The original convention provides that the ratifications shall be exchanged at Washington before the 31st day of January, 1903. By supplementary convention, signed by the Secretary of State and the Cuban Minister on January 26, last, this time is extended to two months from January 31, 1903. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, Alvey A. Adee Acting Secretary.[*Salvation Army*] [*PPF*] [*File*] Telegram. White House, Washington. PO 1 NY NF GI 202 Paid 11:30 p S.S. Campania off Sagaponack L. I. March 7, 1903 Via Marconi Wireless Co. President, White House, Washington, D.C. Your excellency with true feelings of respect and gratitude I acknowledge the receipt of your good bye letter and kind wishes therein expressed. It was read amid great enthusiasm in one the most remarkable meetings ever held in New York City. Reflecting on my late campaign as I steam out onto the wide Atlantic I am more than ever impressed with the greatness of the Nation at whose head you have been placed by the Providence of God. I pray that he may spare you all the wisdom needed for the guidance of destines so vast in the direction most likely to effectually advance the peace and good will of the Nations abroad and to promote the highest well being of the people at home at the same time do fervently hope that those kindly feelings which you are known to entertain towards those who grow in misery and helplessness even in this greatly favored country may be strengthened and that your practical mind may help forward in the encouragement of such methods as are most likely to afford permanent assurance. May the blessing of Him that maketh rich and addeth sorrow be on the White House and on the Nation it represents. William Booth, General of the Salvation Army.[*PPF*] Mr. Loeb, or other secretary, will greatly oblige the writer by seeing that Mr. Roosevelt himself reads this letter. [* ? *] 58 West 57th Street New York 7th March 1903 [*Ackd 3/9/1903*] My Dear Mr Roosevelt, The Society of American Artists want to exhibit your portrait by Sargent at their forthcoming exhibition at the Fine Arts Galleries, 215 W. 57th St., N.Y. As as chairman of the Hanging Committee and as chairman of the Committee on Solicitation of notable works I beg to reinforce the requestrequest of Mr. John La Farge president of the Society -- in his request already written to Mrs. Roosevelt, to let us have your portrait for the Exhibition. It must be here by the latter part of next week and we will attend to the details of forwarding etc. How much do you wish for insurance valuation? We will cover the portrait -- to any amount up to $250000X. I had the pleasure of meeting you, Mr. President, at dinner at Ansley Wilcox's house in Buffalo about May 1901. I hope you will consider favorably this request which is made. on behalf of all the officers and members of the Society of American Artists. Very truly yours Wm. A. Coffin P.S. As chairman of the Hanging Committee I guarantee the "place of honor" for your portrait. W.A.C. To Theodore Roosevelt Esqr — President &c &c &c.[*File*] WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT: Secretary Hitchcock telephones (5 p.m.) that since his telephone message of this morning in the matter of the vacancy in the position of allotting agent at the Rosebud Agency in South Dakota, he has learned that the party who held the position, who has been lately deceased, had recommended his assistant, a Mr. Bates, a surveyor of thirty years experience and a first-class man in every way, as his successor. The Secretary expects to receive his endorsements by Monday. The Secretary thought the President would like to have this information in discussing the matter with the Senators this evening. W. Loeb Jr. March 7, 1903OFFICE OF THIRD ASSISTANT SECRETARY. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. March 7, 1903. [*Wrote Secy. Hay 3-7-1903 - asking what recommendations for consuls on file.*] Dear Mr. Loeb: referring to the President's communication to me with regard to Mr. Winslow, appointed Consul at Guatemala, I have to say that the Consulate at Barbados could now be made vacant. This consulate receives a higher salary than Guatemala, and fees about equal. It is, therefore, a rather better place. The facts with regard to the present incumbent at Barbados, – Samuel A. Macallister, – are as follows: He was appointed from Delaware, but apparently without very influential support. For a long time he has been reputed to be a man of extremely bad habits, and some of his accounts, about a year ago, were found to be fraudulent. Macallister stated that they were made up by his clerk and vice consul, and that he signed them without being aware of their incorrectness or fraud. At that time it was the purpose of the President, – on the recommendation of the Secretary, – to remove Macallister, transfer to Barbados the Consul at St. John, New Brunswick, and transfer to New Brunswick the Consul at Rimouski, province of Quebec, to which post, at the solicitation of Senator Platt of Connecticut, Mr. Ryder was to have been appointed. The project fell through because of the unwillingness of the Consul at St. John to make the change, and it was deemed best to retain Mr. Macallister at Barbados until he had made good the deficiencies in his accounts from his salary. At that time Dr. Hill, – then Assistant Secretary of State, - promised Senator Platt that when Macallister was removed, and the Barbados Consulate became vacant, Mr. Ryder should be appointed as Consul there. Nothing further has been done in this manner. Macallister has not made good his deficiency and can properly be removed, and if the President feels committed to Senator Platt with regard to Mr. Ryder, Mr. Ryder could be appointed Consul at Guatemala. Will you kindly submit the above to the President for his consideration? Yours sincerely Herbert H. D. Peirce To William Loeb, Jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President.[*Ackd 3/10/1903*] GEO. E. RANDOLPH BOX 965 DENVER, COLO. Mar 7 1903 The President Washington D.C. Sir -- I was very much annoyed to learn last night from Mr. Mercott that he had urged my name upon you for Surgeon General rather than Vivian. Mr Mercott's special interest in the defeat of Vivian is natural enough but if it had happened that you had appointed me I should have asked you to withdraw amy name and send in Vivian because for the true good of the party Vivian appointment is wise -- Mr Mercott however knew that I did not want the office of Surgeon General and did want the Denver Post Office and he was not justified in using my standing of record to induce your not to appoint Vivian Your Obdt Servant Geo E RandolphGEO. E. RANDOLPH BOX 965 DENVER, COLO [*[3-7-1903]*] If Mr. Loeb will allow the President to see this note I shall be grateful. Geo. E Randolph[For enc. see 3-7-03] [new page] [*[ca Mar 7, 1903]*] [*File*] War Department, Office of the Assistant Secretary, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President As I have not had a chance to hand you the enclosed letter, I am leaving it for you. Sincerely Yours Wm Cary Sanger - [*[Sanger]*][*P.P.F.*] [[shorthand]] [*ackd 3/7/1903*] Supreme Court Appellate Division Fourth Department Franklinville, N.J. March 7th,19[00] The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. President:- I was in Washington several days recently and ascertained as fully as I was able the political situation relative to your nomination for the Presidency next year. I am satisfied there is considerable opposition to you among men representing aggregated wealth and also among certain Senators and Representatives in Congress. I am satisfied no attempt has been made to crystallize this sentiment and unless there is an upheaval or radical change it will not develop into any effective barrier to you. Inability to agree on an acceptable candidate in a measure will prevent any concentration of the opposition but the chief factor in preventing it is the tremendous grip you have upon the great body of the people throughout the republican states. In that loyalty to you concededly lies your strength and I am quite confident those opposed to you realise they cannot hope to win against you in the face of this manifest approval of your administration.Supreme Court Appellate Division Fourth Department Franklinville, N.Y. _________190______ Pardon the suggestion, but I believe it will be wise to have the delegates to the National Convention from New York State chosen as early as practicable next year for the unanimity of your home endorsement will squelch whatever opposition to you may be lurk- ing about, if it manages to survive during the present year, which I much doubt. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, Alfred Spring[*ackd 3/10/1903 Wrote to Campbell*] THE INQUIRER CINCINNATI,OHIO Station M. March 7th.1903. My dear Colonel, I am satisfied that the Postoffice Department scandal will be given to the public very soon through court proceedings, and that is not proven to the satisfaction of a judge or jury, will be accepted by the public. If Mr.Tyner is innocent, the fact that his son-in-law took money as attorney for lotteries and get-rich-quick swindlers, for procuring permits to use the mails and where permits could not be secured, did secure immunity from the Postal Officials, will surely be made so evident that it cannot be doubted. If the Department is not rotten it is believed to be so, and it is my opinion that the President should make a lot of removals and investigate afterwards. I do not know how much the President knows of the matter but i presume he is very fully informed of what has been going on, for some of the people having knowledge must have written or told him. This thing, which surpasses the Star Route scandals is too widely known to be kept hid longer. [*[Enc in Sanger 3-7-03]*] If you think best, you can show this letter to the President. You are in the "atmosphere" and know what is floating on the currents of gossip. If Senator Burton is a party to the thing I would not try to shelter him because of my kinship to his wife. I will only say that so far i have seen no evidence that he was connected with these matters, but there are lots of things which i do not know. If you think the President knows all of these things, or would not take this letter in the spirit of friendship in which it is written, do not show it to him. The serious illness of my wife has kept me so close at home that I have not been able to visit Washington as I had hoped to. I see that you are to go to Pittsburgh Landing. I was there April 5th and 6th 1862. By the way,Gen. A.Hickenlooper has written two remarkable papers on Grant at that Battle, which would be of interest to you. They were delivered at the meetings of the loyal legion in this City. Your friend, J. H. Woodard Col. Wm. Caney Sanger, Washington, D.CCincinnati,Ohio ,March 7th 1903. My dear Colonel; Since writing you this morning I have had a long talk with Mr. T.C. Campbell, attorney for Ryan, one of the get-rich-quick gamblers who had an office at St. Louis and a race course here. From the statements made to me, Campbell expects to file a suit against the Attorney General for the P.O. Dept. and also against Mr. Miller, his second assistant and Barrett ,the son-in-law of Tyner. If the President wants to get all the information which campbell has he can have it for the mere asking and Campbell with go to Washington to tell it to him. As it was told to me, the first money was paid for permission to use the mails and afterwards for protection, so that the charge of black-mail will lie if the facts are as given to me. I do not believe that Campbell would misrepresent any fact or claim that he had a fact which he did not have. It seems to me that the President should not allow this matter to get out through outside sources and then have to play second fiddle through the prosecution or even investigation of what is charged. Your friend, J. H. Woodard Col. Wm. Carey Sanger, Asst. Sec. of War, 305 Washington, D.C.[*[Enclosed in Bishop. 3-8-03]*] 6 THE COMMERCIAL ADVERTISER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, MARCH 7, 1[1???] The Commercial Adberliser. --------------------------------------------- By The Commercial Advertiser Associates. ------------------------------------------------------ SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 7, 1903. ------------------------------------------------------ THE SUBSCRIPTION RATES. THE COMMERCIAL ADVERTISER. Published every evening except Sunday. One year........$7.50 Three months.....$1.90 Six months..... 3.75 One month........... .65 Saturday edition alone (with illustrated supplement) per year..................................................$2.50 ------------ Postage prepaid to all points in the United States, Canada and Mexico. In New York City the paper is supplied by newsdealers at the regular subscription rates, single copies costing 2 cents. Saturday edition (with illustrated supplement), 5 cents. The postage to foreign countries is additional. REMITTANCES, unless made by bank draft, postal, bank or express money order or registered letter, will be at the subscriber's risk. -------------- Readers of The Commercial Advertiser leaving town may have the paper mailed to them for 15 cents a week or 65 cents per month, postpaid, and addresses will be changed as often as desired. ----------------- PUBLICATION OFFICE, 187 Broadway. BRANCH OFFICES: Uptown, 1265, 1267, and 1364 Broadway. TELEPHONE 453 CORTLANDT—All Departments. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- Any person who cannot buy The Commercial Advertiser on a news stand in any New York Borough, in suburban towns, on railroad trains or elsewhere, will confer a favor by notifying the Publisher of The Commercial Advertiser, 137 Broadway, New York City. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- SUBWAY POLITICS IN THE SENATE. With Senator Gorman back in his old position as chairman of the Democratic senatorial caucus there will be some smooth and noiseless political work by the minority in the Senate. There is no such expert underground operator in either party as Gorman. He believes in the deep rather than the near-surface tunnel, and like Br'er Mole, he "stay in de ground" most of the time. With Morgan paralyzing the Republican majority—only 58 in number, poor things, or 26 more than the Democratic minority—with his talk and Gorman undermining them with wires and electric ducts, there is no Knowing what may happen. Perhaps, after a week or two of helplessness, the majority may come to the conclusion that a change in the rules, even a the sacrifice of that noble old bogey "senatorial courtesy," may be necessary in order to keep them from becoming quite contemptible in the popular estimation—but this may be too much to hope for. ==================== ROOSEVELT AND HIS PARTY. The action of the Republican State Convention of Michigan yesterday in, "cordially indorsing the patriotic, courageous and wise policy of the President, Theodore Roosevelt," and "here- by renewing our pledge of support and our expression of confidence in his ad- ministration," is peculiarly significant, coming, as it does, from the head centre of the beet sugar industry. Although the wording of the resolution would imply that Michigan was one of the states which pledged themselves last year to the President's nomination, such is not the case. The states were Republican conventions did that were the following , the figures representing the size of their delegation in the national convention: Alabama ........ 22 |Missouri......... 36 Colorado ....... 10 |Montana......... 6 Connecticut .... 14 | New Hampshir 8 Delaware ....... 6 | New York ....... 78 Iowa ........... 25 | Pennsylvania ... 68 Kansas ......... 20 | Texas .......... 36 Massachusetts 32 | Washington .... 10 Minnesota ...... 22 Total ...........................................................394 Michigan will have twenty-eight votes in the convention, raising the total now pledged to Roosevelt to 422. Under the new congressional apportionment the next convention will contain fifty-eight more delegates than that of 1900, or 984. As a majority is necessary for a nomination, the successful candidate must receive 492½ votes. Roosevelt is, therefore, only seventy and a half votes short of a nomination to-day, which is not a condition of affairs that is calculated to cause his friends uneasiness or to give solace or cheer to his opponents. ==================== MORE OF SECRETARY ROOT'S DEVILTRY The Bureau of Insular Affairs of the War Department has issued a pamphlet of 48 pages which is the most dastardly blow at "Filipino liberty" yet struck by the Tyrant Root. It contains the telegraphic correspondence of Aguinaldo between July 15, 1898, and Feb. 28, 1899, the seven months preceding and following the attack by Aguinaldo on the American troops at Manila on Feb. 4, 1899. The telegrams were discovered by Capt. John R. M. Taylor of the Fourteenth American Infantry among a lot of papers captured from the insurgent government. When the Tyrant Root got hold of these telegrams, some of them in Spanish, some of them in Tagalog and some in cipher, what did he do with them? Send them to the Anti-Imperialist League in Boston, as a man in his place who was not a Tyrant would have done? Not a bit of it. He had them all done into English, and now he has had them published for all the world to see. And a "holy show" they make of the funny "Antis." They reveal more clearly than ever the fact that there was serious opposition to Aguinaldo's authority among his own people; that an attack upon the Americans at Manila had been fully decided upon before the outbreak of hostilities on Feb. 4 1899, and that in the event of the struggle proving successful the new government that would have been created would not have been a republic, for titles of nobility were, on Jan. 14, 1899, promised to certain insurgent officers as a reward for entering Manila and capturing the American forces and their officers. Nice kind of a George Washington that shows Aguinaldo to have been! Why, he was nothing but a cheap conspirator of the regulation Spanish monarchical sort, seeking to set up a little absolute monarchy of his own, and doing it with the assassination of American soldiers as a starter! If ever information deserved to be suppressed in the interest of "liberty," this deserved it, and yet Secretary Root throws it broadcast to the eyes of the world. When Senator Hoar reads it he will be in danger of despairing of Filipino capacity to govern themselves, even as he has despaired of American capacity to govern them. That would be the last blow to Freedom. ==================== AN ELOQUENT SILENCE. The most noticeable thing about the life of this city to-day is the silence of Tammany and all connected with it. Even Devery talks very little, and only on subjects apart from politics. A few weeks ago he emitted a groan of despair about Gen. Greene's methods, to the effect that these were destroying the nerve of the force, but since then he has said nothing beyond telling a reporter that he finds deep and abiding comfort in his "libry" which is situated at the top of his house and consists entirely of scrap books containing cartoons and "roasts" of himself. Contemplation of this choice collection of polite literature takes his mind back to the past when he was a great man in the community, and affords him perfect happiness. Devery is not the only Tammanyite who is finding more comfort in the past than in the future. The brief period of elation which followed the election in November has ended. Then, too, the amateur talent which was supplying Tammany with ammunition for the next campaign under the impression that it was helping Mayor Low to run the city government, has discovered its error, and for two months or more has been even quieter than Tammany. There are occasional yelps and squeaks from the Sun office, probably due to its proximity to the City Hall. Whenever the eye of the editor of the Sun falls upon the mayor's office the effect is the same that the sight of a casual acquaintance had upon the late Robert Louis Stevenson. "I don't know what it is about that man," said Stevenson, "but he excites in me passions that would disgrace hell." For something like twenty years the name of Seth Low has had this effect upon one editor of the Sun after another, and it is likely to continue for all time. Left entirely to itself Tammany is unable to accumulate ammunition for the approaching campaign. It has no newspapers devoted openly to its interests, and those which may be secretly devoted are unable to help it except at such times as those in which reformers, suffering from an attack of irrepressible desire to show that they have the courage to "speak out" even against their best friends, supply them with matter for publication which is really first rate Tammany campaign literature. There has not been a line of this now for many weeks, and the consequence is steadily increasing depression in Tammany Hall, accompanied by a silence that is as unprecedented as it is eloquent. This is very cheering to the friends of decent government. It shows, as we have said more than once, that the people of the city, half consciously and half unconsciously, have moved away irrevocably from the Tammany style of government and cannot be induced to permit its return. Many of them are scarcely aware of their own state of mind about it at present, but they will be as soon as the proposal to substitute Tammany for the kind of government we have now is made formally to them. They will not be able to give their votes for the return to the City Hall of a mayor who is an outcast from the social and business life of the city, who is unable to represent the city at all at public banquets and functions, and who sits in the chair of chief executive as the personal enemy of the intelligence and morality of the community. We used to endure that extraordinary condition of affairs because long usage had accustomed us to it, but it is not within the range of human probability that we shall consent to its restoration. There is no danger of such restoration, providing the friends and advocates of decent government will stand together as they have been standing lately and will refuse to give aid in any form to Tammany and its open and secret allies. We must have either fusion or Tammany government for two years after Jan. 1 next. There is no other alternative. This being so, the only course for those who believe in honest government is to do everything to secure it and nothing that will conduce to its defeat. Leave Tammany alone to fight its own battle and to find its own weapons. So long as it stands alone, without disguise or hope of it, decent men will shun it and all reputable men will refuse to become its candidates or in any other way to help it out or [of] its pit of abomination and detestation. ==================== A HINT TO GERMANY. It is rather amusing to find the German press manifesting aggrieved surprise over the new naval plans of the British Admiralty. Mr. Balfour announced yesterday that a fortified naval station is to be established on the north side of the Firth of Forth. It has practically been decided also to detach a portion of the fleet and assign it to cruising duty in the North Sea and in the Baltic. The innocent surprise which the Germans display over the receipt of this intelligence is really touching in its simplicity. Why, it really looks, they say, as though the English were preparing to protect themselves from any possible attack on the part of Germany! It does, to be sure, rather look that way. But why the Germans should be so startled and so shocked about it is something of a psychological problem. During the past year or two the German naval authorities have been giving particular attention to the construction of works at Kiel, especially intended to provide for the rapid mobilization of transports for the purpose of conveying an invading arm to the British coast. The German press has again and again announced this fact with glee. German naval officers have written long articles in the service magazines to show how cleverly this invasion scheme could be carried out, and even in the Reichstag the subject has been referred to with general approbation. Under the circumstances, what did the Germans suppose that the British government would do? It was a notorious fact that the British coast on the North Sea was without any efficient protection, and here was a potential enemy making active preparations to descend upon it in certain eventualities. Even if the English people were afflicted with all the Dummheit which certain Germans are fond of ascribing to them, they could scarcely sit still and wait amiably for the spiked helmets to come swarming into their inland counties. It is too bad, of course, that German sensibilities should be hurt; but in England at the present time nobody, except, perhaps, Lord Lansdowne, is very seriously interested in coddling German susceptibilities. ==================== A MATTER OF SUPREME IMPORTANCE. Mr. Jerome's view of the Appellate Division's decision in the Lewisohn case is the only sound one. He will carry the case to the Court of Appeals "because it is of the utmost importance to the district attorney's office that a final ruling should be had in this matter." "To that end," he adds, "I will, if necessary, go to the Supreme Court of the United States." The point is a very simple one. In seeking to obtain evidence that Canfield was running a gambling house Mr. Jerome summoned Lewisohn as a witness and asked him if he was ever in the house, promising him full immunity in case his answer should tend to incriminate him. The witness declined to answer. The court directed him to answer and he again refused. A warrant was issued for his arrest and he was arrested. Proceedings for his release were instituted by his counsel, which were dismissed by Justice Scott of the Supreme Court. An appeal was taken to the Appellate Division, and on this appeal a majority of that court decide against Justice Scott's ruling and hold that Lewisohn was justified in his refusal on the ground of privilege conferred by the state constitution, which provides that "no person shall be compelled in any criminal proceeding to be a witness against himself." In a minority opinion, concurred in by Justice Hatch, Justice McLaughlin dissents from the majority opinion, "first, because the question discussed in the prevailing opinion is not before us, and second, if it were, the conclusion reached is in conflict with the decision of the Court of Appeals, which it is the duty of this court to follow." Justice McLaughlin goes on to say that the question asked of Lewisohn could not have convicted him of any crime, even on the assumption that he answered in the affirmative, and adds: If, however, it be assumed that, had answers been given to the questions, and the same would have tended to incriminate the relator, I am, nevertheless, of the opinion that he was not excused from testifying. To hold otherwise is to entirely disregard section 342 of the Penal Code. It is suggested that this section is in conflict with article I., section 6, of the constitution. This suggestion would require very serious consideration were it not for the fact that the Court of Appeals in People ex rel. Hackley vs. Kelly held otherwise. It was there urged that the immunity offered was insufficient to satisfy the constitutional provision that no person should be compelled in a criminal case to be a witness against himself, inasmuch as there might be elicited from the witness matters which would furnish a link whereby the prosecution might be enabled to secure other evidence by means of which to convict the witness of a crime, but the court held that this did not render the statute unconstitutional. I do not think the Hackley case has been overruled, and, if I am correct in this, then it is the duty of this court to follow it. There is clearly strong ground here for believing that the Court of Appeals will dissent from the prevailing opinion of the Appellate Division. Its decision will be awaited with the greatest interest, and until it shall be rendered all hope of getting evidence against Canfield by other witnesses summoned as Lewisohn was will have to be abandoned, for none such can be compelled to testify against his will. ==================== REFLECTED REPUTATION. There seems of late to have appeared a revival of interest in Sénancour's Obermann. Perhaps it would be more true to say that for the first there is apparent something which resembles such an interest. Until now the writings of Sénancour were not only caviare to the general but caviare even to the majority of serious students of literature. The name of Obermann became known in this country at the time of Matthew Arnold's visit, largely as the result of a joke perpetrated on Mr. Arnold by a Chicago newspaper man; but very few have had a firsthand knowledge of the book. Everyone, however, is familiar with Matthew Arnold's lines about this curious study, and because they know these lines they believe that they know Obermann. As a matter of fact, Obermann, as we think of him, has no more relation to the type created by Sénancour than the original Omar has to the Persian poet whom we meet in the quatrains of FitzGerald. Go to the Persian Rubaiyat and you will find none of the profound Epicurean philosophy which FitzGerald has ascribed to Omar, none of the color, and little of the felicity of phrase. In like manner go to the Obermann of Sénancour and contrast him with the Obermann whom Matthew Arnold saw, or thought he saw. In Arnold, Obermann is one whose soul is tortured by doubt and overwhelmed with a melancholy which at times is intensified until it rises to the realm of passion and of pain. He can scarcely speak of what his heart contains, and when he speaks it is in broken accents to which no one will listen. This is the Obermann of Arnold. But as we actually find him in the book, he is utterly cold, impersonal, and lacking in vitality, and more than that, so far from being tongue-tied, he is fluent to a degree. Even his melancholy is to him detached from personality and, indeed, it ministers to a certain secret sensibility of his, so that it forms, as some one has observed, a "subtle phase of pleasure." The Obermann of Arnold lived with his soul upon the rack; the Obermann of Sénancour cared not at all for either faith or doubt any more than he cared for men and women or for the strife of man's existence here on earth. He lived within himself and he was quite content. We wonder whether, now that his musings have been placed before the English and the American literary student, the reputation which has been Obermann's, or, if you please, de Sénancour's, will not go where it ought to go, and that is to Matthew Arnold, who, out of a cold and really selfish character, drew the suggestion of a wonderful poem full of beauty and pathos. For the Obermann of whom men speak is really Arnold's as the Omar of whom men speak is FitzGerald's. In each instance the reputation and the fame of the one whom we professedly admire are reflected fame and reflected reputation, and they belong by right not to the lesser genius who suggested but to the greater genius who made perfect. ==================== PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AND "SOCIAL EQUALITY." ----- Southern Views. New Orleans Picayune: All political trouble over the race question in these southern states was completely done away with, and it seemed to have been laid to rest until President Roosevelt began his remarkable social equality gyrations. Then political attacks were made in the courts on the Virginia and other state constitutions, and the long dormant social equality bills of congress began to be talked about. It is proper enough for any question of constitutional rights to be settled by the highest authority, but there would never have been any recrudescence of sectional agitation but for the obvious efforts of the President to set an example of abolishing all race and color lines in his official and social circles. That is the cause of the recent uproar that has been raised on the subject in some parts of the country. We had expected something different from the usually fair and conservative Picayune. Amid all the sensational "rot" of one kind and another many of our southern contemporaries have indulged on the subject of the race issue, the Picayune has been unusually reasonable and sane, but this paragraph would seem to indicate at least a temporary aberration. We believe the Picayune will agree with us that President Roosevelt is entitled to just and fair treatment, even though he may be a Republican and the assured candidate of his party for reelection. What has Mr. Roosevelt done to justify the Picayune in saying that he "has set an example of abolishing all race and color lines in his official and social circles"? We quite agree that Mr. Roosevelt has maintained that he will not allow a man's color to debar him from holding office. In this he is guilty of nothing more than other presidents before him have been. He has not set an example of "social equality," and we do not believe that his action has in any way justified the hue and cry the southern press has raised against him in this particular and in which we regret to see the Picayune joining. It is true the question of race has been suddenly brought into more prominence than it deserves, and for that matter, more than is called for; but we are not sure this would not have been done whatever Mr. Roosevelt's policy. The President is a candidate of his party for president, and we may reasonably say that he is going to make all he can out of the questions before the public for the benefit of his party and incidentally for the success of his candidacy. We cannot quarrel with him on that account, for we are not sure but that there is a large share of "politics" in the agitation of the "question" at this time by our southern leaders. The effort to hold the President accountable for the wild and furious agitation of the "social issue" is the merest bosh. In his letter to Mr. Clarke Howell the President has shown a marvellous [marvelous] regard for the sensibilities of the southern people, notwithstanding the wilful [willful] misrepresentation of which he has been made the victim by a large number of southern writers and speakers. Politically Mr. Roosevelt is under no kind of obligations to the south, and his letter to Mr. Howell displays a personal regard for the people of the section that shames the men who have been abusing and condemning him. Without in the least apologizing for anything he has done—for that was not necessary—he has displayed a most generous regard for the southern people and has exhibited an unselfish desire to enjoy their good-will and esteem. The esteemed Picayune may learn from a perusal of this letter to Mr. Howell how unjust and unfair it has been to Mr. Roosevelt. He has frankly stated his position, and although he might have very properly taken some of his critics to task, he has refrained from doing so, relying upon the proverbial love of justice and fair play of the southern people for a vindication, and we believe that he will get it. It will not surprise us if this entire agitation of the so-called "social equality" issue is turned immensely not only to the political but to the personal advancement of the President in the estimation of the public—because it is foolish, idle and has no substance in it. It has been pumped up, made, created by a lot of extremists for their own glorification and that of their friends, and, incidentally, if possible, to the discredit of a Republican president among people who had come to admire him because of his broad Americanism, his thorough honesty and his courageous treatment of public questions.—Chattanooga Times.[For 1. enclosure see 3-7-03] [new page] [*PPF*] [SHORTHAND] [*ackd 3/10/1903*] 256 West 94th Street. Sunday, Mch 8 [*[03]*] Dear Mr. President - There are two or three things here that I think will interest you. Yours always J. B. Bishop. To President Roosevelt.[*[Enclosed in Bishop MARCH 8, 1903.]*] World. 19:184 1;463 "Circulation Books Open to All.” Greatest Growth NEW YORK, SUNDAY, MARCH 8, 1903. Copyright, 1903, by the Press Publishing Company, New York World 72 PAGES DEAR THEODORE DELIGHTED TO READ IN THE PAPERS YOU ARE COMING WEST. HOPE YOU WILL HAVE A BULLY TIME. ORFULLY SORRY, NOT TO MEET YOU, BUT THE WHOLE BUNCH OF US HAS GONE DOWN THE MISSISSIPI. CALL AGAIN. The Bear The Mountain Lion The Deer & others MAUSER RAPID FIRE GUN KEY TO THE DOOR OF HOPE THE VALUE OF PUBLICITY.The Commercial Advertiser. Established 1797. 187 Broadway and 5 and 7 Dey Street, Editorial Department. New York, March 9th, 1903. [*ackd 3/10/1903*] Dear Mr. President:-- I have just received a long letter from Gov. Taft which contains some passages which I am sure will interest you. He is writing confidentially, but I have no doubt he would be quite willing that you should see all that he says. After going somewhat at length into the question of the Supreme Court judgeship, he says: "The news comes now that the President has appointed Day to the place which I declined. Day's being an Ohio man and coming from the same court which I left, rather foreclose any chance I have to succeed to that bench. Of course, this is something of a disappointment, but I am sure it would have made no difference if I had known definitely that this was the alternative.". "The suggestion that I could become a candidate for any place on the presidential ticket is as absurd as anything possibly could be. After having been ten years a Federal Judge and after having hit as hard as I could the lawlessness of the Debs strike and other strikes that came with my jurisdiction, the presence of my name on the ticket would introduce into the campaign an issue which would weigh down the party's cause and would make my candidacy simply disastrous to a cause that would otherwise win. I am first, last and all the time, for Roosevelt for President, and I am confident that he will be triumphantly elected as he ought to be. The last election was a great triumph for him, and all he has to do to succeed himself is to live. The opposition of the money interest to him, while somewhat important in the nominating convention The Commercial Advertiser. ESTABLISHED 1797. 187 BROADWAY AND 5 AND 7 DEY STREET, EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT. NEW YORK, -2- will cease to be important except in the matter of funds which will be contributed - not an unimportant thing, of course - but which will cease to be important in the election because the money interests cannot but feel that they will be safer with Roosevelt than with anyone whom the Democrats would put up. More than this, I have not the slightest taste for political life or for a political campaign, the horrors of which are like a nightmare to me. I do not look beyond the work which I have here, for the work in hand is quite enough to occupy my entire time and attention." He says in regard to Wright: "The truth is that with his presence in the island and on the commission, we are able to command the support of most of the elements, and that together we are stronger than either would be alone. Is not all this thoroughly characteristic? Yours always, J. B. Bishop. President Roosevelt.[For 1. enclosure see 3-8-03]Maxwell House Stenographers. Annie D. Compton, C. C. Sperry, [*ackd 3/11/1903*] Nashville, Tenn., March 9, 1903. [SHORTHAND] Theo. Roosevelt, President of United States, Washington, D.C. Sir: I have the honor to address you in regard to your Presidential possibilities in the South. At the present time the feeling is somewhat against you, on account of negro problem. If, sir, you will give me the pleasure and opportunity, I have no doubt that I can carry the States of Kentucky, Tennessee, and Alabama for you, and probably Georgia. Hon. C. M. Barnett of Kentucky will give you some information as to who I am and what I can do. You will confer a favor on me by commanding me to help you. Sincerely trusting that I can be of practical service to you, and awaiting your further commands, I have the honor to subscribe myself. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, L. Paschal Martyn, Room 123, Maxwell House, Nashville, Tenn.[*Filed*] [*CF*] THE POSTMASTER GENERAL WASHINGTON March 9, 1903. My dear Mr.President:- Mr. Foulke has handed to me his report in the St. Louis Post Office investigation. It is impossible for me to carefully go through it before I leave on my vacation, and I have therefore to request and urge that you do not seriously consider the case until after my return. I am thoroughly impressed with the belief that there has existed a vicious and vile conspiracy against Mr. Baumhoff, a worthy man, and I am not able to concur in the conclusions reached by Mr. Foulke. Very sincerely, H C Payne To The President. [*Theodore Roosevelt*][*[For 1 enclosure see ca. 3-9-1903]*] [*[FOR ATTACHMENT SEE 3-9-03]*] [*Ackd 3/10/1903*] REGIA AMBASCIATA 'D' ITALIA. Washington, D. C., March 9th, 1903 My dear Mister President: I beg to offer to you some photograph, of the Italian officer and soldiers, which will further interest you. I am, my dear Mr. President, with the highest regard, Yours respectfully E Mayor des Planches.ROYAL ITALIAN EMBASSY. WASHINGTON. To the President of the United States White House From the Italian Ambassador[ATTATCHED TO STANCHI 3-9-03][File] Department of Agriculture Office of the Secretary Washington, D.C. March 9, 03 Dear Mr President I had Mr. Dixon of Maryland hunted up and found he had gave to Montana. I wrote him to learn whom he wanted placed and the kind of work he desired and was fitted for. Will hear soon and see you about it. with esteem James Wilson [*ackd 3/14/1903*] West Park NY, Mch 18th 1903, Dear Prest. Roosevelt Your letter gave me very great pleasure, I shall never cease to marvel at the variety of your interests & the extent of your knowledge, — these with your amazing energy & ability form one of the most noteworthy things, in current American history, — & one of the most promising. You seem to be able todiscipline & correct any of us in his own chosen field. I know my Atlantic paper had some nasty streaks in it & I tried to correct some of them in a 2d "revise" but was too late to get them in. I know you are right in all the points you make. I knew about the tameness of the birds in uninhabited islands, but I had forgotten if I even knew, about the tameness of the beasts. I had forgotten also the incident you refer to in his Warning Story of the deer hunt. I have just had an approving2 letter from Andrew J Stone who has the spent years in the far North along the shores of the Arctic Ocean, & I hope even to have a talk with him on the wild animals of that region. The fear of man is of course an acquired fear among the wild animals, but fear of each other - of their natural enemies - must have become instinctive in all of them. It is said that if you stroke a dog & then put you hand into a [boat] box containing kittens [they] who have never seen or known adog they will put up their backs & spit at it instantly, In anything like a complete survey of recent contributions to our National History, your own hunting books must hold a prominent place. In your Examiner articles, describing your hunt of the Cougar I learned more of the ways & character of that beast, & of the Lake Cat, than I ever knew before, to say nothing of the light you throw upon the individuality of dogs. It is more than kind[*[For attachment see ca 3-10-03]*] 3 for you to ask me to go with you to the Yellowstone Park this spring. Of course I should like to go if there were no "ifs" in the way. I am no chicken & seem to be able to tramp & climb mountains as well as ever I could, I dont kill game as I used to but I can eat my share of it. Hoping the "Yellow papers" will not cheat you of your outing, I am your loyal supporter & friend John BurroughsCopy [*ackd*] West Park, N.Y., Mch 10th, 1903. Dear Prest. Roosevelt, Your letter gave me very great pleasure. I shall never cease to marvel at the variety of your interests and the extent of your knowledge,- these with your amazing energy and activity from one of the most noteworthy things in current American history, - and one of the most promising. You seem able to discipline and correct any of us in his own chosen field. I knew my (underline) Atlantic paper had some hasty streaks in it and I tried to correct some of them in the 2d "revise" but was too late to get them in. I know you are right in all the points you make. I knew about the tameness of the birds in uninhabited islands, but I had forgotten, if I ever knew, about the tameness of the beasts. I had forgotten also the incident you refer to in Mr. Warner's story of the deer hunt. I have just had an approving letter from Andrew J. Stone, who has spent years in the far North along the shores of the Arctic Ocean, and I hope soon to have a talk with him on the wild animals of that region. The fear of man is of course an acquired fear among the wild animals, but fear of each other - of their natural enemies - must have become instinctive in all of them. It is said that if you stroke a dog and then put your hand in a box containing kittens who have never seen or known a dog they will put up their backs and spit at it instantly. In anything like a complete survey of recent contributions to our Natural History, your own hunting books must hold a prominent place. In your (underline) Scribner articles, describing your hunt of the cougar, I learned more of the ways and character of that beast, and of the bob-cat, than I ever knew before, to say nothing of the light you throw upon the individuality 2 of dogs. It is more than kind for you to ask me to go with you to the Yellow-stone Park this spring. Of course I should Iike to go, if there are no "ifs" in the way. I am no chicken and seem to be able to tramp and climb mountains as well as ever I could. I don't kill game as I used to but I can eat my share of it. Hoping the "yellow papers" will not cheat you of your outing, I am, Your loyal supporter and friend John Burroughs.[*[For 1, enc. see Memo, ca 3-10-03]*] [*Ackd 3/11/1903 CS*] SPANISH TREATY CLAIMS COMMISION WASHINGTON D.C. March 10th 1903 My dear Mr. President My days of active political organization are over; and I do not wish to be a dogmatic adviser; and by no means wish to be a critic or fault-finder. But the condition of the party worries me - at the South - I have written my advice to you, herewith enclosed; and shall show my suggestions to no one else. Very Respectfully Wm E Chandler To the President [SHORTHAND][ca 3-10-03]] Mem for the President You do not stop at Omaha on the way out to the Park and Fargo seems to be the most convenient plan for Mr. Burroughs to give you W.Loeb [Loeb][attached to Burroughs 3-10-03]T/T DEPARTMENT OF STATE. WASHINGTON. [*✓*] March 10, 1903. William Loeb, jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: I enclose for the information of the President copy of a despatch from the United States Minister at Madrid explaining the delay in his official reception. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant Francis B Loomis Acting Secretary. Enclosure: From Spain, No. 10, February 21, 1903.[For 1 enc. see Hardy 2-21-03][*Ack'd 3-11-04*] New York March 10th 1904 My dear Mr President May I venture, on behalf of a great multitude who, I know, share my gratitude, to thank you for you admirable and most timely proclamation on the true meaning of Neutrality? A great Nation, likeOurs ought to be able to illustrate the dignity of a dignified reserve - and for all official representatives it is a plain duty. You have done us all good by calling us to recollect ourselves! Gratefully and Respectfully Henry C. Potter The President of the United States 113 W 40" good man, his appointment would be good from a party point of view- Always your devoted sister Corinne [*[ROBINSON]*] [*Ackd 3/11//03*] March 10th 1903 422 Mad Ave My darling Theodore I have to write with my left-hand now which accounts for this pencilled scrawl, but I wanted to tell you that Father's dear old friend Mrs. George Cabot-Ward (Miss Fannie Morris) is going on to Washington on the 12th (Thursday) withthe hope, which she says has become almost a passion with her of seeing "Theo's son in the White House" - He was ill all last winter & could not go. Edith is so lovely & hospitable that I am sure she will be good to Mrs Ward, but I thought in this one case I would write to you as she was Father's best friend & I know you will want to ask her to lunch or dine - She will arrive at the Grafton on the 12th & remain two or three days. I think of you all the time - McDougall Hawkes came to see me again about making General "O'Brien one of the Canal Commissioners. He wanted to impress on me that beside being a very[*[3-10-03]*] MEMORANDUM ABOUT SOUTHERN POLITICS. The condition of things at the South so far as the Republican party is concerned in unsatisfactory, and there is great dissatisfaction on the part of southern Republicans with the Administration. Without specifically stating the reason for that dissatisfaction, or considering whether they are just or unjust, there is a very simple remedy which should be applied and none other will answer the purpose. The habit of selecting two or three men in a southern state as referees who shall control the whole federal patronage within the state is intolerable;- to the mass of the Republicans, be that mass few or many. It is unbearable when the persons selected to act as referees are Democrats. There should be substituted for this unwise system the recognition in each state of the Republican State Committee. This should be a large committee - not less than 50, sometimes as many as 100. The Administration should recognize in making appointments a majority of this Committee, or may well require a two-thirds majority. The whole Committee need not by a vote of a majority of two-thirds of its members decide upon each of its recommendations; it may appoint an executive committee which will make the recommendations, but this executive must itself be the honest product of a majority or two-thirds vote of the whole committee; which must feel entirely free at any time to assemble and give directions to its executive committee. Under such a system as the above there will be no splits in the Republican party of the South on delegates to the National-2- Convention or other matters. The question at once arises how shall there be obtained a State Committee of from 50 to I00 which will be so completely a representative body that its decisions will be submitted to by the party in the state? Here is where the power of the Administration should be exerted. Instead of making appointments according to the recommendation of two or three individuals - whether Republicans or Democrats - selected by the Administration, the State Committee should have the privilege of recommendation, and the power of the Administration should only be exerted to secure an honest and able committee which will fairly represent the Republican party of the state. This power of the Administration can be exerted without creating friction. It would seldom be exerted and would only slightly be exerted at any time. The State Conventions which will appoint the State Committees will be fairly representative bodies, and they will give all kinds of Republicans, black and white, reasonable representation on the State Committees. The Administration will have no trouble in inducing the Conventions to place upon the State Committees the very best Republicans there are in the states - and there is no southern state in which there are not Republicans good enough for a State Committee, if they are encouraged to go to the State Convention, and to accept places upon the State Committee. The fundamental idea must be to have the State Committee large and not a small know of selfish persons. The Administration, of course, can protect itself absolutely as to the qualifications of the persons recommended for office. If they are not good men they will be rejected and the State Committee must recommend others. The plan above stated is not novel; it should always have existed in principle and practice, but the tendency nowadays in3 the Republican party is to concentrate power in very few hands. This tendency works towards the destruction of the party in state and nation. It is time to revert to first principles. There are undoubtedly enough good and honest and true Republicans to hold all the offices of any note in the southern states, but the present system does not bring them to the front, but does bring forward neutrals, pretenders, and Democrats. As things are going on there will be more than one delegation to the next National Convention from nearly every Southern state. This lamentable result, which, while it will not change any nomination in that Convention, will tend to defeat the nominees at the polls, should be avoided by the simplest and fairest possible method, which is above suggested.Enc. in Chandler 3-10-03STATE OF NEW YORK LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR'S ROOM ALBANY March 11th 1903. To His Excellency,Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. My dear Mr. President:- I have been informed by a mutual friend that you wish me to write you in relation to the situation here on school legislation. I am very sorry to say that there is being an attempt made to give this contest a religious aspect. The nominal issue on the start was as to whether the Superintendent of Public Instruction or the State Board of Regents should have the distribution of $150,000 which it was proposed to distribute to the high schools of the state for the education of pupils in such schools who were non-residents of a district in which a high school existed. The real issue today is as to whether Mr. Skinner shall exercise the judicial powers which,by law and the decision of the courts have been given to the Supt.of Public Instruction,and in the administration of which out catholic friends have felt very much aggrieved, or whether these powers shall be transferred to the regents. Every catholic journalisms in this state,I am told, with the exception of the "Messenger" published by the Jesuits, has taken a decide position against Supt. Skinner. The "Messenger" has refused to take any position. I am informed by Father Hendricks that he has canvassed the priesthood from Archbishop Farley down, and they are all very much wrought up over the situation. He isSTATE OF New York LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR'S ROOM ALBANY 2. T.R. of the opinion that the republican party will be held responsible by the catholics if they fail to pass the regents bill, on account of the antagonistic feelings which they have towards Mr. Skinner. On the other hand Mr. Skinner's administration has been generally acceptable to the protestants, and he has succeeded in creating considerable sentiment among them against transferring these powers to the Board of Regents. He is also supported in his position by the great majority of people in the country who have an idea that this is an attempt to pass legislation which will strengthen higher education at the expense of the common schools. I do not know how successful we may be in keeping down this issue so as to prevent religious fanaticism from becoming a strong factor in some of out future elections. But permit me to suggest to you the opinion that you should keep entirely out of the contest, and should say nothing that will give anyone an opportunity to quote you. Hoping that this is the information which you desire, I am, as always, Yours sincerely, Frank W Higgins[*INDEX BUREAU REC'D MAR 12 '03 DEPT OF STATE*] [*BUREAU OF APPOINTMENTS MAR 13 1903 Department of State.*] [*Ackn. Mch. 13, 1903.*] Richard Price Morgan Richard P. Morgan & Son, Civil Engineers and Railway Experts, Dwight, Illinois. March 11./03 Hon. John Hay Sect. of State Washtn, DC Dear Sir, No pub. has come to my notice of the appointment of the "International Commission to investigate & report upon the conditions & uses of the waters adjacent to the boundary line between the United States & Canada." Therefore, so much time having elapsed since my application to the President for appointment on the commission, it has become of considerable interest to me, so far as may be, to know what if anything has been decided as affecting my application - Will you kindly advise me & oblige Yours Very Truly Richard Price MorganRichard P. Morgan Ill. Requests information as to composition of the Canadian boundary line Commission[*File*] March 11. [*[1903*] Dear Mr. President: I thank you very much for your kind letter about the debate. I shall prize it most highly. My talk with you in Washington was a great aid and stimulus & I am deeply obliged for your kindness to me Very sincerely yours Elihu Root Jr[*Ackd 3/12/1903*] PASSENGER DEPARTMENT. THE NEW YORK & PORTO RICO STEAMSHIP COMPANY No. 1 BROADWAY, JOHN E. BERWIND, PRESIDENT. EDWARD J. BERWIND, VICE-PRES. F. KINGSBURY CURTIS, SECT'Y. HENRY T. KNOWLTON, TREAS. & GENERAL MANAGER. THE NEW YORK & PORTO RICO STEAMSHIP CO. SAN JUAN AGENTS SUCCESSORS TO ROSES & CO., ARECIBO. J. T. SILVA BANKING & COM. CO., AGUADILLA. FRITZE, LUNDT & CO., MAYAGUEZ. FRITZE, LUNDT & CO., PONCE. SUCCESSORS TO A. J. ALCAIDE, ARROYO. BERTRAN HNOS, HUMACAO. BERTRAN HNOS, VIEQUES. J. BIRD Y LEON, FAJARDO. DE FORD & CO., JOBOS. New York, March 11, 1903. Personal. Mr. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- In the event of Miss Roosevelt’s arrival here on Saturday morning en route for Porto Rico, it is our desire to have a special tug (the “E. J. BERWIND”) at the Pennsylvania Railroad in Jersey City, to transport her direct to our pier. We should, therefore esteem it a favor if you will kindly advise us as to the probable time of Miss Roosevelt’s arrival at the Jersey City depot. Yours very truly, The New York & Porto Rico Steamship Co., HENRY T. KNOWLTON, General Manager. Per M Seckendorf [[shorthand]]Form No. 108 THE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPANY. ----------INCORPORATED---------- 21,000 OFFICES IN AMERICA. CABLE SERVICE TO ALL THE WORLD. ---------- This Company TRANSMITS and DELIVERS messages only on conditions limiting its liability, which have been assented to by the sender of the following message. Errors can be guarded against only by repeating a message back to the sending station for comparison, and the Company will not hold itself liable for errors or delays in transmission or delivery of Unrepeated Messages, beyond the amount of tolls paid thereon, nor in any case where the claim is not presented in writing within sixty days after the message is filed with the Company for transmission. This is an UNREPEATED MESSAGE, and is delivered by request of the sender, under the conditions named above. WESTERN UNION THOS. T. ECKERT, President and General Manager. --------------------------------------------------------------- RECEIVED at WAR DEPARTMENT. 8 M. Hg. Q. 9 Paid, 2:33 P.M. Cincinnati, Ohio, March 11, 1903. Col. Wm. Carey Sanger, Assistant Secretary of War, Washington, D.C. Attorney Campbell enroute [??st] will breakfast at Raleigh tomorrow. J.H. Woodard J.C. Campbell[Enc. in Sanger ca 3-11-03]H.C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. [*File*] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES March 11, 1903. My dear Theodore:- I return the letters and I confess Mr.Randolph's effusions pretty well destroy his first communication. I should say it was evident that when he wrote you the first time he expected Wolcott to win. Sincerely yours, H. C. LodgeCollier’s Weekly Editorial Department Robert J. Collier, Editor. 416-424 W. 13th St. New York. [*Have they come?*] [SHORTHAND] [*ackd 3/17/1903*] New York, March 12, 1903. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir: I am sending you under cover four photographic prints of Mr. Sargent’s excellent portrait of yourself. I am taking the liberty to ask you to kindly dedicate and return one to me. Should you want more of these prints, I shall be delighted and honored to send them to you. We are having the reproduction made in black and white, which is an accordance with your wishes and those of Mr. Sargent, as he expressed them to me. I am to submit a proof of the reproduction to Mr. Sargent, and shall send one to you, should you so wish. The portrait will appear in the issue of Collier’s, dated March 28, 1903. Respectfully yours, Harry T. Clinton[*PP.F*] EXCELSIOR STATE OF NEW YORK EXECUTIVE CHAMBER ALBANY March 12, 1903. [*Ackd 3/16/1903*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- I have your letter of the 10th inst. The position for Mr. Hanbury that I wrote you about is in the Collateral Inheritance Department in the Comptroller’s Office, and he would be located in Brooklyn. The salary of the position is $4000. Inasmuch as Hanbury is the candidate of Senator Platt for Shipping Commissioner, I would do nothing to humiliate him, and would certainly do nothing to humiliate the Senator. I think, however, that this position is a good one and is adequate. If Worden could take this position, he would do so and I should say nothing further about the Shipping Commissionership, but because of his residence in Saratoga, he cannot take the position in Brooklyn, while Hanbury could. On the other hand Worden could take the Shipping Commissionership, the matter of residence not being in the way. We are getting together here, and if the Senator will only take advantage of this opportunity to takeEXCELSIOR STATE OF NEW YORK EXECUTIVE CHAMBER ALBANY (2) care of Worden, I am sure it will restore things to very much the same condition that they were in some time ago. The troubles that we have had here have been largely due to the failure to take care of Worden, and I think it would be a very happy solution of the whole matter. Very truly yours, B. B. Odell Jr.Supreme Court Appellate Division Personal. Fourth Department Rochester. N.Y. March 12th, 1903. The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President, - Your letter of the 7th inst. was forwarded to me here. I was in Washington during the last then days of the session of Congress, and appreciating you were exceedingly busy, and against my earnest desire: I refrained from interrupting you. Had I expected that I could have been of the slightest service to you I most certainly should have called. I do not believe there is any opposition to you in this State. Governor Odell might desire to be the candidate for the presidency, but I am satisfied he realizes that he could not have any where near the united delegation from the state without the co-operation of Senator Platt, and even if they should combine I doubt their ability to secure a delegation substantially against you. The sentiment of the Republicans of the State is overwhelmingly in favor of your nomination, and you can be elected far easier than any other republican in the nation. The leaders of the State organization I believe understand the situation, and will not be disposed to run counter to the prevailing sentiment. No other New Yorker can hope to be nominated, and if any one should attempt to pursue "the dog in the manger" course to defeat you, it would destroy the future of the one making the experiment. I would suggest, however, that you keep in touch with those local leaders in the various congressional districts upon whom you can rely as being friendly to you against anyone, and you will thus keep advised if any disturbance is imminent. Men like ex-Senator Hendricks and Governor Higgins who are close to the state organization and yet are very friendly to you, and certainly do not desire any contest, can keep you advised of the real situation. While Mr. W. C. Warren of Buffalo, who is the real political leader of Erie County, is close to governor Odell, he is also very friendly to you and does not wish any fight upon you. I will talk with him again in the near future and write you more definitely on that subject. What are your relations with Mr. Aldridge of this city? He as you know dominates its politics. If I learn of any opposition to you I will advise you, and I will keep as close a tab on the situation as it is possible for me to do, although you will realize a judge is somewhat isolated from the inner circle of politics. Most respectfully yours, Alfred Spring[SHORTHAND]carefully into it and report to you. Yours truly John H. Storer (85 State St Boston) Hon Theodore Roosevelt [*ackd & Encl. retd 3/13/1903*] VIRIDIS ET FRUCTIFERA HAMILTON CLUB BROOKLYN N.Y. March 12, 1903 Dear Mr. Roosevelt In pleasant reminiscence of our meeting on Tuesday I enclose a portion of a letter from my son J. H. S. Jr. at Groton just forwarded to me here. I found Mr. Jones much interested in our plan. And he has promised to look White House, Washington. March 12, 1903. Assistant Secretary Peirce telephones that Mr. Winslow, newly appointed consul at Guatemala, has just been in his office and stated that he had seen the President in company with Senator Fairbanks; that the President told Senator Fairbanks that if any change could be made, Mr. Winslow was to be appointed. Mr. Peirce asks if this means that the President wants to remove the man at Barbadoes and send Mr. Winslow there, according to the suggestion regarding which Mr. Peirce wrote Mr. Loeb. [SHORTHAND]The Commercial Advertiser. Established 1797. 187 Broadway and 5 and 7 Dey Street. Editorial Department New York, March 13th, 1903. [*File*] Dear Mr. President:-- I have looked at the articles in Harper’s Weekly to which you refer and they are perfectly abominable. We are going to send them to Coolidge with instructions that he see you about them. I am in some doubt as to whether it is worth while to give them circulation by calling attention to them, but I think it would be well to get the answer in hand before deciding finally. It was a great comfort to hear your voice to-day and it will be a great pleasure to come on next week. You will let me know, will you not, when I am to present myself to you? I enclose what I have said to-day on the subject of our talk. Yours always, J. B. Bishop. President Roosevelt.[For 1. enclosure see 3-13-03]are so truly patriotic and who represented almost every state in the union. A cruise in Florida waters and the many attractions thereof the interesting jaunts, chosen for our pleasure, by our charming hostess, the merriment of the jolly party on the good boat Vagabondia have combined, made letter-writing almost a lost art, so I have been much too slow in acknowledging for all, the pleasure and honor conferred upon us, but do now most heartily. I am, with best wishes most cordially Cornelia C Fairbank March 13. 1903. [*File P.P.F.*] [*[3-13-03]*] Biscayne Biscayne Bay, Fla. My dear Mr. President: Accept my grateful appreciation of the beautiful flowers, and of the letter you so kindly wrote concerning the slight assistance, I was so happy, to render you, upon the day you received the Daughters of the American Revolution The opportunity so courteously accorded them, to be received by the President, was most gratifying to the ladies, who [Ackn 3/14/1903] THE SCRANTON CLUB SCRANTON PA. March 13th, 1903 Secretary to the President Washington D.C. My dear Sir, You may possibly remember me by having written you from Boulder Colorado, last summer, (where I was visiting my brother) at which time I enclosed photo. and clippings, one of the President's old Colorado guides, who got badly done up by two bears. Also telling you about some hunting my Father-in-law, [?] Cannell did in Colorado. Before coming home I tried my luck at "Black Sea Bass" fishing at Catalina Island. Cal. and take the liberty of sending you photo. of my catch, trimmed with a piece of the line, with which I caught the fish. also a few of the scales taken from the catch, and couple pictures taken when I had fish hooked. When at Catalina I noticed the President is an honorary member of the Tuna Club there, and thought possibly he might be interested to see the kind of fish caught there. A magazine Company at California asked me to give them a bit of a story of the catch and so every body Catching these large fish findsTHE SCRANTON CLUB SCRANTON, PA. Some new experience, I am also taking the liberty of enclosing Copy of my "story" and trust you will not think I am going out of my way in doing this. Yours Very Truly C. W. Fulton[For 2 enclosures see ca 3-13-1903[*[ca 3-13-03]*] -2- "SERIES CALIFORNIA IN NINE DAYS". I was visiting my brother in Colorado in the month of september last, when a business matter came up which made it necessary for one of us to go to San Francisco. As I had never been in California, it did not take much persuasion to induce me to make the trip. I chose the "Marshall Pass" route of the Denver & Rio Grande Railway , so I had been over the Royal Ridge route of the same line. The " Black Camp" via Marshall Pass, and the "Royal Ridge" on the main line of this Railway are both so grand that it is impossible to tell which is the better route to take; certainly no one going to or from the Pacific coast should fail to see one or both of these wonderful sights. As I had visited Salt Lake City before, I did not make any stop there on this trip. Leaving again, via the Southern Pacific Railway about noon I found was the best thing as it makes a very interesting ride near the Great Salt Lake for the afternoon, and by the following morning you are over the desert and well on your way through the Western part of Nevada. Truckee, Cal. is reached about noon, and from there to San Francisco the train winds through the beautiful Sierra Nevada mountains, the western slope of which had woods wonderfully fertile by irrigation. Then you pass through the sacramento valley, where can be seen the immense wheat fields; which make this part of California so rich. The dining car service of the Southern Pacific Railway, between Ogden and San Francisco, seemed to me to be the finest I had ever seen; as the tables are supplied with all the choice fruits, fish, etc., for which California has become famous. Arriving at San Francisco in the early evening makes the last day's ride a very enjoyable one. Every one visiting San Francisco for the first time of course, goes to the Palace hotel which has a national reputation. So I had only two days in which to transact some business, visit friends and see the city, it did not give me the time I should-2- have like, but took in the Golden Gate Park, Cliff House, Seal Rock, Sutro Reigate, and the principal parts of the city. What impressed me most the the Metropolitan business like appearance of San Francisco. I was also much interested in the immense amount of shipping passing through the "Golden Gate" to and from all parts of the world. The morning I left, I counted seven United States Transports in the harbor: which ply between San Francisco and the Philippines. Much to my regret, time did not permit me to visit Del Monte and Monterey or the Yosemite and the "Big Trees", which had to be left for my next California trip. As I wanted to see the farms and vineyards of California, I chose the inside Railway route; leaving San Francisco in the morning, reaching Fresno in the evening; much repaid by the day's ride by seeing the immense farms and vineyards of the Joaquin valley. Along this part of the Southern Pacific R. R. the engines burn oil for fuel, and XXX with the tracks also oiled the the trip is made particularly pleasant; without any dust, or cinders from the engine. Spent our day at Fresno with friends, who are interested in grape vineyards. As the grapes were just being gathered, no better time could have been chosen to visit the vineyards. I was told that the grape crop around Fresno this year would be worth from five to eight million dollars. Next day I stopped at Bakersfield to see some friends engaged in the oil business. This is certainly a wonderful old producing locality. One district I visited has over three thousand wells; the derricks of which, from a distance, make the place look like a burned forest of extent. Steamships, as well as railways, are using oil for fuel. Steamers here xxx already made the trip from San Francisco to Australia and return with the crude oil for fuel; which was found very satisfactory. It is used on the streets and country roads as well, with good results; -3- being put on from sprinkling carts made especially for the purpose. The oil, after a few days exposure to the sun, makes a splendid hard surface, covering the streets and roadways. This layer of hardened oil on the streets and railways right-of-way, does away with all dust; thus improving travel very materially and will probably last a year or two without having to be re-surfaced. On my way West, a party said that if I went to California, to be sure and visit Santa Catalina Island. As I am particularly fond of the sea, ,when I reached Los Angeles, the first train bound for the ocean, found me on it. The distance from Los Angeles to San Pedro is only thirty miles. The island is just an immense rock, several thousand feet high, twenty- two miles long by ten miles with, with a number of little harbors jetting in from the ocean. Avalon, where the steamer lands, being the largest and where is built the only town on the island; xxx as shown by the accompanying photograph. Catalog has so many wonderful attractions, it is difficult to say which impresses on the most. It would seem impossible to find a better climate; as the average temperature is 65[dgrees] to 75[dgrees] for the summer months and no time in the whole year does it vary more than 22 [degrees]. Here too, can be obtained the most beautiful sights imaginable by taking a trip in one of the glass bottom boats, through which can be seen, for a depth of fifty to seventy-five feet in the clear blue waters of the Pacific, the many wonders of the ocean. Sea-weed and other marine growths, in every color of the rainbow, among which can be seen myriads of almost all finds of fish, including the Gold Perch, Emerald, Sea Cucumber, and even the Octopi, clinging to the rocks below. Such a superbly beautiful marine sight as this, impressed me that the ocean was vieing with the mainland to surpass it in beauty and grandeur. The Hotel Metropole at Santa Catalina is first class in every -4- particular, with a "tested city" near by for those who prefer to sleep out of doors. At Avalon also can be seen one of the most complete aquariums to be found anywhere; containing the unique specimens of fish found in the Pacific. Here too, excellent bathing can be had; also Golf. The Catalina Golf Links being pronounced the finest on the Pacific coast. Huntsmen can find here splendid sport shooting the Wild Goat; which are very plentiful on the mountains. But to me, the fishing at Catalina was the most attractive feature. Here in the name of the "Black Sea Bass", the king of the Bass tribe. Also the famous leaping Tuna. - sometimes rising out of the water fifteen feet and which is caught nowhere also with rod and reel. Catches have been made of Tuna [there] weighing as high as 250 pounds each, taking in some cases as long as seven hours to land the fish. Here too can be seen the flying fish and in great numbers when trying to escape a school of Tuna at which time sportsmen shoot the Flying Fish as they come out of the water. Then there is the "Yellow tail", which resembles a salmon but a much harder fighter, ranging from fifteen to seventy five pounds in weight; also the Albacore in great quantities. Thirty to forty "Yellowtail" or "Albacore" being an ordinary catch for one trip. I had heard of the wonderful catches of Tuna and "Black Sea Bass" besting the world's record with rod and reel and was very anxious to try my luck. At Los Angeles, I was told upon reaching Catalina to try, if possible, and secure Jim Gardner, the original Tune boatman, if I wanted to make sure of some good fishing. On the steamer from San Padre to Avalon, I was fortunate in making the acquaintance of Mr. John K. Erskine Jr., of New York City, who, with his sister were going to Catalina for a few days. As Mr. Erskine and his sister also wanted to do some fishing, we planned to go the following morning. A niece of my friends, who was spending the summer at Avalon accompanying us; making a party of four. We were fortunate in getting "Gardner" to go with us had started for the fishing grounds, eight miles down the Catalina coast, about-5- 7 A. M. in a launch built expressly for the purpose, with decks fore and aft on which to bring home the catch. On the way out, "Jim" prepared the bait; which consists of pieces of fat fish, each weighing two or three pounds; as we were after "Black Sea Bass". Next, "Jim" brought out a five gallon square tin can, which he tied securely to the opposite end of the anchor rope from which the anchor is fastened,-explaning to us at the same time, that should we get a "strike" there would be no time to take in anchor, but instead, this "can" is thrown overboard at once; which clears the boat and also serves as a buoy for the anchor. Then the fishing tackle was inspected, consisting of a rod eight to ten feet long and the largest size reel, with a leather brake which is pressed against the lines on the reel by your thumb when fishing, so as to regulate the amount of line the fish required. Fishing is done with the reel on the upper side of the rod, using nine hundred feet of twenty-four [?] cuttymark line, about the size of common wrapping twine used in drug stores. Hook four and one-half inches long by one and one-half inches loop as with a steel [???ll] three and one-half feet long; as the fish would otherwise cut the line with its teeth, usually swallowing the bait from two to three feet. We reached the fishing ground about 8:15 in the morning, with everything ready for business. As only two can fish at once, we arranged to divide the time into quarters, changing every fifteen minutes, giving the ladies, of course, the first quarter. After anchoring, fishing began about 8:30, with no luck until my first quarter was within five minutes of expiring when I had a "strike", Of course I told the ladies how sorry I was it did'nt happen on their time, but "Jim" said that there was now no time for talking and commenced giving orders as though clearing a ship for action, telling me to get to my position for work which position is in the center of a seat running all the way across the stern of the launch in the center of which, there is a deep socket of heavy leather where the butt of the rod is placed. In the meantime "Gardner" had the anchor busy-6- thrown overboard and my friend reeled in his line as soon as possible; as the "Sea Bass" has all the tricks of the "Lake Bass" (except the mid-air leaps) and at once [times] tried to free itself, becoming tangled up in your line, anchor rope, kein, or anything is sight. Being now about one-half mile from shore, the object is to get into deep water as quickly as possible. This we did, by getting the launch under way and guiding the fish as best we could further out into the ocean; which we were fortunate in doing without any mishaps. Once in deep water, power was turned off the launch and the fish allowed to take us wherever he chose; which he did as easily, apparently, as a steam tug could do. In a very few minutes the novelty of the sport wears off, when you realize that you may have a fish hooked anywhere from one hundred and fifty to four hundred pounds with a line guaranteed to stand only forty-eight pounds, it gets down to a matter of "fishing" pure and simple. Now is the time your boatman gets in his work and I don't think a football coach was ever more severe on his men than "Jim" was with us. For instance, he makes you keep your eye constantly on the top of the rod; so as to catch the first indication of what the fish is going to do, for when he makes a run, you have to let him have all the line he wants,- at times as much as two hundred feet-. If you don't, your gear is gone and any one who ever did any fishing at all, knows the feeling that comes over you to lose even a three to five pound fish, what the mental strain must be when you think it possible you may lose one weighing up in the hundreds. This, going through your mind, of course, affects your boatman's harsh orders, but nevertheless to look up in the face of the glaring sun from your boat by the hour, in order to keep your eye on the tip of the rod, and at [?] the same time to have your mind on your reel so as not to take in line unevenly and time lose your fish; also to have no slack line by keeping the tension just right, and to keep your hand clear of the handle of the reel when the fish makes a sudden run, with the perspiration rolling off you from being knocked and pulled from one-7- side of the boat to the other, with every bone and muscle aching and blood oozing from your thumb from the constant pressing on the leather brake on the reel; the to hear that [?] to be forgotten" order of "Gardners"---"Keep your eye on the top of the rod"'---adding, "You can't see anything in the water for and hour yet"; certainly comes to realize very forcibly that it is no "Joke" catching "Black Sea Bass", but royal sport of the highest order. This sort of thing went on for an hour and thirty-five minutes when, bu the hardest work I every did,--- using about seven hundred feet of line,---succeeded in getting the fish hear enough to the boat to see it was a fine Black Sea Bass; looking more like a young whale than any Bass I had every seen. Gardner hooked the fish with his gaff, by which he held him until a fen foot piece of rope was passed to him which was run up through the gill of the fish and out through his mouth, after which he was considered safe. "Jim" became himself again and said that now we could laugh all we wished. Another fish, apparently as large as the one we landed, came nearly to the boat's edge, probably the mate to the one we got; having noticed that something was going wrong with his partner: the two immense fish making a fine sight, in the clear blue water. After making our base secure near to the bow of the launch, we go under way for the fishing ground again; towing our catch until we were ready to go home. When we arrived at the anchor buoy, it did not take long until we were trying for more sport. In about twenty minutes, my friend, Mr. Erskine, had a "strike" and landed another splendid Bass in thirty-one minutes. Although not to large as mine, it was a fine fish. As it was getting nearly noon, the ladies thought they had enough excitement for one morning, watching us land our fish, even if they didn't get any; also amusing themselves in taking snap-shots of us at the most exciting moments of the catch. So we prepared to start for home. How to get the fish in the boat puzzled us somewhat, but to "Gardner" it was easy. He asked the ladies and myself to get on one side of the boat, bringing that side down to the waters edge, the he told my friend to help him pull o n the rope holding the fish. In this way they pulled until -8- the fish was about half way out of the water, when we changed quickly to the other side of the boat while the two men kept pulling on the fish and in this way we were upright on deck, the larger one at the stern and the smaller one at the bow; making the run to Avalon in about an hour, well satisfied with our forenoon's sport. There were two other boats fishing near us; one getting two nice Bass and the other, one,— from ninety five to two hundred and twenty-five pounds each. Of course, we all had to guess on the weight of our fish, but none of us got high enough; as my New York friend's Bass weighed 150 and mine 350 pounds,— just 150 pounds more than my own weight-, measuring six feet ten inches, girth five feet two inches, measurement around the head fifty inches, across the tail twenty-five inches and across his mouth fourteen inches. It is difficult to get a New York man to admit that any other state compares to his, but this was one instance where Pennsylvania was a little ahead. These fish need to be canned, but there are so many other kinds of fish, of better quality in abundance around Catalina, that no use is made of the very large Bass at present. They are cremated after being on exhibition for the benefit of the guests at the island, for a day, and photographs taken of the catch; which I also had done, as shown in the accompanying cut, holding in my hand the rod and reel with which I caught the fish. Boatman, Jim Gardner is in the center of the picture holding the gaff in his right hand. As I thanked the party who kindly told us to secure the services of Gardner, if we possibly could, so I suggest to any one wishing to have a good day's fishing at Catalina, to do the same. Another suggestion I would make is, for any one catching a large Bass or Tuna to take a course of treatment at the Tuna Hospital at Catalina where they can bring one around to their normal condition in a few days; because I was completely knocked out for about a week, not having the time to stay and visit the Hospital. Four days after I caught the fish, I lost the use of my left arm altogether, from the continued strain on the muscles the day I made my catch, and it was-10- with much difficulty that I got my arm back to its normal condition. I left Catalina after one the of the most enjoyable and days I have ever seen, and, I think the best recommendation I know of, in reference to this resort, is, that every person, without exception, whom I have met after they had visited the island said, they liked the place so much that they want to go again. I, too, say the same and most of all want another tangle with a "Black Sea Bass". After leaving Catalina, I spent part of a day at Los Angeles, the Commercial Metropolis of Southern California, noted among other things, for its splendid hotels, beautiful parks and magnificent climate. In the afternoon I started for Mount Lowe, the summit of which is made, first by electric railway for about a mile from the base of the mountain, then by a cable incline of something over one-half mile, so steep that it sounds more like an elevator in the open air than a railroad; having a grade in some places of 62 per cent. On this incline is the steepest bridge ever built, two hundred feet in length, the upper end being one hundred and twenty feet higher than the lower end. After leaving the incline railway you change to another Electric Road, which winds up the mountain sides, over canyons and rising precipices down which you can look for thousands of feet; making you wonder how a Railway could possibly have been built in such a place. About 6:30 in the evening you reach the "Ye Alpine Tavern", a first class hotel among the mountain pines, only two and one-half hours ride from Los Angeles, gaining in that time, an elevation of five thousand feet above sea level. From this height a magnificent view can be had at night looking down on Pasadena and Los Angeles, with their thousands of electric lights. At 4:30 next morning, in company with the hotel clerk, we made the peak of Mount Lowe by trail, with saddle horses, before the sun was up, well repaid for the early rising to witness a sunrise from this elevation of six thousand feet; together with a grand view of the valley below, with thousands of acres in oranges, limes, and other fruits, as far as-10- the eye can reach. Any one visiting Southern California should not fail to visit the summit of Mount Lowe. Returning to the [?] the trip over the mountain was begun at 8:20, passing near "Lucky Baldwin's Ranch", then stopping at Pasadena, which is noted for its superb climate and beautiful homes, the city claiming among its numbers, one hundred and thirteen millionaires. Winter here is known in name only, never having any frost whatever. The "Raymond" and "Green" hotels of Pasadena are among the finest to be found anywhere. Best stop was at the "Ostrich Farm" at South Pasadena, which is well worth seeing. Reaching Los Angeles about mid-day the afternoon was spent very pleasantly and profitably visiting many points of interest, and completing my first "Nine days in California". Others may have seen and accomplished more in the same space of time, but I doubt if they enjoyed themselves better than I did. Having never seen the "Grand Canyon of Arizona", I returned by the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railway. A very interesting sight on this line is to see the different tribes of Indians about the Railway stations as you pass from one section of the country to the other; where they gather in large numbers to sell their trinkets, blankets, and often fruits of their own cultivation, to the passengers on the train. Why so comparatively few people have visited the "Grand Canyon of Arizona", is, that until within the past year the only way to get there was by a stage ride of about one hundred and twenty-five miles for the round trip from the Railway, but is now reached by a branch railroad line from William station on the main line of the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Ry., which is a distance of sixty miles to "Bright Angel" hotel; where first class accommodations can be had. The hotel is situated only about fifty feet from the south wall of the "Chasm", from which point you take saddle horses down "Bright Angel" trail to the Colorado river, which is three hundred feet wide, fifty feet down, and over six thousand feet below the rim of the canyon. This trip down into the canyon and return takes about eight hours, including one hour for lunch, the guide taking the luncheon from the hotel, for whatever number is in the party.-11- at first you wonder how it is possible to get down such a steep trail where at times your outside foot will be hanging over a precipice a thousand to fifteen hundred feet down where your other other foot will be scraping hard against the rocks on the upper side of the trail. All you have to do is to "keep your head" and let the horse or mule on which you are riding have a loose rein and he will take you safely down and back. There were two ladies in our party of five, who made the decent into the canyon without any discomfort, which any rugged person can do very easily. Certainly no one visiting the Grand Canyon would miss going down into the mighty Gorge, as then only can one get any adequate idea of its immensity. The Grand Canyon of Arizona differs from all other canyons, in that, you go down onto the depths, instead of going up, as is done in all other mountain districts. Here, in a perfectly level country you find this wonderful Gorge or rent in the earth's surface; which no one ever felt in any way competant to properly describe, although Explorers and Scientists have lived in its depths for a year at a time, trying to fathom its mysteries. Imagine, if you can, a mighty "Chasm" over two hundred miles long, nearly thirteen miles wide and over six thousand feet deep; all of this immense space filled with lofty mountains of the most beautiful coloring and tints of the rose and the rainbow, resembling ruined cities, amphitheaters, battlements and towers, through which runs a majestic river, then you have only a faint idea of what the Grand Canyon is. Viewing it as we did from its depths, then from vantage points jutting far out into the canyons where you can get a sweeping view of the whole sublimely beautiful panorama; especially at sunset when that purple haze so peculiar to the Western country begins to creep over the scene, one seems to be struck almost dumb, standing in the presence of the world's most stupendous wonder. Now you begin to understand why strong men have been overcome while beholding this gigantic scene, and a feeling of thankfulness comes over you that God has spared your life -12- thus far, enabling you to look upon such a glorious sight. Then the next thought is for your friends, that they too, some day, will visit this enchanting place. The late Major Powell, formerly director of the United States Geological Survey, who spent many years exploring the Grand Canyon of Arizona, wrote a book entitled "The Canyons of the Colorado", which is probably the most authentic writing to be had on this subject. The last paragraph of the book reads as follows:- "You can not see the Grand Canyon in one view as if it were a changeless spectacle from which a curtain might be lifted, but to see it you have to toil from month to month through its labyrinths. It is a region more difficult to traverse than the Alps or the Himalayas, but if strength and courage are sufficient for the task, by a year's toil a concept of sublimity can be obtained never again to be equaled on the hither side of paradise". C.W.Fulton Scranton, Pa.[Enclosed in Fulton, 3-13-03] John M. Edwards, Public Stenographer, Scranton, PA. REYNOLDS BROS,STATIONERS, WYOMING AVENUE, SCRANTONTelegram. White House, Washington. 5 WU. HB. FD. 10 Paid Nite. 6:18 a.m. UK. Boston, Mass., 12. March 13, 1903. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Washington, D.C. Thanks sincerely have notified Mr. Guild, as suggested, thank President. Curtis Guild, Jr. Telegram. [*P.P.F*] White House, Washington. 2WU. HB. FD. 63 D.H. 6:13 a.m. Santa Fe, N.M. 12. March 13, 1903. Col. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. I have returned from Trinidad Colorado where I went to assist in the defense of James D. Ritchie late Corporal Troop G, First U.S. V.C. Am pleased to say he was acquitted for killing a man by the name of Bruce. He is justice of peace at Aguilar, near Trinidad, and is a good citizen as he was a good soldier. W.H. Llewelyn.M. Louis Merch pleasant allusion to Marne, France, Write Mr. Aldrich about AlabamaP. O. BOX 1222. CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT. [*Ackd 3/14/1903*] Roosevelt and Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, March 13th, 1903. President of the United States, Washington, D. C. Dear Theodore:-- I understand that Sargent has finished your portrait, and you may remember that sometime ago, I spoke about Frank Appleton’s desire to have an engraving made from the portrait. I would like to know how it would be most convenient for you to take up this matter. He, of course, wishes it done by an engraver of some reputation, and if you have any suggestions he will be guided by you. His idea is, to have only a moderate number of copies struck off, and then have the plate destroyed; but he has engravings of all the Presidents of the United States hanging in one of his rooms, and would like to complete the series. I am happy to say, that I am now entirely out of the Acre business. After my return from Washington the last time, I told my associates I intended to get out, and advised them to do the same, and they were able to negotiate the sale of our concession to Brazil on satisfactory terms; so that I have no further any personal interest in the matter whatsoever. [SHORTHAND] Yours truly, W Emlen RooseveltHouse of Representatives Harrisburg, Pa. Harrisburg, Pa., March 13, 1903. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, 287 Fourth Avenue, N.Y. My Dear Col.:- I am a member of the State Legislature form Franklin county where your friend, A. Nevin Deatrich lives. You remember him. I am taking a leading part in the fight against a Resident Hunters License, as proposed by the Game Commission of this State. It is unfair to the poor man, the shop man, the farmer, who must take out a license if he would hunt off his own farm. The plan is sure to result in the establishment of specil preserves where none but special gunners can hunt. I have been a true Sportsman for [ov] over 40 years, have spent money and time in helping to propagate and protect game, game birds as well as insectiverous and song birds. I enclose a letter which is reported as having come from you. The signature is unlike any I have ever seen of yours. The men on our game Commission are in bad standing because they have sent out men as Game Wardens, who are the worst characters to be found, men who lead boys into committing crime and then arrest them, secure half of the fines. Words will not express the condemnation the people have for such Game Wardens. I was a Roosevelt man because I believe in you. I heard you speak at Hagerstown and Gettysburg. The men who have used your letter (if you wrote the letter) were against you with all their power, and now drag your name in to try to win enough votes to enact the most undesirable Game law that was ever attempted in this state. The bill will be up for 3d reading Tuesday morning. If you care to reply to this letter I would be pleased to have it by Monday morning. They propose to try to amend the [law] bill on Monday, eliminating all tresspass laws, so that the rich city men can defy the farmers, go on their farms, whether they object or not. Our farmers feed and protect the small game. They want their boys to have a share of it. To force their boys to take out licence and compete with trap shooters who could shoot out the eyes of a Gnat in the top of a tree, is unfair and unequal. The farmers have cared for quail all summer, and the Game Commission have trapped their birds and in the Spring liberated them on Private preserves. Is that fair? The Game Commission has been putting out poison to kill dogs, noxious animals etc, and have put it out in pellets so that Pheasants have been destroyed by millions I am certain. Now the people of this State do not want to increase the irresponsible Game Wardens by giving the Game Commission the money secured by a Hunters' License, which will be a hardship on the poor man. A million of [xxx] poor men in this state who work in shops and get but on day during the hunting season to hunt, do not want to pay a license and be shut off from hunting on farms which have been leased by rich men. I would indeed be glad to hear from you by Monday morning next. Yours truly, John M Runk[*File*] 111 EAST 29TH STREET. The Grafton March 13th 1903 My dear Theodore, Honored & beloved President, It will give my niece, Abby Stevens, & me the greatest possible pleasure to take luncheon with you at the White House on Saturday, the fourteenth, at half past- one o'clock. Yrs most sincerely Fanny Morris WardPPF [FOR ATTATCHMENT SEE 3-3-03] Robinson, Mrs. Douglas[ATTACHED TO WARD 3-13-03] President - until Russia & Japan are digested & disposed of - ah Corrine have we not cause to be proud of him? so young & so mighty - I trust he may ever keep his strong simplicity & unconsciousness of self - Now darling beloved, no more- I am ever most sincerely & affectionately your "Miss Fannie" [*FANNIE N. WARD*] How is the musician who plays, & looks his soul away?to the land on which my small habitation stands - still I hope it may lure & entice you to come to me the first week in Sept!!! I name a definite time, as wish to leave nothing uncertain, so that you can make your plans. Now I leave you to think about it. I am well. A .1. I seem to grow livelier. I am still hoping on my daughter being [?] - I enclose for your own special edification a Plea I have gotten out, 500 of them & I intend sending one to all the Governors - etc etc - but not to the[*[ENCL IN FULTON 3-13-03]*][ENCL IN FULTON 3-13-03] Snapshot taken on launch, when I had the 350 lb "black sea bass" hooked. C.W. Fulton Snap-shot taken in launch, when I had the 350 lb. "black sea bass" hooked C.W. Fulton[*[ENCL IN FULTON 3-13-03]*] MR. CHARLES W. FULTON SCRANTON, PA. THE SCRANTON CLUB. [*[Enclosed in Fulton, 3-13-03]*] [*[ca. 1903]*] [*Fish photo.*]THE COMMERCIAL ADVERTISER. By The Commercial Advertiser Association. FRIDAY EVENING, MARCH 13, 1903. NO DANGER OF LIQUOR DROUGHT. Whatever else might be the effect of raising the liquor tax for this city from $800 to $1,200 a year, as Governor Odell proposes, there need be no alarm lest the populace suffer from thirst. No careful observer of the saloon situation in this city can assert that if half the present number were to be closed any hardship would be entailed upon the thirsty wayfarer in search of a drink. He might be compelled to walk a full block farther than he has to at present, but that would not seriously augment his discomfort. One saloon to a block is surely a reasonable allowance for any except the densest population, yet in how many parts of the city are there not three or four? In how many parts of the city does there fail to be one on every corner, two on each side of the street or avenue? This cry of hardship on the populace was raised when the tax was fixed at $800, and yet there have been no complaints of hardship since it went into operation. The number of saloons and hotels has been reduced, but what more beneficent result than that could be desired? In a population like that of the city of New York at present there is almost no limit to the custom which a saloon in a thickly settled district can command. The traffic, in fact, is so large that it will bear almost any tax. Boston, with a far less numerous population, levies and collects a license of $2,000. It is said that in Philadelphia a license of $1,100 has led to an enormous number of "speak easies" or unlicensed places, but that is simply evidence of the incapacity of the local administration. The number of unlicensed places in this city is very small, mainly because the enforcement of the law is in state hands, and there is likely to be no more difficulty in enforcing it with the tax at $1,200 than at $800. In fact, the difficulty of maintaining an unlicensed place under a high tax is far greater than under a low one, because of the smaller number of saloons and the consequently greater ease in detecting unlawful selling. ----------------------------------------------------------- BROOKLYN TRANSIT PLANS. The plans which Mr. Parsons, chief engineer of the Rapid Transit Commission, has prepared for additional transit in Brooklyn and between Manhattan and Brooklyn are on the same comprehensive scale as his recently published plans for this borough and that of the Bronx. They are, in fact, a part of the latter, and are designed to give all parts of the city what they have never had---a scientific system of transit which is commensurate with their needs. Whatever criticism may be made upon the scheme as a whole, nobody will deny that it only fairly meets the demands of the near future. We have an enormous population here now, and it is growing at the rate of a full-sized ordinary city every year. It is only with the greatest discomfort that this population gets about now, and its demands for locomotion facilities cannot be met by any ordinary means or by moderate additions to present accommodations. We must have extraordinary additions to meet the extraordinary demands, and these are provided in an admirable manner in the plans of Mr. Parsons. ----------------------------------------------------------- GLOOMY DAYS IN BOSTON. We find in the Boston newspapers of the past day or two signs of what might be called a close season for real joy among the most superior classes of the community. Thus, the Boston Herald, speaking for the Anti-Imperialists and high-souled critics of human frailty of all kinds, makes this desponding observation: Mr. Richard H. Dana's opinion that President Roosevelt deserves to be commended for the great bulk of his appointments, and to be given the benefit of the doubt in cases where their fitness is called in question, is sufficiently generous, coming from a civil service reformer of his rank. Apparently, Mr. Dana wouldn't leave the President's critics so much as the small end of a rag to chew. Think of it! Nothing for the President's critics to do! The depths of despair in that situation are revealed in the extraordinary language of the Herald more clearly than in any other way. Do they really speak of "chewing the rag" in Boston? Turning to the Transcript, we find a long letter from Edward Atkinson on the subject of "Mud Fuel." We have not read it, but surmise from the title that he is offering the archives of the Anti-Imperialist League to the public as inflammable material to be used in heating the Atkinson Aladdin oven. ----------------------------------------------------------- DELAY FOR CUBAN RECIPROCITY. Senator Gorman has carried his first point as the leader of his party in the Senate. He has forced the Republican majority to consent to a delay of six months in securing reciprocity for Cuba. He has done this by consolidating the Democratic minority against ratification by the Senate save with the condition of approval by the House of Representatives. As the Republicans have not a sufficient number of votes to ratify without the aid of the Democrats they were forced to choose between failure of ratification and a delay of six months or more for Cuban reciprocity. After consultation with the President they decided upon delay---that is, decided to yield to the Democratic "hold up"---rather than see Cuban reciprocity defeated utterly. Full responsibility for this totally inexcusable delay rests upon the Democrats. In fact, they admit this. The Washington correspondent of the Times, speaking for them this morning says: "On the Cuban treaty the Democrats forced a concession that it must be finally ratified by both houses of congress. The object of their demand was to make certain that there would be opportunity for full tariff discussion at the coming session of congress." That is to say, "full tariff discussion" was of more importance in their estimation than justice and fair dealing with Cuba. Whether that is the true motive for their course will be disclosed when congress comes together in the fall. We have final authority for the statement that the President will call an extra session either in October or November, accordingly as the needs of the situation develop. He is as inflexibly determined as ever upon keeping the nation's pledge to Cuba, and he will insist that congress shall be brought squarely to face the issue. Approval by the House for the treaty requires only a majority vote, and this the Republicans have. If the Democrats oppose approval in the House, therefore, they will have to do so as the opponents of reciprocity. In calling an extra session the President will be guided as to time by the needs of the financial situation in this country as well as the condition of the sugar harvest in Cuba. He was deeply impressed during the last session with the imperative need of some measure like the Aldrich bill, and regretted extremely that it failed of passage. He will watch the money situation here and throughout the country when the time for moving the crops shall arrive, and will be guided largely by its condition in deciding upon the date for an extra session. If the Democrats think to make party capital by their course either on the Cuban treaty or in defeating the Aldrich bill they are merely indulging once more in their chronic pastime of blundering. Pure obstructiveness is about the poorest investment that a political party can make as a line of policy. If Senator Gorman had real sagacity, which he has not, he would have led his party into a unanimous approval of the Cuban treaty, taking the ground openly that it was a concession in the direction for tariff reform and that the Democrats were rejoiced at the opportunity to show their faith in that principle. If he had done that he would have forced certain beet sugar and high tariff Republican senators out into the open in a manner that would have caused them extreme discomfort. They would have been compelled either to vote against ratification or to favor it, and in either event their course would have been an aid to the cause of tariff reform. Instead of doing that, Gorman has chosen to show that he and his party associates are following the same old fatuous policy of trying to get the "Republicans in a hole" which they have followed for so many years, with the unvarying result of rushing headlong themselves into the hole they have digged. ----------------------------------------------------------- A PRUSSIAN PILGRIM. It appears that Count von Bernsdorf, the chief of the Potsdam police, has been sojourning in this country taking notes of the New York police system. It was the Kaiser who sent him. Count von Bernsdorf had expressed his intention of taking a vacation. Whereupon the Emperor remarked, "Why don't you go where you can learn something? Go to America." So Count von Bernsdorf came to America and he studied the New York police force during several weeks. He has just returned to Potsdam and has written an account of his observations in America, and especially his opinion of the New York police. It will interest most of us to find that he particularly admired and commended the courtesy of our policemen. This shows that a native can never see things as a foreigner sees them, and, in fact, that a foreigner can often see things which a native never sees at all. But perhaps the difference may be explained in this case by the fact that the Count went around with an official especially detailed for that purpose by Commissioner Greene. On the whole, it may be fairly assumed that if even an ordinary citizen could confer with New York policemen and have the advantage of an official attendant detailed by the Commissioner, he, too, would be struck by the universal courtesy of the force. What seems to us of more value, however, than the Form No. 1. THE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPANY. INCORPORATED 21,000 OFFICES IN AMERICA. CABLE SERVICE TO ALL THE WORLD The company TRANSMITS and DELIVERS messages only on conditions, limiting its liability, which have been assented to by the sender of the following message. Errors can be guarded against only by repeating a message back to the sending station for comparison and the Company will not hold itself liable for errors or delays in transmission or delivery of Unrepeated Messages, beyond the amount of tolls paid thereon, nor in any case where the claim is nor presented in writing within sixty days after the message is filed with the Company for transmission. This is an UNREPEATED MESSAGE and is delivered by request of the sender, under the conditions named above. THOS. T. ECKERT, President and General Manager. [*6 35 P*] NUMBER SENT BY REC’D BY CHECK 34 Jo RS 18 Pd Ent St 2 ex RECEIVED at THE SAVOY 2804 14th MAR 14 1902 Dated Wk New York 14 To V G Fisher 2605 14th st. SW DC I will publish Sargent photograph issue of March 28th Allow no one to photograph it H F Clinton Colliers Weekly[*File*] [[shorthand]] March 14, 1903. In reference to certain language said to have been used by me with regard to the promotion of women in the departments, it seems to me that I ought explicitly to meet and unconditionally to deny using any such language. In Senator Latimer's presence I never at any time, or in any place, uttered the words which he continues to charge me with using. It is not true that I used them, and I meet the accusation with deliberate and unqualified contradiction. To Congressman Foster of Vermont I have never admitted that I used any such language to Senator Latimer, and if Mr. Foster charges that I have made such an admission his statement is untrue. When Senator Latimer's charge was first called to my attention I denied recollection of any such statement, remarking however that I did not desire to question the word of a senator. It was natural that I should desire to avoid a direct issue of veracity between myself and a senator as to a conversation where only he and I were present. But as he persists in repeating his charge, I now deal with it by this denial without any hesitation or qualification and am willing to meet the issue whenever, where-ever, and by whomsoever presented.2. I further take occasion to say that I believe this charge against me proceeds from certain motives of certain persons in combination with each other whose plans to weaken and injure me officially as well as personally I shall endeavor to expose and defeat. R.J. Wynne[*Ackd 3-19-1903 wrote Gov. Peabody cr*] HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, WASHINGTON. Colorado Springs, Colo., March 16th, 1903. [*Personal*] William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. Loeb:- Your telegram of last night is at hand, and, as per confirmation telegram, which I herewith enclose, preliminary arrangements have been made for probably an automobile drive to Palmer Park, which can easily be covered in the limited time afforded. This will be followed, subject to the President's pleasure, by an open air address, of perhaps twenty minutes, in front of the Antlers Hotel. Mr. Stewart and I have been discussing a matter which we wish to submit to you, and I trust you will be very frank about it. You know something of the critical condition of affairs in Colorado. We gathered when we were in Washington that the President was disposed to give Colorado some first class appointment, and had built considerable hopes upon it. We were disappointed in the matter of Judge Helm, and since that time the situation has changed a little. We feel that, with co-operation in the right lines, we, that is to say, Mr. Stewart and myself, can allay very much, if not all, the friction and bring over to our side all but the more venomous of the opposition, which certainly is a hardly veiled opposition to the President. Of course this opposition will not develop unless the occasion is offered elsewhere, but if any hostile movement should gain serious headway in the East it is W.L.Jr. -2 certain of finding some supporters here. In view of this, we want, if possible, to get a chance to talk with the President while he is in Colorado on some occasion other than during the little time he is in this city, and we think it important for his interests that we do so. It can easily be arranged here that a party, consisting of Mr. Stewart, Governor Peabody and, perhaps, Mr. Fairley and myself, should meet the Presidential party at the State line and travel with him for a few hours, or, perhaps, until he leaves the State. In this way some plans which we think of great importance could be discussed and a course of conduct agreed upon. I am sure you will quite understand that we are not attempting to force ourselves upon the party in any way, and I am writing you simply to make the suggestion, and pray that you will be absolutely frank in advising us if it is in the slightest degree inappropriate or would not thoroughly meet with the President's wishes. Very truly yours, F.E. Brooks FEB-Br [[shorthand]] [*ackd 3/16/1903*] V. G. Fischer Art Galleries 529 Fifteenth St Washington, D. C. March 16th, 1903 His Excellency, The President Mr. President, Enclosed I send Collier's Telegram, and in regard to contents desire to suggest, subject to your approval, that the Painting should not be sent to the White House until after it has been published as I am better able here to control a prematurepublication, but any orders you may have in regard to it will be strictly and promptly executed. With the expression of very highest respects Your obedient servant V. G. FischerBaltimore March 16, 190[3 Mr. President: In compliance with your invitation, I shall be happy to call on you on Wednesday the 18th at noon. Very Faithfully Your obt. svt. J. Card. Gibbons Theodore Roosevelt President of the U. States.OFFICE OF THE CIVIL GOVERNOR OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. MANILA. March 16, 1903. My dear Mr. President: I have your kind personal note of the 29th of January. I had already written you on the matters touched on in this note. The cable brings news of the serious illness of Judge Day with pneumonia and speaks of the attack as one likely to prove fatal. I earnestly hope that this is not true, both because Day will render signal service to the country on the Bench and because his death will subject you to a good deal more worry and anxiety on this same subject, for part of which I consider myself responsible. Day is a man of simple habits and of great nerve and force, and though he used to think that his lungs were weak I do not think he has ever had a justification for thinking so. The situation is improving now, as with the aid of the Scouts we are gathering in the ladrones and sending them to long terms of imprisonment. Occasionally a bloody-handed bandit with a long record of crime is sentenced to be hanged. We have notified them that we do not propose to allow them to surrender on any conditions and that they will simply have to stand trial if they come in. When I first came here in August last I offered immunity to the leaders if they would come in with as many as seventy-five rifles. They agreed to come but they never came. The dealing with them at all, however, had aOFFICE OF THE CIVIL GOVERNOR OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. MANILA. March 16, 1903. My dear Mr. President: I have your kind personal note of the 29th of January. I had already written you on the matters touched on in this note. The cable brings news of the serious illness of Judge Day with pneumonia and speaks of the attack as one likely to prove fatal. I earnestly hope that this is not true, both because Day will render signal service to the country on the Bench and because his death will subject you to a good deal more worry and anxiety on this same subject, for part of which I consider myself responsible. Day is a man of simple habits and of great nerve and force, and though he used to think that his lungs were weak I do not think he has ever had a justification for thinking so. The situation is improving now, as with the aid of the Scouts we are gathering in the ladrones and sending them to long terms of imprisonment. Occasionally a bloody-handed bandit with a long record of crime is sentenced to be hanged. We have notified them that we do not propose to allow them to surrender on any conditions and that they will simply have to stand trial if they come in. When I first came here in August last I offered immunity to the leaders if they would come in with as many as seventy-five rifles. They agreed to come but they never came. The dealing with them at all, however, had a-2- bad effect in that the people supposed that our temporizing with them was due to fear of them. I supposed that in some instances the reason they did not come in is that the leaders cannot control their followers and cannot induce them to give up their guns. Each man who has a gun regards that as capital for their continuance of his profession as a ladrone. We have succeeded in getting long lists of the men in the bands, and they reveal the fact that many of them are well known criminals who probably never did an honest day's work in their lives. We are filling the penitentiary in Manila with them and shall have to establish a prison farm or another penitentiary in the far south. Before we get through and when we have less use for our Constabulary in the field, I propose to use the[m] convicts on public roads where we are unable to obtain other labor. The most objectionable men that we now have in our community is a man named Gomez, who was educated in Madrid as a surgeon and I think was acting as a surgeon in the Spanish army during the time of the insurrection here. He has come out, however, and with a glib tongue has established himself as the president of the labor union, which is said to number from six to seven thousand; he has induced them to provide that every member in order to remain a member shall contribute 50 cents a month to a newspaper which he publishes, 50 cents to the general expenses of the society, 20 cents for medical assistance to be rendered by Dr. Gomez, and 20 cents for-3- counsel fees to a firm of lawyers in the town. As you will see, this nets Gomez about $1200 a month. In order to keep up the excitement for joining, he wishes to promote agitation as much as possible so that his deluded followers may not inquire what benefit they get out of this contribution of $1.40 a month, which is a heavy tax. We are beginning to have evidence of the light breaking in on the members of the union and I hope that in the course of two or three months the idol will be seen to have feet of clay. He comes as near the line of sedition or treason as he can without getting over it, but I am hopeful that, as is usually the case with such a man whose words flow with much more freedom than his thoughts, he will come within the scope of the law. I am very glad that General Wood is coming out to take charge of Mindanao. His experience as a civil governor will be very valuable in the managing of the Moro difficulty. I am drafting a law now making the military commander of the district the civil governor as well, and giving him civil administration. It seems necessary to do this in order that there shall be a recognized policy in the Moro district. Up to this time matters have been allowed to drift, but the time has come for a more definite arrangement. The Moro is controlled by force largely, or at least by the [threat] presence of force not too much concealed; and yet, on the other hand, there are advantages in the civil government which ought not to be denied to that-4- district. With the union of the military and the civil in one head I have no doubt that the advantages of both, so far as they are needed in the Moro country, will be secured. I fancy that after Wood gets into the harness in Mindanao he will become sufficiently interested in working out the new problem, in which he will have under our provisions very large scope, that he will hesitate before he exchanges the position as military commander and civil governor in Mindanao for that of the Commanding General of the Division of the Philippines,- at least I hope so. It is a very serious objection to putting a military officer in command of any place as civil governor that he so soon surrenders to another. The natives do not under- stand it and think it necessarily indicates a change of policy. Their confidence it is hard to win, and about the time that a military commander has secured their confidence and they know him, he is relieved. I am sorry to say that my recent trips in the provinces have resulted in intestinal trouble which I thought I was recovering from after ten days or two weeks diarrhea, but recent [analytical] microscopical analyses have disclosed the presence of the microbe known as the dysentery amoeba. This if it is allowed to run along becomes a very serious matter and is a trouble from which arises so great a mortality in dysentery cases. It was detected very early in my case, and by the treatment which I am now going through and shall continue to have for-5- ten days or two weeks the doctor is quite hopeful of ridding me of the pest. If the cases are allowed to run on at all there seems to be no cure but a return to the States, and then it is a lingering trouble. I consider myself fortunate in having discovered the presence of the trouble so early. My general health is good and I feel strong and hearty and am sorry to have to give up my riding, from which I derived a good deal of pleasure and under ordinary circumstances would have derived a good deal of benefit in the way of health. I am looking forward with much pleasure to the return of General Wright, whose personality you now have had some opportunity to know. I wrote the Secretary of War in my last letter of some of the discouragements we have had in the way of dishonest American officials. We are prosecuting them with vigor, however, and no one has yet escaped. We expect to spend all the money needed to bring them from the remote quarters of the earth and I believe that the effect has already been good. One man, Bartlett Sinclair, who by his inexcusable neglect of his duties permitted his subordinates to steal a good deal of money- some six or eight thousand dollars gold - while he was acting as treasurer of the province of Rizal, objected very much to being arrested under a Spanish statute which denounces as a crime the enabling other persons to steal money from the government by inexcusable abandonment or neglect. It is by no means clear that Sinclair has not himself stolen money, though -6- it might now be difficult to prove it, for the stealings of his subordinates do not account for all the money that is missing. He came with the highest recommendations from personal friends of mine,- from Harry, Lloyd Bowers, Hornblower, Shoup of Idaho and the governor of Idaho, where he had been state auditor. He told me that if I had him arrested he would commit suicide, that he was innocent but that he could not stand the disgrace of arrest and trial. I told him he was a fool, that he was a moral coward and that if he was innocent the committing of suicide would be the most conclusive confession of his guilt he could make. Nevertheless, after I ordered his arrest he did swallow what is purported to be a bottle of laudanum. Physicians were near at hand and they pumped it out of him and now he is under arrest. I believe he threatens to attempt committing suicide again. I am so disgusted with him that I can hardly be merciful. My own judgment is that further investigation will probably show that he has been tempted himself. It is inconceiveable that a man educated as a lawyer as he was, who had filled the position of auditor of a state like Idaho, should have permitted his office to run as it was. He never examined the accounts of his Filipino assistants or of his American assistants, and now that he is brought to book for it he said that he thought that in allowing his Filipino assistants to go as they pleased in the matter of reporting the money which they had taken, he was -7- following out the policy of the administration. We shall continue to have much difficulty in getting proper American officials here, but we shall get them ultimately by weeding out the bad ones. The cable brings the news that you have decided to call an extra session of Congress. I do not know whether this is reliable or not, because we have found that cables have not always been reliable, but if so, it will greatly assist us to have the tariff reduction bill passed. But I will write a very long letter if I do not stop. With warm regards to you and Mrs. Roosevelt, I am, as ever, Very sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President, Washington.E. Morgan Griffin, President. Frank C. Travers, Vice President. James H. Ludlam, Treasurer. Dr. Irving F. Barnes, Corresponding Secretary. Fred. L. McQueen, Recording Secretary. Oyster Bay Board of Trade. Oyster Bay, L.I., March 16, 1903. BOARD OF TRUSTEES. GEO. B. STODDART, TOWNSEND D. COCK, W. H. C. PYNCHON, SAMUEL Y. BAYLES, ELISHA N. HUTCHINSON, ALBERT M. BAYLES, ARTHUR SNOUDER, ALBERT L. CHENEY, JAMES L. LONG. DEAR SIR: A Board of Trade has been established in this place for the promotion of the best interests of Oyster Bay as a residential section and to secure needed improvements. Knowing full well the importance of having the hearty and unanimous co-operation of men of prominence in social and financial circles, you are earnestly requested to join the association. The entrance fee is $2 and the yearly dues $12. Yours respectfully, Frank C. Travers, Vice President.[Enc. in Travers 3-18-03]STATIONS, WOODFORD OR CHINGFORD. [*PPF*] 17 March 1903 KNIGHTON, BUCKHURST HILL. My dear President I rejoice to hear that you are going West and I hope you will have a very prosperous tour. I wish I were going with you. It would interest me very much to follow in your train as an onlooker. However I have some modest public work of my own to do out here recently laid upon me - work which must be done too. and that no one else can do quite as well, So that I could not have crossed the sea any how just now and it will be something to look forward to, to take a run on your side later on and in that case I shall not fail to look in upon you at the White House. I shall remember your dates without fail. I have to thank you very much for procuring for me the useful information about the National Park from Major Pitcher. I must certainly go and have a look at it when I do come over. With best wishes and kind regards to MrsRoosevelt Believe me My dear President Yours sincerely E N Buxton P. S. I take an hereditary interest in your action with regard to coloured people of course. I keenly sympathise. but it must have taken some nerve to run counter to such deep seated prejudice. To The PresidentCopy. Memorandum for the Secretary of War: It is very unusual for the War Department to grant written or special permission to any persons or societies to enter at their pleasure upon military reservations or into military posts for the purpose of holding social, temperance, or religious meetings, or doing such work among the soldiers. In time of war, as for instance, during the war with Spain, the War Department has occasionally given such permits to representatives of the churches, the Young Men's Christian Association, Salvation Army, and others, but no such permits have been given since the close of that war. Such privileges in fact are as a rule left to the discretion of the Post Commanders, and it is not believed that any of them would refuse permission to properly accredited persons to hold religious meetings, or do religious work on the Post. It will be readily understood that, however beneficent may be the purposes of these estimable people, they may by their numbers and importunities become unconsciously an annoyance and detriment to discipline. If we were to give the Women's Temperance Union a general permit to visit at its pleasure any of our military posts, we could not reasonably refuse any other organized association that might apply. At most of our large posts chaplains are stationed, who have charge of the moral and religious welfare of the garrisons. Respectfully, H. C. Corbin, Adjutant-General. March 17, 1903ADAMS EXPRESS COMPANY. (NON-NEGOTIABLE BILL OF LADING) 921 Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington, D. C. 3/17 1903 Received from Pres. Rosevelt Box Valued at $___ Marked J. C. Gibbons Balto Md CHARGES D K. U82. For the Company HanesHOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, WASHINGTON. Gloversville, N. Y., Mar. 17, 1903. Confidential. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr. President:- Your nomination of Plimley without any sort of consultation with Odell, and Stranahan's failure to communicate with him, have made the Governor infer that you have changed previous determinations. The situation in New York City, (Other than from the Quigg-Gibbs standpoint) is that the party was never so thoroughly disorganized and moribund as at present; while in the rest of the State, as represented in the legislat[ion]ure, the caucus action of last week has placed the Governor in more complete control than ever before. In other words, those who are understood to be Platt's friends about Albany have ceased considering his wishes or looking to him for guidance. In my judgement the nomination of Worden instead of Hanbury is much more important under present circumstances than it was a month ago, and I would advise your going to be very extreme in endeavouring to bring it about harmoniously. As far as I can see, Senator Platt's influence to-day depends entirely upon Federal patronage, of which he will take as much as he can get, and be perforce satisfied with whatever share he can succeed in obtaining. Faithfully yours, Lucius N. Littauer [*[Littauer]*] Dic. L.N.L.[For 1 attachment see ca. 3-17-03 "to"][*No*] Mr. Mercer asks that when announcement of appt. of Director of Census is made, it be stated that he has never made any application for the place. [*3-17-1903.*][*No*] Mr. Mercer asks that when announcement of appt. of Director of Census is made, it be stated that he has never made any application for the place. [*3-17-1903.*]little note is to serve as an introduction for them, and I earnestly hope it may be their privilege to meet you. Assuring you of my cordial appreciation of the kindness shown me by you and Mrs. Roosevelt during my visits to Washington. I remain Very sincerely Helen Miller Shepard March 18th, 1903 [*File*] [*[3-18-03]*] HMS 579 Fifth Avenue Dear Mr. President: My sister, the Countess de Castellane of Paris, is visiting this country for a short time, and before sailing she and her husband propose to spend a few days in Washington. ThisCopy. Department of Justice, Washington, D. C., March 18, 1903. Hon. William Miller Coller, New York. Sir: You are hereby appointed a Special Assistant to the Attorney-General with compensation at the rate $4500 per annum, under, and to be paid from, the appropriation of $500,000 for the enforcement of the provisions of the acts to regulate commerce made in the legislative, executive, and judicial appropriation act for the fiscal year 1904, and assigned to act as Solicitor of the Department of Commerce and Labor, in connection with the anti-trust laws. Before entering upon duty please execute the enclosed oath of office and file it with the Department of Justice. Respectfully, H. M. Hoyt, Acting Attorney-General.[Enc. in Cortelyou to Collier 3-19-03][FIFTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS. JOHN H. MITCHELL, OREGON, CHAIRMAN. JOSEPH R. HAWLEY, CONN. GEORGE TURNER, WASH. JULIUS C. BURROWS, MICH. CHARLES A. CULBERSON, TEXAS. BOIES PENROSE, PA. JAMES P. TALIAFERRO, FLA. CHARLES H. DIETRICH, NEBR. ALEXANDER S. CLAY, GA. GEO. L. WELLINGTON, MD. F. MC L. SIMMONS, N.C. HARRY C. ROBERTSON, CLERK. COMMITTEE ON COAST DEFENSES, UNITED STATES SENATE. WASHINGTON, D.C., March 18, 1903. The President, The White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President: Following our conversation with you this morning, and responding to your suggestion, we beg to say, [while] the undersigned, Mr. Mitchell was perfectly willing a year ago, that the nomination of Hon. George A. Steel, on Senator Simon's recommendation, might be sent to the Senate for the position of Register of the United States Land Office at Oregon City, Oregon, provided, the same was not sent in with that of Hon. George W. Bibee for Receiver--but a short time later on--This was a concession Mr. Mitchell was willing to make at that time to his then colleague, and to what seemed to be the wishes of the President to do something for Senator Simon. And while, as the President will bear Mr. Mitchell out, he never had any further conversation with the President upon that subject, and supposed the name of Mr. Steel would come in in due season, he was somewhat surprised that it did not come in. The conditions, however, a year having elapsed, have entirely changed. Senator Simon's term has expired and Senator Fulton has taken his place; and Senator Mitchell's obligations, where he must take the responsibility himself as between ex-Senator Simon and himself, are such he can not possibly join in a recommendation at this time for Mr. Steel for that office.2 PAGE-------- The truth is, Mr. President, we the undersigned are both in a position in which we can not at this time consent to the appointment of Mr. Steel for this office, but we have earnestly recommended, and here reiterate our recommendation in favor of Hon. Alfred S. Dresser of Oregon City, Oregon, for register of the land office at that place. In this connection we may further state, that we have no hostility whatever Mr. Steel, and would be very glad indeed to join in recommending him for some suitable place. Very respectfully, John H. Mitchell C. W. FultonFIFTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS. JOHN H. MITCHELL, OREGON, CHAIRMAN. JOSEPH R. HAWLEY, CONN. GEORGE TURNER, WASH. JULIUS C. BURROWS, MICH. CHARLES A. CULBERSON, TEXAS. BOIES PENROSE, PA. JAMES P. TALIAFERRO, FLA. CHARLES H. DIETRICH, NEBR. ALEXANDER S. CLAY, GA. GEO. L. WELLINGTON, MD. F. MC L. SIMMONS, N.C. HARRY C. ROBERTSON, CLERK. COMMITTEE ON COAST DEFENSES, UNITED STATES SENATE. WASHINGTON, D.C., March 18, 1903. The President, The White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President: We beg to hand you herewith the letter you suggested in regard to the Steel matter. We will in a day or two make response in writing to the charges that have been preferred against Hon. Alfred S. Dresser. It is of the utmost importance, however, we will state to the President, to us politically that the matter of the appointment of Mr. Dresser shall be settled at the very earliest possible moment, and we [surely] sincerely hope it can be done before the President leaves on his tour. Very respectfully, John. H. Mitchell, C. W. Fulton[*ppF*] [[shorthand]] [*ck for $14 sent 3-19-1903*] All quotations subject to change without notice. Orders will be entered subject to delay through Strikes Fires or other unavoidable causes. Travers Brothers Co., Manufacturers of Cordage, 41 Worth Street, New York F. C. Travers, President. A. F. Travers, Vice Pres't. V. P. Travers, Treasurer. Mch 18th 1903 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt President United States Dear Sir, We hope you will join us at the old home we intend to brush up and have it as it should be in the future Yours F. C. Travers[For enc. see 3-18-03]THE CO-OPERATIVEMISSIONARY UNION 1211 NORTH GARRISON AVENUE. Rev. T. G. ATTEBERRY, General Superintendent, SAINT LOUIS. March 19, 1903. [*ackd 3/21/1903*] Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- I have lately been reading with much interest your articles "With the Cougar Hounds," as published in Scribners Magazine a year or two ago. On page 432 you express the belief that the American Wolf never attacks a human being from hunger or to make prey of him. While hunting in Montana a few years ago, my guide Mr. John Anderson of Bozeman related to me an incident that may be of interest to you. While serving as a scout for the United States Troops then stationed at Fort Bozeman a woman with her little child was making the trip from Livingston to Bozeman on horseback. While crossing the divide she was attacked by a number of timber wolves. After following her for some distance they became so bold as to spring upon the horse and seek to drag her from it. In order to save her own life she dropped her baby to them and while they were devouring it she was able to gain such a distance as to reach the Fort before they again over-took her. Mr. Anderson with a number of soldiers went back over the trail and saw where the tragedy occured. I have frequently been followed by Cougars while hunting, and on one occasion when the snow was very deep up in the mountains where we were and most of the game had gone down into the valley, we were THE CO-OPERATIVEMISSIONARY UNION 1211 NORTH GARRISON AVENUE. Rev. T. G. ATTEBERRY, General Superintendent, SAINT LOUIS. T. R. 2. followed an entire day by a very large one. Our temporary camp that night was made under a lean-to and during the night the beast came within a few years of our bed and judging from the way the snow was beaten down, must have spend some time there. Whether he followed through curiosity or because of hunger I do not know. Yours very truly, T. G. Atteberry, General Superintendent.For attachment see ca. 3-19-03Copy. [Department of Commerce and Labor Office of the Solicitor Washington] March 19, 1903. My dear Mr. Collier: It gives me much pleasure to send you herewith a communication under date of the 18th instant from the Acting Attorney-General, notifying you of your appointment as Special Assistant to the Attorney-General and assigning you to act as Solicitor of the Department of Commerce and Labor, in connection with the anti-trust laws. When you have filed with the Department of Justice your oath of office, I shall be glad, at your convenience, to see you and go over some of the matters regarding which it would be well for us to have a brief conference. Very sincerely yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou. Hon. William Collier, Hotel Manhattan, New York, N.Y. Enclosure.[For Enc See [Cortelyou] Hoyt to Collier 3-18-03][*Ackd 3/20/1903*] Telegram. White House, Washington. 17 WU. SS. KQ. 19 Paid – 4:45 p.m. WF., New York, March 19, 1903. William Loeb jr., White House, Washington. COAMO arrived safely at San Juan, seven o’clock this morning. The New York & Porto Rico Steamship Co.N.Y. v PRSSG PP7[*PPF*] EXCELSIOR STATE OF NEW YORK EXECUTIVE CHAMBER ALBANY [*Personal and Confidential*] [*ackd 3/23/1903*] March 19, 1903. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- I have your favor of the 16th. I am sorry that you not been able to do anything in the Hanbury matter. I assume from your letter that you can see no other way out of it than to appoint him. I am sure that eventually this appointment will be as unsatisfactory to you as was that of Major Plimley. Since my talk with you, there have been several appointments made which I think I could have guarded you against had I had knowledge of your intentions. I have absolutely no desire to interfere in any shape or manner, nor do I wish my personal wishes in the matter to weigh with you. You are the interested party so far as New York State is concerned. I am not. As a matter of fact, I am looking forward to laying down the office of Governor somewhat as a school boy looks forward to a vacation. I am waiting anxiously for the time when I can get back to my business affairs and forget politics. I shall always retain my regard for your personally, and my interest in the Republican party as a good citizen, but when[For 1 attachment see ca 3-20-03 "1. I am..."]STATE OF NEW YORK EXECUTIVE CHAMBER ALBANY (2) the evidence of certain mistakes are brought forcibly to your attention, you will probably realize more fully my interest in your welfare than you do now. I don’t want you to feel that I have written this letter from any feeling of pique or disappointment. The advice I have given you has been absolutely disinterested, so far as I am personally concerned, and has had but one object, that is to strengthen you and the party in this State. With kindest regards to Mrs. Roosevelt and yourself, I am, Very truly yours, B. B. Odell [*[Odell]*][For attachment see 3-20-03] draft of reply prepared by E. Root]White House, Washington, D. C. March 19, 1903. [*COPY.*] My dear General Tracy: It seems to me that all good Americans, interested in the growth of their country and sensitive to its honor, should give hearty support to the policies which the Navy League is founded to further. Furthermore there is a special need in a matter of such importance to all of us, which is yet not the special business of any of us, that a society should be formed to watch with a jealous eye the general interest. No district is specially concerned in adding to the strength of the Navy – no public man has any pressure of concrete interests brought to bear upon him in its behalf. For the building and maintaining in proper shape of the American Navy, we must rely upon nothing but the broad and farsighted patriotism of our people as a whole; and it is of great importance that there should be some means by which this patriotism can find an effective utterance. Your society offers just the means needed. I congratulate the Country because it has been formed. Sincerely yours, (Signed) Theodore Roosevelt. General Benjamin F. Tracy, President of the Navy League. New York, N. Y. ca[Encl in Stayton 9-20-17][*File*] Passenger Department. The New York and Porto Rico Steamship Company No. 1 Broadway, John E. Berwind, President. Edward J. Berwind, Vice-Pres. F. Kingsbury Curtis, Sect'y. Henry T. Knowlton, Treas. and General Manager. NEW YORK & PORTO RICO STEAMSHIP CO. SAN JUAN AGENTS SUCCESSORS TO ROSES & CO., ARECIBO. J. T. SILVA BANKING & COM. CO., AGUADILLA. FRITZE, LUNDT & CO., MAYAGUEZ, FRITZE, LUNDT & CO., PONCE. SUCCESSORS TO A. J. ALCAIDE, ARROYO. BERTRAN HNOS, HUMACAO. BERTRAN HNOS, VIEQUES. J. BIRD Y LEON, FAJARDO. De FORD & CO., JOBOS. New York, March 19, 1903. Mr. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir: We beg to confirm our wire of this afternoon in which we advised you that the Steamship “Coamo”, which sailed last Saturday at noon, arrived safely at San Juan, P.R., seven o’clock this morning. Very truly yours, The New York and Porto Rico Steamship Company., Henry T. Knowlton, General Manager. Per M SeckendorfEXHIBIT NO. 41. Manila, P. I. March 19, 1903. Señor Leandro Locsin, Governor of Occidental Negros: Bacolod, Negros. My dear Sir: I beg to enclose to you a petition from Cenon Rosado and fifty-one others of Isabela, Negros, asking that there be a decree requiring the expulsion of friar Melchior Ardanas on the ground that he is unwelcome to the people. I beg that you will explain to the petitioners that there is no power in the Civil Government to expel any minister of religion who does not desire to go. The question whether the people will attend church is a question they may settle. There is no compulsion that they shall receive ministrations from the friar or that they shall attend church where he performs his functions as a priest; but on the other hand, in a Government where the state in completely separated from the church, as under the present government of the United States, it is not possible for the United States to intervene in the Roman Catholic Church to say who its ministers shall be. Please explain this to the people. I understand it is to be the policy of the Roman Catholic Church not to have friars stationed in any pueblo where the Catholics of the pueblo do not desire a friar to be placed. Their petition therefore should be addressed to His Excellency, the Apostolic Delegate, and not to the Civil Authorities. Very respectfully, Civil Governor. [*[WM H TAFT]*]Veerhoff’s Galleries W.H. Veerhoff, Proprietor, 1217 F. Street, N.W. Paintings, Etc., Framing, Regilding, Artists’ Supplies Telephone Main 117, Washington, D. C. March 19th, 1903. Hon. William Loeb, Jr. Secretary to the President. City. [*Picture retd ackd 3/20/1903*] [SHORTHAND] Sir: Last Summer at the President’s suggestion, I brought to the White House, for him to see a portrait of Rudyard Kipling by Sir Bourne Jones. The President expressed himself as much pleased with it, so I take the liberty of sending for his inspection an artist proof etching, signed by both Sir Philip and Mr. Kipling which as just been sent to use by the publisher who sells it for $24.00 I thank that the President would like to have his attention called to this as he was so pleased with the original. Kindly return the picture at your pleasure, if you do not care to keep it. Thanking for your courtesy, I am Sir, Your Obedient Servant, W. H. VeerhoffVeerhoff - WH P.P. 7?[*ca. 3-19-03*] Atte[r]berry, Rev. T.G. St. Louis, Mo. Anent the President’s expression in his articles “With the Cougar Hounds,” that he was of opinion that the American wolf never attacks a human being from hunger or to make a prey of him: Cities an instance where a woman was attacked by timber wolves while making a trip on horseback from Livingston to Bozeman, and in order to save herself dropped her baby to them. Writer has been frequently followed by cougars while hunting.attached to Atteberry 3-19-03[*Enclosed in Hanna, 3-20-03*] [*Democratic*] [*MAR 19 1903*] PLAIN DEALER CLEVELAND No. 78. "OLD FIGGERS" IN PROPHET'S ROLE. Grosvenor Says Roosevelt Will Have It All His Own Way. Only One Name Will be Presented at Republican Convention. Sage of Athens Talks on Futures Holds That It Would be Political Suicide for the Man Who Tried to Wrest the Presidential Nomination From Roosevelt- Has a Bouquet for Goulder and a Hammer for Mr. Ingalls- Cadets at Annapolis May Pay Their Own Board. ------------------------------------------------ Plain Dealer Bureau, 1345 Pennsylvania Avenue, WASHINGTON, March 18. "There will be but one name presented at the next national Republican convention, and that President Roosevelt's. There has not been mentioned yet a single man who could present any strength against him worthy of notice. Talk of opposition to Roosevelt in nonsense." Such was Gen. Grosvenor's comment today on the whole question of Republican rebellion against the present chief executive in the next convention or before it. Grosvenor returned to Washington yesterday for a several days' stay to be devoted to cleaning up odds and ends of departmental work connected with the last session. "They may talk all they want to," continued the Sage of Athens, as he warmed up to his favorite occupation of "figgerin'" out political futures. "Talk is cheap. It makes columns in the newspapers. But President Roosevelt has the people with him. That's why no combination could take the nomination away from him if its members wanted to do so. And suppose they could and did. What would happen to the man who supplanted him as a candidate? When the votes were counted it would be found that he had disappeared from sight. For the people would know why Roosevelt was put aside and by what agencies. They would see what the man put up in his place stood for. And any man who would accept the place at the head of the next ticket that belongs to the president would simply be committing political suicide. "President Roosevelt has had the people with him since he took steps to secure a settlement of the coal strike, if he did not have their support before. He ought to have his party with him solidly on the strength of that alone, for I feel sure that if what was done in that direction by that president had not been done the Democrats would have secured control of the house in the fifty-eighth congress. The president can hunt bears, or ride bronchos, or do what he pleases; he has the nomination in 1904 already in his pocket to all intents and purposes. He will be the candidate and he will run like a scared dog. "The tallest talk against the policy of the administration just now comes from the southern states on the question of the president's policy toward the negro. Now, whatever anyone may think about that, the fact remains that just the same number of electoral votes will be cast for the Republican ticket south of Mason and Dixon's line now as there would have been had the president never announced a policy on negro appointments. You can count on just 151 Democratic electoral votes from that section against any Republican presidential candidate under any conditions that you can imagine." When Gen. Grosvenor remarked that "there has not been mentioned yet a single man who could present any strength against him (Roosevelt) worthy of notice," he doubtless remembered that Senator Hanna, just before the last session ended, had expressed a desire and half an intention to "spank Grosvenor" because he suspected the sage of meddling in the matter of senatorial appointments. Grosvenor has a good memory and likes to wing a barbed shaft on his own account now and then. He let fly one at M. E. Ingalls, candidate for mayor of Cincinnati on the Fusion ticket. "Ingalls? Yes, he is a strong man," he said. Then reflectively and with a twinkle in his eye, "The best speech I ever heard him make was in Chicago one time when he presented the best array of reasons to a great audience of railway men for supporting McKinley as a presidential candidate and for voting against Bryan that I ever heard given by anybody. But let's see. Ingalls is a Democrat now isn't he? Well, Fleischman is the man---" and the general delivered a glowing oration on the qualities of the Republican candidate against Ingalls. He had a bouquet for Candidate Goulder as well. "He came down there to the meeting of our delegation at Columbus," said Grosvenor, referring to the time when Goulder endeavored to have the delegation withhold any decision on the speakership question until Congressman Burton should have declared himself in or out of the race. "And he made such splendid and a great speech in [fa]vor of delaying action that some of us [did]n't remember until a week later that didn't have a single valid reason on h to base it. Goulder ought to do on the stump. he is a big man good, broad one."[*[3-20-03]*] 1. I am much obliged to you for your frank letter of __ 2. I beg you to believe that I do not doubt for a moment the sincerity of your friendship or [its value] underestimate its value. 3. If at any time I have [seemed] not [to] consulted you about matters in which it seemed to you that I might well have done so, you must ascribe it to2 [the great] pressure upon me of numerous important & perplexing national affairs of the greatest importance you know the pressure upon [me] a President during a short session of Congress. 4 I am indeed sorry that I did not get your advice about Phinley for I am sure that it would have been most useful; but his name was3 brought to me [after two men had] with such testimonials as seemed to put his fitness beyond question & two men had already declined the office. Yrs [*[Draft prepared by E. Root?]*][attached to Odell, 3-19-03]COPY. Kelly & Hoeninghaus. 25 Broad Street. New York, March 20, 1903. Hon. Secretary Root, War Office, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir: Prof. George Donaldson has had the pleasure of communicating with you and receiving a reply in which you desired him to state in writing the business for which he had requested an interview. Prof. Donaldson inform me that you knew his father John Donaldson in Clinton when he tutored in your family. I am also informed that you are acquainted with his brother Chester Donaldson now U. S. Consul at Nicaragua. Austin Donaldson, brother of George and Chester Donaldson, about a year ago had some trouble with a neighbor farmer about a ditch which seeming- ly discomforted the neighbor. One day while the neighbor, whose name was Louis M[?]yer, was a trespasser on Mr. Donaldson's property, in an attempt to fill said ditch, got accidentally hit on the head with a spade at the hands of said Donaldson and through that met his death at a hospital to which he was taken. The Coroner's Jury, as per copy enclosed, discharged Austin Donaldson both on the ground of the accident and the negligence of the hospital, but through the pressure employed by the District Attorney at Staten Island, a trial was had and a conviction of manslaughter in the first degree wat the result. Judge Gaynor knowing the circumstances of the case, refused to sentence Donaldson to a longer period than three years and eight months. The writer is a friend of the Donaldsons and has been persuaded to take up this case and petition the Governor of our State in the hope of obtaining a pardon to Mr. Donaldson. A number of prominent men whom he interested, and several others who know the Donaldson family, have been assisting in this work. Several petitions have been signed by hundreds of people; some speaking of the high moral character of the man, and others- particularly of Staten Island where the accident took place - who believe in his innocence. Your knowledge of the family and its respectability, and the fact that you knew the grandfather the old Lawyer Smith, might enlist you on my side, and might, and I hope may, procure a letter to the Governor or to some high official in this State who might be of assistance to me. Mr. Donaldson leaves a wife and three minor daughters: twelve, ten and five respectively, who are living in poverty. I beg to remain, Yours very truly, N. A. Shibley. P. S. Kindly return copy of Coroner's verdict.[Enc. in Root, 3-23-03]156 East 38th St., New York City Mch. 20, 1903. The Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. My dear President Roosevelt: I cannot convey to you the disappointment and regret which I felt that circumstances seemed to conspire in a most malign way against me when I was in Washington, to prevent my seeing you, and Mrs. Slicer and myself from accepting the hospitality which you so kindly offered. My regret is only equaled by my sense of obligation to you for the painstaking way in which, in the midst of your manifold cares you could contrive occasions for an old friend. I am writing you now to ask if you will be willing to give me some confidential advice, -- I mean confidential so far as revealing its sources is concerned. I am really greatly troubled by the local situation in New York, and am in a position -2- I think, as a consistent non-partisan, to aid in clearing the atmosphere. I am told that it is the determination of the Republican organization to re-nominate Mr. Low, and that the Citizens Union Executive Committee see no way but to follow the lead of the Republican organization, or to take steps in advance to the same end. I suppose Mr. Low expects this. It is somewhat difficult to know what Mr. Low expects or intends. He has practised diplomatic incertitude, if that is the proper name for standing first on one foot and then on the other, in his whole administration of the city affairs; and I should be glad if Heaven would point the way to a diplomatic position in Europe where his long practice might have proper field for that exercise which is forbidden in an executive office such as he now holds. I wish there were time to tell you, or you had time to read, the story of the way in which the City Club forced Col. Partridge out, in spite of Mayor Low, [we] who finally secured his resignation, rather than have a demand made for his removal. Your old friend, General Greene, having taken the place,has done better than anybody could even hope, and has done as well as anybody possibly could. I may be pardoned the self-gratulation when I say that he has done in one, two, three order practically everything that the Municipal Government Committee of the City Club had planned-3- and insisted upon, and had failed to secure from Col. Partridge and Mayor Low. The situation in New York is tremendously bettered by Greene in the four months of his administration. I have been in constant communication with him, and he has shown himself most anxious to avail himself of every information within his reach. As the report which my committee made to the Trustees of the City Club was the result of the examination of one hundred and fifty witnesses respecting the condition of the Department, we were in a position to help General Greene carry out his convictions with regard to the matter. I believe that between him and Jerome, the Police Department is in a fair way to be ripped open. Yesterday's proceedings against Inspector Cross are, I think, only preliminary to criminal action. Of course such a creature as Bissert is not a good witness; but he knows the facts, if he can be made to tell them; and I think the whole system may be described as "on the run". Mayor Low has also taken at last a vigorous stand upon the confession of the attorneys of the Liquor Dealers Association that they had paid blackmail to the police. Mayor Low very properly refused to see the Association and hear their argument against an increase of the liquor tax.-4- I hope he will stand by that determination. It may be said of the situation in New York that the Street Department has been well administered; that the Health Department never was so well administered as under Dr. Lederle; Commissioner of Folks of the Bureau of Charities has won golden opinions. Mr. De Forest has, under manifold difficulties, borne himself with singular ability and efficiency in the Tenement House Department. Mr. Rives may be described as a very weak place in the administration. The Comptroller, Mr. Grout, has been difficult, but not honest and economical. Mr. District Attorney Jerome has done his work in a spectacular, but effective way, always against the Mayor on a radical difference of theory as to the administration of the law in excise matters. Jerome is right, and the Mayor is wrong, in my judgment. That is, there is a bad law which has to be enforced. The "liberal enforcement of the law" as the Mayor construes it, is impossible. I wish I could tell you personally the queer little episode with the Mayor on that subject which I had, touching the police administration of such laws as fall to the police. It was too amusing to be even disagreeable. It is unnecessary, perhaps, for me to add that I know of no Beatitude which reads, "Blessed are they who get left", which certainly was the position in which the Mayor proposed to place me. There will come a time-5- some day, when I can tell you all these stories. I dare think that they will make in the midst of your duties, a refreshing hour. I have been able, through the office of the Commissioner of Accounts, having there an honest engineer and a very capable laboratory expert, to keep a hand on the administration of the Board of Estimate and Apportionment in the matter of the paving of the streets, which, if you will pardon the figure, was a running sore, not simply in hot weather, but always, under the old administration. We forced on the Board of Estimate and Apportionment, new specifications, which, although not perfect, do provide for open competition; and the contracts let last year and this were for asphalt paving at $1.10 a square yard as against something like from $3.50 to $5.00 under Tammany rule. But here also eternal vigilance is necessary as the engineer of the Borough of Manhattan, that is Mr. Cantor's department, is a man named Livingston, whose record on the School Board you may have heard. But Mr. Cantor knows this from my information, and professes to be on the alert. On the other hand, the Mayor insisted upon making the Chief Engineer of the Board of Estimate and Apportionment, a man named Lewis, over the protest of the City Club. Lewis is the man who indorsed the old specifications, which I traced to-6- the Barber Asphalt Company's own office, where they were made and issued to the various cities as a model of what they ought to have. Now this is the situation. I have sketched it out in a somewhat prolix way, in order that you might see where we stand. My own conviction and that of every man with whom I have spoken is that Mayor Low cannot be reelected. There is a very strong and abiding distrust of the result in the minds of the leaders of the Citizens Union. You know I do not belong to the Citizens Union, but as an independent they talk very freely with me. I am a member of the East Side Republican Club, of which Norton Goddard is President, a club which covers the district in which I live, and in which the settlement work of my church is located. I assume that in your recent conversation with Mr. Goddard he took the same view of the issue which he has given to me, namely, -- that Mr. Low's reelection is impossible. The probability is that the Tammany forces will try to put up a good man to head the ticket, knowing his helplessness after he gets into office, if he should be elected. We have to reckon with a very strong Independent Democratic organization, professedly out of line with Tammany, but always ready to fall in rather than be left-7- out. This is the group of which Grout and Cantor and the Sheehans are the representatives. If a candidate can command all these elements, Republican, Citizens Union, and Independent Democratic, of course we can win out, as we did two years ago, on a fusion ticket. But the cleavage is much more marked than then, and the popular disgust, however unjust it may be, is directed against Mayor low. Jerome is actively partisan against him on every possible occasion. In my judgment there are two things that can be done, one or the other of which might succeed. First, that the Republican organization be given the right of way by the Citizens Union with the consent of the Independent Democracy, and that they name an Independent Republican like Goddard, or some equally capable man who has made a record for citizenship and fearlessness and capacity. I do not believe Mr. Goddard is acceptable to the Republican organization, but he might be taken by them, with the probability that they would not stand by him loyally unless they nominated him themselves in the first instance. If they accept him from from the Citizens Union as they accepted Low, they would probably knife him at the polls.-8- The other thing that could be done would be for a miracle to happen and the Republican organization sincerely accept a strong Democratic nominee for the mayoralty, putting their own men into most of the other places. I think in that instance Grout might be the person who could win out. There would be no difficulty in his acceptance, I believe, by the Citizens Union, and he would command a very large Democratic vote. Now I have troubled you with all these details, because I believe I am a competent and independent witness, and I would like you to give me frankly your mind in the situation if you can spare the time to dictate a reply to this letter. I want to do the right thing, which is the useful thing to the city of New York in such influence as I command, and I happen to be in touch with a great many of these interests that I have outlined. As chairman of the Municipal Government Committee of the City Club I am very proud to say that the Committee and the Club itself have won an enviable distinction under the present administration in the work that has been done by them, and so in what we do we are apt to get attention. I promise you I will not quote you in any opinion you may send-9- me, and I beg you will give me your opinion on the subject, if you have the time. I write now because I know you will be away from the first of April for some weeks. May be that you will present to Mrs. Roosevelt the expression of Mrs. Slicer's gratitude and my own, and for yourself not only good wishes for a happy vacation and congratulations upon the great work which you have achieved, but also the assurance of my unfailing friendship. Yours sincerely Thomas R. Slicer P. S. Would it be possible for a secretary's position to be found in connection with the Canal Commission for Col. Shepard, who is still very hard driven, and is thoroughly competent for such a position? This is simply to recall him to your mind,--an unpleasant subject, indeed, but still a matter in which you kindly promised a generous intervention.[For attachment see 3-20-03]his lip cut, but he still fought on. I am a man of peace and the son in law of Mr. Robert Neal Paine, President of the American Peace Society; but to read Humphreys' letter stirs all the old fighting blood in me, and makes me feel like tossing my hat up in the air and yelling, or else pitching into someone. It was very pleasant having the few minutes chat with you on Wednesday. Yours truly John H Storer Hon Theodore Roosevelt [*Ackd 3-21-1903*] Somerset Club, Boston. March 20" 1903. My dear Mr Roosevelt I enclose the latest bulletin from the field of the great battles. More little fellows must have had grit to fight on through four rounds before either of them could be declared the victor. And no boy would need feel ashamed to be "licked" by either of them. I learn from other sources that Humphreys nose was pretty well mashed andNorthwestern Christian Advocate. Chicago. David D. Thompson, Editor. Confidential. Chicago, March 20, 1903. To His Excellency, The President of the United States, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President: I read with much satisfaction the statement in the “Record-Herald,” which I quote in an editorial in the “Northwestern Christian Advocate” this week, that “the condition imposed by the Vatican, that President Roosevelt suggest the appointment of Archbishop Ireland as a cardinal, is considered impossible.” I assume that the suggestion of this announcement published in the “Record-Herald” emanated from the White House. If so, permit me to commend your wisdom in having it made. The frequent announcement in American papers, in cablegrams from Rome, that the president of the United States was expected to recommend(2) the appointment of Archbishop Ireland as cardinal has made a wider and more unfortunate impression than you perhaps realize. I knew that an effort had been made to induce President McKinley to make such a recommendation and that he refused, and my information was to the effect that friends of Archbishop Ireland were endeavoring to secure from you a recommendation to the pope to appoint the archbishop a cardinal. The fact that the cablegrams from Rome have been published in Republican as well as Democratic and independent papers has not lessened the impression in the minds of many that there was some foundation for the report. The frequency with which cablegrams from Rome state that it is expected the government at Washington will officially recognize a diplomatic representative of the pope is also having a bad effect upon the minds of many, who believe that the Vatican authorities are endeavoring to take advantage of the negotiations with the Taft Commission to secure from (3) the United States recognition of the temporal sovereignty of the pope and control of the public school system in the Philippines. Of course, every well informed person knows that no president of the United States could or would ever think of officially recognizing a papal nuncio; but the mass of our people do not know this, and the political prominence of Archbishop Ireland has made many feel that he is a more potent factor in American politics than all Protestant ecclesiastics combined and that what he is authorized to request he secures. If you remember our conversation when I had the honor of taking luncheon with you, I said that I regarded the problem connected with the Philippines as the most delicate and serious with which you have to deal. I feel it my duty, as a citizen, to repeat that statement, and to tell you that, in my judgment, the authorities at the Vatican are endeavoring to use the opportunity which the appointment(4) of the Taft's Commission gave them to secure control of the public schools in the Philippines, and thus control the political as well as the religious future of that people. If they do that, the civilization of the Philippines will be Latin and not American, and the baneful influence of that decadent civilization will be felt in all our relations with the eastern world. It would relieve you of what I think may prove to be a serious embarrassment if it could become known that there has been made an authoritative statement that no consideration has been or could be given to any suggestion of the recognition of a papal nuncio by the American government. The idea that such recognition is possible is encouraged even by leading Roman Catholics in the United States, as you will see by the quotation from the "Freeman's Journal" in the editorial printed in the "Northwestern Christian Advocate" of March 18th, a copy of which I send you.(5) You have my hearty sympathy and cordial support in your efforts to give the country a patriotic administration. If I may be permitted, without impertinence, to make the statement, I would like to say that I thought more highly of you after meeting you at the White House than before and that I have the highest respect for your conservative statesmanship. No president since Lincoln, it seems to me, has had so many delicate and difficult problems to deal with as you have, and you should have the prayers and considerate judgment of all patriotic Americans. I hope you will pardon my frankness in this letter, but, believe me, it is prompted by sincere respect for you. Very sincerely yours, David D. Thompson.[*ackd 3/22/1903*] Σ N Φ EXECUTIVE COUNCIL WASHINGTON, D.C. March 20, 1903. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. Roosevelt: The Adelphia Sigma Nu Phi, a Greek letter Legal Fraternity, and the first one ever founded in the National capital, and incorporated February 12th last, has elected you one of its honorary members. And your associates in the same membership who have accepted their election are Hon. George Gray, Assistant Attorney General Beck, Chief Justice Alvey, ex-Attorney General Watson of Ohio, and Gov. Pennybacker of Pennsylvania. The parent chapter of the Fraternity is comprised of undergraduate and alumni of the National University Law School, which had for its first Chancellor President Grant and which has had since its inception a renowned reputation. This chapter is named in honor of Hon. Joseph H. Choate, and other chapters are to be founded in all the law schools of the United States. We sincerely trust that you will honor us by your acceptance of election as an honorary member, especially as we believe that you typify the best type of American manhood and because your ideals are those for which we strive. Respectfully yours, Geo. Lincoln Whitaker Chairman.Slicer, Thomas R. New York, March 20, 1903. Regrets not seeing the President while in Washington. Outlines in detail situation in New York City; thinks Mayor Low cannot be re-elected, though he understands it is the determination of the Republican organization to renominate him. Asks the President’s opinion on the situation, which he promises shall not be quoted in any way as coming from the President. Mrs. Slicer joins him in best wishes for a happy vacation. (P.S.) Can a secretaryship in connection with the Canal Commission be found for Col. Shepard?[attached to Slicer, 3-20-03][*Ackd 3/28/1903*] Archbishop Chapelle presents his compliments to His Excellency Theodore Rooseveltand prays that God may abundantly bless him Mayor O'Connell will present him with a slight recuerdo which may contribute somewhat to his trip to the West Havana March 21, 190340 E. 68th Street Dear Mr. President You will be pleased to know that a son was born to Martin on Feb 28th - Mother, and boy strong and well - And Martin the proudest father in the land He is at Presidio Barracks San Francisco, Faithfully, John D Crimmins [Theo] Excellency Theodore Roosevelt March 21st 1903[*Ackd 3/23/1903*] 40 East 68th Street, New York March 21st, 1903 Dear Mr. President:- You have read so extensively into the letters and papers of our Presidents, it is possible you have come across the letter which I enclose. The original letter, of which this is a copy, is in my possession. To me your act to advance a man who represents a high type of his race and an American citizen to a position as Dr. Crumm is believed to be, should be commended. I would encourage people of every race in America to high aspirations that a noble emulation might follow. Faithfully yours, John D Crimmins Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. Enclosure[For enclosure see, 8-25-1814, & 3-21-03(PERSONAL) Department of the Interior, YELLOWSTONE NATIONAL PARK, OFFICE OF THE SUPERINTENDENT. Yellowstone Park, Wyo. March 21st, 1903. [*ackd 3/26/1903 PPF R*] My dear Mr. President: We are having no end of trouble in getting that pack of dogs from Mr. Poole at Aledo, Texas. Four of the eight dogs that we ordered reached us day before yesterday. They are fine young dogs, but not trained. Jones had them out yesterday and tried them on the trail of the young mountain lion, which he is keeping for the purpose of testing and training the pack. I have just received a telegram from Poole saying the other four will certainly be shipped today. I telegraphed him that he dogs he had shipped were not trained and that at least two of the dogs shipped today must be well trained, or he would have violated his contract with us. Poole informed me several days ago that he had shipped the eight dogs, and we have been anxiously awaiting their arrival so that we could try them and report the result to you. If they are shipped today, as he says they certainly will be, they should be here on the 27th. I have telegraphed Poole or the express agent at least once a day for the past two weeks in order to hasten the shipment of these dogs, with the results stated above. I am beginning to lose confidence in Poole and his dogs, and wish you would have someone write to Goff, and ask him to - 2 - hold himself in readiness to come over here, with his pack, in case we find our hounds unsatisfactory. Please let me know Goff's address, and whether or not we can reach him by telegraph. Yours sincerely, John Pitcher To His Excellency, The President of the United States, Washington, D. C. P.S. We are having a fine snow storm here today and it looks more like mid winter than spring. John Pitcher[*Ackd 3/23/1903*] 156 East 38th St., New York City Mch. 21, 1903 Mr. William H. Loeb Jr., White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb: I have sent a letter with my name on the outside of the envelope, to the President, upon matters so confidential as to the situation in New York that I would be grateful to you if you would pass it to him personally, in order that it may not in any way go through the ordinary channels of business in your office, as I should not like its contents to be known to anybody except the President and yourself. May I extend to you my congratulations upon your appointment, and my best wishes for your success in every way? I am Yours cordially Thomas R. Slicer A.BTelegram. White House, Washington. [*OK*] March 21, 1903. Commissioner Wright telephones as follows: Please say to the President that everything was all right in regard to the report, and that acting on the President’s permission Mr. Wright is going away tomorrow for a week or ten days, unless the President should wish to communicate with him further, in what event he can be reached by telephone. [*[WRIGHT]*]Crimmins, John D. New York, March 21, 1903. Encloses copy of letter from President Thomas Jefferson to Edward Coles, original of which is in possession of writer – on negro question. Commends the President’s actin in advancing Dr. Crum.[attached to Crimmins 3-21-03][*WLJr*] [*ackd 3/25/1903*] State of New York. Senate Chamber, Albany. Geo G. Green. 38th Dist. 170 Bowery New York, March 23rd, 1903. PERSONAL. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Esq., Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. My Dear Sir and Friend:-- I notice by the newspaper that you are scheduled to leave Washington by April 1st for a somewhat prolonged stay, on your trip through the western country. Wonder if there is any collusion between your party and that of Ex-President Cleveland who I notice leaves about the same time on a similar trip. That wasn't what I intended to say when I began to dictate this letter. As you know, one or two business corporations with which I am associated have for a number of years enjoyed some very pleasant business relations with the United States Government, especially in the Post Office Department. I have usually given considerable personal attention to such negotiations, as we have had in the past, and I am entirely familiar with the situation; hence will doubtless be obliged to continue in future negotiations. Some "busy-bodies", as usual, are trying to stir up some trouble, and put some obstacles in our way, and I assume that the final arbiter will be the Postmaster General, Mr. Payn. While I have met this gentleman personally, at the same time, I doubt if he recalls me; therefore, it has occurred to me that if you can see your way clear to give me a personal note of introduction to the Post Master General, it would not only be of considerable service in placing me right with him, but I can assure you that it will be gratefully appreciated. I think it is unnecessary for me to suggest that I am not looking for any "pull", nor do I want to use anyState of New York, Senate Chamber, Albany. Geo. G. Green. 38th Dist. Sec'y Loeb, ---2. influence of any description aside from good business. Our transactions have been open and above-board from the beginning to the present time, and will so be continued, but I am anxious to meet General Payn in such a way that he will understand that any representations I may make will not only be fair and reliable, but have the endorsement of those for whom I propose to speak. If there be the slightest reason why you prefer not to give me a note of introduction, all you need to do is to say so, as I don't wish even remotely to bring you in connection with any business proposition that could have the least shadow of trouble for you or the administration you so faithfully represent. Wonder if you ever saw a copy of the enclosed circular which was recently sent to the members of the Legislature, nominating Roosevelt and Addicks for 1904. I enclose herewith the circular and original envelope in which it was received, showing New York post-mark. When it comes handy, you may say to the President that I have not changed my opinion to the effect that he has yet to make some terrific blunder, else he can be nominated for President, with or without the assistance of those whom it is popularly supposed control the nominations. The people have confidence in him, and I believe will attend caucuses and conventions to give expression to their confidence. I am necessarily in Albany until Thursday night, -- perhaps until Friday, then here on Friday and Saturday. Trusting your western trip will be one of pronounced success and splendid benefit, not only from the standpoint of healthful recreation, but healthful politics as well, I am, with best wishes, Yours truly, Geo G. Green. Enclosure.[*wrote Comm. Jones 3-24-1903*] 45 Wyatt Building, Washington, D. C., March 23, 1903 My dear Mr. President: If the investigation is not too pressing to wait till June 15, I can go. In case it must be made immediately, I regret to say that my affairs are in such shape as to make it impracticable for me to go. Not foreseeing anything of the kinds, I let my "understudy" go abroad, and made various engagements which would involve difficulties for others if I were to break them now. If it were an alternative between me and someone in whom you had not equal confidence, I need not assure your that I would drop everything else and put my best energies unreservedly at your service; but your remark about Mr. Foulke reassures me. By the middle of June I shall have affairs here so straightened out as to go prepared to stay some time; for an examination of the papers shows me that the inquiry means probably several weeks' work. I shall retain the papers, with your permission till I hear from you whether I shall go as soon as I can get away, or turn over everything to Mr. Foulke. Sincerely yours, Francis E. Leupp [*also see C.F.*]meal. Ever yrs. A. C. M. L. [*(Mrs. Henry Cabot Lodge)*] [*[For 1 attachment see ca. 3-23-1903]*] [*ackd Mar 23 1903*] March 23- 1765 MASSACHUSETTS AVENUE Dear Mr. President Won't you come to us Monday, instead of Sunday? We should love so to have you here. Tuesday we havea dinner at home, & of course we will dine with you Monday if you prefer, & should love to meet John Burroughs, or any one else you think of, but if you will dine with us Monday this 30th we shall like it all the better. Of course we can lunch with you either Monday or Tuesday , if you prefer the mid-day[*PPF*] War Department, Washington. March 23, 1903. Personal and Confidential. Dear Mr. President: The enclosed letter appears to belong in the “Rough Rider” Department of the Administration. Motives of delicacy forbid me to act upon it, lest I trespass on a family vault which belongs either to you or to Knox. Faithfully yours, Elihu Root The President. Enclosure.For enc see Shibley 3-20-03The Palace Isfahan Persia Sir, I have great pleasure in acknowledging the receipt of a personally inscribed copy of your "Hunting Trips of a Ranchman", which has been forwarded to me through the United States degation in Tehran. I much appreciate the kind thought which prompted the dispatch of the book; and I shall value it, not for itself and its interestingcontents only, but also as a mark of the cordial feelings existing between this country and the great Republic of the United States of America, which is manufactured through the medium of the gift of their President. Believe me, Sir, to remain always your sincere friend Zello's Soltan March 23rd 1903 [*Zill-es-Sultan Gov. of the Province of Isfahan Persia*]ca 3-23-1903 fileattached to Lodge 3-23-03Customs Service, Office of the Surveyor. New York, N.Y., March 24, 1903. [*ackd 3/25/1903*] My dear President Roosevelt: I have your letter of the 23rd instant concerning General Tyner. I judge by this that you wish to act on this matter before you go away. If so, I will be willing to come to Washington and help in getting the resignation, as I am satisfied that that you would be much kinder to General Tyner and more just in itself, and far more grateful to his friends, of whom he has very many. If you have the time I think I ought to see you about several matters affecting the party interests in New York. I can be in Washington on Thursday if you shall desire it and will notify me in time. Sincerely, James S. Clarkson [SHORTHAND][*[3-29-03]*] Personal and Confidential. Galleria Sciarra, Roma. 24/3/03. Dear Governor Taft: I often have conversations with Cardinal Satelli on the subject of the Philippines and in the course of one of those His Eminence said something, and said it so seriously, that I think it ought to reach your ears, but of course is highly confidential as should it come out it would injure the Cardinal very much. He said, adding that according to his opinion the best solution of the religious question in the Philippines would be for you to put all the friars of the four objected to orders on a steamer and send them away. You would thus, he thinks, render a service to the Filipino people as well as to the United States and the Church herself, which cannot take such measures but would be very pleased if someone did it for her. Objections might be found by some people because of the treaty of Paris which prescribes that Spanish subjects must enjoy the same protection as the natives but the Cardinal thinks that those Spaniards who disturb or menace public order, such as the friars, do not come under this head. Rather revolutionary would be the effect of such measures among the slow-going friars who trust everything in delay. Yours very truly, Salvatore Cortesi. (COPY)[*P.P.F.*] United States Senate, Washington. At 49 Broadway, New York, March 24, 1903. The President, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President: I have not yet heard from you, as you intimated that I would, concerning the appointment of Mr. Hanbury as Shipping Commissioner, and particularly as to the contents of the Governor’s letter on the subject, which you had not received at the time I left Washington. I have not experienced any change in sentiments regarding this matter, and I am anxious that Hanbury should be appointed promptly. Now that the Secretary of the Treasury has returned, I take it that you will direct him to make the appointment. At any rate I hope so, and shall be glad to hear from you on the subject. Very truly yours, T.C. Platt HmTELEGRAM. RECEIVED IN CIPHER. TRANSLATED FOR THE PRESIDENT White House, Washington Letter to Capt. Kelly 3/25/1903 Manila, (Received 3:55 p.m., March 24, 1903.) SECRETARY OF WAR, Washington. Affair at Surigae turns out to be escape ten prisoners, sentenced to long terms for ladrenism, who, with 60 or 80 of their fellows, returned to Surigae, succeeded in surprising and rushing the constabulary barracks, obtaining constabulary arms and ammunition, knapsacks, constabulary inspector, and thus taking command of the town. Nine Americans-- including two women-- retreated to the provincial building, where, under the direction of Lather S. Kelly, provincial treasurer, formerly captain of Volunteers, and still earlier, Indian scout known as Yellowstone Kelly, barricaded building against the attacking party. The Americans arrived only with a few shot-guns, and short of ammunition, but maintained their defense against the ladrines, refusing to yield to an ultimatum demanding guns, receiving the reply of Kelly that they would not give up a single gun, and would kill on sight any ladrene within range. Assistant Chief Taylor arrived at Surigae with constabulary force about eighteen hours after the attack. On his approach ladrenes disappeared, and columns are now following them. Extreme northeast Mindanae is so far removed that I have concluded to call upon George W. Davis to put military in command, with hope that by a large force ladrenes and their guns may be captured and also they may be prosecuted for murder and ladrenism. So far as advised, Captain Clark only American Killed. The cable from Surigae landed near provincial building in which Americans took refuge, and they were thus able to communicated with military commander at Iligan and with constabulary headquarters at Cebu. Two constabulary inspectors wereTELEGRAM. White House, Washington. absent from Surigae, in Cebu, where they were passing their examinations for promotion; had been regarded as quiet province since capture and sentence of ladrones, but their escape led to the difficulty. If deemed necessary by Military Commander, Commission will suspend writ of habeas corpus for Surigae, but it is to be hoped that this measure can be avoided…Taft. -KQ-Personal Ackn 3/26/1903 New York 583 Fifth Avenue March 25th 1903 My dear Theodore, When I had the pleasure of seeing you about three weeks ago- you promised to do two things for me, namely- To send to the Navy Department for the letters on file there respecting Director Boggs -and also, to send for Admiral Taylor and ask his opinion on the ability & etc. of Boggs to fill the position of Paymaster General of the Navy, for which he is a candidate. I hope you have not forgotten. Knowing how busy you are I write this few lines to remind you of your promise. Much-love to you andYour wife — in which Maurice joins me- I am Your Affec. Cousin Frederick Roosevelt[*Copy*] [*Confidential*] No. 29. First National Bank GEO. F. BAKER, President. H. C. FAHNESTOCK, V. Prest. H. P. DAVISON, V. Prest. C. D. BACKUS, Cashier. W. G. SNOW, Asst. Cashier. FRANCIS L. HINE, V.Prest. CHARLES H. STOUT, V.Prest. H. FAHNESTOCK, Asst. Cashier. GEO. F. BAKER, Jr.Asst.Cashier. New York, [23, July 1903] [*[3-25-03]*] Referring to the resolution of the BANKERS CONVENTION, held at New Orleans, Louisiana, in November last, which recommended the appointment of a Committee to consider our National Currency System, and to suggest amendments to the National Banking Act which would impart a greater degree of elasticity et cetera, Mr. H. C. Fahnestock, as a member of the Currency Committee appointed under that resolution, submits the following memorandum. It is of course recognized that the chief value of Bank Note circulation is public conveniences --- its use avoiding the moving of metallic money in large transactions. But as a substitute for coin, absolute safety is the first requisite, and, among the leading commercial countries, Bank circulation is not an important element of profits, so large is the metallic reserve required to be held against it. Before the Civil War, we had in this country a heterogenious circulation, authorized under the laws of different States — many of them loosely guarded -- and involving various discounts, vigilant discrimination and frequent losses. This condition opened the way for the National Banking Act, which furnished a uniform and absolutely safe Bank currency, and the chief inspiration of the introduction of this System was the urgent need of the Government for the largest possible sale of United States2 No. 29. First National Bank New York, GEO. F. BAKER, President. H. C. FAHNESTOCK, V. Prest. H. P. DAVISON, V. Prest. C. D. BACKUS, Cashier. W. G. SNOW, Asst. Cashier. FRANCIS L. HINE, V.Prest. CHARLES H. STOUT, V.Prest. H. FAHNESTOCK, Asst. Cashier. GEO. F. BAKER, Jr.Asst.Cashier. Bonds to meet the War expenditures. At that time the issuance of circulating notes upon the basis of United States Six Per Cent. bonds at par assured a large and very attractive profit. Now, with the changed conditions, the profit is so insignificant that only a small proportion of the larger Banks take out circulation to a considerable amount as compared with their privilege under the law. At the date of the last report of the Comptroller of the Currency the outstanding circulation was -------- $318.000.000 against ----------------------------------------------------------- 705.000.000 Capital, and Surplus and Accumulated Profits ---- 495.000.000 In view of this diminished profit, and the diminishing volume of the United States Bonds and their advancing price, Congress should encourage the maintenance of adequate circulation by minimizing the charges upon it and by modifying the present limitations upon retirement. But the various suggestions made to Congress looking to uncovered circulation need to be very carefully guarded, because of the conditions here which differ so widely from these of other commercial countries. In Great Britain, Germany and France the issue of circulation is centered in their Great National Banks, under limitations that approximately sever their note issues with actual specie3 No. 29. First National Bank New York, GEO. F. BAKER, President. H. C. FAHNESTOCK, V. Prest. H. P. DAVISON, V. Prest. C. D. BACKUS, Cashier. W. G. SNOW, Asst. Cashier. FRANCIS L. HINE, V.Prest. CHARLES H. STOUT, V.Prest. H. FAHNESTOCK, Asst. Cashier. GEO. F. BAKER, Jr.Asst.Cashier. reserves, and with National securities, in addition to which their deposits are abundantly protected by coin and Government notes. In Canada, where the currency laws are exceptionally liberal, the Banks of issue number only thirty-five (35) with rigid requirements as to redemption and supervision by their Bankers Association. In the latest report of our Comptroller of the Currency the outstanding circulation of nearly five thousand (5.000) National Banks footed -----------------------------------------$316.000.000., all covered by United States Bonds, and their holdings of specie and United States notes aggregated -------------- $526.000.000., thus absolutely assuring the redemption of the circulation. And the latest statements of Foreign Banks showed (approximately) CIRCULATION SPECIE & GOVT. SECURITIES. Bank of England ------------- $ 264.000.000. $ 264.000.000. Bank of France ------------------ 830.000.000. 720.000.000. Imperial Bank of Germany -- 280.000.000. 269.000.000. In these countries the issuance of circulating notes is concentrated chiefly in the great Banks at the commercial centres where there is better opportunity to judge of need, and where inflation for large profit or for self-preservation is carefully barred. In the United States we labor under the disadvantage of4 No. 29. First National Bank New York, GEO. F. BAKER, President. H. C. FAHNESTOCK, V. Prest. H. P. DAVISON, V. Prest. C. D. BACKUS, Cashier. W. G. SNOW, Asst. Cashier. FRANCIS L. HINE, V.Prest. CHARLES H. STOUT, V.Prest. H. FAHNESTOCK, Asst. Cashier. GEO. F. BAKER, Jr.Asst.Cashier. having to deal with nearly five thousand (5.000) Banks of issue (4.601 September 15, 1902) of which more than eighteen hundred (1.000) are capitalized at less than $100.000., and several hundred at $25.000. (805 less than $50.000.) Furthermore it should be noted that out of the whole number of Banks organized since 1863 (6.476), over fourteen hundred (1.400) have gone into liquidation for one reason or another, and three hundred and eighty-seven (387) are recorded as insolvent--- say 6% of those Chartered. It will be remember that the National Banking Act requires every Bank in the System to receive at par the notes of any other National Bank in payment of any debt due to itself. Under existing conditions this can be done with absolute safety, because every Bank Note is protected by Government Bonds, and its redemption at par assured. But in the absence of such complete protection, it would be absolutely impossible for the Comptroller of the Currency and his Deputies to maintain such scrutiny of the condition of all these Banks as to permit them safely to issue uncovered circulation. Among the schemes lacking to elastic circulation, it has been proposed that all the National Banks issuing such circulation shall unite in a general guarantee of uncovered circulation that shall assure its ultimate redemption. But it is fair to assume that the large commercial Banks would entirely forego the privilege of5 No. 29. First National Bank New York, GEO. F. BAKER, President. H. C. FAHNESTOCK, V. Prest. H. P. DAVISON, V. Prest. C. D. BACKUS, Cashier. W. G. SNOW, Asst. Cashier. FRANCIS L. HINE, V.Prest. CHARLES H. STOUT, V.Prest. H. FAHNESTOCK, Asst. Cashier. GEO. F. BAKER, Jr.Asst.Cashier. circulation rather than to assume the risk of underwriting the issues of all the Banks, large and small, in the United States -- so widely scattered as to be beyond observation and control. It would be only fair that uncovered circulation should be issued with a distinguishing mark to separate it from the existing bond-secured circulation, and there would presently be discrimination and "uncurrent money" which Banks could not be expected or required to receive in payment of debts due to themselves, and consequently the Government would be driven into the banking business, and obliged to redeem defaulted Bank Notes, looking to recovery afterwards by realization upon Bank assets. For all these reasons, it would seem to be most unwise and unfortunate to substitute for the present perfectly safe circulation any variety not absolutely good, and certain to be maintained at par throughout the United States. It will no doubt by necessary later on, with a diminished volume of United States Bonds, to modify the present regulations as to circulation securities. It would be the greatest calamity to practically ruin the National Bank Note circulation by schemes which have been proposed that would surely bring us back to the "uncurrent money" systems which existed before the War. And it should be borne in mind that pressure or unsecured circulation has not come chiefly from the6 No. 29. First National Bank New York, GEO. F. BAKER, President. H. C. FAHNESTOCK, V. Prest. H. P. DAVISON, V. Prest. C. D. BACKUS, Cashier. W. G. SNOW, Asst. Cashier. FRANCIS L. HINE, V.Prest. CHARLES H. STOUT, V.Prest. H. FAHNESTOCK, Asst. Cashier. GEO. F. BAKER, Jr.Asst.Cashier. commercial centres, but in great part from the Cities and Towns furthest removed from them. New York is recognized as the banking centre of the United States, and whilst surplus money flows here from time to time, the crop movements and all great money demands must be financed chiefly from New York where there is, besides abundant capital, the largest banking experience. Down at the bottom of all our money troubles is our barbarous Sub-Treasury System, which ignores the experience of the whole commercial world by absolutely withdrawing from public use, without notice or immediate remedy, large sums of money at the commercial centres where Customs Duties and Internal Revenue are collected. In London, Government receipts are deposited at once in the Bank of England, and are available immediately for lease to the same community, and only such an arrangement will completely mend the embarrassments which so frequently attend our Sub-Treasury absorption. Individuals and corporations do not hesitate to deposit unlimited amounts without security in the large commercial Banks, and Government monies would be equally safe if so deposited. Referring to the measures introduced at the last Session of Congress looking to intelligent remedy of the present evils, I submit the following suggestions:-7 No. 29. First National Bank New York, GEO. F. BAKER, President. H. C. FAHNESTOCK, V. Prest. H. P. DAVISON, V. Prest. C. D. BACKUS, Cashier. W. G. SNOW, Asst. Cashier. FRANCIS L. HINE, V.Prest. CHARLES H. STOUT, V.Prest. H. FAHNESTOCK, Asst. Cashier. GEO. F. BAKER, Jr.Asst.Cashier. 1. Permit deposits of Government monies, received for Customs and Internal Revenue, in the large Banks in the Central Reserve Cities, and in other cities where there are Sub-Treasuries and United States Mints ---thus making those deposits at the points where the Customs and other duties are paid and withdrawn from use. Such deposits to be made in Banks: a - without charge of interest, against the deposit of United States Bonds or such other securities as have recently been accepted by the Secretary of the Treasury. b - without security to the extent of 50% of paid up Capital and Surplus of any Bank having together not less than $1,000.000. Upon such deposits the Bank to pay interest at the rate of 2% per annum, or perhaps a discretionary, but uniform rate to be fixed from time to time by the Secretary of the Treasury. (If unsecured, the Banks can afford to pay interest as upon correspondent balances. But deposited securities are generally borrowed at considerable expense, and with the purpose of releasing Government monies for public convenience and not for important profit.) 2. Circulation to be issued to Banks as new: a - against the deposit of United States Bonds. b - Circulating Notes to be issued to Banks in the discretion of the Secretary of the Treasury to the extent of one-half the Capital8 No. 29. First National Bank New York, GEO. F. BAKER, President. H. C. FAHNESTOCK, V. Prest. H. P. DAVISON, V. Prest. C. D. BACKUS, Cashier. W. G. SNOW, Asst. Cashier. FRANCIS L. HINE, V.Prest. CHARLES H. STOUT, V.Prest. H. FAHNESTOCK, Asst. Cashier. GEO. F. BAKER, Jr.Asst.Cashier. of any Bank against State, Municipal and other securities, such as have been recently received as security for deposits of public monies. The tax upon circulation to be fixed at a higher rate upon these latter securities than upon those issued against United States Bonds. After careful consideration, I am satisfied that wide spread confusion and trouble must arise from the issue that has been proposed, of unsecured "emergency" circulation which would not be sought by the large commercial Banks, but might be frequently desired in the smaller communities, either for purposes of profit --- permitting unsafe expansion of business -- or for self-preservation, when embarrassed. Only five times in the experience of the Associated Banks of New York have they resorted to the issue of Clearing House Certificates, and in none of these cases have they been issued for purposes of profit, but only for temporary use, and to prevent widespread calamity, and in each instance, the issues have been made absolutely safe by the United Guarantee of all the Associated Banks of the City of New York representing together in Capital and Surplus------------------------------------------$225,000.000 It would seem that in such emergencies, if they should recur, similar issues could be made without Government intervention and without risking the demoralization of the currency that would b involved in opening the door to a general issue of uncovered "asset9 No. 29. First National Bank New York, GEO. F. BAKER, President. H. C. FAHNESTOCK, V. Prest. H. P. DAVISON, V. Prest. C. D. BACKUS, Cashier. W. G. SNOW, Asst. Cashier. FRANCIS L. HINE, V.Prest. CHARLES H. STOUT, V.Prest. H. FAHNESTOCK, Asst. Cashier. GEO. F. BAKER, Jr.Asst.Cashier. currency" with all the temptations that attach to it. If such issues could be confined to a limited number of leading commercial Banks, they might be authorized with safety. But in the hands of five thousand (5,000) Banks, large and small, they would mean hopeless confusion. In consideration of this subject, careful attention should be given to the teachings of History. Our own experiences in the varied currencies existing before the War, with their experiments, lesses and reforms, and the experiences of the leading commercial Nations -- especially that of France in the disasters attending the issues of unsecured currencies, National and Bank -- ought to sufficiently demonstrate that Bank Note issues do not constitute money any more than do checks, and that the value of both depends absolutely upon the certainty of prompt redemption in legal tender money. And this demonstration must be kept in mind in all efforts to impart greater elasticity to our circulating medium. We cannot afford to take any steps backward. New York, March 25, 1903.[Inclosure 2.] GENERAL ORDERS, } HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, } ADJUTANT GENERAL'S OFFICE, No. 38. } Washington, March 25, 1903. The following order has been received from the War Department and is published to the Army for the information\ and guidance of all concerned: WAR DEPARTMENT, Washington, March 25, 1903. By direction of the President, Brigadier General Leonard Wood, U. S. Army, having filed the report which completes his service as military governor of Cuba and commander of the military forces stationed in that island from December, 1899, to the close of American occupation, is relieved from further duty in connection with the affairs of the former military government of Cuba. The administration of General Wood, both as military commander of the Division and Department of Cuba and as military governor, was highly creditable. The civil government was managed with an eye single to the benefit of the Cuban people. Under the supervision and control of the military governor the Cuban people themselves had an opportunity to carry on their own government to a constantly increasing degree, so that when Cuba assumed her independence she started with the best possible chance of success. Out of an utterly prostrate colony a free republic was built up-the work being done with such signal ability, integrity, and success that the new nation started under more favorable conditions than has ever before been the case in any single instance among her fellow Spanish-American republics. This record stands alone in history, and the benefit conferred thereby upon the people of Cuba was no greater than the honor conferred upon the people of the United States. The War Department, by direction of the President, thanks General Wood and the officials, civil and military, serving under him, upon the completion of a work so difficult, so important, and so well done. ELIHU ROOT. Secretary of War. BY COMMAND OF LIEUTENANT GENERAL MILES: W. P. HALL, Acting Adjutant General.[Enc. in Root 12-22-03][*ackd 5/30/1903 CA*] [*[5-26-03]*] PERSONAL and CONFIDENTIAL Washington, March 26th., 1903. [*[May]*] Dear Mr. Loeb: I enclose a clipping from the Washington Post of today which I would be very glad to have you call to the attention of the President. It gives both side of the Ohio situation up to date. Senator Hanna is wholly wrong when he says his friends did not raise the issue of endorsing the President for nomination. Dover, his private Secretary, and Senator Patterson, of Ohio, one of Mr.Hanna's most active and widely know partisans gave out interviews here, and in Ohio, to many papers in which they declared that the President ought not to be indorsed for nomination by the State Convention and that it would not be done. It was these authorized interviews which developed the whole discussion. I also enclose editorial articles from the New York Post and the Washington Star. Three fourth of the Ohio papers declare that the President should receive endorsement of nomination next year by the Convention. Three fourths of the people --the Republicans of the state---are of the same opinion. Mr.Hanna will control the convention and it will take a hard fight to get a resolution declaring if in favor of the nomination through-- but Senator Foraker and his friends will do it, I think, without a doubt if the President wants it done. Mr.Hanna has said in interviews --copies of which I sent you yesterday that the "President does not want it". Senator Quay telephoned yesterday that Pennsylvania would2 adopt a strong resolution pledging the Republicans of the state to vote for the nomination of the President next year. There is abundant evidence that there is an underground plot among certain Republicans in financial circles in the East to defeat the President for nomination. The number of these persons is small but they have a good deal of influence and have I think something of a press bureau at work in a quiet way! Should Ohio fail to declare in favor of the Presidents nomination it would quite fall in with their plans and wishes, and the failure of Ohio would be emphatically marked by very reason of the indorsement which Pennsylvania will have given. A good deal of opposition has developed in the circles of which I speak since the departure of the President, his temporary absence having given ill disposed persons an opportunity which will largely disappear upon his return when the light and power of his personality is brought to bear [i] on the situation. Very sincerely yours, Francis B. Loomis Hon. William Loeb Jr., Secretary to the President.For 1 enc see 5-22-03 clipping "Star"[**Patent sent to the House, with copy of this.**] Ackd 3/28/1903 New Orleans, La. March 26th, 1903. Dear Sir: During the late Carnival, when Miss Alice Roosevelt visited New Orleans, acting in my capacity as "REX", King of the Carnival, I had the pleasure of presenting her with patents of nobility, elevating her to the title of Duchess of the White House. This patent was most hurriedly gotten up and was rather crude, to say the least. I informed Miss Roosevelt that this was only temporary, and that later on the regular patent would be sent her at Washington. As I understand that Miss Roosevelt is now in Puerto Rico, I take the liberty of sending the document to you, under separate cover, knowing that this will ensure its reaching her safely. With great respect and esteem, Yours very truly, J. T. Witherspoon To Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. owing to the unfortunate conditions which have obtained for some time and with which you are familiar - I doubt out ability to inaugurate so large a work. If however the General Govt should see proper to undertake it, as it will might, I should heartily be in favor of it - Since my return home I am in receipt of a personal letter form Taft giving in some detail the reasons why he thought it undesirable for him to leave the Islands at this time - As I surmised it was mainly because of Complications growing out of Church matters Memphis March 26 1903 2/ [*ackd 3/28/1903*] My dear President - I have read with much interest the report of the Committee of the Academy of Science, which you were kind enough to send me - It is an able document and gives a comprehensive view of needed scientific work to be done in the Islands. Of its usefulness and value to the people of the Islands, there can be no doubt - the only question is one of "Way, and means" if the Insular Government is to bear the expense. At this timeThe feeling against the Friars is as strong as ever and the leading Fillipines seemed to fear that his leaving means a change of policy - This was doubtless due to the fact that whilst I was acting Governor I discouraged the seizure of Church property, and anti friar denominations - The reasons for this course seemed to me then, and seem to me now obviously sound. It was a time of general unrest and we were just emerging from a state of insurrection & the people needed freedom from excitement rather than additional turmoil - Govr Taft was then in Rome engaged in negotiating for the removal of the cause of irritation - There was a political campaign on in the U.S. - Taking every thing into consideration I had no doubt as to what should be done And I may say besides that Taft and I were in full accord Still I had to act - and could not indulge publicly in explanations - had I felt so disposed. I t was probably natural that Anti friar element should be somewhat suspicious- Taft writes me further that one Aglapai, an unfrocked priest has organizedand easily led astray by the designing - and that disorder may result- Whilst the difficulty of the Govt taking a hand in matters of this sort is fully understood, it seems to me that it is t the last degree important if possible to remove the cause. If the Vatican could be made to see the desirability of placing at the head of the Church in the Philippines some American or at least some one who understands our people and instructions - and would at once fill [vacant] all positions with secular priests or at least priests, not members of the 5. an independent Catholic Curch and placed himself at its head with the title of Archbishop Maximus and is making great headway among the people. He thinks however that it will result rather favorably than otherwise in so far as it demonstrates to the people that they are to enjoy religious freedom under American Govt - although he regrets that the movement is not under the direction of men of more character and ability - I hope he is right in this - although it cannot be denied that there is an element of danger in a religions f??d among a people so ignorantobnoxious ordeal, it seems to me that it would be most fortunate for all concerned including the Catholic Church. Whilst I appreciate how delicate a matter it is for you to bring pressure on the Vatican or to seem to be dictating Church appointments I cannot help feeling this is a situation demanding somewhat exceptional treatment - At any rate it is worth considering - In my judgment action has already been too long delayed by the Church Authorities and whatever is done should be done quickly. What they have to fear is loss of control over eight million people naturally Catholics - What we have to fear is continued disorder and its consequent results present and future. I leave here Saturday evening for San Francisco and sail on the 4th prox - and am due at Manila May 2nd - I cannot close this letter without again thanking you for your continued kindness and expressions of good will to me. I am not given to express?n of gratitude unless really felt[*[For attachment see Wright 3-26-03]*] and even then hesitate to give full expression to what I feel. But I must and ought to say I can never forget how generous and considerate you have been to me - nor can you fully understand how much I appreciate it. I shall always esteem it a singular or good fortune to have been in relations with and known you as I have. Nor need I say that I wish that the future may bring you only happiness and continued honors. Sincerely yours Luke E. Wright The President.[*[3-26-03]*] Hon. Luke E. Wright, Memphis, Tenn. [[shorthand notation]] [[/shorthand notation]] Has read report of the Committee of the Academy of Science, sent him; of usefulness and value of such scientific explorations there can be no doubt; only question is of ways and means. If the General Government should undertake it he would be heartily in favor of it, but doubts ability of Insular Govt. to meet such a demand at present. Reviews church matters in the Philippines, and thinks if the Vatican could be made to see the desirability of placing an American at the head of the church in the islands,it would be fortunate for all, including the Catholics; what they have to fear is loss of control over 8 million people and what we have to fear is continued disorder and its results. [*over*]Mr. Wright leaves Memphis Saturday evening for San Francisco, sails on April 4th, and is due in Manila May 2nd. Warm words of appreciation for the President’s many kindness to him; and extends good wishes to the President for the future.[attached to 3-26-03 Wright]The Commercial Advertiser. ESTABLISHED 1797. 187 BROADWAY AND 5 AND & DEY STREET, EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT. NEW YORK, March 27th, 1903. [*ackd 3/28/1903 / P.P.F.*] Dear Mr. President:-- General Greene, who has been in Albany for two days, asked me to lunch with him to-day, ostensibly to discuss the police situation. It was quite evident to me that this was only an excuse for seeing me. He spent the whole lunch and a considerable time afterwards in seeking to impress me with the belief that the time had come for you to throw over Platt and join forces with Odell. He said repeatedly that Odell had not asked him to speak to me about it, thereby convincing me that he had. I know what has made Odell anxious. I have been pounding him for a couple of days for following a course injurious to the party. He is very much afraid that this will be construed as reflecting your views. Consequently he is whining as he usually does under such conditions. Greene's argument was that you would come to grief if you continued to side neither with Odell nor with Platt, that by leaving them to fight each other you are splitting the party, that if you took sides with Odell openly he would make sure a solid delegation for you next year, but that unless you did so, Platt assisted by Quigg and Gibbs, would secure ten or more delegates who would go to the Convention determined to knife you. Greene's final suggestion was that you should send for Odell before starting on your trip and form an alliance with him. I communicate this to you for consideration. What it indicates to me is clearly great uneasiness on the part of Odell, caused chiefly by what I have been saying. Greene was very emphatic in his belief that Odell was absolutely loyal to you and that Platt was absolutely disloyal. You know what this is worth as well as I do.The Commercial Advertiser. ESTABLISHED 1797. 187 BROADWAY AND 5 AND & DEY STREET, EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT. NEW YORK, -2- I note what you say about Hanna and our project and quite agree with you in thinking he should come in. Whatever suspicion I had of him in the past has been removed. Furthermore, I am quite sure that his coming in will help to get other aid. Yours always, J. B. Bishop. President Roosevelt.COPY. TELEGRAM. Muskogee, I. T., March 27,1903 Hon. W. A. Richards, Commissioner General Land Office, Washington, D. C. Telegram received, I am advised that both Senator Nelson and Congressman Steenerson who live in that section of the State are in favor of Bemidji. Bemidji is the largest town in Northern Central Minnesota, possesses unrivalled railroad facilities and from every point of view is the proper place for the location of land office. All my earthly possessions are staked upon the future prosperity of this place and I am therefore naturally deeply interested. Because of close application to official duties in this Territory I have not been advised regarding progress of events at home until very recently. Trust you will give me an opportunity to be heard before definite final action is taken. (signed) Tams Bixby.COPY. TELEGRAM. Muskogee, I. T., March 27, 1903. Hon. W. A. Richards, Commissioner Gov't. Land Office, Washington, D. C. Am advised that new land office likely to be located Cass Lake, Minnesota. Will you give me opportunity to be heard in behalf Bemidji before adverse action is taken? (signed) Tams Bixby.EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT INDIANAPOLIS, IND. GOVERNOR'S ROOM March 27, 1903. Ackd 3/28/1903 Dear Mr. President:-- For forty years I have known James N. Tyner. During all that period, throughout which he has been almost continuously in the public service, there has never been a suggestion of suspicion directed against him. On the contrary, he has commanded at all times the confidence, the esteem and the affection of those who know him best. With Indianians, and especially those who were his constituents during his service as a member of Congress, his name has always been a synonym for strict integrity. His public career has covered a period of half a century, and through it all he has rendered faithful and efficient service. He enjoyed the confidence of Lincoln, Grant Garfield, and especially of his warm personal friend, William McKinley. I sincerely trust that every effort will be made to see that no injustice, either directly or by implication,may be done him. He is nearly eighty years of age, broken in health and fortune, and certainly there should be left to him what he prizes above all else in the world -- a good name. His friends at home are absolutely sure that wherever else there may have been fault, he is blameless. I have the honor to be, Very respectfully yours, Winfield T. Durbin, Governor of Indian. [*[Winfield Taylor Durbin*] To the Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C.[*ackd 3/28/1903* [* P.P.F.*] Personal Office of Assistant Treasurer U.S., New York, N. Y. March 27, 1903 His Excellency, The President of the United States, White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President:- I returned this morning from Albany having spent several hours there yesterday afternoon and dining with the Governor. I found him most friendly and we covered the general situation of affairs in the state pretty thoroughly. I talked to him on the lines that we went over in Washington. He seems still quite interested in the question of the Shipping Commissioner, although not quite as tenacious as I feared. He does not seem to think that the candidate mentioned in opposition to his candidate is a big enough man for the place. He appears to dwell mostly on this point. From conversation with him and also with Senator Platt before going to Albany, I am satisfied that the newspaper statement as to an open break being likely to arise between them, is not warranted. I think probably good will result from the Governor's visit to New York and his interview with the Senator. Although he did not say it in so many words, I inferred from his tone that the Governor might like to see you before your departure for the West, Believe me, Very sincerely yours, Hamilton FishTelegram. White House, Washington. [SHORTHAND] [*ackd 3/30/1903*] WU 2 CO K GI 19 Ponce. President Roosevelt, Washington. People at Ponce great satisfaction your daughter laying corner-stone Roosevelt Industrial School today. Cabrera Fritze. [*Received Mch 27/ 830pm*][*ackd 3-28-1903*] The Parker Gun Parker Brothers Meriden, Conn. March 27th, 1903. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to President, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- Replying to yours of the 24th will say that we are happy to state that Master Roosevelt’s gun was completed and went forward on the 25th inst. We are sorry to say that it came out a little heavier than you ordered, but it is as light as we could make it and have it safe. Hope it will be entirely satisfactory. Very truly yours, Parker Bros. Leroy J. Gaines[ [[shorthand]] ] [ [[shorthand]] ] [For T. R. Jr. Please return to me and advise if gun is satisfactory Wm Loeb Jr] [*File*] 86 Mt Vernon St Boston Mch 27 1903 Dear Mr President Many thanks for your kind note. It was good to see Wilson's face & grasp his hand. How vividly came back to me the five years during which he & I Sat side by side at the cabinet table. I often think of the familiar scene & the faces, some gone, some still there, on which I looked with so much interest, I watch your successful course & my heart is with all your effortsfor the country's good. A happy trip to you when you go west. I wish you all you seek, except I hope you will miss fire every time you shoot at any of the poor wild animals of which too few are left. Sincerely Yrs JD Long To the President Theodore Rosevelt Wash D.C.[*Ackd 3/30/1903*] Telephone 6933 38th St. 7 East 53rd Street. Mch 27 '03 Dear Theodore Leila and I met Mr Heinze and found him interesting. To day he asked for a line to you which I gave and I hope you will afford him the opportunity to meet you. How did you like Viljoen's Book? Trusting you will forgive the intrusion and wishing you all success. Faithfully yours E Reeve MerrittUnited States Customs Service, Port of New York, Collector's Office. March 27th, 1903 [*Ackd 3/28/1903 P.P.F.*] My dear Mr. President: I saw governor Odell today and showed him your letter & Senator Platt as directed - He requested me earnestly, to ask your permission to return it to you without delivering it, as he was sure that it would be hopeless to attempt to secure the acquiescence of the Senator in Worden's appointment - Knowing that you had written in the hope of pleasing the Governor, I concluded you would prefer that I should not deliver it against his wish and hence have taken the liberty to return it herewith - He asked me to write you that the appointment of either man2 United States Customs Service, Port of New York, Collector's Office. during the session of the legislature would greatly embarrass him in legislation and he trusted you would be able to hold it till after adjournment - I can see force in the last suggestion - I may add he was entirely pleasant , but thinks the appointment of the Brooklyn man a mistake - I have the honor to be Very Sincerely Yours N.N. Stranahan [*[STRANAHAN]*] To the President , White House. Washington. D.C. [*File*] Booker T. Washington. Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute Incorporated. Tuskegee, Alabama. [*PP.F.*] Fifth Avenue Bank, New York. March 27, 03 My dear Mr. President:- I have just had a conference with Bishop Walters and Mr. Hayes. They are holding meetings in various parts of the country, and I feel rather sure now that I have got them down to a sensible and helpful basis their work will be along right lines. Your suggestion in regard to having Wm. H. Lewis appear at some of the meetings is a good one and this will be done. Just as far as possible I shall keep an eye on the whole situation during your absence in the West. I feel quite sure that your Western trip is going to result in placing you even deeper in the hearts of the people than you are today. I am glad to note that the South is quieting down. Yours very truly, Booker T. Washington. To President Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C.[*ackd 3/30/1903*] State of New York Senate Chamber Albany Geo. G. Green. 38th Dist. New York, March 28/03 Personal William Loeb, Jr., Esp, Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir:-- On the 23rd inst. I wrote you doubtless at too great length concerning a personal matter, simply desiring a letter of introduction from you to the Postmaster General, which might place me before him as a fairly honest sort of citizen, and deserving of any consistent consideration, etc. Your reply is received, thanking me for the letter, but not enclosing the introductory note, which I assume was occasioned from the fact that you did not get at the meat of my epistle, else you have been advised that I was expected in Washington this week. If I could go to Washington, I would not, with the present condition existing in the Post Office Department. My contact in a business way with this department has been entirely in the open, and on the square, as also the business contact with the companies I have tried to properly represent. Therefore, I don't propose to take a hand in any of the disputes, or discussions, unless statements may be requested, at which time I am more than willing to go to the front, and tell all I know about the business. When the "frying" is done with, and the Post Office Department is in shape to resume negotiations, then I would like to meet with the Postmaster General, or any others, and only want to be given a "white man's chance". Again I wish that your western trip may be fraught with great profit, pleasure and satisfaction to yourself, and especially so to the President, to whom you will please bear me in kindliest remembrance. Yours truly, Geo. G. GreenTelegram. White House, Washington. [*File*] 13 WU SS JM 18 D.H. 2:27 p.m. Cleveland, Ohio, March 28, 1903. The President, Washington, D.C. Letter received. I appreciate your kind interests. Ruth has typhoid fever, but present indications not a malignant case. M. A. Hanna.49 Broadway New York. [*PP.F*] March 28, 1903. My dear Mr. President: I have seen the Governor twice recently and have a thorough understanding with him. There is no legislation seriously contemplated that will operate to the disadvantage of yourself, the Governor or anybody else. The Mortgage Tax Bill will be so amended that its best friend will not recognize it as finally passed. The Governor disclaims any patent right in that bill and has fathered it simply because certain Republicans have desired it. He and Dunn will undertake to amend the bill in some particulars so that it will be reasonably satisfactory. I also talked with the Governor about Hanbury. He has an idea that it might be well enough to delay it until Baker is confirmed as Railroad Commissioner, because there might be some opposition to Baker on the part of the recalcitrant Republicans. I hardly think there is anything in that. He said that he would send in Baker's nomination next week so that it could be gotten out of the way. The 49 Broadway New York. (2) Governor does not expect any other result than the nomination of Hanbury: I hope you will have a pleasant and successful trip West. Your friends are a good deal nervous about your going, for fear that you will “slop over.” I have not that fear. I think you have learned a good deal of wisdom in the last year. At any rate, you go with our prayers, incessant and from the heart. Do be careful, not only of your halth, but of your life. So much depend upon the wisdom and prudence that you display. I have not seen the Collector yet. He will probably be here to-day. Yours sincerely, T. C. Platt[*PPF*] Supreme Court, Appellate Division Fourth Department Rochester, N.Y. March 28th, 1903. Confidential. The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President: Since receiving your last letter I have endeavored, in a quiet way, to acquaint myself somewhat with the feeling of the party leaders of the State relative to your nomination. I am thoroughly convinced that the Governor, the United States Senators and Colonel Dunn are decidedly in favor of supporting you with a loyal united delegation. I learn they have frequently during the past winter given open, undisguised declaration to this sentiment. The only opposition I have been able to discover emanates from Louis F. Payne and Mr. Quigg. You can readily fathom the animus of this opposition and appreciate that it will not result to your detriment. I will gladly go to Oyster Bay as suggested in your letter whenever it will suit your convenience. I trust your western trip will be an enjoyable one to you, and I know that your direct unequivocal addresses will strengthen the hold you have already upon the people. Very faithfully yours, Alfred Spring.Office of Commissioner. [*File P.P.F.*] Department of the Interior, Bureau of Pensions, Washington, D. C. [*Also See C.F. & Int*] March 28, 1903. My dear President: I have your letter saying you cannot let me go. There was once an Egyptian potentate who hardened his heart and said the same thing to a whole lot of people. And they didn’t do a thing to him. He went where Secretary Shaw’s girls’ papa went. However the difference between those people and me is that they were wanting something and asking for something, and I am not. Many congratulations in advance for the pleasure which you will have on your western trip. Yours very truly, E. F. Ware[[shorthand]] [*I wish you a safe and pleasant trip*] [*ackd 3/30/1903*] [[shorthand]] The Mendota March 29th 1903. Dear Mr President It was very good of you to write me at such length with regard to the Delaware matter, and I thank you most heartily for your letter. It is doubtless true that a man who has just investigated an evil and received a strong and vivid impression of it sees it, for a time, out of proportion to other things, and overestimates, perhaps, its importance. I have never said anything to you about the Byrne appointment, because I knew that you made it, largely, on personal grounds, but I regretted it nevertheless for the simple reason that it gave great aid and comfort to a vote-buyer and briber of the worst class, and put into an important office a man who after denouncing Addicks as dishonest, corrupt and unworthy of any decent Republican's support, finally became an adherent of his just as Layton, Marshall and Allee did, and possibly, if not presumably, for the same reasons. May I show your letter to Dr. Abbott? He, of course, is absolutely trustworthy, and I know that it would interest him deeply and perhaps give him a clearer understanding of your situation and point of view. Faithfully yours, George KennanTelegram. [SHORTHAND] [*ackd 3/30/1903*] White House, Washington. 3MY. (PO) WS. KQ. 43 D.H., frank – 7:15 p.m. Fulton, N.Y., March 29, 1903. The President, White House, Washington. I have copy your letter to Senator Platt. I conferred with him last week. He insists on Brooklyn man. I did not hand him your letter for reason given in my letter to you. I hope you approve my course under the circumstances. N. N. Stranahan.[*File*] Telegram. White House, Washington. Postal. 1 CB WK JM 30 Govt. via Azores. 4:06 p.m. Berlin (Rec'd. March 29, 1903.) President of the United States, Washington. Hearty and sincerest thanks for your kind telegram. The Empress is comparatively well and we hope she will recover in time. William I. R.success of your high undertakings, and assurances of the warmest friendship, I remain, Faithfully yours, M E Ailes. The President. [[shorthand]] [*ack'd 3/30/03 C. F.*] Milton E. Ailes, Assistant Secretary Treasury Department Washington, March 30, 1903. Dear Mr. President: I expect to tender you my resignation as Assistant Secretary of the Treasury within the next month, to accept a Vice-Presidency of Riggs National Bank of this city, probably about the middle of April. I would tender my resignation now, in view of your approaching absence from the Capital, but to do so would seem to anticipate the action of the Board of Directors of Riggs Bank, and this ought not to be done. And yet I want to give abundant notice in order that no inconvenience may result from my action, and to express the deep regret I shall feel at leaving the public service under your administration, my association with which will be among the proudest memories of my life. With abiding faith in the complete [*[3-30-1903?]*] Form No. 1. [*1641*] THE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPANY. [*3 40 P*] INCORPORATED 21,000 OFFICES IN AMERICA. CABLE SERVICE TO ALL THE WORLD The company TRANSMITS and DELIVERS messages only on conditions, limiting its liability, which have been assented to by the sender of the following message. Errors can be guarded against only by repeating a message back to the sending station for comparison and the Company will not hold itself liable for errors or delays in transmission or delivery of Unrepeated Messages, beyond the amount of tolls paid thereon, nor in any case where the claim is nor presented in writing within sixty days after the message is filed with the Company for transmission. This is an UNREPEATED MESSAGE and is delivered by request of the sender, under the conditions named above. THOS. T. ECKERT, President and General Manager. NUMBER SENT BY REC’D BY CHECK ANy 165 tu Hm 131 paid Received at Wyatt Building, Cor. 14th & F. Streets, Washington, D.C. Mch 30 1903 Dated Galveston Texas 30 To Hon M A Hanna U. S. Senate Washn DC Came directly here to attend a family wedding instead of Washington. I will leave here Thursday if desired only to repeat all I have saidForm No. 63 The Western Union Telegraph Company. {Incorporated) Letter No. Sent by Rec'd by Sheet Dated Rec'd at....................M. To ..............................190... of Judge Kleberg politically & personally this is my home. It is here the democracy has been defeated and other influences ought not to dominate I offer the greatest personality in Texas as our Candidate [his appointment will] be immeasurably helpful. I know what is best for the party here There is no more devoted factor here to the Administration nor any as powerful whatever may be said Contrarily for personal or partisan motives I urge your personal presentation of these statements to the President and telegraph me whether my presence is needed whatever friction appears now will pass with Klebergs appointment & the party flourish = R. B. Hawley WRITE ONLY ONE WORD OR GROUP OF FIGURES IN EACH SPACE[*CF - Pinchot*] H.H. UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE BUREAU OF FORESTRY WASHINGTON D C OFFICE OF THE FORESTER March 30, 1903. The President, White House. Dear Mr. President: Here are the suggestions which you were kind enough to say I might give you for your speeches before you go into the Yellowstone Park. I am obliged to defer sending you, until after I get back from the trip with Mrs. Roosevelt, suggestions on forest matters for your speeches later in the journey, and especially some notes on irrigation, which I hope may be of use. Some of them will be at Cinnabar when you return from your outing, and if I am not able to send them all then, the rest will reach you later on. I want to thank you most heartily not only for giving me the chance to submit these notes, but for what you said and did last night. McCormick, whose assistance will be of as much value as that of Weyerhaueser himself, has definitely promised to do everything he can to bringMarch 30, 1903. The President -2- forestry favorably to the attention of the lumber interests of the United States. Very sincerely yours, Gifford Pinchot[FOR 5 ENCLS SEE 3-30-03]UNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON. Ackd in P.S. 3/30/03 At 49 Broadway, New York, March 30, 1903. My dear Mr. President: I have your letter of March 28th. I heard from Stranahan, too, this morning as to the Shipping Commissionership. I talked, of course, with the Governor about this and he suggested that the appoint- ment be delayed until after the Legislature adjourned. I fail to see the wisdom of delaying it beyond this week. Lieutenant Governor Woodruff called me up on the telephone this morning, and said that the Civil Service Act would take effect upon this appointment on the first of the succeeding month. If this is to be so, I hope you will act before you leave and make Handbury's appointment. My life is being made very uncomfortable from Brooklyn every day by the friends of Mr. Handbury. If I could have this off my mind I would at least have one good night's sleep. You are off to-morrow. I am glad you are going and hope you will make a great success of your trip. My best wishes and prayers are with you. Yours sincerely, T C Platt The President, Washington, D.C.[*[3-30-03]*] MINNESOTA. The passage of the Morris Bill at the last session of Congress will give Minnesota a national forest reserve of nearly a quarter of a million acres about the headwaters of the Mississippi. The movement which led to the making of this reserve was an admirable one and its results will be of very great value not only to Minnesota but to many other States. But more remains to be done. The area set apart is small compared to the forest lands which much be preserved if even a portion of the forest wealth of Minnesota is to be perpetuated. There is probably no forest in the world so immense, so accessible, so easy to lumber, and so regular in the high quality of its timber as was the great pinery which occupied the region of the Great Lakes and of the upper Mississippi. When white men first came it probably contained a stand of about three hundred and fifty billion feet. Since then it has been cut over in a way unprecedented in lumbering. The cut reached it maximum in '92, and its decrease since is a sufficient indication that practical forestry must come to the help2 of practical lumbering unless the White Pine industry is to disappear altogether in the Lake States. The two great difficulties which stand in the way are fire and excessive taxation on both standing timber and cut-over lands. The practice of forestry is not good business unless the growing timber will pay the expense of protection, and taxes, and a reasonable interest on the investment. In a very real sense the future of the White Pine industry of the Lake States depends on local taxes. It is a wiser policy for the town, the county, and the State to keep forests growing on cut-over lands unfit for agriculture than by heavy taxes to force the rapid and complete destruction of the forest, and leave the cut-over lands at the mercy of fire because it will not pay to protect them. Minnesota may have a great future in White Pine as well as a great past.[ENCL IN PINCHOT 3-30-03][*[3-30-03]*] MONTANA. Montana has made an admirable beginning, but still only a beginning, in its great task of home building. Your State, already exceedingly rich in the per capita wealth of its inhabitants, will be made enormously wealthy in its total resources by the development of lumbering, grazing, mining, and of irrigation farming. You have within your borders great areas of forests valuable for timber, for water, and for grass. For all of these purposes, and most of all for the building of homes, the preservation of your forests is indispensable. In setting aside the national forest reserves within your State the Government had one and only one object in view, and that object it still holds foremost in its whole forest policy. That object is the preservation and use of your natural resources for the making and keeping of homes. You can build homes by the destruction of the forest; you can not keep them prosperous except by the preservation of the forest through wise use. That is forestry; that is the object of the Government in dealing with its forest lands. There are difficulties in the administration of our forest policy under2 which you here on the ground and the forest officers of the Government in the field and in Washington both suffer. Congress has not given us all the legislation we need, nor always legislation of the right kind. We need to have all the forest work of the Government united under one head, primarily for the sake of the men who live in and near the reserves, for they, more than any others, are interested and affected by the reserves. We need a closer touch between the men in Montana and Wyoming and the other States in which the forest reserves lie and the Government forest officers in Washington; but above all we need to have you understand that the policy of the Government in dealing with its forests considers and will consider the settler and home builder first of all. But never forget that the irrigation development of your State, which, through the construction of the Milk River canal and in other ways, is likely to be so very great, depends more than upon any other single factor on the preservation of your mountain forests.[ENCL IN PINCHOT 3-30-03][*[3-30-03]*] North Dakota. The people of your State early manifested a desire to protect and beautify their country by the planting of trees and by establishment of a school of forestry. The authorities of your University, of your Agricultural Experiment Station, and of your Legislature have united in fostering the planting of trees, and the national Government has made for you an appropriation of land for the creation of a forest school. Forestry is often not less important in treeless regions than in the most densely forested portions of our country, and you have been wise enough to understand it. The permanent benefits which will arise to your State from effective tree planting will be not only to your descendants but to you yourselves a source of satisfaction, of comfort, and of material advantage far beyond the conception of the moment.2 forest reserve, whose whole object and intent is for the continued growth and prosperity of your region. The reserve alone can insure the future of your ranches and your mines, by controlling the fires and the beetles which would otherwise threaten the very existence of the Black Hills forest.[*[3-30-03]*] SOUTH DAKOTA. South Dakota is one of the States in which an intelligent interest in the forest has made most progress. You will all remember the outburst of indignation which followed the creation of the Black Hills Forest Reserve. It was as short-lived as it was vigorous. Within less than two years at the desire of the people of the Black Hills and their representatives in Congress the area of the reserve was increased by over a quarter of a million acres. You have in the Black Hills perhaps the best example in the West of the vital importance of forests to the mineral industry. As I have said before in the language of your own men, there is more ore in the Hills than there is timber, and it is to the interest of every one of you to have that timber preserved; not to stand uselessly until it rots, but to be intelligently cut and successfully replaced by strong young trees, which will yield a crop of lumber and mine timbers in their turn. Under the administration of Captain Seth Bullock what little opposition there still remained to the reserve has been rapidly dying out, and your people are practically a unit in appreciating and supporting the[encl in Pinchot 3-30-03]WYOMING. [3-30-03] The people of Wyoming are to be congratulated upon their representatives in the Land Office of the United States. Ex-Governor Richards, who will have charge of the national forest reserves until, in accordance with good public policy, with your interests, and with his desire and mine, they can be transferred to the Bureau of Forestry of the Agricultural Department, has a thorough understanding that the key-note of the policy of the national Government in dealing with our forests is to make them of permanent use in the settlement and up-building of the western States. To realize that object we have got to make the forests produce continuously the largest amount of timber in the shortest possible time, so that settlers, ranchmen, stockmen, miners, and lumbermen may draw from them the supplies which they need without impairing their value to the great irrigation interests upon whose development the prosperity of the West must so largely depend. To do that we must put them in charge of the men who have made it their business to find out, not in the closet but in the field, just how this can best be done. As Governor Richards realizes with me, this can be brought about most easily when all of the forest work2 of the Government is under a single head. Nearly every wise solution of any problem is a compromise. So it must be with the grazing problem, one of the most vital questions in Wyoming to-day. It touches alike settlers, ranchmen, stockmen, and the forest reserves. It can be solved best of all by bringing into conference together for its solution the Government officers and the men whose personal interests are directly concerned. The old conflict between sheepmen and cattle men has not yet wholly died out and there are serious differences of opinion between the sheepmen and the irrigation farmers as to the best use of your forest reserves. We may not be able to solve these questions to the satisfaction of every man, but so far as I can bring it about, they will be solved with an eye single to the welfare of your State, and above all to its up-building through the creation and maintenance of permanently prosperous homes. That is the traditional object of the land policy of the Government and of its forest policy as well.see Col. Halle at Chicago [Brumder at Milwauke] Theodore Lange Pretorian to Prof Pieper, etc [?] St. Louis & Prof Goeld in San Francisco. [*[ENC IN PINCHOT 3-30-03]*][*Longworth.*] [*sent to the President & Mrs Roosevelt*] [*File*] Telegram. White House, Washington. 1 COJJM 27, Received April 1, 1903. 9:22 a.m. San Juan (P.R.) March 31, 1903. Secretary Loeb, White House, Washington. Please tell the President and Mrs. Roosevelt that Miss Roosevelt sailed noon to-day, in splendid health and spirits. Several friends on board. Hunt. [*ackd 4/17/1903*] United States Senate, [Washington,, D.C.] Spokane, Wash. March 31, 1903, Mr. President, I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 25th Feb., marked "Personal and confidential", and to say that I entirely concur in the observations made therein. A renewed study of the subject therein discussed since any appointment, and a fuller study thanUnited States Senate WASHINGTON, D. C. I had ever before had the opportunity to make, enables me to say this without qualification or reservation. The mandate of Sir Wilfred Laurier to the Canadian commissioners which you mention, will be discredited by his own words as to one part of the Canadian convention, viz, the contention that the line of demarcation after leaving the most southerly point of Prince of Wales Iceland should run to the northward upUnited States Senate, Washington, D. C. Clarence straits and the Behm Canal. In a speech delivered in the Canadian Parliament in the spring of 1901, quoted by Mr. Balch in his recent monograph on the Alaskan frontier, Sir Wilfred asserted most positively that that contention was untenable, using the words, "The treaty says in so many words the Portland Canal." However I shall not now undertake to discuss the merits of the case;United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. but could not forbear to quote Sir Wilfred in 1901 against Sir Wilfred in 1903. With high respect Your obedient servant George Turner.[*Longworth, Alice Roosevelt*] Telegram. White House, Washington. [*File*] G WU AH GI 12 Paid --- 6:12 p Altoona, Pa., April 1, 1903. Hon. Rudolph Foster, Asst. Secretary, White House, Washington. [*[From Porto Rico]*] Telegram regarding Miss Roosevelt received. Please have message repeated to Mrs. Roosevelt. [*already done 4/1/03*] Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary.N.Y. and P.R. SS Co. PP FPASSENGER DEPARTMENT. THE NEW YORK & PORTO RICO STEAMSHIP COMPANY No. 1 BROADWAY, JOHN E. BERWIND, PRESIDENT. EDWARD J. BERWIND, VICE-PRES. F. KINGSBURY CURTIS, SECT'Y. HENRY T. KNOWLTON, TREAS. & GENERAL MANAGER. THE NEW YORK & PORTO RICO STEAMSHIP CO. SAN JUAN AGENTS SUCCESSORS TO ROSES & CO., ARECIBO. J. T. SILVA BANKING & COM. CO., AGUADILLA. FRITZE, LUNDT & CO., MAYAGUEZ. FRITZE, LUNDT & CO., PONCE. SUCCESSORS TO A. J. ALCAIDE, ARROYO. BERTRAN HNOS, HUMACAO. BERTRAN HNOS, VIEQUES. J. BIRD Y LEON, FAJARDO. DE FORD & CO., JOBOS. New York, April 1, 1903. [*ackd 4/2/1903*] [*Wired Secy Loeb and Mrs Roosevelt 4/2/1903*] Mr. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir: We beg to advise you that the Steamship “Coamo” will arrive at New York Saturday afternoon or Sunday morning, and not Sunday or Monday as mis-stated in our letter to you of the 30th ultimo. Sincerely regretting that we made this error, we remain, Yours very truly, The New York & Porto Rico Steamship Co., HENRY T. KNOWLTON, General Manager. Per M Seckendorf Personal. The New York and Porto [Puerto] Rico Steamship Company Henry T. Knowlton, Treasury and General Manager. ???[*136*] EXHIBIT NO. 45. 2nd Endorsement. OFFICE OF THE CIVIL GOVERNOR. Manilla, P. I., April 1, 1903 Respectfully referred to the Honorable J. B. Early inviting attention to the communications of the Chief of Police and Captain Monett, which make it clear that the people were not in possession of the church; that the police did not not put the padre in possession, but that he was in possession having the keys to the same at the time that the Chief of Police and Captain Monett reached the church. This brings the case clearly within the rule laid down, that the padre was entitled to protection in his possession. The title to the church can be easily settled by bringing a suit in the name of the people of the vicinity who claim to own the church, and cannot be settled by an Executive Order. (Signed) WM. H. TAFT, Civil Governor. Ho(.C.) Copy. Translation. Royal Legation of the Netherlands, Washington, April 3, 1903. Mr. Secretary of State. I have not failed to transmit to my Government the note which Your Excellency did me the honor to address to me under date of February 28 last and No.110, to advise me that His Excellency the President of the United States had assented to assume the duty of selecting the umpire provided for in Article I of the protocol of February 28 last between the Netherlands and Venezuela for the settlement of certain claims. By order of the Queen, the Minister of Foreign Affairs has just instructed me to tender to the President of the Republic the heartfelt thanks of her Majesty both for the graciousness with which His Excellency was pleased to accede to Her Majesty's wishes and for the cordial and friendly sentiments expressed by the President on the occasion. I beg Your Excellency kindly to bring the foregoing to the -2- to the knowledge of the President of the Republic and gladly embrace this opportunity Mr. Secretary of State, to renew to Your Excellency the assurance of my highest consideration. Gevers.[Enc. in Loomis, 4-6-03][*P.S. One of the strongest motions you suggest for me I accept, is that of keeping Mr. Root with you for a year longer.*] [*P.P.F.*] Manila, P.I. April 3, 1903. Personal and Confidential. My dear Theodore: I have your letter in which you tell me of Mr. Root's desire to leave the Cabinet next fall and your wish that I shall take his place. You say that you think you can induce him to stay until the following spring, that is a year from now, if I will agree to succeed him. I had hoped that I might be permitted to stay out here until the legislative assembly had been elected and I had undertaken the task of restraining that body to sensible views and sensible action. I felt as if it would be only fair that as I am more or less responsible for that feature of the law, I should have to bear the burden if any arises from friction and disaster growing out of the provision. My present illnessI think is not to be regarded as alarming. The treatment I have been undergoing has been successful, so far as we can determine, in ridding me of the amoebae, though of course they may appear again. Next Monday I am promised that I can get up and on Thursday go to Benguett. I do not think therefore that thereNo. 2. is anything in my health that requires me to look forward to leaving the country. Of course it is not my own health that troubles me so much as the possibility of danger to Mrs. Taft and the children. I am glad to say that Mrs. Taft is better now than she has been since she came out this last time, and the children seem to have nothing the matter with them whatever. Of course, my dear Theodore, I hope you will understand how much I appreciate as a compliment your desire to have me as one of your constitutional advisers, and in view of your desire that I shall be in Washington expressed thus three times, I should feel very reluctant to decline again; but the change you propose is full of difficulties for me. First it will be very hard for me to get away from my friends among the Filipinos. They will feel as if I had given an earnest of my intention to stay here indefinitely. Perhaps I can answer that in part by pointing out that in the new place I should still have control more or less direct of the Government here and of its policy. Secondly, I am a poor man and have substantially nothing but my salary to live on. My life insurance which I must protect amounting to sixty thousand dollars costs me about two thousand dollars a year. You know by experience the cost of living in Washington.No. 3. You know too the obligations that are usually felt by Cabinet offices in the matter of entertainment, and you know the kind of a dog's life, not that a cabinet officer, but that his wife, has to live in trying to keep up appearances on insufficient salary. My salary out here has been quite generous, but the truth is that up to today, I have not saved out of the salary one dollar. Thirdly, I should be greatly interested of course in everything relating to the Philippine Islands, but I have no knowledge of army matters and no taste for or experience in politics. I cannot be conscious that were I to come to Washington you would find me wanting in many of the respects in which you are good enough now to think I might add you. While for one or two years it would be possible for me to skimp along borrowing some money and hold a cabinet position, I should have to give up sometime before the end of your second administration, and I fear this might not be satisfactory to you. I don't know how to answer your question. I have not had time enough to think it over. I ought to wait until the question of my present illness is definitely determined. You who said that I can take time to think it over, so that I must ask you to wait a month or six weeks and then I will write you a definite answer. Very sincerely yours, Wm H Taft(Copy.) POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Office of the Postmaster General, Washington, D. C. April 3, 1903. Hon. John R. Procter, Civil Service Commission, Washington, D.C. Sir: Replying to your letter of the 26th ultimo, relative to the dismissal of Donatus O'Brien from the position of watchman in this Department, in which it is stated that the charges, with the exception of being "asleep on duty," are open to the objection that proper answer could not be made on account of the specific instances not being stated, I beg to say that the charge of sleeping on duty is so general in character that it covers several years. No record of the nights he was asleep on duty was kept, but he was reported time and again for this dereliction, and the Chief Clerk of the Department, the Captain of the Watch, and other officials will give testimony that they frequently saw O'Brien asleep on duty. Mr. O'Brien's "neglect and dereliction of duty" almost covers the period from his entry into the service, nearly ten years ago. His case has been before Postmasters General-2- and Acting Postmasters General, but no action was taken, for reasons unknown. Many reports have been made against him. He has absented himself without leave and the records from 1895 show that he has exceeded his thirty days leave every year. He has failed to report for duty and when called upon for explanation of his failure to so report he has said, according to the record of the Captain of the Watch, that he was "simply celebrating," (It being inauguration time); "that he had asked for leave and could not get it, just took the time and had no excuse to offer." This report was made by the Captain of the Watch, who stated that O'Brien did not ask him for a leave; that if he had he could not have gotten it at that time, there being one thousand soldiers quartered in the building. In the report the Captain stated that, "Mr. O'Brien has always been a very unreliable watchman. He stays away a great deal without leave, and generally has a supply of doctor's certificates at hand. I respectfully recommend his removal." This recommendation was made in 1897. O'Brien was very arrogant in his conversation with his Chief and fellow employes, I learn. On January 24, 1899, P.O. Inspector Sutton made a thorough investigation of the many charges against this watchman, who entered the service in 1893. The inspector interviewed a number of Chiefs and others who were in a position to observe the conduct of O'Brien by reason of their daily contact-3- with him for years; an epitome of whose statements is as follows: Mr. Blain W. Taylor, Chief Clerk of the Dept: "As to Mr. O'Brien l will state that there have been more complaints of various kinds made against him than against all the other watchmen put together. I can only state, of my own knowledge, that all during his service he has been insubordinate and unsatisfactory." Mr. R. B. Merchant, Disbursing Clerk and Supt: "The record of Mr. O'Brien is bad. He is insolent toward his superiors and he does not work in harmony with his fellow employes." Mr. A. von Haake, Topographer of P. O. Dept: "In answer to your inquiry about Mr. O'Brien, x x x I have to state that the many annoyances with which this office had to contend while Mr. O'Briem was on duty here, have ceased since his transfer. x x x There were always grounds for complaint. x x x As already reported by me, these annoyances consisted of his use of my room, of the desks, and of the official paper for his private correspondence. x x x Mr. O'Brien failed to understand his station as watchman." Mr. John Peterson, Captain of the Watch: "In answer to your inquiry, x x x He has been a source of contention and a detriment to the force, never being satisfied with his relief. At his own request he has been changed from post to post, with the same old story -- every one was wrong and he was right. He is not reliable as to is coming on duty; remains away and comes on duty at his leisure, always with some excuse. At the present time (January 29th) he has failed to report for duty, and send in a report that he is sick. This I understand has been his custom every since her has been on the watch force, thus preventing the other watchmen from getting their leave to which they are justly entitled." Mr. J. D. Yoakley, late Captain of the Watch: -- "Just after I was appointed Captain of the Watch, in 1894, I met O'Brien on E Street, near 9th, about 6.00 P.M., when he was supposed to be on duty at the Topographer's office, 420 9th Street. I asked him why he was not at his post and he said he had gone out to dinner and the charwaoman was at the office. I reprimanded him and told him to not to let it occur again and I would not report him. He promised, but it was intimated to me that he did the same thing several times. He was very unsatisfactory as a watchman, unreliable and-4- insubordinate, and reported sick in many cases when he was on the street, and attending church while on sick leave. At two different times he came to the Department and sent word to me by day watchmen saying he was sick and would not report for duty that afternoon. I called to see him on two different occasions when reported sick and he was not at home. I left a note ordering him to come on duty. I met him on the street on two different occasions while he was on sick leave. On one occasion he came into my office, and in the presence of laborer J. W. Garrett, disputed my word and talked in a manner unbecoming a gentleman. He gave me more trouble than any other watchman and was the most unreliable man on the force." Mr. Anthony Apple, Watchman: "Mr. O'Brien is unreliable and disobedient. He has been cautioned to refrain from irregular practices." Mr. G. W. Tubbman: "Mr. O'Brien is disobedient and very disagreeable. On apply for leave on one occasion and not getting it, he replied, 'You are a D--sight worse than Yoakley!" The inspector stated in interviewed a number of watchmen, all of whom stated that O'Brien was disagreeable, a disturber and mischief maker. He does not work in harmony with his fellow employes. The inspector states that he called on O'Brien and acquainted him the the many complaints made against him. O'Brien stoutly denied the truthfulness of the charges, and stated that the parties who made them were prejudiced against him, the inspector reports, and that he could prove it. When asked how much proof could be had he answered, by putting Mr. Merchant and the Chief Clerk under oath and securing sworn statements from them. He stated that the officials secured his transfer from the Topographer's Office to the Money Order Office with a view to discrediting him -5- with the Postmaster General. He admitted having used official paper and stationery and said that the influence of such stationery in getting up campaign literature, was well known to the President, and Postmaster General and the First Assistant. The place of duty of the Watchman in the Money Order Office, (now occupied by the Civil Service Commission) was in the hall way at the main entrance to the building. When the inspector called at 6.3 0 (Jan. 23rd, 1899) no one was to be seen either at the watchman's desk or in the hall way. He found O'Brien in one of the office, sitting at a desk with a large book open before him. This seemed to be irregular but the inspector said nothing to him. inspector Sutton states he is satisfied that all the statements secured by him concerning the conduct of O'Brien, with the possible exception of J. D. Yoakley, were made with no motive other than the improvement of the force and the betterment of the service. Mr. Yoakely stated frankly that he personally disliked O'Brien very much, but stated that such dislike arose solely and entirely from his gross insolence and neglect of duty. The inspector further states that if during the periods O'Brien was absent from his post on sick leave, he was actually incapacitated for duty, he does not believe his physical condition is such as equips him for efficient service, while on the other hand, if he has absented himself from duty on the pretense of illness, he is -6- unreliable and unworthy of the confidence of his superior officers. Aside from these considerations, the inspector states, "I am satisfied the Mr. O'Brien's disagreeable and contentious disposition has made him a discordant and disturbing element in the watchman's force, and that so long as he remains a member of the force the same trouble will continue. I recommend that Donatus O'Brien be dismissed from the service." It seems, however, that this report was not effective in removing O'Brien. There have been so many papers and reports against him that they have become separated and scattered, and I cannot now get hold of many of them. On January 31, 1899, inspector Sutton made a supplemental report, in which he stated that O'Brien called upon him for a copy of his report, which was refused. O'Brien then stated he believed Major von Haake, the topographer, responsible for the investigation, and that "he is an ignorant Dutchman, and is unable to write the English language gramatically; that he became angry with him because he (O'Brien) refused to swing open the door to the private office of the Topographer for his (von Haake's) vulgar wife." The inspector says that such language, coming from a watchman and directed to a Chief of a division and his wife, is very discourteous. -7- On May 10, 1899, O'Brien, in writing to Postmaster General Smith, in reference to salary which was being withheld on account of absence, stated that "his salary was being withheld for no good reason that I know of, except on the partisan influence of corrupt officials, which I can prove as soon as I get the change." In this same letter to Mr. Smith he wrote that his salary was held by"the old woman, Mr. Gary, who preceded you in office." Numerous reports have been made of his burning lights in offices instead of remaining in the corridors or at his desk. On May 23rd, 1899, the Captain of the Watch reported to the Disbursing Clerk that O'Brien was occupying rooms and burning lights in violation of the rules. He wrote an impudent note to the Captain, stating that he was aware that his leave was out, and adding that the Captain was also aware that he was cheated out of two weeks pay. On June 1, 1899, he was again reported for burning extra lights and being in the rooms. On May 31, 1899, he was found on the opposite side of the street from the Money Order Office, and lights were burning in the rooms. June 6th and 7th lights were burning. These reports are so voluminous and kept as irregularly that it is impossible to give exact dates in a number of reports that have been received. On March 6, 1901, the Lieutenent of the Watch reported to the Captain that O'Brien was absent that night and the night before. The Lieutenant stated that before going on -8- duty the night of the 6th, he went into the Pension Building (Inaugural concerts being held) and he found O'Brien there apparently indifferent as to his duties. The Disbursing Clerk, who also has control of the watchmen, reported this fact to Postmaster General Smith, who ordered that O'Brien take a leave of absence for ten days without pay. This, the Disbursing Clerk states, O'Brien flatly refused to do, stating he would see the Postmaster General and the Chief Clerk. Coming up to the later periods, on May 20, 1902, the Captain of the Watch reported O'Brien for being absent three days without leave, and that he was caught asleep on duty. The Captain cited a number of witnesses to this fact. On May 17th, 1902, the Captain wrote him that he could not let him off; there was to be some celebration at this time it seems, and only veterans of the Civil War were being excused. The Captain threatened that should he leave he would be reported for neglect of duty, as he had been continually complained of for sleeping on duty and for his remarks about the Chief Clerk and several other employes, calling them "dirty, black liars," when they said they saw him asleep on duty. On the 19th of May he wanted a leave, but it could not be granted unless he made it out in due form, which he did not do. On June 20th, he requested a leave, which came to the office at 4.30, thirty minutes after official time. I had hardly entered upon the duties of First Assistant -9- Postmaster General when O'Brien's conduct and derelictions were reported to me. Upon my assuming the position he seemed to grow fiercer in his arrogance and insolence toward his superiors. He became so offensive and obnoxious that something had to be done, and on the recommendation of the Disbursing Clerk, dated July 16th, 1902, in which he recommended the dismissal of O'Brien, I formulated the charges of July 19, 1902. Your letter states that the said charges were not sufficiently definite to admit of a paper answer. Had they been as definite as it is possible to make charges O'Brien would not have replied to them He has always evaded the direct issue and would never make a reply to any report, simply assailing the officials. He stated in reply to the charges I sent him that he was prepared to show that this Department was worse that a "south side Bagnio." He made no attempt to notice the charges and instead of sending his reply within three days came in person at his leisure. He did not make the request for a detail of the charges against him until several months after his dismissal. He has repeatedly come to this office and to my house, and I have been greatly annoyed by him. The discipline and conduct of the watch force have been greatly improved and elevated since his separation therefrom. Before furnishing him with more definite details I -10- submit these facts and beg to request that you advise me if you are still of the opinion that we should longer agitate this case with Mr. O'Brien. As I stated in the foregoing, he will evade the issue and make no attempt at a direct answer. Very respectfully, (signed) R. J. Wynne, Acting Postmaster General.[enclosed in Payne 9-2-03] Donatus O'BrienDepartment of Commerce and Labor Office of the Secretary Washington (Copy) April 5, 1903. Telegram. Hon. A. J. Hopkins, Aurora, Illinois (Personal and confidential.) I am very desirous of having Lawrence O. Murray, of Chicago, made Assistant Secretary, and would like to recommend his appointment to the President if it will be entirely agreeable to you. I have known him for many years and have great faith in his character and capacity. He filled various important positions in his Treasury Department, becoming Deputy Comptroller of the Currency, going from there to New York to become trust officer of the Trust Company of America, and is now secretary and trust officer of the Central Trust Company of Illinois. I will personally vouch for the fairness and impartiality with which he will conduct the office. I hope that you can advise me that the appointment will be satisfactory to you. Please consider this confidential and if it would not inconvenience you I would be glad to hear from you by wire. Geo. B. Cortelyou.[Enclosed Cortelyou, 5-12-03][*ackd 4/22/03*] 191 Broadway, New York. April 4, 1903. My dear Mr. President:- I hope during your trip at the proper time and place you will take up and discuss the financial question, and the methods of solving the problem. There is no question of such importance to the community now as this one. For more than six months the legitimate business of the country has suffered for lack of money to transact it easily and economically, showing that the great stringency is not spasmodic. I need only recite one or two facts for you to fully comprehend it. First, for the lack of transportation there is now in the hands of the buyers 40% of our corn crop and 20% of our wheat, and other cereals and hay in nearly the same proportions, when at this season of the year there should not be half as much. It is out of the hands of the farmer and is held by the merchant, and has to be carried by the banks. Then as you travel from the Atlantic to the Pacific you will find that every industrial building has smoke coming out of its chimney, and the amount of money needed to carry and market these products is enormous, so that today every bank and financial institution in the country is drained and carrying a load. No matter if it be a valuable one, still it takes money to produce and carry it, and far more than was ever demanded before, and, so far as I can see, if our great prosperity is to continue we must provide the means to keep the wheels moving. Everyone sees this, and looks to the Republican party to solve the question, and there is no one who can bring their thoughts to it so fully as you can, and this done, legislation will follow. There is no question that you can take up that will help your administration as much in all the business centers, and the judicious handling of this problem and theassertion that the administration would give it to it its best efforts to solve the problem in the near future. The Aldrich Bill, in my opinion, is of doubtful value, in fact it is thought by our best financeers that the Secretary of the Treasury now has the authority to give the relief that bill would provide. What we want is a law that will allow banks in an emergency, or when business demands require, currency upon its credit, not by a deposit of more than a dollar to issue a dollar. The law should be so drawn that the same power controling the issue shall also control the retirement, so we would not be subject to undue inflation that would induce speculation and its attending evils. The people are ready for this question. They are no longer against banks because Jackson was. They all see the necessity for action, and you will find they will listen to and follow your advice, and it will make it far easier for the Finance Committee to pass its bill when they report it at the extra session. I know they hope to present a plan that is broad, that will cut the iron bands of our banks, and give us the means to expand or retrench, without frequently being compelled to beg of the Government to in some ingenious way prevent disaster. I have given this matter a good deal of thought, and I am clear in my mind that if you have the time to consider the question and present it clearly, as you can, that you will receive the thanks of our whole nation. I read your speech at Minneapolis on the tariff, and it pleased me. Of those who ask a change now it seems to me the question should be asked, what article or commodity is there today that the tariff governs the price of, or in fact has anything to do with the price of? The companies I am connected with bought the articles they use in1895 at from 50% to 100% less than they pay today, and under the same tariff. The price today is governed solely by the supply and demand, and until prices reach a point where the tariff governs, we cannot determine what changes, if any, are necessary. It does seem to me folly to even thing of changing now. We are all pleased at the hearty and spontaneous manner in which the people are meeting and greeting you. My only anxiety is as to yourself. How long can you stand so many hours daily work? I hope you will limit the time for your work, and insist upon the proper time for rest. Most cordially and respectfully yours, Grenville M Dodge Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States.[[shorthand]]W/W Department of State, Washington. [SHORTHAND] [*File CF*] [*ackd 4/13/1903*] April 6, 1903. William B. Loeb, Jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President, White House. Sir: I enclose for the President’s information, a translation of a note of the 3rd instant form the Minister of the Netherlands at this Capital, expressing the thanks of the Queen of the Netherlands for the graciousness with which the President acceded to the request to select the Umpire provided for in the protocol of February 28th last, between the Netherlands and Venezuela, regarding the settlement of certain claims. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant Francis B. Loomis, Assistant Secretary. Enclosure as above.[For 1 enc see Geves 4-3-03][*C.F.*] [*PPF R*] [*ackd 4/27/1903*] The Commercial Advertiser. Established 1797. 187 Broadway and 5 and 7 Dey Street, Editorial Department. New York, April 7th, 1903. Dear Mr. President:-- I think you would like to see the enclosed and am going to send it into Bryan’s state in the hope that it will reach you safely by Saturday night. That Washington project really looks promising. There have been developments since you went away which are very encouraging. The enemy have set their teeth into your trust and tariff speeches, but without causing any perceptible harm to you. The impression made by your trip thus far has been on the whole beneficial to you. I congratulate you most heartily, but I wonder daily how you have the strength to stand it. Yours always, J. B. Bishop President Roosevelt.Form No. 168. THE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPANY. INCORPORATED 21,000 OFFICES IN AMERICA. CABLE SERVICE TO ALL THE WORLD The company TRANSMITS and DELIVERS messages only on conditions, limiting its liability, which have been assented to by the sender of the following message. Errors can be guarded against only by repeating a message back to the sending station for comparison and the Company will not hold itself liable for errors or delays in transmission or delivery of Unrepeated Messages, beyond the amount of tolls paid thereon, nor in any case where the claim is nor presented in writing within sixty days after the message is filed with the Company for transmission. This is an UNREPEATED MESSAGE and is delivered by request of the sender, under the conditions named above. THOS T. ECKERT, President and General Manager.           RECEIVED at 21.Z.KY.V. 42 Paid Government Washington;DC.April 7th-03 The President Bismarck,N.D. The Idaho Mans endorsements as to Professional qualifications not yet arrived an informed they may be expected within a few days when I will at once report wish you good luck and less labor. P.C.Kox.Atty General. 2PMPresident Miller Byrne McCumber McKenzie Bullock Burroughs Rixey[Enclosed in Bishop, 4-7-03] THE COMMERCIAL ADV lating dogs is entirely in the hands of the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, which issues licenses and forbids owners to allow their dogs to run at large. President Haines objects to muzzling on the ground that it is cruel, but admits that the leashing order is not obeyed. Evidently the society, for one reason or another, is not competent to deal with the situation, and, in any case, it is absurd that such a matter should be left to private individuals. The Department of Health can be trusted to see that we are properly protected from biting dogs, diseased or healthy, without permitting cruelty to the animals, and the sooner it is clothed with the necessary power the better, both for the dogs and for the people. NEW YORK IN NATIONAL POLITICS. An extremely interesting forecast of the comparative strength of the two great political parties in the national election of next year was published in the Washington correspondence of the Herald yesterday. "in substance it was a demonstration that the Republicans can carry the country for Roosevelt without the electoral vote of New York. There is nothing new in this revelation to those who are familiar with the sentiment of the country as it has been shown in the elections of the past seven years. Beginning with the national election of 1896 there has been a steady and increasing drift toward the Republican party in all sections of the country, and especially in the west. States that were previous to that time strongholds of the Populism which subsequently became Bryanism and swamped the Democratic party have one after another gone into the Republican column and have shown in each succeeding election a larger Republican majority Every one who travels through the west, from the Mississippi to the Pacific, and every one who liven in that region brings the same report as to the popularity of the President there - that it is simply overwhelming, Democrats as well as Republicans sharing in it. He has the young men of the country with him almost to a man, it being almost impossible to find a first voter who is not enthusiastic for him. The inevitable result of this condition of sentiment is set forth clearly in the tables which the Herald correspondent complies in regard to the standing of the electoral college next year. The most conservative estimate made by the President's friend gives him between forty and fifty more votes than are necessary to elect him. In fact it is impossible to figure out a Democratic victory without giving that party Illinois and Indiana, as well as New York. Their chances for carrying Illinois are about as good as they are for carrying Maine or Massachusetts, and even in Indiana the prospects for their success are not such as to encourage heavy betting. Is New York a "doubtful state" in the next election? It is very difficult for any one who has followed its course in the last two national elections to take the view that there is any doubt whatever about it. Surely the state which gave McKinley over 268,000 plurality in 1806 and over 143,000 in 1909 should be regarded as safely Republican. It is quite a different state in a national election. On state issues it is always close and doubtful, but on national issues, especially those relating to sound finance and the preservation and conservation of property, it is as surely Republican as any state in the Union. That it will be so next year, with Roosevelt and the Republican party and a Republican congress behind him, and any man whom the Democrats are likely to nominate with a Democratic congress behind him, no well-informed person can doubt. What arouses doubt about New York state to-day is purely local, not national. Governor Odell on the one hand and Senator Platt on the other are doing their utmost to make the state Democratic, and they came very near to succeeding in the last election. But it is notorious that while the relations between the two are considerably strained, and that while each of them would be glad to have the President take his side against the other, the President has maintained an attitude of strict impartiality toward both. He has in no way allowed himself to be entangled with what either of them is doing in this state. He is no more responsible for the extraordinary efforts which Governor Odell persists in making to injure the party. In this state than he is responsible for what is going on in Kansas, or Illinois, or Massachusetts. So, too, in regard to Senator Platt's efforts to thwart those of Governor Odell. While the President recognizes that under the constitution he is bound to consult the senators from his own as well as other states in regard to appointments, he has not permitted Mr. Platt to dictate such appointments as will enable the senator to "smash Odell," neither has he allowed him to dictate such appointments as he knows to be unfit. Whenever he is deceived about an appointee, as he was in a recent instance, he recalls the nomination and substitutes a fit one. First and last, he has kept himself entirely aloof from the squabbles of the party leaders here, leaving them to fight out their own battles, even though each has admired him repeatedly that by so doing he is imperilling the state in the most national election. They have not been able to move him from his position, neither has their selfish and impolitic course moved the state from its firm position in the Republican column in a contest on national issues.(Copy.) Department of Commerce and Labor OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY Washington TELEGRAM. 2W.SS.E. 83DH Aurora Ills. April 8, 1903. Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou, PERSONAL AND CONFIDENTIAL. Secretary of Commerce and Labor. Washington, D. C. I do not know Mr. Murry. But on investigation find he has been a resident of Illinois but a short time and is in no way identified with our people or the republican party. I feel constrained therefore to protest against his appointment. If Illinois can have the honor of furnishing the Assistant Secretary, I will name you a man, who has every qualification Murry possesses and in addition is a resident of many years and a real Illinois man. A. J. Hopkins. 1:10pm.[Enclosed Courtelyou 5-12-03][*C.F.*] [*PPFR*[ [*ackd 4/22/1903*] United States Senate, Personal. April 8, 1903. Dear Theodore:- I promised not to bother you with letters, and you see how soon I break through my good resolutions, simply because I have not the opportunity to talk with you. I thought however that you might like to know what the effect seems to me of your speeches here. As I read them in the newspapers at a distance they seem to me stronger and better than they did when I read them quietly in manuscript, which is a pretty good test. I am thoroughly satisfied, and, indeed, delighted with them. The effect also, here in the East, seems to be excellent, and I think the tariff speech particularly had a good effect. I am afraid you are doing a great deal too much, but I look forward to your getting into the woods, which will make a real break for you. Root and I had a fine meeting in Boston and Root's speech was most admirable. A better and more lucid statement of the tariff position in general terms could not have been made. He delighted everybody there. One incident of that dinner, however, I want to bring to your notice, for it annoyed both Root and myself very much.United States Senate, Wakeman was there, quite drunk, and telling Root and myself and everyone he came up against how you had sent him an advance copy of your tariff speech and that it would knock out Cummins completely. He has no business to say such things, and it shows how unsafe it is to give him the slightest recognition. It conveys the impression to people that he is very near to you, and his talk and condition [was] were such as to make this undesirable. Then he was also blustering about that he was going to show up the Boston Custom House. Altogether he seems to me a most unsafe man, and I wish the Secretary of the Treasury could be warned not to confide in him or trust him, as he apparently does. I saw Edith yesterday, just returned from her voyage, looking very well and having enjoyed herself very much. All the children look well, and Kermit has gotten rid of his bruises and looks fifty per cent better. Betty Davis, who is just back from Porto Rico, says that Alice' progress through the Island was a very great success, that everybody liked her, that she made a most charming impression, and that really it has had a very good political effect upon these people, who feel very much flattered by her coming and especially by her manner of greeting them. They told Betty that they had never had a visit from any one of eminence before exceptUnited States Senate, the Princess Eulalia and she only stayed a few hours and found fault with everything. Being Spanish Americans they regard Alice, of course, as a Princess and were correspondingly delighted with her good nature and pleasant manners and lively interest in all they did. Ever yours, H. C. Lodge To the President.[For 1. attachment see ca. 4-8-1903][*1*] 272 The Nation. [Vol. 76, No. 1970 enty mounds along the shores of St. Andrew's, St. Joseph's, Apalachicola, Ocklockonee, Apalachee, and Deadman's Bays, St. Andrew's, St. Vincent's, and St. George's Sounds, Alligator Harbor, and the rivers and Gulf Coast to Cedar Keys. As during the previous investigation, the work resolved itself into a study of the aboriginal earthenware of the district visited. It was noted during progress eastward that the influence of Alabama and the middle Mississippi district as to the composition of ware gradually disappeared, no admixture of shell having been found east of Choctawhatchee Bay, the limit of the polished black ware of Mississippi. on the other hand, the influence of Georgia, as shown in the complicated stamp decoration, became noticeable. In material and decoration the ware is superior, as a rule, to that if such mounds of peninsular Florida as contain earthenware, although it does not excel a few of the best specimens found in the mounds of the St. Johns River. A dark vessel from near the mouth of that stream, sherds of excellent paste and superior decoration from near Dunn's Creek, and part of a vessel beautifully incised and showing the yellow of the paste alternating with the crimson pigment, from a mound near Lake Monroe, are described a s fully equal to the finest earthenware of the northwest coast of Florida. It is surmised that the aborigines of the peninsula possessed fine ware, but did not, as a rule, inter it with their dead, and that their best vessels were importations, probably got through barter. Specimens of mortuary vessels, of flimsy material and fantastic form, the bases of which had been perforated previous to the baking of the clay, were found in increasing numbers. Individual vessels were often much larger than any met with on the coast to the westward or in peninsular Florida. Vessels of a new type were discovered in the neighborhood of St. Andrew's Bay. They were life-forms, but were inferior to others of the kind as to material and workmanship, and had various perforations made before baking in the body of the vessel, as well as the customary one at the base. It is interesting to note that the general deposits of earthenware were nearly always in the eastern part of the mound. Cremation appears to have been practiced only occasionally in northwestern Florida. This memoir is copiously illustrated. —"The Red Miriok,' by Anna M. Barnes (Philadelphia: American Baptist Publication Society), is a story of the life of an American missionary family in Korea, the basis of which is the account of a boating trip up the River Han, with interesting glimpses into the minds of the people of white robes and big hats. The author may have lived in Korea and probably did, though, in a story picturing so strange a land and people, one would gladly have less American and more native local color. The title word "Miriok" has reference not to the colossal stone structures known to travelers, but to a little image of Buddha stolen from a monastery, which the boatman Kitze kept on his person as an amulet, the adventures of which form the chief subject of the story. The illustrator has certainly not been in the peninsula, for his Koreans are all Chinamen, in dress, even to the pigtail, in pose and manner. Nevertheless, this story for young people is a good one, wholesome in tone and full of movement. Bound with the volume, making nearly equal bulk, is a collection of "Shan Folklore Stories," from the hill and water countries, by William C. Griggs, M.D. The nine illustrations are by native artists in true Burmese style. In Shan land the hare is the same brainy and nimble creature as his brother in Korea and Japan, and among the negroes of the South; only, the Shan "Brer Rabbit" deceives not the monkey, or the badger, or the fox, but the noble tiger. the Shan tortoise also has wonderful powers of transformation, and the sparrow is as remarkable for his accomplishments as in Japan. The Shan would was created because "the Great Spirit Spider felt weary with carrying round her heavy burden of eggs." Weaving her web upon the waters, the winds blew, and the solid matter, caught in the meshes of the web, became earth, which kept the spider-eggs warm, and in due time the first man and woman were hatched out. Instead of the Japanese oni or the Burman nat, the semi-celestial busy-body and wonder-worker is the hpea, who is universally feared and propitiated. He lives in the forest, watches over well, tanks, and lakes, and often neither honey nor firewood can be got out of the tree in which he lives, even though men starve or shiver. In this folk-lore, the hero does not marry and live happy ever after, but becomes the king of the country, not "governing," but "eating" it - a suggestive expression, reminding us of the "bosses" in New York and Pennsylvania. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ THE "UNKNOWN" AND THE KNOWABLE. BLB. -- I. Unknown Mexico: A Record of Five Years' Exploration among the Tribes of the Western Sierra Madre; . . . Tepic and Jalisco; and among the Tarascos, etc. By Carl Lumholtz , M.A. 2 vols, illustrations and maps. Svo, p.p. xxxii, 530, 496. Scribners. So long ago as 1887, Mr. Carl Lumholtz (who had already with some seriousness explored "Among the Cannibals" of Australia) came to harbor a hopeful dubiety whether the dead but still alluring "Cliff-Dwellers" of our Southwest might not have heir fellows still quick amid the abutting wilds of northwestern Mexico. In that "little-explored" desolation there could be almost anything - and surely nothing better worth discovery by the new school of discoverers. Coming to the United States in 1890, he found sundry and illustrious patrons to share the like pious suspicion of buried treasures next door; and very presently he was duly sinewed to go forth and see. The outcome, thus far, of this worthy if inexpert wonderment has been four several invasions of Mexico, interrupted by some fallings back upon the financial base of supplies, but in fact fulfilling five round years of patient burrowing in regions it already pleases us (who are so soon willing to let bygones be bygones, as to history) to reckon "unknown", a number of magazine articles; a large monograph on the Huicholes; and now two big, handsome, and truly respectable "popular" volumes on 'Unknown Mexico.' There will be - there can be - no fuller and no more ready appreciation of Mr. Lumholtz's growth in grace of science and the expeditionary art than from precisely such as with most misgiving beheld his maiden descent upon Mexico, unhampered by a single preparation, linguistic, geographical, or documentary. He had not a word of the language which is the universal picaporte from Arizona to Patagonia; nor of any other tongue maternal to any person within the area to be studied; nor a shred of those documentary alleviations of the beginner which have been compiling for much better than three centuries. All unconsciously, this work is a record of growth. Even from the frontier side, the expedition began "Tenderfoot" - with thirty men, counting cooks, scientists, and mule-drivers, and "nearly 100 animals." But Mr. Lumholtz learned - if at first, perhaps, by constriction of resources, later by native wit. Approximately four-fifths of his exploration was by himself, sole - save only for the few Indian or Mexican packers and guides, and the small "train" needful to transport his outfit and collections. Neither prepared nor inspired, he has, nevertheless, and by sheer dint of painstaking, made a worthy contribution to the literature of popular-scientific travel. Earnest but sane, eager but patient; of a certain homely good nature and cheerfulness which is the first qualification for any travel; handsomely endowed in the tolerance without which whatsoever ethnologist were better cast into the sea, he has so admirable individual equipment that one is the more regretful for his almost utter lack of the sharp tools whetted by the pioneers. "It seems to me," he writes, "after my long experience with the Mexican Indians, that is their natural state they are in certain points superior...to the common run of whites...We are brought up to look upon primitive people as synonyms of all that is crude, evil and vicious. Nothing could be more erroneous... People who live in close touch with the nature are in fact not capable of being as perverted as civilized criminals are in mind and body...It is a very common mistake to look upon a barbarian as a third-rate white man. The Indian's physique is better developed, and his senses are better trained, than the white man's; his intellect and clearness of thought average higher than the common people's of Europe and America... Beyond comparison, both men and women know the flora of their country better than even the cultivated classes among ourselves...Monogamy is the recognized foundation of the family, and the social standing of the woman is that of a junior partner. In their behavior toward one another, these Indians never become beastly, as low-class whites will...Personal modesty is innate in the race...Justice with them is inexorable...In his behavior toward his tribesmen as well as toward strangers...though dressed in rags he is a born gentleman, and as polite and considerate of other persons' feelings as any one adorned in purple and fine linen. ...In their religious fervor the aborigines of Mexico have no equals, certainly not among Christians...I cannot help thinking that, as long as Mexico was to be made subject to European powers, it was well for her to fall among members of a Latin race rather than those of Germanic or Teutonic descent. For the Spanish character and temperament resemble in a degree those of the Indians... Modern civilization is even more intolerant in contact with people of lower culture than were the Spanish conquerors of Mexico and Peru...The Spanish, after subduing a people, did not crush out their virility." And so on, in many refreshing touches. To this tolerant spirit, add a style unaffected, ordinarily agreeable, generally[*2*] April 2, 1903] The Nation. 273 lucid, and frank to the verge of naïveté. The upwards of 1,000 pages of the book furnish much more than the "good reading" they certainly are. Judged as "travel," here is far better than the wonted share of information, digestible to the layman, but perhaps worth most to the student who can supply the historical context the author lacks. No one else of modern times has besieged the tribes of the Sierra Madre with so dogged particularity, nor any one of any time for so long a term in the general light of to-day. Here we have corroboration and detail of facts recorded centuries ago, indeed, but in no danger of being too often or too deeply studied. the half-decade of this honest , earnest, and important field-work was unequally but impartially (and somewhat fortuitously) divided between the Tarahumares, the northern and southern Tepehuanes, the Huicholes, the Tepecanos, the "Tubars," certain centrifugal Nahuatl, and the tribe celebrate in a cherished dicho (of more than trivial worth to the folklorist) by that erudite Mexicanist, Father Fischer: "India que nacistes en Tasco, Sin tenedor ni partera - Tu madre una tamalera, Tu padre un indio Tarasco. The longest sojourn was the year and a half with the Tarahumares; next in importance, ten months among the Coras and Huicholes; the rest of the term, "scattering." "Of most of these tribes," says Mr. Lumholtz (xiv.), "little more than their names were (sic) known, and I brought back large collections illustrating their ethnical status, besides extensive information in regard to their customs, religion, traditions, and myths. The latter member of this statement is true. If it had had no other fruits - and, besides his collections, his sixty graphophone records, his twenty-seven new plants, and one new mammal, there is much other and admirable harvest - Mr. Lumholtz's exploration would be justified of all its cost by its contribution to our knowledge of the remarkable cult of the Peyote. Significantly kin to other vegetal fetishisms familiar in anthropology - and notably to that of the Cuca in Peru and Bolivia, of which, however, we have as yet no equal modern synthesis - the complex esoterism that has grown up around this echinocactus of ecstatic properties has been historic for above 300 years, and among far more tribes than the author seems to dream. But, in the elder days, these superstitions, so palpably of the devil, were apt to be set down in the record without indecent lingering. Mr. Lumholtz has secured, and presents, a large and valuable mass of detail as to this curious devotional drunkenness - for we cannot too sharply remember that the intoxications which so ubiquitously and so bitterly grieved the apostolic pioneers of Mexico were almost exclusively of ceremonial character. For reasons doubtless known to himself, Mr. Lumholtz prefers to call the Peyote by a name which is not historic, if, indeed, it has before being printed - "Hikuli." Whatever sound is intended to be conveyed, it is rather safe to say that this does not spell it. In all human probability what he means would be, in this region, written Jiculi. As to this, by odds the most important theme between the covers of these sumptuous volumes, there is neither comparison nor etymology vouchsafed. For the latter, a glance at the pictured plant is enough to show its strong resemblance to a navel; and the guess is neither far nor hazardous from the nondescript new word to an Aztec Xiquilill compound of Xictil (umbilicus) and Quilill (vegetable; source of the now familiar Southwestern provincialism quelites, for "greens" and garden-stuff). The conjecture is sound etymologically, while from the point of aptness and "Indianess" it leaves nothing to desire. We have here, also, our fullest up-to-date detail of the deer-cult, the ceremonial races, the esoteric etiquette of birth, marriage, death and the sequent ghost-scaring, and many other ethnologic data as to the tribes in question. All these contributions are interesting; practically all of them seem sound - and we have a long array of record by which to check them. The tribes of the Sierra Madre were well described before 1550. It is, perhaps, surprising that almost every author who between 1550 and 1800 wrote of these Indians, mentions in at least generic terms the very facts of ethnologic importance with which these new-century volumes chiefly deal. Perhaps it is no less surprising that the modern author seems hardly to have heard of any of these predecessors, and in no wise to have benefited by them - if we except trivial allusion (without date) to Father Fonte, who described the Tarahumares almost three centuries ago, and a few other as loose and unscientific references. Two cardinal defects seriously afflict a work of whose many admirable qualities a hint has been given. It is not unreasonable to hold a twelve-dollar book - widely heralded as relating "remarkable discoveries," and as "one of the most important records of successful scientific exploration in recent years" to rather stricter accountability than we need demand of the cheap and confessed mere beguiler of an hour. "Popular" in a proper sense such a work fitly may be; but there is an implied contract that it shall be also "prepared" and ripe. Interesting it must be; but it is not destined to be read exclusively for amusement. Aside from entertaining details, it is expected to give the lay reader some fair general concept of the themes it deals in. Certainly, in the scientific aspect, it is now late for too much and too Columbian "discovery." The New Worlds are mostly found, though our monthlies still do seriously incline in their quest. On the first page of his preface, Mr. Lumbholtz avows that his first attraction to Mexico was hope of finding there still-extant "Cliff-Dwellers." This has rather persisted as a keynote, in so far as the hum of his remote activities has reached the popular ear. In this deliberate work, printed thirteen years after his actual launching upon the quest, there appears a certain disingenuousness as to this rather important head. No blazed tree at its side, nor sensible jog in its continuity, warns us when we are wiled off the trail to a new path. "What went ye out for to see?" Why, Cliff-dwelling - something comparable to the astounding, enormous, and architecturally triumphant monuments of the prehistoric Pueblos, whose castled communal towns still beetle upon and in the cliffs of New Mexico, Arizona, and their northern adjacencies. And what do we emerge with seeing - and even that as through a glass, darkly? Why, a second-hand sort of cave-dwellings. When or how we left the right-hand path, and why we fetch up as we do, we are left to guess. For there is neither premonishment nor explication. How came we here? Quien sabe? Here we are. "Although it may be said that houses are their main habitations, still the Tarahumares live in caves too such an extent that they may be fitly called the American cave-dwellers of the present age" (I.,160). "Although thus far (up to April, 1891, a few months in the field) the question regarding surviving cliff-dwellers was answered negatively, the field southward in the Sierra was so promising that I felt eager to extend my explorations" (xi.). "Still, the fact of there being cave-dwellers to-day in Mexico was until recently known only to the Mexicans living in their neighborhood" (I.,161). "The largest inhabited cave I have seen was nearly 100 feet in width. ... I heard of one arroyo where six inhabited caves...can be seen at one time, but this is a rare case. In one place I saw a cave, or rather a shelter under a big boulder, utilized as a dwelling." (I., 167). And so on, in several variants of the offhand, too-familiar-to-mention style. It requires tedious back-searching through the 1,000 page record - for the alleged index is "mocks" et proaterea nihil - to count up that Mr. Lumholtz says he has really seen, in his five years of pursuit, certainly two (and it may be four, for the case is not clear) inhabited caves. He pictures apparently four, but without hint if these be identical with the Terrible Examples of the text. There is one Sierra Madre (in northern Mexico, that is; there are many other-where), and Aesop was its prophet. No reminder here of a tolerable difference between even such "cave-dwellers" as habitually live in houses part of the time, but semi-occasionally shelter under the natural concavities with which the ravines of their land innumerably abound, and "cave-dwellers" of the variety of the New Mexican Shu-finne, the Pu-ye, and the incomparable Rito de los Frijoles, who made caves to dwell in, and in them sempiternally and uninterruptedly dwelt. If all that incidentally and occasionally linger under protective rocks, or even build partitions where nature furnishes ready-made three of the six sides of a room, are to be included, then Mr. Lumholtz can find in New Mexico, Arizona, Colorado, Utah, and California some few English-speaking persons as "fitly to be called American cave-dwellers of the present age" - and more of them than he specifies having discovered in the Sierra Madre of Mexico. It is not too much to say that this general indirectness is at least unscientific. Let us hope that it is not even up to the magazine traditions. There is some prognosis of a like inflammation of the popular chords in the unretracted statement (ix., x.): "The northernmost portion of the Sierra Madre del Norte has from time immemorial (which is not exactly true) been under the dominion of the wild Apache tribes. ... Not until Gen. Crook, in 1883, reduced these dangerous nomads to submission (to the which they were not even approximately reduced, save by gasps, until some four years later) did it become possible to make scientific investigations there; indeed, small bands of the 'Men of the Woods' were still left, and my party had to be strong enough to cope with any difficulty from them. Inasmuch as my expedition was the first to take advantage of the comparative security prevailing in that district" - and so on for quantity.[*3*] 274 The Nation. [Vol. 76, No. 1970 The pitch of the humor of this is that precisely in the last of 1883, and through most of 1884 (six years before "the first to take advantage"), Bandelier trudged, on foot, unarmed and solitary, over this same territory. It was dangerous. It was a higher rate of hazard than San Juan Hill. But perhaps only the grave Crook, or Bourke, or Crawford, could have done justice in a single smile to the party Mr. Lumholtz elected as "strong enough to cope" with the Chihuicahui tigers. In justice it must be added that this is far outside the average tone of the book. Its normal air is unbraggart and uncomplaining - even unmagnifying and cheerful under deprivations very real and deplorable to almost any person habituated to the inconveniences of civilization. -------------------------------------------------------------------- ASSOS. Investigations at Assos: Expedition of the Archaeological Institute of America. Drawings and photographs of the buildings and objects discovered during the excavations of 1881, 1882, 1883, by Joseph T. Clarke, Francis H. Bacon, and Robert Koldewey. Edited with explanatory notes by Francis H. Bacon. Part I., 74 pp. Folio. Cambridge, Mass." The Archaeological Institute of American. 1902. The site of Assos is an isolated volcanic hill more than 750 feet in height, lying on a narrow strip of land only about a mile wide, between the river Satniois and the Gulf of Adramyttium, opposite Lesbos, on the southern shore of the Troad, about thirty miles from Troy. The small summit of the hill, on which are seen no indications of any ancient building except a temple, was the crater of the volcano, choked by a second flow of andesite which has well covered the limestone at the foot of the hill. The temple was as conspicuous as that of Sunium - "Colonn's marbled steep" - rising as it did far above the city, and the position of the city was marked and commanding. Before the foundation of Alexandria Troas, about twenty miles distant, near the close of the fourth century B.C., Assos seems to have been the chief city of the Troad after the fall of Ilium. Its harbor was artificial, being formed only by a mole, of which a large part has now nearly or entirely disappeared; but for a thousand years the place has had no importance except for this slight shelter of ships. The Apostle Paul went on foot from Troas to Assos, and there joined his companions, who had journeyed by sea. At present the Turkish village of Behram on the slope of the hill is made up of a hundred miserable huts; but fifteen or twenty boats are generally at the mole receiving their lading, which consists chiefly of the husks of the acorns of the valonia oak, which are brought to the port on the backs of camels and are exported for use in tanning. The wheat for which the region was so famous that it was used for the bread of the Persian king's table, two thousand miles away, is not now raised in sufficient quantity to supply local needs; the Turkish inhabitants are not fond of tilling the soil. Assos was noted for its "flesh-eating" (sarcophagus) stone, which gave its name to the whole class of stone coffins found here more abundantly than anywhere else. Many of these great monolithic sarcophagi, eight feet in height and large in proportion, are described as still standing in the cemetery. All which were exposed to view were broken open long ago for the sake of the ornaments and other treasures buried with the dead. Early travelers write of seeing kids and lambs take shelter in them, and many others are used as water troughs in the neighboring villages. One hundred and twenty-for of these, however, were found unopened by the American expedition. This "flesh-eating" stone is the ordinary andesite of the hill. Of it the walls and other structures of the city were built, except that volcanic tufa was chosen for certain ornaments, gargoyles and acroteria, of the temple. The stone, being quarried in blocks by the simple process of wedging - with planes of cleavage approximately horizontal and vertical - afforded excellent material for city walls and buildings, but was too coarse-grained and intractable for use in ornamentation, and certain usual decorative features of the temple were omitted. In an early report Mr. Clarke promised to speak of the chemical properties of this stone, but he has not done so. A good argument is made to prove that Assos stood on the site of the Homeric Pedasus, which was the early home of one of Priam's wives (Iliad, xxi. 87). Pedasus was a "lofty town on the banks of the Satniois, and no other lofty site is found on the banks of that river, which, though it is within a mile of the sea at Assos, does not reach the Aegean until it has had a further course of about twenty miles. In the fourth century B.C., Assos was for three years the abode of the philosopher Aristotle, who there visited his friend and connection by marriage, the "tyrant" Hermeias; and a little later it was the birthplace of Cleanthes, who succeeded Zeno as the head of the Stoic School. The site of Assos was deserted early enough to leave the buildings and walls in fairly good condition, so that Colonel Leake, the admirable traveler and topographer, who visited it in 1800, wrote that the theatre was in very perfect preservation, that remains of several temples were lying on the ground, that on the western side of the city the walls and towers with a gate were "in complete preservation," and that "the whole gives perhaps the most perfect idea of a Greek city that anywhere exists." A year later, in 1801, Dr. Hunt, who accompanied the Earl of Elgin's embassy to the Ottoman Porte, wrote of the temple on the citadel that "parts of the shafts remain on their original site, so that a person conversant with ancient architecture might easily trace the plan and different details." Neither Leake nor Hunt, however, mentions marble remains, and the American explorations showed that no scrap of this stone was left above ground, and very little below. Clearly, limeburners pillaged the site with care some centuries ago. Since so much lime could not have been needed for such an insignificant settlement as seems to have existed there for a thousand years, the suggestion is not unreasonable that lime may have been exported thence as an article of commerce, although the unsubstantial modern huts, needing renewal every few years, and requiring much mortar because of the difficulty in reducing the hard stone to the exact shape desired, use a vast amount of lime. The change in the condition of the ruins in the course of the nineteenth century was very great, and the observation of it emphasizes the truth that the archaeological renaissance came in the very nick of time. Just as the irreparable loss of ancient manuscripts of the works of classical literature would have been vastly greater if the literary renaissance had been delayed for two centuries, so a like delay of archaeological interest in ancient structures would have resulted in great damage. In each case the destruction seems to have become more rapid in the later centuries before the revival of interest. After the visits of Leake and Hunt, the Turkish authorities in the first third of the nineteenth century built extensive fortifications on the citadel, probably under the influence of the Greek war for independence, in view of the proximity of the island of Lesbos and its large Greek population; and the American explorers found no stone of the temple upon another. In 1838, the reliefs of the epistyle and the metopes of the temple, so far as they lay above ground, were removed to Paris and placed in the Louvre. In 1864, the buildings and walls of the city, and particularly the theatre, served as a quarry for the Turkish Government, which had the largest and best blocks of stone removed to Constantinople for its public works there. The Turks even demolished the chief entrance gate of the city, an admirable monument of military architecture. The theatre, which had been more perfectly preserved than any other in Asia, was "transformed into an enormous quarry," and became "little more than a hollow in the deep hillside." With this procedure may be compared the action of another Turkish official, who, during the excavations on the site of ancient Troy, sent a squad of men to Dr. Dorpfeld with a requisition for the finest blocks of stone uncovered in the course of his work. In June, 1879, the site of Assos was visited by J. Thacher Clarke and Francis H. Bacon, young architects of Boston, and chiefly on their recommendation it was selected as its first field of explorations in classical archaeology by the recently established Archaeological Institute of America. Although the sculptures which remained on the surface of the ground had been carried to Paris, the earth had not been overturned either by authorized excavators or by peasants in search of plunder. The work of surveying was begun in April, 1881, and that of excavation, after many delays in obtaining the promised necessary irade from the Turkish Government, in August of the same year. The number of laborers employed, some of whom had been trained by Humann in the excavations at Pergamon, was about thirty-five, and the work continued until the termination of the permit in May, 1883, interrupted not by the heat of summer, as in Olympia, but by the inclemency of the winters. The work was so completed as to win praise from those who have seen it. Of the portable objects uncovered, two-thirds were taken by the Turkish Government and the other third was given by the Institute to the Boston Museum of Fine Arts, the cost of the expedition having been borne chiefly by those who were interested in that museum. The explorers declared their satisfaction with the division, and when we remember that theirs was the last expedition to be allowed a share in such discoveries in Turkish lands[*4*] Page 296 The Nation. [Vol. 76, No. 1971 course, already well known to the public, and which have been repeatedly discussed in England with great bitterness. Severe reflections are made upon Mr. Rhodes, who is represented as the chief source of trouble, upon Lord Milner, and upon Mr. Chamberlain, but the language used is not violent, and there is less of passion than might have been expected from on whose feelings are naturally strong. Indeed, the narrative generally reminds one in its dryness of Caesar's 'Commentaries'; and we get a more lively impression of the writer's personality when we turn to the speeches (printed in the appendix) delivered by the old President at his inauguration in 1898, and to the Volksraad or Legislative Chamber, on several occasions in 1899 and 1900. In the religious tone that pervades them, and in their constant references to Scripture, as well as their clumsiness of style and their forcible sincerity, they remind one of some of Oliver Cromwell's discourses. The Transvaal Boers have often been compared to the English Puritans of the seventeenth century, and Kruger is a typical Boer in his tenacity, his astuteness, his courage, his religious fervor, his indifference to all that savors of culture. As is natural, he justifies his own action throughout, yet with a quiet dignity which shows no sensitiveness to criticism. One admission of error he does make when he says (page 183), in referring to the complaints made by the mining population at Johannesburg: "Much exception has been taken to my attitude, and perhaps I should have been wiser had I shown more consideration for the feelings of the foreigners." He adds, however: "But we must not forget the elements of which the population was composed, nor the fact that a population of the same class at Kimberley had caused a rebellion which obliged the British Government to send a considerable force to hold it in check; nor lastly, that a former accusation of inherent weakness had cost the Republic dear. I was determined, therefore to do all in my power to avoid a renewal of that accusation." He regards the memories of the annexation and ware, and the gold fields, as the source of all the later misfortunes of the Transvaal. "The words uttered by the late Gen. Joubert, when a burgher came gleefully to tell him that a new gold-reef had been discovered, were prophetic: 'Instead of rejoicing, you would do better to weep, for this gold will cause our country to be soaked in blood.'" Though it chronicles a long tragedy, the tone of the book is not tragic. Though it comes from the chief actor in events which may be described as great, because they have affected the general history of the world and have fixed the world's attention, comparatively small as is the theatre on which the action went on, it does not exhaust even Mr. Kruger's own share in those events. Some day a life of him will have to be written which will present more fully in the setting of its singular social environment a powerful character and a remarkable career. Even poetry may perhaps occupy itself with figures in their way so dramatic as Paul Kruger and Cecil Rhodes, the protagonists of the races which have for a century been intermingled, and too frequently opposed, in South Africa. ---------------------------------------------------------------------- THE "UNKNOWN" AND THE KNOWABLE. -II. Unknown Mexico: A Record of Five Years' Exploration among the Tribes of the Western Sierra Madre; ... Tepic and Jalisco; and among the Tarascos, etc. By Carl Lumholtz, M.A. 2 vols., illustrations and maps. 8vo, pp. xxxii., 530, 496. Scribners. It is nothing short of a calamity - perhaps it is even so bad as a blunder - when an adequately financed scientific expedition, headed and controlled by a man so sympathetic, so earnest and observant, sets forth as if the world had been finished day before yesterday. It would not have been dangerous to know and note, once and again, that now the scene of the explorer's activity is just where the Nebomes gently entreated the very first transcontinental travellers in North America (Cabeza de Vaca and his comrades) in 1536; nor yet that another spot in focus is where that obliging Spaniard Nuno de Guzman, who hunted slaves as Spaniards are expected to do (and was punished as by law provided), made his human drive in 1530, and a bit later founded a city, which Mr. Lumholtz visited, precisely as a buffer between civilization and one of the "Chichimec" tribes wherewith Mr. Lumholtz was seriously concerned; nor that another locality explored is where fell that gigantic, prehistoric meteorite, so long famous in legend and record, first made known to us parvenus by the soldier-poet Villagran, in his 32-canto heroics on the Conquest of 1598; nor that over some identical trails trudged the first discoverer of Arizona, Fray Marcos of Niza, in 1539, with his historic darky, and next year again with Coronado's brilliant army going to discovery and exploration not only of New Mexico, but so far as Kansas; nor that these same tribes (the Tarahumares and Tepehuanes) figure notably in the little affair of the first settlement of New Mexico, and the founding of the second and third towns within the limits of the United States, by one Juan de Ofiate; and that these are also the very fellows who "invested us face to face" as chronicled by Fray Alonso de Benavides, author (1630) of the rarest and most precious "source" on the early ethnography of the Southwest; nor that yonder the neo-discoverer trod the very landscapes which interest some people because there the yellow-haired hero of the "Salto" came to succor the beleaguered Cristobal de Ofiate (discoverer of the first great silver bonanza in the world, save one), and there perished, in one of the most remarkable cliff-stormings in history - a chapter finished in situ by the greatest administrative genius America knew in the three centuries following Columbus. It is unlikely that even the casual subscriber would "stop his paper" for reference by name or fame to Alvarado, Los Tajos, Mendoza, or the Pefiol of Mixton; or for finding, along with the author's comfortable shiverings at seasonal austerities of climate in the upper Sierra Madre, confession of the fact that so recently as 1554, during one of his Indian campaigns in this now "unknown" land, Capt. Francisco de Ybarra lost forty horses frozen to death. Even in acute magazinitis it is a business blunder to ignore the fascinating associations of history and romance in which - and in their most brilliant sort - the entire field of Mr. Lumholtz's labors is so enormously rich. From only the most "marketable" and readable of these, the two volumes might have been thick-studded; or as large and fully as salable a volume iii. easily added. "Of most of these tribes but little more than their names were known." Of none of these tribes was anything known - to some people. To say nothing of their modern scientific classification by linguistic stocks, or of the vocabularies, numerously printed, scattering along down from the very generation of the Conquest, all these tribes have been Christianized since before Plymouth Rock. Michuacan was the very first Provincia of the Santo Evangelio in Mexico, being erected to that dignity in 1535. It had more Franciscan missionaries than any other Provincia (v. Mendieta), beginning in 1525. Its Father Provincial in 1539 was none other than Fray Marcos - a student of the Tarascos 365 years ago. It lacks less than six years of three full centuries since the "American cave-dwellers of the present age" were summarily and permanently husked of their primitiveness. In 1598 the people Mr. Lumholtz reckons practically unsophisticated by European contact, were recorded as "very apt in reading, writing, counting, and the catechism" - all of which it is not unfair to account colorably European. The clothing he pictures and describes was imposed by the Jesuits upon his "primitive tribes," which, when they were primitive, mostly went stark. One is tempted to quote gems from the multitude of witnesses that record - sometimes in delightfully human fashion - their clerical sufferings in modesty, and the seriousness of the task they had in teaching the Indians to "dress honestly." But it would take space. It is enough to quote, as to the Tarahumares and Tepehuanes, Fray Nicholas Arnaya, in the Anua of 1601: "andan desnudos" - they go naked. The towns and pueblos the explorer dwelt, studied, and confided in - these were the reform work of the missionaries whom he has to thank that he found so beggarly an account of empty cave-dwellings. It is not sufficiently remembered how enormous a change in this particular was wrought by the Jesuits and Franciscans over a vast part of the continent - more than a million square miles. Even among the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico, our great example of sedentary cultures, a very extensive and important concentration of villages was brought about by the pioneer missionaries. In 1601 Mr. Lumholtz's Tepehuanes began to be gathered by the Jesuits from their "burrows" into towns. Arnaya specifies 2,000 of them already in that year centralized in one pueblo. By 1607 these same Indians had six missionaries; and 4,000 of them had been Christianized and diverted from their caves to dwelling in twenty pueblos. As to the Tarascos, by 1577 there had been only seven books that we know of printed in their tongue in the City of Mexico. The Sierra Madre proper has been a missionary field ever since 1645. Among the "unknown" Coras, Father Diego de Guzman began his apostolic labors in 1619; and, long before him, Father Arnaya was much in evidence. By 1752 the one State of Sonora, with which Mr. Lumholtz has much to do, had a little matter of twenty-nine missions, conducted in four aboriginal languages, and with generic "reduction" of the tribes from nomadry to formal pueblos. In the same year the Tarahumares had seventeen[*5*] April 9, 1903] The Nation. 297 seventeen Jesuit missions - and four notches on their stick of martyrs. And so on. The report of still-inhabited caves to the northward was already old in Mexico at the Conquest; and, in its legendary form of the "Seven Caves" and Chicomoztoc, had much to do with the actual discovery of New Mexico and Arizona. It figures, for instance, in Motolinia (1540), Zumarraga (547), and the 'Anales de Cuauhtitlan' (circa 1550). By the Indian historians Camargo, Duran, and Ixtlilxochitl, all before 1600, it is mentioned as a long-time tradition; and it is even referred to in the "Popul-Vuh" of Guatemala. Closer knowledge began with the Conquest. In 1531, Espiritu Santo de Tepic was founded by Guzman as an outpost against the "Chichimecos " (not a tribe-name, but general for wild Indians) dwelling to the northeast; "a barbarous folk that live scattered in caverns and woods like savage beasts. They maintain themselves by the hunt and wild fruits. They make wine of certain roots wherewith they get themselves drunk." The Anua of 1596 speaks of Tepehuan; "in a cave set amid crags, where he dwelt like a wild beast." The Anua of 1597, on the same locality: "Our Lord hath pleased to get them out from those caves and crags, which seem altogether inaccessible." On the same page: "Another spot, or, better said, habitation of wild animals, as they have their burrows (madrigueras) in the apertures of the cliffs." Again: the priest "sought them in their caves" and persuaded them to come down and form a pueblo. The Anua of 1601 mentions the Tepehuances "in their peaks and ancient burrows." Torquemada, writing in 1610 his magnificent 'Monarquia Indiana,' tells of these Indians that they "had no Clothing, nor Houses, and contented themselves with only living in Caves." "There are many caves, and Caverns, ordinary dwellings of the Chichimecos." Of the "Tepeguanes": "lost mas bellicosos de la Nueva Espana." And much more, Ribas, in his important "Triumfos" (Madrid, 1645), quotes Father Juan Fonte on the Tarahumares in 1608: "The dwelling of much of the people is in caves, which are many in their land, and some so capacious that in one live a whole kindred (parentela), making their divisions of little houses within." The book of burials of the mission of Bacadehuachi, 1655, records the killing of the people of the Sierra Madre in their cave-dwellings by raiding Janos and Jocomes. Tello, 1653, mentions their sacred caves (p. 775 of his 'Conquista ... de Xalisco'). And so on. Incidentally, in the weighty Final Report covering his travels in the Sierra Madre in 1883-84, Bandelier notes (II., 521) "the well-known fact that part of the Tarahumares dwelt, and dwell to-day, in caves." The Peyote-cult and ceremonial intoxication are indicated, for example, in Herrera (1601), Torquemada (1610), Ribas (1645), Tello (1653). In the Anua of 1598 the Demon Cachiripa is said to have ordered these Indians to "make Mitotes (dances) wherein they intoxicate themselves and take the Peyote." Vetancurt's rich "Teatro Mexicano" (Mexico, 1698) furnishes a possible clue to the puzzling name Mr. Lumholtz gives the Peyote. Along with the latter plant, Vetancurt mentions its variety the "Ololiuhqui, which means 'round leaf,' also called Coaxihuitl, which is 'snake-herb,' " "This is esteemed by the Indians because the Priests of their Idols used to take it to receive the answers to their doubts." And again: "Peyote, Root of the Peyotl. Although the natives esteem it, the Spaniards abhor it as Superstitious, since the Indians are won't to take it for divination and to know the occult in dreams. It is mixed with Zacazili and Ololiuhqui. They take it that they may not feel weariness." A century earlier yet, in his famous "Historia Natural y Moral,' 1590 Acosta mentions that "when they would see visions they take Oliliuhqui." The famous "Apostolicos Afanes," otherwise 'Historia del Nayarit' (including Sonora and Sinaloa), 1754, in describing one of the ceremonial dances about as clearly as Lumbholtz does, and the musical bow with it says: "They put close there (to the master singer) a bowl full of Peyote, which is a diabolic root that they drink ground, that they may not droop under the lassitude of so long a function." That classic of Sonora, the 'Rudo Ensayo' (written in 1761-2), describes the native drinks, of which "the worst is the Sauco, on which they get drunk for three and five days at a time." The 'Estago de la Mision de San Lorenzo ... de Zumas' (MS. about 1750) tells of these Indians (the people of the Casas Grandes): "It is a folk given to intoxication; and the worst is not that of wine and aguardiente, but that of the herb they call Peiote. This transports them in such sort that it renders them mad. It is among them a mystic herb, and they use it in their religious gatherings." It is of course needless to refer to Bandelier's characterization of this herb, or to the familiar historic fact that it was also employed by the Pueblos of New Mexico to produce wilful trances; and that its use was prohibited, centuries ago, by the Spanish authorities. The sacrifice of arrows? Even Castafieda, the dyspeptic member and scribe of Coronado's expedition in 1540, mentions them in the Sierra Madre; as does the 'Apostolicos Afanes' of 1754. The peculiar cult of deer and their heads? It is in the Anua of 1598, to say nothing of that of 1607, 'El Nayarit' in 1754, etc. The musical bow is frequently mentioned by early sources, at least as far back as the Anua of 1598. So is the rain-dance, and with no little particularity - as in the 'Rudo Ensayo,' and in the anonymous Jesuit letter of 1658: "a dance truly diabolic, which they call Torom-Raqui, to procure rain." The shamanism is very reasonably described in Vetancurt, Herrera, Torquemada, Tello, 'El Nayarit,' Ribas, the 'Rudo Ensayo' the Anuas of 1596 et seq. And so on to a tiresome list. Even the ability of the sorcerers to change themselves to animals - so familiar to folklorists throughout the Southwest - is detailed by the first historian of America, Oviedo, 1535, by Mendieta, writing in 1596; by Herrerea, 1601; and innumerable others, as by Ribas 258 years ago, with the further coincidence with Lumholtz that these Indians called their fetishes "abuelos" (grandparents). The almost ubiquitous aboriginal mode of "healing," by a sleight-of-hand "sucking out" from the afflicted part the stone or thorn or other foreign substance supposed to cause the disease, has, of course, been familiar to scholars ever since Cabeza de Vaca took his involuntary medical course ante 1535; and is so innumerably described in the old sources - and in some of them so well - that there seems no need to quote. Even in so fragmentary a matter, it is of interest to note that the marriage custom mentioned by Lumholtz among the Tarahumares (I., 270), and the Huicholes (II., 94) has prior explication in the "Cosas" of Sahagun (II., 270) who died 1590; in Mendieta (1596); and in other sources (not forgetting the 'Estado de .... Sonora,' 1730), wherein is described the aboriginal tying up of the bride and groom in their two petates - a ceremonial of which he has fallen upon the dwindled relic. Generally, in reporting such things as "mountain-worship," it would be worth while to give a reference hint of the apachetas and other features of this well-developed cult in Peru and our Southwest. It surprises the initiate reader - and deprives the uninitiate - to find no reference from the rattlesnake cult (of which Mr. Lumholtz mentions traces) to the extraordinary ophism once common to all the Pueblos, and still so notorious among the Moquis, or from the ceremonial races of the Tarahumares to the closely related Juib of the Pueblos - particularly as a specified object of the trip was to "shed light upon the relations between the ancient culture of the valley of Mexico and the Pueblo Indians." In these volumes, at least, that opening promise seems to have been forgotten altogether. The making of "a kind of beer called in Mexican Spanish tesvino" is described, and the extensive ceremonial use of this drink of fermented corn has much attention, but no correlation. It is, of course, the well-known "tizwin" - accompaniment and "bracer" of Apache outbreaks. Its general name "in Mexican Spanish" (as well as in Peru) is chicha; "texguino," as it is properly spelled, being a provincialism of Sonora, Chihuahua and Sinaloa. The author's "shirgo" is an Hidalgo local word, of Otomi parentage, and written "xirgo." "Macuchi" is not exactly "as tobacco is called in Mexico", being a rather limited Coahuila term. A critical knowledge of Spanish - particularly as to its historic readjustments and enrichments in the provincial Americas - would be to the explorer in these lands not only a living spring of recurrent delight and suggestion, but a safeguard in many sorts. Mr. Lumholtz has by pure pains avoided more pitfalls than one would have expected, but finds some needless ones. "Vecinos," which he uses with frequency, and always translates "neighbors," has indeed this meaning, but, in the relation in which he encounters it,is a specific word. The people of a town, and not their neighbors, are its "vecinos." Again: "The regard the Indians have for their Mexican masters is shown in the name by which they refer to them - Coyotes" (II., 330). What it "shows" depends somewhat on one's eyesight. Coyote, indeed (Aztec coyotl), is now universally familiar among us for the "prairie-wolf" - though we ordinarily butcher it with almost any other pronunciation than the correct co-yo-te. But his Indians were not calling the Mexicans "wolves" nor "dogs." For centuries the word has been in common use in Spanish America as an adjective, meaning native, del pais, or sometimes wild in the cognate sense - as we say "wild currants." The common expression "Indio coyote" is not "wolf-Indian," but merely native Indian[*6*] 298 The Nation. [Vol. 76, No. 1971 - and in his native state. The "Criollos" (from which our "Creole," often as ignorantly abused), or people of Spanish parentage born in America, were often called "Coyotes," not contemptuously, but in this ancient sense; and xocoyote was the regular Aztec term for the youngest child - a word still current and an endearment (as pet child) in old California families. Eminently absurd is the etymology attempted for Papasquiaro" (Papascuaro). "The name possibly means paz quiero (I want peace), alluding to the terrible defeat of the Indians by the Spaniards in the seventeenth century, . . . the uprising of the 1616." There is no such possibility, linguistically; and in fact the town was founded by the Jesuits by 1597 in the valley of that aboriginal name. The author's place-names sometimes limp, but perhaps not elsewhere so seriously. It is late for sober praise of "the Aztec Empire"; and a pity to lose that fine Mexican Indian, Fray Diego Duran, who died in 1598, but left us two big tomes of aboriginal history, in "Diego Duran, a Spanish missionary." "Chilicote" (I., 440, etc.) is a blunder meriting not so much reprobation as gloss. So far as we recall, this not uncommon word has not yet found its deserts in any dictionary. The Century gives it "Chilli-Coyote" - a monstrous absurdity, yoking pepper and the coyote. The Standard does not give it in any shape; and among such American writers as use the word it is almost invariably distorted beyond all hint of its parentage and real meaning - as, "Chilicote," "Chilicothe," "Chili-Coyote," "Chilli-cajote," and many more. The word has nothing to do with chile or coyote. It is Chilacayote, from the Aztec xilacayotli, compound of xilotl (young ear of corn) and ayotli (gourd). The plant is of the gourd family, and the name is used in the Southwest and in Mexico for several varieties - otherwise called megarrhiza, cucurbitus lagenaria, echinocystis, wild cucumber, big-root, bottle gourd, and what-not. Vetancurt ("Teatro Mexicano,' 1698) writes it Zilacayote, and mentions other gourds of related name, as the Tlalayote. Utter worthlessness of the index cannot be too strongly deplored in a work of this character. Not only does this omit the important aboriginal terms which have become part of scientific nomenclature and are particularly vital for reference here - as mitote, Tequila, jacal, Nayarit, vecino, tarima, chuchupate, and the like - it does not even enter birth, marriage, or death customs, races or running, medicine, etc., nor yet Peyote, the most considerable single word in the book. The illustration is liberal, and the items in color are very good. There wholly lacks, however, any such ethnographic portraiture as Professor Starr's example (also in Mexico) has made the privilege and rather the duty of other students. The vice of redrawing photographs into "artistic treatments" is particularly out of place in books whose pictorial responsibility is less to decoration than to truth. ----------------------------------------------------------------- FOUR BOOKS ON MUSICAL TOPICS. Musicians' Wit, Humor, and Anecdote. By Frederick J. Crowest. Scribners. Reminiscences, Musical and Other. By Fanny Reed. Boston: Knight & Millet. Orchestral Instruments and their Use. By Arthur Elson. Boston: L. C. Page & Co. Johann Sebastian Bach, the Organist, and his Works for the Organ. By A. Pirro. Schirmer. The eccentricities of genius are nowhere more abundantly illustrated than in the realm of music, and it is therefore easy to compile a readable volume of amusing traits and anecdotes Nearly a quarter of a century ago Mr. Crowest brought out two bulky volumes of musical anecdotes. They were soon out of print, despite the prohibitive price. They have been recast and enlarged for the present issue, which is practically a new book; and illustrations have been added by J. Philip Donne. There is no attempt at classification, and it cannot be said that the compiler has always been mindful that brevity is the soul of wit. His own attempts at humor are pitiable, and his knack of spoiling a story by the manner of telling it is manifest in the case of Chopin at the dinner party. Being asked to play, the musician replied, according to Mr. Crowest, "Ah, Sir, I have just dined; your hospitality, I see, demands payment." What Chopin really said was, "Ah, Madam, I have eaten so little." Mr. Crowest talks of "pandering to the taste of the vox populi," and does other queer things; but he partly atones for them by his industry, which has enabled him to bring together some of the best of the old stories and some new ones. We get a glimpse of Beethoven "at home" through extracts from his diary: "The cook's off again - I shied half-a-dozen books at her head"; of Gluck, who, when asked by Marie Antoinette how his new opera "Armida" was getting along, replied, with the usual modesty of musicians; "Madame, il est bientot fini, et vraiment ce sera superbe"; of Handel, who remarked to his prosperous publisher: "My dear Walsh, as it is but just we should stand upon an equal footing, you shall compose the next opera and I will sell it" - and so on. A woman who has sung for, and been on friendly terms with, Liszt, Massenet, and Paderewski, not to speak of Paul Dechanel, Benjamin Constant, Munkacsy, Coquelin, and King Edward VII., has reason to write her reminiscences, as Fanny Reed has done. Her opening chapter gives us glimpses of war time. She sang a battle hymn on the Fourth of July, 1864, at the American Embassy in London. Some time later she met the Prince of Wales at Cowes, and sang for him. After an interval of eight years she again met him, when he asked her if she remembered singing for him one evening at Cowes, and showed his "truly royal memory" by mentioning the names of all the songs he had heard on that occasion. Liszt she first met in W. W. Story's rooms in the Barberini Palace. "All Rome is talking of your voice," he said to her, on being introduced. She sang an aria from "Le Prophete," and he accompanied her on the piano. She, too, had a royal memory, for when, a few years later, she again met him and wondered whether he recalled her, he went to the piano and began playing the Meyerbeer aria she had sung on her first visit to Rome. He taught her some of his own songs, then new. In describing his appearance at the piano, the author says: "I remember being in after years greatly struck with the resemblance of Mme. Wagner's eyes to her father's - clear, bright, piercing, and full of intelligence." She also met Liszt one evening in Paris. "When he came into the room, every one rose, as if at the entrance of royalty." In Paris she also witnessed the first triumphs of Paderewski. Concerning his appearance at the piano, she says that he, while playing, "from time to time lifts and drops his eyelids in a dreamy way, showing two wonderfully sad eyes full of pale blue light, with an expression seemingly oblivious to everything about him." In the final chapter the writer expresses the opinion that those for whom American life has been too strenuous may find in Paris the "rest and harmless diversion" so much needed by them. Arthur Elson's book on the orchestra gives a description of each instrument now employed by civilized nations, a brief account of its history, an idea of the technical and acoustical principles illustrated by its performance, and an explanation of its value and functions in the modern orchestra. All this the sub-title tells us, and the promises made therein are redeemed not only conscientiously, but entertainingly. One can enjoy a good orchestral concert without knowing the names of the instruments, but every frequenter of concerts must feel interested in the sources of the sounds heard; and the more he knows about them, the more he will be able to realize a composer's ingenuity or genius in clothing his thoughts in appropriate colors. There have been combinations of instruments at all times, but it has been only gradually (since the sixteenth century) that musicians have learned to group them together intelligently, and to make each speak a language of its own. The greatest master of this art were Schubert and Weber, Berlioz, Liszt, and Wagner. Mr. Elson would hardly, on sober second thought, defend his own assertion that Richard Strauss is "the greatest of all orchestral writers." Apart from a few rather cheap realistic tricks, there is very little in his scores in the line of coloring that was not anticipated by the five composers just named; and as for polyphonic complexity, none of Strauss's scores compares with the last acts of "Slegfried," "Tristan," Gotterdammerung," and "Parsifal." Nor can we echo Mr. Elson's assertion that "Beethoven stands out as the foremost figure in musical history." He is the greatest writer of symphonies, no doubt, but in all other branches he has been surpassed. In orchestration he is inferior to half a dozen others, and it is not true that there is "hardly a passage in all his scores which would be improved by any change." If Schubert, Liszt, or Wagner had orchestrated these symphonies, they would be more beautiful even than they now are. But these are details; Mr. Elson has written a book admirably suited to the needs of music lovers. He makes the violin, the oboe, the clarionet, the horn, the trombone, etc., as interesting as if they were living persons. One of the odd and inexplicable facts mentioned by him is that the fathers of the New England Church in the eighteenth century approved of the violoncello, and paid a player as much as $70 a year, "while regarding the violin as a device of Satan, and the organ as the most utter abomination in the eyes of the Lord." If there is one book which every organist ought to have it is Pirro's 'Johann Se- Copy Staatsburgh New York April 10 - 1903 This is to certify that John Heeremans had entire charge of the Greenhouse here for three seasons. He is a gardener of great experience in all branches of the profession and will leave no effort unapplied to make a success of any thing that may be in his charge. He is in addition a man of the highest moral character, being honest, sober, and trustworthy. While here he was very successful in growing roses, carnations, chrysanthemums, violets &c. and in the forcing of melons, strawberries, &c. Also had charge of a collection of plants similar to that grown in most private places. I have great pleasure in recommending so deserving a man and am confident that he will give entire satisfaction wherever he may be employed (Signed) James Blair Supt. to Ogden Mills. Esq.[Enc. in Heeremans 3-20-11]DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR WASHINGTON. April 10, 1903. James E. Jenkins, Esq., U. S. Indian Inspector, Pawnee, Oklahoma, Sir:- As soon as you have finished your work under previous instructions, you will proceed to the Mission Agency, California. The enclosed memorandum relative to lands to be provided for use of the Mission Indians of Warner's Ranch, and such other Mission Indians as may not be provided with suitable homes elsewhere, shows the action taken thus far by the Department to provide for these homeless Indians. I am not entirely satisfied, however, as to the necessity or propriety of permanently setting apart these lands for the purpose stated, and I desire you to make a careful investigation of the subject and report fully your views and recommendations as to the quantity of land needed, as will as the number of Indians to be located thereon. The Department has no accurate data as to what particular bands of Mission Indians other than those recently located on Warner's Ranch will need homes on these lands, nor as to the number in each band, as the census returns from the Mission Agency are very unsatisfactory and not at all reliable. You will therefore take particular pains in order that the Department may be able to act intelligently in the matter. -2- In this connection, I enclose for your information a letter from the Acting Commissioner of Indian Affairs,of the 1st instant, and one from Mr. Charles F. Lummis, of Los Angeles, California, on the subject, It is not deemed necessary for you to confer with Mr. Lummis in the premises, but you should of course consult Agent Wright as to the needs, etc., of these Indians. It has been reported to the Department that Agent Wright is incompetent; that he is frequently seen on the streets of Visalia intoxicated; and that the Indians make no progress under his administration, Reference is made to George W. Stewart, Mr. Zumwalt and George Smith, all of Visalia, California, as having information on these matters, and in this connection there are transmitted, herewith, a number of papers from the files of the Indian Office containing complaints, etc., regarding Mr. Wright's fitness for his position. While at the Agency you will carefully inform yourself as to the truth of these complains and submit your conclusions and recommendations in a separate report, returning the enclosed papers therewith. Very respectfully, E. A. HITCHCOCK, Secretary. 2986, Ind. Div. 1903; 1 pckg. papers. E.H.D. Copy. Department of the Interior. Washington April 11, 1903. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs: Sir: In compliance with your recommendation of the 10th instant, authority is granted Agent Wright, of the Mission Agency, California, to pay the actual traveling expenses of Mr. C. F. Lummis, and Fathers Ubach and Hahn, in visiting Warner’s Ranch to assist in making final arrangements for moving Indians to Pala. Agent Wright’s telegram is herewith returned. Very respectfully, E. A. Hitchcock Secretary. 3234, Ind. Div. 1903. 1 Enclosure.Form No. 168. TTHE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPANY. INCORPORATED 21,000 OFFICES IN AMERICA. CABLE SERVICE TO ALL THE WORLD. This Company TRANSMITS and DELIVERS messages only on conditions limiting its liability, which have been assessed to by the sender of the following message. Errors can be guarded against only by repeating a message back to the sending station for comparison, and the Company will not hold itself liable for errors or delays after the message is filed with the Company for transmission. This is an UNREPEATED MESSAGE, and is delivered by request of the sender, under the conditions named above. THOS. T. ECKERT, President and General Manager. RECEIVED at CH HE N 588Paid GOVT. White House-Washington,D.C. Apl 11th-03. The President of the United States, Cinnabar,Mont. The following has been received from Davis datedIligan April 11. In pursuance of my orders on recommendation Samuel S. Sumner, John J. Pershing started last Monday exploration west coast lake Lanao visited many dattos per invitation. Bacolod moros have persistently 24751 50026 55871 45979 37291 and 37077 55685 30147 30267 52836 30704 which reported strongest of Lake. 47963 27480 38405 35084 51512 20741 vicars for 30976 52951 18651 40964 19037. When pershing 13769 30682 last monday 55738 30064 54716 two men 49524 57122 was nothing left but 42208 47542. Place very strong surrounded ditch thirty feet deep. The first 15495 27022 24701 42144 29033 53610. April eighth fort 15028 ditch 23735 54110 30063 over bamboo bridge made by troops walls 48708. Moros inside 24702 43398 25493. 2Pm 53682 in full 43886 38683 MorosForm No. 168. THE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPANY. 21,000 OFFICES IN AMERICA. CABLE SERVICE TO ALL THE WORLD. This Company TRANSMITS and DELIVERS messages only on conditions limiting its liability, which have been assented to by the sender of the following message. Errors can be guarded against only by repeating a message back to the sending station for comparison, and the Company will not hold itself liable for errors or delays in transmission or delivery of Unrepeated Me-sages, beyond the amount of tolls paid thereon, nor in any case where the claim is not presented in writing within sixty days after the message is filed with the Company for transmission. This is an UNREPEATED MESSAGE, and is delivered by request of the sender, under the conditions named above. THOS. T. ECKERT, President and General Manager. Sheet 2 RECEIVED at Washington D.C. Apl 11th The President. 37998 complete 37997 of 19429 eleven 57122 Seven 19140 four lantakas[?]many other 19279 14226. Athorough previous study situation preparation and disposition accounts for 50188 38192 42137 53682 so ably 20787 John J. Pershing. He has 40065 30729 21261 33437 29126 and 55481 friendlies 41276 17418 marahui 56328 30754 51732 31008 plantar 40497 37291 42165. I 50650 40863 52694 Work iligan road is 34527 31663 21590 44886 39846 Wagons 56755 45977 marahui 31008 52694 37574 30333 Jolo 53173. Root. 1Pm.[*CF*] [*copy of translation*] [*1903*] Telegram. White House, Washington April 11th. The President of the United States, Cinnabar, Montana. The following has been received from Davis, [Davis], dated [Liligan] Iligan, April 11. In pursuance of my orders on recommendation Samuel S. Sumner, John J. Pershing started last Monday exploration west coast Lake Lanao visited many dattos per invitation. Bacalod Moros have persistently defied us since we reached lake and kept war flags flying their forts which reported strongest of lake. Repeated efforts were made to induce Sultan to come Vicars for friendly talk but he never came. When Pershing approached fort last Monday he was fired upon, two men severely wounded. Was nothing left but to overcome resistance. Place very strong surrounded ditch thirty feet deep. The first attack drove defenders out exterior trench. April eighth fort assaulted, ditch crossed under fire over bamboo bridge made by troops, walls sealed, Mores inside defending place desperately. 2p.m. troops in full possession, many Moros killed. Complete list of casualties eleven wounded. Seven cannons, four Lantakas, many other captured arms. A thorough previous study situation, preparation and disposition accounts for small loss; our troops so ably commanded by John J. Pershing. He has moved forward complete his exploration and visit friendlies, object being Marahui where I have forwarded supplies from Pantar near lake outlet. I spent last night there. Work Iligan road is in good condition, progressing favorably. In a month wagons will reach Marahui from there. Leave for Jolo to-night. Root.[*Le Maitre? De Castillane?*] 13 April 1903. New-York. Monsieur le Président, Avant de quitter les Etats-Unis, permettez-moi de vous remercier de l'accueil [*welcome*] si aimable que vous avez bien voulu réserver à Madame de Castellane et à Moi-même. ___ Depuis longtemps, je désiraîs présenter mes respects à celui quî représente si dignement et si patriotiquemont un des plus grands pays du monde, à celui qui comprend si bien le problème des Nationalités, á celui qui, en outre de sa situation de chef de gouvernement, sait être ungrand penseur et un grand écrivain. Merci aussi pour Monsieur Jules Lemaître, qui vous admire tant, de la flatteuse attention dont vous voulez bien l'honorer en lui envoyant votre oeuvre principale avec une dédicace, et veuillez, Monsieur le Président, agréér l'assurance de mes Sentiments profondément respectueux. Comte de Castellane député 122 Av. Malakoff, ParisCopy. Department of the Interior. Washington April 13, 1903. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Sir: I have approved and return herewith the letter of instructions to Agent Wright, for removal of the Indians of Warner’s Ranch, California, to the lands purchased for them at Pala, which was submitted with your report of the 10th instant, and your are further advised that an U. S. Indian Inspector, has been instructed to proceed to the Mission Agency, California, at as early a date as practicable, to examine into the situation and to supervise the removal of these Indians. Very respectfully, E. A. Hitchcock Secretary. 3290, Ind. Div. 1903. 1 Enclosure.[[shorthand]] [[shorthand]] [*C.F.*] [*ackd 4/20/1903*] [*ackd 4/22/1903*] [*Return to Mr. [Bowen?]*] UNITED STATES CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION, WASHINGTON, D.C 4/20/1903 My dear Mr President, Something happened yesterday that I must tell you. Beveridge came to the Commission, gave me his ideas of Fairbanks' financial schemes for fixing the Indiana organization against you & in his own favor & ended by suggesting a contribution from me to be expended under his discretion for carrying the Sixth District (my own) the other way! This from our Senator to a Civil Service Commissioner & in the very sanctuary of the reform! He seemed surprised whenlast of this month in the investigation of the Indian agencies. Yours faithfully Wm D Foulke I spoke of the law and evidently knew nothing about it. I told him I proposed to resign when the campaign came on & pull off my coat & then I could do as I pleased but he said all the really important work would be done before next February - I said I was willing to go now if that was the best thing & begin work at once & that I would write you to that effect; but he did not seem to warm to that suggestion & intimated that the money was the thing most needed which seemed to disparage any supposed usefulness in other ways! Procter didn't know whether I had better tell you all this as you might think the joke too good to keep. I expect to go to Montana the Department of the Interior. Washington. April 14, 1903. Copy Charles F. Lummis, Esq., Los Angeles, California. Sir: Referring to your letter to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated March 20th, 1903, in regard to the withdrawal of certain public lands from entry and settlement for use of the Mission Indians at Pala and Pauma, California, which was signed by you as “Chairman of the Advisory Commission”, I have the honor to advise you that the Commission appointed under the Act of May 27, 1902, to aid in the selection of land for the Warner’s Ranch Indians, was required by the terms of the said act to make its final report and recommendation within ninety days after its appointment. The Commission, therefore, expired, by limitation when its final report was made, and thereafter had, and has now, no official existence. I would suggest, therefore, that any communications which you desire to make to the Department on the subject of the Mission Indians should be signed by you as an individual, rather than as a member of a commission that has no official or legal existence. Very respectfully, E.A. Hitchcock, Secretary. 2986, Ind. Div. 1903.THE MINT OF THE UNITED STATES AT PHILADELPHIA, SUPERINTENDENT’S OFFICE. Copy. April 14, 1903. (Addressed to each of the Operative Officers) Sir: In accordance with an order issued by the President of the United States, approved March 20, 1903, the same to take effect on or after April 15th, in which it is emphasized that no person employed merely as a workman without having passed a Civil Service examination shall be assigned to work of the grade to be performed by those in the classified service, you are hereby instructed to see that this o order is carried out, both in letter and in spirit, in your department. Respectfully, (Signed) John H. Landis Superintendent.[*File P.F.*] Paris April 14 1903 33, RUE DE VILLEJUST Dear Mr. President, I was deeply touched by the sympathetic telegram of condolence which you were kind enough to send me in the hour of my sad bereavement. I beg to convey to you my most grateful acknowledgement and profound sense of appreciation You very Sincerely Horace PorterCopy. DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR. WASHINGTON April 14, 1903. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Sir: In accordance with your recommendation of the 11th instant, authority is hereby granted for the U. S. Indian Agent, Mission etc. Agency, California, to expend the sum of $2,385.50, or so much thereof as may be necessary, after inviting informal proposals, as required by section 60 Regulations of 1894, all proposals to be filed with vouchers covering the purchase, together, with an abstract showing all invitations sent, bids received and awards made, in the open market purchase, at the lowest obtainable rates, of the articles and supplies described in you letter, a copy of which is herewith returned, and also to expend and additional sum not exceeding $975.00, or so much thereof as my be necessary, for the following [p]purposes: Employment of teams for transporting Indians and their personal effects, from Warner's Ranch to Pala,- $800.00 Employment of Indians to prepare articles for shipment, and ground for camping purposes at $1.00 per day,- 100.00 Transportation of supplies from Temecula to Pala, at not to exceed 15 cents per cwt.,- 75.00 $975.00 all the supplies and labor above mentioned being required in mov- indians from Warner's Ranch to Pala, and establishing them in their new homes, as fully explained in the agent's letter of the 2nd instant, 2 herewith returned; payment therefor to be made from the appropriation of $30,000.00 to remove and establish the Indians in their new location. The Agent reports that these supplies are absolutely necessary before the Indians can be established upon the land recently purchased for them, and that everything is now ready for their removal, in order that they will be able to produce a crop during the present season. In view of these facts, it is considered that there exists in this case such an exigency as is contemplated by the law governing open market purchases in excess of $500.00, and authority is granted to expend the sums named in that manner. Very respectfully, Thomas Ryan. Acting Secretary. 3301, Ind. Div. 1903. Two Enclosures.[[shorthand]] [*Ackd 4/15/1903] GALEN L. TAIT ATTORNEY AND COUNSELOR AT LAW. [610 FOURTEENTH STREET N. W.,] 1413 G Street N.W. WASHINGTON, D. C. April 14th, 1903. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Care special train enroute. Sir: Having indirectly learned that you would consider the purchase of an eligible site in the northwest suburbs of Washington [*(?)*], I wish to suggest for consideration a property which I control known as Fort Bayard, It is the best preserved fort about Washington. Breastworks, moat, gun embrasures and flanking rifle pits are intact. The fort, dotted with shade trees, rises to a considerable height above the surrounding territory, all of which is relatively high, so that a splendid view is obtained over a wide region of encompassing hill, valley, forest and field, diversified by many groups of homes, the outposts of Washington's advancing growth. Fort Bayard is located at the junction of River Road with the District line and comprises about five acres of ground. The prices is $15,000.00. If you are considering the purchase of property in this section, the writer's knowledge of values and acquaintance with individuals locally is at your confidential disposal. I am acquainted with Mr. Webster and Mr. Weaver of your corps of assistants, to whom as to personal and business standing I respectfully refer. I will appreciate it if you will kindlyGALEN L. TAIT ATTORNEY AND COUNSELOR AT LAW. [610 FOURTEENTH STREET N. W.,] 1413 G Street N.W. WASHINGTON, D. C. indicate by mail whether or not you care to consider this tract on your return. Respectfully yours, Galen L. Tait 1413 G STREET N.W.[*#1&2*] [*[4-14-1903]*] [*[enclosed Payne 4-27-03]*] [*#1*] [*Wash Star April 14/03*] MR. PAYNE SPEAKS He Ordered the Post Office Investigation. WILL PUSH IT TO END GUILTY PARTIES TO BE SUMMARILY DEALT WITH. Conferences With Messrs. Wynne and Bristow -- Work Bring Done. by Inspectors. By means of a clear and concise statement of what he believed to be a proper course to pursue, Postmaster General Payne yesterday made known in unmistakable terms his responsibility for the investigation that is now going on in the affairs of the Post Office Department, and his determination to push the matter to the limit. This statement puts at rest the rumors that have gained considerable, currency to the effect that the investigation was not instigated by the Postmaster General, but was being carried on by his subordinates and when he returned to the office he would put a stop to the proceedings, The statement places the responsibility for the inquiry at the place from which it was stated to have emanated in the colums of The Star more than a month ago -- in the office of the Postmaster General himself and, in an indirect manner, in the White House. The statement follows: Mr. Payne's Statement "During the months of January and February information and reports reached me which I deemed it for the public interest to investigate, and I, personally, gathered such information and facts as would enable the proper officers of the department to undertake a thorough investigation as to the truth or falsity of these reports. I directed Fourth Assistant Postmaster General Bristow to take the proper steps to institute the necessary inquiry, using for that purpose the post office inspectors' division and such other methods as would thoroughly ascertain the truth or falsity of the charges or insinuations made, and he was instructed to proceed promptly and with vigor during my absence. Since my return this morning, I have not seen General Bristow. so that I am not advised of the progress made. The investigation will continue and if any wrongdoing is disclosed the parties guilty of such wrongdoing will be summarily dealt with. If the system or method of doing business in the department is faulty, the proper remedies will be applied without fear or favor. I inaugurated the investigation with the determination that it should be exhausive. It is proper for me to add that I laid before the President the information which I had in my possession, and that he fully approved of the action proposed by me." Progress of the Investigation. Mr. Payne will have nothing to say beyond what is contained in the statement. It is intimated at the department that he desires that this shall be the position on which he will rest until the investigation is completed. The charges and countercharges that have been filed with the department against the various officials are in the hands of the inspectors for investigation. At this stage of the proceedings every charge, no matter of what character or whom it is directed against, is turned over to the inspectors for a full investigation. There is no attempt made by some of the officials of the department to conceal the fact that they consider some of the charges as absolutely absurd, and it is confidently expected, even by those who are prosecuting the investigation, that this will be found to be the case, Some of the charges are filed against the officials of the department by business concerns or private individuals who have endeavored to secure contracts with the department and have failed, and who, it is intimated, have resorted to this means to vent their spleen. The Post Office Department has hundreds of contracts for all kinds of supplies, and it is not possible that among the number of bidders who annually present proposals to furnish some of these supplies there should not be one or two who would resort to personal attacks if they thought they had been misused, The presentation of one set of charges is but the signal for the bringing in of others, so that the result is that the inspectors of the department have their hands full in pushing their inquiry. When these inspectors have finally finished their investigations they will present reports to the fourth assistant postmaster general under whose supervision they are working, and with the inspectors to advise and prompt him the fourth assistant will go over each of the reports and combine them in a general report to the Postmaster General. These facts as found in this report will form the basis of whatever reorganization is to be accomplished in the department It will be seevral weeks before Mr. Payne receives from his subordinates these reports, and until that time he does not desire to discuss the investigation. An Extended Conference Mr. Payne, Mr. Bristow, the fourth assistant, and Mr. Wynne, the first assistant, held an extended conference yesterday afternoon and today Mr. Payne and Mr. Bristow were together for a short time. It is understood that the investigation formed the princpial topic of their conversation. During his absence in the West Indies two vacancies have occurred in the force of the postal department which Mr. Payne will fill within a short time. These vacancies were created by the resignation of Mr. Beavers as superintendent of the division of salaries and allowances and that of Judge Tyner from the position of assistant attorney general for the Post Office Department. No intimation has been given, so far, by the Postmaster General as to when he will fill these vacancies, but it is believed he has picked out his man for the first position and will wait until he can consult President Roosevelt about the second. It is believed that Mr. C. M. Waters, the present acting superintendent of the division of salaries and allowances will be placed in the position of superintendent permanently. Mr. Waters holds the official title of assistant superintendent of the division and is considered an able man.[*#1&2*] [*[4-14-1903]*] [*enclosed Payne 4-27-03*] #2 [*Wash. Post April 18/03*] FACES THEIR QUERIES --------------- The Postmaster General Talks with Newspaper Men. --------------- SEEMS TO ENJOY THE MEETING --------------- He Does Not Say Much About the Investigation, but Comments Upon the Great Business Project Which the Department Has Come to Be -- Charges by the Central Labor Union --------------- Before a conclave of twenty newspaper correspondents Postmaster General Payne yesterday talked in a friendly colloquy about phases of the departmental investigation. Ranged around his big office room on the fifth floor, those visitors fired questions at him for half an hour, all of which the Postmaster General not only took in the best of good humor, but seemed actually to enjoy. One impression was established more firmly than ever by what the Postmaster General said. That was the businesslike view with which he contemplates the present investigation and his determination, conservatively, but, nevertheless, thoroughly, to develop how the working methods of the department can be improved, if at all. When the colored messenger, who has guarded the door for many Postmasters General, swung the great portal open, the time having come for the daily newspaper inquiries, Mr. Payne was sitting at his desk signing postmasters' commissions as rapidly as he could write. "Not very much new to-day," he observed as he pushed a bunch of the commissions away with a remark that every commission he signed was probably a disappointment for some other man. No Order Against Talking. "Hasn't there been an order given in the department that no one shall talk about the Investigation?" one correspondent made bold to ask after there had been some pleasant interchanges. At this the Postmaster General laughed. "No," said he finally. "I haven't given any such order." "They seem to be getting in behind some such an order," said the same correspondent, also inquiring if it wouldn't be feasible to allow some details of the work Fourth Assistant Postmaster General Bristow is doing to reach the public through authorized channels. "Would you have me bell the cat?" rejoined the Postmaster General, who swung in his swivel chair, turning from one to another of his interrogators as the interesting conversation progressed. "There has been no order from me against talking, but I take it for granted that officials in the department will observe the usual discretion necessary in such matters." Is there any prospect that chiefs or superintendents of divisions under investigation will be suspended while inspection of their offices is being conducted?" was another question which someone put to Mr. Payne "No, unless Mr. Bristow requests it," was the answer. "He has something at stake in the investigation -- his reputation as an investigator. I have great faith in Mr. Bristow, and should he inform me that he could do his work more satisfactorily were any official suspended temporarily I should be disposed to grant his request. At least, I should give it independent consideration." Inaugurated by Mr. Wanamaker The conversation,, in which several joined from time to time, drifted to methods of doing business in the department, and Mr. Payne talked about present ways of transacting business to a certain extent. "The basis on which we are proceeding now," said he, "is largely that inaugurated by Mr. Wanamaker. Those methods may or may not be shown by the present investigation to be defective in some particulars. If so, we shall try to remedy them." "How much has the business of the department increased since then?" "The business of the department had reached $56,175,000 during Mr. Wanamaker's administration," said Mr. Payne to he correspondents, after studying a map at the rear of his desk for a moment. Now it as reached $140,000,000 annually." Then he explained how the fiscal affairs of the department were on a very satisfactory basis at present. In spite of the large increase in expense for the rural free delivery, the increase in the deficit has been much less than Mr. Payne expected, being about $350,000 at this time, where he anticipated it would be $1,500,000. "The rural free delivery service, you will see," said Mr. Payne to his newspaper auditors, as he read some figures from a sheet of paper, "is proving nearer self-supporting than we expected." A series of questions were put about the alleged advance information furnished to wagon manufacturers of the appointment of carriers, by which, as claimed, an advantage is given firms receiving the information, and Mr. Payne said he could hardly see how such information could get out from the department, as the Civil Service Commission has to pass on the selection of carriers. Will Investigate Newspaper Clews "I have not read all the newspaper articles written in my absence," said he at one point, "But I intend to have them run down, and I hope you gentlemen will be willing to help Mr. Bristow all you can in furnishing us with clews. " After this fashion the Postmaster General chatted for quite a long time, explaining patiently his view that an independent auditing of postal accounts might be a good thing, providing, whenever expenditures are made at a given post-office, that, besides the signature of the official making the order, there shall also be a signature of another official that he knows personally the money was expended as directed. One incident of the conversation was Mr. Payne's description of how he came down to Washington as a young man, fired with zeal to eliminate some of the red tape then required for getting a money order. He told how Mr. Howe, of Wisconsin, was Postmaster General and he himself postmaster of Milwaukee. His proposition for reducing the ceremony for getting a money order made Mr. McDonald, father of the money order system, stand aghast, but notwithstanding the objections some of the proposed reforms were adopted. Charges by Central Labor Union The indications are that organized labor will become a party to the investigation of affairs of the Post-office Department. A special committee of the Central Labor Union, of this city, which has been secretly considering the matter, has formulated charges of favoritism, incompetency, &c., against certain of the officials of the mail equipment division of the department. The charges, which probably will be filed to-day with the Postmaster General, allege that mail bags that do not conform to the specifications have been accepted by the chief of the division, Col. Thomas P.Graham. Other charges allege, among other things, that a worthy and needy white woman is discriminated against in favor of a negro woman employed there; that the forewoman of the sewing-room used offensive language forward her subordinates; that when the machine operators were reduced from $2 per diem to $1.75 per diem the salaries of the superintendent and some of the other officers were raised from $150 to $200 per annum; that the suspension of one clerk was illegal and another unjust; that engineers are worked overtime without compensation; that the foreman of the lockshop is not a lockmaker, and that recommendations for promotions are not based on merit. Reports that a "promotion ring: existed to control promotions in the Brooklyn, N.Y. post-office similar to that which is now being investigated in New York City were brought to the attention of the Post-office Department to-day. It was stated (Copy) Wash, D.C. April 15, 1903. My dear Mr. Howley: I ask you to examine the package sent to you and see whether it contains everything which you submitted to me. After doing this I advise you to seal up the whole and deliver the sealed package to Postmaster-General Payne, telling him generally what the documents are. Very truly, Wm. E. Chandler. John J. Howley, Esq.[Enclosed in Chandler 6-25-03]Translation Royal Embassy of Italy. Washington, D.C., April 15, 1903. Mr. Secretary of State. I have the honor to inform Your Excellency that His Majesty the King, my August Sovereign, having learned, through me that the President of the United States is a great admirer of the civil and military talents of Prince Eugene of Savoy and a constant reader of Dante, has set apart for presentation to him a copy of the grand work “Le Campagne del Principe Eugenio di Savoia” (in 21 volumes) and a copy of the “Commedia di Dante Alighieni” with comments of “Stefano Talice da Ricaldone” (1 volume). The two work were published on the initiative of H.M. King Humbert I. of lamented memory, under the auspicious and at the expense of the Royal House. By sovereign order, I shall have the honor, immediately upon Mr. Roosevelt’s return his journey, to request of him an audience for the purpose of handing the aforesaid books to him.-2- I should, in the meanwhile, be thankful to Your Excellency if you would kindly acquaint the President with the foregoing. He will assuredly take this act of my Sovereign as taken of cordial and sincere friendship for his person and for the Great Country with whose destinies he is in- trusted. Accept, Mr. Secretary of State, the assurances of my highest consideration. MAYOR.[*PPF*] Baguio, Benguet, April 15, 1903. Confidential. My dear Mr. President: Honorable B. S. Ambler, a judge of the Court of First Instance in the city of Manila, expects to visit Washington and will reach there about the time that this letter reaches you. Judge Ambler was very much disappointed that he was not appointed to the vacancy on the Supreme Court caused by the promotion of Judge Smith. Judge Ambler comes from Ohio and was a warm friend of President McKinley and of Judge Day. I should be glad on that account if I could conscientiously to recommend him for promotion to the Supreme Bench, but I am bound to say that after a considerable knowledge of his character and judicial work that his promotion to the Supreme bench, should another vacancy occur which is not unlikely, would be a grave mistake. Judge Ambler is an energetic, bright, active man. What he lacks as a judge is the judicial cast of mind [and] He has a disposition to take and cultivate very bitter and strong prejudices. He was appointed wholly because of President McKinley's request. HeNo. 2. says that President McKinley promised him a Supreme judgeship, either in Alaska or in some other place, and that he ought to have it because of that promise. The truth is that we went as far as we ought to have gone in respecting President McKinley's wish in this matter. There are men in the Islands who are very much better judges than Judge Ambler, who are very much more entitled to promotion than he is: Judge Johnson, Judge Carlock, Judge Carson and Judge Bates are four at least, and there are others that have been longer on the bench and would make better Supreme judges. Judge Day's friendship for Judge Ambler will doubtless lead him to come and see you in his behalf. Judge Day's judgement of men I very much value, but he has not seen Judge Ambler on the bench and does not know as much as we do who are out here with respect to the actual test of his qualifications. Should you consult Senator Hanna or Myron Herrick, to who Judge Ambler might refer you, you will find that they were exceedingly loath to recommend him even for a judgeship of First Instance. There will be no vacancy on the Supreme Bench probably when Judge Ambler visits you, but every word that you say, he will treasure as a distinct promise if in the slightest degree favorable to his hopes. It is a matter in some degree affecting his No. 3. capacity and right to promotion that the minute he failed to attain the position on the Supreme bench by legging around as no judge ought to have legged round for recommendations, he became exceedingly critical and bitter in respect to the civil government in the Islands. He lost all faith and hope in our work and ranged himself on the side of those whose moral influence such as it is obstructs the very difficult task we are undertaking. I do not say that disappointments in promotion are not frequently followed by such a change of attitude in the aspirants, but it does seem to me that when such a change follows it is a fairly satisfactory demonstration that the appointing power was wise in not making the sought for promotion. Judge Ambler told Judge Smith that he was going to Washington for the purpose of finding out how the Administration stood with respect to him, and that if he could not look forward to promotion he would probably resign and not come back. I think that while this statement was sincere, he will probably not adhere to it, but even if he did the cause of good government in the Philippine Islands would not suffer. I merely repeat this remark to Judge Smith in order that you may understand the object he has in visiting Washington. Judge Ambler has been here but a year; he does not know Spanish, and he has so far as I know made no effort to learnNo. 4. it. Of the other judges to whom I have referred, Judges Carlock, and Carson conduct all their proceedings in Spanish. Indeed Judge Carlock is quite familiar with the Visayan language also. Judge Johnson is not able to speak Spanish fluently, but he reads it and has little difficulty in getting along with it. I write from Benguet. As I sit on the porch of my cottage, listening to the rustle of the pine trees and looking over onto the pine-clad mountains, the air with a temperature of 68 degrees in this the hottest month in the year in Manila and the lowlands, it is hard to believe that I am in the Philippine Islands and not in the Adirondacks or the mountains of North Carolina. The night and morning air is so sharp that we need a fire and several blankets to keep us comfortable. This is a beautiful country. It is in my judgment the solution of the health problem for Americans who become permanently attached to the Government here. It is five thousand feet high. The problem of course is access and transportation. We are engaged, and have been for some time, in the construction of a most difficult road from Dagupan to Baguie. When the road as now projected is completed, it will have cost us probably one-half a million gold, but when it is completed it will be ready for an electric line, the powerNo. 5. of which can be supplied from the Bued river, and it can be reached from Manila between seven o'clock in the morning and ten o'clock at night. The possibilities of this province as a health resort, as the site for an English University, and as a copper and gold country are only opening. The Army must have an extensive post here with a military hospital, and so too ought the navy. I am here with my entire family. We went by see from Manila to San Fernando in Union, and came from San Fernando to Baguio partly by wagon and partly on horseback. The first day I rode upwards of six miles on horseback and the second day between fifteen and twenty miles. Having been two weeks in bed just before I left, I was not quite ready for great exertion, but I managed to come through without feeling too much fatigued. I am glad to say that though I have had repeated examinations, there has been discovered in the last two weeks no evidence of amoebae, and I have had none of the other symptoms of amoebic dysentery. Of course the disease is treacherous and examinations are not conclusive, but everything is thus far favorable to complete recovery. Tomorrow I expect to begin regular horseback rides on all the trails in the vicinity, of which there are many. As ever, Wm. H Taft(Copy.) Confidential. Department of Commerce and Labor Office of the Secretary Washington April 16, 1903. My dear Mr. Mann: I have been exceedingly busy for several days or would have written you sooner regarding the matter concerning which we had some correspondence by wire. In response to a confidential telegram indicating my personal desire for the appointment of Mr. Murray, the Senator wired confidentially, protesting against it on the ground that Murray had been a resident of Illinois but a short time and was not identified with the party there. My desire to secure Murray was based primarily upon character and fitness and my personal knowledge of him extending over a long period of years. The reference to the Senator, as you know, was had as a matter of courtesy, and I most earnestly hoped he would take it in that spirit and not embarrass me. I feel sure that he will when all the circumstances are explained to him. As I stated to him in my dispatch, I can personally vouch for Murray's fairness and impartiality, and I know him to be thoroughly qualified. It is not necessary that the appointment should be charged to the Illinois quota; in-2- fact, I think such an appointment - the only assistant secretary in the Department - should be a person in every way satisfactory to the head of the Department and that he should be of his own choosing. I very much desire to adjust this matter without embarrassment, and would be glad to have my suggestions your care to make to me, in confidence. Of course, there will be places of prominence in the Department that can be properly charged to Illinois and regarding which I would naturally desire the endorsement of the local party organization. There is no intention on my part to do anything unreasonable in such appointments, my on insistence being that merit shall be the basic element considered in recommendations. You have been very kind in the interest you have shown in the new Department, and I greatly appreciate your friendship and your expressed desire to help me in any way that came within your power. Can you not in some proper manner have this situation explained to the junior Senator and have him know that I want his cooperation and shall be very glad to hear from him regarding any matters in which he is particularly interested? With the additional information which I am sure you can give him regarding this appointment of Murray, which was my -3- own suggestion entirely and in which I feel deep personal interest, I cannot believe that he will interpose serious objection to the selection which it is important should be made at once. If possible, I would be glad if you could wire me as soon as convenient upon the receipt of this, as it is quite essential that action be had promptly, the delay in the matter having already seriously added to the burden of my work. As I have told you, I should be glad to have at any time such suggestions as you may care to make regarding the work of the Department, and under your considerate proffer of assistance when you were here I shall continue to feel at liberty to call upon you in cases of importance relating to its administration. Very sincerely yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou Hon. James R. Mann, Chicago, Illinois.[Enclosed Courtelyou, 5-12-03][*BUREAU OF CORPORATIONS ANSWERED APR 20 1903 DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE AND LABOR*] Minneapolis, Minn. April 16, 1903 Hon. James R. Garfield Washington, D.C. Dear Sir: Many years ago, when our fathers were in Congress, you and I used to play about the capitol together. I remember that we were particularly fond of going to the Congressional bath-room for a bath together in one of the large marble bathtubs. This by way of introduction. I understand that there is some doubt as to whether Mr. Heffelfinger will accept the position of Civil Service Commissioner which has been tendered him and that you are aiding the President in selecting a suitable person to be appointed as your successor. I write to let youknow that possibly I might be willing to accept the place. I have always been a thorough-going civil service reformer, having been converted to the faith by George William Curtis twenty years ago when he was editor of Harper's Weekly. You may infer my general attitude on the subject from the fact that I have been a sympathetic reader of the New York Evening Post for fifteen years. The smallness of the salary and the expensiveness of living in Washington make the place rather unattractive to a poor man. Moreover, I am expecting to enter into a contract with the state of Minnesota in a few days to prepare a digest of the Minnesota reports. This work would last for two or three years and would be more remunerative while it lasted than the commissionership.Still, if the commissionership were tendered, I should go to Washington and carefully consider the advisability of accepting. If you are inclined to look me up in this connection I would suggest that you write to Senator Nelson, who is familiar with my qualifications for such a position. Mr. Merriam, Director of the Census, could tell you about me. I am acquainted with Mr. John Crosby, who has been considered, I understand, in this connection. I will add, however, that I am not writing this at his suggestion. I append a few biographical data which may aid you in determining whether it is worth your while to look me up. Yours very truly, Mark B. Dunnell P.S. Kindly treat this letter as confidential. I have no desire to appear in the newspapers as seeking this place.[Encl in Garfield 5-4-03]Biographical Data Born at Braxton, Me. June 28, 1863. Graduated Pillsbury Academy, Owatonna, Minn. 1882 and from the University of Rochester (N. Y.) 1886. Principal High School Faribault, Minn. 1886-7 Admitted to bar of Minnesota 1888. Deputy Consul General, Shanghai, China 1889-1892. Author Minnesota Trial Book, 1898, Minnesota Pleading, 1899; Minnesota Practice, 1903. Wrote, The Monroe Doctrine, American Law Review, 1895; Our Policy in China, North American Review, 1898; Our Rights in China, Atlantic Monthly 1900; The Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, 1900; Our Consular Courts in China, American Law Review, 1900; The Settlement with China, Forum, 1902. [MARK B DUNNELL][Enclosed in Garfield, 5-4-03][*[Enclosed in Lodge, 4-18-03]*] Thursday, April 16, TARIFF LEAGUE'S WORK Changed President's Views on Revision. ALWAYS ON ALERT IT HAS DEFEATED KASSON'S TREATIES. Also the Prime Factor in Defeat of the Reciprocity Treaty With Cuba Special From a Staff Correspondent. NEW YORK, April 16.-- President Roosevelt's change of front on the question of tariff revision has been said to be due more than anything else to the result of the efforts of the American Protective Tariff League. It is no exaggertion to say that the most powerful instrument in this country today is for the molding for the public sentiment is the organization of manufacturers which bears that name. The American Protective Tariff League defeated the Cuban reciprocity legislation of the first session of the Fifty-seventh Congress, emasculated the Cuba reciprocity treaty ratification at the last session, and with attempt at the next session to further negative that treaty. The American Protective Tariff League has thus far prevented the ratification of the reciprocity treaties negotiated by Mr. Kasson. t has combatted the "Iowa idea" so successfully that President Roosevelt, who started out with a declaration the he would "stand pat" on the McKinley policies, which included reciprocity, has now concluded to "stand pat" with the high tariff faction of his party. Has 1,000 Members. The American Protective Tariff League has a membership of 1,000, including some of the most prominent manufacturers of iron, steel, cotten goods, woolen goods, cutlery, Yankee notions, leather goods, hosiery, gloves, varnish, silks, etc. The beet sugar grower fo the west, the cane sugar growers of Louisiana and the American Tobacco Company are beneficiaries of the efforts of the league, but are not members of it nor contributors to its funds. The 1,000 members pay in years when important elections are on a minimum annual assessment of [?]. This minimum fund of $100,00 is swelled by additional contributions as the [?] demands. The league is not directly connected with the great trusts. The paper trust is the only trust closely associated with it, although all of the trusts benefit through its efforts. The league is composed mainly of the smaller manufacturers and individual operators, and it is their money and their efforts that keep it alive. Whenever these individual manufacturers go into a trust they invariably cease to contibute to the league. Object of the League. The object of the American Protective Tariff League is to create sentiment in this country favorable to the maintnance of the protective tariff and to prevent the abatement of existing tariff rates. The league is the personification of the "stand pat" idea. It opposes the crossing of a "t," the dotting of an "i," or the changing of a punctuation point in the existing tariff law. The league effects its purposes and accomplishes its object of molding public sentiment by working upon the readers of the country through a masterful system of newspaper syndicates. At the headquarters of the league in this city, I was told that the combined circulation per week of the newspapers using the editorials and other matter sent out by the league was 6,000,000 per week. Approximately that represents 24,000,000 readers a week, in the opinion of the officials of the league. Every Monday morning the league sends out to the New York Newsaper Union and the various newspaper unions of Chicago and other western cities two columns of editorials, news articles and high tariff arguments, accompanied by appropriate cartoons. These are distributed to the small newspapers of the country in stereotyped form. Every third Monday the league supplies one of hte great press syndicates with one page of soled matter, all bearing upon the question of high tariff. That press association sells the six columns to the country newspapers for $1. The newspapers can use the matter a column at a time, or as much of it as they please. The league publishes a weekly journal, which has a circulation of aout 14,000, 6,000 of which go to republican newspapers. The journal is carefully edited and voices the most intelligent thought on high teriff questions. It is a fact that some of the most prominent republican newspapers in the country do not hesitate to utilize the editorial suggestions and the ex parte arguments of this journal. Persistent in Its Work. The foregoing will give some idea of the mammoth system for reaching the readers of the country which the league has built up. Day after day, month after month, year after year, keeping everlastingly at it, the American Protective Tariff League has been pounding into the republican readers the arguments and theories of the high protective tariff policy. If the sentiment in one particular section--as in Iowa, for instance-- seemed to be waivering the efforts of the league would be concentrated and directed to that weak point. An official of the league who discussed frankly and candidly with me the objects and accomplishments of the organization made this statement, which is an a trite explanation of the whole case. "We do not go to sleep between elections. Always between elections some fellow comes along with an idea to abate the protective tariff policy of the country. We fight that proposition." I glanced over the list of officers of the American Protective Tariff League and their affiliation with industries of the country. These are the men who are conducting this gigantic propaganda of high tariff: President, Charles A. Moore of Manning, Maxwell & Moore, operating several great works for manufacture or iron, steel and railroad supplies; first vice president, August G. Paine, president of the International Paper Company; second vice president, Joseph E. Thropp, a Pennsylvania iron manufacturer. The executive committee is composed of William Barbour, head of the great thread works at Paterson, N. J.; Frank W. Cheney of the Cheney milk works, in Connecticut; W. F. Draper, cotton and woolen manufacturer of Massachusetts; Franklin Murphy, owner of immense varnish works in New Jersey; David L. Einstein, manufacturer of woolen goods and brother of Henry Einstein, owner of the New York Press, the most radical high tariff organ in the United States. The board of managers consists of twenty, and seventeen of whom are actively, They Represent Great Capital. The total capitalization of the industrial corporations represented in the membership of the league would approach closely to a billion dollars. Outside of the great steel trust these industries produce the bulk of the total output of American manufactured products. Mr. T. Z. Cowles, the editor of the weekly journal of the league, made this statement to me: "But for the earnest, vigorous and persistent efforts of the league not only would the Cuban reciprocity treaty be now in force, but every one of the treaties negotiated by Mr. Kasson would be in operation." "Will you pursue the same course of opposition toward legislation looking to the consummation of the Cuban reciprocity treaty?" he was asked. "The answer to that question is found in that resolution adopted by the American Protective Tariff League at its last annual meeting," said Mr. Cowles. "That resolution declared against reciprocity in competitive products by treaty, as being unsound in principle, pernicious in practice, and condemned by all experience." The Star published last week, as part of the political gossip of the day, the report then current that President Roosevelt had been warned that his renomination could be defeated, and defeat would be attempted, by the American Protective Tariff League if he continued to advocate tariff revision. I do not attempt to affirm or deny the report. I would seem, however, from the foregoing description of the league that the power of this organization would make it a pretty formidable foe, N. O. M.[*ackd 4/28/03*] [*C.F.*] [[shorthand]] Custom House. Surveyor's Office. New York. April 17th, 1903 My dear Mr. Loeb: Enclosed I send a letter from Gen. G. M. Dodge, who is well known to the President and who is a great power in the railway and financial world, which he desires to have reach the President, and I have told him I would send it to you. There is no doubt that the question of currency is now one of the most acute in the public mind, and there is no man better qualified to give practical views from his own experience and to reflect the views of influential people in the financial world than General Dodge. I also enclose a letter from Leigh Hunt, written from Cairo, Egypt, which shows how far the President's activities in good causes have reached. I thought that perhaps the President might like to read this commendation as given from one of the most intelligent of Americans from a location so far removed from any possible prejudice for or against. Mr. Hunt is a longtime friend of mine and has in the last few years made a great fortune in mining in Korea and is now a millionaire several times over and a good man to take hold and be a friend. His letter is another proof that disinterested men of great capital, without prejudice in the the interest of corporations, see in the President's actions the greatest conservatism as well as the greatest progress. I am going to make up and send to you, today or tomorrow, a lot of newspaper extracts on various subjects which may be of possible interest to the President, if he shall have the leisure when he gets out of the park and on the train to glance over them. I think you will enjoy reading some of them yourself. There is great excitement in this State just now over the actions of the Governor and especially over the action of the Senate yesterday in rejecting the nomination of Baker for Railway Commissioner. In the extracts I will send from the press you will find a good deal of interesting reading on this subject. There has been a great change here, since you left for the West, in the feeling toward the Governor, and some of those who have been very close to him up to this time are now growing quite skeptical -2- Still, he must be given a chance to play his game and prove his good faith. Popular sentiment here in the city as well as throughout the State - I mean in the party - is almost overwhelmingly in favor of Senator Platt. You have had a good time to rest at Cinnabar. I had the luck to lay over there once in 1890 one day, waiting for some friends who were coming to go with me through the park, and was enabled in that 24 hours to realize all the excitement of life in the village of Cinnabar; but I judge that silence and rest have not been ungrateful to you and Barnes and the others left behind. I am going to send you some memoranda for the States of Washington, California and Utah. Several very powerful people here became excited a few days ago on the report that the President was going to dine with Heinze at Butte. I think you will understand who these people are. I told them that I did not believe they had any reason to fear any intimate fellowship between men so far apart. Heinze's reputation, or lack of reputation, is too well known to admit of any such fear on the part of anyone who knows all the facts in the man's career. These people here are getting over their feeling very fast and now seem anxious to be friendly and are full of suggestions for the party interest and welfare. On some other matters I will write you tomorrow or early next week. Sincerely yours, J. S. C. [*[Clarkson]*] Mr. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Cinnabar, Montana. (Enclosures)[*Dickey*] (.C.) Copy. No. 732. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Lima, Peru, April 17, 1903. To the Honorable John Hay Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Sir:-- Referring to your instruction of January 26th last, communicating the President's desire that I should receive and consider, in connection with other evidence, such testimony and documentary proof as might be presented to me by ex-Consul William B. Dickey in refutation of the charges against him, I have the honor to report the conclusion of my hearing of the case and to invite your attention to the inclosures of this despatch, of which, following my signature hereto, an index will be found likely to materially facilitate reference to them. In addition I respectfully submit the following observations : RENT. The contention upon which Mr. Dickey rests his defence is that he paid the landlord $700 a year (or its equivalent in soles) in consideration of his making extensive repairs of which he says the premise were in need (see inclosure 9, answer 1(b), page 21). The agreement, it elsewhere appears, covered other repairs, also, which might be made during the time the Consulate, which was to be in his charge (see inclosure 9, answer 4(b), page 22), but apparently not ordinary repairs such as to locks, the pump and the water closet of the Consulate, which were paid on Government account to others than the landlord, Derossi. (See inclosure 11, page 25.) Whatever the amount of the rent paid by Mr. Dickey. I-2- I may remark that no one controverts the fact that the ordinary rental value of the Consulate is 480 soles ($233.76) a year; that this is the amount of rent which was paid for it before Mr. Dickey took it as well as during the past year, and that for each of the other two flats, which are practically counterparts of the Consulate, the same rental has all along been paid, except that for the middle flat (see statement of Derossi, page 10) 45 soles a month were collected for a time in consideration of Derossi's having built a kitchen on the rear in the form of an addition to the flat. On the 19th ultimo, shortly after his arrival in Callao, Mr. Dickey filed with me three documents, viz: a signed declaration of the landlord, Angel Derossi, dated March 15, 1903, a certified copy of Derossi's affidavit of August 13, 1901, from the Department's files, and a joint affidavit of Messrs DeMartin and Carty (see inclosures 1, 2 and 4). The signed declaration (inclosure 1) of Mr. Derossi states that Mr. Dickey paid him quarterly $175, of which the sum of 120 soles was for rent and the residue (about 240 soles) was for repairs. The agreement under which these payments were made ceased, it is said, upon Mr. Dickey's departure for the United States a year ago. Payments on the basis mentioned would thus have been made from September 1, 1897, to March 31, 1902, a month more than four and a half years; and of the $3,150 rent shown by Mr. Dickey's official returns to have been paid Derossi during the four and a half years ending March 31, 1902, $2,098.08 would have been to compensate Derossi for repairs and $1,051.92 (valuing the sol at 48.7 cents gold) to pay the ordinary rental-3- rental value of the Consulate. This statement may be translated with substantial correctness to read either that Mr. Dickey would thus have paid Derossi throughout four years and seven months twice as much for repairs to the Consulate as for rent; or that the amount he paid for repairs alone would have been twice the amount tenants of the other flats, practically identical with the Consulate, have been required to pay altogether for their respective flats, maintained in habitable condition at the landlord's expense; or that the total rent paid for the Consulate during those four years and seven months would have been at the rate of three times the rent paid for it during the past year, or at any time for either of the adjacent flats. Upon noting the foregoing implications of Mr. Derossi's declaration, to some extent corroborated by the joint affidavit of Messrs DeMartin and Carty, (inclosure No. 4, page 14), and recalling the admissions made to me by Derossi last November respecting the amount of Dickey's rent and the non-inclusion therein of the expense of repairs, of which I made report to the Department in my No. 679, of December 5th last, while the matter was still fresh in my mind, and recalling the further fact that at no time during the course of the investigation of the Consulate which was prosecuted by Secretary Neill n August and September, 1901, did Mr. Dickey make any allusion in his defence to the expense of repairs as the cause of his paying an increased rent, the novelty and character of the evidence presented by Mr. Dickey seemed sufficiently extraordinary to necessitate my requesting him to produce his witnesses before me for examination. Their statements in response to my questions appear-4- appear in the enclosures numbered 3, 5 and 6 (see pages 10, 15, & 17). In the examination of Mr. Carty his demeanor and his admissions showed he had no recollection of the terms of any contract for the rent of the Consulate. Both he and DeMartin manifested marked sympathy for Mr. Dickey, but while the former grasped at answers suggested by leading questions put to him by the accused, the latter with plain reluctance maintained that the only sum he knew of Dickey's agreeing to pay Derossi was 120 soles a quarter; and he admitted that he did nor know the contents of the joint affidavit when he signed it. The same possibly is true in reference to the signed declaration of Derossi (inclosure No. 1.); for, as will be seen from the perusal of it and of his statements on his examinations before me (inclosures 5 and 6) the latter corroborate the signed declaration with respect to the payment each quarter of 120 soles rent but explicitly assert that there was no fixed sum paid Derossi by Mr. Dickey quarterly or otherwise to compensate him for repairs he made to the Consulate. The custom, as it appears from his statement (see page 10), was for Mr. Dickey to pay him the actual cost of repairs as made from time to time by him at Dickey's request, and he thus claims to have received simply the amount of the expense of repairs actually made, - not, however, including ordinary current repairs, as already mentioned. As between Carty and DeMartin, assuming one to be as credible as the other, DeMartin, who was Mr. Dickey's interpreter in negotiating the rent agreement with Derossi, should be better qualified to state its terms than Carry, "the silent witness" as he styles himself, who was present during but a part of the interview. DeMartin-5- DeMartin and Derossi agree in their statements before me that the only fixed sum Dickey obligated himself to pay Derossi for rent was 120 soles a quarter, and that all repairs to the Consulate were to be at Dickey's expense. They differ in that DeMartin represents Dickey as paying for the labor and material directly to those furnishing them, and not to Derossi. As to the terms of the agreement and the rent payments made thereunder by Mr. Dickey, Mr. DeMartin is in harmony with Mr. McBride's statement (inclosure No. 16 page 36), the evidence submitted to the Department by Secretary Neill in 1901, and the result of the investigation of which I made report to the Department last November. DeMartin's oral statement to me was clear and straightforward; Derossi's was vague and evasive and I do not hesitate to say that the man's word is entitled to no credit whatever. Mr. Dickey informed me on the day first set for Derossi to appear before me for examination at the Legation that Derossi declined to come upon the ground not only that he was very busy but that it was unnecessary to question him in view of the signed declaration he had made before the British Consul General at Callao (inclosure No. 1, page 1). As an accommodation to Mr. Dickey, with a view to facilitating the presentation of his evidence I offered to meet Derossi at our Consulate over his store in Callao; and pursuant to my offer met him there on the 26th ultimo and examined him touching the contents of his signed declaration. He was unable to give me an itemized statement of his repairs to the Consulate under the alleged agreement, or to specify, either at that time or at the adjourned hearing at the Legation a week later (see inclosure No. 3, page 12), any such repairs, except the following: that he had twice papered and painted the Consulate during the four and a half years.-6- years of Dickey's occupancy; that he put in a small water pipe, which he pointed out to me, to carry water to the kitchen of the Consulate from a well with wind mill attached, which he sunk back of the flats next to is soda water factory for its use about two years ago; that he put in gas pipes, chandeliers and fixtures and that he built the room on the roof, (afterwards used for storing records of the Consulate) at a very large expense in view of the high price of the lumber used. At the Legation, in fulfillment of his offer of a week before to examine his accounts and ascertain aproximately the amount spent for repairs to the Consulate, he stated that he estimated that he had received altogether from Mr. Dickey for such repairs from 2,000 to 2,400 soles, but he was unable (see inclosure No. 3, page ) to mention any other items of repair than those I have above referred to. He did say, it is true, that he included in the estimate of what he had received from Mr. Dickey the latter's proportion of the cost (1,500 soles) of the wind mill and artesian well. As to the last named charge, particularly in view of the fact that the other tenants receive their water feee, or as part of the consideration for which they pay rent, and the inherent improbability that any tenant of one of the flats would be called upon by the landlord to share in defraying the expense of sinking an artesian well and purchasing a wind mill intended, as is obvious to any one visiting the place, for the use primarily of his factory, I am of the opinion that his statement may be dismissed as a very flimsy fabrication. The evidence convinces me also that the room on the roof was there before Dickey rented the premises (see inclosures 16 and 17, pages 37, 39). In the official inventory of the Consulate neither chandeliers nor-7- nor gas fixtures appear, and it was admitted to me by both Mr. Dickey and Mr. Derossi at the time of the latter's second examination (see inclosure 3, page 12) that the chandeliers and gas fixtures referred to are the property of Mr. Dickey. Mr. Dickey also admitted at the hearing on the 9th instant (inclosure No. 16, page 36) that the gas pipes were already laid when he took the flat. Mr. McBride's uncontradicted statement made in the presence of Mr. Dickey, who was of course given an opportunity to cross-examine him, is that Mr. Dickey himself papered three specified rooms, purchasing the paper from a dealer in Callao whom he names (see inclosure 16, page 37). In this, his testimony and that of DeMartin are again in accord; and McBride's statement that the painting was done by Mr. Dickey himself is in harmony with DeMartin's general statement (inclosure No. 5, page 15) that under the agreement between Dickey and Derossi at the outset all repairs to the Consulate were to be made by Dickey at his own expense. Mr. Dickey states in his affidavit filed with the Department on the 5th of December last, (inclosure No. 12, page 30) that "he did pay Derossi more than he charged for similar apartments, because Derossi by contract expended a large sum in fitting them up for consular purposes in 1897." For the purpose of testing the truth of this averment, I have considered it incumbent upon me to ask for evidence more particular and circumstantial than has been submitted. If repairs of magnitude were actually made to the Consulate in 1897, or later during Mr. Dickey's tenancy, it should be possible to specify at least a portion of the with a degree of particularity suitable for the purposes of refutation. Mr. Derossi has not done this; and Mr. Dickey, after submitting written answers, prepared in Callao to-8- to my written interrogatories, declined on the 9th instant and again on the 11th instant (see inclosures 16 and 17, pages 36, 38) to make further answer or explanation. I deem it proper in this connection to remark that, as shown by official correspondence, Mr. Dickey was not only afforded an ample opportunity to make his defence in the original investigation of the charges against him, but it was ineffectually insisted by the Legation that he should do so; and that, as in the present instance, he submitted readily at first to being examined and even declared that he courted investigation; but upon arriving at a certain point in his examination, declined to be examined further. Among the matters of which I desired to gain a clearer conception was his answer to my question (see inclosure No. 9, page 22, answer 6) relative to his dispatch No. 3 of September 20, 1897, wherein he advises the Department as follows: "on the 28th of August, ultimo, (1897) I seized the offer made me by Mr. Angel Derossi, of engaging new quarters from him, which I found to be in excellent condition and well adapted for the Consulate. I accordingly moved into them on the 1st instant," three days afterward. I also desired to ask him whether he considered it possible to reconcile Derossi's statements with the announcement contained in the same dispatch that he had rented this house at the fixed sum of $700 gold a year (see inclosure No. 10, page 23). The duration of Mr. Dickey's contract to pay at the rate of $700 a year is also a subject of natural inquiry in this connection. If his explanation (see inclosure 9. answer 1 (b), page 21) means it was to terminate after the lapse of four years, he paid during his last seven months three times the-9- the rent due; if, on the other hand, it was for the time he might continue Consul at Callao, its duration might have been a matter of months or of a series of years. I accordingly am unable to perceive the logic of the conclusion of this answer: "the agreement, therefore, ceased when I left for the United States on leave of absence", unless by ceased he means suspended, - which he does not, as is shown by his next answer. But if when Mr. Dickey went on leave, the agreement terminated, it seems strange that in his affidavit filed in the Department December 3, 1902, (no copy herewith) he should refer to another reason than the termination of the agreement in explanation of Derossi's acceptance from his successor, Mr. Herdliska, of the usual rent of 480 soles a year. MODE OF PAYMENT OF RENT. The evidence contained in the accompanying inclosures and in my telegram of December 4th last, relative to the mode of payment of rent, confirm the conclusion I have reached regarding the truth of this charge. I ask the Department, turning to Mr. Neill's report, to recall the interview he and Mr. Harlan, the clerk of the Legation, had with Mr. Dickey at the Callao Consulate in August, 1901, and the latter's attitude toward their request to be allowed to examine the stubs of his rent checks. At that moment, as afterward discovered and reported to you in my telegram above-mentioned, Mr. Dickey had previously delivered to Derossi in payment of rent with clock-like regularity at the end of each of the immediately preceding eleven quarters a check for 120 soles: but never again thereafter gave him a check for rent. The discontinuance of the practice of giving the rent checks is corroborated by the statement-10- statement of Mr. Thorne, which I reported in my No. 679 as follows: "Mr. Thorne, who was employed as Consular clerk from May 17, 1901, until after the arrival of Consul Herdliska, says that during that time up to April 1, 1902, (the date Mr. Dickey availed himself of his leave of absence) Consul Dickey paid his rent in cash, - that he thinks so because Mr. Dickey used to bring a bag of silver up from the bank and disburse it at the end of each quarter." Mr. Thorne's above statement is correct, except that the last rent check given by Mr. Dickey was for the quarter ending June 30, 1901, and dated July 1, 1901, - a few weeks after Thorne entered the Consulate as clerk, and a few weeks before Secretary Neill instituted the original investigation. On the 24th of November last for the purposing of determining the truth or falsity of the charges against Mr. Dickey, you instructed me by cable to "ascertain amounts, dates, and endorsements of checks now in bank." Upon that date therefore I infer that the Department, like this Legation, was without positive knowledge of the existence of the quarterly rent checks which I was thereafter permitted by the bank in which they were still lodged to examine. On the 22nd of November, two days before the Department cabled me this instruction, Mr. Dickey filed in the Department an affidavit (see inclosure No. 12, page 27) describing his mode of paying official accounts. It avers that "in making a payment for rent and other authorized expenses of the Consulate, it was his custom to pay the same at the time they became due, out of moneys on hand in the Consulate in its safe, and if there was not sufficient cash in the safe to-11- to make such payments, then and in that case he drew from the Peruvian and London Bank of Callao, where he kept his private accounts, in a lump sum an amount sufficient to supplement the amount of cash in the safe and pay such bills in cash," and that he did "not remember a single instance during the entire five years from 1897 to 1902, during which he was acting as Consul as aforesaid, where he ever gave to the landlord of the Consular premises or to any other authorized creditor of the U. S., a check for the sum due upon his said private account, but that it was his invariable custom to lump all such accounts into one sum, and if it was necessary, to use enough of his own funds to make the payment and pay them in cash - in pursuance of this custom." In answer to my telegram of December 4th, aboveforemtioned, he filed an affidavit the following day (see inclosure No. 12, page 30) wherein he avers that he paid his landlord quarterly the Government's part of the rent of the premises, 500 dollars per annum, out of funds in the consular office safe, if sufficient, and the remainder by check on his private account. This averment is in conflict with his affidavit of the 22nd of the preceding month in that it asserts that payment on account of rent was made by check. As an answer to my telegram it is also open to criticism that it ignores the significant fact that the rent checks given at the end of each quarter by Mr. Dickey during three years and a half were uniformly for the sum of 120 soles with but one exception (his check of October 10, 1898, for 240 soles) which, as heretofore pointed out, is drawn two quarters after the next preceding check, and is for twice the amount of one quarter's rent at the rate of forty soles a month. I now desire to invite your attention to Mr. DIckey's written answers under date of the 8th instant to the questions I -12- I asked him regarding his payment of rent by check (see inclosure 8, page 19 and inclosure 9, answer 3 (b), page 21). It appears therefrom that Derossi was paid quarterly 120 soles by check and the residue of the 175 dollars, due under the alleged agreement, at the end of each quarter in cash, and that "this was done to keep the basis of the rent separate from the amount for repairs, as was tacitly adreed with Derossi." I wish to say of this answer: 1. That it is in conflict with the recitals above quoted of Mr. Dickey's affidavit filed in the Department on November 22, 1902, which avers payment of cash exclusively; and in conflict with his affidavit of December 5, 1902, which asserts the payment by rent check of a variable amount, and that only when necessary to make up the deficiency of the funds in the consular office safe. 2. That the reason assigned for the quarterly payment of 120 soles by check and the residue in cash, "as was tacitly agreed with Derossi, is inconsistent with the oral statements before me of his two principal witnesses, Derossi and DeMartin. 3. That the reason is lacking in plausibility both on its face and because the residue paid in cash was twice the amount paid by check. 4. That payment by check was permanently discontinued after July 1, 1901. -------------oo------------- DECISION. My finding, respecting rent disbursements, is that the accused is guilty as charged.-13- POSTAGE ACCOUNT. The only evidence in refutation of the charge under this head is Mr. Dickey's letter to me of the 6th instant (see inclosure No. 20 page 44), the points I suggested to him to cover in his answers being contained in a memorandum copy of which is attached to the copy of his above mentioned letter. The report of former Assistant Secretary of State Hill, of July 1, 1902, a copy of which Mr. Dickey has placed in my hands, says that Mr. Dickey explains the increase in the gross amount of his postage by an increase of postal rates in Peru and by the expansion of the business of his office. No other explanation has been suggested. During 1898 his postage amounted to 360.29 soles; during 1899 to 551.23 soles; during 1900 to 800.84 soles; and during the first half of 1901 was at the annual rate of 909.58 soles. The increase of postal rates was by virtue of a decree of this Government, dated December 28, 1895, which became operative January 1, 1896, about twenty months before he assumed charge of the Consulate in 1897, and, therefore, cannot have been a factor in increasing his postage. The increase in postage disbursement cannot in my opinion be attributed correctly to an expansion of the business of the office to the extent signified, in the absence of other explanation, by an increase in the disbursement on that account from 360.29 soles, during the year 1898, to 800.84 soles during 1900, and during the first half of 1901, at the annual rate of 909.58 soles. The Consulate's clerical force has not been increased, nor sought ti be increased; and this Legation had not been cognizant of changed shipping and commercial conditions sufficient to account for a very substantial increase in the business of the Callao Consulate. The sums reported by Mr. Dickey as paid for "Letters and packages -14- packages to U. S. consular agencies and U. S. Legation at Lima" are at the outstart of not unreasonable amount, but soon become questionable, and afterwards are preposterous. Reference to the memorandum will show that their amounts, and their increase quarter by quarter from 12 soles to the maximum, 116.50. soles. During the three quarters following his departure from Callao on leave, the Consulate's disbursements for mail matter to the same destinations were respectively 7.47, 10.21 and 3.30 soles per quarter. The only explanation Mr. Dickey offers of the difference is that "the postage account was kept by the clerk of the Consulate," and that "possibly there may have been carelessness in the keeping of the postage account, as I admitted at the State Department; but this was owing to the confidence I placed in the said clerk's reliability." (See inclosure 20, p 44) This clerk, who was McBride, claims that it was Mr. Dickey's custom in making up his returns at the end of a quarter to instruct him to include in the true account of postage an additional and fictitious amount, constituting each time a very considerable sum and upon one occasion amounting to as much as 100 soles. It is well worthy of note that no impropriety of action induced by corrupt pecuniary interest is imputable in this matter by Mr. Dickey to Mr. McBride; for Mr. Dickey claims as an essential point of his defence herein, to have actually expended the full amount represented by his gross postage. It is remarkable that Mr. McBride's inaccuracy was not detected before the lapse of so many quarters, and that it should happen to have resulted in the progressive increase in the amounts of debits against the Government for mail matter to this Legation and the Consular Agencies herein-above -15- above referred to. The two offences charged, touching rent and postage disbursement, are so connected that the clear establishment of the commission of the first raises in the mind of one acquainted with the facts a natural presumption of the commission of the second. In both cases there existed co-incidentally the same opportunity and the same temptation. It is like the case of a servant entrusted by the two travellers with the exclusive custody of two sacks of money. If the servant were caught in the act of filching from one of the sacks, it would raise a strong presumption that an amount which had disappeared from the other sack while under his control had been taken by him. While it is true, as Mr. Dickey asserts in his letter herewith, that all purchases of stamps are accounted for by the vouchers he has presented the Accounting Officers, it is also true that the payment of rent at the rate of $700 a year is accounted for by the false vouchers Derossi signed. Of the postage receipts filed with Mr. Dickey's accounts as vouchers, to which reference is made in his letter herewith I observe from copies he has shown me of those for the last quarter of each of the calendar years 1897, 1898, 1899, 1900 and 1901, that there are two for each quarter; one of them is given by the Callao Post Office to cover "Fined Letters;" and the other, whose amount is always much greater than the first, is to cover "Postage Stamps for Consular Correspondence" and is signed in each instance by C. D. Zimmerman, a money changer in Callao, as appears from his stamp (cambio de monedas) on the receipt. The Department was furnished copies of these, together with copies of other receipts, in a communication addressed to you-16- you by Mr. Dickey October 20, 1902. DECISION. Respecting postage disbursements, my conclusion, based upon the report submitted by Mr. Neill in 1901 and the considerations hereinabove stated, is that the accused is guilty of misappropriating a considerable sum of Govern- ment funds, whose amounts, however, I am unable to fix. GAS ACCOUNT. The evidence relative to Mr. Dickey's disbursements for gas will be found as inclosure No. 21, page 46, 48. Speaking in general terms, it shows that the amount collected quarterly by the Gas Company during the first half of Mr. Dickey's incumbency of the Consulate exceeded 19.50 soles, the amount reported by him to the Department as paid quar- terly for gas throughout four years and a half; and that the amount collected quarterly by the gas company during the four years and a half was about 24 soles. The charge against him on this account, while established as to the second half of his returns, seems to me too trivial to be permitted to weigh in the scale against him. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, IRVING B. DUDLEY.ADRESSE TÉLÉGRAPHIQUE ÉLYSÉE PALACE HÔTEL ELYPALACE-PARIS AVENUE DES CHAMPS ELYSÉES PARIS (8E.) April 17, 1903 Dear Sir I have submitted your note of the 3rd to Mr Grinnell, who informs me that he has for several months contemplated resigning his office at the end of August when the six months obligatory notice of the lease of his house is near expiring. He is willing to give the Department formal notice to this effect should the Department desire it, on condition that he resigns as above. He places a very different result from the income of the office at Paris, as compared with Manchester, from official returns & fees, from your own Yours truly L. P. Morton F. B. Loomis Esq Asst Secy c/o Morgan Hayes &c Paris[*see State 4/15/03*] [*C.F.*] [*ackd 4/27/1903] T/T DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. April 18th, 1903. William Loeb, junior, Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: I enclose translation of a note from the Italian Ambassador, stating that, on the President’s return, he desires to request of him an audience for the purpose of presenting to him from His Majesty the King of Italy a copy of the work entitled “Le Campagne del Principe Eugenio di Savoia,” and of the “Commedia di Dante Alighieri", issued on the initiative of His late Majesty King Humbert I. I am, Sir, your obedient servant. John Hay Enclosure: From Italian Ambassador, April 15, 1903.COPY. N.E. LAUGHLIN Late Associate Justice, Supreme Court, New Mexico, Santa Fe, New Mexico. Santa Fe, N.M., Apr. 18, 1903. Hon. M. S. Quay, U.S. Senator, Washington. D. C. My dear Senator: I have just received a letter from Senator Andrews enclosing your letter to him of the 14th inst. with respect to the Fort Marcy Reservation at this place. The facts are this: The Reservation was abandoned as a Military Post about ten years ago. It is situate almost in the middle of our town, contains about 19 acres and there are nineteen families living in the houses and have been for the past ten year without paying any rent. The property is in bad repair, being adobe buildings, sidewalks are in a wretched condition and the whole thing presents a bad appearance for the town. It had been turned over the Interior Department and a survey has been ordered with the purpose of selling the same at public auction in the manner provided by law in such cases. When I was in Washington in February I called on the Commissioner of the General Land Office and he assured me that the survey would be made immediately after the 18th of March, but it has not yet been made. The survey must first be made, then the property appraised, advertised, and sold at public auction, and we, the tax payers here are exceedingly anxious-2- that this property pass into the hands of private owners who will keep it in repair, beautify the town, and add to our taxable valuation. I wrote the Commissioner recently calling his attention to our interview, but I have not yet had time to hear from him. Should you wish to do so, you may use this letter with either the Secretary of the Interior or the Commissioner of the General Land Office. The people of this Territory are grateful to you for the excellent fight you made for us in behalf of statehood, and the people of Santa Fe especially will be grateful to you if you will take a little interest in this matter and get this property disposed of. Your Pennsylvania people are putting money in this part of the Territory, and we are anxious to do our part to improve the country and I can assure you that this will be a great advantage to the Territory and to the city of Santa Fe in particular. With personal regards and thanking you for the interest you are already taking in this matter, I am, Yours very truly, N. B. LAUGHLIN.Enclosed in Hitchcock 4-24-1903[*PPF pr*] [*ackd 4/27/1903*] [C.F.] [*ppF pr*] United States Senate, Private. April 18, 1903. Dear Theodore:- I enclose an article which appeared in the "Star" and which I suppose was sent out generally emanating from Wakeman and it seems to me to show what a mischievous creature he is. The passage I have marked is especially bad, but the whole is very objectionable. I had already seen it, but Secretary Shaw called my special attention to it with great disgust. Wakeman is a man who ought to have no countenance of the administration or of the party generally. He simply makes trouble. I went to the Post Office Department the other day to see Payne, who has returned, in regard to Robinson. He said that if it was possible he desired to promote Christiancy, that he thought he had earned promotion. He did not know whether it was possible to do it but that he should certainly try to do it before thinking of anyone else. Robinson, as you well know, does not come from my State, but it seems to me that whatever else may be true we want a new man in that office. Things have been in a very bad condition there, and I cannot learn from the outside that Christiancy is the man to put the office in the condition in which it should be. In fact I was a little worried by the way Payne talked. He didUnited States Senate, not seem to me to appreciate the situation. He had only just got back and perhaps had not thoroughly grasped it, but the condition of things is not good. I have had a long talk with Bristow and have heard many disinterestd outsiders talk about matters there, including Seckendorff, who came to see me two days ago, feeling that the Postmaster General was not thoroughly alive to the situation. The whole thing hinges on Machen, who is a dangerous man. He is a hold-over from the Democratic times. He is, in my opinion, of the McSweeney type. He has undoubtedly made money in various ways since he has been there, and I believe the further they go into it the worse it will be. The newspapers just now have no special subject on hand and are devoting a great deal of time to this Post Office matter, and it ought to be cleared up now while Congress is not in session. Machen is the key of the whole thing. If he is removed everything will straighten out very fast. You understand, of course, that I do not want to meddle and have no special knowledge of the subject, but I have heard a great deal, and, as I have said, I am rather worried by Payne's not seeming to appreciate the seriousness of the conditions. Wynne[e] has taken your advice to heart and has maintained an absolute silence and endeavored to demonstrate to Payne his entire loyalty to him. I am glad the investigationUnited States Senate, is in Bristow's hands. I think him both an honest and a fearless man, but Payne does not seem to like him very much. The merger decision, as you know, has made a great sensation. They had a fit in Wall Street the following Monday, which I think is stimulated, undoubtedly, by some of the people who are interested in the merger, but there is also a good deal of genuine uneasiness as to the full effect of the decision. Knox has gone West so I have not had an opportunity to talk with him, but I am getting letters from people asking what the decision means and whether it means the general breakup of all railroad consolidations and leases which have ever taken place, to which I reply that I did not understand that anything of that sort was contemplated or that that is the intention of the decision. The decision goes only to the manner adopted for merging these two roads. There is a great general satisfaction throughout the country with the decision as showing that the Government is able to control combinations which are dangerous, and I think it is looked on by the people at large as a great triumph for the administration. Politically there can be no doubt that it has strengthened the administration and the party very much. It is perfectly delightful to me to notice thatUnited States Senate, we have heard nothing whatever from you since you have been in the Yellowstone Park, from which I infer that you have really been resting, all of which you need with such a tremendous task ahead of you. Except for the two things I have mentioned everything is as quiet as possible here; nothing of any kind going on and all seem to be very well. Platt and Odell appear to have broken out in the open, the latter having defeated one of Platt's men in the Senate. It does not touch you fortunately in any way, but it is a pity that they should select this time for their fight. There is nothing, however, that you or anyone else can do in regard to it. Gus asked me last night in connection with this Platt and Odell row whether Odell would take up the Iowa idea and the tariff and go in with Cummings. It told him there was not the slightest chance of it, that statesmen in New York had no interest in questions of public policy, that their affairs turned entirely on patronage. I hope everything has done well with you. There is nothing to worry over here, and you may be easy in your mind. I watch things closely and have told you all that I have heard, and I do not regard the Post Office matter in the least dangerous if it is vigorously handled. As for the merger decision that is a greatUnited States Senate, political triumph, and the people who are worried will calm down when they see that there is no intention on the part of the Government to indulge in any of the absurdities which they profess to dread or really do dread. Ever yours, H.C. Lodge To the President.for 3 enclosures see, 4-15-1903, 4-21-1903, 4-22-1903[*ackd / file C.F.*] [*see [?] 2/23/03*] 747-10 T_ WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, April 18, 1903. My dear Mr. President:-- Referring to the letter of B. F. Mellor, of Plymouth, Mass., the original of which was returned to you according to request of December 29th last, and a copy of which was sent to Governor Taft that he might have knowledge of the complaints made by Mr. Mellor and Bert. R. Dorr touching the libel and sedition suits, I beg to inclose a copy of Governor Taft's comments under date of February 23d last. Very respectfully, Elihu Root The President. Inclosure.[*4-19-03*] [*ENC IN CLARKSON TO LOEB 4-27-03*] [*San Antonio 4/[?] Apl 19*] ROOSEVELT'S FRIENDS IN TEXAS ORGANIZE STATE CLUB FORMED WITH E. H. R. GREEN AS PRESIDENT E. H. Terrell and C. W. Ogden of San Antonio Among Vice Presidents. Purpose is to Capture Delegation for President. Terrell, Tex., April 18--A number of prominent Republicans from Kaufman and adjoining counties met here and organized a State Roosevelt Club and elected the following officers: President, E. H, R. Green; vice presidents, E. H. Terrell, San Antonio; Jas. G. Lowden, Abilene; John McKinney, Sherman; Charles W. Ogden, San Antonio; Theodore Baughman, Victoria; E. P. Wilmot, Austin; Nat Q. Henderson, Galveston; G W. Burkitt, Palestine; D. Quill, Terrell; W. E. King, Dallas; treasurer, Eugene Corley, Dallas; secretary Wm. M. McDonald, Terrell. The chairman was authorized to at once perfect a State central committee, and the following have been invited to serve on this committee: E. H. Terrell, San Antonio; S. J. Spencer, Texarkana; W. T. Hughes, Clarkesville; Capt. J. J. Dickerson, Paris; J. T. Harris, Gainesville; A. J. McCauley, Dallas; George W. Eason, Tyler; J. M. Hickey, Henderson; Rube Freedman, Corsicana; Harry Beck, Hillsboro; M. M. Patten, Waco; J. Allen Myers, Bryan; George W. Burkitt, Palestine; A. J. Houston, Beaumont; George P. Brown, Houston; R. E. Hannay, Hempstead; Nat Q. Henderson, Galveston; W. W. Scott, Hallettsville; J. T. Harris, Brenham; E. P. Wilmot, Austin; John W. McKinney, Sherman; Theodore Baughman, Victoria; Owen Ford, San Marcos; John C. Scott, Corpus Christi; Chas. W. Ogden, San Antonio; R. W. Dowe, Eagle Pass; H. H. Andrews, Dublin; Fred W. Guffey, Belton; James G. Lowden, Abilene; H. S. Houssels, Childress; O. H. Gorman, Weatherford; H. C. Bell, Denton; Dr. J. L. Gaston, Bowie; J. W. Yates, Longview; R. L. Smith, Paris. The purpose of this organization will be to work in conjunction with the Republican State organization to secure a solid Roosevelt delegation from Texas. It will urge members of the party to pay their poll tax and in fact have each party elector alert for party service. President Green stated that as soon as he had heard from three whom he had requested to serve as members of the State central committee, he would call them together for the purpose of locating headquarters, issuing an address, and adopting plans to carry out the purposes of the organization.THE MINT OF THE UNITED STATES OF PHILADELPHIA, SUPERINTENDENT'S OFFICE, Copy. April 20, 1903. (Addressed to each of the Operative Officers.) Sir: In accordance with instructions received by me from both the Mint Bureau and the Civil Service Commission, I hereby modify the order of the 15th instant to the extent that you keep such laborers in your department as are necessary for you to have without crippling your force, but to have only such laborers assisting the men in the classified service that you, in your judgment, consider absolutely necessary. Respectfully, (Signed) John H. Landis Superintendent.COPY. TELEGRAM. San Jacinto, Calif., Apr. 20, 1903. To Commr. Indian Affairs, Washn. D. C. Was present at conference sixteenth with the Warner Indians. Am convinced procedure recommended by agent necessary and only safe course, viz:- twenty soldiers to remove, escort and settle them at Pala. Believe thus no trouble, otherwise fear it inevitable. Letter. Chas. F. Lummis Chairman Warner's Ranch Commission[*C.F.*] [*ackd 4/27/1903*] [[shorthand]] New York, April 20th, 1903. 141 Broadway Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr. The White House Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. Loeb: I have just returned from a week's trip up through the State, and while there found so many things of particular interest to the President, that I write to let him and you know what is going on. The situation in New York seems to have reached an acute stage, but it is not yet apparent whether it is going to result in an open fight for domination. The report this afternoon is to the effect that the Governor is going to send in Jim. Sherman's name for Railroad Commissioner vice Baker, who, as you know, has been rejected by the twenty-two Democrats and four Republicans in the Senate. I have found rather an unfortunate state of affairs existing in the country districts. I had expected there would be enough of the President's friends who would not take sides, to serve as peace-makers, and rather hold the "balance of power", but on the contrary, in the places where I have visited, that is along the line of the New York Central as far West as Buffalo, there is an opinion that Odell's position jeopards the President's interests, and for this reason a great many Roosevelt men are siding with the Platt men. The Senator is acting with remarkable calmness in this crisis. He is doing but little except acting on the defensive, and seems sincerely to have the President's best interests at heart. Lou Payn and Senator Ambler are acting with their usual vindictiveness towards the President, and Payn in an interview said that Low will be defeated by 100,000 majority this year, and the President by a greater majority next year; but of course every body knows and understands Lou Payn. In Erie County Greiner and Warren seem to have drifted apart, Mayor Knight having made a coalition with Warren. Getz and others of our friends there are organizing to hold "the balance of power", and then combine if they can, with whatever side seems to be most sincere in their support of Mr. Roosevelt. This side I believe will be Greiner's if a factional fight results [xxx], for the reason Grenier is Postmaster there and knows 'what side his bread is buttered on". Getz, four years ago, won in his fight in his district, and went as a delegate to the convention which nominated Governor Roosevelt. He is anxious to go as a delegate to the National Convension, and says that he will win out and qualify for the place, provided2. Senator Platt or the President does not plan otherwise. In that case he will take a place as alternate, or if this is planned in some other way, place himself unreservedly in the President's and Senator's hands. Another county, which seems to be in good condition for work, is Madison. Here the leader is Kiley, who was made leader upon the resignation of a majority of the County Committeemen, who of the County to him. Kiley never could have secured the leadership without this, and cannot hold it even with the patronage against any organized effort to oust him. Leander Burroughs, whom the President knows, told me in a talk to tell the President and Senator that Madison County would be with them, and that anything they wanted done would be done. They were very much disgruntled at Driscoll's appointment to the Morrisville Postmastership, at a time when the entire organization was turned down for Kiley man. Since then they have not taken much interest in politics, and, as I have stated, have turned over the entire organization to Kiley, with unfortunate results. However, this will not matter in the face of anything which the President may advise or desire. What would seem to confirm the belief that trouble is brewing is the fact that in most of the counties there are factional candidates for the county offices, and particularly for the office of assemblymen. This is true of Ondago, Oneida, Oswego, Madison, Erie, and others. It is the belief in Erie County that Buffalo will go democratic this Fall by 10,000. I am inclined to think that this is so. I have had a talk with John Clarke about Mayer Low[?]'s campaign, and General Clarkson and I are going up to see them within a few days. It is my understanding that outside of the State the President's opponents are using the fight here as a reason for belittling the President's strength, and as a basis for the argument that New York is in such a critical condition factionally that there is doubt whether the State can be carried for the Republicans under the present conditions. The Amen Dinner was held Friday night at the 5th Ave. Hotel. A friend of Gov. Odell's told me that he had talked with one of the Governor's closest friends at the dinner, and that it had been reiterated to him that the Governor was a candidate for a third term, the assertions to the contrary notwithstanding. One of Frank Black's lieutenants told me that Black was with Platt in this fight. Dady is also. Where Woodward stands is problematical; although I believe if it comes to an issue he will stand with the Senator. All these things are giving the Democrats great hope, and in consequence they are getting stronger every day. The fight3. within the Republican party has renewed their courage. In Odell's home Organ, the Newburg Paper, which he and his family own, on Friday last, there was a two column article justifying Odell, declaring that Platt had been deposed as leader, and hailing Odell as the new chief. This may or may not be significant; but I do not believe that any newspaper man would dare write such an article without careful thought and definitive instructions from the man who gives him his bread and butter. General Clarkson lunched with me today, and I have repeated these statements to him, and he said that he agreed with my analysis of the situation. He seems to believe that if it comes to a fight that the Senator will win, not alone for the reason that he is U.S. Senator, and senatorial courtesy is a strong factor in politics, but, as well, the Senator's age is creating a sentiment back of him, which is likely at the critical time to prove irresistible. The Senator still maintains, and I believe that he is absolutely sincere, that his desires are less in the direction of actual leadership, than in the strengthening of the President's hands by every means in his power. I believe that he is sincere when he says that his remaining ambition is to see President Roosevelt re-nominated and unamimously elected. One thing is certain, and that is that the smell of battle has galvanized the Senator into renewed youth. It is mighty hard for him, as you may well believe, not to pick up his club and get into a fight, and the fact that he is holding himself in check, notwithstanding the promptings of his nature, makes him deserving of the highest praise. In my opinion, it is a mighty lucky thing, that just at this juncture, there is a space of 2,000 miles between President Roosevelt and his home State. I read that you are catching large numbers of trout. To a man that would rather hunt and fish than eat, I am frank to say that I envy you. I hope that you are having and will continue to have a most pleasant time. With best wishes, I am, Very Sincerely, John A. Stewart1 Exhibit J April 20, 1903 My very dear and respected sir: I beg leave to acknowledge receipt of your communication of the first of the present month, touching an order alleged to have been issued by the Municipality of Tuguegarao, obligating parents, under penalty of a fine, to send their children to the "Escuela Oficial". I can only say to Your Excellency that if the Pueblo of Tuguegarao passed any such ordinances or has in any way interfered with the liberty of parents to send their children to school of their own selection it has, in my humble opinion, assumed functions and exercised powers not conferred upon it by law. The State has an interest and a very powerful one in the education and instruction of the young, who one day or other are expected to exercise all the rights, privileges, powers and faculties of citizens, but that interest of the State does not go to the extent of depriving the parent the right to control the education of the child within proper limitations. The State has the authority to direct the parent to send his child to school, but it will not oblige him to select one school rather than another provided that the school selected by the parent is reasonably fitted to accomplish the purpose of education and proper mental training. The matter, I understand, as already been taken up by the Governor, and Your Excellency may rest assured that if any such ordinance as that of which you complain has been passed by the Pueblo of Tuguegarao proper steps will be taken to secure its medification or annulment. With regard to the right of the Parish Priest to secure the names and addresses of the children and of their parents in order that they may consult the latter as to their wishes on the subject of religious teaching, I desire to say that instructions will be issued to the Principal Teacher of the school at Tuguegarao to furnish to the Parish Priest of that place a complete list of the names and addresses desired. Let me at this point assure Your Excellency that neither the Department of Public Instruction nor the Insular Government has any war to wage against private or religious schools. Quite the contrary is the case. Indeed, far from putting any stumbling block in the way, it is the policy of the Government and of the Department of Public Instruction to lend every proper encouragement to the commendable efforts of those engaged in the moral and mental instruction of the young. In our country where no official religion is recognized, but where the greatest religious liberty is enjoyed by all, in the interests of sound policy, having due regards for the rights of every religion, custom and regulation alike have barred the Government from the field of religious instruction. Nevertheless, our country is a Christian country, and while excluded in the large measure from the field of moral trainingbased upon religious doctrine and principle, it looks with a most kindly eye on the laudable work of those who believe that by making a better man you made a better citizen. I have the honor to remain, with the greatest respect Very sincerely yours, Secretary of Public Instruction. To His Excellency Jean Baptiste Guidi, Archbishop of Stanropoli, and Apostolic Delegate to the Philippine Islands.[*4-20-03*] [*ENC IN CLARKSON TO LOEB 4-27-03*] 6 The Commercial Advertiser By the Commercial Advertiser Association MONDAY EVENING, APRIL 20, 1903 ROOSEVELT AND NEW YORK STATE What is the mysterious source of the simultaneous outbreak in the newspapers of long articles depicting the "alarm" of President Roosevelt's friends about the condition of the Republican party in this state? Who are the "friends" who are suffering from this alarm? They surely have not caught it from the President, for he has been out of their reach for several weeks. Can it be possible that anybody interested in the present party row started the disturbance for the purpose of alarming the President and his friends? And how is the President to suffer because of the row? Is not the party in the state pledged solemnly to be faithful to the President and is anybody concerned in the present row intriguing to violate that pledge? If anybody is so intriguing,what are the chances for his success? It may be well to recall the pledge and see how it reads. Here it is as adopted at the Republican State Convention on Sept. 24, 1902: We give to President Roosevelt and his administration or heartiest approval and most cordial support. We recognize the fidelity with which he has carried out the policies of his lamented predecessor and the rare capacity he has shown in meeting the new responsibilities of his great office. We look forward with confidence to his election to the presidency in 1904, and so far as this convention has the power we pledge thereto the earnest efforts of he Republican party of this state. How many delegates could be secured, on the basis of the factional shindy that is going on at Albany now, to go to the national convention in defiance of that pledge?[*File*] [*C.F.*] Hugh H. Hanna Indianapolis April 21 - 1903. Dear Sir:- On the day of your departure for the West, Mr. Conant of New York made known to me your desire that I serve on the Commission which seeks to accomplish a fixed relationship between the monies of gold standard countries and silver using countries in bills of exchange. This will be the first official position I have ever held. I have heretofore carefully refrained from ever accepting office, but I feel that the special interest you have taken in my apppointment is a very great honor to me, as well as a very sincere expression of your confidence in me. Having a great desire to support you in every possible way, I have in this spirit, made known to the Secretary of State my willingness to accept the service. Be assured I realize the responsibility, and difficulties in the way, and that I will leave nothing undone to bring about the result sought in as creditable a manner as I have ability to serve my country and you. Faithfully yours, HHHanna To the President, Washington, D.C.DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR. WASHINGTON. April 21, 1903. Telegram Charles F. Lummis, San Jacinto, Cal. Commissioner of Indian Affairs has handed me your dispatch from which it appears that conditions at Warner's Ranch are deplorable. A competent and trusted official of this Department will proceed to that place immediately under instructions to confer with the Indians, make thorough investigation and report to me every detail of the situation with as little delay as possible. E. A. HITCHCOCK. Secretary. Chg.I.O.,G.R.DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR. WASHINGTON. April 21, 1903 Telegram. Jenkins, Inspector, Shawnee, Oklahoma. Proceed as quickly as pissible to Riverside, California, where you will confer with Special Agent Conser as to situation at Warner's Ranch. Letter with full information and instructions mailed to-day, care Riverside. Answer when you leave Shawnee. E. A. HITCHCOCK. Secretary. Chg.I.O.,G.R.)DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR. WASHINGTON. April 21st, 1903. James E. Jenkins, Esq., U. S. Indian Inspector, Riverside School, California. Sir:- The following telegram was sent you to-day, care Shawnee, Oklahoma. "Proceed as quickly as possible to Riverside, California, where you will confer with Special Agent Conser as to the situation at Warner's Ranch. Letter with full information and instructions mailed today, care Riverside. Answer when you leave Shawnee." Under date of the 11th instant authority was granted for Agent Wright to pay the traveling expenses of Mr. C. F. Lummis, and two Catholic Priests, Fathers Ubach and Hahn, to Warner's Ranch, to assist in making final arrangements for the removal of the Indians to Pala; and on the 15th the Agent was authorized to purchase necessary supplies and to arrange for transportation to remove the Indians. Authority was also granted on the 20th for the employment of six additional police. Many rumors have reached the Department, based, it is supposed, upon recent statements in the public press, that the Indians will resist any attempt to remove them from their old homes on the Warner's Ranch, but it is hoped and believed that the removal can be affected quietly and without force, by meansof kindly and persuasive measues. It is understood that the Agent is managing the matter in a practical and businesslike manner, and it is believed that if no improper outside influence is brought to bear the results desired can be accomplished. Mr. Lummis of the late advisory committee, telegraphed under date of the 20th instant, that the presence of twenty soldiers will be necessary to remove and escort the Indians to their new homes. I desire you to confer with Special Agent Conser, who has just been upon the ground with Agent Wright endeavoring to formulate plans for the quiet and peaceavle removal of the Indians, and make careful investigation of the actual conditions and report by telegraph whether same are as have been reported. You will in any event, take charge of the whole matter and endeavor to consummate the removal of the Indians with as little trouble and delay as possible, keeping the Department fully advised of any new developments or changes in the situation that may occur. Very respectfully, E. A. HITCHCOCK. Secretary. Ind. Div. 1903COPY. TELEGRAM. Collect Government. Los Angeles, California, Apr. 21, '03. Hon. E. A. Hitchcock, Secretary, Interior, Washington, D.C. Wire received. Beg say situation perfectly understood and fully provided for by unanimous consent four authorized agents U.S. now on ground, Indian Agent Wright, Special Agent Conser, Attorney Mission Indians Collier and myself. Ranchowners cooperating fully. Course recommended will avoid trouble, any other will probably precipitate it. Indians consulted, matter investigated already more than 13 months. All that ails Indians is govts delay in moving them and bad advice given within month by newspaper reported since discharged and published by his employer as liar. If matters further delayed by red tape, Indians will probably fulfill threat to remove to mountains where must starve and government will have no one to move to new reservation just paid for. Indians will undoubtedly go peaceably with troops for reasons see my letter Commissioner March 26, and April 18, probably will not go any other way nor if further procrastination makes impossible any farming whatever this year. Our unanimous opinion date removal should be sent between May 11 and 15 and enforced precisely in manner recommended by agent after full consultation otherwise serious blot probable on affair hitherto conducted with perfect success. Beg you for sake of Indians for whom Commission labored so long unremunerated not to upset program unanimously recommended by four government agents familiar with all facts. Chas. F. Lummis. 11:34 pm.[*[Enclosed in Lodge 4-18-03]*] Phila Press April 21, 1903 PRESIDENT NEUTER IN O'DELL'S FIGHT His Course with Respect to the Factional Row in New York State Reveals Mr. Roosevelt as a Master Politician. HOLDS FRIENDSHIP OF GOVERNOR AND PLATT Nobody Knows More Intimately the Two Men Most Deeply Interested in the Fight for State Leadership Than the Chief Executive. He Has Analyzed Their Characters with Keen Perception and Is Fully Aware of All Their Ambitions and Aims as Well as the Secret Moves They Make Against Each Other. From the Regular Correspondent of "The Press." New York, April 20.- When President Roosevelt comes out of the snowy wilds of the Yellowstone of the news which has been collecting while he has been remote from news the reports that will especially interest him will be the messages telling him of the defeat of one of Governor Odell's nominations. And it is probable that the President will be even more interested in the details that tell how that defeat was consummated by a union of all the Democratic Senators with four Republican Senators of the Albany Legislature than he would be if he read in this report that the nomination had been pitched out of the Senate door by a revolt of a majority of the Republican Senators. To the public it is of small consequence that the nomination thus repudiated by the Senate at Albany was that of a railroad commissioner. For, although the office itself is one of the most longed for, since the salary is large for a State officer--$8000--and the term is for five years--nevertheless, it is probable that all but a very few of the voters of the State could not speak the names of any of the railroad commissioners, thereby showing the small public interest taken in this commission. But as an incident of the fine, if not high, politics that have for a year or two characterized the career of Governor Odell, as well as that of Senator Platt, and as corroboration of the views of those who have for more than a year insisted that the Governor was hewing his own pathway according to his own whim or will without particular care that in doing that he also followed the whim or view of Senator Platt, this rejection by the Senate of the nomination of a railroad commissioner is of much political importance. The President will understand the meaning of this action and doubtless has a clear perception of all that led up to it. For the President has not been imposed upon by any of those who have professed to believe that no breach has been created between Senator Platt and Governor Odell. President Roosevelt's term as Governor has been of great service to him in skillfully and tactfully directing his course with respect to this factional trouble in New York State. It begins to be understood that in his term as Governor Colonel Roosevelt far surpassed in fact Governor Odell especially in his relations with Senator Platt-- as, for instance, upon one occasion Governor Roosevelt found that he could not conscientiously nominate for a certain office one who had been earnestly sponsored for that office by Senator Platt. Roosevelt Used Tact. Instead, however, of dismissing that recommendation and going on his way without any thought of Senator Platt the Governor and the Senator met and Colonel Roosevelt said that he could not appoint the man the Senator had recommended to him and for reasons affecting the man's character, but that he did not wish to make any appointment until he had frankly stated to the Senator how he felt with regard to the applicant whom the Senator had recommended. Thereupon Senator Platt asked the Governor if he had any one in mind, and the Governor replied that he had and spoke of one or two by name. Senator Platt caressed his beard thoughtfully for a moment as is his custom when his mind is concentrated upon a subject and then said: "Well, Governor, I don't mind if you send in either one of those you have named provided only you let it be known that I recommend him." Tactfulness and a reasonable consideration of the Senator won a triumph for Governor Roosevelt in this case. He not only cheerfully but with especial care caused it to be understood that the appointment which he did make had been fixed upon after the recommendation of Senator Platt. But President Roosevelt when Governor of New York was not ambitious to create for himself a personal following in the sense that he was both the nominal and the actual master of the party machinery of the State. If he had been dominated by an ambition of that kind he must have sooner or later found himself at the parting of the ways with Senator Platt since that ambition would have crossed the cherished purpose and the long maintained pride of the Senator involving common recognition of him as the actual master of the party machinery in this State. What Is Odell After? It is impossible for any one who has been either a participant in or an observer of politics not to have been at first suspicious and at last convinced that Governor Odell has had in addition to a fine ambition to pass into history as a successful Executive of New York identified with a policy designed to free the State from direct taxation also been dominated by the sense of power, political avarice, the mastery of the machinery in fact as well as the titular leader of his party. As a legislative career has no fascination for him, he having found it quite as irksome as did the late Governor Hubbard, of Connecticut, it is presumed that the ambition for political power is in the direction of executive office. A seat in the Federal Senate even would, it is suspected, have no more fascination for him than would be the case with Pierpont Morgan were the offer of the succession to Mr. Platt to be made to him. But if he is ambitious for executive power, is desperately and with a persistency that does not fail to command a reluctant admiration aiming to concentrate within his grasp all the patronage of the State why should he do that, having already been chosen twice to the highest office the State can give. Those who are not friendly with him insist that he looks ahead five years, contemplating the possession by that time of so much power that he may be able to command the Republican nomination for President, and it must be said that is a not unreasonable inference. Platt Loath to Retire In the natural course of events Senator Platt cannot longer than his present term in the Federal Senate maintain the power which he so skillfully obtained in 1888 and which has not been wrested from him since, not yet wrested, although a struggle for his scepter is certainly under way. His friends insist that he looks forward to the day when he may, by reason of his years, gracefully and of his own volition transfer his authority to some one of his own choice. It will wound him to the quick if after fifteen years of practically undisputed possession of authority over the machinery of his party in New York some one whom he trained as an apprentice and afterward associated with as a master politician were to turn upon him and strike him down. President Roosevelt understands the personal character, the temperament, the distinguishing abilities of both Governor Odell and of Senator Platt as well as they are understood by any citizen of New York, and better than all but a very few reads these identifying characteristics of the Senator and the Governor. Behind the courteous and kindly acknowledgment of the swiftly offered tributes of friendship and loyalty which Governor Odell brought to him at Buffalo on the day after President McKinley's death the new President kept in reserve that first clear understanding of the fundamental qualities of Odell which he obtained at the time of Odell was, as chairman of the State Committee, directing Roosevelt's canvass for Governor of New York. The President Knows Them. To a few, so few that he could gather them around his fireside, and talk with the confidence of long-tired intimacy, the President has analyzed Governor Odell and with a remarkably lucid and graphic dissection of his intellectual temperament. And yet he has maintained most friendly relations with the Governor, not permitting even the most insidious and plausible of temptations to swerve him from the position of absolute neutrality as between the Governor and the Senator. There is surely one person who has penetrated behind the mask which Governor Odell has employed so skill fully as a politician and has read the hidden meaning that is in the furtive glances of those Oriental eyes and that clear reader is the President. But it must be understood that if he feels that Odell is ambitious and that his sense of power is not satisfied by that gratification of it which the most influential executive office in the United States next to the Presidency, the Governorship of New York, gives, nevertheless, Governor Odell is well within his rights if he has ambitions of that kind, nor does he vary from the ethics of politics if he, being in a position to grasp supreme power in his State, seizes the opportunity, although in doing it he subordinates Senator Platt. On the other hand, the President has, he believes, no illusion with respect to Senator Platt. It is probable that he has had the same experience which President McKinley confessed to John S. Wise was his own with Senator Platt. Captain Wise reports President McKinley with having said to him that he was at first somewhat suspicious of and a little afraid of Senator Platt, but as he at last had better opportunities for knowing him he felt that that suspicion was groundless and added that the Senator had actually grown upon him. With a tact which was his master gift, McKinley so brought Senator Platt into association with himself that there was at last cordiality, perfect understanding upon either side and genuine friendship, and yet McKinley understood well the fundamental defects of Senator Platt's temperament and could appreciate his intense pride in his sense of power and a power, too, that was almost moral, for until he became Senator a second time Mr. Platt had no other power than that of personality and moral influence. His Neutrality Strict. Thus Colonel Roosevelt, when Governor, read Senator Platt, and, so understanding him, the President has been able to carry himself in spite of the close relation between a Senator representing the State of which the President is a citizen and of the President's own party, that he has been able to preserve absolute neutrality as between the Senator and Governor Odell without the impairment of his own kindly relations with either. The President will, however, when he comes from the fastness of the Yellowstone, read of rejection by the Senate of the nomination of Mr. Baker as Railroad Commissioner with the interest which is due to his own expectation that sooner or later there would come such action as would announce and emphasize the breach between the Governor and the Senator. The nominee Senator Platt. The governor felt compelled to nominate him, but the coalition between Republican and Democratic Senators by which that nomination was defeated was the work of skillful politics shrewdly done on the part of the Democrats, who had nothing to lose, and it is impossible to escape the inference that it was well known that it would be done before the act itself was performed. In this renewal of factional disturbances in New York there is no menace for President Roosevelt. If as many are inclined to believe the President is to be ranked with the greater politicians of his or of an earlier day, then the tactful manner in which he has preserved certain friendship on one side and at least the seeming friendship upon the other, will confirm those who have been somewhat reluctantly brought to the view that President Roosevelt is really a master politician. Effect on City Election. The factional disturbances, however, may be of serious consequence in the local election in this city next Fall. It has developed in an off year in national politics, it may work itself out before the national politics of next year begin. But if because of it there should be made any attempt to form alliance with those who are capitalists and who feel aggrieved because of the President's firm execution of the anti-trust law, if there should be an attempt to do in New York State next year just what the Democratic Machine did in 1892 there would be witnessed in the national convention a demonstration similar to that of 1892 when a majority of the voters of New York through credential and petition declared that in spite of the action of the Democratic Machine, nevertheless, the great majority of the party in New York insisted upon the nomination of Grover Cleveland. A great majority of the Republican party of New York would, if there were a need, protest against any declaration of the organization that did not speak cordially, enthusiastically and unanimously for the nomination of Theodore Roosevelt. HOLLAND. CONTEMPT CASE ARGUED Supreme Court Hears Application for Habeas Corpus. Washington, April 20.-- The Supreme Court to-day heard arguments in the case of William W. Watts and David A. Sachs, lawyers, of Lousiville, Ky., who were sent to prison recently at Indianapolis, Ind., by Federal Judge Anderson, on a charge of contempt in connection with bankruptcy proceedings against M. Zier & Company, of New Albany, Ind. When Judge Anderson ordered that the property of the firm be taken out of the hands of the receiver of the State Court, Watts and Sachs advised their client that the Federal Court was without jurisdiction. Judge Anderson sentenced the attorneys to sixty days for contempt of his court. They immediately asked the Supreme Court for a writ of habeas corpus. The argument dealt largely with the question whether the Federal Court could legitimately take jurisdiction of the bankruptcy proceedings, and whether its method was summary or not. The court to-day dismissed for want of jurisdiction a number of cases brought by Henry D. Phillips, who was disbarred from practicing before the Pension Bureau. He sued for fees in cases pending at the time of his disbarment. The District Court decided against him and the Supreme Court affirms this action. Addictions to Classified Service. Washington, April 20.-- On the recommendation of the Secretary of the Navy the Civil Service Commission has directed the inclusion in the classified service of the chief clerks to the general storekeepers at all the navy yards and stations. There are about fourteen of these officers. The great "Sunday Press" will be greater than ever. The date of the first appearance of the enlarged edition will be April 26.DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR. WASHINGTON. April 22m 1903. Telegram. Charles F. Lummis, Los Angeles, Cal. Telegram of yesterday received. The employment of troops to force the removal of these Indians suggests probable necessity for continued armed force to keep them on new reservation. I will exhaust every resource in my power before resorting to the use of the Army. Trusted official[s] of this Department is now on his way to Warner's Ranch under instructions stated in my telegram to you yesterday. E. A. HITCHCOCK. Secretary. Chg.G.R.DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR. WASHINGTON. April 22, 1903. Telegram. Jenkins, Inspector, Riverside, Cal. Important letter mailed you yesterday at Riverside, California, copy of which is mailed you today at Mission Agency, with other important papers. I yesterday telegraphed Mr. Lummis as follows: "Commissioner of Indian Affairs has handed me your dispatch from which it appears that conditions at Warner's Ranch are deplorable. A competent and trusted official of this Department will proceed to that place immediately under unstructions to confer with the Indians, make thorough investigation and report to me every detail of the situation with as little delay as possible." He replied urging use of military to effect removal, to which I have today wired as follows: "Telegram of yesterday received. The employment of troops to force the removal of these Indians suggests probable necessity for continued armed force to keep them on new reservation. I will exhaust every resource in my power before resorting to the use of the Army. Trusted officials of this Department is now on his way to Warner's Ranch under instructions stated in my telegram to you yesterday." E.A.HITCHCOCK. Secretary. Chg.I.0.,G.R.DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR. WASHINGTON. April 22, 1903. COPY. Mr. James E. Jenkins, U.S. Indian Inspector, Riverside, California. Sir:- Referring to Department telegram of this date relative to affairs at Warner's Ranch, and the removal of the Indians to Pala, I transmit herewith, in order that you may have full and better information in regard to the situation, copies of all correspondence had, in regard to the matter, since the date of my instructions to you of the 10th instant. Very respectfully, E.A. Hitchcock. Secretary. Ind.Div.1903"COPY" UNION LEAGUE CLUB, CHICAGO Law Offices of Holls, Wagner & Burghard 120 Broadway, New York. April 22nd., 1903 Dear Mr. President:- I take great pleasure in introducing to you Honorable Eugene Seeger, the present United Status Consul General at Rio Janiero, Brazil, and a man who, apart from his official position, you ought to know as he has always been a leader among the German Republicans of the West. Mr. Seeger has been my friend for many years and I hope that, nothwithstanding your many engagements in St. Louis, you will find it possible to see him. I have the honor to remain, dear Mr. President, with greatest respect, Your obedient servant, (Signed) Frederick W. Holls Encl in Seeger 12-14-10 4-22-03COPY: UNITED STATES SENATE, Washington, D. C. April 22, 1903. Hon. E. A. Hitchocok, Secretary of the Interior, Washington, D. C. My dear sir: For your consideration I send the enclosed. Yours very truly, M. S. QUAY[Enc. in Hitchock, 4-24-03][*[Enc in Guild, 1-28-05]*] [*[4-22-03]*] CURTIS GUILD, JR. To New England Cotton Manufacturers April 22, 1903. The Lieutenant-Governor extended the greetings of the Commonwealth and of the Governor. Continuing he said in part: "We have every reason to congratulate ourselves as New Englanders that in spite of competition New England holds the sceptre of cotton manufacture in this country, and as Americans that all over the world, notably in China and in Australia, thousands who a decade ago had never seen a yard of American cotton cloth are now proving by use its excellent qualities I congratulate you that our exports of American cotton manufactures have risen from $9,999,277 in 1890 to $24,003,087 in 1900, and to $32,108,362 in 1902. There is no condition so good, however, that it might not be better, and I cannot refrain from calling to your attention facts familiar to you which indicate one grave case of unrest in this particular industry. The number of active cotton spindles in the country, including those in woolen mills, in 1900, was 19,472,232 against 14, 384,180 in 1890. It is pleasing for us to note that of these 19,472,232 active spindles 13, 171,377 are in New England; and, if you will pardon a little State pride, that 7,932,883, nearly double the total (4,354,034) in all the Southern States put together, are in Massachusetts alone. It is idle, however, to deny the fact that the rate of increase in the South is much swifter than in New England. In the decade covered by the last two takings of the census the active cotton spindles of New England have, indeed, leaped from 10,934,297 to 13,171,377, but those in the South have leaped from 1,563,598 to 4,354,034. Of the Southern States containing cotton spindles in 1900 not one shows a loss. In fact all show a gain. This is not the case, you very well know, in all the New England States nor in all the Middle States. The South is not only gaining, but it is gaining in part at Northern expense, forcing us if not to reduce our force at least to change the character of our product. Of brown and bleached shirtings and sheetings the South produced 644,577,686 square yards, against 481,298,187 in New England for example. South Carolina mills in 1900 reported cotton exports to the value of $6,994,651, against $3,489,240 for Massachusetts. In 1900 the New England States employed in the cotton mills alone 162,294 wage earners, and paid them $55,367,541. In the cotton mills alone there were $12,850,987 spindles, making the labor cost per spindle $4.31. The South in its cotton mills employed 97.494 persons, paid them $17,501,648 for operating 4,298,188 spindles, making the cost per spindle $4.07. In other words, the South, in comparison with New England, pays five-eighths as many operatives a little over a third as much wages for operating about a third as many spindles. If this condition were to be constant it might not cause apprehension, but while, taking a longer period, the labor cost per spindle has increased in New England in twenty years from $3.73 to $4.31 in spite of the constant improvements in machinery, the labor cost in the South, with the benefit of the same improvements, has decreased from $5.08 to $4.07. Some explanation may be found in the fact that of the 40,258 children under sixteen years of age in the cotton mills of this country, only 11,048 are working with12,891,787 spindles in New England against 24,459 at 4,299, 988 spindles in the Southern States. In other words Southern competition does not merely mean the competition of adult labor rapidly becoming more skillful. It means the competition of cheaply paid child labor. Not proximity to the cotton fields, not climate but cheap labor, long hours, together with utter absence or extreme moderation of taxation, explain \ the growth of the South. There is the situation. It isn't altogether pleasant. This at least, however, should be said--the "poor white's" child in the Southern cotton mill at least gets food and some education. The poor white in his native home got little of the first ad none of the second. The wages in Southern cotton mills are small according to our standard, but they are paid to people who, until the Southern cotton mills were started, never had a dollar of their own from one year's end to the other. By the substitution of fine goods for coarse goods in our factories Massachusetts has managed to put off the day of settlement, even to show an increase, but ultimately the day of settlement must come and we must face and deal with conditions that have reduced the spindles in so many of our Northern States. Of the New England States, Vermont is the least advanced in labor legislation. Children over ten years of age may be put in cotton mills in Vermont and made to labor ten hours a day. Maine and New Hampshire restrict the age to 12 years and the working day to 10 hours. Connecticut restricts the age to 14 and the day to 10 hours. Rhode Island cuts the hours to 58 a week but leaves the age to 12 years. Massachusetts alone restricts the age to 14 years and the hours to 58 a week, a combination of the highest age and the shortest time restrictions in the United States. Set against this the Southern system. What has been the custom may be guessed by what is called a reform law just passed in South Carolina, forbidding the employment of children under ten years of age after May 1, 1903. In Alabama a similar law is being considered. It has not yet been passed as far as cotton mills, but at least in the mines of Alabama children of less than ten years at last forbidden to toil. The four leading cotton manufacturing States of the South, far ahead of all the rest, are respectively South and North Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama. In South Carolina children under 10 years are still employed. After next month the limit is set at 10 years. After May 1, 1904, the limit will be 11 years; after May 1, 1905, 12 years. These children may be worked 66 hours a week. In North Carolina the age limit is 12 years, but there is no legal limit whatever as to the hours that a child of that tender age may be worked. In Georgia there is no limit as to age and practically none as to time, the law permitting an infant if desired to be employed "from sunrise to sunset." In Alabama the law is yet to be passed prohibiting the employment of the labor of children under 10 years of age and there is no limit as to hours of labor. This is one of the very rare cases where self interest and the common good of humanity point to the same path. Surely the common good of humanity demands that nowhere in the United States should it be possible for an employer to work a child of less than ten or even of twelve years of age for a day limited only by the caprice of the employer. Massachusetts with the shortest time limit and the oldest age limit of any State in the Union has to face the competition of States that limit neither age nor time. The solution of the problem is not in admitting little children to the Massachusetts mills nor in lengthening the hours of Massachusetts labor, but here and now to begin a crusade that the demands of humanity, enforced by law in Massachusetts, shall be enforced by law in all the States. Let us not drag Massachusetts down to the level of Alabama, let us lift Alabama to the level of Massachusetts. The old order changes. There was a time when one law as to bankruptcy swayed New England and another Texas or Pennsylvania. We have lived to learn the disgrace of State divorce laws by which sin in Massachusetts is virtue in South Dakota, and to agitate for a National divorce law. Let us have uniformity of factory law throughout the United States. It is idle for Massachusetts to stand alone with wise restrictions when Alabama and South Carolina compete with the toil of infant fingers against the labor of men and women. I congratulate you that one of you own number, Mr. Lovering, has at least made the first move in Congress towards an amelioration of the conditions cause by forty-five separate systems of labor and factory laws in what is, or should be, one country. It may not come by Constitutional amendment, it may come by a common agreement among the States, it may come merely as the result of an agreement among all, both employers and employees, engaged in the industry. It must come somehow, that artificial distinctions in cotton manufacturing, caused by State boundary lines, shall disappear and make way for restrictions that shall be uniform for the whole country. Agitation in Massachusetts finally resulted in freeing black men from slavery throughout this country. If humanity does not move us to agitate for the freedom of white children from servitude in Southern cotton mills today, self-preservation may force us to do it tomorrow.[Enclosed in Lodge 4-18-03] The Sun William M. Laffan Wednesday, April 22, 1903 Subscriptions by Mail. Postpaid. DAILY, Per Month...$[0 50?] Daily, Per Year... 6 00 SUNDAY, Per Year... 3 00 DAILY AND SUNDAY, Per Year... [8? 00] DAILY AND SUNDAY, Per Month... 70 Postage to foreign countries added. THE SUN, New York City. Paris--Kiosque No. 12, near Grand Hotel, and Kiosque No. 10, Boulevard des Capucines. Might Makes Right. If our friends who favor us with manuscripts for publication wish to have rejected articles returned, they must in all cases send stamps for that purpose. President Roosevelt holds that his nomination by the National Republican convention in 1904 is an assured thing. He makes no concealment of his conviction and it is unreservedly shared by his friends. We think President Roosevelt is right. From the day that the President took up his quarters in the White House he has never hesitated frankly to avow his burning desire to be elected to the Chief Magistracy. He has proclaimed it on all occasions with engaging candor, and has unreservedly avowed his intention of gratifying his honorable ambition by every rightful means within his reach. There are strong and convincing reasons why the President should feel that success is within his grasp. He has used the opportunities that he found or created, and he has used them with consummate skill and undeniable success. When at Buffalo, over the remains of the murdered President, Mr. Roosevelt pledged his honor to the American people that he would carry on to their fruition and conclusion the policies framed by William McKinley, the whole country rose up at him in acclamation and approval. Never was an utterance of a public man more thankfully or gladly received. No one thought for a moment of questioning Mr. Roosevelt’s sincerity, and up to the present time no one has questioned it. There has been naturally some difference of opinion as to his ideas and methods of carrying out Mr. McKinley’s policies, but no one has thought of impugning the President’s honesty in the matter. Mr. Roosevelt is a self-reliant, self-contained man. He works out his conclusions unaided, shapes his lines of procedure on his own initiative and depends for his action solely upon his own innate convictions of what is good and expedient. Approbative and corroborative counsels he gratefully and eagerly accepts. Dissuasive and deprecatory advice he does not understand. Keenly sensitive to the drift of public feeling and profoundly impressed by current discussion, the President saw his way to the sympathies of the people and never hesitated for a moment. Since the day he penned his first message to Congress there has been no public act of Mr. Roosevelt’s which has not been undertaken and executed with an eye single to its effect upon his candidacy. He has done nothing perfunctorily or as a man might who was only conscious that he was President of the United States and that he was doing his duty. Mr. Roosevelt, with that fateful intensity of purpose which so singularly distinguishes his character, has permitted nothing to obscure his vision. The Presidency by election, as well as by the decree of Fate, has never passed from before his waking vision for a moment. Now, however, that he sees himself intrenched in the confidence and in the affections of the American people he permits himself a little relaxation. The President has disarmed all his enemies. Every weapon they had, new or old, has been taken from them and added to the now unassailable Roosevelt arsenal. Every popular idol, every favorite son, stands forth to-day incapable of offense. Why should people wonder that Mr. Bryan clings to Silver? What else has he left to cling to? Has not Mr. Roosevelt absorbed and sequestered every vestige of the Kansas City platform that had a shred of practical value? Suppose that Mr. Bryan had been elected President! What could he have accomplished compared with what Mr. Roosevelt has accomplished? Will his most passionate followers pretend for one moment that Mr. Bryan could have conceived, much less enforced, any pursuit of the Trusts as that which Mr. Roosevelt has just wrought to a triumphant issue? Will Mr. Bryan himself intimate that the Federal courts would have turned to his projects the friendly countenance which they have lent to those of Mr. Roosevelt? Where is “government by injunction” gone to? The very emptiness of that once potent phrase is beyond description! A regiment of Bryans could not compete with Mr. Roosevelt in harrying the Trusts, in bringing wealth to its knees and in converting into the palpable actualities of action the wildest dreams of Bryan’s campaign orators. He has outdone them all. And how utterly the President has routed the pretensions of Bryan and of the whole Democratic horde in respect to organized labor! How empty were all their professions, their mouthings and their howlings in the face of the simple and unpretentious achievements of the President! In his own straightforward fashion he inflicts upon capital in one short hour of the coal strike a greater humiliation than Bryan could have visited upon it in a century. He is the leader of the Labor Unions of the United States, and they never trusted Bryan and they never voted for him. Mr. Roosevelt has put them above the law and above the Constitution, because, for him, they are the American people, and they proclaim to-day that they are for him, to a man: and they are. Mr. Bryan never could have accomplished what Mr. Roosevelt has done. He never could have acquired the moral support that has been the President's. He lacked the essential things, the personal force, the dignity, the individual distinction, and the style. The President is the strong man, the leader of the masses. There is a growing feeling that if we do not need a strong man now the time is near at hand when we shall need him. Then let us reassure ourselves that he is on hand. People compare Mr. Roosevelt to Germany's strong man, her forceful William. They even compare him to Napoleon. Napoleon Bonaparte was strong man, a man for great crises, great emergencies. Napoleon mowed down the mob around the Tuileries. But Napoleon did not incite the mob to come to the Tuileries. Department of Commerce and Labor OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY Washington Personal. [*Ackd 4/28/1903 CF*] April 23, 1903. Dear Mr. Loeb: Please hand the enclosed letter to the President at some opportune time. There is nothing especially important in it. I am not going to bother him with communications while he is away on this trip. We are making good progress in the new Department, and I suppose that is about all he needs to know, so far as I am concerned. We are keeping pretty close tab on fish stories that have emanated from the Yellowstone, and a day or two ago received a momentary shock from some reference to a roulette lay-out. I think that if I had not done a little missionary work at the time the story reached Washington, your reputation might have suffered slightly. Of course in the case of your Assistant Secretary I could make but little headway, for his well-known reputation here is such as to make it difficult to disabuse the minds of the well-informed as to the real facts in the case: Mr. Forster is really an ideal Assistant Secretary at this time. I fancy he spends most of his time trying to keep the dust off the desks and furniture. He is conducting the affairs of-2- the Executive Office here with becoming dignity and with tact and discretion. I really hope your stay in the Yellowstone has been of benefit to you. You looked a little fagged when you left here, and I can understand that the preparation for the trip was somewhat of a burden. I am delighted that everything has gone well so far, and you have my heartiest and best wishes for the completest sort of success. We see Mrs. Loeb occasionally. I think she has been enjoying the pleasant weather we have had here for a few days. A day or two ago both she and Mrs. Barnes were rejoicing over the receipt of some letters from the Yellowstone. Do do feel obliged to acknowledge this. I would not add in the slightest to your work. Give my very warm regards to Mr. Barnes and the other gentlemen, and believe me always, Very sincerely yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President Enclosure.Department of Commerce and Labor OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY Washington April 23, 1903. [*Personal*] My dear Mr. President: I do not intend to bother you very much with communications of any sort while you are away on the trip, but am sending you just this word so that you will know that the work you have put in our hands is progressing favorably, and I shall have a good report for you when you return. Confidentially, I have been embarrassed somewhat by the attitude of one or two gentlemen in Illinois regarding the selection I am very anxious to have made for the assistant secretaryship. I desire to arrange it in a way that will not embarrass you, and am consequently delaying it longer than I hoped would be the case. I really need the assistant very much just now, but desire that nothing shall be done until I can straighten out some points that have been giving me a little trouble. Representative Mann is to be here early next month, upon his return from the dedication exercises at St. Louis, and I am to have a full talk with him at that time. Carroll D. Wright made an excellant speech at New Orleans, I am told, at a time when soemthing of the sort was very much needed. -2- Commissioner Garfield is making good progress with the work of his Bureau on the lines I discussed with you shortly before you left for the west. The Post Office Department investigation is under full headway, and I think the ultimate results will be beneficial and that a necessary reorganization will be one of the advantages secured from this overhauling of *its affairs. New York matters are still very much muddled. They seem bent upon getting into as much trouble as possible over there. By the time you get back to Washington, however, I hope that some of the things will have righted themselves. I really think that your absence in the west just at this time may have a good effect. They may be able to settle some of their differences among themselves. I am making myself more familiar with the situation there than perhaps some of the brethren would imagine; and later on when this Department is in a little better shape I shall have some suggestions to make. I have had conferences regarding this situation with a number of persons whose judgement is good. I tried several times to see Secretary Shaw, but he made a number of little trips out of the city and each time I happened-3- to miss him. He is to be with you for a short time on the trip, I suppose, and can tell you some of the happenings here. Everything is progressing very well so far as I am aware. I think it would be well when you see Mr. Shaw if you would ask him a little bout the smuggling cases in Porto Rico that have caused considerable comment in the press. In my judgement too much has been said in the way of explanation of the action that was taken regarding those cases, and I am not clear that it is a wise move to attempt to palliate the offenses, even though they were committed by officers of the army and navy. You undoubtedly hear very regularly from the White House. Mrs. Cortelyou has a very pleasant call there a few days ago. I think Mrs. Roosevelt must have enjoyed her short trip very much, for she talked most enthusiastically about it. We hear good reports of your experiences in the Yellowstone. I hope you have been much benefited by your stop there. You have [got] a pretty hard trip ahead of you, but have made such a splendid beginning that I am sure you are well prepared for what is to come. If there is anything in the world I can do to be of service to you, have Mr. Loeb wire me, for I am most deeply interested-4- in the trip. But I shall not burden you with letters. I have written now principally to congratulate you upon what you have accomplished so far on the journey, and to wish you Godspeed for the balance of it. With warm personal regards, believe me, Very sincerely yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou To the President.[*4-23-03*] [*ENC IN CLARKSON TO LOEB 4-27-03*] [*World Apr 23*] PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S NOMINATION. Ex-Speaker Henderson, who was thought last year to have some reason for resentment against the President, now says that the latter will be nominated without opposition--"no other name will go before the convention." Senator Platt said yesterday that Mr. Roosevelt is "just now the best and strongest man, in my opinion, that the Republicans could possibly nominate." If the convention were to be held to-morrow or at any time this summer President Roosevelt would undoubtedly be nominated by acclamation. The Government's victory in the great anti-merger suit, which he initiated, has ended any doubt as to the nomination which may have existed before that decision. The Republican bosses, with their Wall street and other powerful financial allies, would not dare support any other candidate, whatever their disposition may be. And the Republican voters would not listen to any suggestion of setting aside the President who settled the great coal strike and stopped the monopolizing merger of the Northern Pacific railroads. With a trustworthy Democratic candidate on a national platform, the nomination by the Republicans of any other candidate than Roosevelt, as matters now stand, would be party suicide. That a strong desire and perhaps determination to prevent the nomination of Mr. Roosevelt has existed in very influential quarters is unquestionably true. That the more or less covert attacks upon the President in Republican newspapers having close connections with Wall street were in- spired by this wish has been quite evident. That the intensifying and "working up" of the South- ern white sentiment against what is called Mr. Roosevelt's "negro policy" was due to the same cause was obviously in the President's mind when he referred to this "incomprehensible outcry" as "apparently started in New York for reasons wholly unconnected with the question nominally at issue"--that is, the propriety of appointing a colored man to office. How formidable this movement might have become but for the President's success in the coal arbitration and the Northern Securities case it is impossible to say. But if only Platt, Quay, Hanna and Elkins had united in a determined effort to defeat Roosevelt's nomination it is not unlikely that they could have made him considerable trouble. A majority of the next Republican Convention will require 495 votes. The old "solid South," including Delaware, Maryland and West Virginia, will have 276 delegates. New York, Pennsylvania and Ohio will have 192, giving a total of 468. Missouri, with 36 delegates, added to this would make a majority of the convention without Kentucky's 26. All the Southern and border States, with New York, Pennsylvania and Ohio, would give a total of 580 votes, or 35 more than a majority. But at this time there is no other Republican who dare permit himself to be mentioned as a candidate, and the prospect undoubtedly is that Mr. Roosevelt will be nominated by acclamation. [*World Apr 23*] WHY ROOSEVELT IS STRONG The Keen Knife of the Sun Delicately Inserted Under the President's FIfth Rib. (From Yesterday's New York Sun.) President Roosevelt holds that his nomination by the National Republican Convention in 1904 is an assured thing. He makes no concealment of his conviction, and it is unreservedly shared by his friends. We think President Roosevelt is right. There are strong and convincing reasons why the President should feel that success is within his grasp. He has used the opportunities that he found or created, and he has used them with consummate skill and undeniable success. The President has disarmed all his enemies. Every weapon they had, new or old, has been taken from them and added to the now unassailable Roosevelt arsenal. Why should people won- der that Mr. Bryan clings to silver? What else has he left to cling to? Has not Mr. Roosevelt absorbed and sequestered ever vestige of the Kansas City platform that had a shred of practical value? Suppose that Mr. Bryan had been elected President. What could he have accomplished compared with what Mr. Roosevelt has accomplished? Will his most passionate followers pretend for one moment that Mr. Bryan could have conceived, much less enforced, any such pursuit of the trusts as that which Mr. Roosevelt has just brought to a triumphant issue? Will Mr. Bryan himself intimate that the Federal courts would have turned to his projects the friendly countenance which they have lent to those of Mr. Roosevelt? Where is "government by injunction" gone to? The very emptyness of that once potent phrase is beyond description! A regiment of Bryans could not compete with Mr. Roosevelt in harrying the trusts, in bringing wealth to its knees and in converting into the palpable actualities of action the wildest dreams of Bryan's campaign orators. He has outdone them all. And how utterly the President has routed the pretensions of Bryan and of the whole Democratic horde in respect to organized labor! How empty were all their professions, their mouthings and their howlings in the face of the simple and unpretentious achievements of the President! In his own straight- forward fashion he inflicted upon capital in one short hour of the coal strike a greater humiliation than Bryan could have visited upon it in a century. He is the leader of the labor unions of the United States, and they never trusted Bryan and they never voted for him. Mr. Roosevelt has put them above the law and above the Constitution, because for him they are the American people, and they proclaim to-day that they are for him to a man, and they are. Mr. Bryan never could have accomplished what Mr. Roosevelt has done. He never could have acquired the moral support that has been the President's. He lacked the essential things-- the personal force, the dignity, the individual distinction and the style. The President is the strong man, the leader of the masses. People compare Mr. Roosevelt to Germany's strong man, her forceful William. They even compare him to Napoleon. Napoleon Bonaparte was a strong man, a man for great crises, great emergencies. Napoleon mowed down the mob around the Tuileries. But Napoleon did not incite the mob to come to the Tuileries. [*New York Times Apr 28th/03*] THE SYMPATHETIC CANDIDATE The strikers who put a "boycott" recently upon the Union Pacific railway requested President Roosevelt to avoid that road in making his western progress. The despatches say that the President replied that he regretted that he could not grant the request, for the reason that he had promised to appear and speak at various places on the line of the Union Pacific and was unwilling to disappoint the people who expected him. It is this thoughtfulness, this quick concern for the feelings of public, that has won for the President his high place in the affections of the American people. He would gladly accede to the request, but the innocent persons who would be hurt and disappointed if he failed to visit them must first be thought of. The Union Pacific boycotters fully appreciated it, and they admired the President's judicial-minded solicitude for the expectant communities of the Rocky Mountains. They knew that his heart was with themselves, that he regretted that he must forgo the pleasure of sharing in and abetting their cause, but that his word was given elsewhere and he must be excused. Thus it is, by his thoughtful tact and universal consideration, that the President makes friends wherever he goes, and even when he fails to share the pastimes of the masses alienates no man's sympathy, but rather knits all the closer to him. We do not wish to do any injustices to Mr. CLEVELAND, but we cannot help thinking how differently that tactless statesman would have behaved in the same circumstances, and how his fossilized adherence to the Constitution and his hide- bound deference to the intolerable restrictions of the laws of his country would have led him to act. It is doubtless true that under the same circumstances Mr. CLEVELAND would probably not have been requested to avoid the Union Pacific railway and to blot it out from his itinerary. The men who institute boycotts and who undermine and destroy property that they cannot control understand their business. They are both shrewd and capable, and they know whom to address. Mr. CLEVELAND, however, never would have expressed his regret that a prior engagement deprived him of the pleasure of participating in their boycott. He would have had no thought for their sensibilities, no disinterested sympathy with their laudable purpose. His head would have been full of obsolete ideas about the Bill of Rights, the inviolability of freedom of contract and the putative importance of the common law. So obsessed would he have been by these sentimental futilities that the invitation would have smacked to him of insult ad he would have affected a rousing indignation. It is this selfish and narrow adherence to superannuated ideals, this bigoted infatuation with the Constitution of his country and its laws, and this myopic failure to sympathize with the true feelings of the public, that make Mr. CLEVELAND the respectable impossibility that he is to-day. How absurd, how grotesque, in this era of new moral forces would be his pretensions to the Presidency; if he had any! DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR WASHINGTON April 24, 1903. Fort Marcy Military Reservation Santa Fe, New Mexico. My dear Mr. President: When you reach Santa Fe, you will doubtless be importuned to issue a proclamation granting to the City of Santa Fe, for public purposes, Fort Marcy Military Reservation, within the limits of Santa Fe, New Mexico, the express purpose being to secure the said property in aid of public schools. This, I trust, you will not consent to do, as there is more involved in this matter than appears on the surface of the application, in other words, a job. I have approved of the report and recommendation of Governor Richards, for reasons briefly summarized in the enclosed memoranda, giving epitome of the correspondence with reference to this matter. Attached to this memoranda is also a copy of a letter from Senator Quay, enclosing a copy of a letter from Mr. N. B. Laughlin, whose suggestion, I think, is a good one, namely, that the reservation should be sold at public auction and "pass into the hands of private owners who will keep it in repair, beautify the town and add to our (their) taxable valuation", whereas, to convey it to the City for public school purposes, means the -2- transfer of this property to a local Board, under whose control I think this property should not be placed. Yours sincerely, E. A. Hitchcock Secretary. The President:[For 3 enclosures see memo ca. 4-24-03 Bug 4-22-03 and Loughlin 4-18-03] DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, WASHINGTON. [?] April 24, 1903. Warner Ranch Indians. My dear Mr. President: I enclose, with this, copies of correspondence, by letter and wire, with Mr. C. F. Lummis, regarding the above matter, by which you will see that he is having trouble in removing the Indians from the Warner Ranch to the Pala Ranch, the latter having been recently acquired under and Act of Congress, by which a Commission was appointed whose recommendation and final report was to be made to the Secretary of the Interior within ninety days after such appointment. Under the Act above referred to, briefly, the Warner's Ranch Indians refused to leave that property, and it is suggested by Mr. Lummis that a file of soldiers be employed to secure their removal. The authority of the Commission ceased to exist some time ago, and further action on the part of the Commission, or any of its members, is entirely unnecessary, and is leading to much trouble. I do not believe that these Indians should be removed at the point of the bayonet, but have sent one of our best Inspectors to take charge of the whole situation, and see that the removal takes place with as little friction as possible.-2- Mr. Lummis will doubtless appeal to you, and I respectfully request that this matter be left entirely in the hands of the Department and the Indian Bureau, and that no administrative authority be delegated to Mr. Lummis, who, however good his intentions, appears inclined to proceed in a manner beyond any authority given him either by law or by this Department, and whose suggestions, if acted upon, will certainly lead to serious trouble. You will see, from the memoranda, that one of our best Indian Inspectors, Mr. Jenkins, is now enroute to this mission and, I trust, will be enabled to secure satisfactory results without resorting to military force, as suggested by Mr. Lummis. Yours sincerely, E. A. Hitchcock. Secretary. The President:[*CPF*] Paris, 24 avril 1903 Monsieur le Président, Le Comte de Castellane m'a remis de votre part un exemplaire de The strenuous life avec une dédicace qui m'honore et me touche infiniment. Car j'ai la plus grande admiration pour votre caractère et pour votre esprit. Vous êtes, Monsieur le Président, très populaire en France, et à juste titre. Ce qui je puis souhaiter de mieux pour mon pays si éprouvé, c'est un chef qui vous ressemble. Veuillez agréer, monsieur le Président, avec mes remerciements, l'expression de mon profond respect. Jules [Lemai?tre] Monsieur Théodore Roosevelt, Président de la République des Etats-Unis.[[shorthand]] [*P. F.*] [*ackd 4/28/1903*] Cambridge Mass. April 24, 1903. Mr. President: - You have allowed me generously at previous occasions to be the secret messenger of my unfortunate friend v. Holleben. May I tell you privately today that a last letter of leavetaking and thanks is in the hands of Mr. v. Sternburg and that v. Holleben hopes thatitself or at least the fact of the correspondence to the papers. You could make him, I suppose, most happy if your reply indicated the hope that he may visit the States again; he would visit in that case the St. Louis World's Fair. Very respectfully yours Hugo Münsterberg v. Sternburg will hand you that letter soon. He has also another one for Secretary Hay. In the case that you decide to send a word of reply, v. Holleben will of course not mention publicly his letter or your answer. But in as much as the American and the German press has criticized his apparently abrupt departure, it would be a benefaction to him if you were to give the correspondence [*[ca-4-24-03]*] Memorandum of proceedings relative to Fort Marcy Military Reservation within the limits of the city of Santa Fe, New Mexico - area between 17 and 18 acres, including about 20 buildings. ------------o0o------------ Established, August 28, 1868. Relinquished, October 7, 1891. Re-established, November 12, 1891. Relinquished, June 15, 1895, for disposal under act of July 5, 1884 - 23 Stat.,103. January 30, 1896, on recommendation of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, there was transmitted to the President draft of a proclamation granting the reservation to the city of Santa Fe, under the act of March 3, 1893 - 27 Stat.,572. March 23, 1896, the Secretary asked return of the draft because it was then thought probable the reservation might be needed for an Indian school. December 27, 1898, the Commissioner of the General Land Office recommended that the reservation be subdivided into town lots and disposed of under the act of July 5, 1884, at public outcry to the highest bidders after appraisement &c. February 1, 1899, the Acting Commissioner of Indian Affairs reported on the above letter of the Commissioner of the General Land Office and stated that there is now no necessity for the reservation of this place for Indian school purposes. February 8, 1899, the Commissioner of the General Land Office was directed to cause the lands to be subdivided as he recommended. In 1899 several petitions were presented asking that the reservation be granted to the city of Santa Fe under the act of March 3, 1893 - 27 Stat.,593. During the present year numerous petitions have been received from public bodies and from citizens of Santa Fe and one in the shape of a Memorial by the Territorial Legislature for the granting of the reservation to the city of Santa Fe for public purposes under the act of March 3, 1893, the express purpose, as shown by the correspondence, being to secure the property in aid of public schools. March 16, 1903, the Commissioner reported against the transfer of the reservation to the city for such particular use, as in his opinion the act does not warrant a grant of this kind. This report was approved by the Department. -2- March 25, 1903, the Mayor of Santa Fe asked that the decision of the Commissioner to be reconsidered, contending that the application was not to have the lands donated for the specific purpose of being used for schools, but for public purposes; that it is the intention to use the reserve for the support of schools, for location of a city hall, jail, etc. April 16, 1903, the Acting Commissioner reported that in his judgment necessity does not exit for withholding the reservation for sale and donating it to the city under the special act of 1893, but that the lands and building be disposed of under the act of July 5, 1884, and the proceeds turned into the Treasury. He therefore recommended that the application for review be denied. He also stated that in pursuance of Departmental instructions it is contemplated, as soon as the season opens, to have the reservation subdivided into town lots. Congress has already made a munificent grant of lands to the Territory of New Mexico for school purposes, being the only territory to which such a grant has ever been made. There is nothing in the act of March 3, 1893, authorizing the transfer of abandoned military reservation containing less than 20 acres to the municipality in which they are situated for public uses by which such a municipality could be compelled by the Government to carry out the purposes of the grant. It is because of this defect in the act, evidently, that no action as warranted thereby has ever been taken thereunder. [Enc. in Hitchcock, 4-24-03][*#3*] [*4-24-03]*] [*[enclosed Payne 4-27-03]*] At the Tyner House Today. When a reporter for the Evening Star called at the Tyner residence, 1471 Kenesaw avenue northwest, this morning, a very much perturbed colored servant answered the bell after a long wait. In response to a request to take a card to the general or Mrs. Tyner, the servant shook her head. "Both Mr. and Mrs. Tyner are sick in bed," she declared, and started to close the door. Further persistence on the part of the reporter to get a message to Mrs. Tyner resulted in information being conveyed rom a female voice at the head of the stairs to the effect that it would be impossible for any one in the house to be seen at that time. It was suggested that a telephone message might be responded to ater. This suggestion was acted upon, and again by the voice of a woman The Star was told that Mr. R. Ross Perry represented General Tyner, and that he would undoubtedly have a statement for The Star today. The further statement was made that Gen. Tyner had not left his room since December 11, and that he had been out only three times in the nine months which had elapsed since he had been stricken with paralysis. Mrs. Tyner, it was stated, was not sick; that a mistake had been made by the servant in making that statement. However, it would be no use in calling at the residence as Mr. Perry had been designated to do all of the talking, and this plan would be adhered to. The Tyner residence is a three-story brick, the center one of a row all of the same type of architecture. The house was being photographed by an industrious photographer this morning. He had planted his camera in the yard of a residence across the street, and after taking the house on his plate, he waited in the hope of taking a snap shot of some member of the family who should enter or leave the residence. Attorney L. T. Michener of 624 F street, who is associated with Mr. Perry as counsel for Gen. Tyner, declined to be seen today. He was said to be very busily engaged and had left orders that he was not to be disturbed for any purpose. Mr. Perry, it was stated, would give out all information regarding the Tyner case. Mr. Perry Has Nothing Further to Say. Mr. R. Ross Perry of the local bar called at the Department of Justice this morning. He communicated the facts in the case from Mr. Tyner's standpoint, to the officials there and offered to place at their disposal for examination the papers taken from the safe. Mr. Perry explained to a Star reporter that he had nothing to say regarding Mr. Tyner's side of the case in addition to the statement given out last night. PRODUCED A SENSATION. Dismissal of Mr. Tyner Given Out by Postmaster General. Just before the Post Office Department closed yesterday afternoon Postmaster General Payne sprung a genuine sensation by announcing the summary dismissal from the position of assistant attorney general for the Post Office Department of James N. Tyner. Coupled with the announcement was the startling charge that all the papers and records in the safe of the latter's office had been abstracted by Mrs. Tyner, wife of the discharged official, with the assistance of others. The announcement was made by Postmaster General Payne to a large number of newspaper correspondents, who had gathered in his office, as has been the custom for several weeks in search of the latest developments in the investigation of the alleged scandals in the department. In a voice that trembled with emotion the Postmaster General said he regretted to have to say that he had found it necessary to remove Mr. Tyner from office, and after speaking in a general way about the facts that had developed, said the story was best told in a correspondence, which he then read in a most feeling tone. Mr. Payne announced that he could say nothing further on the subject, and that he preferred not to be asked any questions. He was asked if any arrests would be made as the result of the abstraction and if any one else in the office was involved. He said that these were matters which he could not discuss; that it rested with the Attorney General, to whom the papers would go as soon as the record of the case could be copied and submitted. The case, however, he added, would be in the hands of the Department of Justice today, and what further steps were to be taken would be decided by the Attorney General. He did not care to venture any prediction as to the outcome. Postmaster General Payne's Letter. The facts are told tersely and to the point in the letter of dismissal, signed by Postmaster General Payne late Wednesday night and made public last night. The letter is as follows: "April 22, 1903. "Hon. James N. Tyner, assistant attorney general for the Post Office Department. "Sir: You are hereby removed from the office of assistant attorney general for the Post Office Department. "I deem it proper to give you the reasons for this summary action on the part of the department. Early in the month of March I communicated to you, through a mutual friend, a request for your resignation. "After a painful interview with you, and a more painful one with Mrs. Tyner, I consented to modify the demand for your resignation, so that it might take effect on May 1, 1903; with the provision, however, that you were given leave of absence from the time of the acceptance of the resignation to the date of its taking effect, with the understanding that you were not in any way to undertake to discharge the duties of the office. "Late yesterday afternoon Mrs. Tyner came to the office of the assistant attorney general for the Post Office Department, entering in the regular way, and went through the main office to the private office, closing the door behind her. "She then unlocked the door entering from the public hall into the private room, and admitted her sister, Mrs. Barrett, whose son was formerly an assistant in your office, and whose conduct is now under investigation by the department. She also admitted in the same manner Mr. G. G. Hamner, an expert in the employ of the Mosler Safe Company, with whom she had made arrangement to meet her at the department. "At her direction Mr. Hamner opened the safe in the room and she took therefrom all papers, records and articles of every kind, and carried them away with her. "Immediately upon learning what had been done, I directed the fourth assistant postmaster general to send two inspectors to you house to demand, in the name of the Postmaster General, the delivery to them of any papers, documents or other materials which has been abstracted from the safe. "This demand was refused by Mrs. Tyner, and she likewise refused to permit the inspectors to see you, or to see and examine the papers in her presence. Mrs. Tyner further stated to the post office inspectors that she committed this act with your knowledge and by your direction. Further comment on this transaction , on my part, is not necessary. "The facts in the case will be submitted to the Attorney General of the United States for such action in the premises as he may deem proper. Very respectfully, "H. C. PAYNE, "Postmaster General." What Mrs. Tyner Did. Mrs. Tyner went to the office of the assistant attorney general, on the fifth floor of the post office building, at 3:45 o'clock Tuesday afternoon and remained there exactly an hour. When she arrived Acting Assistant Attorney General Christiancy, who has had charge of the office for months past in the absence of Gen. Tyner, who has been in poor health for a long period, was in the office. The clerks were at their desks. Mrs. Tyner passed from the public room into the private office and closed the door behind her. Being then alone in the office she stepped to the door opening into the public corridor and, by previous arrangement, admitted Mrs. Barrett, mother of Harrison J. Barrett, the former law clerk of the Post Office Department, and G. G. Hamner, a safe expert. Mr. Christiancy reported the presence in the office of Mrs. Tyner to two inspectors who were investigating affairs connected with the office and also personally communicated the fat of Mrs Tyner's appearance in the office to Postmaster General Payne. The inspectors reported the matter to their superior officer, Fourth Assistant Postmaster General Bristow. Mr. Bristow asked authority to have Mrs. Tyner ejected from the office. The authority came too late. When the inspector returned Mrs. Tyner and her party had left. The safe on being examined was found to be empty. The affair created much excitement among the investigating officials, bu the news was concealed carefully from the public. Two inspectors were dispatched to the Tyner residence to recover the papers. Mrs. Tyner refused to given them up, saying that she was acting under the direction of her husband. She told the inspectors, so they reported, that they had a right to the papers as Mr. Tyner was still assistant attorney general, and moreover, insisted that the papers were all of a private character. The inspectors reported that Mrs. Tyner declared the papers belonged solely to them and she announced emphatically that she did not propose to have her papers submitted to the scrutiny of the inspectors. Other pressure, it is understood, was brought to bear both on Mr. and Mrs. Tyner, but both unequivocally refused to deliver the papers or even to show them or indicate their nature. May Have Important Connection. At the department it is suspected that the papers have some connection with the recent conduct of the office. Some weeks ago a turf investment concern, whose affairs were aired in court, alleged that its operations and working methods had been sanctioned by the assistant attorney general for the Post Office Department. The charges involving the office of the assistant attorney general and a lawyer formerly connected with that office were ventilated very generally at that time and an investigation was ordered by the Postmaster General. This was really the inception of the investigation that has spread into every part of the department. The complaints crystallized into a formal request for Mr. Tyner's resignation, signed by Postmaster General Payne, on March 9 last. Mr. Tyner, who is in bad health, had visited the office at only rare intervals, leaving the office entirely in charge of his assistant for months at a time. He is suffering from an unusually severe case of paralysis, and in consideration of this fact the request for his resignation was based on his ill health. The correspondence which took place just prior to Mr. Payne's departure on his cruise in the West Indies is interesting in this connection. It is as follows: Some Interesting Correspondence. "Office of the Assistant Attorney General for the Post Office Department, Washington. "Hon. Henry C. Payne, Postmaster General. "My Dear Sir: Lest the effects of the light stroke of paralysis which recently disabled my left leg partially and my left arm totally, may prevent me from performing my duties satisfactorily for some time to come as assistant attorney general of the Post Office Department, I deem it proper to tender my resignation of said office to take effect May 1, 1903. "It is painful to me to thus sever my connection with the postal service, with which I have been closely associated as an officer of the department and a member of congressional committees at intervals over a period of forty-two years. "Very truly yours, "JAMES N. TYNER." To this letter the Postmaster General sent the following acknowledgment: "March 9, 1903. "Hon. James N. Tyner, Assistant Attorney General, Washington, D. C. "My Dear Sir: I have your letter of today, tendering your resignation of the position of assistant attorney general for the Post Office Department. "I regret the serious affliction which has come to you, and which is of such a serious character as to preclude your discharging the duties of your office. It must, indeed, be painful for you to sever your relations with the department with which you have been associated for so many years, and of which you were at one time the official head.[*#3*] [*4-24-03]*] [*[enclosed Payne 4-27-03]*] Wash. Star. April 24/03 POST OFFICE SCANDAL The Tyner Removal the Latest Incident in the Matter. RIFLING A SAFE Papers All Sent to Attorney General for Opinion. Question of Jurisdiction to Be Settled -- Mr. Tyner's Counsel at Department of Justice. The summary removal by Postmaster General Payne of James M. Tyner as assistant United States attorney general for the Post Office Department, following the sensational disclosure that Mrs. Tyner, assisted by a safe expert and accompanied by her sister, had rifled the safe in the assistant attorney general's office and removed its contents, was the sole topic of conversation today in the departments, business houses and homes. In fact, in every place where persons are wont to congregate the sensational actions of Mrs. Tyner were discussed. The work was done so boldly as to cause the officials of the Post Office Department to marvel. Two whole days elapsed from the time it was known that the safe in the assistant attorney general's office had been ransacked before the matter was given to the public. Postmaster General Payne was in anything but a pleasant frame of mind when he was notified of what had occurred. That there should be no miscarriage of justice and that the investigation might not be hampered in any way, it was deemed prudent to keep the information from the public until he was able to communicate with Attorney General Knox, Fourth Assistant Postmaster General Bristow and other members of his official family, and to get the affidavits of Mr. Christiancy, the acting assistant attorney general and the clerks and others in the assistant attorney general's office. Began Investigation at Once. As soon as Mr. Payne learned that Mrs. Tyner and a safe expert had been in the private office formerly occupied by Gen. Tyner he immediately set an investigation on foot. Fourth Assistant Postmaster General Bristow called to his aid Mr. Cochran, the chief of inspectors of the department, and the latter placed the work of trying to recover the papers that had been removed in the hands of several of his most trusted men. One of the inspectors was dispatched after Anderson Hogan, the colored messenger of the office, to whom Mrs. Tyner had intrusted the package of papers taken from the safe, and who had left the building with it, under instructions from Mrs. Tyner. This inspector went to the home of Mrs. Barrett, Mrs. Tyner's sister, while another went to General Tyner's home. The package had been delivered to the Tyner home before an inspector reached there. The Postmaster General first learned of Mrs Tyner's presence in the post office building from Mr. Christiancy, at about 4:40 o'clock Tuesday afternoon, who reported that she was then in the private office of the assistant attorney general. The matter had previously been reported to two inspectors, who were also in the assistant attorney general's office. Mr. Payne Acted Quickly. The Postmaster General directed that Mr. Christiancy go back to the room and not permit her to remain other than in the company of himself or some official of the department. When Mr. Christiancy and an inspector reached the room they found it vacant. Mrs. Tyner had departed by the main door with the messenger carrying the papers while the inspectors were watching the private entrance. Following this the investigation was begun in earnest. The inspectors were detailed to get sworn affidavits from Mr. Christiancy and all others attached to the assistant attorney general's office who were there during the time Mrs. Tyner and her companions were at work in the private office. These affidavits were submitted to Attorney General Payne, and it was action upon the evidence thus placed before him that he wrote the letter removing Gen. Tyner from office and giving the reasons therefor. At 1 o'clock this afternoon Postmaster General Payne certified to Attorney General Knox for such action as he may deem necessary in the cases of the persons involved in the abstraction of the papers from the safe. The Postmaster General's letter accompanying the papers made no recommendations beyond submitting the case for such action as the Department of Justice might consider expedient. Mr. Perry Calls to See Mr. Knox. The officials of the Department of Justice will give most careful consideration to the papers in the Tyner case before action of any kind is taken. Officially, at noon today, the Department of Justice essayed to know nothing of the merits of the case, and all the officials there declined to express even a personal opinion, saying that both personal and official judgment would be suspended until the papers were received and the whole case was gone over. Mr. R. Ross Perry visited the Department of Justice early this morning as a friend of Mrs. Tyner and family. Attorney General Knox did not see him and referred him to Solicitor General Hoyt, who will evidently handle the case from now on for the Attorney General. Mr. Perry, it is stated, made about the same statement to Mr. Hoyt that was given out last night by Mr. Perry and Gen. Louis T. Michener. The understanding is that Mr. Perry informed Mr. Hoyt that the few official papers that were taken by Mrs. Tyner are at the disposal of the government, and may be returned there anyhow, even if the government shows no willingness to accept them. Mr. Hoyt declined to indicate what Mr. Perry had suggested or proposed, admitting only that Mr. Perry had made substantially the same statement that was announced last night on behalf of the family. Talk With District Attorney Beach. Following the visit of Mr. Perry, Mr. Hoyt was in conference for a brief time with District Attorney Beach, through whose instrumentality prosecutions, if instituted, will be pushed. Mr. Hoyt indicated that Mr. Beach had not been to the department in connection with the Tyner case; saying that Mr. Beach made almost daily visits to the department relative to legal business in the District. Others also declared that Mr. Beach's visit was by no means in connection with the Tyner case. No one would admit that Mr. Beach had been instructed to place any one under surveillance by officers of the District. The only thing definitely certain about Mr. Beach is that if warrants are issued for anybody the prosecutions will be under his direction. Attorney General Knox said that he was not familiar with the facts, and knew little except what he had seen in the papers. Postmaster General Payne called on him Wednesday afternoon, he said, and asked whether he was legally justified in summarily dismissing Mr. Tyner if the department concluded that this action should be taken. The Postmaster General had not then fully informed himself about the details of the extraction of papers from the safe and did not ask anything as to prosecution of those engaged in taking the papers. He merely wanted to know if he had authority to dismiss Mr. Tyner. He was informed that he did have this authority. In this connection the Department of Justice states that Mr. Tyner is in no way an employee of that department, as evidenced by the fact that his dismissal was made through the Post Office Department. He is not a presidential appointee, and the Postmaster General can remove him without legal question. It is said that the office of assistant attorney general of the Post Office Department is the only one of that kind in the government service that power of removal does not belong to the Department of Justice. Mr. Tyner's work was wholly under direction of the Postmaster General, and the Department of Justice did nothing but pay him his salary. May Be No Prosecution. There was naturally much interesting speculation throughout the departments of government today about the Tyner case, and whether Mrs. Tyner and the others with her at the time could be prosecuted for their work. The opinion prevailed among legal minds that no successful prosecution can be made. The view taken is that Mr. Tyner was an officer of the Post Office department last Tuesday; that as the government permits the habit of officials using public safes for private papers he had a right to send his wife or some representative there to secure his private papers, inasmuch as he could not go himself; that he was about to go out of office, and if he had been physically able his right to go into his office and secure these papers would hardly have been questioned or interfered with; that even if he had taken official papers away for perusal and had returned them before the date of his retirement he would have been doing nothing criminally wrong; that many officials of the government take official papers to their homes to go over, and that the practice is general. One result of the incident, it is pointed out today, may be the issuing of orders by the heads of departments that private papers cannot be kept in the safes of the government, thereby tending to stop what many persons have for a long time termed an abuse of government privileges in this respect. It is almost certain that some action in this direction will be considered by heads of departments and probably promulgated in the course of a short time. The Post Office Department sent the papers in the Tyner case to the Department of Justice this afternoon about 1 o'clock, and they are now before the department. Shortly after that hour Solicitor General Hoyt went to his luncheon, and it is not thought to be likely that any action will be directed this afternoon, possibly not even tomorrow, as it is the intention of the officials to consider the case in the fullest manner. Mr. Christiancy Declines to Talk. Mr. Christiancy, the acting assistant attorney general, when seen this morning, declined to make any statement other than to say that his affidavit, which had been submitted to Mr. Payne and would go to the Attorney General, covered completely all he knew about Mrs. Tyner's actions in his office. Postmaster General Payne, while deploring the whole thing, particularly the necessity of summarily removing from office a man who had once held the position of postmaster general, is none the less determined that the case shall be carefully and impartially investigated, and if a law has been broken justice shall be meted out to the violator or violators. Up to 2 o'clock this afternoon the bundle of papers mentioned in the statement given out by Mr. Perry and Mr. Michener, counsel for Gen. and Mrs. Tyner, as belonging to the government and having been taken by mistake by Mrs. Tyner in her raid on the safe, had not been returned to the department. The Postmaster General had heard nothing, directly or indirectly, from Gen. and Mrs Tyner regarding the bundle of papers. The fact that the attorneys for Gen. and Mrs. Tyner had expressed a willingness to return the bundle did not mitigate, in the eyes of Mr. Payne, what had been done. He realized that if there were any papers, for the concealment of which Gen. Tyner may have had a purpose, there has been plenty of time for those in whose possession they are to extract them, and that the return of any papers would not efface any opinion that may have obtained that they were taken from a government safe without permission and for an ulterior purpose. [*#3 Cont.* [*[4-24-03]*] [*[enclosed in Payne 4-27-03]*] "Your resignation is accepted in view of all the circumstances, but I deem it but just and proper that it should take effect May 1, 1908, and that you be given leave of absence until that date. I trust that this will give you rest and freedom from care, And will be of material aid in bringing improvement to your condition, which is at the present time of such a serious nature as to render impossible any labor on your part. With kindest regards, I am very sincerely yours. H.C. Payne, "Postmaster General." A Question Involved. At the time the papers were taken from the safe Mr. Tyner was still technically assistant attorney general. This fact will figure in consideration of the question by the Department of Justice. It is pointed out, however, that, although Mr. Tyner still held the office, his resignation not having yet become operative, the acceptance of his resignation was with the strict understanding, specifically stated in the letter of acceptance, that he would not attempt to administer the duties of his office. t is fully realized by Postmaster General Payne that the case presents a delicate situation, and for that reason he declined today to enter into a discussion of the facts. Mr. Tyner has been in the government service in various important capacities for many years. He is from Indiana. He served as assistant attorney general for the Post Office Department and later was first assistant postmaster general. Subsequently he became Postmaster General, and later he again assumed office in the department. He is one of the best-known men in official life in Washington. He and Mrs. Tyner and President and Mrs. Grant were intimate friends. During the universal postal congress, which met here in 1897, he was one of the committee which represented this government. Tyner's Counsel Makes Statement After General Tyner had received the letter of dismissal from Postmaster General Payne he called into consultation Mr. R. Ross Perry and Mr. L.T. Michener, attorneys of this city, who are intimate friends. These gentlemen later in the evening made a statement as follows: "Gen. James N. Tyner asks from the public a suspension of judgment until he can put before them the facts relating to his removal from office and the cause assigned therefor by the Postmaster General. The matter has come upon him so suddenly that he cannot now make a detailed statement, but must necessarily confine himself to the following general account: "In July last he was stricken with paralysis, from which he has only partially recovered. Realizing that his usefulness as a public officer was seriously impaired, he conferred with the Postmaster General as to the time of his resignation, and it was agreed between them that it should be accepted to take effect on May 1, 1908. "On Tuesday last, feeling that the time of his retirement from office was very near, he realized that he should remove from his office certain private property and papers belonging to his wife, and himself. These were contained in a safe in his room at the Post Office Department. For the many years during which he has been connected with that department he has had a room which has been virtually his own, and a safe in this room in which he has kept personal papers. This is a practice which has been common for years to the chief officials of the government departments. "Gen. Tyner's health prevented his going in person to open this safe and remove his papers therefrom. Even had he been able to leave his house his disabled arm would have prevented him from opening the safe. Accordingly he requested Mrs. Tyner to act for him, giving her the combination of the safe. Upon her reminding him that she could not open it, even with the combination, he directed her to telephone for Mr. Hammer, who had on a prior occasion opened it for him. This was accordingly done, and Mrs. Tyner made an appointment for Mr. Hammer to meet her at the general's room at half past 3 on Tuesday last. Mrs. Barrett, who is Mrs. Tyner's sister, and who lives in the same house with her, accompanied her, as she did not wish to go alone. They did not reach the department until 3:45 o'clock. "It is easy to see now that it would have been better had Mrs. Tyner gone to the Postmaster General and asked him to be present and supervise her act. But neither Gen. Tyner nor herself contemplated any wrongdoing, or imagined that such would be imputed to them. His many years' service and her frequent visits to his room made it seem only natural that she should go there to take his property, since he could not go himself. "Mrs. Tyner removed from this safe its contents, which was all that she had been instructed to get. A messenger of the department made these papers into a bundle and carried them to the general's house. "Shortly after he reached there two inspectors from the department came to the house and demanded these papers. Gen. Tyner, upon the spur of the moment and without other guide than his indignation, refused to deliver them. Later on the same evening he sent a letter to Mr. Bristow, the fourth assistant postmaster general, asking him to come to his house, intending to put the papers in his charge. Unfortunately Mr. Bristow was unable to come. "These papers are now in the possession of Gen. tyner in the same condition in which they were when taken from the safe. They are all the private papers of Gen. and Mrs. Tyner, save one bundle, which relate to a matter not at all connected with anything now pending in the department and long since closed. These papers will all be placed at the disposal of the proper authorities of the government." No blame, so far as can be learned, is attached to Mr. Hammer, the safe expert, who had performed similar services for Mr. Tyner in his office, and who went there innocent of the thought that he was being used as a tool.Form No. 282. Telegram Received [In Cipher] Salt Lake, Utah From ____ April 25, 1903. To the Honorable Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. We are advised by press despatches today, and by affidavits in our possession, that all American citizens of the Mormon faith are about to be expelled from Prussia without having violated any law or been accused of any offense. We request that immediate steps be taken to redress these wrongs and protect our citizens. THOMAS KEARNS REED SMOOT. Deciphered by ____ ____, 189__ , __M. COPY. Form No. 281. TELEGRAM SENT IN CIPHER DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, April 25,1903 Tower, Berlin. I am informed by the two Senators from Utah that all American citizens of the Mormon faith are to be expelled from Prussia without having violated any law or been accused of any offense. Please look into the matter, and, if occasion arises, use good offices to the end that no unjust discrimination be made against our citizens. HAY. Enciphered by______________________ Chief Clerk's Office Sent to operator ________________M. By ____________________, Messenger. Sent by operator _____________M. _____________________190 , _____________COPY. (Form No. 218.) Telegram Sent. Department of State, Washington, April 25, 1903. Hon. Thomas Kearns Hon. Reed Smoot, Salt Lake, Utah. Your despatch received and communicated to Ambassador in Germany, who is instructed to report, and to use his good offices in behalf of our citizens. JOHN HAY.[*C.F.*] [*Sec State 4/25/03*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. April 25, 1903. Dear Mr. President:- I enclose copy of a despatch just received from Kearns and Smoot with my reply. I have sent an instruction to Mr. Tower, of which I also enclose a copy. It seems to me this is all we can do, and yet we could hardly do less at the request of the two Senators. Hoping you will approve, I am, Very sincerely yours John Hay[*ca 4-26-03*] [enc in Clarkson to Loeb 4-27-03*] ODELL READY TO FIGHT PLATT FOR NEW YORK CITY. ---------------------------------------- Low and Greene Behind the Governor in His Plan to Wrest Control of Machine Here from the Senator ---------------------------------------- Combination Already Claims Sixteen District Leaders and Expects by Primaries to Get Necessary Three More ---------------------------------------- Line-Up of New York District Leaders. Claimed by Platt Claimed by Odell and Low M.H. Healy Michael Hines F. Haldey Jos. Levenson C. Van Cott J.E. March J.J. Hannon C.H. Murray F.S. Gibbs George Hilliard F. Eidman John Shea J.P. Windolph Abraham Gruber John Stiebling C.K. Lexow H. Joveshoff M.M. McKee J.F. Pegnam J.T. Alexander G.W. Wwanmaker J.W. Perry C.B. Page, J.H. Gunner W. Henkle A.T. Mason W.W. Crombie A.O. Neal Smith Pine S. Strasbourger Henry Birell A.W. Cooley Isaac Newman Total - 16. Frank Raymond W.H. Ten Eyek E.H. Healey Total - 20 NECESSARY TO CONTROL . . . . 19 Albany, April 26. -- The Odell-Low-Greene combine has all but perfected its campaign to wrest control of the Greater New York machine from Senator Platt. The appointment of General Greene for Police Commissioner in January without consultation with the Senator and upon express demand of the Governor, recently supplemented by the naming of George W. Morgan by the Governor for Superintendent of Elections upon express request of the Mayor, despite Platt's protest, were two of the most significant movements for this purpose. The passage of the Eisberg Bill prohibiting indiscriminate transfers of names from one enrollment list to another was a third. The Governor and his allies believe that to-day they have with them at least sixteen of the thirty-six district leaders in New York County, and that they will at the next primaries, through the co-operation of the Police Department, and Elections Bureau, easily secure more than the three additional ones necessary to hold the machine. They depend upon former Lieutenant Governor Timothy L. Woodruff to deliver Kings, Quarantine Commission Joseph Simonson to hold Richmond and United States District-Attorney William J. Youngs to add Queens to the anti-Platt forces. In New York County the Governor and Mayor, through patronage doled out by them already, count on the co-operation to-day of the most aggressive kind of a minority. The Governor has either appointed or retained in office, Port Wardens March and Gunne; Quarantine Commissioner Murray; Deputy Commissioner of Excise Hilliard, Collateral Inheritance Tax Commissioner Lexow; Gas Meter Inspector Alexander, and through Mayor Low, Tax Commissioner Strasbourger. Abraham Grubin, Alexander T. Mason and others are openly at war with Platt and behind the governor, while John Shea, who has just succeeded Captain F. Norton Goddard as leader from the Twentieth, is as bitter against Platt as his chief, who may be pitted against Robert C. Morris for chairman of the new committee at the next primaries. Odell and Low are planning to invade every district now represented by a lieutenant of Platt. National Committeeman Frederick S. Gibbs, who defied Odell last November; W.W. Crombie, Quigg's man in the Nineteenth; Henry Birell, who seized the leadership in the Twenty-fifth by alleged sharp practice after Dock Commissioner McDougall Hawken had been appointed Deputy Collector of Customs Frank Raymond, even Postmaster Van Cott and over a dozen other Platt devotees are marked for slaughter. Odell the chairman of the State Committee used to appreciate what a power the Police Department wielded at primaries when run by Tammany Hall. With Greene as chief, he anticipates much help; and with Morgan and his 500 anti-Platt deputies, he banks on securing what he characterizes as a "fair and square deal."[*ackd 5/4/03 C.F.*] [[shorthand]] CUSTOM HOUSE, SURVEYOR'S OFFICE, NEW YORK, April 27th, 1903. Dear Mr.Loeb: Since the Presidential part started back for the East I have not thought it necessary to make and send clippings. I enclose a few, mainly relating to the new and strange antics of the Sun, as shown by its own words and by the comments of the World and other papers. The Sun had settled down into semi-friendly relations until this sudden change the first of last week. At the same time it changed from unfriendliness to the Metropolitan Street Railway Company to the greatest friendliness and most ardent defense; heretofore, as you know, it has been quite antagonistic to that corporation. These two changes, occurring at the same time, have led to much surmise. John Van Wormer of the Lincoln National Bank, whom, of course, you know, told me when I was sitting by him at a dinner the other night that he had positive information that William C. Whitney and his friends had acquired a majority in the control of the Sun; I told him there were so many rumors as to this, as to Morgan having that control one week and somebody else the next, that it seemed none of them could be depended upon; he said that he knew-2- positively what he was talking about and seriously asserted that he was correct. I send it to you for what it is worth. Captain Goddard has also informed me that he has learned from authentic sources that Senator Hanna is about buying the daily Press here. There are a great many rumors here just now and many more surmises because of the real or supposed differences between Platt and Odell, and especially rumors as to the seizure of the County Committee by the Odell people. I enclose an article from the Journal of this morning; I do not think there is anything really at the bottom of this, nor [in] is the [provision] division as made by the Journal anything like correct. That matte is being looked after pretty thoroughly by our friends. Of course the last and very sensational days of the Legislature led up to a great many rumors and surmises and stampeded a great many hysterical people, but those who look beneath the surface and closely at the facts have no doubt of a successful solution in this State in the final outcome. There is a very general resentment among all normal republicans against the articles in the Sun. The feeling among the people in the financial district is visibly growing better all the time. Sincerely yours, James S. Clarkson Mr. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, St. Louis, Mo.FOR 5 ENCS. SEE 4-19-03 4-20-03 4-23-03 4-24-03 CA. 4-26-03]Form No. 1. The Western Union Telegraph Company Incorporated [*424*] [*4 27 P*] 23,000 Offices In America. Cable Service To All The World. This company TRANSMITS and DELIVERS messages only on conditions limiting its liability, which have been assented to by the sender of the following message. Errors can be guarded against only by repeating a message back to the sending station for comparison, and the Company will not hold itself liable for errors or delays in transmission or delivery of Unrepeated Messages, beyond the amount of tolls paid therein, nor in any case where the claim is not presented in writing within sixty days after the message is filed with the Company for transmission. This is an UNREPEATED MESSAGE and is delivered by request of the sender, under the conditions named above. ROBERT C. CLOWRY, President and General Manager. NUMBER SENT BY REC'D BY CHECK 569 CH Hi Fa 420 P RECEIVED at Wyatt Building, Cor. 14th & F. Streets, Washington, D. C. Apl 27.1903 Dated Minneapolis Minn. 27 To Hon James R. Garfield, Dept. Com & Labor Washn. DC Hoffelfinger declines. Please suggest president consult senator Nelson my fitness. Mark B. Dunnell[Enclosed in Garfield, 5-4-03] POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Office of the Postmaster General. Washington, D. C. [[shorthand]] [*CF*] [*ackd 4/29/1903*] April 27, 1903. My dear Mr. President:- I returned to Washington on the 13th instant, and found matters in the Department in a very demoralized condition, and the newspaper of the country flooded with charges and counter-charges, reflecting upon the Department and its officials, so that it is not too much to say that the Post Office Department was thoroughly discredited. I thought it wise to give out a statement, which was done immediately. I enclose a copy. Later on, it seemed necessary to say something more, and I gave an interview which appeared in the Washington Post of April 18th. On Tuesday afternoon last, a most sensational incident occurred, which is best explained by copies of the letters and correspondence between General Tyner and myself. All employees of the government who had knowledge of the case have made statements and affidavits, and I send this morning a list of the papers to the Attorney-general, with a recommendation that the case be submitted to the United States District Attorney for the District of Columbia, for such action as will best subserve the interests of the government. I have asked Secretary Knox to name one of his most capable assistants for appointment temporarily to the position of Assistant Attorney General for the Post Office Department, and he has selected Mr. Charles H. Robb, who has accepted the appointment on condition that it shall be temporary only. As you will see, my removal of General Tyner was promptly made, and in the most summary manner. General Bristow is preparing the investigation, unhampered by interference from any one, and all charges and reports reflecting-2- upon the Department or any official, are at once turned over to him for investigation. The field of the investigation is so wide and extensive that it will take a very considerable time before the investigation is concluded. One of the worst things I have to contend with is the attempt of the newspapers to embarrass me and others in the Department by sensational publications as to personal differences within the Department. Nevertheless, the investigation will proceed relentlessly, and I hope it will be concluded by the time you return to Washington. My trip to the West Indies was of great benefit to me. Judging from what I see in the papers, your outing in the Park has been a most enjoyable and profitable one. I am sorry that you are to be away from Washington for such a long time, but perhaps, so far as the Post Office Department is concerned, it is quite as well, as you will not be annoyed with the gossip and scandalous stories which are being circulated in the most reckless manner. By your return, I trust the atmosphere will be much clearer than it is at present. So far as I can learn, your visit to the West, and the speeches made by you, have done much good, although the situation in New York is unhappy. Local dissensions and the bitter feeling in Wall street make conditions in that state very uncertain, but a year will do much to dissipate the present distrustful feeling which prevails in financial circles. Hoping that you may continue to have a good time, and regretting that I shall not be able to see you before your return, I am Very sincerely yours, H. C. Payne To the President.[*[For 4 enclosures see Loud 5-5-03 4-14-03 } 4-24-03 } news 4-34-03 } clippings]*][*CF*] Baguio, Benguet. April 27, 1903. (Personal and Confidential) My dear Theodore: I have your letter about General Wood and shall have great pleasure in meeting him and working with him in the Islands. I am sorry that you are going to give him so short a time in the Moro District. He has there a tabula rasa on which he may write large. [with respect to which he may work out a great solution.] I have drafted a law for the Government of the Moro District which provides that the Military Commander of that district shall be the civil governor, and which gives to the civil governor, with two or three other officers of the district, a very wide discretion in legislation and in the moulding of the situation as they may deem wise. The Legislative Council consists of the Governor, the Treasurer, the Secretary and an engineer officer, and the governor is given two votes in cases of equal division. In other parts of the Philippines, it would, as I conceive it, be a fundamental error to put in the office of the civil governor a general officer of the army, for there is nothing concerning which this people is so sensitive as the turning over to the army control of the civil government, but in the Moro DistrictNo. 2. the opposite is the truth. To win the support and the confidence of the Moros, there must be union of the civil and military in the military.- that is - the force behind the government must be visible all the time. I am sure, however, that it is much better that there be a civil government in the Moro District, under the control of the Military Commander, than that the Government be made military solely; for the truth is that the military officers have enough to do without imposing on them civil duties, and the civil duties are much more likely to be well done by civil officers solely charged with them than by army officers detailed for the purpose. I have submitted my draft of the law to General Davis for his criticisms and he took it south with him and, I have no - doubt, consulted Pershing and others there in regard to it. I am looking forward to a visit from General Davis about the first week in May, when we shall go carefully over the law. We may pass the law in advance of Wood's coming, but if Wood desires any amendments, it will not be difficult to give them to him. Were I him, I should prefer to remain as commander of Mindanao until I had worked out that problem, having the powers which we intend to give in the Act establishing the District. Of course the Commanding General of the Division is the superior of the commander of the Department of MindanaoNo. 3. and Jolo, but the commander of the Department of Mindanao and Jolo is also the civil governor of that district, with very wide powers of legislative initiative and executive. With respect to the friars' lands, I have written a long letter to Secretary Root telling him the exact situation. The truth is that Rome is more embarrassed considerably than we are, by the recalcitrancy of the friars and their unwillingness to let the Vatican get control of the money to be paid for the lands for the use of the Philippine church. If the money to be paid for the lands is to go to the Philippine Church and not into separate treasuries of the Orders, then the friars gain nothing by the sale and are in the attitude of being entirely willing to defeat the sale, for until a sale they have the lands, whatever they are worth, and after the sale they will have nothing. They have by a process of hugger-mugger got their shares into the hands of somebody else so that the heads of the Orders here are unable to say where the shares are or how many there are. They have made themselves willfully ignorant in order to avoid the very plan outlined by the Pope in his letter. It is possible that the Pope is so subject to the Orders that he will not use the disciplinary powers which he has to effect the purposes which he has announced to us, butNo. 4. as you will see by my letter to the Secretary, I do not think the purchase of the lands is now nearly so important to us as it was a year ago. If by the purchase, we could have accomplished the withdrawal of the friars expressly, the popular feeling in favor of the whole transaction would have made our assumption of control over the lands easy, but now we shall have great difficulty in securing from the tenants an attornment to us if we purchase, and there will be much of the same kind of disturbance with us as landlords that there is likely to be when the friars or their pseudo-grantees, the present companies, shall begin their litigation to obtain possession. Judge Smith is anxious, however, to show our good faith in the matter by a proffer of an arbitration. With that habit of asking everything and yielding very little, which is characteristic of the church, the Delegate suggested that we refer the whole matter of the price to the Pope as the sole arbiter, in order that the Orders might be compelled to submit to the offer of arbitration, which they could not refuse with the Pope as arbiter. For obvious reasons this would be impossible, and the proposition which the Archbishop seems to expect from us now is a proposition to arbitrate before a tribunal to be named, one by you, one by theNo. 5. Pope, and one by the two arbitrators thus selected. I very much doubt whether the proffer of arbitration will be accepted, and if not, then there is nothing for us to do but to withdraw and let these gentlemen work out their own salvation. The Pope has already failed in his part of the agreement, to-wit: the giving to us a statement of the exact title of the friars to the lands, because the friars have refused to give it, and if the owners of the lands refuse to arbitrate, and the Pope does not exercise that control over the friars which he has to compel arbitration, then I do not see but that we have done everything that we could in the matter. They want to receive twelve millions of dollars gold for property that in my judgment is not worth more than six, if that. I am willing to recommend the offer of seven million five hundred thousand dollars gold merely to accomplish our purpose of getting rid of friar ownership in these Islands, but I do not think that we have any right to saddle the Government with a larger indebtedness than this for this purpose. In regard to the acceptance of the War portfolio, which you have been good enough to offer me, I have delayed answer until I could hear from my brothers, onNo. 6. whose judgment, especially concerning my private affairs,– I mean the res angustae,– I place much dependence. I concur with you in thinking that there is considerable danger to the health of myself and the members of my family should I make a prolonged stay in the Islands, though I have taken this amoebic dysentery in its early stages and I hope that it is now under control. It is a treacherous disease, however, and recurs in the tropics from time to time at unexpected intervals. Moreover the treatment by enemas of quinine and benzozone keeps the intestinal tract in such a condition as to make it sensitive to all sorts of troubles. I believe, therefore, that at the end of a year from the first of April, I should be justified in withdrawing from the Islands, and if you wish me in the Cabinet, in going into it. The World's Fair will open in May, and we expect to send a good many prominent Filipinos to St. Louis to act as representatives of the Filipino people in the various conventions which are held there, on committees of award, and in other capacities. These positions as delegates are very eagerly sought after, and I think the education which will follow a visit to the United States for the prominent men whom we may send will be of the utmost value. I should like to time my going so as to accompany the Filipinos of this delegation. It would makeNo. 7. it much easier for me to get away without public protest, and would make more apparent the fact that I was not giving up control of Philippine affairs by the change, for they would come to Washington to pay their respects to you, and would be under my guidance and control while in America. I am very much afraid that Mr. Root will find himself unable to await my coming which would leave an interregnum in the War Department, embarrassing to you and to public business. I feel that Mr. Root has done more and has sacrificed more than any person in the Government in respect to the successful expansion of the Government, through its Island dependencies, and that I have no right to ask his staying in the Cabinet beyond the time he has fixed, and yet it would greatly help matters if in some way or other he could wait until February or March of next year. I presume that an interval of a month or two would not greatly inconvenience you. You could send in the name to the Senate for confirmation, and I need not qualify till I reached Washington. Now there is one other matter that hardly seems important enough to speak of, and yet I think possibly I ought to say something. I have received intimations that the trust people, and possibly some of the machineNo. 8. politicians, are looking about someone to center upon in opposition to your nomination, and that among others whom they have honored with their consideration, is your humble servant. Now in the first place this is absurd, because they could not find a weaker candidate. Having been a Federal Judge for ten years and having put down unlawful strikes with all the power which the court had, for all of which conduct I have no apology to make, I should as a candidate at once make government by injunction an issue, and would weigh down any party which had the temerity and foolishness to take me up. Second. If my name were to be used in opposition to yours, and by a contingency which is wholly impossible, you were to be defeated and I were to be nominated, the weakness which I have stated would be greatly emphasized by the fact that your defeat would be wholly due to your attitude in respect to the trusts, and so no matter what explanations might be offered, I should be indelibly marked as the "Government by Injunction and Trust Candidate". Indeed the latter objection would obtain with respect to the nomination of anybody but you. The conditions are such that the Republican party will undoubtedly go down to defeat should you be defeated for the nomination, and no real Republication desiring the success of that party could reasonably lend himself to any suchNo. 9 plan and result. Thirdly. I know that your administration of affairs during the next four years will be greatly for the public benefit, and that if you were defeated it means the disastrous administration by a Democrat probably of Bryan tendencies. Fourthly. My loyalty and friendship for you and my appreciation of the manner in which you have stood behind me in the difficult tasks which we have had in these Islands are such that it would involve the basest ingratitude and treachery for me to permit the use of my name in any way to embarrass your candidacy. I do not promise you my assistance in the campaign before and after the nomination, because that goes without saying and because it is not of the slightest importance or weight. Indeed this whole subject matter will doubtless strike you as of insignificance, and I should not mention it except that I fear that in the numerous rumors and stories which come to you, my name may be mixed up, and I wish to clear away any haze on this subject. I am not fool enough to be influenced in the slightest degree by statements of gentlemen who in an earnest search for anybody to beat you, show their desperation by monumental flattery of me with a view to inducing me to lend my No. 10. name to a movement with which I have not the slightest sympathy and which every consideration of patriotism, sound politics and personal loyalty makes it necessary for me to oppose with all my heart. Having said this much, and probably too much, I dismiss the subject altogether. I know you will be nominated, I know you ought to be nominated, I know you ought to be elected, and I know you will be elected. As ever, Faithfully and sincerely yours, Wm. H. Taft P.S. I wrote to my brothers at once on receiving your letter and I hope to hear from them in the course of the next month. I shall possibly ask them to use the cable and in that way facilitate an earlier answer than by mail. I ought to add with respect to giving up the position of Governor here that I should do it with a very great reluctance, though the considerations I have already mentioned, added to your earnest desire, ought to be controlling; but you will understand the attraction that the greatNo. 11. possibilities of improvement here, and what I think I may say is the earnest desire of all the decent people of the Islands for my stay, would have on one who had become deeply interested in his work and very fond of the people for whose benefit his work was intended. I think, however, the fact that I would still continue in control of Philippine affairs, and would go to America about the same time or in company with a number of the leading Filipinos, would make the change much less than had I gone in January last. Conditions will probably be a good deal better at that time and the transfer to General Wright will be comparatively easy.OFFICE OF ASSISTANT SECRETARY. Department of State, Washington [aerd 5/4 1903. C.F.] April 28, 1903 Hon. William Loeb Jr., Secretary to the President, St. Louis, Mo. My dear Mr. Loeb: I enclose a letter from the Honorable Levi P. Morton. Before starting on his trip the President asked me to communicate informally with Mr. Morton on the subject of the transfer of his relative, Mr. Grinnell, our Consul at Manchester, England, to the Consulate at Para, Brazil, the salaries for the two places being the same. I wrote to Mr. Morton and said that it was the policy of the President and the Department not to leave men for too long a period in one place, and that, in the line of the following out this plan, it was proposed to transfer Mr. Grinnell to Para, Brazil, and that it was desired to consult Mr. Morton in the matter. You will see from the enclosed note that the Consul at Manchester proposes to resign at the end of August next. I think this would be a very good arrangement, and it will open the way, together with the vacancies to be created at Para and Singapore, for some appointments and changes which the President may wish to make upon his return, and which can be made to the advantage of the service without disturbing the political equilibrium.2 We have more bad reports about the Consul-General at Ottawa. The Treasury Department is complaining very bitterly of him. They succeeded about ten days ago in getting a settlement for some funds long overdue. The Consul General sent a check for $600, in round numbers, to the Treasury, to cover the sum which he owed the Government. They proceeded to have the check collected in the usual way and in a few days it was returned protested with a statement that Mr. Turner, the Consul-general only had about $100 to his credit. I telegraphed him nearly a week ago to make this matter good, but he has not done so yet. It has also come to the notice of the Treasury Department that he has drawn on the government for money with which to pay his rent for the last three quarters of 1902, but it appears from a letter received which we have on file from a firm of lawyers in Ottawa, that he obtained receipts showing that he had paid the rent, while, as a matter of fact, he has not paid a cent of it for the nine months referred to. The Treasury people are getting very impatient with his irregularities, and I think the case promises to be serious enough to warrant bringing it to the attention of the President; though, if he desires, we can let it run on until his return. Mr. Turner was appointed from Connecticut and has very strong endorsers from that State. The President in his speeches and his experiences wile traveling is continuing t make a deep, widening and highly favorable impression upon the people. there has never been a trip of this 3 kind undertaken my a public man so uniformly and splendidly successful form all points of view. If you think these consular matters are worth while may I ask you kindly to communicate them informally to the President. Sincerely yours, Francis B. Loomis.[*278*] [*Ackd CF*] POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY JOHN W. MACKAY, President. J. O STEVENS, Sec'y. WM.H. BAKER, V.P. & G.M. IN CONNECTION WITH THE COMMERCIAL CABLE COMPANY. JOHN W. MACKAY, President. ALBERT BECK, Sec'y. GEO. G. WARD, V.P. & G.M. Design Patent Dec. 30-19-- POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY COMMERCIAL CABLES MACKAY-BENNETT REGISTERED TRADE MARK. 16. TELEGRAM THE COMMERCIAL CABLE COMPANY ATLANTIC OCEAN MACKAY-BENNETT SYSTEM REGISTERED TRADE MARK. The Postal Telegraph-Cable Company transmits and delivers this message subject to the terms and conditions printed on the back of this blank. 142-ex-cb-sa----------97 D.H. Pass. Philadelphia, Pa 4/28-03 Received at (WHERE ANY REPLY SHOULD BE SENT.) Wm. Loeb, Special train of President Roosevelt, and party c/o C.B.&Q. Des Moines. On Mr. Boyds return today I have taken up with him the matter referred to your recent telegram but he advises me that it will be impracticable at this time to make a change in the tourist agent in charge of the train. The gentleman is considered one of our most experienced and competent tourist agents and was selected on account of his peculiar fitness for the important duties required on your trip. I hope therefore upon further consideration you may feel that the interests of all parties will be best-served by making no changes W.A.Patton 245p[*Bureau of Corporations RECEIVED MAY 4 1903 Department of Commerce and Labor*] [*Bureau of Corporations ANSWERED MAY 4 1903 Department of Commerce and Labor*] JOHN CROSBY, ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LAW, 911 NEW YORK LIFE BUILDING, MINNEAPOLIS, MINN. Minneapolis, Minn., May 1st, 1903 James R. Garfield, Esq., Bureau of Corporations, Department of Commerce and Labor, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir:- Your favor of the 27th ultimo duly received, regarding Mr. Mark B. Dunnell. I am glad to be able to report that I personally know the gentleman and his professional associates, and am of the opinion that his integrity is above question, his ability quite above the average, and his professional standing excellent. He has, in the last two or three years, published works on Minnesota practice and pleading, that show a high order of professional ability, and that have been very satisfactory to the profession of the state. He has not participated in active practice to any considerable extent. Very truly yours John Crosby[Enclosed in Garfield, 5-4-03]DAILY TIMES by mail, PER YEAR, $9.00 " " " " 6 MONTHS, 4.50 " " " " 3 " 2.25 Delivered in City 75¢ per mo. SUNDAY TIMES, 12 Months, $2.50 THE LEADING PAPERS OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA Saturday Times (WEEKLY) By mail, PER YEAR, $1.50 6 MONTHS. .75 3 " .40 OFFICE OF The Times-Mirror Company GUARANTEED CIRCULATION: DAILY AVERAGE EXCEEDS 28,000; SUNDAY 45,000 HARRISON GRAY OTIS President and General Manager HARRY CHANDLER Vice-Prest. and Asst. Gen. Mgr. ALBERT McFARLAND Treasurer MARIAN OTIS-CHANDLER Secretary Times Building, Corner First and Broadway Los Angeles, Cal., May 1, 1903 [*CF*] To the President:- Sir: Will you do me the honor to lend your personal consideration to the views expressed herein, which bear upon the existing trend of political events and relate to the probable attitude of parties in the Presidential campaign of 1904? The political tendencies of the time appear to me unmistakable, and they are sufficiently grave to engage the serious attention of patriotic men of all parties. That considerable segment of the population of the several States which shows a disposition to follow the "banner with [the] a strange device" borne aloft by such leaders, or aspirants to leadership, as William R. Hearst, Carter Harrison, William J. Bryan, Mayor Jones, "Tom" Johnson and\ others of like political predilections, will have to be reckoned with by the Republican party and by the country. Hearst with his four newspapers, two in New York, one in Chicago and one in San Francisco, has long been preaching the doctrine of social and industrial disturbance, appealing to the "Sons of Rest" as well as to the disciples of Unrest; and his appeals will continue until he has created a party which shall make him a presidential nominee. That he is seeking a nomination of some sort, there is no doubt; and every appearance indicates that he will get one from the dissatisfied factions which follow the dangerous2. teachings of his dangerous newspapers. His plan will doubtless be to first make terms with Mr. Bryan and Mr. Harrison, then cause this convention to be called early in the season, in order that it may make the first Presidential nomination of the year, thus forestalling the regular Democratic National Convention as well as the Republican National Convention, and giving to the country his political cue, so as to attract to his standard the floating [elements] population, the adventurers in politics, and all the dissatisfied opposition elements that will "not stand without hitching." Then, with his pinto nomination in his hand, he will go to the Democratic leaders and say to them: "I am a candidate for President; I have as you see, a large following, composed mainly of Democrats; I am their nominee; I ask the endorsement of the regular Democratic Convention; it will do well to accept me; but if it does not accept me, I, with my formidable following, can give it trouble. Will you leaders advocate my cause in the convention? I await your response before going into business on my own account." To this plausible appeal many of the Democratic leaders, timid, hungry men, advocates of expediency rather than of principle, will lend a listening ear. Some of them will yield; some will throw principle to the winds, abandon consistency and tradition, and follow the dictates of mere temporary expediency. In advance of the convention they will advocate Hearst, or one of Hearst's kind. In the convention the Hearst faction will appear in force, noisy and aggressive, it may prevail, seize the organization, and force Mr. Hearst's nomination. Then there will be a revolt on the part of the conservatives, the real Democrats, the men of principle, integrity and political courage, who will refuse to surrender their beliefs and yield to the clamor of the hour. This revolt will cause a split in the Democratic Convention and in3. the Democratic party; and the seceders, unable to stomach Hearst, and denying his Democracy, will proceed to flock by themselves. Unless they have somewhere else to go - some better political camp to enter- they will make an independent, "old-line" nomination (probably Grover Cleveland,) and claim themselves to be the only Simon-pure Democratic party in the field. And the claim will be true. Thus will the divided opposition be lined up in hostile camps, unless my confident prediction fails; Hearst, or Harrison, or Bryan on the one side, heading first the combined Union Labor party, and joined by the great Army of the Dissatisfied - by the incongruous mass of so-called "anti-trust" people, Anti-imperialists, Socialists, Anarchists, financial visionaries and miscellaneous cranks generally, including all the industrial disturbers, the lawless elements, the enemies of peace, order, established conditions and material progress; in short, by that rapidly increasing combination of deluded and badly-led men who have in recent years come to believe that they can with impunity deny to others those sacred rights and immunities guaranteed to all citizens by the fundamental law. On the other side will be arrayed all the better elements not included in the ranks of the Republican party - the straight, old-fashioned Democrats and independent voters generally - men of character, patriotism and stability, who place the good of the country first and party success afterward. This body of citizens may be in a hopeless Democratic minority, but still they will constitute a numerous body. The political bolo-men and boxers of the Hearst tribe, with raucous shoutings and the loud beating of tom-toms, will carry the unthinking and irresponsible populace with them, defy the seceders from the Democratic Convention, and boldly seek to capture the country upon the demagogic plea that "the rights of the masses" have been placed in jeopardy by the Republican party and its allies, the seceding Democrats; and they, the Hearst party, must come to the rescue -4. they must perforce be "against the government;" their hands must be turned against every man or combination of men whith a dollar saved up, no matter how honestly earned. This condition, Mr. President, this attitude of parties and factions will produce a deplorable and a dangerous political crisis in the Presidential campaign of 1904, unless the situation can be controlled in time and the danger averted. Anything that can be done by the Republican leaders to avert such a situation, and give a safer aspect and a more rational complexion to the campaign, ought to be done, and done in time. I am sure you will agree with me in this. I would make room in the Republican party for all patriots and conservatives who find themselves without a party of their own - all who refuse to follow the Hearst-Bryan-Harrison banner on the march towards the danger line in politics and government. Without sacrificing any fundamental principle of our party, I would favor an early and an earnest effort to invite and secure the adhesion of that large body of Democrats who will surely refuse to take up that line of march, leading inevitably to defeat and dishonor. Such an invitation, such an opening as I here outline might even make a bolting Democratic Convention unnecessary in the estimation of the bolters themselves. On the other hand, should the Republican party fail to make a friendly and politic overture of the sort here indicated, or make it too late, an opportunity would thus be thrown upon to the old-line Democrats to go to the country with a declaration of principles so sound and true as to give them popular strength, win all the conservative voters of the old party, and possibly out into the Republican ranks heavily. They could not win, it is true, but they could draw independent and patriotic voters away from both parties in untold numbers.5. In view of these truths, may not the proposed"merger" be effected? Is it not possible of accomplishment by united action on the part of patriotic men of both parties - men of character, substance, political integrity and experience - men of material achievements, who do most to make the country safe, prosperous and great? Is the object sought not worthy at least of the attempt? I take leave to answer my own question: Let patriots "get together", if that be possible, and without reference to parties, if need be. It is only in times of grave and imminent peril to the country - times like those unhappy days that came to us before and during that mighty conflict, the War of the Rebellion, - when patriotic citizens, who may have previously differed widely as to the true political policies to be pursued by the government, are able to sink their differences, put behind them all minor considerations, and unite in the supreme duty of marching to the relief of the Republic - joining together to achieve the greatest good to the greatest number, provide for the common defense and guarantee the common safety. In my judgment, Mr. President, such a time is upon us now, and it will weigh still more heavily upon us in 1904. So that it becomes the duty of every patriotic citizen to do his part in providing for the impending danger. I am no alarmist, but I can see the dangers present and the greater dangers ahead of us. At the rate the country has been drifting during recent years in the direction of industrial disturbances and lawless acts, by 1904 the situation will become more serious indeed. And it will not be ameliorated, but aggravated, by the fact that a Presidential year will be on. It would be a deplorable thing - a shame and a reproach to the country and age - if the good men of the land should suffer physical conflict to come. The issue6. could not be doubtful; we do not despair of the Republic; the government would triumph; but at what a fearful and needless cost! May I, then, ask your high and potent consideration for this matured suggestion of mind, namely: that the Republican policy in the next Presidential Convention, and the succeeding campaign, ought to be so shaped that no patriotic citizen of any party, class or creed need be driven out of, or kept from coming into, the ranks of the Republican party on account of its stand on these, the foremost of pending issues, to-wit: The questions of personal liberty and industrial freedom; legal protection for the universal and equal rights of citizens under the law; public peace, order and industrial repose, in short, "the equal rights under the Constitution and the laws of all honest citizens to pursue, undisturbed and unhampered, any lawful occupation of their choice in a lawful way, and to be protected in that right by the whole power of the government, if need be." These are principles which, in my belief, need to be incorporated in the Republican platform of 1904. These planks are fit for good men of all parties to stand upon. Such declarations - bold, clear and strong - would make an impregnable rallying point for patriots who see clouds of danger lowering in the political and social skies. Such a position would become a safe point d' appui for those citizens who must in the final resort be depended upon to keep the country unscathed from those grave dangers that threaten it through the alarming spread of lawlessness and the growing disposition of powerful yet too often law-defying industrial combinations to trench upon the rights of their law-abiding fellows. With a Republican platform containing fundamental declarations such as these, in effect, a large proportion of the genuine and truly patriotic Democratic voters of the country could be appealed to successfully, for they could stand upon such a platform consistently, proudly, manfully; and vast numbers of them would stand upon it in the contingency contemplated herein. 7. The effect that would be produced must be obvious in advance; it would defeat the effort to unite the Democratic party upon Hearst, Harrison or Bryan; it would disintegrate that party, destroy its power, compass its defeat, make your own election still more sure, and be a great stroke for the country by foiling its most dangerous elements. There can be no rational objection to the making of such a declaration, for it would be good Republicanism and high patriotism; and, besides, it would appeal to millions outside of our party. What is needed is to allay the fears of that large body of people who have material interests at stake; not the "captains of industry" alone, but all citizens, however humble, who demand security for person and property. No greater mistake could be made than to assume, as some short-sighted politicians do, that there are no trusts to be regulated save those founded in aggregated capital. The labor trust, as it exists today, is the greatest present menace to the peace of the country and to the rights of its citizens. It is the most to be feared, because it is the most widely ramified in its extent and operations, and has the most numerous and irresponsible membership. It permeates the land; it has become aggressive, threatening, unreasonable and despotic; it has shown itself defiant of law in scores and hundreds of instances. And yet it is composed of only a small minority of all the workers of the country. Shall the great majority of the free workingmen of the United States in all departments of industry - shall the 85 or 90 per cent. be dominated and controlled by a small minority, by 10 or 15 percent.? The proposition is too manifestly absurd for discussion. Let the truth be boldly proclaimed in the next Republican platform - let the right attitude be taken on this pregnant and burning questions, and the party can rally to its support a mighty army of patriotic citizens and sweep the country for you; for there is a profound sense of justice permeating and inspiring the popular American mind, working never so slow though it does, that will not much longer suffer injustice and despotism to have8. any sway in the industrial world. Politicians need not fear, as they are prone to fear, the hollow shouts, the insolent threats, the impotent warnings of the absurd political claims of the comparatively small segment of the voting population which poses before the country in the name of "organized labor." These demonstrations are only the bogie-man coming - the bogie-man who never comes. Let patriotic and courageous men, who know their rights and prize their liberties, stand fast, and the administration can never be seized nor the government subverted by their less numerous, though more noisy, antagonists. If leaders of men and makers of political platforms will but stop to reflect upon these indisputable truths, they can cease to harbor any fear of the outcome; they can meet the issue with confidence and fearlessly accept the gage of battle, should it be thrown down by the reckless and foolhardy minority. The great body of citizens, workers and voters demand not only their lawful rights and personal freedom within the limitations of law, but they seek also industrial repose for the whole country, that the best possible material conditions may prevail everywhere. It must be plain, then, that the Republican Convention will be entirely safe in making broad and strong declarations on this vital subject. It can confidently appeal to the country as a whole- to the many against the few - on the high lines warranted by law and the public good; and the issue of electoral conflict will not be doubtful. The insurgent minority will be crushed politically, because the law-loving and law-abiding citizens of the Republic are so vastly in the majority. Reading what I have here written, you may ask whether I lack confidence in your nomination and election? I do not; but I would have your success at the polls so overwhelming and decisive as to carry with it the9. greatest possible weight of popular sentiment - a weight so tremendous and commanding in favor of individual and popular protection, law, order, equal rights and industrial stability in the future as to forever settle these matters; to decree once and for all that the country shall stand as it was created to stand - a republic of liberty regulated by law, wherein the rights of all citizens, without distinction, shall be kept secure. The course I here advocate would tend powerfully towards the achievement of the high end sought. A Wise and patriotic clause introduced into the Republican platform, inviting good men of all other parties to join in the needed work of averting threatened dangers to the country, would inevitably be productive of the most beneficial results in the electoral battle. True, it might not be easy to persuade the old-time Democratic leaders to abandon their organization and come in; but the conservative masses of that party could surely be appealed to successfully at such a grave juncture as that which is approaching. The causes that will produce a permanent schism in the Democratic Convention and party in 1904 must be obvious to far-sighted political observers. As to those causes I make this confident prediction, viz.: that they will be found in the radical differences of opinion that will arise in that convention concerning what is best for the welfare of the country; they will appertain to the vital principles of personal rights, property rights, the equal enforcement of the laws, the reign of public order and sane industrial conditions; in short, to what constitutes safe government. Minor differences can and will be harmonized, but these radical differences cannot be reconciled, and the split will come. It will be poor political generalship, in my opinion, if the Republicans do not take full advantage of the coming "irrepressible conflict" in the ranks of the opposition. The Republican victory in 1904 can be made signal and overwhelming; it can be made the victory of the country itself10. over its baser elements, if wisdom governs our councils and our political conduct. With sincere personal regard and profound respect for you as the chosen head of the Republican party and of the Nation, I remain, Mr. President, Your obedient servant, Harrison Gray Otis. P.S. In view of the almost certain action of the "Hearst party," so-called, in making a nomination in advance of all other parties in 1904, it seems to me that it would be good fighting tactics for the Republicans to hold their convention immediately thereafter, and before the regular Democratic Convention is held.[•File cs] U.S IMMIGRATION SERVICE, OFFICE OF THE COMMISSIONER, NEW YORK, N.Y., 1 May, 1903. PERSONAL. Sir: Replying to your letter of April twenty-seventh I beg to state that the present status of the McSweeny case is substantially as it was the latter part of February. I am now prepared for the further, and I trust the final hearing before General Burnett. It has been delayed for the following reasons: Mr. Van Ingen was absent from March fourth until April fifteenth. Before his departure he endeavored to arrange for a final hearing but Colonel Gaston and Mr. McSweeney were not able to come to New York at that time. Mr. Van Ingen was ill for several days after his return, and we are now prepared to proceed with the case at once. Mr. Van Ingen has written General Burnett to this effect and requesting that the hearing be set for some day next week. Respectfully, Wm Williams Commissioner William Loeb, Jr., Esq., Secretary to the President, White House, Washington, D.C.United States Senate, PRIVATE. May 2, 1903. Dear Theodore:- It was very good of you to find time to send me two letters, and I will not say with how much interest I have read them. I am afraid I did not make myself clear in regard to Wakeman. Shaw does not encourage him, in fact, as I told you in my second letter, he and I agree absolutely in regard to him, and my only object in writing to you was to show you how dangerous man he was, and that your kindness to him in seeing him and talking with him was made by him the basis of really pernicious utterances. The only thing to do in regard to him is to give him the coldest kind of cold shoulder. I do not feel at all discouraged about the tariff. Your speech and the others that were made about the same time by Root and Shaw and Allison and in a small degree by myself have had a most admirable effect, and you can hardly realize how much that issue has subsided since we all came out and took decided ground. The ground you have taken is exactly the right one and the attitude for us to keep from now on and hold to in the campaign. I do not think we need to alter it at all. We say to the country "if we win the Presidential election we will revise the tariff in protective fashionUnited States Senate, if it is needed. If you want a free trade tariff you must elect Democrats, for that is what their revision means." This is the proper line for us to fight on, and your declaration has put the matter in such good shape that I think the division in the party, which I do not regard as more serious than the outcry of certain ambitious leaders, has been substantially put on and to. I am thoroughly satisfied with the outlook in this direction. The unanimous decision of the New York Court sustaining your Franchise Act is also a fine thing for you. It comes as a support to the merger decision and proves to the country not only that your policy was wise but that it was also absolutely legal. I have been in New York for three or four days, in fact I have just gotten back. There is some soreness in the group interested in the merger, but I think it is by no means general, even on Wall Street. My own observation leads me to believe that it is confined to a comparatively few men and is already subsiding. The general approbation of the country is beyond doubt, and that your administration has been immensely strengthened by this decision is equally unquestionable. All that is necessary, I think, is to be careful that no idea should be given that we are entering on a general plan of harry[ow]ing the corporations. There are some of your opponents who are only too anxious to give that impression,United States Senate, and we want to disabuse the public mind of it. I am very uneasy about the Pest Office Department. I have not been there since I returned from New York and shall not go, for I am especially anxious not to seem in any way to meddle in a Department matter, but I hear a great deal about it from various sources, and I do not like what I hear. Machen, in my judgement, is a thoroughly dangerous man and ought to be removed. An Inspector who has been long in the service, and who comes from my State, a very competent and honest man, has been lately in South Carolina, He tells me that Latimer's old district is simply plastered with free delivery routes, and the free delivery Inspectors whom he meets in the South are all Machen's men and are talking and working against you. This does not touch Machen's character but it is suggestive about the man. I am not going to bother you with what I have heard about him, both before his entrance into the service and since. It is enough to say that I think if he is not removed, together with some of his supporters, we shall have a very bad business there and one that will trouble us very much on the stump. From what Payne has been saying in the newspapers I gather that he does not look at it in that way, and it seems to me that he is either greatly deceived[*Your speech at St. Louis was admirable - Historical training & knowledge are good things-*] United States Senate, or fails to [a false] appreciate[ion] of the gravity of the situation. All I suggest is that you commit yourself in no way, and when you return that you look into the whole matter and hear what everybody, including Bristow, has to say. I would not trouble you about all this if I did not feel so anxious about it. The children are all right again, and as they have not been seriously ill I really think the enforced rest has done Edith good. I went to ride with her before I went to New York and am going again this morning. We had Ethel to stay with us before we wrnt to New York, while the White House was under quarantine, and she was most delightful company. Everything is looking well here, and I rejoice to think of your two weeks in the Yellowstone Park. It must have done you a great deal of good and you must have enjoyed every moment of it. St. Louis, from the accounts in the newspapers, must have been something terrible, and the incompetency in managing the crowd and the disorder where you spoke seemed to me really most discreditable. We shall leave for Nahant about the middle of the month. Of course if there is anything in the world you want me to do you have only to let me know. Always yours, H. C. Lodge To The President.security a mortgage on real estate in Toledo. The Mortgage bore the certificate of registry - Machen not paying [Losekam] Marshall had the mortgage looked up & found the certificate of registry had been forged & the mortgage never recorded & that a prior mortgage was on the property - He charged Machen with this forgery - M. did not deny but begged for time & paid up. Have read Marshall's signed statement of these facts & the letter of the lawyer in Toledo who looked up the record - Wynn & Bristow [*[Lodge] CF PPF R Private*] Personal May 2 1903 U.S. SENATE CHAMBER, WASHINGTON, D.C. Dear Theodore - When I dictated my letter this morning I spoke only generally of my anxiety in regard to the P, O. Dept. Then I went to ride with Edith - I may say by the way that I rode Renown (my mare having struck herself again) & he is certainly a splendid horse - I quite fell in love with him & we had a most glorious ride through the woods on the Virginia side [*I hear first class - You want to hear from all sides & of course this is all in confidence for your own guidance merely - Yrs Ever H.C.L. I am anxious too about Paine whom I greatly like & I fear attacks on him, I want him to come out with flying colors & that is why I am troubled by his course so far*]When you take up the matter yourself - I have not been to the Dept, except that one day to see Paine just after he got home - I have carefully kept out of the way not wishing to connect myself in any way with affairs there for obvious reasons. Paine I told you did [x] not appreciate the gravity of the situation or else is deceived. Now for the details which make me think so & which have drifted in[to] to me from various sources. [I] Machen before he was in the service borrowed $3500 from our Marshall the proprietor of the Losekam giving as all brilliant with the beauties of Spring. I told Edith that I had written you generally abou the P.O. matters & had avoided details because I hated to trouble you & I disliked still more to meddle in a question of administration especially when I liked the head of [it] the Dept. as much as I do Paine - She urged me to write you the details & I think she is right My first duty is to you & the party & all I write I should say if you were here & [which] is of course only for your own eyes & thereby to give you suggestionaltho' his report is not complete . Such is my own opinion & if it were done the whole thing would drop & the hangers on of Machen would disappear at once. Then all other little things with which I will not burden you - But this will show you the need of your making a full inquiry yourself when you come home. You can do nothing at arm's length & ought not to try but I want you to know the ground roughly beforehand & question Wynne & Bristow the auditor of the Dept. & the new Asst Attorney whom Knox sent to take Tyner's place & who is 2 U.S SENATE CHAMBER, WASHINGTON, D.C. laid this before the P.M. G. but as it was unofficial he did not seem to attach weight to it - In fact in a statement in the Star last night he said that he had no ground to remove or suspend Machen - To me this seems serious & I am sure it would appear so to the public. Bristow is now on the track of a forged warrant which is official & expects to get proof of it - Mining stock has been sold in the Dept. by men near Machen to Gov't Employeeshis faults is honest & loyal - If he is driven out the Press of his country will say, as the Post article Editor sent you shows, that it is because he has fought crooked practices - I fear that the P.M.G. does not appreciate that Bristow & Wynne are his real friends - Then Paine keeps making statements to the papers - He had two about the Tyner safe breaking another last night about Machen another today about the Tulloch affair a scandal or trouble in the Washington City P.O. - Bristow thinks Machen ought to be removed or suspended Machen being President or something of the company - These cases you can get when you return by asking Bristow & Wynne - Just after you left I gave Wynne a strong admonition about talking & he has held his tongue since you spoke to him - But Paine made it evident to me that he was hostile to Wynne & Bristow - He has reopened the Latimer business & asked Wynne to meet L. which Wynne is ready to do but L. has not yet appeared - Coolidge told me this. Now Wynne whatever[Enclosed in Bell, 12-10-03 Resolutions. ------------------- THE following Preamble and Resolution was recently passed unanimously at a regular meeting of Postal Employee's branch No. 47, National Association of Letter Carriers, Denver: "BELIEVING that the postal affairs of the City of Denver is a business proposition and that said business can best be served by placing a man in charge who is thoroughly conversant with the details and workings of the service, therefore be it "Resolved. That we endorse the candidacy of H. B. Seaton for the position of Postmaster of Denver, and further that we use all honorable means not in conflict with the Laws and Regulations of the Post Office Department and the Civil Service Laws to secure his appointment, and further "Resolved, That we record that for years Mr. Seaton has been identified with the postal service of our city and that it is our intimate knowledge of his efficiency and faithfulness in said service and of his sterling character that prompts us in recommending him as thoroughly competent to discharge all the duties pertaining to the office to which he aspires, and in expressing our belief that he would conscientiously and competently discharge the duties of that office to the satisfaction of the Department, the people of our City and the public at large." We do hereby certify that the above and foregoing resolution was adopted by a rising unanimous vote at a regular meeting of Postal Employee's Branch, No. 47, N. A. L. C. of Denver, Colo., duly held May 2nd, 1903. Attest. FRANK M. NEWMAN, Pres. JOSEPH G. FRASER, Sec'y. (over)[*[McCook]*] Memorandum of conversation with General Alexander McCook, May 3, 1903. General McCook, in conversation regarding the defense of Washington in the Civil War, gave the following account of the attack on Ft. Stevens: "I was in command of the forces for the defense of Washington. The line of fortifications extended from Ft. Stevens, at the head of the Seventh Street road, to the Chain Bridge. We were advised of the approach of the General Jubal Early. I had a conversation with President Lincoln, telling him of the absolute need or ordering a command from the Army of the Potomac to the defense of the city; that the forces under my command were entirely inadequate, made up as they were, from the Department Clerk Reserves, and other soldiers who happened to be there. " The President was evidently much impressed by what I told him, for the next day Secretary Seward told Secretary Stanton that I had badly frightened the President. This was what I wished to do. The result was that a division (?) was ordered from the Army of the Potomac to Washington. It arrive just in time. Had General Early made his attack one day earlier he could have entered the city without difficulty.. "To show the character of men under my command, the whole Company was badly frightened one night by the braying of a donkey, none of them ever having been in service. "On the morning of the attack upon Ft. Stevens, the President was in the fortifications. He said he was desirous of seeing a battle, having never been present on a field. As we were talking with General Wright, a rifle ball passed between the President and General Wright, striking a Doctor, who was sitting onan embankment immediately in the rear. The blood spurted from his let. This being a dangerous position for the President, I told him that, while it would be a heroic thing for him to be wounded, it would be most disastrous for him to be killed, and as I was in absolute command of the forces at the Fort at the time, I insisted that he leave this exposed position and keep under cover. He there- upon sat down on an ammunition passer. "I then explained to him the plan of battle, pointing out that ten rounds were to be fired by the battery within the fortifications, and that thereafter, upon a signal from myself from the embankment, the troops which had just arrived from the Army of the Potomac were to make an assault and drive the rebels back. Meanwhile the rebel skirmishers had driven my outposts into the Fort. As soon as the artillery fire was over, I gave the necessary signal, and the charge of infantry began. I then told the President that it was entirely safe to watch the battle. "We stood just back of the fortifications of the Fort, but the President, owing to his height, could be plainly seen above the top. We could see the entire attack very plainly, and it was all over very quickly. "I am told that the reason for Early's failure to attack the day before was that he was intoxicated at the house of Mr. Blair, where he had stopped for refreshment." Copy NAVY DEPARTMENT. Washington, May 4, 1903. S I R : This Department has the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 4th instant. I conclude from the private note which you received from the President that he is of the impression that the North Atlantic Battleship Squadron has gone to Europe. It was arranged before the President left Washington that this Squadron should visit the Azores and return without touching Europe. That plan has not been changed. The regular Squadron of cruisers in the Mediterranean was near Marseilles when it received the orders to assist in the reception of President Loubet at that place. Respectfully Chas. M. Darling Acting Secretary. To the Honorable The Secretary of State. [*north?*][*[For 3. enclosures see 4-16-03, 4-27-03 5-1-03]*] but, as yet, have not found the right man. I greatly enjoyed your speech on trusts. The question was forcibly and clearly stated. By the time you return, I hope we will be in our permanent quarters, and fairly well organized for the work of the summer. I hope Mr. Procter has sent you the clipping from a Savannah paper purporting to give the reasons why Mr. Foulke may, and I did, leave the Civil Service Commission. Mr. Procter thinks of challenging the editor to mortal combat. We are all delighted at the reception which you have been given throughout the country. Some of our Eastern friends will, like the ground hog, crawl back into their holes. There seems to be a spring house-cleaning going on in some of the Departments. Personally, I hope that it will be very thorough. There is no better time that now to do it. I do not believe, at all, in heeding the advice of those who would stifle investigations simply [*CS*] Gd-B Department of Commerce and Labor BUREAU OF CORPORATIONS Washington May 4, 1903. My dear Mr. President: I enclose herewith letter and telegram from Mr. Mark B. Dunnell, of Minneapolis, who makes application for the Civil Service Commissionership, together with a letter from Mr. Crosby, to whom I wrote asking for information regarding Mr. Dunnell. I have not seen Mr. Dunnell since we were boys, and know nothing of his character or work except what is shown in the letter, but from this it occurs to me that you might wish to make further investigation regarding him. I very much regret that Mr. Crosby did not find it possible to come here as Deputy Commissioner. Unfortunately, he was absent from Minneapolis when you were there and did not receive my telegram until after your departure. I have been looking carefully over the field for a Deputybecause they may reach back and strike persons not now in the service. If there be anything wrong, any maladministration in any Department, it should be stopped; and if, on the other hand, the charges are untrue, public officials should be cleared after a through and impartial investiga- tion. With best wishes and regards, I am, Very sincerely yours, James Rudolph Garfield The President, White House. (To be forwarded). Enclosures. P.S: I enclose memorandum of a conversation I had with General Alexander McCook yesterday. I think you will be interested in it. You would enjoy having him over the line of fortifications with you. Spokane Wash. 1725 Superior Ave. May 5th 1903. My Dear President Roosevelt, While you are battling with those crowds & local committees & doing the work of four or five men, I am up here with these delightful people in this delightful country, playing & picnicing day in & day out. I never felt so much at home in a strange place in so short a time in my life. The Gilbert family - (you saw the two girls at Livingston) have been morethan kind to me. They are N.Y. state people to whom life in the West has imparted something of that large sunny buoyant quality which you know so well. Their book shelves are filled with the best books & I met the most delightful & appreciative people in their drawing rooms. Your books are all here & they have all been read & appreciated. Mr Gilbert you may know is Supt of the Northern Pacific. Last week we made an excursion of three days through the famous Pastoral Country to Lewiston, Idaho, & I had two days upon those vast smooth dimpled treeless hills for which2 my feet had so longed. The air was filled with the songs of meadow larks & the ground covered with strange & beautiful wild flowers. We found magpie nests & the nests of horned larks & of meadow larks. How I enjoyed it all! A novel country to me, where the hills are as smooth & fat as seals & where a climb of 2000 ft. up what appears to be a mountain side, brings you to the edge of a vast rolling fertile plain -- one of the richest wheat belts in the world. Tomorrow we make another excursion to the Coeur D'Alene region & on Thursday I start for the ranch of my friend in Montana.The schools have shown me much attention, as indeed have all the people. My books are much better known & appreciated than I had expected. The people are never tired of hearing me talk about you & our trip into the park & I am never tired of talking up these subjects. Indeed I am beginning to suspect that they think I can talk of little else. The fact is the people everywhere are eager to have a near & full light view of a public man who has the qualities of heart & head with which you are so richly endowed. I think it quite certain that no President of this generation has touched the real American mind so closely,3 and you are going to continue to touch it & to win it, because you are not playing a game in politics, but are sincerely doing the work of the nation. Any mistakes you may make or may have made will make no difference because you are not self seeking & your motives are transparent. How I wish Whitman could have witnessed your career! Whitman wrote with his eyes upon the west, - its larger standards, its greater candor & charity & optimism, its robust manliness & fervent Americanism, & in you I think he would have seen the type of man he sang & predicted - a man who canmeet the highest on equal terms & does not hold himself above the humblest. In saying these things to you, Mr. President, I have no purpose of praising you to your face - I am only putting down upon paper my daily thought about you. I hear everywhere the expression of personal affection for, & solicitude about you, such as I have never before heard expressed toward any President save Lincoln. - You will be interested in a pretty little incident that happened to me yesterday. A winsome little school girl of 10 whose acquaintance I made one day when I visited the Webster School where they have organized a4 J.B. society came & took me a walk of a couple of miles and on this prairie like plain that surrounds the city, to see a meadow larks nest. Her ways & her talk were so delightful as she put her hand in mine & led me to the carefully hidden nest on this broad & beautiful plain. She confided to me that she did so wish I was her grandfather, & I wished it too. One of her grandfathers was German, & she had that kind of primitive beauty & wholesomeness which the German blood in this western Country often gives to young girls. She showed me her dog too, which she said she could not help but love almostas much as she did her sister. I shall never forget her. Squads of school boys too came to see me & bring copies of my books for me to write in, & I talk to them about you & am sure to tell them that you do not smoke or use tobacco in any form. The State Normal School at Cheney writes me that they have a J.B. anti-cigarette society. So you see I have friends young & old all around me. But I do not conceal from myself the fact that much of the attention I receive comes from my having been so recently with yourself & your companion in the Yellowstone Park.[*Burroughs*] [*Special box- Authors & artists*] 5 I have seen Mr. Long's defense in the N. A. Review & glanced hastily through it. He tells more lies & makes little headway in bolstering up those for which I take him to task. The worst ones — the porcupine story, the fox playing possum, the eagle that died in the air — he does not refer to. I doubt if he is worth wasting more ammunition on. I have made the acquaintance of the pocket gopher here & have seen many evening grossbeaks & other unfamilliar birds. The people of this city are making great reckoning of seeing you. I tell them to rememberthat while they [are] will be fresh you will be fagged - how fagged I do not like to think. But that all will go well with you is the prayer of Your sincere friend John BurroughsArmy or Navy & that they regard soldiers as housemaids - hired to do certain work - Honor is apparently fled to stock, gamblers & distinction confined to a certain number of millions - When I hear these things I feel as Carlyle used to say "s'il pleurons" "Ah [?Merriam] vous dansez sur le volcan" I have just come in from a walk - a new bit to me - I tried to go on by the further shores from Massachusetts Ave to Georgetown - quite rocky & steep - finally I was stopped by the cemetery fence & had to scramble back & a very nice scramble it was & then up a brook to the lift which we [*P.F.*] [CF] [*pr*] [*May 5th 1903*] U.S. SENATE CHAMBER, WASHINGTON, D.C. Dear Theodore, Do not shudder at the sight of my handwriting or imagine that I am going to continue to discharge letters at you as if I were a rapid firing machine gun -- for I am not. This is not to bother you on business or politics but only to tell you something I forgot to put in yesterday & which I think you will be glad to hear. The "Alabama" came out first in speed in coaling & in targetSee him get it - His promotion would open the door for Harry White who by the way [will] must not engage in getting any more unfortunate clergymen to marry Vanderbilts in violations of the ordinances of the State Church & with great consequent scandal from which our Embassy ought to have been wholly clear. But apparently out Multi-Millionaires consider that laws & creeds & decencies & other peoples feeling, must never stand in their way but just be bought out of the way. I declare they begin to sit pretty heavy on my soul - And then I hear of Helen Hay & her husband arguing in a mixed company that no gentleman enters practice with her twelve inchguns beating the world's record - So she has her red pennant & her Captain I gather is in a state of gloomy elation - It is really [is] a credit to Harry & shows that he has a good facility of command. I have a letter from George Meyer this morning. He has been hearing that Porter is to resign & would like to succeed him if he does. I have written him that I did not believe Porter had the slightest idea of resigning. If Porter should go however George has done well & is a competent man & I should like to2 U.S. SENATE CHAMBER, WASHINGTON, D.C. have ridden along hundreds of times but which I never walked by - It is a very pretty brook - I missed you under the circumstances & reflected much about you & your future which seems to me a safe as any political future can be — My reflections were of a very contented case so far as your outlook was concerned. Hanna today is out in an interview thatthe rest as he did in the case of Woodbury Kane & the Sargent - Edith dined with us all at Henry Adams on Sunday - She was looking finely - so well & so handsome & a dress that I thought very becoming & greatly liked Ever yrs H.C.L. [*[Lodge]*] he is not a candidate & that you will be nominated without opposition which is quite true - I hear praise on all sides of the St. Louis speech - It was not quite so robust in ethics & civic righteousness as Root & I like but it was a mighty fine speech & will stand. only a line I said & here I have covered six pages & to a man who probably will not get beyond the first but will infer[*Exhibit A*] COPY. Washington, D.C., May 5, 1903. To the Editor of The Washington Post. On yesterday I was interviewed by the representatives of several of the newspapers of the country, in which interview I took occasion to make a statement regarding the investigation now going on in the Post Office Department, which I though was but an act of justice to the Department. The statement was considered particularly important by me by reason of the fact that there were but two men, besides myself, in the country who could have known the absolute facts regarding the situation. The statements made by me are in substance as follows: Many newspapers have [been] repeatedly stated that the present investigation was not instituted until after certain pressure had been brought to bear upon the Department. Early in the winter - it must have been in December - the present Postmaster-General (Mr. Payne) andy myself had many consultations regarding the postal service, and as a result of these interviews it was determined, as soon as possible after the adjournment of Congress, that an investigation should be made of the service. Mr. Payne was in thorough accord with me regarding the advisability of this investigation. I recommended that such investigation should not commence until after [after] Congress adjourned. There are many reasons, which it is unnecessary here to enumerate, why such a time should have been selected. The proof that this investigation was determined upon by the Department is to be found in the miscellaneous items reported in the Post Office appropriation-2- bill reported in January. It heretofore had been one thousand dollars. That item was increased to six thousand dollars for the express purpose of using, if necessary, means outside the Post Office Department. itself in carrying on the investigation. The reasons for the increase in this appropriation was known only to the Postmaster-General, Mr. Bromwell of Ohio, and myself. In a published interview, I am reported to have said that Postmaster- General Smith had consulted directly with the general superintendents of the salary and allowance and the free delivery divistions, ignoring the First Assistant Postmaster-General altogether. This statement while true should have contained some further explanation, which probably at the time of my interview I regarded as unnecessary, but upon reading the same find that a construction may be put upon the same that might reflect upon the present Postmaster-General, and I desire to add that of my own knowledge immediately after Mr. Payne became Postmaster-General this system was entirely changed and subordinates in the First Assistant's department were compelled to deal directly with the First Assistant Postmaster- General. It affords me great pleasure to make the above statement, particularly in view of the fact that some things said by me have not appeared, and possibly some things I did say, not being sufficiently full, may have been misintrepreted by the public. (SIGNED) E. F. LOUD.[enclosed in Payne 4-27-03]COPY. OFFICE OF FOURTH ASSISTANT POSTMASTER GENERAL WASHINGTON May 7, 1903. Hon. H. C. Payne, Postmaster-General. Sir: In order to complete the departmental investigation now in progress in a more expeditious and satisfactory manner, I beg to request that the Division of Free Delivery be temporarily assigned to the bureau of the Fourth Assistant Postmaster-General, and that I be authorized to assign a post-office inspector as the acting General Superintendent of said division during the continuance of this investigation. Very respectfully, (SIGNED) J. L. BRISTOW, Fourth Assistant P.M.General.[enclosed in Payne 5-16-03]Postal Telegraph-Cable Company in Connection with The Commercial Cable Company. 16, LO. John W. Mackay, President. J.O. Stevens, Sec'y. Wm. H. Baker, V.P.& G.M. John W. Mackay, President. Albert Beck, Sec'y. Geo G. Ward, V.P. & G.M. The Postal Telegraph-Cable Company transmits and delivers this message subject to the terms and conditions printed on the back of this blank. Received at 4 GS. WY. N. 611 Paid GOVT [5-7-03] (Where any reply should be sent) Count Punctuations White House - Washington D.C. May 7th 1903 The President of the United States, Redlands, Cal. Have received your two recent letters. Sincerely 50033 21876 congratulate you on franchise decision, 30872 24417 it was the first call 30073 18967 of 32607 16711 33344 hold I should be here on June second. It is 36913 48919. 36542 the last day of Supreme Court and day when merger 24184 51782 23507 12792 24157 56213 39156R arguments will be fixed for next face 44160 16772 30116 40813 29525. Unless you otherwise indicate will meet you or Pittsburg 42100 34989 39036 57349 15395 43387 June fifth General bingham of Philadelphia has requested me 36913 26954 47558 31383 41598 43272 47390 38908 to draft resolution for Pennsylvania convention to be 53149 25954 47558 30833 42922 22833 53155 held 20 7th [insfund?] fir with your approval will reply 33292 53825 49498 35636 13808 56755 47103 as follows in as much as the subjects to which you particularly [refuse?] 36308 34620 51300 56541 42690 46493 namely Trusts, Colonist and Cuban poling are 40381, 53725, 20641 12792 23787 43672, 13957 critical and important I am unwilling to formulate any 23711 12792 34345, 12529 54686 30678 13376 expression upon them for such public use in the absence of the President. 29186 54751 45353 54835 10236 44369 He will not return from his tour through the west until 33178 47849 31028 53225 53004 56120 54653 After the date of the PA convention under the circumstances although regret 11668 24109 42922 22833. 20174, 12422 46650 that I cannot comply with your request, this course appears to me 52561 33900 21315, 47381, 23498 13468 38915 to be both judicious and necessary. I have no doubt that the convention 53155 36890 12792 40535. 26894, 52597 22833 will deal admirably with the topics presented. 24228 11085 56912 53247 44335. P.O. Box Knox. 11 AM [*Persia*] [*file Hay*] G/O [*CF*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. May 8, 1903. William Loeb, Jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: I transmit herewith a letter addressed to the President by. H. I. H. the Zill-es-Sultan, Governor of the Province of Ispahan, Persia, in acknowledgment of the President's book, "Hunting Trips of a Ranchman", presented to him. The letter was received here through the United States Chargé d'Affaires at Teheran. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant John Hay Enclosure: Letter to the President. [*see 3/23/03*]POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT FIRST ASSISTANT POSTMASTER GENERAL OFFICE OF GENL. SUPT. FREE-DELIVERY SYSTEM WASHINGTON May 8, 1903 Hon. H. C. Payne, Postmaster General. Dear Sir: I am in receipt of your letter of this date advising me of your order, to take effect on the 9th instant, transferring the Division of Free Delivery from the supervision of the First Assistant Postmaster General to that of the Fourth Assistant Postmaster General. I also note that I have been granted a leave of absence until the investigation now in progress is concluded and that during my absence Mr. M. C. Fosnes, Post Office Inspector, will be Acting General Superintendent of the Free Delivery System. In conformity with your instructions I will turn the division over to Mr. Fosnes tomorrow morning. In this connection I desire to state that I have said to you heretofore, that I court the fullest investigation of my official conduct and stand ready at any time to aid the investigation now in progress, as I am conscious of having done no wrong. Yours very respectfully, (SIGNED) AUGUST W. MACHEN, General Superintendent.[enclosed in Payne 5-16-03]COPY. May 8, 1903. Mr. A. W. Machen, General Superintendent Free Delivery System. Dear Sir: I am in receipt of a request from General Bristow, Fourth Assistant Postmaster General, that the Division of Free Delivery be temporarily assigned to his bureau and that he be authorized to assign a post office inspector as the acting General Superintendent of said Division during the continuance of the investigation now in progress. In conformity with this request I have issued the following order, to take effect at the commencement of business on the 9th instant: "The Division of Free Delivery heretofore under the general supervision of the First Assistant Postmaster General is hereby transferred and assigned to the Fourth Assistant Postmaster General, and the regulations of the Department are amended in conformity therewith." You are hereby granted leave of absence until the investigation is concluded, and will turn over the Division of Free Delivery to the control of M. C. Fosnes, Post Office Inspector, who has been designated as the Acting General Superintendent of the Free Delivery System. Respectfully yours, (SIGNED) H. C. PAYNE, Postmaster-General.[enclosed in Payne 5-16-03]COPY. May 8, 1903. ORDER NO... The Division of Free Delivery, heretofore under the general supervision of the First Assistant Postmaster General, is hereby transferred and assigned to the Fourth Assistant Postmaster General, and the regulations of the Department are amended in conformity therewith. This order to take effect May 9, 1903. (SIGNED) H. C. PAYNE, Postmaster-General.[enclosed in Payne 5-16-03][*[Enclosed in Syal, 11-17-03]*] [*May 1-03-*] THE EVENING POST: NEW YORK, FRID THE PROGRESS OF CUBA. Little Hope of the Reciprocity Treaty, but Encouragement from an Enlarging Market for Sugar in Europe --The Action of the United States Senate Inspiring a Feeling of Distrust --Money Brought by Tourists-- Sale of Lands-- President Palma's Successful Administration -- Gen. Wood's Bronze Tablets--The Bellairs Matter. [Special Correspondence of The Evening Post.] HAVANA, Cuba. April 22.--Since the [??] ion of the American Senate in leaving the question of the Cuban reciprocity the House next winter, there is in Cuba that there will be a reaty between Cuba and the Two years ago, there was e in Cuba that the United to deal fairly with Cuba gain known to have been of the acceptance of the Two winters have pass- the Cuban reciprocity successfully pushed that now no one in o be passed. led to this that the panish residents in e been duped, and ss has victimized ng, however, that e sugar industry of the European ecent shipment from Cuba to that with the nd may be- of Cuban English Cuba, ac- he d nence because of its possible demolition in the near future to make room for a large hotel, contains a marble tablet, from which visitors are led to suppose that the building was entirely reconstructed por Leonard Wood, who while Military Governor, caused it to be thoroughly cleaned and white- washed and some of the decayed woodwork renewed; the entire repairs and cleaning, however, being much less than that done by the uncommemorated labors of Gen. Brooke. Numerous other tablets [??] this character throughout Havana lend a kind of humor to the events of the last few years. The recent disclosures published in the Evening Post, the Sun, and other New York papers cause but slight interest in Havana, where nearly all the facts recently published in the North, together with some other facts less suited for general publication, facts less suited for general publication, were known before Capt. Bellairs left Cuba for China. The whole story of Bellairs was known to a large number of army officers and civilians in Havana and to most of the newspaper men then in Cuba. Capt. Bellairs was generally admitted to be a "good fellow." It is remembered here that he came to Havana several months in advance of Wood's transfer from Santiago to the insular capital, and that he told his associates here that he had made Wood's reputation in Santiago, and that he would make him Governor of Cuba. It is not correct, as stated in some of the Northern newspapers, that he accompanied Gen. Wood from Santiago to Havana. He came to Havana some months earlier than Wood, and from here made the attacks upon Gen. Brooke which helped to bring about that officer's removal. Your readers will doubtless remember the once much-talked-of article in the North American Review for November, 1899, entitled "American Misgovernment in Cuba." This was an attack upon Gen. Brooke, prepared under Gen. Wood's direction, and which, as is well known, passed under his own hand before publication. The Evening Post. New York, Friday, May 8, 1903. SUBSCRIPTION TERMS. Daily edition in United States, Canada, and Mexico: One year..........$9.00 Three months....$2.25 Six months........ 4.50 One month....... .75 Saturday edition $1.50 per year. Semi-Weekly...... $2.00 Weekly.......... $1.00 To Foreign Countries in Postal Union: Daily.............. $16.00 Saturday Edition $3.00 Semi-Weekly...... 4.00 Weekly.......... 2.00 Address changed as often as desired; but both new and old addresses must be given. Subscribers will please remit with order, which should be given for a specified term; names are not entered until payment is received. Orders may be sent direct or through any newsdealer. Advertising Rates, 20 cents and upwards per line. Schedule sent on request. Advertisements must be in hand by 10:30 A. M. unless ordered for the second, third, last, or financial pages, when they may be received until 1:30 P. M., on all days except Saturdays. Saturdays 9:00 A. M. and 12:00 P. M. respectively. Address: THE EVENING POST. Broadway, corner Fulton Street. Local and long-distance Telephone Cortlandt 84. Advertisements may be left at any A. D. T. Messenger or Postal Telegraph Office, where they will be taken at publisher's rates. The design of this paper is to diffuse among the people correct information on all interesting subjects, to inculcate just principles in religion, morals, and politics; and to cultivate a taste for sound literature. - [Prospectus of the Evening Post, No. 1, November 16, 1801 On May 1 the Evening Post stated that Gen. Leonard Wood had inspired an article in the North American Review for February, 1900, written by Lieut. James E. Runcie, and attacking Wood's predecessor, Gen. Brooke. It was added that there were in the manuscript interlineations in the handwriting of Gen. Wood. In making this assertion, we depended not alone upon our Havana correspondent, whom we had every reason to think trustworthy, but also upon an explicit statement made to us by one in authority in the office of the Review. But we now find that we were unintentionally misinformed, and that the article in questions was not interlined by Gen. Wood. We accordingly withdraw the charge unqualifiedly, with sincere apologies to Gen. Wood. It is not necessary to add that our Havana correspondent ceases to be such with this date. The case of John C. Algood, the colored letter carrier at Gallatin, Tenn., is Bryan ject? cient for th cuse o the can standar Gov. if he sig plea th ment of When there by lation, th resort to sents of provides granted franchise construct aimed to consequen were give stances w existing. same as without legislative Constituti doubts as L'Homme tempted t without s and Coun lected by tended lit this is a take into terday su given by Authorit provided but app however now be city and rights t Country gard, Go Baltim among of citiz hold a This elect the to ma sc LAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER & BURGHARD 120 BROADWAY NEW YORK FREDERICK WM HOLLS LOUIS A. WAGNER EDWARD M. BURGHARD CHARLES C. CORMANY LOUIS V. EBERT JAMES H. VICKERY EQUITABLE BUILDING BERLIN, GERMANY [*Private: Not for the Public Files.*] [*Ackd 5/14/1903 C.F.*] May 9th, 1903. Dear Mr. President: The newspapers say that the State Department is seriously considering the question of joining, in some form or other, with England and Japan in protesting or otherwise opposing Russia's practical annexation of Manchuria. As I believe that such a course would be wrong in principle and disastrous to this country and to your administration, from every point of view, I took the liberty of telegraphing you yesterday evening to Los Angeles, and hope that this letter will reach you in San Francisco. I know you are very busy and, hence, will not burden you with a long argument. If I use somewhat compressed language I can assure you that it is done very respectfully. I am opposed to anything indicating further opposition to Russia's proceedings for the good old cowboy reason: "Don't fool around your hip pocket unless you mean to shoot". The people of the United States will not for a moment consider a possibility of war with their ancient true friend - Russia, on account of Manchuria, even if it is true that some cotton mills in the South would lose a market for their sheeting, and the Standard Oil Trust would sell a little less kerosene. That being the case we shouldLAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER & BURGHARD 120 BROADWAY NEW YORK FREDERICK WM HOLLS LOUIS A. WAGNER EDWARD M. BURGHARD CHARLES C. CORMANY LOUIS V. EBERT JAMES H. VICKERY EQUITABLE BUILDING BERLIN, GERMANY 2. not make faces, and we have during the last few years made ourselves sufficiently ridiculous by paper protests in China, Roumania, Manchuria and elsewhere. I know that all these protests have been heralded as diplomatic triumphs and statesmanlike actions by many newspapers and men in this country, whose opinion is entitled to weight; I also happen to know, however, that in diplomatic circles they have been laughing-stocks, both in Washington and abroad, and they expose to serious criticism an administration which, I beg respectfully to suggest, will be always named after you, and not after any member of the Cabinet. Second: The talk about Russia's "perfidy," "breach of faith" and "repudiation of treaty promises" is largely hysterical nonsense. Any one with the ability to think clearly and see straight should recognize the fact that you cannot keep an Empire of one hundred and twenty millions away from a harbor which is not frozen up in winter, and that no Empire would build a stupendous work like the Siberian railroad, to end anywhere but in an ice-free harbor under its own control. If what amounts to a promise to the contrary, is broken, as soon as the circumstances attending the promise are changed in the slightest degree, [and] the responsibility rests upon those who were responsible for the imposing of conditions which, upon anyjust and reasonable view of human affairs, could not be expected to be kept, [but] for they should enter intoLAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER & BURGHARD 120 BROADWAY NEW YORK FREDERICK WM HOLLS LOUIS A. WAGNER EDWARD M. BURGHARD CHARLES C. CORMANY LOUIS V. EBERT JAMES H. VICKERY EQUITABLE BUILDING BERLIN, GERMANY 3. treaties for a term of years only. The attitude, which I know you personally approved, of far-seeing and patriotic Americans in regard to the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty is a fine case in point. That Treaty, if kept, would have been a permanent bar to our natural expansion and development - to the sentiment which you embody personally, better than any other living man, and which you know to be wholly free from the elements of bad faith or deception. All such treaties, by the most enlightened view of international law, imply the clause rebus sic stantibus, and where, as the Irishman said, the rebus [was] are no longer sic stantibus, even in the slightest degree, - it may still be unwise or even wrong to violate the treaties-, but it is certainly not bad faith. Now, Russia's promises regarding Manchuria have always frankly and openly had a string to them. She has promised the open door "as understood by the Imperial Government" and "so long as the attitude of other Powers does not interfere". She has promised to give Manchuria back to China, just as England promised to give Egypt back to Turkey, "when there is a guarantee against the recurrence of the caused which led to the annexation." I discussed this whole question two years ago this very month in St. Petersburg[h] with the very men who are now directing Russia'sLAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER & BURGHARD 120 BROADWAY NEW YORK FREDERICK WM HOLLS LOUIS A. WAGNER EDWARD M. BURGHARD CHARLES C. CORMANY LOUIS V. EBERT JAMES H. VICKERY EQUITABLE BUILDING BERLIN, GERMANY 4. policy, and I well recollect the naive matter-of-fact way in which Count Muriavieff, the Minister of Justice, told me that he had just appointed a Court of Appeals for Mukden, the capital of Manchuria. Technically he had no more right to appoint it than he had to appoint a Court of Appeals for the state of Ohio, but practically the annexation and incorporation of Manchuria in the Russian Empire was complete then, and no one who knows the country doubts that this is in the line of progress and civilization for the whole world. Third: If there was ever a time when it was unwise for us to pick up English or Japanese chestnuts, no matter how much we are assured that they are entirely cool, at the risk of offending Russia, that time is the present. This is true from a national [and not] as well as from [any] the narrow partisan point of view. I know you will regard only the first, but, as between friends and party associates, and in the strictest confidence, there is no impropriety in regarding the second. From the national point of view our strong friendship with Russia is the best guarantee for correct international relations with our two somewhat troublesome friends in Europe, namely: Great Britain and Germany. In the Alaska dispute the good will of Russia is a valuable asset, especially if, as I believe, theLAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER & BURGHARD 120 BROADWAY NEW YORK FREDERICK WM HOLLS LOUIS A. WAGNER EDWARD M. BURGHARD CHARLES C. CORMANY LOUIS V. EBERT JAMES H. VICKERY EQUITABLE BUILDING BERLIN, GERMANY 5. troublesome features of that dispute have only just begun. Russia's policy of expansion nowhere collides with our own interests. It would not even affect them in Manchuria, had our relations with Russia been handled in a statesmanlike manner for the last two or three years. We [however] should have recognized [our] her manifest destiny, and should have used plenty of what may be called "diplomatic taffy," - a material which though it may be cheap, is by no means useless as a lubricator. Incidentally, I am positively convinced that we could have had vastly greater trade privileges than we ever could hope for under the much-heralded, pretentious and very hollow "open door" policy. The Russian Emperor is not only, in my opinion, a man of great solid ability but of perfect sincerity, and he is truly a Prince of Peace, without being enough of a crank on the subject to neglect his own country's interests. He is not erratic, sudden or impulsive, like some of his colleagues on the thrones, and he is a man whose friendship, in his great position, is also a national asset worth cultivating by this country. This can be done without sacrificing any American interest, except perhaps the temporary profits of a few cotton mills and of the Standard Oil Trust. From the partisan point of view I can see only danger and disaster in even a "moral" alliance with England and Japan, or a countenancing especially of Japanese pretentions. The indictment which the opposition could frame against our foreign policyLAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER & BURGHARD 120 BROADWAY NEW YORK FREDERICK WM HOLLS LOUIS A. WAGNER EDWARD M. BURGHARD CHARLES C. CORMANY LOUIS V. EBERT JAMES H. VICKERY EQUITABLE BUILDING BERLIN, GERMANY 6. as having by a curious coincidence, if not by intention, been exactly in line with the wishes of Downing Street for years, in every instance, would be difficult to answer, and it would have a deadly effect in many parts of this country. I can say this all the more freely since you know that I am a strong believer in the closest possible friendship with Great Britain first, Germany second, and all the other Powers thereafter. By resolutely refusing to be drawn into any hostility whatever against Russia, under any circumstances, it is my deliberate opinion that you will repeat the tremendous triumph which you scored, when you declined the arbitratorship in the Venezuelan matter and forced the Powers go to The Hague. As I am writing I am called up by telephone by the State Department and Mr. Loomis communicates to me your very kind offer to appoint me as Umpire upon the German and Italian claims against Venezuela. I deeply appreciate the generous friendship and good will which prompted you to thus honor me and I thank you for it most sincerely. Furthermore, I can assure you that nothing would give me greater pleasure than to serve you and the cause of International Arbitration in this manner, but Mr. Loomis informs me that it would necessitate my residenceLAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER & BURGHARD 120 BROADWAY NEW YORK FREDERICK WM HOLLS LOUIS A. WAGNER EDWARD M. BURGHARD CHARLES C. CORMANY LOUIS V. EBERT JAMES H. VICKERY EQUITABLE BUILDING BERLIN, GERMANY 7. in Caracas for two or three months during the summer. In view of the fact that both of my partners are obliged to go to Europe, one by reason of his own health and the other by that of his children, I have promised to remain here, and must take charge of the office until September, at least, and therefore it is, much to my regret, impossible for me to accept. When you were kind enough to speak of my taking charge of the American interests, regarding Venezuela, before The Hague Tribunal, I understood that the Tribunal would not sit until September, which is the fact, and under these circumstances I could have served; but from now until that time I do not see how I can leave this country. Under these circumstances, I hope you will excuse me and will not regard my declination as implying any want of appreciation of your kindness. I have sent a letter of declination to the Secretary of State direct. On the strength of the newspaper reports, and knowing you to be in such excellent company as that of Nicholas Murray Butler, I have no doubt that you are having a splendid time, and if only nothing is done in your absence, to commit this country to a most unwise and dangerous Russian policy, I have no doubtLAW OFFICES OF HOLLS, WAGNER & BURHARD 120 BROADWAY NEW YORK FREDERICK WM HOLLS LOUIS A. WAGNER EDWARD M. BURGHARD CHARLES C. CORMANY LOUIS V. EBERT JAMES H. VICKERY EQUITABLE BUILDING BERLIN, GERMANY 8. that the trip will be of great permanent benefit. I have the honor to be, Mr. President. Very respectfully, Your obedient servant, Frederick W. Holls[SHORTHAND][*[5-9-03]*] [*Roman c. c. Pope Leo. XIII*] A Son Excellence Monsieur Theodore Roosevelt Président des Etats Unis. Washington. Monsieur le Président, C'est à double titre que Nous sommes tenus à l'amabilité de Votre Excellence; d'abord pour les felicitations qu'Elle a bien voulu Nous faire parvenir à l'occasion du vingt cinquième anniversaire de Notre élection au Suprême Pontificat, et puis aussi pour le "Souvenir" qu' il a plu à Votre Excellence d'y ajouter. Nous avons reconnu dans l'une et l'autre chose un nouveau témoignage de la bienveillance que l'illustre Président de la République des Etats Unis veut bien avoir pour Nous. Aussi Nous empressons-Nous de l'en remercier et de l'assurer que son cadeau Nous est bien cher, non seulement à cause de l'importance historique attachée à la Collection complète des Messages adressés au Congrès par les Présidents des Etats Unis qui se sont succédés depuis 1789 jusqu'à 1897, mais tout particulièrement à cause de ce qu'il signifie par rapport à Notre Personne et au Saint Siège. Cette nouvelle marque de bienveillance que Votre Excellence vient de Nous donner Nous permet en effet de croire que pour les catholiques soumis à son autorité Elle voudra garder des sentiments aussi bienveillants que pour Nous :c' est ce qui va contribuer à resserrer de plus en plus les bons rapports de la République des Etats Unis avec le Saint Siège. Dans cet espoir il Nous est très-agréable de Vous renouveler, Monsieur le Président, l'expression des voeux que Nous formons pour le bonheur personnel de Votre Excellence et pour celui de son honorable famille. Rome du Vatican le 9 Mai 1903. Leo P. P. XIII(shorthand) Pope Leo[*See Loomis*] [John F. Hurst 1207 Connecticut Avenue Washington. D.C.] Ambassade des State Unis d'Amerique, Vienne, 9, May, 1903 Copy. Dear Senator, I dislike much to demand the attention of a man so uninterruptedly busy as you - but I write to you, just as I would to McKinley, about matters he would have taken an interest in. In May 1807, he appointed as Consul-General here Mr. Hurst, son of his old friend Bishop Hurst, who has just left us. Mr. Hurst had been in the Consular service since July 1892, with three promotions up to Vienna. He received a telegraphic demand from the Department some three or four weeks ago to send in his resignation as the President had named his successor. Indirectly he has learned there were charges against him in the Department. He knows of none that possibly could have been made unless it were done by a former Secretary of Legation who retired from Vienna in 1901, with when he had had some differences and who was doing his best to be appointed Consul-General himself in Hurst's place. If the charges were made by this person, I can assure you that his character while here and the memory has has left, should prevent credit being[JOHN F. HURST 1207 CONNECTICUT AVENUE WASHINGTON, D.C.] given to any complaint from him as to another. But Mr. Hurst says he did not learn of the existence of any charges until he was removed, and has been unable to obtain information either as to their nature or their source. I fear that unless he can obtain a hearing and an opportunity to examine and refute or explain the matter an injustice may be done this man, which may mar his entire future life. I know absolutely nothing myself as to the existence of any charges - but I do know the manner of his removal in a way I should be ashamed to employ to a common servant. Since I have been here the Department has entrusted Mr. Hurst with the delicate matter of investigating another Consular officer and has accepted his report : - which certainly is a strange procedure, if charges against the Consul-General, of so grave a nature as to compel his instantaneous removal without a hearing - were pending. As I said before, I know nothing myself; but have never known - if what I hear is the case - of a more sudden and unexpected notion of any Administration. I am interested in Mr. Hurst both on his father's account and on account of his wife and children, on whom this disaster falls heavily. It may be none of your business nor mine, but I know[JOHN F. HURST 1207 CONNECTICUT AVENUE WASHINGTON, D.C.] you dont like injustice; and do like a man to have a hearing. I shall hope to see you in Ohio this summer. Yours very truly, (signed) Bellamy Storer. To Hon. Mark A. Hanna. I give this letter to Mr. Hurst to hand to you. B. S.For 1 attachment see 12-30-03 Lewis(Copy) Ambassade des Etats Unis d[e]'Amérique Vienne. 9 May 1903. Dear Senator: I dislike much to demand the attention of a man so uninterruptedly busy as you - but I write to you, just as I would [write] to McKinley, about matters he would have taken an interest in. In May 1897 he appointed as Consul General here Mr. Hurst, son of his old friend, Bishop Hurst, who has just left us. Mr. Hurst had been in the Consular service since July 1892, with three promotions up to [xxxxxxxxxxxx] Vienna. He received a telegraphic demand from the Department some three or four weeks ago to send in his resignation as the President had named his successor. Indirectly he has learned there are charges against him in the Department. He knows of none that possibly could have been made unless it were done by a former secretary of legation who retired from Vienna in 1901, with whom he had had some differences and who was doing his best to be appointed Consul General himself in Hurst's place. If the charges were made by this person, I can assure you that his character while here and the memory he has left, should prevent credit being given to any complaint from him as to another. But Mr. Hurst says he did not learn of the existence of any charges until he was removed, and has been unable to obtain information either of [a] their nature or their source. I fear that unless he can obtain a hearing and an opportunity to examine and refute or explain the matter an[d] injustice may be done this man which may mar his entire future life. I know absolutely nothing myself as to the existence of any charges - but I do know the manner of his removal in a way I should be ashamed to employ to a common servant. Since I have been here the Department has entrusted Mr. Hurst with a delicate matter of investigating another consular officer and has accepted his report - which certainly is strange procedure if charges against the Consul[ar] General of so grave a nature as to compel his instantaneous removal without a hearing were pending.-2- As I said before, I know nothing myself; but have never known - if what I hear is [true] the case - - of a more sudden and unexpected action of any administration. I am interested in Mr. Hurst both on his father's account and on account of his wife and children, on whom this disaster falls heavily. It may be none of your business nor mine, but I know you don't like injustice; and do like a man to have a hearing. I shall hope to see you in Ohio this summer. Yours very truly, (signed) Bellamy Storer. To Hon. Mark A. Hanna. I am giving this to Mr. Hurst to hand to you. B.S.[*[encl in Clarkson 5--13-03]*] [*[5-10-03]*] [*World May 10*] "IOWA IDEA," MODIFIED, WINS THE PRESIDENT Roosevelt, Allison and Gov. Cummins Agree on Tariff Plank for the National Republican Convention. "SHELTER-TO-MONOPOLY" PHRASE TO BE OMITTED. Principle Is That Adopted at the St. Louis Convention of 1896. (Special to the World). SIOUX CITY, Ia. May 9. - President Roosevelt, the prospective nominee of the next Republican National Convention; Senator William B. Allison, one of the leaders of the Senate, and Gov. Cummins of Iowa, famous for the persistence with which he had espoused the "Iowa idea," have agreed on a tariff plank for the Republican National platform of 1904. At Gov. Cummins's conference with Mr. Roosevelt at Washington the President sought to ascertain exactly the orthodoxy of Cummins's principles. It was then discovered that they could practically agree by using the Republican national platform of 1896, adopted at the St. Louis Convention. Gov. Cummins declared that this was as radical as anything he ever thought of advocating. Senator Allison was then approached as the most influential member of the Iowa delegation at Washington capable of bringing his colleagues around to Cummins's ideas. Plank of '96 Revived. The result of this was the eventual agreement that the St. Louis platform should be followed as nearly as practicable. The plank as it will be written in substance is: "We are not pledged to any particular schedules. The question of rates is a practical one, to be governed by the conditions of the time and of production; the ruling and uncompromising principle is the protection and development of American labor and industries. Reciprocity and protection are twin measures of Republican policy and go hand in hand. We advocate protection for what we produce and free admission for the necessaries of life that we do not produce." The fight over the Iowa idea has been of long standing and has found all the old Iowa political leaders bitterly denouncing Cummins as a free trader instead of a protectionist. Secretary Shaw has been known as his particular enemy. Congressmen Hull, Hepburn, Lacey, Cousins and others have been scarcely less opposed, and even Secretary of Agriculture Wilson has regarded him largely in the light of a heretic. Senator Dolliver alone has stood by Cummins. The Governor's great personal magnetism and the disfavor acquired by the so-called "machine," however, enables Cummins to overwhelmingly control every States convention and to secure an unparalleled vote at the general election. Allison Brought Into Line. Senator Allison, while apparently training with the "machine" or anti-Cummins faction was careful to avoid becoming actively identified with the fight. In his early political career he was twice defeated because he was declared to be somewhat of a free trader. After Cummins's visit to President Roosevelt a meeting between Cummins and Allison was arranged at which a mutual understanding was arrived at. [*[5-10-03]*] [*From the N.Y. World*] THE "IOWA IDEA" DEVITALIZED. The reported agreement of President Roosevelt to incorporate Gov. Cummins's "Iowa Idea" in the next national platform is qualified by an important exception. The pith of the Iowa Republican resolutions on the tariff was contained in the closing words: We favor any modification of the tariff schedules that may be required to prevent their affording a shelter to monopoly. This clause the President is said to have characterized as "tactless in phraseology." Precisely! It was the edge of the sword - the "business end" of the wasp! To admit, even by implication, that any of the sacred Dingley duties could "afford shelter to monopoly" was so "tactless" that Speaker Henderson declined to stand for re-election rather than to indorse this language. President Roosevelt in his speech at Cincinnati last September said that "the real evils connected with the trusts cannot be remedied by any change in the tariff laws." The real evils of the trusts as seen and felt by the Iowa farmers are in the high cost of all iron and steel products, of farm machinery and implements, and of scores of other articles for which arbitrary and extortionate prices are exacted under the "shelter afforded to monopoly" by a 50 per cent. tariff. The Iowa Republicans did not imagine the evils. They did not mistake the cause. They intelligently and boldly indicated the remedy. The President says this was "tactless." It offended the trust magnates and other campaign contributors. It gave aid and comfort to the Democrats. He is willing to adopt so much of the Iowa platform as favors "such changes in the tariff from time as become advisable" -- in other words, a "revision of the tariff by its friends" the day after never! But as for admitting that the tariff does promote and shelter monopoly, and was in its main schedules intended to do that very thing, the President is as far from that as are the most hidebound of the trust agents in the Senate. The omission of the sting from the Iowa resolutions reduces them to what Gov. "Bill" Allen of Ohio termed " a d—d barren ideality." But it leaves the tariff and trust issue in splendid shape for the Democrats in the Presidential campaign. [5-11-03] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE. Dear Mr. Secretary: Complying with your request I send you my memo on Palmer's letter to the President. Respectfully, W. A. Day. May 11 1903[For two enc. see 5-13-03 memo; & 5-13-03 Miller]United States Senate, Personal. [*Private*] [*[C F]*] [*ppg R*] [*Ackd 5/22/1903*] May 11, 1903. Dear Theodore: - Your note of the 4th came some days ago. I should have answered it before had I not felt that I might have to write you quite fully again in regard to the Post Office matter. Fortunately, however, that danger has passed. Loomis came in to see me last Tuesday afternoon. He said he had been following the newspapers very carefully from different parts of the country and was much disturbed about the effect that was being produced by this continual hammering at the Post Office Department. He was very anxious that vigorous measures should be taken in regard to Machen and bringing the thing to an end. I only mention this because Loomis strikes me as a very good fellow and he talks very sensibly and it shows that I have not been alone in my anxiety. In the few minutes I had with Root while he was here I found that he also was anxious. Now, as I have said, the danger has passed by. Bristow came in to see me Wednesday afternoon. We had a long talk, but the substance of it was that while he had any amount of proof of loose administration and bad administration as well as of personal wrong doing outside the office he had not yet gotten absolute evidence which would convictUnited States Senate, before a jury, but this is what the Postmaster General appeared to want. He said he was on the track of it but that he was hampered by Machen being there in control, and that it was absolutely necessary that he should have that office put in his hands. I told him that I thought there was but one thing for him to do, and that was to ask the Postmaster General in the most direct way to place the office in his hands, that it was the right thing for him to do, that he would be in a false position if he did not do it, and that I felt sure if he made the request it would be granted. He said that had been his own belief, but that he wanted to consult with some one about it and that I was the only person he felt willing to consult. The next day he made the request and Friday afternoon he came in to tell me that the order had been made. I need not go into details of all that he told me. It is sufficient to say that he had been put in control of Machen's department, and Machen has been given a leave of absence. I consider that this saves the situation. The result is apparent at once, for the newspapers this morning have nothing about the Post Office Department. I have a very high opinion of Bristow. I have always thought well of him, but in the two long talks I have had with him on this matter I have found him one of the [ablest] straightest, most fearless, and most clear minded menUnited States Senate, that I have ever had anything to do with in any Department. How much more he will find I do not know. He only told me of a very few points, not a tithe of what he knows, but what he told me was enough, ten times over in my mind, to warrant Machen's immediate removal, and I think it will impress you in exactly the same way. He will have his report for you when you come back, and you will, of course, go over it with him thoroughly and carefully. It is a great relief to have had this step taken, and you need not give it any further thought until you return. I shall certainly come to Oyster Bay to see you before I sail to Europe. The Alaskan case -- our case -- is in, and seems to me very conclusive and very well prepared. I am waiting with curiosity to see what the Canadian case may be. [*It has come today & seems slight-*] Your trip seems to be a continued success. I wish they would nominate Cleveland. He would be the easiest man we could have to beat, but I do not think there is the slightest chance of it. Not only is Bryan against him, but lots of other men who have no sympathy with Bryan, and they will never permit him to be put up. Root said he had a delightful two days with you, and that he thought that after the atmosphere of adulation in which you had been living for a month it was very wise for you to see him.United States Senate, They have made a most ferocious attack on Wood in connection with the Runcie article, but it has broken down and they have had to take back water. There was something peculiarly cowardly in the way they waited until Wood got out of the country before they made this attack. We are to leave Sunday for Nahant, and I shall come on from there on my way to take ship and see you. Always yours, H. C. Lodge To the President.[[shorthand]][*ENCL IN CLARKSON 5-13-03*] [*[5-11-03]*] [*About the Iowa Idea & Cummins.*] ROOSEVELT FOR "IOWA IDEA." GOV. CUMMINS CONVERTS HIM TO TARIFF REFORM. After Conferences on the Subject He Approves the Plank Senator Allison Has Drawn Up for This Year's Iowa Convention and Favors It for the National Republican Convention Next Year—St. Louis Platform of 1896. Paraphrased—Tariff That Promotes Monopolies to Be Denounced. SIOUX CITY, Iowa, May 9.—Tariff reform will be the dominant feature of the National Republican platform of next year, if men of such influence as President Roosevelt, Senator Allison and Gov. Cummins can have their way. It is learned from authentic sources that they have spent many hours in considering a plank written by Gov. Cummins and that they have agreed to lend it their joint support. Whether it is a victory for Gov. Cummins or the anti-tariff reform faction of the party cannot long remain In doubt, as the plank will be embodied in the Iowa platform to be adopted at the State Convention here in June. The platform as endorsed by them is a radical departure from that of 1900, though it differs little from that of 1896. The St. Louis plank is paraphrased in several places, but in each case it is to strengthen the idea that the tariff schedules are not permanent and must be modified from time to time to meet altered conditions. The Iowa idea, as expressed in the Iowa platforms of 1901 and 1902, dictated by Cummins, is substantially the same, except that the objectionable words "shelter for monopoly" have been eliminated, on the theory that they are too easily distorted. It is practically agreed, however, that the word "monopoly" shall appear in the platform in some connection, so as to express the sense of the Republican party to be that in case it is found that the tariff is building up any monopoly it is to be revised immediately. The St. Louis platform, which is to be followed closely, says: We are not pledged to any particular schedules. The question of rates is a practical one to be governed by the conditions of the time and of production. The ruling and uncompromising principle is the protection and development of American labor and industries. Reciprocity and protection are twin measures of Republican policy and go hand in hand. We advocate protection for what we produce and free admission for the necessities of life that we do not produce. The Iowa plank, which has made Gov. Cummins famous, says: We stand by the historic policy of the Republican party in giving protection to home industries, and point for ample vindication to the extraordinary rapidity with which our national resources have been developed and our industrial and financial independence secured. We favor such changes in the tariff from time to time as become advisable, through the progress of our industries and their changing relations to the commerce of the world. We indorse the policy of reciprocity as the natural complement of protection, and urge its development as necessary to the realization of our highest commercial possibilities. We favor any modification of the tariff schedules that may be required to prevent their affording a shelter to monopoly. Gov. Cummins first attained prominence in politics by waging an aggressive fight against railroad influence in the State Legislature. Through him the old Republican leaders cam to be known as the "machine" tools of the railroad lobby. His campaign incurred the bitter enmity of Senator Gear, Secretary Shaw, Congressmen Hepburn, Hull, Lacey, and Cousins, and antagonized practically the entire Iowa delegation. Senator Allison merely showed his displeasure, but tactfully avoided becoming a partisan. Secretary Wilson followed his example. Senator Dolliver was at first displeased, but eventually became an enthusiastic advocate of the tariff reform idea of Cummins, and has since trained with the Cummins Faction. Cummins gained unquestioned control of the party in Iowa, despite the repeated charge of his enemies that he was a Democrat. He dictated the two State platforms so bitterly denounced by them, and they were adopted with a whoop. At the last session of the Legislature he forced the adoption of anti-railway legislation and balked the railway merger scheme so far as Iowa was concerned. He then came into demand as a public speaker, and presently attracted such national attention that his speeches at Detroit, Chicago and Minneapolis were published widely and commented upon. He was booked for speeches at Lincoln, Omaha and Peoria when President Roosevelt became alarmed at the oft-repeated assurances of Secretary Shaw, Congressmen Hepburn, Hull and others that Gov. Cummins was preaching Democratic doctrine which was spreading like wildfire on the Iowa prairies. At this juncture, three months ago, the President summoned Gov. Cummins to Washington and held a series of conferences with him at the White House. Gov. Cummins's personality and his manner of explaining the "Iowa idea" pleased the President, who quickly expressed the belief that Cummins was a sound Republican, but had been misrepresented through the unfortunate lack of tact with which the "idea" was expressed in the Iowa platform. The President said that Gov. Cummins's views were in substance embodied in the St. Louis platform. "Exactly," said Gov. Cummins. "Then can't you agree on the St. Louis platform?" suggested the President. It's good enough Republicanism for me or anybody else." Senator Allison was then summoned to the conference as the one Iowa leader in a position to promote harmony. Two meetings with Gov. Cummins have since been held by him, both at Chicago Gov. Cummins, serene in his knowledge of his strength in Iowa, refused to recede materially from his most advanced position on the reform plank. He even refused to agree to the total elimination of the word monopoly. He also declined to consent to the selection of Congressman Hepburn as the temporary chairman of the State Convention. At his suggestions ex-Congressman George D. Perkins, a tariff reform man, was selected for chairman. Senator Allison, it was decided, should write the platform at the State convention, but it was to be along the lines suggested. A draft of the platform was completed just before the President reached Iowa on his Westward trip. For an entire day, during this trip, Mr. Roosevelt was closeted between stops with the Governor. He had a letter from Senator Allison which contained the draft of the plank. He expressed delight that harmony once more reigned in Iowa and assured the Governor that he and Senator Allison would have the Iowa plank of this year made a part of the national Republican platform of next year. Thus it is said by the adherents of the Governor that he has practically made good his declaration, often expressed, that he would never stop trying until he had succeeded in injecting the "Iowa idea" into the national platform. The Governor himself refuses to discuss the fact of his conferences with Senator Allison and the President and expressed annoyance when told of its prospective publicity. "IOWA IDEA" A LOST CAUSE [*Press May 11 03*] Cummins Party Weakens on Tariff Revision. OLD PLANK ABANDONED Unconditional Surrender to Roosevelt Rather Than Administration "Compromise" the Reason. From the regular Correspondent of The Press. WASHINGTON, May 10.—"Oh, Governor Cummins has slid down the pole." is the remark attributed to Secretary Shaw of the Treasury in a discussion of the tariff situation in Iowa a few days ago. To let the Governor land easily, however, stories were sent out of Sioux City last night representing that Governor Cummins, Senator Allison and President Roosevelt had talked over the tariff question carefully, and that each had impressed upon the other his individual preference for the tariff plank in the Iowa State platform next month. The fact is that the tariff revisionists, the adherents of the "Iowa idea," have surrendered unconditionally to the President and his Administration advisers. There will be no revision of the tariff before the national elections next year. It seems necessary to reiterate that truism frequently, to answer the intimations from the camp of the revisionists that they have won the President to the cause, that the national platform next year will contain a tariff revision plank, and that Governor Cummins likewise has won out in the long contest in Iowa for the recognition by the party of the tariff revision idea. "IOWA IDEA" IS EXPLODED. That the "Iowa idea" has been knocked into a cocked hat is conceeded by all well informed persons here who have heard from Michigan. It is admitted that the phrase describing the tariff as a "shelter to monopoly" will be stricken out of the tariff plank to be adopted by the Iowa State Convention next month, although it was in the last State platform dictated by Cummins. The Administration never has been in sympathy with that expression, believing that proper antitrust legislation, which has been enacted, would allow the Federal Government full authority to deal with the question of trusts and monopolies, and that this question should be treated a one without reference to the tariff. There is no opposition, on the other hand, to the meaningless expression upon which the Cummins clique have prided themselves, that the tariff schedules should be changes whenever it becomes advisable "through the progress of our industries and their changing relations to the commerce of the world." That, however, is far different from declaring that the tariff schedules should be changed immediately or that the principles of the protective tariff should be assailed [wa?????] either in the next Congress or in the next national platform. The sub-committee of this Senate Finance Committee, which has been in consultation in Hot Springs, Va., has authority by the resolution adopted by the Senate [???ing] to his creation to investigate the entire question of Government revenues as well as to formulate a currency bill for the next Congress. When the resolution was being discussed in the Senate Senator Aldrich, who offered it, asked Senator [Teller?] of Colorado if he would not aid the Republicans in reducing the revenue to keep them commensurate with the [?] of the Government. ALDRICH SETS THEM GUESSING.ENCL IN CLARKSON 5-13-03 [*[5-11-03]*] that the Republicans were contemplating reducing the tariff schedules, for he replied that he would act in co-operation with anybody to reduce the tariff schedules. "We are not discussing the tariff," Senator Aldrich then exclaimed, "we are speaking of reducing the revenues." Many politicians have wondered ever since what was in Senator Aldrich's mind, and in what way he contemplates suggesting a reduction in the revenues. An extension of the reciprocity idea may be under consideration. The sub-committee has broken up temporarily. Senator Allison having returned to Iowa, and Senator Aldrich to the East, but it is understood many more sessions will be held during the summer, when the whole question of finance and revenue and the province of the Finance Committee will be threshed over. None of the sub-committee members are tariff revisionists, so the fallacy of the possibility of their reporting in favor of reducing the tariff rates in the next Congress is apparent. Both Ohio and Iowa hold their Republican State conventions next month. Ohio's stand for the protective tariff of McKinley is unquestioned, and all accounts of the alleged "compromise" reached in Iowa indicate that this great Republican State, too, will modify its tariff revision plank of last year and the year previous. That the President, Senator Allison and Governor Cummins have agreed at this prematurely early date on a tariff plank for the Republican National Convention next year is regarded here as too preposterous to deserve further consideration. [?] 'IOWA IDEA' ORPHAN [*Commercial Advertiser*] State Leaders Are Hunting Up Asylum for it. ROOSEVELT-CUMMINS TALK FICTION Democratic Editor of Des Moines Made Up Story of Conference Between President and Governor Senator Allison Has the Task of Drawing Plank to Get State in Line With National Platforms. (From Our Own Correspondent.) WASHINGTON, May 12. — President Roosevelt has had no conference with Governor Cummins of Iowa with reference to incorporating the "Iowa Idea" in the platform of the next Republican national convention. The report sent to eastern newspapers from Sioux City a day or two ago was the mischievously conceived product of the editor of the democratic daily newspaper of Sioux City and had no foundation in fact. That report spoke of a mysterious conference between the President and the governor on the train between Clarinda and Des Moines during which it was agreed that the "Iowa Idea" or a modification of it, should be incorporated in the national platform. As a matter of fact the ride together between Clarinda and Des Moines was purely accidental. Cummins with his staff met the President at Clarinda, where the President's schedule allowed for a thirty minutes' stop. The railroad officers had established a rule that no train should be on the road within twenty-five minutes of the President's train. Under the rule the governor's train had to leave Clarinda [five?] minutes after the President's arrived. When the President heard of this he asked the governor to accompany him and let the staff go ahead. On the train Governor Cummins spent his time with Representative Hepburn, and the President talked with Secretary Shaw. There was not three minutes' conversation between the President and the governor all told. So far as the "Iowa Idea" is concerned the only problem among Iowa Republicans is how to let it drop out of sight as easily as possible. It is agreed by all that the next state platform shall be drawn as nearly as may be in accordance with the platforms of Republican national conventions and the problem is to frame a plank which shall harmonize with the national policy without seeming to conflict too strikingly with the "shelter" plan of the last state convention. Governor Cummins, Senator Dolliver and Mr. Roberts, the director of the mint, who have been the leading [exponents?] of the "Iowa Idea," are entirely willing that Senator Allison should draw a plank in accordance with this plan, and Senator Allison is now engaged in trying to frame an expression which shall fill the bill. The conference of the sub-committee of the Senate finance committee at Hot Springs last week really had as much to do with this tariff plank as it had to do with the currency. The absence of Senator Platt of Connecticut prevented a thorough discussion of the currency bill, and Senator Allison brought up the matter of the tariff plank, which he is expected to frame. It is not an easy task to find just the right words, but the puzzle is of more interest to the Republicans of Iowa than to Republicans elsewhere. The President's speech at Milwaukee covers the administration policy on the tariff and the policy of the most influential Republican leaders. [*#*] [*From the St Louis Globe Democrat*] The End of the Iowa Fad. The Iowa Republicans will hold their state convention a few weeks hence, but they will make no demand for tariff revision. This much has been learned from the confessions, concessions and hedgings of the tariff smashers in that state who were recently so vociferous. It is known that Senator Allison is to write the platform of the coming convention. The senator has never favored the tariff revisions fad. He does not favor it now. He will not put a word in the platform which will give anybody, in or out of Iowa, a chance to suppose that any considerable body of Republicans in that state want an overhauling of the tariff at this time. A few of the younger and brasher members of the party wanted, or said they wanted, a revision of the tariff in the coming session of Congress. They declared that revision was necessary, in the interest of the Republican party. If there were no revision, they pretended, the Republican party would be beaten in the campaign of 1901. Of course, it was easy to see that that folly would not be tolerated by the wiser members of the Iowa Republicans. The present governor of that state, A. B. Cummins, probably did as much as anybody to start the foolish idea that the majority of the Iowa Republicans wanted a general revision of the traiff at this time. Cummins is not a man of great ability or balance, but he got the gubernatorial nomination two years ago, and therefore was elected. It will be well for the Republicans to shelve Cummins this year, if he holds any of his notions of a few months ago. It ought to be easy for them to get a man for governor who is in harmony with the masses of his party throughout the country on the tariff issue. There is no doubt at all that the majority of the Republicans of that state stand with the bulk of their party all over the country on this issue. They have been misrepresented by a corporal's guard of mischief makers, who have thus cast a good ideal of discredit upon Iowa in the past year, all of which will be removed when the platform in the approaching convention repudiates all these fads and follies. The Iowa idea will be buried far out of sight in the convention. Of course, no quarter whatever would be given to it in the national convention next year. This is one of the reasons why the sane Republicans of the state are going to control the coming gathering in their commonwealth, and place it in line with their party throughout the country. The tariff-smashing fad was a species of lunacy which would be sure to injure every public man in Iowa by putting the state outside the pale of party orthodoxy. If the little junta of Iowa Republicans want to start a new species of Populism or anarchism, the masses of the party in the approaching convention will cut loose from them, and let them seek political favors in some other quarter than from the Republican party. Allison, Cousins and the rest of the level-headed members of the Hawkeye State in each branch of Congress, backed by the great bulk of their constituents, are going to see to it that the convention a few weeks hence stands on solid Republican ground on the tariff issue. On that, as on all other questions, the Republican line throughout the country will be solid in 1904. The Iowa tariff-smashing idea of 1902 is as dead as the so-called Ohio idea of rag money of 1868.Department of Commerce and Labor OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY Washington Personal. May 12, 1903. [*CF Ackd 5/22/1903*] Dear Mr. President: I had a long talk, on the 6th instant, with Representative Mann, of Illinois, about some matters in which he was interested, and particularly concerning the appointment of an Assistant Secretary. Mr. Lawrence O. Murray, whom I desire appointed to this place, is entirely satisfactory to Senator Cullom and Representative Mann, but when the subject was brought to the notice of Senator Hopkins, Mr. Lorimer, and others of their faction, it met with objection on the ground that Murray had only recently come into the State and was not identified with the party organization there. Furthermore, it was stated that the appointment of some one representing (as they put it) a faction opposed to them would be misunderstood. Because Mr. Murray occupied a position in Mr. Dawes' bank, they naturally concluded that the suggestion of his appointment had come from Dawes, an entirely wrong impression which it seems difficult to correct. Representative Mann has had several talks with Senator Hopkins and Mr. Lorimer; and while they adhere to -2- their position that they cannot recommend Mr. Murray, I am quite sure from what has been said to me that if the matter were put before them in the light that you desire to make this appointment because it is recommended and requested by me, they would offer no serious objection, and it could be charged up to me as a personal appointment. In other words, if you should say to them that you felt that the Secretary of the new Department should be left free in the selection of his important assistants, and particularly of the only Assistant Secretary in the Department; that you believed geographical and other considerations should be waived in the interest of securing a man that would be entirely satisfactory to the Secretary, who is to be held responsible for the conduct of the Department; and if they could be advised also that the suggestion for the appointment of Mr. Murray came from me and from no one else, they would doubtless understand that there was no desire to ignore them in the matter of patronage - that in fact the whole question was entirely aside from that of patronage, which would be taken up and decided with absolute fairness so far as the organization in Illinois might be concerned. -3- I think I understand pretty well the political situation in Illinois. This appointment will not embarrass you there. It offers no ground whatever for any ill feeling. It is very generally understood that the head of a department should be unhampered in the choice of his immediate assistants. Mr. Root insisted on this in the War Department when Col. Sanger was appointed, Attorney General Knox holds the same opinion, and there have been many other instances. In my communications with the Illinois gentlemen, verbal and otherwise, I have not said a word that showed the slightest ill feeling or that could possibly embarrass you in any way. Of course, I take it for granted that you would understand this even without my saying it. I feel that I am doing your administration a service, as well as strengthening my work in the new Department, by asking for the selection of Murray. I will stand sponsor for him in every particular. If I were asked his politics, I should be obliged to say that I did not know. I think probably he was a gold democrat, and supported President McKinley in both campaigns. If he were selected for this new place, he would stand for good business methods, a very intimate knowledge of many of the bureaus to be transferred to the new Department,-4- an extended acquaintance in the business world, the qualifications of capacity and initiative, which are good things to have in a new undertaking, and the further qualification of being personally known to the head of the department and acceptable to him. Of course, Representative Mann's connection with the whole subject must be kept strictly confidential. He called on Murray, had a long interview with him in Chicago, and investigated the matter fully, with the result that he said to me the appointment would be entirely satisfactory to him. After giving the matter the fullest consideration, I feel entirely justified in recommending this appointment, and hope you may see your way clear to indicate to Senator Hopkins, confidentially, your desire to make it at once. It does not require confirmation by the Senate. If it did, it would have to be held over until the meeting of Congress, according to the views of the Attorney General. I am anxious to have the appointment made at the earliest practicable date, as there will undoubtedly be some delay in the appointee qualifying, which adds burdens to a work already heavy; and there are many questions coming up daily with which the Assistant Secretary-5- should be familiar, and he should be thoroughly ready for his work by the 1st of July. According to your itinerary, you are to take lunch at Senator Hopkins' home in Aurora, Illinois, on Wednesday, June 3d. While delay in making the appointment will embarrass me considerably, my personal desire is entirely subordinated to what will relieve you from embarrassment of any sort, and if you would rather wait until you see Hopkins, I can get along. The attached copies of correspondence bear upon this subject and are transmitted for your information. Commissioner Garfield and I are now considering an important appointment in the Bureau of Corporations, recommended by Representative Mann and that would be entirely satisfactory to the junior Senator and others. The organization of the Department has gone on smoothly. We move into our more permanent quarters in the course of the next two or three weeks, and I think you will find on the 1st of July that public business with us will move along about as regularly as in some of the older establishments. With personal regards and best wishes, believe me, Very sincerely yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou To the President. Enclosures.[For 3 enclosures see 4-5,8,16-03]Cairo May 21 1903 Dear Mr President; Mr Horace Fletcher an American gentleman much interested in a certain line of physiological investigation looking to great possible economy in fords, desiring a line of introduction to you. His work is thought well of by Bowditch of Harvard [*Fletcher*]Dear Elihu Will you see Mr Fletcher for a moment! T. Roosevelt and the people at Yale, I have had occasion to discuss the matter pretty fully with him, and know him to be engaged in very valuable work, which may be of great value to our government. Mt Fletcher is at present residing in Venice, and is a most agreeable gentleman, Very sincerely Leonard Wood [*[Leonard Wood]*] The President.[*[ENCL IN CLARKSON 5-13-03]*] [*[5-12-03]*] [*[Odell & Low]*] ODELL'S THIRD TERM LEAGUE — [*[Sun]*] CANAL CONTRACTORS SAY HE MUST RUN IN 1904 — New State Administration Might Embarrass Holders of Contracts Which Will Be Given Out If The People Vote for the $101,000,000 Expenditure. Among the canal contractors who are active in politics as well as generous in their campaign contributions an announcement made by Gov. Odell the other day was joy- fully received. "My only ambition at present," said he, "Is to be Governor of New York." "That is good news," said one contractor, who had a piece of the $9,000,000 contract. "We take it to mean that the Governor is going to be a candidate for a third term. He ought to have it. You see when the $101,000,000 canal expenditure has been approved by the people next November the law provides that the work shall be put under way at once. Gov. Odell will have one more year to serve. It is probable that we can—that is, that things will be fixed up in that year so that all the contracts will be let and all the resident engineers and other extra employees will be appointed. But to insure the success of the job we ought to have Benjamin B. Odell for Governor two years longer; that is, while the $101,- 000,000 is being checked out. The carrying out of the scheme ought to be in the hands of the administration which drew the bill and starts off the work. "There are a thousand reasons why it should be so in order that the closest harmony may exist between the contractors and the State. Suppose, for example, that I get a contract under the present State administration for a section of the canal. Conditions may arise that would make it necessary for me to get a little more money than the sum named in the contract. The State Engineer can order extra and unspecified work to be paid for in excess of the contract price, and in that way I can be squared up to a decent price for my work. You see if some fellows not in our crowd bid on this work we may have to cut our regular figures a bit to go under them, and the only way we can get that money back is by orders for extra work on the job. "Now, with a different Governor and a different Superintendent of Public Works there might be some friction. These little agreements made under one administration might not be understood by another, and that would be embarrassing. "Then, too a new administration might change the resident engineers or the board of experts and break up the most amicable relations. To continue business-like, arrangements we must have the same set of men to deal with for three years, and by that time everything will be just right." The Third Term League for Gov. Odell is likely to become a very powerful organization if the canal project is acted on favorably by the voters in November. What a powerful ally the Governor will have in the person of his Superintendent of Public Works is illustrated in a page of the official report of that officer now in the hands of the printer. Under the Davis act the superintendent may reject any and all bids on every contract and can keep on doing this until a contractor who is "in right" proves to be the lowest bidder. Last year the largest single contract let for canal work was for depending and improving the change of the Erie Basin, Buffalo, between Buffalo River and Slip 2. When bids were opened the first time the Buffalo Dredging Company bid $66,645 and the Lake Erie Dredging Company bid $63,755. The Buffalo Dredging Company is a strong financial contracting company made up wholly of politicians, Democratic and Republican. Frank I. Bapet, ex-chairman of the Democratic County Committee, is the head of the concern. Reuben E. Goetz, a member of the Republican County Committee, and his brother-in-law, George H. Williams, are officers and stockholders. Their bid was high. All bids were rejected On the second bidding Henry P. Burgard, a former member of the Democratic State Committee, appeared as a bidder and he offered to do the work for $63,515. Once more the bids were thrown out. On the third bidding the Lake Erie Dredging Company did not make a tender. Mr. Burgard, who is very close with the politicians of the Buffalo Dredging Company, bid $41,533.50, while the Buffalo Dredging Company bid $41,421.60. While the conditions were the same as on the two earlier propositions, each had suddenly reduced his bid $20,000 or 33 1-3 per cent. The contract was given to the Buffalo Dredging Company. Beyond a doubt if the $101,000,000 appropriation goes through there will be a solid organization for a third term for Gov. Odell from one end of the canal to the other. And yet some Republicans are skeptical of the result. The Hon. John I. Platt, who has been a delegate to every Republican State Convention for many years and was a member of the platform committee at the last convention, said the other day: "In the event of Gov. Odell's nomination for a third term he would be beaten worse than Folger was." [*# Evg Post 12th*] SOME TIMID FUSION MEN. PLATT AND SHEEHAN FOLLOWERS SUSPICIOUS OF A TRAP. Last Night's Meeting Too Quiet for Them—Herman Ridder Still Harping on the Excise Money Division and His Low-Odell Plot. All the parties in the first Fusion conference at the Citizens Union headquarters seemed to be satisfied last night with what was done—the appointment of a committee to invite other organizations, "by unanimous action," and the decision to adjourn till September after another meeting at which a permanent organization will be formed. The Republican conferees thought they had avoided all possible "traps" by the provision in Mr. Morris's resolution that the committee can do nothing without [*[5-12-03]*] the consent of all its members; thus preventing any possible combination of the Citizens Union and Greater New York Democracy members to cheat the innocents of the Platt machine. This morning, however, some of the Republican leaders, after thinking over all that was done last night, were still suspicious that there was a "trap" somewhere. The fact that the Citizens Union men agreed without a murmur to the Morris resolution and did not enter a word of protest against the plan to adjourn till September was regarded by these politicians as in itself suspicious. They said that the Citizens Union leaders were usually fond of talking, and that when they put through resolutions without discussing them—well, you had better look out. None of the Platt men could point out the "trap" they still suspect, but they talked about it so much at their headquarters to-day that somebody suggested that they imitate certain Sunday newspapers which print mysterious looking pictures and offer a prize to "the first person who finds in the picture the elephant and the seven negroes." The author of the suggestion added that the minutes of last night's proceedings should be printed, and copies sent to each district leader, with an offer of a prize to the man who finds the "trap." William H. Ten Eyck, who represents the Platt "machine" in the committee on invitations, said to-day that everything looked all right and that the Republican conferees had no fault to find. Some of his associates, however, remarked sententiously; "Wait and see what turns up." John C. Sheehan expressed himself as satisfied, but he was not enthusiastic. In fact, the Platt and Sheehan men seem to be still troubled by a fear that they will wake up some morning and find themselves irrevocably committed to the renomination of Mayor Low. RIDDER ON LOW AND ODELL. Some persons supposed last bight that the conservative course adopted by the conference would force the German-American Reform union to join the movement by removing the objections expressed by Herman Ridder recently to action at this time. Mr. Ridder is not yet satisfied, however, he declared this morning, that his organization would act as a spectator till September. When asked what he thought of the action of other German-American organizations in sending representatives to Citizens Union headquarters last night, he replied: "There are German Republicans and German Democrats. We are the independent Germans. No man leads all the Germans. They are too independent and they have their own ideas. Some of them wanted to go into the conference last night. We did not. That is all there is to it. Our position is this: we are not for the Republican machine or the Tammany machine or any machine. We are for the best administration the city can get, and we believe that Mr. Low is not the man to give it. He has shown too plainly that he is for the Odell machine more than for the interests of the city." "We must have an honest Fusion movement to beat Tammany. Now we believe that Low has joined forces with Odell to take control of the local Republican organization from Platt. If Low is renominated[*[ENCL IN CLARKSON 5-13-03]*] [*[5-12-03]*] Platt is not likely to support him against his own interests. Platt would slaughter the Fusion ticket and Low would be beaten. Anyhow, even if Platt supported him, he would be beaten on the excise question alone. Low has agreed with Odell to five New York city's excuse money to the State. He has gone even further than straight Republican Mayors of other cities. He has practically given the city's money to Odell to use as he pleases for up-State purposes. "If Low should be reelected, he would be a candidate for Governor two years hence, and he would use his city position to further his ambition. I do not mean that he would do it to get money or act in any way dishonestly, but he is ambitious, and he would have the Governorship in sight all the time, even if the cause of Fusion in future years were wrecked by his course Now, I am not for making Fusion a foundation for an Odell-Low Republican machine. If opposition to Odell means going over to Tammany, you may have it so. Some people say that if we have to choose between two evils, the Odell machine and the Tammany machine, we should take the former as the lesser evil. But I don't regard it that way, I regard Odell as more dangerous than any Tammany man." --------------------------------------------------------------- NO ALL-SUMMER CAMPAIGN. It was decided at the Fusion conference last night to hold another conference on or before June 1. R. C. Morris, ,the Republican leader, offered the following resolution: That a committee be appointed, consisting of one member from each of the organizations here represented to decide what other organizations shall be invited and to extend invitations to the same, subject to unanimous action. The following committee was appointed: Citizens Union - New York County, R. Fulton Cutting; Kings County, A.J. Boulton; Queens County, John W. Weed; Richmond County, Arthur N. Harris. Republicans - New York County, William H. Ten Eyck; Kings, Jacob Brenner; Queens, George Ripberger; Richmond, R. W. Nelson. Greater New York Democracy - New York County, John C. Sheehan; Queens, W.H. Moore; Richmond, Thomas P. McGinley. F.C. Huntington of the Citizens Union then offered this resolution, which was adopted: Resolved, That we adjourn to a date to be fixed by the Committee on Invitations for the purpose of forming a permanent organization, and that meeting adjourn to September 1, or to such date as the Chairman of the organizations now present may agree upon. [*Sun*] LOW BOOM WANES Mayor's Popularity with Fusionists Grows Less. DEMAND FOR DEMOCRAT Reports That Low is Working with Odell to Get Control of Republican County Machine - No Chance of That - Germans and Those Outside the Republican Ranks Want a Democrat to Run This year - Talk of Ashbel P. Fitch The renomination of Mayor Low at the head of a fusion ticket is to-day considered by well informed politicians as extremely doubtful. It is even probable that the Republican organizations in the city will when the time comes to make nominations, agree to accept an Independent Democrat as the candidate for Mayor. Senator Platt, when asked the direct question, "Will the Republicans accept an independent Democrat as the candidate for Mayor?" looked long and hard at his questioner and then said with a smile, "It is a little too early to discuss candidates." Other Republicans have in some cases been more outspoken. A number have said that to win this year the fusion forces would have to name a Democrat for Mayor. John C. Sheehan, leader of the Greater New York Democracy, and Herman Ridder, of the German American Reform Union, have been spoken out openly for the nomination of a Democrat. The sentiment is apparently growing and the Republican leaders are not at this time trying to check it. None of them has said that the candidate for mayor must be a Republican. The fusion conference held last night was adjourned over until fall, after passing a resolution and appointing a committee to invite other organizations to take part. The Republicans and the Greater New York Democracy members of this committee on invitations will control it, because action must be unanimous. At the meeting last night the name of Mayor Low was not mentioned. His administration was not indorsed, and to-day politicians say that if there is a plan on foot to prevent his renomination it is making good progress. The Citizens' Union is not unanimous in favor of the renomination of the Mayor, and no other organization has directly or indirectly said a word in his favor. The political friends of the Mayor are to-day decidedly worried over the situation. Recently there has been considerable gossip about an alleged political alliance between the Mayor and Gov. Odell. "According to this gossip, the Governor wants to break into New York county and, if possible, get control of the local organization. The Mayor was to help him, so runs the story, and in return the Governor would use his influence to help Low to a renomination and reelection. If this gossip turns out to have any basis of truth it will, in the opinion of many politicians, make the renomination of Mayor Low impossible. The Governor cannot control the County Committee, and he cannot name the successor to Robert. C. Morris, who last week resigned as president. The post of president may be left vacant for a time, but there is now considerable discussion of possible successors to Mr. Morris. One of the names under consideration is that of Job E. Hedges. His election as president of the County Committee would apparently please all factions. He is an active organization man, but has never been involved in any serious factional quarrels, and is popular with all elements of the party. Friends of former Justice Ernest Hall said to-day that they did not believe that he would accept the office if it should be offered to him. According to the estimates of those who should know, a Low-Odell combination in the County Committee could not control the delegates from more than three of the thirty-five Assembly districts. As the County Committee will do little or no active campaign work during June, July, and August, there will be no haste about filling the vacant office of president. The talk of nominating a Democrat as the fusion candidate for Mayor is now so general that names of possibilities are suggested. The friends of former Comptroller Ashbel P. Fitch say that he would be the ideal man for the place. They say that he would have the support of the Ridderbund and all other German organizations. Mr. Joseph C. Hendrix, of Brooklyn, is also mentioned, but it is considered doubtful if he would accept. The Republican leaders generally are well disposed toward the selection of a strong Democrat for Mayor if they can name the candidates for borough presidents. [*Evg Post*] The Fusion cause will gain, not lose, if Mr. Hermann Ridder and the "Ridderbund," always doubtful allies, betake themselves into the Tammany camp. There are many public-spirited German-American citizens who place good government far above the question of Sunday beer, and who have never looked with satisfaction upon Mr.Ridder's self-assumed "leadership" of the German-Americans. They attach very considerable significance to the fact that Mr. Ridder's brother-in-law, Mr. Amend, was elected to a judgeship on the Tammany ticket last fall. Certainly Mr. Ridder's defence of the liquor sellers with his advice to Tammany to nominate a "good" ticket, and to the Fusionists to select a noble, liquor-dealer-loving Democrat, will be taken by the general public to mean that Mr. Ridder is in the market once more, and that principles are as unmeaning to him as in the past. Some of the weaknesses of the present Administration are directly attributable to the deference paid to questionable organizations by the Fusionists two years ago. We believe that the movement is strong enough this year to cut loose from these dubious associates, most of whom are out for what they can get. Mr. Jacob A. Cantor in office is proof of the mischief which inevitably results from compromising with [?][*CF*] CUSTOM HOUSE, SURVEYOR'S OFFICE. NEW YORK, May 13, 1903. Dear Mr. Loeb: I enclose some more clippings, some of which may be of interest. There have been no unusual developments in the East recently, and the Cleveland boom still remains the topic of conversation for all the political wiseacres. It is plain on every hand that the movement as to him was started to call back the democrats who left their party for sound money and to attract the republicans who think they have personal grievances. The men who are engineering it, such as Whitney principally, realize that Cleveland cannot be nominated, but they want to use him as a coulter to break the way and finally get the party united on someone like Judge Gray or Gorman. The Gray feature is scheduled for the next movement. Literature in his behalf, with quotations from the Coal Strike Commission report giving him the credit for the conduct of the investigation and the writing of the report and the wisdom of it, is being circulated among labor lodges and the people generally on a large scale. I enclose among the clippings one of the articles being used.-2- There is continued public interest in the President's western trip and absorbing anxiety about his expressions. The utterances he has made on the currency question have given universal pleasure, so far as I have learned, and this is not confined to republican quarters, but among the masses of the people and business men generally. In State matters things are going pretty quiet, and in City politics there seems to be a waiting game being played, with an evident intention on the part of many people to shelve Low and take a new candidate for fusion. Captain Goddard is in great vogue now because of his bold and successful fight on Adams in the policy game and his condition of the millionaire thief; he has won many friends by this, and is being discussed in intelligent republican circles as a man who could lead in this fight, and while it is thought that neither he nor Low nor anyone else could win on a Fusion ticket, it is felt that Goddard could make a distinct gain for the future; that is, that he could form a line and gain recruits who would last over until the campaign next year while under Low it would be all waste. This has been quite a topic of conversation among politicians for the last ten days. It seems to be the intention of all leaders to delay public action in regard to Fusion until after the Summer has gone, and meantime to reach an understanding as to the program which shall be carried out when the-3- time for action shall have come. As to the Post Office Department matters at Washington and the sensational features attending it for so long, I know you will be glad to learn that since the Postmaster General's return and the prudent and energetic manner in which he has taken hold of it, public opinion has been greatly pacified and public confidence regained that everything will be conducted on the right basis and the best results gained both in a public and a party sense. The newspapers had been used for campaigning for sensation before his return. He has borne himself with much composure, and I think with the best of judgment, to the end of inspiring public confidence in the highest degree. I hear him commended at all the dinners I attend with business men and by all the prominent people who come into my office or that I meet elsewhere. He is certainly making a good record, in my judgment. Sincerely, yours, James S. Clarkson Mr. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Sacramento, Cal. (Enclosures)[*[FOR 4 ENCS. SEE CA 5-13-03? CA 5-13-03? CA 5-13-03 CA 5-13-03 CA 5-10-03 5-11-03 5-12-03]*][5 -13 -03] BRIEF OF COMPLAINT OF W. A. MILLER. (Late Foreman, Government Printing Office). ---------------- Miller was appointed, under the rules of the Civil Service, to the position of Foreman of the Blank Book Division of the Government bindery, July 2, 1900. He immediately began to introduce new machinery, modern methods, and business system, with a view to expediting and cheapening the work under his charge. These changes, he claims, resulted in a large increase in the volume of work done, and a great saving of money to the Government. In September, 1902, the Post Office Department had large orders for two certain kinds of books, which were constantly being repeated. The Department asked for samples of cheaper binding, which Miller furnished, These samples were accepted and saved the Department $2,500.00 on the orders at hand, and represented an annual saving of $8,000.00. Soon thereafter members of the Binder's Union preferred charges against Miller to the Union for furnishing the samples and cheapening the work. Miller reported this fact to the Public Printer, who instructed him to continue the work as he had been doing. The Binder's Union then ordered a trialcommittee to hear these charges, and Miller was sentenced by said Committee to be suspended for fifteen days from work, The Public Printer was notified by the Union of this action, and he requested Miller to "rest up for two weeks to satisfy this sentence", which Miller did. Encouraged by this, certain members of the Union who were seeking promotion, incited the "riot element" in the Union to 2. make threats against Miller and keep up the agitation, as a result of which Miller was transferred from the Blank Book Division to a Division of the Printing Office in another building, on December 1, 1902. The agitation was kept up in the main building, and on April 6, 1903, a charge was brought against Miller by the Arbitration Committee of the Union, of which the following is a copy: "Charge: That on or about the 10th day of January, 1903, you did furnish the Hon. F. H. Gillett, a member of the House Appropriations Committee, scales of prices, data, and other information, which he, the said F. H. Gillett used to base arguments to the injury of the interests of the members of the Union." This charge was based upon information given the Union by one Feeny, who had been told the facts by the Public Printer. A sub-committee of the Union, consisting of Stockman, Barrett, and Schurman, called on the Public Printer for information, and he told them that the statement to Feeny was confidential and they must keep it secret, or he would be placed in a very embarrassing position with the House Committee on Appropriations. A trial committee of the Union heard the charge, and Stockman, Barrett and Schurman (the Committee who had called on the Public Printer) together with Feeny, testified: "That a man high in the Government service had stated that Mr. Gillett had told him that the data in his possession was furnished by Miller". On this evidence alone, Miller was expelled from the Union. The meeting was held May 12, 1903. There were 195 present, out of a membership of 570, and 137 voted to expel. Stockman and Barrett and their agents spent the day soliciting votes against Miller. There were a dozen members of the Union applicants for Miller's positions. Two of these were promoted by the Public Printer. The local Union denied Miller the right of appeal.3. Miller was notified of the action of the Union as fol- lows: Washington, D. C., May 13. 1903. Mr. W. A. Miller, Sir: I am directed to inform that you have been expelled from your membership in Local No. 4, I. B. of B., to take effect on Thursday, May 14, 1903. Respectfully, (Signed) Jas. A Stockman, Sec. Miller submits copy of letter received from the Public Printer at the same time, as follows: May 13. 1903. Mr. W. A. Miller, Sir: I am in receipt to-day of a communication from the I. B. of B., Local Union No. 4, a copy of which is enclosed herein. In view of the receipt of this communication, you are hereby suspended from the position of Assistant Foreman, until such time as final action upon the case shall be taken. (Signed) F. W. Palmer, Public Printer. (Enclosure). May 13, 1903. Hon. F. W. Palmer, Public Printer. Sir: I am directed to inform you that Mr. W. A. Miller has, after a fair and impartial trial, been found guilty of violating the constitution of Local No. 4, I. B. of B. and has been expelled from his membership. This sentence to go into effect Thursday morning, May 14, 1903. (Signed) Jas. A. Stockman, Secretary. Miller states that the Union passed resolutions compelling foremen to be members. That these foremen have to do what the Union Committee dictate. That Barrett countermands foremen's orders at will. That he reported Barrett and Stockman to the Public Printer for the interfering with men who wanted to work, and thereby incurred their enmity, and they used the Union to oust him. ------------------- Over4. It would seem, from Miller's statement, that there was a conspiracy on the part of Stockman and Barrett and some other members of the Union to deprive him of his position, and that an indictment against them for the common law offense of conspiracy could be sustained. See State v. Buchanan, 5 H. & J. (Md), 317. It also appears from the letter of the Public Printer to Miller that that officer executed the unjust decree of the Union and deprived Miller of a position held under the rules of the Civil Service.[Enc in Day, 5-11-03][5-13-03] MEMORANDUM ON ANSWER OF THE PUBLIC PRINTER TO THE COMPLAINT OF W. A. MILLER ------------------------- The answer of the Public Printer is very general in character, and does not deny any essential detail of W. A. Miller's letter of complain to the Attorney General. In fact, it confirms Miller's statements in so far as it touches upon them. The Public Printer states, as his reasons for removing Miller, that: "In view of the feeling of antagonism which has grown up between Mr. Miller and employes in the bindery here, and because of the belief that he had lost the respect and confidence of those with whom he had formerly been associated, and because his continuance in the office after his expulsion would have resulted in the withdrawal of the entire force of bookbinders here for an indefinite period, thus paralyzing the work of the office, I deemed it my duty to authorize his dismissal". Analyzed, these resources for removal would appear to be: 1. Because Miller was not on good terms with the other employes. 2. Because the bookbinder's union had expelled him and would strike if he was not removed. The first might make a transfer expedient, but would hardly constitute a just ground for removal from a Civil Service position. The fault may not have been Miller's, or only partially so. The second ground for removal amounts practically to an admission on the part of the Public Printer that in removing Miller he was carrying out the orders of an outside organization in dealing with a subordinate in his office. -2- The Public Printer also admits, on page 2 of his reply, that he executed the judgement of the Union in suspending Miller from work for two weeks, there being no charges against Miller except those made and heard by the Union, and the fact that he arranged for Miller to take "leave" and thereby not suffer a loss of pay does not alter the case, as it was enforced "leave". On page 5 of his reply, the Public Printer quotes from the second section of Civil Service Ruler XII, as follows: "No person shall be removed from a competitive position, except for such cause as will promote the efficiency of the public service". Immediately following the part quoted, said section of Rule XII goes on further to say: * * * "and for reasons given in writing, and the person whose removal is sought shall have notice and be furnished a copy thereof, and be allowed a reasonable time for personally answering the same in writing" * * * The only reasons given in writing to Miller, and which must, therefore, be presumed to be the only reasons which existed, were embodied in the Public Printer's letter removing him, which reads as follows: May 13, 1903. Mr. W. A. Miller, Dear Sir: I am in receipt to-day of a communication from the I. B. of B., local Union No. 4, a copy of which is enclosed here in. In view of the receipt of this communication, you are hereby suspended from the position of Assistant Foreman, until such time as final action upon the case shall be taken. (Signed) F. W. Palmer, Public Printer. (Enclosure) May 13, 1903. Hon. F. W. Palmer, Public Printer. Sir: I am directed to inform you that Mr. W. A. Miller has, after a fair and impartial trial, been found guilty of violating the constitution of Local No. 4, I. B. of B. and has been expelled from his membership. This sentence to go into effect Thursday morning, May 14, 1903. (Signed) Jas. A. Stockman, Secretary.-3- Nor is there any evidence that Miller was "allowed a reasonable time to personally answer the same in writing", since the letter to the Public Printer notifying him of Miller's expulsion from the Union, and his letter removing Miller bear the same date, which was the day following the meeting of the Union at which Miller was expelled. On page 5 of his reply, the Public Printer says: "In Mr. Miller's letter to the Attorney General, he quotes only one of the charges against him by the Union, but I have been informed to-day by an officer of the Union, that there were other charges of violations of the rules of the organization". From this, and the whole tenor of the reply, it appears that "violation of the rules of the organization" (the bookbinder's union) constituted the real ground for removal. The Public Printer charges Miller with insubordination, in a general way, but nowhere does he claim that Miller was removed on this ground.[Enc in Day, 5-11-03][*Enc. in Clarkson to Loeb. 5-13-03*] [*CA 5-13-03*] [*This and several other articles on the coal strike, giving Gray the credit are being circulated among labor organizations*] AMERICAN INDUSTRIES 5 Judge Gray ; A Recent Task of His George Gray, the man, stands foremost to-day, as he has stood for years, among the honored songs of Delaware. For forty years he has been constantly and faithfully a public servant. Representing one of the smallest constituencies in the United States Senate for years, he nevertheless helped to make it, along with Thomas F. Bayard, honored and respected among its fellow constituencies. Lately President Roosevelt made him chairman of the Anthracite Strike Commission, so-called, and his severe and yet just cross-questioning of the witnesses who appeared before that tribunal not only made Judge Gray celebrated throughout the country as a learned and courageous man, but afforded the strongest example in recent years of the change which one stout spirit can make in public opinion, if conditions and the man are right. Until Judge Gray began examining into the case critically, it was felt that only one kind of report could be made. When he began to hold up to public scorn the slender case of the miners and all the concealment about them, it was felt by many, if it could never have been felt before, that there was some excuse at least for the appointment of this body. It is not pretended that Judge Gray wrote the entire report of the commission. Some of it, doubtless, was the work of Col. Carroll. D. Wright, Labor Commissioner. But it is hardly likely that the sections of it dealing particularly with the law, and that the legal and political questions involved in the contest, escaped his notice. And it is quite safe to say that they were the product of his brain and hand. Thus the issue between the union men and the non-union men is treated: The right to remain at work where others have ceased to work, or to engage anew in work which others have abandoned, is part of the personal liberty of a citizen that can never be surrendered, and every infringement thereof merits, and should receive the stern denouncement of the law. All government implies restraint, and it is not less but more necessary in self-governed communities than in others, to compel restraint of the passions of men which make for disorder and lawlessness. Our language is the language of a free people, and fails to furnish any form of speech by which the right of a citizen to work when he pleases, for whom he pleases, and on what terms he pleases, can be successfully denied. The common sense of our people, as well as the common law, forbids that this right should be assailed with impunity. It is vain to say that the man who remains at work while others cease to work or takes the place of one who has abandoned his work helps to defeat the aspirations of men who seek to obtain better recompense for their labor, and better conditions of life. Approval of the object of a strike or persuasion that its purpose is high and noble, cannot sanction an attempt to destroy the right of others to a different opinion, in this respect, or to interfere with their conduct in choosing to work upon what terms and at what time and for whom it may please them so to do. The right thus to work cannot be made to depend upon the approval or disapproval of the personal character and conduct of those who claim to exercise this right. If this were otherwise, then those who remain at work might, if they were in the majority, have both the right and power to prevent others, who choose to work, from so doing. This all seems too plain for argument. Common sense and common law alike denounce the conduct of those who interfere with this fundamental right of the citizen. The assertion of the right seems trite and commonplace, but that land is blessed where the maxims of Liberty are commonplace. It also become our duty to condemn another less violent, but not less reprehensible, form of attack upon those rights and liberties of the citizen which the public opinion of civilized countries recognizes and protects. The right and liberty to pursue a lawful calling and to lead a peaceable life, free from molestation or attack, concern for comfort and happiness of all men, and the denial of them means the destruction of one of the greatest, if not the greatest, of the benefits which the social organization confers. What is popularly known as the boycott (a work of evil omen and unhappy origin) is a form of coercion by which a combination of many persons seek to work their will upon a single person, or upon a few persons, by compelling others to abstain from social or beneficial business intercourse with such person or persons. Carried to the extent sometimes practised in aid of a strike, and as was in some instances practised in connection with the late anthracite strike, it is a cruel weapon of aggression, and it use immoral and anti-social. To say this is not to deny the legal right of any men or set of men voluntarily to refrain from social intercourse or business relations with any persons whom he or they, with or without good reason, dislike. This may sometimes be unchristian, but it is not illegal. But when it is a concertted purpose of a number of persons not only to abstain themselves from such intercourse, but to render the life of their victim miserable by persuading and intimidating others so to refrain, such purpose is a malicious one, and the concerted attempts to accomplish it is a conspiracy at common law, and merits and should receive the punishment due to such a crime. The practices which we are condemning would be outside the pale of civilized war. In civilized warfare, women and children and the defenceless are safe from attack, and a code of honor controls the parties to such warfare which cries out against the boycott he have in view. Cruel and cowardly are terms not too severe by which to characterize it. The laborer's rights and limitations are defined with faultless precision. A man may "strike" when he sees fit, when "not in violation of contract." He has "no right to destroy or damage the property of the employer," to "intimidate or use violence against" or to "interfere" with the man who wants to work. The "rights and privileges of non-union men are as sacred as the rights and privileges of unionists," and the idea that by association unionists acquire authority over non-unionists is pronounced "untenable." The way for a union to increase its membership and influence is to make membership in it "so valuable as to attract all who are eligible." The rights of the laborer to labor and the employer to employ in the manner preferred and legally permitted to them are above dispute. No small society of men can set up a government of their own to contradict and overthrow the legitimate government of the State. This may be set out as the type of work usually performed by such a man. A word or two as to the man himself: He was born in historic old Newcastle county, in Delaware, in 1840; went to the district school and finally to Princeton, from which he graduated in 1859. Then he read law in the offices of his father and of Hon. William C. Spruance, and after that took a course at the Harvard Law School. He was admitted to the bar of Newcastle in 1863, and for eighteen years devoted himself to the practice of his profession. His public spirit developed during all this time and naturally brought him into political prominence. He sincerely admired Mr. Bayard, and as a delegate to the Democratic convention in 1880 put Senator Bayard in nomination for the presidency. The way was now open for an active political career for Judge Gray. He was a brilliant platform orator, and besides exemplified the unusual combination of orator and campaign manager. In 1879 he was appointed Attorney-General of Delaware. In March, 1885, was elected to the United States Senate to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of Mr. Bayard, who entered the cabinet of President Cleveland as Secretary of State. He was later re-elected to the Senate for the full term. He was doubly honored as a Senator during his fourteen years in this high office. Efficient as the representative of his state, learned and dignified in counsel and in leadership among his fellow-democrats, strong in debate, confident in the support extended to him by his constituency, and by successive administrations and successive Senates, he was well calculated to be one of the the two or three strongest personalities in our highest legislative body, though representing one of our two or three smallest states. In 1898 Judge Gray was made one of the commissioners to negotiate the Treaty of Paris, which brought the Spanish-American war to a close. He declined to be a candidate for the Senate in 1899, but on March 29 of that year President McKinley appointed him a circuit judge of the United States for the Third District, comprising the states of Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Delaware. His chambers are in the Federal Building at Wilmington, his home, which he never forgets; being still, and likely to be until his death, the leading citizen of Delaware. With all his reserve and dignity Judge Gray is a plain, outspoken man. A wrong deeply arouses him and he expresses himself forcibly in private as well as publicly. The fine exhibition of cross-questioning which he gave in the various examinations of the Anthracite Strike Commission was never needed to prove this to his old friends. "Will you go to the bottom of things?" a great man asked on one occasion of an applicant for work. Judge Gray goes to the bottom of things. It was a fortunate circumstance that a man of his ability and courage was chosen to be the head of this Commission. It is not known to many that President Cleveland had fully determined to make Judge Gray Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, when some enemy in Delaware (and it is good to have an enemy) under pretence of being a friend attacked him in the most cowardly way known to politics. The statement, wholly trivial and false, could have been answered instantly and satisfactorily by any friend or acquaintance of Judge Gray. But Opporunity had passed. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Wholesome Truth About Labor and Capital. Occasionally, says the Tellmide Journal, we hear me marvel that American manufacturers can compete with all the world; that despite the fact that wages are much lower in European countries, our manufacturers can ship their product thousands of miles and successfully meet the home product in its own market. The secret of the success of the American manufacturer, that which enables him to turn out a uniformly good article in a short time, at a low cost, lies in the personnel, the character and method of treatment of the labor employed. The American manufacturer has realized the fact that to get the best results and the largest output from his plant the interest of his laborer and himself must be in harmony. This is not a sentimental theory, but a sound business policy. It is to the advantage of the employer to pay good wages for good work, quickly and accurately done, rather than to pay low wages for slow and slovenly work. The laborer does better when he realizes that his work is appreciated and that increased effort and diligence meet with substantial recognition and reward. The workman is encouraged to exercise his brain and is given extra pay or promotion for having done something to the advantage of his employer. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- America's Growing Imports From Germany. American manufacturers need not be seriously alarmed at the anti-American utterances of German protectionists. The United States imported from that country last year about 115 million dollars worth, against 100 million in 1901, and only 83 million in 1898. A customer whose trade increases 40 per cent in four years is worth keeping, and this fact will be duly appreciated by German manufacturers if it is kept prominently before them. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- It Seems that Only a Few Control in Politics. A speaker of the assembly of one of the great States in the Union, according to the Railroad Gazette, once said that in his 20 years' experience he had never known a time when as small a number as ten men did not control all the legislation at the State capital; or when as few as three men did not control the ten. Men of experience in political caucuses believe this to be true.[*Enc. in Clarkson to Loeb 5-13-03*] [*CA 5-13-03*] 6 AMERICAN INDUSTRIES Conspiring Brutally to Crush Industries in Fremont, O. In the Barbers' Journal, John Mulholland, Int. President, and Geo. B. Buchanan, Int. Sec.-Treasurer, make the following incendiary appeal and probably lay themselves liable for conspiracy: GREETING! We wish to call your attention to a matter in which all organized labor is interested. We will do so as briefly as possible. In the city of Fremont, Ohio, there are three companies, two engaged in the manufacture of shears, knives, and razors, and the other engaged in the manufacture of general novelties. The first two are known as the Claus Shear Company, (sometimes called by the trust name, The International Shear Company), and the Jackson Knife & Shear Company. The third is known as the Herbrand Mfg. Company. The men employed in these factories, desiring to form a union for the purpose of assisting their fellow workmen throughout the country, asked for organizers, and on or about the 5th day of January last, a charter was issued to a local union of metal polishers, buffers, platers and brass workers; and a charter was issued to a local of the International Association of Allied Metal Mechanics. On the 15th of January, these three companies, evidently by prearranged plan, simultaneously discharged all the officers of these newly-instituted locals; and on the 17th of the same month, each and every union man of these three factories were locked out. We are firmly convinced that these men were discharged contrary to the laws of the State of Ohio, and for no other reason than that they were members of a labor union. We are further convinced that the Claus Manufacturing Company, composed principally of John and Henry Claus, were the instigators and propagators of this entire scheme. It appears to us that these companies, and especially the Claus company, engaged, as they are, in the manufacture of goods used, in the great part by union men, should be brought to an account for the manner in which they are attempting to crush the very men who make the demand for their products, and upon whom they are depending for their customers, viz: barbers, garment workers, paper hangers, and tailors. You can help us. 1st. Please present this communication and read it at the next meeting of your local. 2nd. Please authorize your secretary to write a letter, under the seal of your local union, and address to the above named companies, informing them that as union men you cannot and will not purchase, and will use your influence with your friends, not to purchase shears, razors, knives, and goods manufactured by them, unless they make proper adjustment of these difficulties with their employees. 3rd. Please appoint a committee to present this circular to the hardware dealers of your city, and request them to write a letter to the said companies, stating that they cannot use their goods while they are unfair to union labor, and request your local dealers not to purchase, sell or handle shears, knives or razors manufactured by said firms, and that if they will put in a line of union-made, or fair goods, you will assist in creating a demand for them. 4th. In order that we may be able to contest the legality of the actions of these companies, and bring them to justice for their actions, and assist these men, who have refused to betray the principles of unionism and go back into these factories as non-union men, and that we may the better provide them with the necessities of life, we ask you to give us your moral and financial support. All moneys so donated will be distributed pro rata between the men belonging to the Metal Polishers, Buffers, Platers and Brass Workers, and the International Association of Allied Metal Mechanics. All moneys should be sent to Charles Brockman, 1250 Liberty Street, Fremont, Ohio, and notify Geo. B. Buchanan, 421 Valentine building, Toledo, Ohio. Don't throw this communication into the wastebasket, but do the things that we ask, and you will assist us in convincing these three companies of the great power and influence of organized labor, and in forcing them to acknowledge the right of workingmen to associate themselves in labor organizations. This Free and Independent Workman Discusses the Union in Various of Its Phases Editor American Industries: Will you pardon my intruding a few thoughts upon your time, from the standpoint of a non-union workingman? Our daily papers will publish anything written or spoken by an anarchist, socialist or labor agitator, but a letter from a non-union workingman finds its way to the waste basket. We are called all manner of hard names and made to appear as a people of doubtful character and unworthy a place to live. When all the business men of our country cease to bow the knee to this tyrannical monster in the management of their own affairs, when United States Senators, Congressmen, editors and politicians advocate the right of every American citizen to work for whom he pleases and at such wages as to him are satisfactory, and as many hours as may suite his circumstances and convenience free from the dictates of any society, and when labor organizations learn that no man can be forced to join an organization against his will or quit work at the dictates of the agitator, then will labor riots cease to become a menace to business prosperity and every honest workingman who wants to succeed will be free to rise as high in the scale of social, political, and business interests as his mental calibre will permit. It has been my observation and belief that it is the investment of capital that produces prosperity, and that to destroy the confidence of men with large means in the prospects of a safe and profitable employment of their money produces a panic, and a panic means hard times for the masses. The working men never created a market for anything productable; we have passed the age of chips and whet stones, or coon skins, as money. Money is the first great mover in all business developments. Our great and good Government recognizes brain as well as brawn and it is the sheerest nonsense and folly for men like Gompers, Mitchell and Shafer to make themselves, to say nothing of anybody else, believe that the workingmen regardless of conditions should have absolute control of the machinery in running a liberty-loving Republic like our own United States. You rightly condemn Socialism as the fountain of all wrong on the labor question. Socialism drops out of sight when the workingmen are prospering; therefore Socialism seeks to sow the seeds of discontent in every well-regulated shop, mine, mill or factory. Socialism is the enemy of good Government, church, and state; organized labor is an aggravated form of Socialism, and Socialism is a mild form of Anarchy. Men like Bishop Potter will toady to labor unions, and then say that if they belonged to organized labor they would oppose any interference with individual rights; when, bless his old heart, he should know that when this tyrannical monster ceases such interference, all opposition to organized labor will cease. What does the capitalist or the manufacturers or dealer care how much they organize so long as they don't dictate how a man shall run his business. A very large number of workingmen belong to the different secret societies of the country, but who would think of forcing any man into one of these or refuse to employ him because of such membership. Whenever the mills start and workingmen get busy, then the agitator starts out on his mission of evil. I am, sincerely, a tinner, busy at work every day in the year except holidays and Sundays--sickness, of course, included. NATHAN DAVIS. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Sledge Hammers for Capital Anyway. "Strikes," says John Mitchell, "are a feature of civilization and they are merely a means to an end in the great social evolution that is now confronting the American people. barbarous countries and states have no strikes. They are unknown there. Strokes are the sledge hammers that weld the connecting links of labor and capital and make the endless chain of prosperity. We want a better understanding between employer and employee and we come with offerings of peace. The labor unions are trusts just like your doctors' trust, the ministers' trust and the money trust, only we call those associations and corporations, while we style ourselves unions. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Choosing the President's Route for Him. At a recent meeting of the Kansas City, Kan., Trades Assembly that body adopted a resolution requesting President Roosevelt not to ride over the Union Pacific on his trip West. The resolution was introduced by the delegates of the local machinists' union at the request of the national union. The machinists have a strike on against the Union Pacific, caused by the adoption of the piece work system last year. When it became known that the President intended to travel over the road on his Western trip the union objected. A copy of the resolution was forwarded to the President. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Held for the Grand Jury for Conspiracy. Charged with posting boycott notices on letter boxes, John Afring and Fred Simon were recently arrested in Pittsburg and arraigned before the Recorder Stanton. The men had a number of boycott notices against the bread of John Schmaltz & Sons, and before the arrests were made there was a liberal placarding of the city. Mr. Schmaltz appeared against the men. He declared that his men work only sixty hours a week, while the union allows sixty-two, and that he pays union wages. He employs union as well as non-union men, however, and refuses to submit to the use of the label. The bakers were held for the Grand Jury on a charge of conspiracy. Engaged in an Unlawful Conspiracy Because Destroying Another Man's Business Common Please Court, No. 4, in Philadelphia, has issued an injunction against the striking moulders who were formerly employed at the foundry of Isaac A Sheppard & Co., stove manufacturers, restraining them from patrolling or picketing the plant, molesting and following the non-union men or from in any other way interfering with the firm's business. The case was first heard by judge Wilson about a month ago, and, although he made an effort to have the attorneys come to an amicable settlement of the trouble, the firm and its former workmen could not agree upon any arrangements that would end the trouble. The restraining order is embodied in a written opinion, which reviews the testimony at considerable length and concludes as follows: "Here, then, we find the defendants engaged in an unlawful conspiracy--unlawful, not because as men engaged in a common occupation they have combined to be idle or to better their own or somebody else's condition by their idleness--but because they have combined together to seduce the plaintiff's servants, to interfere with and destroy the plaintiff's business and to prevent other men from working at the wages an on the terms acceptable to them; and because they have endeavored to carry out their purposes by breaking the public peace and by stirring up the mob to riot and violence. "These means are unlawful; these ends are unlawful. The law of Pennsylvania on this subject is well settled and is found expressed with admirable precision and clearness in the opinion of The Supreme Court in the case of O'Neill vs. Behanna. Upon that authority the motion for a preliminary injunction is granted, and upon entry by the plaintiffs of security in the sum of $1000 the writ will issue as prayed against those of the defendants who have been served with process or who have appeared in this case." In the suit Samuel A. Barfori and 84 of his co-workers and sympathizers in the strike were named as defendants. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Prepares Jewelry Men to Yield or Close Down. We have repeatedly told the manufacturers in Providence and the Attleboros, says the Manufacturing Jeweler, that the labor organization into unionism which has been going on for several months past means nothing more or less than a demand later for shorter hours, and possibly for increased payment as well. Nearly all of the manufacturers are lukewarm; some are afraid; others feel that concessions should be granted before they are asked for, and they are in a generally demoralized state. On thing, however, they can rest assured of, and that is that if the jewelry and silver business is as good this fall as the indications now would point to, there will be a demand made for shorter hours, and probably an increase as well, and they must be prepared either to yield or to close their factories through strikes. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Baltimore Builders United for Defence. Representatives of sixty firms of builders and contractors have formed the Employers' Association of Building Trades of Baltimore and vicinity. The object is to oppose the adoption of the card system which the building trades section of the Baltimore Federation of Labor says shall go into effect May 1. Should a strike follow, which now seems probable, it is estimated that 9,000 men will be thrown out of employment. The new organization insists upon the right to employ help on the merit system, whether union or non-union, skilled or unskilled. Builders are entering into no contracts pending a settlement of the labor troubles, and business which would necessitate an outlay of hundreds of thousands of dollars will be delayed as a result. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Will Do to Us What They Have Done to England. It is shown, says a correspondent of the Sun, that strokes have caused the transference of trade from Great Britain to competing countries, and that the loss of business caused thereby has already assumed great proportions. The lessons learned in Great Britain are not yet sufficiently heeded in America. In this country the unions have become far more powerful for evil, because of our political system, than they ever could be in any European state. Their clearly manifested tendencies here are to control national, State and municipal legislation. Nothing escapes the scrutiny of the leaders. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Finally Breaks Down of Its Own Dead Weight. The essential feature of an advancing wage and of a diminishing product per operative, says S.C. Henry in the Sun, is the advance in price of commodities. This, in turn, causes another call for increase of wages. The vicious circle is thus completed. Advance in price to the wage-earner for a smaller product furnishes a pretext for a demand for more wages. This must continue until the system breaks down with its own weight. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Will Draw the String Around Their Necks. The idea that because one organization cannot control a particular business venture because its management does not agree with it, says Newspaperdom, it has the right to ruin that business, is all wrong and the concerns which withdraw their advertising from a newspaper because it is boycotted are not only weak-kneed, but are inviting the drawing of the string of unionism tighter about their own necks.[*Enc in Loomis 5-17-03*] THINKS ROOSEVELT WILL NOT BE INDORSED Senator Patterson Says Outlook in Ohio Tends Toward Hanna. Special Despatch to Commercial Tribune. WASHINGTON, D.C., May 13. - State Senator Sam Patterson, of Pike County, is in town on personal business and talking politics. His son was appointed naval cadet by Senator Hanna and he accompanied him here and will remain while he takes the examination. He said today: "The Ohio Republican State Convention will not indorse President Roosevelt, as a candidate," he said emphatically. "A resolution will naturally be adopted indorsing the National Republican administration, which now happens to be Mr. Roosevelt's but nothing will be said about his candidacy for 1904. I don't believe any resolutions indorsing him will be presented, or adopted if presented. "Out in Ohio Senator Hanna or even Senator Fairbanks looks more like the probable Presidential candidate for next year than does President Roosevelt. The Ohio Republicans certainly do not intend to be stampeded for any boom that may eventually be a dead one. "Dunham will be the Republican nominees for Governor. That's the way it looks now. Harding's chances seem slim." Elmer Dover, Senator Hanna's private secretary, arrived in Washington today. He does not believe the coming Republican State Convention will indorse the candidacy of President Roosevelt. "Such action would be against all precedent," he said. "In the first place the whole matter will be something for the State convention of next year to settle. The State convention of this year can not bind the next with resolutions of this kind. It would be as irregular as if the convention of this summer were to try to name the four delegates-at-large for the National Convention to be selected by its successor next year."[*[CA 5-13-03 ?]*] [*ENC. IN CLARKSON TO LOEB 5-13-03*] WANTS MR. HERRICK FOR HIS RUNNING MATE President Roosevelt Said to Favor the Ohio Man for Vice Presidency. HERALD BUREAU NO. 734 FIFTEENTH STREET, N.W. WASHINGTON, D.C. TUESDAY That Myron T. Herrick is now being groomed in Ohio as candidate for vice president on the republican ticket with President Roosevelt's full knowledge and indorsement and the backing of Senator Hanna can be stated on the authority of a Cabinet officer. This Cabinet officer was invited into the President's official family not only because of his fitness for the office he now holds, but also on account of his political sagacity. LONG SAYS ROOSEVELT Olney a Stronger Candidate Than Cleveland, He Thinks. WASHINGTON,May 12 - Ex-Secretary of the Navy John D. Long was in Washington to-day, looking remarkably well and hearty and showing no evidences of his recent severe illness. He visited the various executive departments and his acquaintances all remarked that he appeared to have grown younger since his retirement from the Cabinet. Ex-Secretary Long expressed the opinion that President Roosevelt will undoubtedly receive the Republican nomination for President two years hence and he believes that he will be elected. He says that all through New England the sentiment is very strongly for President Roosevelt and no one else is thought of by the Republicans as a Presidential candidate. Mr. Long thinks that the general objection to a President holding a third term will operate to the disadvantage of ex-President Grover Cleveland as a Democratic candidate, and remarked that if Mr. Cleveland were nominated Mr. Roosevelt would certainly defeat him. He thought, however, that Mr. Olney would make a stronger Democratic candidate. MR. QUAY MAY RETIRE. He Talks of Not Running for Re-election to the United States Senate. Special to The New York Times. PITTSBURG, May 12. - For some reason as yet unexplained, but attributed generally to a severe attack of indigestion and a cold, Senator M.S. Quay is talking of not being a candidate for re-election to the United States Senate. At least two gentlemen who saw him while he was in the city last week say that he told them that he did not expect to be a candidate for re-election. This declaration follows the line of his utterance of 1900. At that time Senator Quay, in a speech in Philadelphia, talked at length about being in the sere and yellow leaf, &c., but since then no further declarations of the kind have been heard. To one man with whom he talked Quay qualified his recent statement with the reservation that it would be true in case had no opposition. On this score there in some uncertainty. Political gossip in some quarters has it that a hard and fast combination is being quietly effected between John P. Elkin, candidate for Governor, and Congressman Joseph C. Sibley of Vanango County with the idea of running Elkin for Governor in 1906, and Sibley for United States Senator in 1904. That the Sibley entertains ambitions to sit in the Senate is [(?] question. PRESIDENT'S SPEECH AROUSES THE GERMANS Prediction of Power Over the Pacific Causes Uneasiness. One Paper Says Mr. Roosevelt's Anticipations Will Not Be Realized, Another Accuses Him of Talking for Effect. LONDON TIMES-NEW YORK TIMES Special Cablegram LONDON - May 13 - President Roosevelt's speech at Watsonville, says the Berlin correspondent of The Times, has excited considerable comment in Germany, especially in Berlin. In a leading editorial the Neueste Nachrichten says that the American ambition to command the Pacific was never before formulated in this fashion. It enumerates the European powers, including Germany, which have an established position in the Pacific and concludes by saying that it does not think the anticipations of President Roosevelt as to the power of the United States in the Pacific will be realized in the near future. Another paper, the Vossische Zeitung, thinks Mr. Roosevelt in his Watsonville speech, as on previous occasions, mainly desired to evoke the enthusiasm of Americans for a strong navy. An alternative suggestion which meets with some favor both among the press and people is that Mr. Roosevelt desired to excite the imagination of his audience in order to win support for himself in the coming Presidential contest. There appears to be a general feeling of uneasiness over what is regarded in Berlin as an alarming development of he Monroe Doctrine. It does not seem to occur to any one, says the correspondent of The Times, that the western seaboard of the United States makes it of necessity a great power in the Pacific. NEGRO VOTERS ARE RECOGNIZED. Alabama Republicans Admit Them to Conference in Montgomery. MONTGOMERY, Ala. May 6. - For the first time in the history of the Republican party in this State, at the conference of the Republicans held in the hall of the House of Representatives to-day, negroes were present. The whites took seats on one side of the hall and the negroes on the other. In calling the conference to order W.F. Aldrich paid a tribute to President Roosevelt, and said that he wanted only one delegation to be sent to the next National Convention, and that pledged to Roosevelt. His reference to the President received liberal applause. The conference adopted a plan which in effect is a repudiation of the action of the Birmingham convention in barring qualified negro voters from participation. TRUSTS MAY ANTAGONIZE DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE. Chairman Jenkins of House Judiciary Committee Points Out How the Law Could Be Evaded. Special to The New York Times. WASHINGTON, May 8 - Mr. Jenkins of Wisconsin, who was Chairman of the House Judiciary Committee in the last Congress and is likely to be at the head of that important committee in the Fifty-eighth Congress, says the effect on trusts and combinations of the operations of the law creating the Department of Commerce is problematical. The question of the formation of the bureaus of that department was not considered from a legal standpoint by the House committee. "They were never," said Mr. Jenkins, "the subject of discussion by the Judiciary Committee, as the bill creating the new department came from the Commerce Committee. While it is hard to tell what will be the outcome of the operation of these bureaus, and particularly that of the Bureau of Corporations, there is little doubt that the exercise of the latter's functions will be tested in the courts. It can readily be seen that a corporation created under a State law might resent the interference of the Federal authority on Constitutional grounds. All of these questions must necessarily depend on the line of inquiry decided on by the new bureau. "It is easy to figure out how a corporation engaging in inter-State commerce might avoid disclosing the extent of its business if it so desired. It might do all this business by selling its product to an individual in its own State, this individual to do the selling in other States. This would not be an impossible or difficult method of doing business, and would entirely avoid disclosures to the Federal authorities if the corporation deemed it advisable to avoid such disclosures." Mr. Jenkins does not believe that it is the province of the Federal Government to place restrictions on commerce between the States. He quotes Madison as saying that the Federal duty in this respect is to make commerce absolutely free between the States. In discussing the merger decision Mr. Jenkins advanced the theory that if the agreement which constituted the Northern Securities Company had made no stipulations which might be construed as a restraint upon inter-State commerce it would have withstood the Federal courts. He is of opinion that a contract which would bring them under one management might be drawn which would not be a violation of the inter-State commerce law on the ground that it was made in restraint of trade. Mr. Jenkins believes that the anti-rebate law will accomplish better results than any other of the anti-trust measures. In all of the legislation of the Winter Mr. Jenkins sees no way for the Government to eff- Barthe and he would attend it. The stranger explained that the box was not addressed but that they were to leave it at the pier and say that it would be called for by a passenger sailing on the Umbria. He told where his room was in the house and said that the housekeeper would show where the box was. Barthe took the 25-cent piece which was offered for the removal of the box and drove around to the house with the old green express wagon. The wagon had a dilapidated canvas top, on which large letters was painted "Furniture Removed." The words "Rooney's Transfer, No. 350 Ninth Avenue," were painted in smaller letters on the body of the wagon. Barthe and McCormick carried down the box. They drove around the corner before starting for the pier, and [?] the man who hired them was stand-[*[CA 5-13-03]*] [*ENC. IN CLARKSON TO LOEB 5-13-03*] W. BROOKFIELD DEAD. [* Sun 13*] Passes Away in His Fifty-ninth Year—Heart Disease the Cause. William Brookfield, former chairman of the Republican State Committee, former president of the New York County Committee, and one of the best known Republicans in the State, died of heart disease at this home, 516 Madison Avenue, early this morning. He was born in Green Bank, N. J., May 24, 1844. Mr. Brookfield lived in this city most of his life and for many years was one of the most prominent figures in the political world of New York. He was proprietor of the Bushwick Glass Works, president of the Sheldon Axle Co., of Wilkesbarre, and of the Franklin Loan and Improvement Co., of New Jersey, and a director of the Greenwich and Kings County Fire Insurance companies. In addition he was president of St. John's Guild and a trustee of Wells College at Aurora. Where the political war was thickest Mr. Brookfield could always be found. He was four times chosen chairman of the Republican State Committee and was three times made president of the Republican County Committee. When this committee was reorganized under the plan of the Committee of Thirty Mr. Brookfield had a prominent part in the committee's work. He was the anti-Platt candidate for the presidency of the Republican county organization in 1895, but was defeated after a hard contest by Edward Lauterbach. When Mr. Brookfield retired on Dec. 2, 1895, from office as Commissioner of Public Works, he announced his intention of fighting the Republican county organization, and called a meeting of all the party leaders opposed to Lauterbach. He contended that a change in the party administration was greatly needed, and should be had, even if it should be found necessary to fight within the organization or to break into open revolt and rebellion. It developed at the time that Brookfield wanted to form a new county committee. Mr. Brookfield last year announced his intention of pushing a bill through the Legislature amending the primary election law so as to abolish special enrolments. Gov. Odell became interested in the project. Mr. Brookfield was vice-president of the Union League Club and a member of the Lotos, Players', Fulton, New York Athletic, Down Town and Brooklyn Union League clubs. He leaves a widow and five sons.[*[CA 5-13-03 ?]*] [*ENC. IN CLARKSON TO LOEB 5-13-03*] [*Brother Cleveland*] MR. CLEVELAND DODGES. Says He Can't Tell Whether He Would Take Another Nomination. MIDDLE BASS, Ohio, May 12--Ex-President Cleveland, who is here fishing, is loth to discuss the probability of his again becoming the Democratic nominee for President. He was asked pointblank yesterday whether he would be a candidate and he said: "If the nomination were tendered me I cannot answer whether I would accept, I would simply be inviting, perhaps, the censure of the people." Charles Foster, ex-Governor of Ohio, and a close friend of Mr. Cleveland's, appears in the light of spokesman for the former President. Mr. Foster, when asked as to Mr. Cleveland's inclinations politically, said: "I am not authorized to speak, but, without betraying a confidence, I can say that Mr. Cleveland does not desire the Democratic Presidential nomination; but he would, no doubt, take it, as a duty to the party which has twice honored him with the great office. To my mind, he deserves the nomination, and he has the confidence of the people. I think that W. J. Bryan represents the greater part of the Democratic party, and inasmuch as Cleveland has been President two terms, one more would not add to his fame and might detract from it." Reports sent out that Mr. Cleveland is not enjoying the best of health are not true, for his cheeks have the glow of perfect health and his step is like that of a young man. Yesterday the party caught nearly one hundred fish, the ex-President getting his full share. BRYAN FIERCELY ATTACKS CLEVELAND LINCOLN, Neb., May 8--In his Commoner of to-day Mr. Bryan gives what he declares is the full history of the Democratic reorganization movement. Grover Cleveland is made the central figure as the cause of disruption in the party, and the entire article teems with attacks with attacks on the former President. In concluding, Mr. Bryan says: "It is foolish for Democrats to delude themselves with the idea that there ever can be harmony between those who believe as Mr. Cleveland does and those who believe in the recent platforms of the party. Some are base enough to justify the deception of others, but who will justify the deception of himself? "Mr. Cleveland has shown that his love for the gold standard is stronger than his love for republic. The party cannot invite him to be its spokesman or representative without assuming the burden that he and his plutocratic associates ought to bear with them into oblivion." GROVER CLEVELAND RECEPTIVE CANDIDATE? Former President Declines to Say Whether He Would Accept Democratic Nomination. (SPECIAL DESPATCH TO THE HERALD.) CLEVELAND, Ohio, Tuesday.--Is Grover Cleveland a receptive candidate for the democratic Presidential nomination? That would appear to be the case if an interview with him, which is published in the Cleveland Press to-day, is accepted as an indication. The interview purports to have been obtained by a staff correspondent of the Press at Middle Bass Island, where Mr. Cleveland is fishing for bass. "Shall you be a candidate for the nomination?" Mr. Cleveland was asked. "I cannot answer that question," was the reply. "If the nomination were tendered you would you accept it?" "I cannot answer that question at this time, either. I would only be inviting the censure of the people." The interview, it is announced, was arranged by former Governor Charles Foster, who is one of Mr. Cleveland's companions. In answer to a question Mr. Foster said:-- "Though I am not authorized to speak, I know that Mr. Cleveland does not want the nomination, but he would take it as a duty to his party. He possesses the confidence of the people, and he deserved the nomination." [*# Brooklyn Eagle*] The South and the National Democracy. There are particular reasons why the Southern Democracy should find out what the Northern Democracy want, and indorse it. No Democratic candidate, we presume, can lose a Southern State, next year, though Maryland and West Virginia might slip away. But the electoral vote of all of the Southern States will not suffice to elect any Democrat President of the United States. The electoral votes of Northern States will be necessary. Not every Democrat who can carry the Southern States can carry enough Northern States, in conjunction with the states of the South, to restore the Democracy to power. The Democracy of the North, therefore, are necessary to success just as Democratic success is necessary to the restoration of the South to its proper proportion of influence in the government of the Union. On that account the South should employ an intelligent self-interest in its political action. Northern machine Republicanism "aches" to get in work down South of a sort which will not conduce to the comfort or satisfaction of that community. That Republicanism has raised the question of the negro in politics to a condition which has alarmed the South, and alarmed it with good reason. That Republicanism has also rung all the changes possible on the fact that the people of the South are determined to keep their own governments and the choice of their own representatives in their own hands, and to preserve and to reserve their preferments for the exponents and supporters of Anglo-Saxon control in affairs. To the Northern Democracy the negro is a factor and the negro question is proposition with which, in the opinion of that Northern Democracy, the Southern people should alone deal. They may make mistakes in dealing with it, but the mistakes will not be so serious or so injurious as the errors of others in attempting to deal with it would occasion. And the personal disposition of the South toward the negro is more kind and the mental estimate of the negro by the South is more intelligent than could be affirmed of the disposition of the estimate of any outsiders anywhere. For these reasons the Northern Democracy have been content to leave the whole negro question in the hands of the representatives of civilization in the South. The next President, if a Republican, will probably be supported by a Congress which might try to pass laws to separate Congressional elections from state and local elections in the South, and to conduct those Congressional elections under the scrutiny and control of Federal functionaries, Republican in their politics and Republican in the purposes for which they would be chosen and which they would be expected to carry out. Such a President and such a Congress could also exhaust the resources of constitutional or unconstitutional ingenuity to square Congressional representation with suffrage, instead of basing it upon population. We know that recent decisions of the United States Supreme Court have checked attempts in that line, but those very decisions have been based upon the fact that the actions were not brought on the right grounds, and have been at suggestive pains to point out on what grounds they should have been or might have been brought. A Republican President with a rabid Republican Congress behind him, or putting himself behind a rabid Republican Congress, could easily take that hint and could thereby unwittingly renew, the passions of the Civil War, in the North against the South, and, in the South against the North, by flooding the channels and conduits of political action with such passions. The Northern Democracy would resist that attempt, but if the Democracy were kept out of national power, the attempted resistance might possibly be ineffective. Mr. Roosevelt is not without human[*ca 5-13-03?*] [*ENC. IN. CLARKSON TO LOEB 5-13-03*] nature. The South has no liking for his recent upstirrizng of the negro question, by the forced appointments of representatives of that race to offices with which Southern whites have to transact about all the business which is done. On the other hand, Mr. Roosevelt is in no mood to relish the unfriendly disposition of the South toward his recent action, and, should he be elected, he will have th warrant of that election to continue to augment the policy which the South resents, by vindicating or vindictive action, on his own account, because of that resentment. These considerations are very practical ones and they should appeal to the South, in a very practical manner. They should constrain the Editors, the statesmen, the political managers, and the rank and file of the Southern Democracy to overcome their prejudices, not to exaggerate their preferences and to moderate their objections. What they want is a Democratic administration. What they want is a Democratic President. What they do not or should not and, indeed, must not want, is action on their part to produce the nomination of a Democrat, who cannot be elected, or to prevent the nomination of a Democrat who can be elected. In short, they want a Democrat who can be elected and, if they line up for one who cannot be elected, they will be chargeable with the result, if not with the intention, of bringing about renewed Republican control of the national government, under circumstances to make that control more anti-Southern in its trend and spirit than any other. Republican control has been since he terrible period of Reconstruction. For the South the question is not the Democrat who can be elected; it is not the Democrat whom it likes or dislikes, but the Democrat who can carry enough States, outside of the Southern group, to be elected. It is not whether they liked or disliked the last Democratic President, whom they helped to elect, but whether he was not better toward them, in the main, than any Republican President ever was or ever can be, in circumstances which make Republicanism a sectional party and essentially an anti-Southern party. We are not talking in the language of compliment or courtesy or flattery or evasion. We are talking in the language of practical, straightforward and candid consideration of things as they are. Those things should impel the South to substitute reason for resentment, thought for feeling, sense for sentiment, reflection for emotion and judgement for the gratification of personal susceptibilities. The South knows that, whatever Mr. Cleveland's successes or failures were, he three times polled more votes than his opponents, and was twice elected, and that, whatever the merits or demerits of the Democracy were, when it broke away from Clevelandism it was defeated. The South cannot but also know that Mr. Cleveland could be elected again, were he nominated by his party, and that probably no other Democrat, certainly no anti-Cleveland Democrat, could be. The question for the South, then, is not Bryanism, for that is impossible, but Clevelandism or Rooseveltism. The North can stand either. But the South, with only the opportunity to choose between Clevelandism and Rooseveltism, will have to make its own choice as to which it can the better stand or as to which of the two it would rather have. It behooves that section to put on its thinking cap and to choose, betimes, accordingly. HE IS IMPOSSIBLE. When only three Democratic national committeemen out of twenty-eight can be found to favor the nomination of Cleveland, and of these three only one is of any consequence in the councils of the party; when seventeen of the rest are free to declare themselves radically against the scheme, and to explain exactly why Cleveland could not possibly be nominated or elected, it is quite evident that the third term boom will have to be dismissed as impossible and absurd. The "Herald" has been canvassing the committeemen and obtains this result, which is very much more conclusive as to the situation than all the newspaper talk could be. The party organization is dead against Cleveland, and will continue to be. It is fo Bryan, and will stay where it is. That is the truth of the situation, cold and hard, Cleveland has no personal popularity that will override the practical judgement of the party leaders. Norman E. Mack, of Buffalo, seems to think he has, but we suspect that Mr. Mack is too practical a political really to believe that. He is undoubtedly screening some other candidate, whose boom he does not want to blight with too early a bloom, behind his present Cleveland talk. Clark Howell, of Georgia, knows what he is talking about when he says that Cleveland's nomination would instantly alienate the support of hundreds of thousands of Democrats. It would play the mischief with whatever slender hope the Democratic leaders have. [*March T Express*] [*Com- adver*] CLEVELAND THIRD-TERM DEVELOPMENTS. The most noticeable thing about the letter that Mr. Cleveland has written to the editor of the Georgia newspaper who asked him if he was "considering or would later consider making the race for presidency on the Democratic ticket next year," is its lack of definiteness, "I can say no more," he writes, "than to assure you that at no time since the close of my last administration have I been desirous of carrying the Democratic banner for the fourth time in a presidential contest." That is quite as indefinite as Gen. Grant's first comment in the spring of 1880, which we quoted on Saturday. "I am not, " said he, "a candidate for anything, and if the Chicago convention nominates a candidate who can be elected I shall be glad." Gen. Grant also said at that time: "All my life I have made my decision when the time for decision has arrived. I shall not depart from my usual course of action. I will neither accept nor decline an imaginary thing." It is interesting to observe that the Times of this morning put Mr. Cleveland on the same ground by saying: "Mr.Cleveland cannot refuse what no man can -- a position to be offered him full year hence. His letter would violate the properties were it more formally explicit." In the meantime a great body of opinion is revealing itself in the Democratic Party, both from Mr. Cleveland's opponents and from his friends. Mr. Bryan's ranting can be set aside as of very little account. He is so obviously a "bygone" or a "has been," and he bases his objections to Mr. Cleveland so persistently and so entirely upon the latter's sound money principles, that his views are of very little moment. Nobody can say how much following he can command in the next national Democratic convention, It requires a two-thirds vote to nominate in that body, and it s not improbable that in case Mr. Cleveland were to consent to be a candidate Bryan could rally more than a third of delegates against his nomination on third term and other grounds. In the meantime, such talk as Bryan is pouring forth now has no other effect than to diminish his own following. He is not competent to say anything that can injure Mr. Cleveland in the estimation of his party or of the American people. But Mr. Bryan is not the only Democrat who discourages the third-term idea. Mr. Vilas, who was a member of Mr. Cleveland's cabinet, says: "I am positive in my own mind that Mr. Cleveland is not a candidate for the[*CA 5-13-03?*] [*ENL. IN CLARKSON TO LOEB 5-13-03*] Democratic nomination for president, nor do I know of any present contingency which would lead to his becoming a candidate," The Herald of this morning published opinions from twenty-eight members of the National Democratic Committee, seventeen of whom expressed themselves as unalterably opposed to Mr. Cleveland's nomination, eight of whom declined to commit themselves, and only three of whom were willing to favor it. The reasons given for opposition are two-fold: first, that Mr. Cleveland is not "regular" because he failed to support his party's ticket in the last two national campaigns; second, the third term objection. "The man is not yet born," says the Vermont committeeman, "who could or can be elected President of the United States for a third term." Can these two reasons for objecting to Mr. Cleveland's nomination be overcome? If, in spite if them, Mr. Cleveland were to consent to allow his name to go before the convention could he hope to command the support of two-thirds of the delegates? The parallel with the third-term talk about Gen. Grant in 1880 is very close, as any one who read on Saturday the outline which we published of the Grant campaign of that year will see. Gen. Grant had enormous popularity in all parts of the land due primarily to his military record, and secondarily to the fact that he had just returned from a tour of the globe during which the leading nations and potentates of the world had vied with one another to do him honor. This had rekindled the former hero worship that the people had felt for him at the close of the war and had added to it a tinge of remorse for what had seemed subsequently something like ingratitude or inappreciation. Mr. Cleveland has been given a very striking exhibition of popular admiration at St. Louis, but it is not to be compared for a moment with the demonstration which the entire country made for Gen. Grant. Yet Gen. Grant failed to get a majority vote in convention, and Cleveland must have a two-thirds vote. Against Grant the most formidable body of opposition were the Blaine followers. Against Cleveland the most formidable body of opposition will be the Bryan followers, that is, all those members of the party who are unwilling to forgive Cleveland for failing to support Mr.Bryan in 1896 and 1900. Can he succeed against these any better than Grant was able to succeed against the Blaine me in 1880, having as a handicap the same weight that Grant had--the unwritten law against a third term? [*N Y sun*] Mr. Cleveland's Strength With the People. About the political weight of Mr. Cleveland's present candidacy for President there is, as is natural, a conflict of views. Of the significance of it without the field of conflict there can be no question or disagreement. The fall for CLEVELAND is a notification to the country of the kind of President that is wanted, since certain qualities now for good and substantial reasons, specifically desirable in the Executive are popularly believed to be found in the only living ex-President in fuller quantity and higher quality tan in any contemporary public man. CLEVELAND is wanted because he is looked upon as governed by an impartial and imperturbable devotion to justice, as the law defines it, between man and man, and as this Government is supposed to preserve and administer it. Most American people believe that CLEVELAND as President could not be run away with by any organized group of voters against whom any State in the Union had felt the necessity of passing a law to protect its own dignity and its own militia. With such Chief Magistrates goes that general confidence in equal rights which is inseparable from national health and happiness. If the Hon. THEODORE ROOSEVELT should conscientiously reflect upon the peculiar character of the phase of Clevelandism that is now flourishing, the result might in the highest and widest degree be beneficial. CLEVELAND AS A POSSIBILITY. Possibly the aim of the Cleveland third term boomers is to familiarize the Democracy with the idea that it must nominate somebody belonging to the Cleveland section of the party. On this hypothesis the talk in favor of the ex-President would have an explanation which might at least save the talkers from the imputation of lunacy. It is undoubtedly the intention of the old guard of the Democracy to make a supreme effort in 1904 to regain control of the machinery of the party, and it realizes that this will be a task of considerable difficulty. One of the obstacles in the way of Cleveland's nomination is, of course, the certainty that his candidacy would incite a revolt in the Bryan end of the party which would extend through all the western states. Cleveland could not possibly carry any of the states west of the Alleghanies outside of the old slave region, and the chances are that of the ex-slave states he would lose Missouri. The Missouri Bourbon Democrat is fearfully and wonderfully made but it is hardly conceivable that he would, in any conceivable number, give his vote to the enemy of Bryan, Stone, Vest, and Bland. - St. Louis Globe Democrat. [*N Y Sun*] Bryan Proclaims His Loyalty. Col. Bryan's last comments upon his friend Mr. CLEVELAND are the most interesting that he has made in connection with public questions since his last defeat at the polls. According to Col. BRYAN, Mr. CLEVELAND has been the very last statesman whom the Democratic party ought to take as its candidate for President. To spread this feeling has been for the editor of the Commoner his most strenuous occupation. With Clevelandism there could be no compromise, and for CLEVELAND no toleration by the Bryan faction. Yet, the head of that faction, sitting in his place of authority in Lincoln, on Wednesday night gave this new form to the Democratic situation as he sees it, and laid down this other policy: "While Cleveland would be rightfully entitled to the nomination if the reorganizers obtain control of the party they will not obtain control." That is, if the miracle of CLEVELAND'S renomination by the next National Democratic Convention should happen, Col. BRYAN, as a loyal member of the party, would recognize the regularity of the nominee and join his political followers. The reception of the recent statement by the Hon. FRANK CAMPBELL, chairman of the Democratic State Committee of New York, that last year, BRYAN had refused to support COLER seems to have borne fruit with the rising of the question of the Democratic national ticket for 1904. No more bolting for Democrats! Harmony is to be not only the word but thefact! Norman E. Mack Favors the ex-President on a Platform of Tariff for Revenue Only. Special to The New York Times. ST. LOUIS, May 2. - Cleveland for President on a platform of "tariff for revenue only" is the programme suggested, with some reservations, for the Democratic Party in 1904 by Norman E. Mack, Democratic National Committeeman from New York and editor of The Buffalo Times, Mr. Mack, in an interview to-night, declared that Cleveland is more popular in New York now than ever before, and that he certainly can carry the State against Roosevelt. The ovation given to Mr. Cleveland at the Liberal Arts Building Thursday, when the cheers for the ex-President were as hearty and as prolonged as those for Mr. Roosevelt himself, have evidently convinced Mr. Mack that Cleveland's popularity is not confined to New York, but is felt in Missouri, the reputed home of free silver and much Bryanism. Mr. Mack said: "There certainly will be a reorganization of the party next year. Everything goes to point this out plainly. The issue of free silver is dead now, whatever it might have been in 1806, and imperialism is hardly less dead. The next campaign will be fought along lines very different from those which marked the last two National contest. It is hardly to be thought that Mr. Bryan will again ask for the nomination, though he will be a powerful figure in the convention, one to be reckoned with. "But Mr. Bryan cannot afford to go contrary to the expressed will of his party, and when he finds free silver and imperialism dropped, I think he will obey the party. I did not favor Cleveland when he was nominated but I voted for him. I did not favor Bryan, but I voted for him. If Cleveland is nominated again I expect Mr. Bryan to support him just as I will."[*CA 5-13-03?*] [*ENC. IN CLARKSON TO LOEB 5-13-03*] SENATOR SCOTT LAUDS CLEVELAND West Virginia Republican Says in London Former President is Strong Candidate MR. ROOSEVELT ON TRIAL Believes He Will Satisfy the People, Be Renominated and Re-elected President. PANACEAS FOR THE STRIKERS American Workmen Would Be Satisfied If They Could See Conditions in Europe (SPECIAL CABLE TO THE HERALD.) The HERALD'S European edition publishes the following from its correspondent:- LONDON, Tuesday.-Senator N. B. Scott, of West Virginia, who arrived at the Carlton yesterday after several months' travel on the Continent, is very much interested in the HERALD cables from New York describing the boom for Mr. Cleveland which is agitating the Democratic Party. "Mr. Cleveland," said Senator Scott thoughtfully, as he read the despatch in the HERALD stating that but three of the National Democratic Committee were in favor of the former President's renomination, "is the strongest and would prove the most formidable candidate the democratic party could nominate. He has the confidence of the greater portion of his party. He also enjoys the respect and confidence of that large body of independent voters that cannot be classed as rockribbed partisans. "On the money question Mr. Cleveland, as every one knows, is as sound as any man in either party. He has shown by his words and actions, notably when he sent federal troops to Chicago at the time of the riots there, that he will support the judiciary and federal courts. "His speech at the Tuskegee school celebration made him stronger than ever with Southern democrats. It was this speech which confirmed in my mind the strength of Mr. Cleveland as a Presidential possibility. I remember saying so in Berlin to a HERALD correspondent just after I had read extracts from it. "Naturally, the majority of the members of the Democratic National Committee would be opposed to Mr. Cleveland's nomination, for the reason that they were selected when Bryanism dominated the councils of the party. Third Term Mere Sentiment. "Opposition to a third term is purely a matter of sentiment in the democratic party. The republican party established the precedent when it refused to renominate General Grant for a third term, but the democratic party has established no such precedent. "As to the republican nomination, Mr. Roosevelt is an honest, energetic and patriotic man. He will undoubtedly be nominated for the Presidency unless he should unfortunately commit some error that would alienate the support which the great bulk of the people of the United States now willingly offer him. He is now on trial before the American people. If he satisfies them that he is a safe man, there is not the slightest doubt in my mind of his nomination and election. "I noticed in the HERALD that the strike fever is again rampant in the United States and that labor is in many places arrayed against capital to the detriment of the public good. This, in my opinion, is partly due to the unexampled prosperity which has existed and still exists in the United States. But labor must remember that such conditions have not always prevailed and may not continue. Labor Well Off Here. "During the last four months I have been looking into the conditions of the laboring classes in various countries of Europe, Asia and Africa. I wish that the working men who complain of insufficient in the United States could see what I saw. They would find that, man for man, the American laboring men -- and by that I mean men who work with their hands, for we are all laborers, in a certain sense, in the United States -- are paid from three to five times what men in similar positions receive abroad. In America the working man is able to educate his children, dress his family and house himself with the same comfort and convenience as those enjoyed by the better middle class over here. "As an employer of labor I am a believer in trades unionism, the principles of which, when properly carried out, work for the good of both employer and employe. But trades unionism, to be true to its principles, must be consistent, and it must give to the employer the same consideration which it expects to receive from him. "I believe the great majority of strikes which occur in the United States might be prevented if the leaders of labor unions in the United States understood the proper conditions of labor in Europe. They would better appreciate then the advantages which the American workingman enjoys. Of late there have been a number of delegations of workingmen from England, Germany, France and other countries investigating the conditions which prevail in America. It would not be a bad idea for this process to be reversed and for a delegation of American workingmen to cross the Atlantic to investigate European conditions. "But," concluded the Senator, "I am in great hopes that the labor situation will adjust itself without delay, thus removing a menace to the continued prosperity of the country." [*# NY Sun*] Why David R. Francis Is Not Eligible. President DAVID R. FRANCIS, of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition, tells an interviewer that he cannot be a candidate for the Democratic nomination for President, and one of his reasons is unanswerable. "The Exposition," he says, "will open in May, 1904, and it will not close until the following December, which will embrace the entire period of the next Presidential campaign, and during the time the Fair is open I expect to devote my best effort to making it a success." The ex-Governor has a big contract on his hands -- "by all odds the worst job I ever had," he says with one of his engaging smiles. The one item of housing and feeding the visitors to St. Louis during the Fair is calculated to age a promoter prematurely. That great enterprise cannot be a success unless Mr. FRANCIS communicates some of his own genial temper and shrewd business sense to the horde of caterers and concessionaires who are preparing to take the stranger in. One month of "gouging," and the profits would fly out of the window. What with attending to the billion (more or less) of details incident to running the Fair inside the gates, and protecting a confiding and generous public from the brigands outside, President FRANCIS would have his hands full if he had as many of them as the fabulous octopus. But even if DAVID R. FRANCIS were fancy free, there would be obstacles -- and they do him credit -- to his nomination that would embarrass him as a Democratic Moses. "My convictions on the money question," he says, "would probably render my name wholly unacceptable to a certain element in the Democratic Party. Then, too, I am not afraid of expansion. There are some great problems to be solved which were brought upon us by the Spanish war and for which we are in no way personally responsible. Until those problems are solved I do not believe we ought to embarrass the Administration in any way, although, of course, there is plenty of room for honest difference of opinion in regard to the method of settling those difficulties. The government of our island possessions and the development of their civilization are not and should not be in any sense partisan issues." The ex-Governor is plainly too much in accord with Republican policies to be acceptable to the Bryanites. Not even on the paramount issue of the platform of 1900 -- anti-imperialism -- is he in the slightest sympathy with their noble leader. After such an avowal of his position DAVID R. FRANCIS could not hope to obtain the support of the delegation from his own State to the National Convention. The Missouri bourbon has made no progress as a student of public affairs since the Civil War. He is as benighted and mulish as his brother of Mississippi or Arkansas. That FRANCIS should be an expansionist as well as a goldbug will appear as the limit of party heresy to him. Missouri is the last stronghold of Bryanism. There isn't a Democratic officeholder in the State who dares to take exception to the Kansas City platform or hint that BRYAN is not a second JEFFERSON. A man like FRANCIS is an intellectual giant among such pin-headed eccentrics. Their style of public man is a bawling patriot like CHAMP CLARK, a lion-tail-twister like bearded DOCKERY, or a slick lobbyist like "Gumshoe" BILL STONE.State of New York Office of Supervisor of Racing Accounts Room No 10 Fifth Avenue Hotel Charles W. Anderson Supervisor New York, May 14th, 1903 Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President , Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb:- Replying to your favor of the 12th inst., relative to the consulship of Puerto Cabello, permit me to say that I regard Mr. Jerome B. Peterson of Brooklyn as a suitable man for the place. Immediately upon receipt of your letter I took the matter up with Dr. Washington, who ^was in the City, and we both concluded that Mr. Peterson was the man to recommend. He is one of the proprietors of the New York Age (the other being T. Thomas Fortune) and a man of good address and gentlemanly deportment. He is also clerk of the vestry of St. Phillips P. E. Church, which is the oldest colored Episcopal Church of this country, and the richest. He is a director of the St. Phillips Home for Aged and Infirm Colored People. Mr. Peterson's appointment, will in my judgment receive the unanimous approval of the colored newspapers of the country, and ought toState of New York Office of Supervisor of Racing Accounts Room No 10 Fifth Avenue Hotel Charles W. Anderson Supervisor New York, 19 Hon. William Loeb, Jr. -- page #2. make the New York Age reliably Republican in its policy. Fortune has been writing some wild editorials of late, and has been indulging in some criticisms of the President. He has even gone so far as to state that I ought to have been appointed Minister to San Domingo, when in truth, he has no sort of love for me. The trouble is, he feels that he should have had the place, but, of course, this he can cause more trouble by complaining that I should have had it. He knows that I do not care for him, although I am not in any way his especial enemy. My feeling toward him is an odd mixture of respect for his abilities, and something that is not exactly respect for his character. But to come back to my mutton. Peterson is half owner of The Age, and I am sure his appointment will not only be well received by the colored people of this sate and Nation, but will bring that paper into line as well. In looking about for a man, I kept two things steadily in view, namely: that the man should be entirely capable, with a character free from every stain, and that he should be popular enough to command the approval ofState of New York Office of Supervisor of Racing Accounts Room No 10 Fifth Avenue Hotel Charles W. Anderson Supervisor New York,_______________19__ Hon. William Loeb, Jr. -- page #3 the colored press throughout the country. Mr. Washington agreed with me thoroughly, and has promised to so advise the President. So much for this heading. (signed, Charles W Anderson) [*C.4.] [*ackd 5/22/1903*] [*State 5/4/03*] Department of State, Washington May 14, 1908. Dear Mr. President, I enclose copy of a letter from the Navy Department in regard to the North Atlantic Battleship Squadron, for your information Yours faithfully John Hay[*ansd CF 5/23/1903*] Law Offices of Holls, Wagner & Burghard 120 Broadway New York FREDERICK WM. HOLLS LOUIS A. WAGNER EDWARD M. BURGHARD CHARLES C. CORMANY LOUIS V. EBERT JAMES H. VICKERY EQUITABLE BUILDING BERLIN, GERMANY May 14th, 1903. [*Private: Not for Public Files.*] Dear Mr. President: Another cloud, no larger than a man's hand is rising on the horizon of the Hague tribunal and the great cause which it represents. His Holiness the Pope is making a desperate effort to be permitted to join the Hague Convention and appoint members of the Court, thus being recognized by all the signatory powers as a state and a government. The same effort was made at the Hague Conference and it was decisively beaten, the provision being inserted in the Treaty that the adherence of other powers or governments can only be permitted by the unanimous consent of the signatory powers,- the exact language being: "Article 60: The conditions under which powers not represented " in the International Peace Conference may become " adherents to the present convention shall be determined hereafer " by agreement between the contracting powers". Such agreement, in my opinion, is a treaty, and a very formal one, and one to which there can be no objection in the case of the South American Republics, but one which in every case, in my opinion, requires the [confirmation] ratification of the UnitedLaw Offices of Holls, Wagner & Burghard 120 Broadway New York FREDERICK WM. HOLLS LOUIS A. WAGNER EDWARD M. BURGHARD CHARLES C. CORMANY LOUIS V. EBERT JAMES H. VICKERY EQUITABLE BUILDING BERLIN, GERMANY 2. States Senate, so far as this country is concerned. In the troublesome question raised by the Pope's ambition the decision of the Administration would be impregnable and free from all criticism or danger, political or otherwise, if this view is strictly adhered to, even in the case of the South American Republics, where the ratification of the treaties of adherence means a lot of quite unnecessary trouble. The question has become acute by reason of the fact that Russia has been prevailed upon, as a move in the political game in which France is also interested, to bring pressure to bear upon the Kingdom of Italy, and William T. Stead of London, whom you know and judge at his true value, and who himself is foolish enough to favor the papal pretensions, writes me that Italy has promised not to object. Undoubtedly an effort will soon be made, if it has not already been made, to get an expression of opinion from our State Department to the effect that if Italy has no objection we will have no objection to permit the Pope to join and appoint arbitrators. Against such a step I beg, as an American, as a judge of the Court being directly interested in its future welfare, and as your friend, to protest most vigorously and urgently. In the eyes of American law, both public andLaw Offices of Holls, Wagner & Burghard 120 Broadway New York FREDERICK WM. HOLLS LOUIS A. WAGNER EDWARD M. BURGHARD CHARLES C. CORMANY LOUIS V. EBERT JAMES H. VICKERY EQUITABLE BUILDING BERLIN, GERMANY 3. private, the Pope is simply the head of a great ecclesiastical corporation, whose rights and privileges do not materially differ from those of the President of the Mormon Church or "Mother Eddy" of the Christian Scientists. To recognize his pretentions to the extent of one iota more, would offend millions of our own citizens, and of liberal and enlightened people the world over, and to decline so to do would give no just cause of offense to the Pope himself or to any reasonable patriotic Roman Catholic. It would be a great public wrong, and would be so regarded, in my opinion, having the gravest possible political consequences. The fact that the exigencies of the political game between some European powers seem to them to warrant such a move, is no reason why your Administration would take such an unwise and dangerous step. I write you because I am afraid that in your absence the importance of the point may be overlooked, and your Administration may be committed to a view which, I am sure on sound reflection, you cannot endorse. I respectfully suggest that you inform the State Department that rumors have reached you regarding an effort of the Pope to join the Hague Convention, adding that this cannot, in the view of the American government andLaw Offices of Holls, Wagner & Burghard 120 Broadway New York FREDERICK WM HOLLS LOUIS A. WAGNER EDWARD M. BURGHARD CHARLES C. CORMANY LOUIS V. EBERT JAMES H. VICKERY EQUITABLE BUILDING BERLIN, GERMANY 4. under our Constitution, by done except by agreement requiring senatorial ratification, and further that this government sees no occasion for even submitting such an agreement to the Senate. I have the honor to remain, Dear Mr. President, Very respectfully, Your obedient servant, Frederick W. Holls [*P.S. It might be well to impart this view confidentially to the Netherlands Government so as to forestall the application.*]has been the principal bastion of our protection system. If they are seriously thinking of giving it up, it will donner à penser to our Congress. We have reviewed the English case, as I think I told you, and our folks are not frightened at it. They make a pretty good case on the little Islands in Portland Channel but are very weak on the great questions of the lisière and of occupation. I shall think of you tomorrow with pleasure as loafing and inviting your soul in the [?] Yours affectionately J.H. [*[Hay]*] [*ansd CF 5/23/1903*] Department of State Washington, May 16, 1903. Dear Mr. President: Mr. Holls has had the impudence to send to Mr. Loomis a copy of a letter which he says he has recently addressed to you, expressing to you his fears that in your absence I may enter into some political treaty or other with the Pope, which he says would have a very bad effect politically. [Do you not think that this is about the limit? Faithfully yours] Holls asks you in the letter to send me rash orders as may avert such a calamity. As I should be sorry to have to waste your holiday in such a way. I may as well say that I have no present intention of recognizing the [Transferal?] Power nor of taking advantage of your absence to issue an Executive order making Mormonism the state religion. I meant right when I offered the unspeakable Holls that Confrere's place; but it has waked him up to a tempest of interviews expressive of pleasure, gratitude, rapture, dubiety, hesitation and finally a conviction that his vast interest public and private, make it impossible to accept. The place was offered and declined in five minutes by telephone -- but he has been oozing interviews about it ever since. Myron Herrick writes me that he will be nominated for Governor by "acclimation" (sic). George Meyer has probably more orthography than Myron, but for good selfish horse-sense he is not in it with him. That speech of yours about Wood and Taft was splendid. It did me good all through. Have you seen the speech Joe Chamberlain made on the tariff yesterday? It is extremely significant. English Free Trade[*File*] [*ansd 5/23/1903*] POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Office of the Postmaster General, Washington, D.C. May 16, 1903 My dear Mr. President: I enclose herewith copies of the correspondence which relieved Mr. Machen from duty as superintendent of the free delivery system. There is nothing to be said in the matter beyond Mr. Bristow's letter, except that Mr. Bristow advised me he had not ascertained any facts which justified him in making charges of wrongdoing on the part of Mr. Machen, but that he was not satisfied that he could know all the facts in regard to the administration of that office without being in full possession of the office. Of course, I immediately granted Mr. Bristow's request. The investigation is progressing, but I think it will not be concluded in all of its details for some months. The truth or falsity of certain charges of wrongdoing will be determined within a few days, and there are likely to be some developments of an unsavory kind shortly. I shall be glad of your return to Washington. I feel the need of some sustaining force, as my position is an exceedingly trying one. I am determined that the investigation shall proceed relentlessly to the end, and, while it may take a very considerable time to close it, I am expecting to feel satisfied with the result when it is finished. Of course, we cannot satisfy the newspapers, as they want a victim twice a day, - one for the morning and one for the afternoon papers.-2- I am delighted to see you are having a magnificent time. Everything in this part of the country is progressing satisfactorily, from a political standpoint. Very sincerely yours, H C Payne[for 4 enclosures see Payne 5-8-03 Payne 5-8-03 Bristow 5-7-03 Machen 5-8-03] [*C.F.*] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. May 16, 1903. [*ackd 5/23/1903*] Dear Mr. President: General Gillespie has brought me a letter from you about relieving Captain Chittenden from the existing order which requires him to take command of an engineer company in the Philippines, and enable him to continue the engineer work in the Yellowstone Park. I hope you will not require the order to be revoked. It was made several weeks before your letter was written, and the revocation of such orders is exceedingly injurious. This is especially true of orders to go to the Philippines. I am every few days refusing to relieve officers from orders of this kind on applications of their friends, and the revocation of one such order is universally regarded as indicating that some people can get by favoritism what all the others fail to get. It demoralizes the Army, and it makes a lot of people mad because they have been refused what is granted to the other fellow. Nor would the change be fair to Chittenden. He is an excellent officer, very near the top of the list of captains, and if he is going to get any experience as a line officer, he ought to utilize the year which will remain before his promotion in taking his last chance to command a company. It was because he was a good officer, and was entitled to that experience, that Gillespie proposed to send him to the Philippines. A year's delay in the Yellowstone Park will not in any degree improve the situation, for the engineers are expending an annual appropriation there which runs for three years more at $250,000 a year, and there will be just as much reason at the end of one year for not changing the engineer as there is now, and just as much at the end of the second year, and in all probability at the end of the third year. There is -2- no reason whatever why any one of twenty other officers should not be able to take up the work that Chittenden is doing, and go on with it, and the policy that I have been endeavoring to follow in the Engineer Corps, fighting against no end of pressure in order to stick to it, requires that officers shall be changed after a reasonable tour of duty in a specific place, even though the particular work they are engaged upon is unfinished. It was the other policy which left Carter at Savannah in the position where he felt assurance that his stealings [sic] would never be discovered, because he would himself close up the work in which he was engaged. Faithfully yours, Elihu Root The President, Seattle, Washington.shorthandHeadquarters Division of the Philippines, Manila, P.I. May 17, 1903. Adjutant General, U. S. Army, Washington, D.C. Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 4th of March last, submitting for my confidential consideration the report of the Lieutenant General Commanding the Army, dated February 19th, 1903, wherein he comments on certain matters respecting the Division of the Philippines. Having been desired to report on all matters touched upon by the Lieutenant General as soon as the several questions discussed can receive the full and intelligent consideration that their importance demands, the following, embodying remarks on cited references are deemed to be of sufficient importance to submit in response: P-1. On the following day I reviewed all the troops in and about Manila comprising some 3500 men. The number of troops in line on the day of the review, November 1st, was 66 officers and 2021 enlisted men. P-2. The country between the coast and the camp on the lake appeared to have been practically abandoned by the natives. I traversed this country several times in April and May 1902, during the operations against the Moros which culminated in the fight at Bayang, and where I was present in pursuance of the Special Orders of the President. I also2 passed over the same route a few weeks ago. At the time of my first view of the country in April 1901, there was not, and had never been, so far as I could learn, a single Moro inhabitant all the way from Malabang to within about four miles of Camp Vicars. Within the four mile circuit of Vicars there were then six Moro Dattos, namely the Sultan of Bayang, the Sultan of Pandapatan, the Sultan of Binadayan, Datto Adta of Paigoy, Datto Aini Jampugu and Datto Grande - In the fight of May 2nd, the Pandapatan band was destroyed, a large part of the men being killed in battle, while the survivors and all the women and children took refuge with other kindred tribes. The survivors were absorbed in those other rancherias and the fields formerly cultivated about Vicars by the Pandapatans have not since been planted, but the other five tribes are intact, are cultivating their fields, as I saw them the other day, and are prosperous and contented. They have carried personally or packed on their ponies a large quantity of military supplies for the troops for which they have been fully paid. There has been no abandonment of fields by the Moros, save in the immediate vicinity of Vicars, but with the passing of the dry season, which is still on, the cultivation will be resumed everywhere. The rice crop is harvested in July and the planting is after the rain begins in the Spring, therefore a stranger visiting the country between crops would very naturally suppose there was no cultivation at all. Again, there is no such thing as private ownership of land; the occupants frequently abandon their fields and buildings and break us new seed plots; all live in grass huts that are made with native materials in a few days and are abandoned with as little concern as a soldier strikes his tent. P-2-3 Gunboats on Lake Lanao. The matter of gunboats for use on Lake Lanao has been under consideration for over a year. Six months ago the sunken Spanish gunboats were3. located, the best expert opinion available was strongly against the practicability of raising and utilizing them, and I will remark that Spaniards who served as employees on these gunboats, and who are now in Manila, have been consulted on this matter. Such being the case sometime before I knew of the Lieutenant General's view I requested authority to have two suitable gunboats built in sections and transported to the Lake there to be put together and this authority has been granted. P-3. They are very poorly armed and have no means of withstanding our mountain artillery and field mortars. Their forts possess but alight resisting power and can easily be destroyed with modern artillery. The fort at Binandayan was deserted by the Moros before our troops surrounded it, although it might have been so defended as to have cost us dear to take it. Fort Pandapatan was shelled for nearly an hour from a commanding position at 975 yards. It was then assaulted and the fight for its possession lasted until the following morning. It was hit a great many times with the projectiles of the mountain guns, and many were burst over it, but the work was not injured by our fire. In the fight as Bacolod on the 6th of April last, the cannonade with field guns and mortars continued two days but the defence held out and the place was finally carried by assault after bridging the ditch, our riflemen suppressing the Moro fire meanwhile. The artillerists who used the mortars in this fight said they were useless for high angle fire because it was not possible to hit the target - in other words - that the moratrs were radically defective because inaccurate. They were finally used at 300 yards for direct fire, this being accomplished by inclining the platform at an angle of 45 degrees and thus depressing the piece so that the fire was horizontal. General Sanger, a trained artillerist, standing on the parapet of4. Pandapatan, said that our three-inch field guns would not have breeched the walls of Pandapatan with full service charges. Their forts have great resisting power against mountain guns and field mortars. I have seen the Moros defend them; have seen their works shelled ineffectively by our light guns, and am confident that had General Miles seen these operations he would have a more accurate opinion of the resisting powers of Moros and their Cottas. P-4. As Parang Parang occupies the central position and appears to be, in point of harbor and locality, the most suited for a larger camp, it would be best, in my opinion, to construct such station at this point and to retain for a time detachments or outposts at Cotabato and Malabang. The three stations at Malabang, Parang Parang, and Cottabato, as now occupied, meet all the requirements of the present situation. The necessity for establishing a strong permanent post near the mouth of the Rio Grande River is not yet apparent, but should such a post be found by experience necessary, I am of the opinion expressed more than a year ago to the then Division Commander, that Parang Parang is the proper site for it. P-4. The distance by land from Parang Parang to Cottabato is only about 15 miles and the country is such that a good road could easily be constructed between these two points and the troops moved rapidly in case of necessity. Recognizing the strategic importance of Parang [o] more than a year ago, I obtained appropriation of money and authority for the construction of the wagon road referred to by General Miles as desired. When the General visited these localities this road was almost finished (has been since) and a wharf also, which he saw under construction in November; both are now completed; all this in accordance with plans that were matured more than a year before General Miles came to the Philippines. He also speaks of the desirability of having this road extended to Malabang. In the winter of 1901-2, I had a reconnoissance made for5. such a road, but had to give it up as impracticable without a very heavy outlay, but a trail was made and used by the troops nearly a year before General Miles made his visit. The land distance is 35 miles, while the distance by water is but about 18 miles - not 25 as given by the General. The General also suggests a road direct from Parang to Lake Lanao. This was also looked to in February 1902, but found to be impracticable. The distance is nearly 40 miles and high mountain ranges must be passed over which are very difficult, except for footmen. The first attack upon our troops was delivered on the detachment exploring for this road. P-4. It (Rio Grande) heads near Lake Lanao. A glance at the map will show that the head of the Rio Grande is much farther north of the lake than its mouth is south thereof. P-5. The fort is x x x x strongly built on the Vanban system. The work is a mere wall of coral rock about 12 to 15 feet high, without glacis, ditch, counter scarp, covered ways, places of arms, traverses, ravelins, lunettes, redans, or any of the numerous outworks that characterized the defences built after designs of the great French Engineer. The terreplein is on the same level as the ground outside. There is no magazine or water cistern, well, bridge or port-cullis. At each corner is a bastion but there are no casements. As bastions ante date Vanban more than 100 years, and there is nothing to this fort but a mere wall, with rude bastioned corners, I conclude that an assignment of the type to Vanban is a slip of the pen. The walls the Romans built against the northern barbarians were stronger and easier defended than this rude affair at Zamboanga. The only useful purpose we make of this enclosure is to shut out theives from the post storehouses, which occupy the interior. P-5. Iligan-Lanao Road (Long quotation omitted). The General's criticism appears to be based on two main considerations,6. one, the asserted lack of "absolute military necessity" for this road; and second, the illegality of employing troops in building the road unless such necessity exists. In letter to you of December 18th, 1902, the Division Commander commented at some length on the fact that the Lieutenant General in a personal communication while in Manila criticised the use of troops on this road work. In the letter the reasons were stated why the troops had been called on for this duty. It was also stated that the men had most creditably and willingly responded to the call. The letter referred to should be read in connection with this response to the General's re-statement of his criticisms. See also as relevant to this matter an extract from my letter to you of January 24th, 1903. After several of our men had been treacherously murdered near Parang and Malabang, and after many other hostile acts of the Malanoas, a punitive expedition was sent towards the lake by General Chaffee. If the Moros had, as demanded, given up the murderers there would have been nothing further in the way of field operations, but threats and defiance were sent or uttered in answer to the demand made by the Division Commander. The reasons why the troops punished the Moros were exactly the same as were the reasons why we punished the Sioux, Commanches, Cheyennes, Nex Perces, Kiowas and Apaches in the Seventies and Eighties, some of the troops being commanded by General Miles. I accomplished the first expedition to Lanao and gave the Moros of Bayang a final notice to give up the murderers or take the consequences. The actions followed and as an immediate result we had over forty wounded men, some of them so badly hurt that to move them would probably have resulted in their death. There was nothing to do but to hold on and this was ordered by the Division Commander after a personal visit to Camp Vicars, where he saw the pack trails at their worst. It was two months before it was possible to move all the wounded and then the Moros had adopted the plan of snipping our men individually and in7. small parties. To have abandoned the country would have been a confession of weakness and fear. It was of course determined to hold on, indeed it was an "absolute military necessity" to do so, and has been so ever since. It was not practicable to supply the force needed at the front without better means of moving supplies than pack mules. A route was looked up for a road and work was undertaken. The force was increased so that the men could have frequent reliefs. Under such conditions the Malabang road was made, for it was then out of the question to command the situation from Iligan. There never was a time when hired labor would not have been used if it had been procurable, but there then was none. The road was made in the five months from June to November and it has solved the Moro situation, one that was never solved by the Spaniards, although they had their first contest on the shore of the Lake as long ago as 1640. It was self evident that the true base for a permanent control of the lake was one seized upon and utilized by the Spaniards, that is, Iligan. There they made a road and commenced to build a railroad. Thence they hauled the material for their steel steam launches to the lake and floated them. The port, Iligan, though not a good one, is much nearer to the Manila base than Malabang. The total of all ascents to the lake is but about 2500 feet, with about 300 feet of down grades, while the total of all ascents to be overcome in reaching the lake from the south is nearly 3,800 feeds, and 1,600 feet of descending grades, the elevation of the lake itself being 2200 feet. The engineers examined the Iligan route and recommended a change from the Spanish route, which was approved. About this time the undersigned succeeded General Chaffee as the Division Commander. His policy was continued and all arrangements made to reopen the Iligan road, the War Department having allotted $20,000.00 for this purpose.8. A regiment, the 28th Infantry, was sent to Iligan and one company of engineers. The work of grading was commenced in October, and although General Miles thought it would last for twelve months unless accelerated, the practical completion of the undertaking is realized. As soon as the bridge over the Agus river is completed, which it will be in a month or six weeks, 2500 pound wagon loads can be hauled to the north shore of the lake. Little by little it has been found to be practicable to get the Moros to work on the road so that now it is no longer necessary to employ soldiers for this purpose, and has not been for some time, save as overseers. In fact there is keen rivalry among the Moro Dattos in securing sections of the road to grade. To sum up the situation, the two Division Commanders, Generals Chaffee and Davis, considered the road to be a "military necessity", and that it was no more contrary to law to use soldiers labor in opening a road over which their own supplies could be hauled to their comrades on the picket line, than it was to do the same in 1861-5. General Miles deplored this work because of the serious ill health it was causing and because the duty exacted would make Philippines service unpopular but it has not so resulted. Quite likely there has been more malaria and diarrhoea and dysentery among the men out in the sun than there would have been among troops in good barracks, but as a fact the labor was not specially exhausting for the men knocked off at 11:00 o'clock or earlier each day, always had dry clothing to put on, full rations including fresh foods and boiled water to drink. It is not suggested that the men preferred such work, but they did it cheerfully and not a complaint ever came to the Division Commander save the one presented by the Lieutenant General of the Army, first while here, and now in writing by reference from the War Department. To have omitted to chastise these fanatical half-savages and make them a9. demonstration of our power as a nation, and show them that our people could not be murdered and robbed at will, would have been a national disgrace or humiliation and the American people would call to account any of its representatives in authority who were responsible for maintaining the dignity and good name of the country and did not do it. The officers and men set at this task went at it with the same alacrity and spirit as was shown when they worked and chopped their way through the wilderness to carry our flag to the Pacific under Lewis and Clarke; when they built roads, and built and rowed barges through trackless wilderness in Maine, New York, and Canada, that our troops might carry the flag to Montreal and Quebec in 1775; when they built filed works, forts, trenches and roads to reach and connect them during the Civil War, and to where was the advance guard of the emigration in our western mountains and plains in later years. The Army has been the advance agent of civilization everywhere and is not less so to-day in Mindanao than it was when it moved to the Mississippi and the far west, and when the troops built with their own hands Fort Snelling, Fort Leavenworth, Fort Dearborne, Fort Laramie and hundreds of other posts all the way from Florida to Alaska, where the weary emigrants found shelter. The General Commanding the Division of the Philippines not only offers no apology for what was done in Mindanao during his period of command, but instead he feels proud of it in the conviction that he had materially sided in the realization of one of the beneficient objects for which Americans came to the Philippines, and where the American soldier has again carried our flag to victory. The regiments that made these roads and contended with the treacherous fanatical savages are now being removed to be assigned to pleasant stations, leaving to those who come to relieve them, good roads, comfortable barracks, well stocked storehouses, and instead of a hostile aggressive population, one that9. demonstration of our power as a nation, and show them that our people could not be murdered and robbed at will, would have been a national disgrace or humiliation and the American people would call to account any of its representatives in authority who were responsible for maintaining the dignity and good name of the country and did not do it. The officers and men set at this task went at it with the same alacrity and spirit as was shown when they worked and chopped their way through the wilderness to carry our flag to the Pacific under Lewis and Clarke; when they built roads, and built and rowed barges through trackless wilderness in Maine, New York and Canada, that our troops might carry the flag to Montreal and Quebec in 1775; when they built field works, forts, trenches and roads to reach and connect them during the Civil War, and to where was the advance guard of the emigration in our western mountains and plains in later years. The Army has been the advance agent of civilization everywhere and is not less so to-day in Mindanao than it was when it moved to the Mississippi and the far west, and when the troops built with their own hands Fort Snelling, For Leavenworth, Fort Dearborne, Fort Laramie and hundreds of other ports all the way from Florida to Alaska, where the weary emigrants found shelter. The General Commanding the Division of the Philippines not only offers no apology for what was done in Mindanao during his period of command, but instead he feels proud of it in the conviction that he had materially aided in the realization of one of the beneficient objects for which Americans came to the Philippines, and where the American soldier has again carried our flag to victory. The regiments that made these roads and contended with the treacherous fanatical savages are now being removed to be assigned to pleasant stations, leaving to those who come to relieve them, good roads, comfortable barracks, well stocked storehouses, and instead of a hostile aggressive population, one that10. has learned by bitter experience or by observation the futility of resistance to the authority of the nation whose only wish is to see the Moros happy and prosperous in their own homes, as free to follow all the lawful precepts of Mahomet as those of the founder of Christianity. We entered the country in spite of ambush and blockaded trails, while now Moros via with one another in competition to secure the privilege of building turnpike roads for us and transporting our supplies. P-6. It was stated that in one company all of the non-commissioned officers and a large percentage of the men had asked for their discharge. No such request ever reached the headquarters of the undersigned. Besides there were a large number of applications for transfer from the 10th Infantry (the only one of the Mindanao regiments that was ordered to be relieved and return to the United States) to regiments that were to remain in the Philippines. The individual applications for transfer to remaining regiments by soldiers in the Philippines belonging to regiments under orders to return to the United States in 1903 considerably exceeded 800. P-6. "If permission were granted to extend the present wharves 20 feet vessels of the largest size could go alongside and discharge their cargoes." There is one wharf at Cebu owned by the United States. That wharf, and a space of public land adjacent, nearly a year ago was assigned to the Navy in pursuance of a tripartite agreement between the Civil Governor, the Naval Commander-in-Chief and the Commanding General, Division of the Philippines. The Arms has control of the old Spanish fort on the point and a half acre of land adjacent and to the South of the Naval Reserve, but there is no wharf at this place The construction here of a wharf adequate to future needs of the Army would be an easy matter, but at present the existing facilities are adequate, these facilities consist of the naval wharf, the use of which can always be secured, and the11. private wharves owned and used by the commercial steamship lines. The reference of the Lieutenant General to an extension of 20 feet under permission of some body is not understood. The Army has control of no wharf whatever capable of "extension." The Navy can extend their own wharf at will, and the civil commercial wharves could, it is presumed, be extended by their owners if they wished so to do. In this connection, attention is invited to remarks of the Division Commander, in letter to the Adjutant General dated January 24th, 1903, respecting the military post of Cebu. Plans for improvement of the barracks, hospital, and storehouses thereat, have just been ordered to be executed, insuring excellent accommodations for one battalion of troops. P-7. Here (Calbayog), as well as at Tacloban, there were a number of cases of beri-beri, at this point confined to the scouts; but at Tacloban there were three cases among the American troops. It is well known that beri-beri is essentially a contagious disease, as readily so as measles, diphtheria, scarlet fever and mumps. Some observers have endeavored to show that the disease is due to a continued rice diet, but whil[e] the argument may seem plausible applied to the natives, it fails as applied to the white troops, who use very little rice. If American troops did not frequent native huts, they would not become infested. P-8. The town of Albay having been practically destroyed; much damage was done to the outlying towns during the war. Everybody knows that the pretty towns of Albay and Daraga, three miles apart, were burned by order of the Insurgent General Paua, a full blooded Chino, whose sole object was loot. The United States troops saved the town of Legaspi from a similar fate, but could not reach the others in time. P-8. The ladrones have been operating in this vicinity (Pasacao), and the Presidente asked that the troops be left there as a protection.12. Every call of the Civil Government for assistance in preserving the peace, presented to the Division Commander, or to any department or brigade commander, has been responded to with the utmost promptness by the military. No call for such assistance was made that involved or concerned the detachment at Pasacao. P-8. Olongapo Naval Station. It would cost a vastly larger sum of money to adequately equip and fortify this place than it would Cavito. It has been reported that the Navy Department asked Congress for an appropriation of $20,000,000. for Olongapo. The value of all the improvements at this place left by the Spaniards was but a few thousand dollars. P-9. Climate of the Philippines: "A most serious detriment to the service. The men go there in perfect health and in the prime of manhood, but as a body are seriously affected in the course of two or three years service, very few escape but the majority are debilitated." The condition of the returning regiments to the United States is the best evidence obtainable as to the effects of the climate. An inspection of these organizations will not show that the majority are debilitated. The undersigned, now nearly sixty-four years old, has been continuously in the tropics for more than four years and has missed only eight or ten days duty. There are some thousand Englishmen in the India Army, who have always lived in India. The tour of English troops in India averages more than eight years, and the climate of British India is worse than that of the Philippines, take it all in all. The American soldier in the Philippines is a better man the second year than he was the first, and still more efficient the third year than he was the second. A great many of the troops in Java, who are native born Hollanders, serve there for a lifetime almost, or until twenty-five years service there, which gives them13. the right to pension. White men do not as a rule perform prolonged manual labor in the tropics, but such labor performed by some of the troops for a few hours each day for a few months has not apparently caused any serious debilitation. P-9. Remote military stations, uncongenial surroundings, depressing, and to some extent, demoralizing effect. Absence of amusements and diversions. Yet many men in some regiments which have served long here are reported to have hailed with delight orders to return. Officers in the Philippines pull and manipulate to secure stations in Manila just as do others to be on duty in Washington and other pleasant cities, but there is nothing remarkable in it. The troops at Malabang and Jolo say they are pleased to be there. The quarters at Salomague and San Fernando Union, are as comfortable as any in Arizona, Texas, Montana, or Wyoming. All over the Archipelago the conditions are rapidly improving and the soldiers' lot is not a specially unhappy one. Officers of the Navy are accustomed to leave their families at home for the period of a foreign cruise, and the Army officers should do the same. It may not be specially pleasant, but there is no real hardship involved in a brief separation from ones family. P-10. As a result of my observation it is my judgment that the discontinuance of the liquor feature of the canteen has been beneficial to the Army. The statistics which are contained in the body of General Miles' report (see page 10) give the information that almost one-third of all those in confinement on November 27th were charged with drunkenness. His report does not, however, tell how much alcohol had to do with the confinement of the other two-thirds of those in the guard house. To say that intoxicants are the causes, direct or indirect, of more than half of the misdemeanors of soldiers in the Philippines is a very conservative statement. At Jolo, Malabang and Cottabato, where military government has existed, it has been easy to keep liquor out of the reach of troops,14. and at these places the men have not been able to get the wherewith to cause inebriety, but at all other posts in the Philippines where the sale of liquor has been unrestricted on the border of every military reserve, intemperance has been very common and presented the gravest difficulty to the maintenance of good discipline. Much has been done within the last few months in concentrating the troops and providing for their shelter. New sites for barracks have been secured but no sooner it is known that a garrison is to take up a designated location than the beer saloon is established. Usually by the time the troops arrive there are many low drinking dives and these grow to scores. Pasay barracks occupy one side of a street but the opposite side of the road for nearly half a mile is built up almost solid with groggeries that did not exist until the troops came. And among these dens of iniquity there are many dissolute women, while nearly every saloon is a gambling place. If General Miles inspected this post he could not have failed to see what is described here. A new site was occupied in September on Guimaras Island opposite Iloilo. In November when General Miles was in Iloilo there was a dozen liquor dives lining the road leading to the place and all doing a thriving business. General Miles visited Camp Stotsenburg just at the time it was being occupied, but if he looks closely he saw the barkeeper had arrived just across the line and was ready to ply his vocation on the incoming soldiers. So great a nuisance had this liquor business become to our garrisons that the undersigned requested the Philippine commission for prohibitive legislation, and Governor Taft have his cordial assistance in securing the passage of a liquor law, the draft of which was prepared at Division Headquarters. A copy of it, which was published as General Orders No. 28, April 8th, 1903, these headquarters, is15. herewith and is now in force at the several posts named in the law. If this law is enforced properly the liquor problem in these islands will be much simplified, but the writer is of the unqualified opinion that the regulated sale of beer in canteens to soldiers is far less objectionable than to attempt the impossible; that is, to prevent the men from getting the liquor surreptitiously. When the northern white races came into contact with the Latins, as they did while Rome was coming to her decadence, the intemperance and debauchery of those who defended from the northern forests was marked by the Roman historians The descendants of the Northmen are still intemperate, while the Italians and Spaniards, Greeks, French and Roumanians are temperate or abstemious, but the hard drinking Baltic races have largely occupied and possessed the Earth, while the Latins have generally lost what the others gained. The writer regrets that such a substance exists as alcohol, but it does exist and is generally used in some form by nearly all men. Anglo-Saxon and Teuton soldiers frequently use it to their own detriment and probably will to the end of time. P-11. Serious conditions as to the health of the command. On November 27th, 7.24 per cent of the troops occupying 122 stations were reported sick. The highest sick rate prevailing during the last twelve months was 7.96 per cent, and the smallest was 6.01 per cent. A large proportion of the men are those who have had very little tropical experience. The quarters occupied were often inadequate and unsuitable; a large proportion of the men consorted with dissolute diseased native and foreign prostitutes and so themselves became diseased; many acquired the habit of using vile poisonous native drinks known as Tuba and Vino, which almost always sent the victims to the hospital. Many men were attacked by cholera and many tropical diseases unknown in the United States. These causes have served to raise the percentage of sick from the rate prevailing in the United States - say five percent - to [a] an average of16 about 7.25 per cent, and the surprise should be not that these causes have produced this result, but rather that it is no greater. The Chief Surgeon of the Division of the Philippines stated May 16th 1901, that more than one-fifth of all the sickness in September 1900 was due to venereal disease, and the Chief Surgeon of the Division stated on June 30th, 1901, that nearly 20 per cent of all the sickness was due to the same disease. In the last fiscal year the percentage of sick ranged from 6.01 per cent to 8.51 per cent. Little by little sanitary conditions will be improved, the posts will become pleasanter, the drink habit will be better controlled, diseased women will probably be segregated through the action of the Civil Health authorities - when the rate of sick to the well will be decreased. P. 12. I recommend that the most liberal appropriation be made and allowances granted for the further development and improvement of this feature - recreation and amusement to soldiers of the military service. At every post it should be made the duty of some efficient officer to develop and promote this feature of the service in every way possible for the contentment, happiness and general welfare of the troops. This is being done everywhere. The Congressional appropriation for shelters in the Philippines for the present and next fiscal year aggregate for the Post of Manila $1,500,00. and for other shelters in the Philippines $2,250,000. So many are the difficulties to be encountered in the construction of barracks and shelter that a larger appropriation could not be utilized. There is a canteen reading and amusement room at every station, and no pains are spared in establishing, fitting and maintaining reading and amusement rooms, but it will be several years before all can be done that is required for the moral and physical well bein of the troops. P-11. The number of troops that will be required is the Philippine Isandsis still problematical. The undersigned has been a close observer of the Philippine conditions for the two and half years. He believes that the present force is adequate for all probable necessities. There were banditti in the Caucasus for over 150 years, but finally Russia suppressed them. There are banditti now in certain parts of Europe, and there are robbers, road agents and train holdups in the United States, and probably will be for a long time, but there is no evidence of the existence here of any organized resistance to United States control. There are four companies of Coast Artillery in the Archipelago and as yet there are no guns of position mounted, but there are on hand for use a considerable number of modern movable guns of 5-inch and 7-inch calibre that are capable of use against landing parties and attempts at entrance of the ports by the lighter class of vessels. P-11. In my judgment the heavy artillery troops now in the Philippine Islands should be withdrawn without delay. The matter of the withdrawal of all companies of the Coast Artillery from these Islands was discussed in my letter to Adjutant General, dated February 3rd, 1903. P.11. I think it advisable that some of the cavalry regiments that have never served in the Philippines should share their proportion of the duties in that country. The General's suggestion bears date February 19th, 1903, while on the 5th of December 1902, three of the cavalry regiments that had not served a tour here were in the name of the Lieutenant General ordered to these islands and the organizations are now arriving, P.11. I found a large proportion of the troops occupying Church property.18. On the 30th of November, the extent of use of Church buildings by the troops as barracks, hospitals and storehouses is expressed by the following percentages of the whole force serving in the Division: Company Organizations ...... 14.67% Hospitals ...... 3.35% Quartermaster & Commissary of Subsistence storehouses, ...... 5.02% This proportion has since been reduced and all church buildings will be given up as soon as it is possible to shelter the troops in structures owned by the United States. there has been no objection raised by the Bishops of the Roman Catholic Church to occupation of their conventos and in a few cases there was a desire expressed by the Church authorities to have such buildings occupied, else they might fall under control of municipal authority which was thought not to be in sympathy with the policy of the lawful owners. On the other hand, some local civil authorities who laid claim to the public ownership of the Church conventos and parsonages requested the troops to continue to hold possession of the property so preventing the Priests from resuming control. It is not doubted that church authorities will some time demand payment of rent for the use of same which will easily adjusted when itis known who are the rightful owners. Had the church buildings not been used the troops would have been in tents and suffering many hardships, the existence of which are deplored by the Lieutenant General There will be no difficulty in showing that the use of church conventos by the military had the probable effect of preventing their total destruction by insurgents and ladrones. In some cases the buildings vacated have been turned over rent free to the Philippine Constabulary as means of saving them from destruction. P-12. The commodious buildings which have been erected by the Spaniards are capable of accommodating, after slight repairs have been made, approximately 12000 troops. The following is a complete list of barracks left by the Spanish Army,19. With the number of company organizations they are capable of accommodating, when the men are allowed required space, and is the number they were sheltering when General Miles visited Manila: Manila, Cuartel Meisic, 5 companies. Manila, Cuartel Maltate, 10 companies Manila, Cuartel de Espana 4 companies Manila, Luneta Barracks 3 companies Manila, Fort Santiago 3 companies Manila, Cuartel de Infanteria 2 companies Iloilo, Fort San Pedro 1 company Iligan, Nipa building, 1 company Misamis, Fort, 1 company Zamboanga, Barracks, 2 companies Parang, Barracks, 2 companies Cotabato, Barracks, 3 companies Tucuran Barracks 1 company Jolo, Barracks and blockhouse, 8 companies Puerta Princessa, Barracks, 2 companies. TOTAL--------------------- 48 companies which, at 65 men per company, represents a force of 3120 men, leaving of the assigned number nearly 9000 without shelter in Spanish buildings. If any larger numbers were quartered in these buildings there would be great crowding and the troops would be subjected to great discomforts and unsanitary living, which, General Miles objects to. The above list includes all the buildings left to us by the Spanish Army, every one of which has been examined by the undersigned and every important point in the Archipelago where the Spanish troops were stationed, has been visited by him. All have been considerably repaired and improved since 1898. Par. 11. And nipa buildings, which are the most suitable than can be used for shelter of troops. I noticed several large enough to accommodate an entire company, which cost less than $1000. each. The former and present Division Commanders, have directed the preparation of shelter of native materials. Those at Salomague, San Fernando Union,20. Malabang, Parang, Siassi, Bongao and Laguan and Tacloban are cases in point. It has been found by experience that the shelter for six companies at the three posts first named, cost from $16,000, to $20,000. each While they last they do very well indeed, but they must constantly repaired and in three or four years they will have to be reconstructed. It has also been found that these barracks for six companies, in Puget Sound lumber, iron or other available roofs will cost about $40,000 and will last indefinitely with very slight repairs. The latter are much better, more comfortable and cheaper in the long run. P-12. There is in my opinion too much cold storage meat used for the good of the troops. Its constant use becomes very distasteful. There is no hazard in the statement that not one man in a hundred, and probably not one in a thousand, who shares General Miles' opinion on this subject. In a few instances the plan of fetching live cattle from uninfected localities to the stations of troops in Mindanao was tried, but without an exception the result was not satisfactory to the consumers of the beef; besides, more than half of the animals so imported insmall numbers died from Rinderpest before they could be slaughtered; the cost of meat so obtained was prohibitory, and the quality of it was very poor. Attention is invited to the remarks of Chief Commissary, Division of the Philippines, on this subject, enclosed herewith. Then troops in the Philippines now have the luxury of frequent issues of as fresh, wholesome, and sound beef and mutton, as do those who live in New York, Washington, or London. In the opinion of the troops, the best substitute for frozen meat is the canned roast beef, which is put up in Chicago and Kansas City. General Lee, Commanding in the Visayas, informed the undersigned that on one of his inspection trips in Samar and Leyte, the only complaints that he21. heard respecting the rations were, first: That fresh beef was issued at too rare intervals, and second: At one post the stock on hand of canned roast beef was exhausted. A similar complaint was made to the undersigned by the enlisted men at a remote post in the Department of Mindanao. P-13. Fortifications of Strategic positions. See remarks ante, respecting Olongapo Naval Station. The Naval authorities have no appropriation available for improvements, save at Cavite, and no means have yet been made available by Congress for permanent defenses. That at least one port should be made secure against hostile attack is self evident and Manila is the most important and valuable in a strategic and commercial sense. A jetty costing a million and dredging and equal sum at Cavite would secure a good and safe anchorage basin for all dockage purposes. Of course the Army must fortify the entrance to Manila Bay. This would give one secure port and Naval Station, which would grow and become a great Naval Arsenal. Olongapo would cost more and require a longer time, and besides it would not as well protect Manila. P-14. Relief of Distress. This is a matter concerning the civil authorities directly, and the Army is not involved for its functions are confined to the duty of assisting the civil authorities in preserving the peace and administering order. The civil authorities are doing all in their power to relieve any existing distress and to assist the people to repair past losses of crops and animals. Congress has responded to the appeals for help and donated $3,000,000. which is placed at the disposal of the Philippine Commission. It must not be forgotten that famines and pestilence are very common occurrences in the Orient and Americans residing in or visiting the East will, in time, become accustomed to the prevailing and normal conditions of misery, due to drought, insect and animal pests, plague, cholera and beri-beri. In the English and Dutch East Indies22. something, but not much, has been accomplished in mitigation or prevention of these afflictions. In time, when the people recover from the effects of the warfare, they will be in a somewhat better condition than they are now, but our people must not expect that the Philippines will be an exception to the rest of th[e] Eastern world and free from the afflictions common to them. The Governor of the Philippines had brought to his attention the telegram of General Miles to the Secretary of War, dated November 29th, 1902, and it is presumed he has taken action on the proposition to use the transports as carabao boats and other measures to avert the famine of which the General made prediction. The remark is ventured however, that the use of the troop ships to haul carabao from China would prove to be a very expensive means of transportation. The Civil Government has imported and is now importing rice from China for issue and sale in those regions where there is a scarcity of food, and arrangements are understood to have been perfected for importing carabao for which Congress has made a donation of money. The officer charged with the distribution of rice in the Province of Batangas reported officially a few days ago that he thought the rice issues in that province were doing much harm in some localities, and little good in any. He recommended that all issues and sales cease in July next, which proposal has been approved by Governor Taft. The foregoing covers the points presented by Lieutenant General Miles which seem to require comment by the Division Commander. Very respectfully, George W. Davis, Major General U.S. Army Commanding. 2 enclosures.[ENCL IN ROOT 7-7-03]Personal CONFIDENTIAL and CONFIDENTIAL [*CF*] Washington, May 17th., 1903. Dear Mr. Loeb: I enclose a slip from the Cincinnati Commercial Tribune which is of more than ordinary interest. The same interviews have been widely published in this part of the country. They are only worthy of attention because they are semi- official in character and may, I think, justly be held [to] at least to reflect Senator Hanna's sentiments. Mr. Dover is his trusted, confidential secretary and a very bright man -- Senator Patterson has long been one of Senator Hanna's most active and efficient political managers in Ohio, and still is. Their opinions do not alarm me in the least however for the reason that I know the sentiment of the state and if a resolution indorsing the President for nomination is introduced it will be handsomely carried----and you may be sure it is going to be introduced. Very sincerely yours, F. B. Loomis Wm. Loeb esq Secy. to The President.[For 1 enc see 5-13-03 "Thinks Roosevelt..."]