1733 N. Street. Best of Brothers I have read it all & Barkers part is the only part that seems at all logical, but, then that is only my view it is the finding of the court & therefore there is nothing to be saidpersonally I should inquire following the ordinary course as to publishing would be the only wise way Devotedly Bye March 20 1904 re Navy U.S. March 1904 Court findings in re collision U.S. Battleships Illinois & MissouriThe Arlington: T.E. Roebble, Proprietor. Washington, D.C. Sunday, 1904 Mar 20 Dear Mr. President, I came down yesterday on War College & Park Commission business & also to see Mr. Newlands who intends to make further & final answer [to] on the subject of the White House office bldg. placing the business squarely & finally on the Record. As he has expressed a desire to see the White House and as I am passing the night at his house at Woodlay (in the suburbs)it has occurred to me to ask your permission [& approval] to conduct him about a little tomorrow should it be convenient to Mrs. Roosevelt & agreeable to you to have me do so. If you approve, a telephone message would find me this evening at Senator Newlands - but unless I should hear from you, of course I shall not suggest it. Faithfully yours Charles F. McKinny I trust you are not out of sympathy with [you] your friends who are struggling in the cause of Peter Charles L'Enfant!The Arlington: T. E. Roessle, Proprietor. WASHINGTON, D. C. Sunday, 1904 Mar 20 Dear Mr. President, I came down yesterday on War College & Park Commission business also to see Mr. Newlands who intends to make further & final answer to on the subject of the White House office bldg. placing the business square & finally on the Record. As he has expressed a desire to see the White House and as I am passing the night at his house at Woodley (in the suburbs)it has occurred to us to ask your permission to conduct him about a little tomorrow should it be convenient to allow Mrs Roosevelt & agreeable to you to have me do so. If you approve, a telephone message would find me this evening at Senator Newlands- but under I should hear from you, of course I shall not suggest it. Faithfully yours Charles F. McKim I trust you are not out of sympathy with your friends who are struggling in the cause of Peter Charles L'Enfant!TELEGRAM. Ackd 3/21/04 White House, Washington. 1 NY. (WU) OU. RA. 135 D.H. Frank 8:05 p.m. NEW-YORK, MARCH 20, 1904. The President. We had a largely attended conference today and after full discussion the following statement was given to the newspapers: At a conference held this afternoon between Senator Platt, Governor Odell, Colonel Dunn and many prominent republicans, it was, after a full exchange of views, and after statements by both the Senator and the Governor, unanimously agreed that Senator Platt should remain as he had been in the past the active leader of the party. It was further agreed that the Governor should be selected as the Chairman of the State committee to be chosen at the approaching State convention in April. It was further agreed that wherever there were local contests for leadership in the party there should be no interference in favor of or against any one, either be Senator Platt or Governor Odell. T. C. PlattBOOKER T. WASHINGTON. TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED. [Endorsement sent to Adm. Walker 3-21-04] TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA March 20, 04 My Dear Mr. President, I beg to hand you herewith and as promised the letter you desired to place before the Panama Commission at the meeting to be held Tuesday at your office. Very much hope it will be found satisfactory. Yours very truly Booker T. Washington.Confidential [*Ackd 3/23/04*] Troy NY March 20th 1904 Sir. In conversation with Mr. Edwin Codman, a nephew of Lewis F. Payn, a few days ago, we got around to politics. Mr. C reflects the sentiments of his uncle, just as truly as a barometer does the changes in the weather. He wanted to know how we "felt up our way about "Roosevelt." I told him the truth that there was no antagonism to your nomination. 'That I was in a position to know, being Chairman of the Word Committee & that we would roll up over usual majority of 500 & would try hard to better it, also that we were taking no chances in losing a Senator or Congressman. He set his face & fairly hissed out "Well I'll tell you how we feel down in the Columbia County. We'll let the Senator & Congressman & everything else slide to beat Roosevelt." I thought it important you should know this. Mr. Hunter our Dept. Supt was appointed by Payn & practically Central Dutchess County. You will see by the report of the proceeding of yesterday's conditions in these counties that your "name wasn't mentioned" (formally) I hear and see a great many things at the Capitol and it is too bad. I thought you ought to know what is going on, if it is the intention to slaughter Gen'l Ketchum & trust that measures can be taken to circumvent the enemy. I am a Republican, have been one all my life, have worked at the polls since my first vote in 1866 and don't intend to let anything of this kind occur it if can be prevented by proper warning. At the same time I cannot afford to take the chance of losing my job by incurring the enmity of Mr. Payn as he has a great deal2 of influence with the leaders in this district. I may go in to see some other people in a day or two and anything I hear detrimental to your interests, will write and let you know if it is worth writing about. Did I not know that Cadman represented Payne I would have not written this. Respectfully C. W. Witbeck Hon Theodore Roosevelt President [*[Witheck]*]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 1WU. G. RA. 13-Paid 6:22 p.m. New-York, March 20, 1904. The President. Dead past buried, everybody harmonious and enthusiastic, even Governor and George Sheldon. Shake! Hon Frank S. Witherbee. [?] Right according to Social directoryTELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 2WU. G. RA. 7-Paid 6:27 p.m. New-York, March 20, 1904. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. Conference most satisfactory and harmony permanently established. W. J. Youngs.[*ack'd 5-23-04*] PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT OF SAMAR, OFFICE OF THE TREASURER. Catbalogan, Samar, P. I., March 21st 1904. 190 [*Personal*] The Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. President of the United States, White House Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. President:- It is just one year ago today that I had the honor to be a guest at your table. It was the table of the Chief Magistrate of "the most enlightened and powerful of all the nations of recorded history", and the memory of the occasion will always be among the pleasantest reminiscences of my life. Since then, during the year which has just glided by, I have sentenced sixteen men to death, as many more to life imprisonment, and more than a hundred to lesser terms. And away out here, near the supposed cradle of the race, I have slowly come to understand how Count Tolstoi, a great and good man, better fitted to deal with theories than with conditions, and not familiar with the spectacle of enlightened, healthy and courageous millions, enjoying the blessings and understanding the restraints of civil liberty, could insist that all punishment for crime should be either corporal or capital, and that subjecting people to penal servitude was unrighteous; for the cruder the conditions the less is the deterrent influence of mere deprivation of liberty, and the greater that of inflicting physical pain. I have lately read your Winning of the West and enjoyed it immensely. Before the Spanish War, it would have been to me "dry-as-dust"—Page 2. PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT OF SAMAR, OFFICE OF THE TREASURER. Catbalogen, Samar, P. I., , 190 to use Mr. Carlyle's phrase. Now, every line of it is as vital to me as it was to the writer when he wrote it. Of course, with the generations which are to succeed us, your fame will be principally as a man of action, rather than as a man of letters. Nor is any chronicler of any age to be ranked with the historian of the Roman Empire, but all through the Winning of the West one sees an intimate personal acquaintance with the conditions dealt with by these noble old Land Vikings, as one sees in Gibbon's vivid description of campaigns and the mobilizing of troops, that knowledge of quartermaster commissary and other military matters which he acquired as a field officer of volunteers in the war during which the English occupied Havana and Manila (about 1762 I believe). One gets quite contented out here. True, it is outpost duty, but somebody has got to do this part of the world's work, and the "sturm und drang" of the problem is immensely fascinating. As soon as I got here last May Governor Taft sent me to Surigao to sift out the outbreak of March 23rd 1903. There I met your old friend "Yellowstone" Kelly, the exIndian scout. He is a taciturn fellow, seems to carry with him the shadow of the forests where his youth was spent, but he showed me with just pride the letter you wrote him about his conduct in saving the day at Surigao on March 23rd 1903, based on the newspaper despatches, and also one from Major John Henry Parker "Gatling Gun" Parker. The evidence adduced before me in those cases more than sustained the newspaper despatches as to his nerve. I am preparing a Spanish-English English-Spanish law dictionary,Page 3. PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT OF SAMAR, OFFICE OF THE TREASURER. Cathalogan, Samar, P. I., ,190 which I hope some day to dedicate to you and General Wright, formally asking the permission of you both later on, if I ever get it finished. The object is to facilitate the proposed transition from Spanish to English as the official court language. I once wrote a law book for money to sell to the Georgia Legislature for the use of the State, and did so. This one is to be a labor of love. In other words, I am doing the work as if I were "one of these d----- literary fellows myself" (words attributed to you by Harry Stillwell Edwards). Perhaps this levity might suggest a lack on my part of a correct and dignified perception of relative proportion; but Sir, I do truly perceive my own unimportance in the sum of things, while it is my deliberate opinion that in the providence of the Most High God, it has fallen to you, through your personal life and individual example, to do more for the uplifting of humanity, than any other among the rulers of mankind contemporary with you. With delightful recollections of your gracious courtesy of a year ago today, and begging to be remembered to Governor Taft, I will close with one of those beautiful phrases which the Spanish colonies beyond- seas have been using since the great days when their Mother Country was a world power: "May God guard Your Excellency many years" Very Respectfully James H Blount Permanent address: J. H. Blount Judge 18th District, Tacloban, P. I.Colon, March 21, 1904. 5.30 PM. Secnav through Bunav Washington. CASTINE. No news. Coghlan.[Eve, in Moody 3-23-04][*CF*] PERSONAL Office of Assistant Treasurer U. S., New York, N. Y. Marc 21, 1904. His Excellency The President. Dear Mr. President:- Inasmuch as you doubtless will have seen some of those who took part in the conference yesterday before this reaches you, and possibly you have heard at length from Collector Stranahan on the subject, I will content myself with saying how satisfactory the outcome must have been to you as it was to those of us who took part in it. At one time, owing to the speeches of some rather fiery spirits, Colonel Dunn - Barnes, Hanbury and Frank Platt, matters looked somewhat squally, but the general good sense of the conference asserted itself, largely due to the frank and outspoken manner in which Hendricks as an old time friend of Senator Platt, expressed himself. No man is more capable of running a successful campaign in our State than Gov. Odell, and now that Senator Platt has assented to it, it looks as if entire harmony would prevail, in which case there is little reason to doubt your having the electoral vote of the State. I have the honor to be, Very respectfully and faithfully yours, Hamilton Fish[*C.F*] JOSEPH B. FORAKER, CHAIRMAN. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW. GEORGE P. WETMORE. ADDISON G. FOSTER. JOHN H. MITCHELL. THOMAS KEARNS. JOSEPH R. BURTON. FRANCIS M. COCKRELL. STEPHEN R. MALLORY. JOSEPH C. S. BLACKBURN. WILLIAM A. CLARK. CHARLES E. ALDEN, CLERK. JOSEPH SAGMEISTER, ASSISTANT CLERK. United States Senate, COMMITTEE ON PACIFIC ISLANDS AND PORTO RICO March 21st, 1904. Dear Mr. President: Last Saturday morning I found in my mail notices from the Post Office Department that the postmasters at New Bremen, Auglaize County, Ohio, and Edon, Williams County, Ohio, had been removed on the report of the Post Office Inspector for delinquencies, and requesting me to at once make recommendations for appointments to fill the vacancies. I supposed, when I read these notices, that both were fourth class post offices, and that the Postmaster-General would make the appointments without troubling the President of the United States about them. I accordingly wrote recommendations, addressed to the Postmaster-General, and filed them with the Fourth Assistant Postmaster-General, who has charge, as I understand it, of such appointments. I learned from the Fourth Assistant Postmaster-General, however, that one of the offices, that at New Breman, Ohio, was a Presidential office. I did not expect, after I received that information from him, that he would act beyond making up the papers for your consideration at such time as it might suit your pleasure to take up the question of an appointment, and so stated to him. In the other place, however, I thought he might act and thought it better that he should act. The postmaster in this fourth class case having been found guilty of aJOSEPH B. FORAKER, CHAIRMAN. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW. GEORGE P. WETMORE. ADDISON G. FOSTER. JOHN H. MITCHELL. THOMAS KEARNS. JOSEPH R. BURTON. FRANCIS M. COCKRELL. STEPHEN R. MALLORY. JOSEPH C. S. BLACKBURN. WILLIAM A. CLARK. CHARLES E. ALDEN, CLERK. JOSEPH SAGMEISTER, ASSISTANT CLERK. United States Senate, COMMITTEE ON PACIFIC ISLANDS AND PORTO RICO The President No. 2. shortage, and having been arrested, and having been removed, it would seem that a successor might be appointed without showing lack of consideration to my colleague, who, although he came to the city more than a week ago, as I am advised by the newspapers and otherwise, has not yet made his presence here known to me in any manner, and has not signified to any one when he intends to qualify and take his seat in the Senate. I supposed he would qualify some time during last week, but I learn that he went to New York Friday or Saturday, and that he does not expect to return here until probably the middle of this week. I do not know what the facts are, and do not feel disposed, under all the circumstances, to go to any trouble to find out. But whether I should or not, I did not suppose that when a fourth class postmaster was found guilty of embezzlement, and removed, and arrested, that there would be any objection, especially when called upon to do so by the Post Office Department, to my making a recommendation for the appointment of a successor, and I do not see how there could be any exception taken by General Dick to an appointment made under such circumstances as I have narrated without consulting him. The trouble is he is not here to consult, and I do not know when he will be.JOSEPH B. FORAKER, CHAIRMAN. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW. GEORGE P. WETMORE. ADDISON G. FOSTER. JOHN H. MITCHELL. THOMAS KEARNS. JOSEPH R. BURTON. FRANCIS M. COCKRELL. STEPHEN R. MALLORY. JOSEPH C. S. BLACKBURN. WILLIAM A. CLARK. CHARLES E. ALDEN, CLERK. JOSEPH SAGMEISTER, ASSISTANT CLERK. United States Senate, COMMITTEE ON PACIFIC ISLANDS AND PORTO RICO The President No. 3. But all this is not very important. Why I speak of it is that I do not want you to think that I was unduly impatient when I was only responding to the requests of the Department. I confess, however, that I think, in view of all the circumstances, we are showing General Dick such extreme consideration that we may falsely educate him. Very truly yours, etc., J. B. Foraker.[*PF*] GRAND HÔTEL DU QUIRINAL ROME. BUCHER-DURRER PROPRIETAIRE. MÊMES MAISONS PALACE HÔTEL à Milan GRAND HÔTEL MÉDITERRANÉE à PEGLI PRÈS GÊNES GRAND HÔTEL DU PARC à Lugano HÔTEL EULER à Bâle GRAND HÔTEL DE L'EUROPE à Lucerne HÔTEL STANSERHORN près Lucerne PALACE HÔTEL BÜRGENSTOCK près Lucerne GRAND HÔTEL BÜRGENSTOCK près Lucerne PARK HÔTEL BÜRGENSTOCK près Lucerne Rome, le March 31 st. 1904. My Dear Mr. President, Will you permit a friendly voice from the eternal city to congratulate you on your proclamation of march 10th, warning the officers of the government to abstain from comment on international matters in their speeches and writings. This affliction has been one of the gravest diseases of our body politic since we became a world Power and the marvel to me is that it has been tolerated so long. Upon more than one occasion, I have brought under the attention of the proper authorities the indiscreet utterances of some of our official Empire makers, without any good result, so I sincerely hope that your timely and eloquent document will put a quietus on the evil for the future. Americans on the Continent are annoyed and humiliated by the sentiment of the U.S. on the Eastern war, as it is presented to them by the English & American quoted here. Smalley conveys the impression in his dispatches that our government and people are leading countenance to Japan in every possible way short of open war against Russia. The United States, England and Japan "contra mundum" is the doctrine of this lacquey and his colleague in prevarication, the Anglo Jew, A Merice Low. The gross misrepresentation of our views and the government policy by these men is doing us serious injury in the eyes of Europe. The most innocent act of Mr. Hay is construed by Smalle[r]y as avowedly pro Japanese and against Russia and his deductions from the attitude of the Sec: of State on the Eastern war are doing us grave injury. No continental nation is sympathetic with Japan, they are all, including Austria, for Russia and it will be a deplorable error of judgement on the part of America, if, as it is alleged here, she backs the wrong horse in the contest. Russia will ultimately destroy Japan, and the Continental PowersGRAND HÔTEL DU QUIRINAL ROME. BUCHER-DURRER PROPRIETAIRE. MÊMES MAISONS PALACE HÔTEL à Milan GRAND HÔTEL MÉDITERRANÉE à PEGLI PRÈS GÊNES GRAND HÔTEL DU PARC à Lugano HÔTEL EULER à Bâle GRAND HÔTEL DE L'EUROPE à Lucerne HÔTEL STANSERHORN près Lucerne PALACE HÔTEL BÜRGENSTOCK près Lucerne GRAND HÔTEL BÜRGENSTOCK près Lucerne PARK HÔTEL BÜRGENSTOCK près Lucerne Rome, le will not interfere to prevent her just Chastisement, and how ridiculous we will then appear if we continue in the leading strings of British Policy. Quite recently, Prince Ourosoff, the Russian Ambassador regretfully complained to me about the dispatches appearing in the Times and other English Journals in regard to our attitude. I explained to him that American hostility to Russia was exagerated by British & Jewish influences but that the vast mass of the people in no way shared this feeling. The sympathy with Russia is universal not only amongst the peoples but in the Chancelleries of Europe and as I have no desire to see my country and flag take its place with England in in popular disfavor on the Continent, I am grateful beyond measure for your efforts to keep our attitude correct. On last wednesday, I gave a dinner in honor of the two Cardinals Vanutelli. Among the guests were the Ministers of Russia & France to the Holy See and Baron von Richthofen son the German Imp: Minister of Foreign Affairs. The Cardinals were pronouncedly pro Russian and I had some difficulty in persuading the diplomats present that the U. S. has not a secret understanding with Britain. It is deplorable that the impression is so general in Europe and if it is allowed to grow, it might become a danger for us. We drank your health "con molto gusto" Owing to the war, I will not return by Asia but will sail from Naples about May 15th, ample time to attend the convention. I watch matters closely and congratulate you heartily on the progress of Events which assure your nomination and triumphant Election. My wife and daughter join me in best wishes to yourself, Mrs Roosevelt and family & believe me with every expression of esteem Most respectfully Yours, T. St John Gaffney The President Washington D.C.CROSS REFERENCE SHEET Name or subject: Hay, John to T.R. Date Mar 21, 1904 Summary: SEE Name or subject: T.R. Collection. Spring Rice Ac. 6026A (enclosure in T.R. to Spring Rice) File cross reference form under name or subject at top of the sheet and by the latest date of papers. Describe matter for identification purposes. The papers themselves should be filed under name or subject after "SEE."[*Ackd 3/23/04*] COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY, UNITED STATES SENATE. Washington, D. C. March 21, 1904. To The President, White House, Washington, D. C. SIR: I am much gratified that you agree with my estimate of Wendell Phillips. It seems to me impossible to overstate the wickedness of his utterances during the Civil War. It is not the case of a man believed that our Government was wrong, that the Rebellion ought not to be put down, or that the method adopted by the Government was unconstitutional and in violation of the principles of civil liberty. I hope that if I had thought so myself I should have had grace given me to say so. But he accompanied his objurgations with the most reckless falsehoods, stating one thing one day, and a totally different thing the next. He chose for his attacks the best men in the Commonwealth - men charged with the heaviest responsibilities. He attempted to destroy public confidence in Lincoln at a time when the public confidence in Lincoln was indispensable to the success of the Union Armies. Yet he was a great orator. He had a matchless style2. and delivery and served Satan with the weapons which ought to belong to an angel of light. I do not think I should have presumed to [have] trouble[d] you with a reply to your very kindly letter, except that I wanted to take an occasion to say another thing; that is, that Mr. Carroll D. Wright and I propose, next year, to make a request of you which I am afraid will almost take your breath away, [that is] that you shall, if it shall be possible, do Clark University the great honor to be present at its first Commencement, which it is expected will occur about the middle of June, 1905. Mr. Wright, as you will remember, was elected President of the Collegiate Department of Clark University in Worcester, a year and a half ago. The authorities of the University, and Mr. Wright himself, asked your approbation before making the arrangement, as was eminently fitting considering the relation in which he stood to the public service and to your Administration. It did not seem to you that he could well lay down the official duties in which he was then engaged without injury to the service, and accordingly he accepted the office in which he was then inaugurated with the understanding that he was to continue to do his duties in Washington, giving such service to the College as3. was consistent with them until the next fall. When that time came it seemed desirable that he should continue Commissioner of Labor until this spring, and now it has seemed desirable, for very obvious reasons, that he should not sever his connection with the office of Labor Commissioner and go to Worcester to live until next fall or winter. That arrangement has enabled him, among other things, to give whatever service he has been able to render in the matter of the coal strike, and it enabled you to postpone the appointment of his successor to a time when there was less likely to be an earnest conflict between employers and laborers in regard to his successor. It has occurred to me that perhaps, under all these circumstances, you may be willing, when the time comes, if it can be done consistently with your other engagements and would be entirely agreeable to you, to come to Worcester and give him and the College the great honor of your benediction. Of course it is not to be expected that you should make an engagement now to be performed at so remote a time. But I have taken the great liberty of suggesting it now, so that you may know our desire before that season shall be mortgaged to anybody else. I have the honor to be, Faithfully yours, Geo. F HoarCABLE ADDRESS "KENNEDY," NEW YORK. [*Ackd 3/22/04*] 31 NASSAU STREET, NEW YORK. [*Personal*] March 21st 1904. My Dear Mr. Roosevelt, The Supreme Court of the United States having affirmed the Decree of the Circuit Court of Minnesota in the Northern Securities Co. case, and many inaccurate and misleading statements having appeared in the newspapers alleging, or implying that the Company intended in some way to evade the law as now laid down by the Court, I write to renew the assurance I gave you when I last had the pleasure of seeing you that no matter what the decision might be the Company would promptly and cheerfully conform to it. This the Directors have already taken steps to do and as speedily as the forms of law will permit, it will return to its Stockholders, the shares of the Northern Pacific & Great Northern RR Co. and, after that is done, a speedy dissolution of the Company will follow. Of course we are disappointed that the Court did not take the view of the case that we and our Counsel did but as loyal Citizens we accept and will conform to the law as interpreted by the Court and will carry out the Decree in good faith. I had thought of taking a run over to Washington last week so that I might make the above statements to you orally but finally concluded a few lines by mail would serve the purpose equally well and save both your time and mine. I sincerely trust you are keeping well and that everything is going well with you and with kindest regards to you, Mrs. Roosevelt and all your circle I remain Yours very faithfully John S. Kennedy. His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt Washington D.C.[*F*] Dear Mr. President: For my infliction of this upon you, you must blame the Attorney General, who telephoned me this morning to do so. I have attempted to correct some, at least, of the blunders which, between telegraph & type, have crept into it. Sincerely yours, Francis E Leupp March 21 / 04[For 1. enclosure see 3-18-04[*C.F*] Washington, D. C., March 21, 1904. My dear Roosevelt: It is curious how things sometimes happen in flocks. I have this morning received two additional letters from the Blackfeet Indians, and am enclosing an item which you may wish to use. In this connection I would like to say that I have not written to any one on the reservation for a number of months, and that these letters and the previous ones recently received were not written about the Monteath matter, but to ask me for medicine. Incidentally they mentioned facts of interest in connection with Monteath's administration. Very truly yours, C. Hart Merriam. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States.[*CF*] Washington, D. C. March 21, 1904. Hon Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. Sir: I have today received additional letters from two of the full-blood Indians on the Blackfoot Reservation. They again speak of their impoverished condition, and state that some of the Indians work about the stores for 25, 50, 75 cents per day. They are not paid cash for their services, but are given 'duebills', which they trade in the store. Respectfully, C. Hart Merriam.[*C.F*] Burroughs Street, Jamaica Plain. March 21 1904 My dear Mr. President I am in receipt of your very kind note of the 18th. I went to Washington especially to argue a case in the Supreme Court & was obliged to return as soonmy hope & confidence that you will be triumphantly reelected. With my best wishes & kind regards Believe me Very truly yours Robert M. Morse Hon Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States as the case was finished but if I go again I shall take greet pleasure in calling on you again & if possible, I accepting your hospitality. I had no chance to tell you as I wished of my thorough admiration of your administration & ofSEC 5-04-TSP U.S.S. MARBLEHEAD, Panama, Republic of Panama, March 21, 1904. Sir, 1/ I have the honor to report the movements of the vessels of this Squadron, and the events of the past week in this vicinity, as follows: the MARBLEHEAD, WYOMING, PETREL, PREBLE, and PAUL JONES are in this harbor. The WYOMING returned from Chame Bay on March 14th at 9.00 P.M. having finished picking up the targets and mowrings that had been used for the record practice of the Squadron, and on Thursday, March 17th I sent her to Darien Harbor to communicate with the authorities at El Real. She returned here Sunday, March 20th at 7.00 A.M., having visited La Palma, Darien Harbor. Her steam launch was sent up the Tuyra river, in charge of an officer, to El Real, but upon his arrival at El Real he could find no one in authority at the place, nor could he obtain any information other than that the troops had gone back to Boca de Cupe, and that everything was quiet in the vicinity. The Panamanian gun-boat CHUCUITO was at El Real but Col. Arosemena, her captain, could give no information as to his stay there, as he said he did not know what his orders were other than to communicate with the authorities who would give him his orders, but that he thought he was to take the troops back to Panama. Senor Aispuru has gone to Cana, and so he would have to await his return. He will bring me all the information from that region, if there be any, upon his return from Panama, probably Wednesday. In this connection the Minister of War, Senor Arias, sent me word on the 19th through the U.S. Charge d'Affaires at Panama, that it was his intention to recall all of the troops from Boca de Cupe and El Real with the exception of ten men whom he would leave there for scouting purposes, and that he intended to have the CHUCUITO make daily trips to Real from2 Panama. This would be impossible, in my opinion, but she could leave here every third day and easily make the trip. 2. The WYOMING will coal tomorrow and will then be ready for any service that may be required of her. The PETREL is now coaling and will be ready to leave for San Francisco on Wednesday, in obedience to the Department's cable of the 19th. the MARBLEHEAD, PREBLE, and PAUL JONES [?] all coaled and ready for any duty that may be assigned them. 3. I am in receipt of a letter from the U.S. Charge d'Affaires here enclosing a note from the U.S. Consul at Cartagena, Columbia, which I quote as follows: Cartagena, Columbia, March 14, 1904. My dear Colleague, No change here. Some very sick soldiers came from the Atrato last night on the PINZON. Both PINZON and CARTAGENA are here today and as they have little coal I guess they will stay a few days, if not longer. The expedition the 3rd will start back home in the interior in a few days. Then I guess we will have less excitement here, as they have made it very lively for the police since their arrival. Hastily yours, (signed) Luther Ellsworth. This confirms other reports from Cartagena than everything is now quiet in that vicinity. On March 17th I received a letter addressed to Admiral Glass, by Colonel Tisdel of the Guatemala Railroad, relative to a consignment of explosives, principally dynamite, to Buenaventura, Columbia, on the German steamer MERA. I forward a copy of the letter herewith. As we are at peace with Columbia I paid no attention to the letter, other than to thank the Captain of the Pacific Mail Steamer for bringing it to me, and I shall give it to Admiral Glass upon his return to this port. 4. The Squadron is badly in need of oil, as all of the vessels here are short. I expected an invoice of 4,000 galls. by the steamer that3 arrived in Colon, March 1st, but up to date none has arrived. No oil in any quantity can be purchased here, and I respectfully request that oil may be shipped as soon as possible. I would also request that the Gladiator boiler gaskets for the MARBLEHEAD be shipped as early as possible, as it is impossible to open up the boilers for inspection, as we have no spare gaskets on board. These gaskets were to have been shipped from New York on February 16th, but as they have not arrived they are imperatively needed. 5. I forward herewith a copy of my order to Ensign Burwell sending him to the New York hospital upon the recommendation of a Board of Medical Survey. This order should have gone by the last mail, but by an oversight it was mislaid. 6. The General Court-Martial for the trial of Gunner George C. NEUMANN, U.S.N, met on board the WYOMING on March 16th, and the trial is finished and the proceedings are now awaiting the action of the convening authority. 7. I forward by this mail (Registered) the reports of the Record Target Practice of the MARBLEHEAD, WYOMING, PETREL, PREBLE and PAUL JONES. 8. Everything is quiet on this side of the Isthmus and the health of the vessels is excellent. Very respectfully, (signed) T.S. Phelps Jr., Commander, U.S.N., Senior Officer Present. The Secretary of the Navy, Navy Department, Washington, D.C.[Eve. in Darling 4-1-04][?] 3/21/04 My dear Theodore The Founders & Patriots may send in a delegation to ask you to be present at their dinner because I am President of the Society. It is a small society & our dinner will not exceed 200 at most. Love to Edith & Alice I got word from Emily. Isuppose she is in the South yet. Don't come to the dinner merely on my a/c. I have a good deal to talk to you about but nothing important, and the dinner will be much smaller than I expected & I thought you ought to know it. Affectionately Uncle Rob [Roosevelt][*My dear Mr. President I fully concur in these views Wm H Taft March 23 1904.*] [*C.F*] [*wrote Secy Taft 3/24/04*] Mutual Life Building. New York, March 21, 1904. Dear Mr. President: If the pending bill for the consolidation of the Record and Pension Office and the Adjutant General's Office should go through in the form which I understand it now has, there will probably be an appointment to make in the place of Tweedale, who is now the assistant chief in the Record and Pension Office. I presume the occasion for action on this appointment will not come until after I have seen you, but lest it should, I want to file a caveat now in the way of saying that I heartily endorse what I understand to be Secretary Taft's view, that Mr. Schofield, the Chief Clerk of the War Department, ought to receive the appointment. The position will be a most critical point for the economical and effective administration of the purely civil business conducted in the War Department building. It is no soldier's place at all, but is the place for a competent civilian business man, and Schofield has been thoroughly tested and found to be admirably fitted for the work in every way. Faithfully yours, Elihu Root Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C.[*Ackd 3/28/04 Enc sent Mr. Pinchot 3/28/04*] [*3-21-04*] The Jumping Off Place Santa Barbara, California My dear Mr. President: Here is a communication from Charles Howard Sherwin very much to the point in regard to our Forest Reserve matter. The solution of the whole question still seems to me to lie in a transfer of the affair into the hands of the Bureau of Forestry. I can detail to you a number of instances of senseless interference because of the presentsystem of attempting to control petty details from Washington. As for lack of funds, which is always the great objection to reform, it could easily be obviated by 1- removing red tape restrictions as to sale of ripe timber. 2- a charge for grazing permits 3- a small "camper's license" fee. I am looking forward to our two days April 19 & 20. Hope you can give me something besides a "muley" saddle to ride on, and won't insist on my manipulating a hanful of reins. I don't safe either, and with them I doubt if any equinely constructed brute will safe me. Please have the secretary issue orders to me at The Player's, New York, about that time, what train I am to come — and go-on. Sincerely your's, Stewart Edward White March 21, 1904. I. G. WYNN - - PRESIDENT. S. S. FRANCISCO - SECRETARY. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. G. F. WILSON, J. E. PORTER, ROBERT ESTES, J. O. HOGGATT, C. P. HECK, T. P. WOODLAND. [*Look up*] ALLIED PRINTING TRADES COUNCIL UNION LABEL NEW ORLEANS 1 Equal Rights Association, of Louisiana. New Orleans, March 21-1904. [*File*] To the President, White House. Mr. President, On March 11/04 I transmitted, as Chairman of the Colored Men's Equal Rights Association to you, a copy of the resolutions adopted at a mass meeting of colored citizens held on March 10/04. I wrote you at the same time, a letter earnestly calling your attention to the very serious condition of affairs brought about in the state by the Lily Whites in proclaiming for white supremacy and adopting the same at the meeting of their State Committee held on Feb-17/04 and reaffirmed at their State Convention held on Feb 26/04. I further called your attention to the fact that they have openly and publicly stated that you were in full accord with this policy and approved of their actions. Colored men were excluded both from their State Committee meeting and their State Convention. I have received no answer to my last letter; and our Executive Committee and the members of the Equal Rights Association have requested me to again address you and call your attention to the condition of political affairs in Louisiana. Not having received an answer to my last letter, are we to be- lieve that the declaration made by the Lily Whites are true and that you approve their course and policy in Louisiana. Your obedient servant, I. G. Wynn President. Equal Rights Association of La.State of Illinois, Executive Department, Springfield. March 21, 1904. Mr. President:- Your attention is respectfully called to the enclosed clipping from the St. Louis Republic (Democratic). I send this on, only to show the extent to which this story is being used against me. Very respectfully, Rich Yates Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C.[For 1 enc. see 3-13-04 "White House Influence..."]State of Illinois, Executive Department, Springfield. March 21, 1904. Mr. President:- Your attention is respectfully called to the enclosed newspaper slip which is being circulated in Montgomery County, in this state. It is a reprint of the Chicago Record-Herald article concerning which I have already written you. Very respectfully, Rich Yates Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C.[For 1 enc. see 3-10-04 Yates Party [?]][[shorthand]] P. [*Ack'd 3-23-04 encl returned*] Department of Agriculture, Washington, D.C. Office of Assistant Secretary March 22, 1904. Mr. President: I send herewith a letter from Hon. H. M. Daugherty, which speaks for itself. Some time ago when there seemed to be some question as to whether or not the delegates from Ohio would be instructed for you, Mr. Daugherty assured me of his purpose to work actively to that end. He was a member of the convention the year before which endorsed you for nomination in 1904, and he seemed to think it would be inconsistent not to instruct the delegates in accordance therewith. There never was, in my judgment, the least doubt as to what would be done in Ohio. We do a little scrapping among ourselves just to keep our hands in, but we line up all right when the real battle is on. Mr. Daugherty is one of the most active Republican workers in Ohio, and should he call at the White House, I trust you will have the time to see him. Very truly yours, J. H. Brigham To the President, White House.WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. March 22, 1904. My dear Sir: I am directed by the Secretary to return you herewith the letter from General Wright to the President, which he very much enjoyed, and to state that the Secretary has a similar letter from him on the same general subject. Very truly yours, Fred W Carpenter Private Secretary. Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President. Inclosure.68-D Caribbean Squadron, North Atlantic Fleet, U.S. Flagship OLYMPIA, Colon, Panama, March 22, 1904. Sir, I have the honor to report as follows concerning affairs on the Isthmus for the week ending March 22nd. 2. Everything has remained quiet, nothing new having transpired. The OLYMPIA sailed for Porto Belle on the 16th and took in coal; she returned in Colon the 21st. The MARIETTA arrived off Colon the 16th and was taken immediately to Porto Bello for oberhauling and painting. On the 19th I received by the English Mail Steamer, a letter from the Consul at Cartagena giving the news telegraphed to you on the 19th. the NEWPORT and CASTINE both arrived at Porto Belle on the 19th after having made a thorough search of the shares of the Gulf of Darien. They found practically no changes whatever except that the Indian Chief at Sasardi heretofore very hostile, was this time very friendly. They also found that there was a small guard of about fifty men at the village of Turbo on the eastern coast of the Gulf. The learned from the Chief Officer there, that garrisons ranging from 25 to 50 men are occupying all the villages around the Gulf, being separated in this way for subsistence. This accounts for the misleading reports as to the number of Colombians on the Gulf Coast, as the Panama scouts who went among them never crossed the Gulf but simply reported along from Tripe Gandi down to Santata. 3. I forward with this mail, copies of the communications received from the Consul at Cartagena. The vessels of the Squadron not at Pensacola are new at Colon, awaiting the arrival of Admiral Sigsbee and his squadron.2 4. I am very happy to report that the health of the Officers and men of the Squadron, as well as of the Marines encamped on shore, continues good. Very respectfully, (signed) J.G. Coghlan Rear Admiral U.S. Navy, Commander of Caribbean Squadron, North Atlantic Fleet The Secretary of the Navy, Navy Department, Washington, D.C. (Bureau of Navigation.) [Eve. in Darling 4-1-04]J. Sloat Fasset, Elmira, N.Y. Personal and Confidential. March 22nd, 1904. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, The White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- Under all the surround circumstances, bearing in mind political history for the last five years, I am inclined to think the settlement in New York reached on Sunday was about as satisfactory as could have been reached, and much better than was to be feared. Do you think it would comport with your views to send for Congressman Gillet and suggest to him, provided it could be done, the propriety of his accepting the verdict of a majority of the people up here gracefully, with the idea that you might place him in some such position as the one Stoddard has recently vacated, or some desirable consulship in some pleasant climate? I know that his wife does not like Addison for a winter residence. There is some evidence that some of his ho-headed friends are urging him to a "rule or ruin" policy. I have honestly won this nomination already, and the only result of continued opposition will be to jeopardise, possibly, some Assemblymen. I do not think anything can make much difference with your vote in this district, now that the State leadership has been adjusted so nicely. I thought possibly it might be in the pins for you diplomatically and successfully to straighten out this tangle. The Governor and the Senator would both be glad, I am sure, to co-operate. This letter is personal. I have no doubt of the ultimate outcome here, but if there is an easy way to straighten out political tangles it is always the best way. This letter is personal. I have no doubt of the ultimate outcome here, but if there is an easy way to straighten out political tangles it is always the best way. With best greetings, Yours very truly, J S FassettDepartment of Commerce and Labor BUREAU OF CORPORATIONS Washington March 22, 1904. Sir: Referring to the memorandum submitted to the President by Mr. Rosewater relative to an investigation into the manufacture of paper, I beg to make the following comment: The question of such an investigation is now before the Committee on Judiciary of the House, having been submitted in the form of a resolution by Mr. Lilley. The resolution is not only unnecessary, but ought not to be adopted for the reason that with the limited means afforded the Bureau by Congress, it will be impossible to conduct such special inquiries without serious interference with the work of the Bureau now in hand and contemplated for the next few months. the second suggestion of Mr. Rosewater should not be adopted for the reason that the Bureau must not be used, nor be considered, as an agency for the discovery of violators of the antitrust law. Such a use of the powers of the Commissioner would destroy, in great measure, the possibility of a successful prosecution of work along the broad lines of inquiry now being made. The business interests of the country must understand that the Bureau is not a detective agency. The information which it is entitled to receive under the law will be obtained by other detective methods, and will be used through the president for the purpose of constructive legislation, rather than for the prosecution of violations of the Federal statutes. Respectfully, James Rudolph Garfield Commissioner. The Secretary of Commerce and Labor.Dank. Er wird, wie Alles was von "Roosevelts" komt, als Heiligthum bewahrt. Mit den ergebensten Grüssen und Ihnen, sowie Ihrer Frau Gemalin treu und dankbarst ergeben Ihre Ernestine Schumann Heintz [*OF*] Minneapolis. Minn. 22. März, 1904. [*[Mar]*] Hochgeehrter Herr Präsident. Die erste freie Stunde will ich benutzen Ihnen u. Ihrer verehrten Gattin meinen tiefempfundenen Dank für Ihre so grosse Güte auszusprechen. - Das herrliche Geschenk für meinen kleinen Sohn, ist für ihn ein Spornfür sein künftiges Leben. Möge er Ihnen nachstreben Herr Präsident, und im edelsten Sinn des Wortes auch ein echter Amerikaner werden, wie Sie, dass walte Gott! - All meine Buben sehnen sich nach Amerika und mein Versprechen, dass nach vollbrachtem guten Examen sie dann in's Land kommen dürfen um hier zu leben, treibt sie mächtig an vorwärts zu kommen, sie sind alle brave prächtige Jünglinge, mein blühender, geliebter Gottessegen, meine ganze Freude. Franz George Washington komt schon nächsten Herbst mit den zwei jungen Geschwistern herüber, ich gedenke ja im Land zu bleiben später. Vom Berliner Kgl. Opernhaus habe ich mich, Gottlob, mit 24.000 Mk. losgekauft, ich bin frei. Für Ihren Brief mit eigenhändiger Unterschrift sage ich Ihnen meinen innigstenLION BRAND YARNS TRADE MARK ARE THE BEST DICTATED BY Calhoun, Robbins & Company 408 & 410 Broadway. CHICAGO OFFICE RAND-MCNALLY BUILDING 166 ADAMS ST. New York, March 22nd, 1904. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, White, House Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- I am in receipt of your communication of the 19th instant, with copy of letter from the Attorney General, referring to the fee to be paid Mr. W. Wickham Smith, and note your remarks,- "we can pay Mr. Smith the usual compensation paid to attorneys who act on behalf of the Government, and this without applying to Congress. The Government never pays such fees as private clients do, and what we pay even in such a case as that of the counsel before the International Alaskan Boundary Commission is small when compared with what is received by counsel from private individuals." May I be permitted to direct your attention to a few of the facts in connection with this case? In the first place, it is not an ordinary case. I doubt if in the history of the country there has ever been one to equal it. The charges against A. S. Rosenthal & Co. has been passed upon by the Collector of this Port, by the United States District Attorney, and by the Treasury Department, under Secretary Gage, by all of whom it was pronounced that the Government had no case. The defendants were men who had acquired large wealth, and the array of counsel employed by them included such names as those of Judge Dittenhoefer, Frank C. Platt, DeLancey Nichol, and the late Frederick C. Holls. Every device which wealth and influence could employ was used in their behalf.LION BRAND YARNS TRADE MARK ARE THE BEST DICTATED BY Calhoun, Robbins & Company 408 & 410 Broadway. CHICAGO OFFICE RAND-MCNALLY BUILDING 166 ADAMS ST. New York, -2- In spite of this they were proven guilty and convicted of fraud. To accomplish this successful result required professional services of the highest grade and experience. A conspiracy has been proven which stretched across two continents. The evidence upon which the Government won was collated in Asia, clear across America and into England and France. It has required almost the exclusive time and attention of the Special Attorney General to the detriment of his own lucrative practice. It is safe to say that had not the Government's case been conducted by an attorney of Mr. Smith's standing and ability, long experience in customs matters, indomitable will, and absolute fearlessness and integrity, the Government could not have unearthed this conspiracy, punished the guilty or afforded protection to the honest importer. The Government has already benefited to the extent of thirty thousand dollars, the amount of bail forfeited by the defendant, Rosenthal, and civil suits are now pending, involving about three million dollars, the value of merchandise fraudulently imported. I believe that the American people are entitled in cases like this to be represented by the very best brain and ability which can be obtained, and that they are willing to properly remunerate such service. Otherwise, how can we expect to maintain a high standard of efficiency in Government. The conspirator, who defrauds the Government, acquires the means to employ the ablest of counsel. Cannot the Government affordLION BRAND YARNS TRADE MARK ARE THE BEST DICTATED BY Calhoun, Robbins & Company 408 & 410 Broadway. CHICAGO OFFICE RAND-MCNALLY BUILDING 166 ADAMS ST. New York, -3- to employ the best talent obtainable, and pay for it as well as any private individual or corporation, to conserve and defend its interests? Are we say to the thief who has grown rich at the Government's expense, [*The People are the Government*] "Go free, the Government cannot afford to prosecute you."? I feel that Mr. Smith should be properly remunerated for the tremendous and successful work he has accomplished, and I suggest that the matter be made the subject of a conference to be held at the White House at your convenience, between yourself, the Attorney General, U.S. District Attorney General Burnett, whose knowledge of these matters is complete, the Special Attorney General, Mr. Smith, and some representative of this Association, in order that a satisfactory solution of the problem may be effected. With kindest regards, I am, Very sincerely yours, Wm. F King[for enclosure see King 3-22-04]408 & 410 Broadway New York. 3/22 1904 Dear Mr. President Mr Mead will be in Washington to Thursday morning Albany today Well Kind regards Wm F. King[enclosed in King -22-04]Charles C. Pierce, D. D., Chaplain U. S. Army, Fort Myer, Virginia. March 22, 1904. Lieutenant-Colonel H. A. Greene, Secretary to the Chief of Staff, Washington, D. C. Sir:- I have been informed that, in the revision of Army Regulations now in progress, it is proposed to incorporate a prohibition against the present custom of detailing chaplains upon Boards, Councils, or as Counsel for prisoners, or as Exchange Officers, Post Treasurers, etc., and as one of the chaplains longest in service, I beg to submit certain considerations in relation to the matter. I have probably had as much and as varied duty along these lines as any chaplain now or formerly in the service, and as the result of my experience, I should greatly deplore the promulgation of such a regulation. It would, in my judgment, be a restriction upon the sphere of a chaplain's usefulness. The prohibition would detract from his prestige rather than add to it. There are many matters of garrison routine which are naturally unpleasant, because they are laborious. But somebody must perform these duties, and so long as they do not place the chaplain in a position where he must sit in judgment upon enlisted men, I can see no reason why his name should not be borne upon the post roster for detail to perform his proper share of these duties. The only duty of a special character to which I have ever felt like objecting has been a detail as member or Judge-Advocate of a Court-Martial, but the Department long since announced its disapproval of that practical as being prejudicial to a chaplain's usefulness among the men. But with that single exception, I have always been glad to feel that I was bearing my share of the necessary drudgery of garrison2 life. With much frequency, I have been detailed as Counsel for accused soldiers, (generally upon the application of the men themselves,) and although it has taken much time and labor and considerable reading of military law, it has opened to me a very large sphere of usefulness as the helper of men in distress. Can you not imagine how immensely it must add to the prestige of a chaplain if the first thought of men in trouble is of him, and if it becomes the habit to choose him for an advocate because of a general confidence that he has ability and desire to serve them? And is it not easy to see that the prohibition of such service on his part lessens his value to the men and removes him one step further from the practical difficulties and temptations of their life? Then, as to the detail as Post Treasurer. The ordinary civilian may imagine one's only duty to be the baking of bread, and may have a mental picture of the chaplain, with apron and rolling- pin, getting out a baking for the men, while other officers sit around and smoke and the men play ball. We who are in the army know how difficult it would be for the Post Treasurer to soil his hands in the exercise of his office. And as for a chaplain in that position, I can scarcely believe that the "Bread of Life" which he may offer them at other times can be less graciously received because he has exercised himself for a few minutes each day to secure sweet and wholesome bread for their stomachs. Soldiers like best the men who can do things and are willing to do things, and I can assure you that the chaplaincy is full of men who want to be classed in that category. But the Library is one of the cares of the Post Treasurer, and if the care of such a department is incompatible with the duties of a clergyman, I have labored under a great delusion all my life long.3 I should suppose that the Office of Identification and the burial work in Manila, the organization and conduct of which has been in the hands of chaplains, would be excepted by the prohibitory regulation. Surely enough testimony is at hand to show whether or not the chaplaincy has buffered in prestige by the patient and successful performance of that disagreeable work. Probably no chaplain would seek it, but I should not respect a chaplain who would evade it. As to the position of Exchange Officer, but few chaplains have had that detail, and probably, as in my own case, the original detail was caused by the fact that the chaplain was less burdened with special duties than other officers. I did not seek it, but I soon learned that the detail offered me constant opportunities for conversation with the men upon all sorts of subjects in which they were interested, and forged another link in my connection with the practical affairs of their life. I may have been mistaken, but I fancied that the chaplain had an additional tribute of respect from the men, when they saw that he could conduct their business profitably and was able to advise them upon some of the affairs of this life which have a way of thrusting themselves upon a man's attention from day to day, in spite of the fact that he is headed toward heaven. The best reason I can give for believing that I have not lost influence as a chaplain by being in the Exchange, is the expression of regret at my relief therefrom, presented to the Commanding Officer by all the representatives of the various organizations on the council of non-commissioned officers. Many of the most successful churches in this country have their parish houses, with gymnasiums, libraries, and various features for the rational amusement of their young people, and the work is supervised by the clergymen. I have had considerable interest in the appropriations, the plans, and the erection of our new Exchange Buildings, and I cannot4 think that my dignity is of such a perishable variety that it can be preserved only by separation from all work in the new regime of Post Exchanges; particularly as it would fall to my lot to supervise a similar work, (excepting the mercantile part,) if I were rector of a city parish. In what has been said, I do not mean that all these various details should always be given to the chaplain. But I do feel, very strongly, that it is subversive of the influence of a chaplain to so restrict him by regulation that he may not do his proper share of the general work in the post. He may preach all the more acceptably if he may be treated in every respect like a man, and if he may demonstrate not only that he knows enough of the world to do the world's work, but that he has an unwhimpering willingness to be what his Master taught him to be,- the servant of men. I know most of the chaplains. Their spirit is all that it ought to be. They are not oppressed or bullied. There is no necessity for them to be, for there is easy redress for every such attempt. No man has warrant to represent them as whimpering and complaining, and their religion is of too manly a type to need to be esconced upon a pedestal and protected by regulation against the profaning touch of duties which other officers must perform, while they look down from the height and smile. If they are divorced from these duties it may only intensify the feeling that religion is only adapted to men who have no other visible means of support, and that soldiers who must needs look after bakeries, councils, courts, and gymnasiums, will need to go on in their godless business until the operation of law puts them where piety is possible. My earnest hope is that the proposed regulation will die before the christening, and that matters will be permitted to go on as before, at least until it is demonstrated that the chaplains are suffering under present conditions. I believe we can trust the common sense of the chaplains and the courtesy and fair-mindedness of those who command them and5 those who serve with them, to do what is right and best. Civilians, at least, must not be censors of this matter. And I should hope that there will be no occasion for the suspicion which hovers about this regulation, that the chaplains desire to be relieved from work. Very respectfully, Charles C Pierce Chaplain U. S. Army.Mutual Life Building. New York, March 22, 1904. Dear Theodore: I think it is Mrs. Root's plan to come on to New York Monday, the 4th, with the entire Swiss Family Robinson outfit. We shall be happy to dine with you Saturday, April 2nd. I am not quite certain whether I shall go over on the midnight train Friday, the first, or by early morning train Saturday; so that I will not be around in time for lunch. I believe Edith is to be a bridesmaid at a wedding here on the 7th. I think Mrs. Root is quite likely to get to Washington by the middle of next week and be there several days before I get there. She is finding it pretty hot in Florida. It has been pretty hot here, politically. Of course a radical change is in progress. It is like the time in the jungle book when the old head of the pack was no longer equal to another kill. There are some elements of pathos in such a situation. The very fact that the most selfish and ignoble creatures of the pack are deserting an old leader, who can no longer serve them, creates a strong impulse towards rescue and support in natures which have the least bit of chivalry. The question whether the change could take place without a convulsion has been most serious, but I think nowT. R. 2. it is all right. Peace with honor, and the order of nature taking its course without being hustled, seem to be the probable result. Faithfully yours, Elihu Root Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C.[*ackd 3/23/04*] THE AMERICAN MONTHLY REVIEW OF REVIEWS 13 ASTOR PLACE, NEW YORK ALBERT SHAW, EDITOR March 22, 1904 Dear Mr. Loeb: Yours is at the hand this morning. If you will kindly send to me at the earliest moment the copy for the statement of the President's military record to be printed as an appendix to The Rough Riders volume, I will try to make sure of its being printed in future editions. The sets are being manufactured--as I understand it-- ten thousand at a time. I am also informed that the Colliers are selling them very successfully, and it is probable that very much the larger part of their printing is yet to come; so there ought to be a good change to get the appendix printed in the great majority of copies of the Collier edition of The Rough Riders. As ever, sincerely yours, Albert Shaw Mr. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, White House, Washington, D.C.FREDERIC R. COUDERT. PAUL FULLER. FREDERIC R. COUDERT, JR. LORENZO SEMPLE. JOHN P. MURRAY. CHARLES B. SAMUELS HOWARD THAYER KINGSBURY. Coudert Brothers, Counsellors at Law, 71 Broadway New York. Washington, D.C. Bond Building. Paris , 35 Boulevard Haussman. Havana, Amargura 23. Manila, 56 Calle Rosario. BENJAMIN F. TRACY, COUNSEL March 22, 1904. [*Confidential*] My Dear Mr. President: I assume that the recent Pension Order was not issued without being supported by legal opinion of the Department of Justice or of some other official. If so, it seems to me that opinion or at least some opinion in support of the order should be given to the public. Of course, I have not examined the question and know nothing about it, except the inferences that I draw on reading the order and the criticisms that from time to time have been made upon it but my impressions are all in favor of the order and I believe its legality can be fully and completely demonstrated. It seems to me important that you should have the Attorney General or some officer examine it and set forth the grounds upon which the legality of that order rests. Sincerely yours, B. F. Tracy Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C.SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS. PUBLISHERS, 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE. New York, March 23, 1904. [*ack'd 3-24-04*] Dear Mr. President: We shall be very glad to have the brief appendix to the "Rough Riders" on your army record, and we shall have it inserted whenever possible in the new editions of the book. If you will kindly send the copy we shall have it immediately put into type. It is too late for the Sagamore edition and probably too late for the Gebbie edition. Colliers have already printed about eleven thousand of the collected edition of your works, but it is possible that we can get the additional appendix into future printings. At any rate we shall do all that we can to favor it. It will, of course, go in all the new printings of the book which we bring out hereafter. James B. Connolly, the writer of the sea stories "Out of Gloucester" is here to-day, and I am giving him a letter of introduction to you, as you recently expressed an earnest wish to meet him. Connolly will call at the Executive office sometime to-morrow or next day and present his letter and await your convenience for a little talk. He is a shy sailor but when you draw him out and establish friendly relations with him, he can tell some mighty good stories of the seafaring folk. He is very much pleased that you should want to have him call.SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS. PUBLISHERS, 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE. 2. I am reading the final pr oofs of the book of selections and it will be published sometime during April. We are going to insert about twelve illustrations, and yesterday purchased from Clinedinst a photograph of you at your desk which he said was your favorite. We expect to use this for the frontispiece of the book. I am, Mr. President Faithfully yours Robert Bridges [[shorthand]] The President.United States Courts, Southern District of Texas. WALLER T. BURNS, U.S. District Judge Houston Texas, March 23, 1904 [*Recd. 3/28/04 Ans. 3/29/04*] Hon. Henry C. Payne, Arlington Hotel, Washington, D C My Dear General: Some while ago I gave you my estimate to the effect that MR. Lyon would receive 32 votes in his candidacy for member of the National Committee. I have heretofore indeavored to keep you somewhat in touch with the situation. I now beg to advise that Mr. Lyon received 14 notes as a result of congressional district held on the 19th instant; 2 votes as a result of congressional district held on the 21st instant; 2 additional votes on instructions from the Dallas congressional district, and the result of the State Convention held on yesterday at Dallas which perhaps is already well known to you, was enthusiastic in behalf of the President and Mr. Lyon and instructed the delegates to vote for each. It would now be proper to say that my estimate of 32 should be 34. I think I may reasonably say that he will receive not less than 35. I want to say to you again that the admirable manner in which you have conducted the postal affairs in Texas, because I take it that necessarily you must have had the matter at all times well in hand, largely accounts for he happy results. I notice from the papers that you have not been well recently and trust that you are now restored to your usual good health.United States Courts, Southern District of Texas. WALLER T. BURNS, U.S. District Judge. Hon. H C P #2 Please do me the personal kindness to give my love to the President the first time you call at the White-House. I am advised by a source which I deem absolutely reliable that Root's speech recently delivered in New York has straightened out the business element of the city and the "farmers" on Wall Street. I am delighted to know that he is to present the name of the President to the convention. In passing, it might be proper to say that Mr. H. S. Lovett, formerly of this city, with whom I was associated for sixteen years, has recently removed to New York and is now General Counsul for the Harrison interests. I want to say to you, in a personal way, that in leaving, he gave me his assurances that he would do all within his power to discourage the opposition, if any, to the nomination and election of the President. Faithfully yours, W. T. Burns P.S. I enclose herein clippings of the proceedings of the State Convention as published in the Galveston News of the week last/[enc in Whitney 3-29-04]WAR DEPARTMENT, OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF STAFF, WASHINGTON. March 23, 1904. MEMORANDUM. For the Secretary of War: You will probably remember that a few days ago the President sent over a letter from Brig. General Daggett, retired, complaining about the practice in the Army of detailing chaplains for duty as counsel for enlisted men, exchange officers, etc., etc., and recommending that the President direct that the Regulations be changed so as to prohibit their employment in any way except professionally. I made a memorandum to your table at the time, stating that I know General Daggott very well, and I believe I also said that he was a "crank." My experience is that chapalins are quite willing to do the duties mentioned when the interests of the service seem to require it. At the same time I suggested that the Regulations might be amended so as to prohibit their detail except in case of necessity, that is, when officers are so scarce as to demand their assistance. This suggestion you approved, and the Regulations are to be changed accordingly. The accompanying paper is from Chaplain Pierce, located at Fort Myer. I happened to be at that post last Sunday, and during a conversation with the Commanding Officer learned that Chaplain Pierce was the exchange officer, and I suggested to the Commanding Officer that he had better be relieved as soon as practicable, as the amended Regulations would prohibit his employment in that capacity. Evidently Chaplain Pierce has been told of what is forthcoming; hence this letter, which very fully convinces me of the impression that they do not regard the duties which they have been asked to perform as an oppression. While the Chaplain does not refer to the subject in his letter, I find in-2- a conversation with him that he does not view with favor your recent order that the Young Men's Christian Association shall participate in the management or control of the exchange buildings. He believes that friction will result, and this is the view that I took in my conversation with Mr. Millar just before he called upon you. Chaplain Pierce will call at the Department tomorrow, with a view to expressing to you his opinion as to the future in the matter of the exchange being shared with the Young Men's Christian Association. As I shall not be at the Department tomorrow I leave this memorandum on your table. Respectfully, Chaffee Lieutenant General, Chief of Staff.[*P F*] American Embassy London. 23 March 1904 Dear Mr. President You will be pleased to hear that the message of greeting which you so kindly sent me to be read at the Centenary Meeting of the British and Foreign Bible Society was received by that body with the greatest enthusiasm and applause. I amtoday in receipt of a letter from the Rev. Arthur Taylor, Secretary of the Society in which he says "The Committee of the Bible Society desire you to convey to the President of the United States their thanks for his message of congratulation and good will which was delivered by your Excellency at the meeting (on Tuesday, March 8th) If it were within the province of the Committee of the Society to speak on behalf of the Christians of England, they would desire to assure the President that his message will be productive of much good in strengthening the many bonds which already unite the people of this country with their brethren in the United States with whom they already have so much in common" Yours most truly Joseph H. ChoateHouse of Representatives U.S. Washington, D.C. March 23rd, 1904. Hon. E. A. Hitchcock, Secretary of the Interior, Washington, D. C. My dear Sir: I have just read the letter of protest, addressed to the President, signed by one C. Hart Merriam, concerning the reappointment of Major J. H. Monteath as Agent of the Blackfeet Indians in Montana. After reading this remarkable letter I feel that I cannot, as the Representative of Montana, let this matter rest where Mr. Merriam has seen fit to place it. When Major Monteath was appointed I filed a letter of recommendation with the President, in which I gave my word to him that Major Monteath was worthy of his confidence. I told President Roosevelt one year ago, when I first met him, that in making recommendations for Federal appointments in Montana I would not knowingly indorse anyone unless I believed him to be a clean man. This rule I have tried in good faith to adhere to. Before recommending Major Monteath for reappointment, knowing something of the reputation of the inhabitants of the Blackfeet Reservation, and the previous troubles that every Agent has encountered there for the past fifteen years, I was especially careful to consult Senator Gibson, who lives in that portion of the State, as to Major Monteath's fitness, etc.House of Representatives U.S. Washington, D.C. E.A.H.2- I also consulted with Commissioner Jones of the Indian Office, and both of these gentlemen, who were in a position to KNOW, gave me the highest assurance of Major Monteath's fitness and of his successful administration of affairs on the Reservation, in face of great and exasperating difficulties. I ascertained that nearly all of his trouble in governing these Indians and Halfbreeds had arisen from the inter-meddling of theorists and visionary (probably well meaning) people from the East. I then wrote my letter of recommendation to the President. In justice to myself, I do not now propose to have C. Hart Merriam, or anyone else, assassinate the character of Major Monteath by striking him in the back by the insinuations contained in his letter. An Indian Agent of all persons, is entitled to the support of the Department, as his condition at all times is subject to attack from every person on the Reservation who has a grievance, real or imaginary. This letter of Mr. Merriam's is based on hearsay. There is not a single charge made, except on rumor, and I must confess that my spirit of fairness rebels at the, to put it mildly, indiscretion of a man who will go on record to the President of the United States with such libelous charges as are contained in his letter, unless he has the truth to support him. I quote from his letter: "IT IS SAID that his friends have been secured by bribes of stock, but of this I have no knowledge". Again,- "IT IS ALLEGED also that his efforts to lease reservation lands needed by the Indians were inspired by the offer of a liberal pecuniary reward from the cattlemen whoHouse of Representatives U.S. Washington, D.C. E.A.H.3- wished to secure the lands. Of this also I have absolutely no evidence". If these things are true I want to know it. If this man Merriam can make these charges against a man who has held prominent positions in Montana; who for eighteen years was the business partner of Ex-Senator Lee Mantle, and who was a Major in the Montana Regiment of Rough Riders during the Spanish-American War; I want him to substantiate them by proof, not the affidavit of some poor, ignorant Indian or Halfbreed who has felt the operation of law and order, but in a fair, open contest in which Major Monteath shall have an opportunity to defend himself from calumnious charges like those above quoted. His letter also says, "Charges against Monteath were filed with the Secretary of the Interior last June but as yet, so far as I am aware, they have not investigated". Of this matter I am not informed, but I do not believe it possible that the Secretary of the Interior, with his record for honesty and fairness in the administrations of the affairs of the Interior Department, has been so remiss in his plain duty as to have failed to investigate charges in his Department against a public official. This letter also charges: "It is also stated by Col. W. F. Sanders of Helena, Montana that a short time ago he saw Monteath drunk in a bar-room". [A] As to this charge and as to the man who makes it, the President will probably recall his personal experience with Colonel Sanders in his private car at theHouse of Representatives U. S. Washington, D.C. E.A.H.4- city of Butte on the evening after he had addressed the Miners at Columbia Gardens last May. I think no further comment on that part of the protest is necessary by me. Again the letter charges: "If Monteath were the right kind of an Agent, would he be spending a considerable part of his Winter here in Washington working for his appointment and confirmation, while his Indians are so near starving that they are killing their horses for food"? I think the Indian Office will hear me out in saying that Major Monteach came to Washington under instructions from the Indian Office to confer about matters pertaining to his reservation and not for the purpose of "working for his reappointment". If I were Major Monteath, so long as red blood run in my veins, if these charges are not true, I would not rest content until C. Hart Merriam had felt the full force and effect of the virtue of the law, and if that would not cover the case completely, notwithstanding the fact that I myself as a Quaker and was taught to turn the other cheek when the one had been smitten I think I would temporarily waive the scriptural injunction and seek redress at first hands. Yours very truly, Jos. M. Dixon Dict. by J. M. D. Enc's.WILLIAM H. MOODY, SECRETARY. R-2 266 [*2221-356*] [*F*] NAVY DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, March 25, 1904. Sir, I have the honor to transmit herewith copies of further correspondence in relation to the present operations and situation on the Isthmus of Panama. Very respectfully, William H. Moody Secretary. The President. Enclosures: Despatch dated Colon, March 19, signed Coghian: NEWPORT Despatch dated Colon, March 19, signed Coghian: MARIETTA Despatch dated Colon, March 21, signed Coghian: CASTINESTATE OF NEW YORK EXECUTIVE CHAMBER ALBANY March 23, 1904. [*Ack'd 3-25-04*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- I thank you for your kind note and good wishes. Now for work. You will remember my having written you in reference to General Edward C. O'Brien for Secretary of the Isthmian Canal Commission. I feel a great personal interest in General O'Brien, and had hoped that before this the matter might be settled. I understand that there is some talk of the appointment of Mr. Bishop formerly of the Globe. I wish the O'Brien appointment could be brought about. He and his brother, the Secretary of State, who is as you know a very potential factor in our State politics, are very anxious about it. Won't you kindly let me know what the prospects are? With kind regards, I am Very truly yours, B. B. Odell Jr.Washington D.C. Mar 23rd 1904 My dear Sir Yours of the 31st to hand with the President's check enclosed for $25. as a contribution towards Dr. Schick's expenses abroad for which extend my thanks to the President Very Truly Yours D O. Thomas Mr. Wm. Loeb Jr Sec to the President[*F*] [*Porto Rico see also Vattman*] OFICINA DEL ALCALDE SAN JUAN PUERTO RICO. March 23, 1904. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt. President of the United States. Washington, D. C. S I R : In compliance with your request when we had the honor to see you in December of last year, we have confered and spoken freely with the Rev. Edward J. Vattmann on subjects of general interest for Porto Rico, and we beg to refer to same as he has promised to see you. Very respectfully, R. H. Todd. Manuel F. Rossy. José [Gomez???] Borras José C Barbosa[*ackd 3/23/04*] By telephone: Genl. Black asks if the President desires any more information regarding the Lansdowne, Ky., matter. He has a letter from R.H. Fleming, Republican State Senator from Ludlow, on the subject. 3-23-1904. Yes [* enc. in Whitney 3-29-04*] WHITE MAN'S VICTORY There Are Sounds of Revelry in Republican Parlor, There Is Woe in the Kitchen. WAS AN ORDERLY GATHERING State Republican Convention at Dallas Different From Those of the Past in That It Was Dominated by White Men and There Was More Harmony Than Usual—It Was a Victory for Lyon—Bolters Held a Meeting. Special to The News. DALLAS, Tex., March 22—There are sounds of revelry in the parlors of the Republican household. There is woe in the kitchen. They are laughing and talking upstairs. There is silence, broken only by moans and gnashing of teeth down close to the cellar. In other words, it is the old, old story of how the white man has triumphed again over those of darker color— and in the above is all that there is—all that can be told of the results of the State Republican convention of Texas, and yet there are details which those who have the time and care to read may find interesting. The story of every Republican convention held on Texas since the Civil War has been alike in the general feature of being a fight between the delegates from the moment the gavel fell organizing and the gavel fell dissolving. The variations consisted in most part only in the number of heads broken and the minor differences of denunciation hurled. But all were alike in the main, as each convention was but a gathering of brothers in politics to abuse and gouge. Away back in the seventies the Degresses, Cuneys, Fianagans, Nortons, id omne genus, did exactly what in the nineties the Grants, Greens, Hawleys, Fergusons, id omne genus did. Each man went to the convention burning with enthusiasm for party, but it was not generally extra heated with a personal interest. In Texas the case was different. The Republican party outside of Texas was large enough to elect a President and become the custodian of the spoils. In Texas it was so small or not being that way, there were so few Republicans who were thought worthy of holding a Federal position, that when these few went to a convention they went to look after their personal business, so to speak. In other words, as they expected to be given the spoils in Texas, they burned with some degree of anger if not exactly enthusiasm when they thought a political brother was reaching that which they felt properly belonged to them. And it was on this account alone that Republican conventions hitherto in this States have been disorderly gatherings which have furnished much amusement to the mass of the people who love to witness a row and a regret among people who love dignity in conventions because they are so closely connected with the welfare of the Government. It is constantly asserted now as it has been constantly asserted for many years, that the presence of the negroes in Texas Republican conventions, first, because of their lack of appreciation of the properties, or, second, because of his being an easy prey to the unconscionable white man, has been the whole cause of that inevitable discord which marked gatherings of the party in the State. The charge, generally speaking, is without foundation, that discord has proceeded almost wholly from the fact that the members of the party in the State who have been considered qualified to hold Federal positions, or who have been anxious to hold them, have been so few that the fight between for such offices has been more active and intense than they would have been if the membership had been larger. It is true that here and there the other causes may be traced to a few fights. All along in the history of the party since the war there has cropped out of desire which at times took the form of a weak effort on the part of a few white men to get rid of the negro. But these desires and weak efforts amounted to but what might be called a spasm and lasted but a moment. Thes long fights, the hard fights and the continual fights were over the offices and the offices alone. There is nothing so highly condemnable about this, if one will look at it right. In other words, the Republican party of Texas in this respect is no worse that the Democratic party in other States, where it has only such strength numerically as the Republican party in Texas. For instance, in Pennsylvania, when the Democrats had the President and when they had a chance to elect a President the contests among them were in every particular as fierce as the contests of the Republicans in Texas when they have a President or a chance to elect a President, and when the spoils are rich and there are only a few left there to fight for their end. Such fights will be ferocious and as long as the Republican party is a minority party in Texas, just so long will the fights continue, their fierceness being in the ratio of the chances of the National Republicans to win the Presidency, for if the Democrats should ever succeed to Federal power the Republicans of this State would have neither State nor Federal positions, and hence would have nothing to fight over, and this being the case, they would not be very bloody in their contests. "I have spoken of the party in this State as it has been in the past. Its present is truly interesting and is worthy of profound attention, particularly of the attention of the Democratic party. The interest will not be in the contests between ambitious men who strive for Federal office. They will exist as they have existed. When one passes away another will take his place. The new many have different methods of fighting to that which the old employed, there may be new side-steps, new uppercuts and new blows for this solar plexus and the point of the jaw, but after all it will be the same old fight with the same old motives behind it. That which is interesting is the new personnel of the party as represented in one convention. I have, as a newspaper man, attended Republican conventions in Texas for nearly twenty years. It is not strange that within that time I came to know nearly every Republican who attended them. Indeed, up to the present moment, I could have almost made out a list of delegates weeks before a convention wuold be held. I would have selected two or three white men from each Congressional district, and a dozen or more from the large towns, and then made up the rest of the delegation with negroes whom it would have been easy to name. It was these latter who did the praying, it was these that did the speaking, it was these that did the applauding. The white delegates submitted gracefully as a rule since they were to hold the offices and were content. Looking down from the reporters' bench each year, it was a dark cloud with a white rift in it here and there, accentuated by its only being here and there. Looking down on it yesterday form the same place, it was a white cloud with a black speck in it here and there. It was a white man's convention. True, the old participants in former contests were there, true the officeholders were there, true a black man prayed and a black man introduced the resolutions. Two negroes were honored by being elected delegates at large, but the dark cloud was not there. It lingered in the rim of the horizon, that is, the streets, but it was clear overhead, that is, in the convention. To come down to actual figures, it looked from the reporters' table as if there were ten whites now to every negro, while ten years ago, from the same observation point, it was ten negroes to one white man. How did this come about? Have the negroes all died and all the white Republicans lived? Or have the negroes abandoned their party and politics? Neither of these things are true. The Democrats of the State organized this convention and made up its membership when they passed the poll tax amendment to the Constitution. They placed in the hands of the Republicans who wanted to get rid of the negro as an obstruction to the growth of their party the very weapon they have been praying for. The first thing done was to issue an order that in Republican local conventions no one should be permitted to participate who had not paid his poll tax. That settled the negro as a factor in Republican politics. As he could not vote at the election when he had not paid his tax, why should he be permitted to participate in conventions, the sole purpose of which was to prepare for and to influence elections? It would be difficult to give a satisfactory answer going to show that he had such a right. Ruled out of the Republican local conventions and the Republican consultations, the way of the white man was easy, and those who know the white man, of whatever political faith, will not throw away any time by asking whether he would take advantage of this opportunity. But he is too crafty, or greedy, is the white man. Not yet wholly assured of his strength, he did not consider it wise to go just as far as he would undoubtedly have gone if he were not crafty. He was magnanimous in his doubts as to his real strength. That could not be thoroughly ascertained in advance of actual nose-counting, and so to clinch everything, nail it down tight and bend the nails in the other side, he conceded two delegates at large and called on the colored brother for prayer, and let the colored brother rejoice in this, for it is about the last taste of honor he will get, unless he pays his poll tax more promptly and appears on convention day early in the morning and remains till very late in the evening, and then it is doubtful if this will bring him back to his old-time power. New faces were in this convention, and they were young faces, too. They were formerly seen in the Democratic party. They came on this occasion because the negro was not controlling in local conventions. They came out of the Democratic party with that party's antagonism to active negro participation in politics. Others will follow them, and others will bring with them the same feeling. They will be encouraged, cheered, shouted in by that class of Republicans which thinks their party in Texas and in the South can only be built up by the elimination of the negro as its prominent and controlling force. Already leaders in this convention are pointing to its proceedings a proof of their assertions made for years that the presence of the negro was the cause of the ever-recurring disgraceful contests. They compare this convention with the best and most reputable conventions for good order and expedition in the transaction of business. It was an orderly convention. It was a most expeditious one, but it is doubtful if the absence of great numbers of negro delegates was the cause. The leaders sat up till 1 o'clock the night before in consultation. They got up early and went into consultation again. The convention was appointed to meet at 12'o'clock yesterday. That hour came and passed and yet there was not convention. They ended it at 1; at 2, or about that time, the convention met. The temporary chairman, the permanent chairman, the secretary, the chaplain, the committee on credentials, the committee on platform and resolutions, the motion to refer resolutions to the committee without reading them, the members of the National Committee, the delegates at large -- all these things had been maturely settled and agreed on before Mr. Lyon, chairman of the State Committee, arose from his chair, and with a claw-hammer wrapped in a light piece of cloth as a gavel called the body to order. From that moment till the end of the session harmony, expedition and order prevailed. There were contests. There were contesting delegations, but the executive committee had fixed all these. A colored delegate or two arose to inquire, as is the wont of the colored delegate, but presiding officers were wisely deaf. There were contests for the honor of delegate at large. The leaders had fixed that also, and fixed it good and hard. To make a long story short, those who triumphed did it before the convention met, did it the night and morning before the convention met. The negroes found this out in the morning and resolved to protest in the way of organizing another meeting. The regular organization, with Lyon at its head, paid no attention to it. The negroes met, talked, protested and did other things becoming those who find themselves hog-tied, but hog-tied they were, and that was the end of it. After the convention there was loud talk of perfidy, there were threats, there were denunciation, but those who had won said smilingly, "Did you ever see such a nice, fair and genteel convention as the one just held?" And saying this, they hurried up to telegraph Mr. Roosevelt all about it. W.G.S. ----------------------------------------------------------- CHINESE IMMIGRATION. Easier Terms of Entering British Columbia Desired. Victoria, B.C., March 22 -- The British Columbian Government has learned from London, England, that the Chinese Government has made a proposition to the British Government to the effect that the Chinese Government having agreed to restrain its subjects from emigrating to the Transvaal, asks the British Government to allow Chinese immigration into British Columbia under very much easier conditions than now prevail, and hinting at the abrogation of the $500 head tax now imposed by the Dominion Government. The members of the Provincial Government interviewed today say this is the first time that they heard of the matter, but that to them it appears absolutely preposterous. The question is an imperial, not a Dominion or Provincial one. The Ministers say that such interference with the Chinese immigration laws of this country could be tolerated, but they do not believe that anything of the kind is contemplated by the Royal Government. --------------------------------------------------- TO CONTEST A WILL. New York, March 22. -- Notice of contest has been served over the will of George Winthrop Thorne, a New York millionaire, who died in Paris Feb. 1. He bequeathed the bulk of his estate to Helen Leigh of London and Marie Valadier of Paris. The former, a sister of Thorne's deceased wife, is the wife of Hon. Dudley Leigh, a close friend of Kind Edward and son of Lord Leigh. The contest was brought by Helen H. Borne of this city. She is a second cousin of the dead millionaire, and charges that the will was obtained through undue influence practiced by Marie Valadier and Helen Leigh, or some one acting for them. ------------------------------------------------------- SAVED FROM LYNCHING. Young White Man Forced a Negro to Shoot Him to Escape the Clutches of Lynchers. SPECIAL TO THE NEWS. New Orleans, La., March 22. -- Rather than be lynched by an infuriated mob, twelve miles from Berwick City, La., Baxter Martin, a young married white man of Augusta, Ga., intimidated a negro to shoot him, under pretense of robbery. Martin arrived here today in a dying condition. He tells a remarkable story, saying that he was tried by court martial presided over by a prejudiced County Judge in the swamps. The mob decided his case and voted to lynch him, but he escaped during their deliberations. He dodged a fusillade of pistol and shotgun fire from the lynchers in close pursuit. He secured a buggy and drove rapidly through the wood, followed by his pursuers. He met Richard Williams, a negro, whom he accused of attempting to hold him up. Martin feigned to draw a weapon and Williams shot the Georgian, who now says the compelled the negro to shoot him to avoid lynching. Martin was accused of having assaulted a young white girl. He says he is innocent, and that the crowd got the wrong man. However, he was removed to Berwick City and sent to New Orleans, as the would-be lynchers refused to lynch a dying man, preferring to let him die a natural death. Martin has advised the Berwick authorities to release Williams, whom he praises for saving him from mob violence. ------------------------------------------------------------ TO REDUCE PRODUCTION. The Yellow Pine Lumber Association Working to That End in Order to Sustain Prices. SPECIAL TO THE NEWS. New Orleans, La., March 22. -- It has just been made known that a strong effort is being made by the associations with which the yellow pine lumbermen of the country are organized to cut down the production of yellow pine lumber in order that greater strength may be given prices on this kind of lumber. The plan which is now being worked on is to get every member of the associations, which control practically the entire output of the yellow pine mills, to agree to run only five days in the week instead of six, as heretofore. It is estimated that this reduction in the cutting of the mills will amount to 72,000,000 feet in sixty days. The enormous production of the yellow pine mills of the country, when taken in conjunction with the fact that last year was a poor building year on account of strikes and the past winter a very cold one has been responsible for the weakening in prices, which at this time has become serious. The efforts of the lumbermen to curtail production are being made quietly, it being said that they fear to lay themselves liable to the penalties of the anti-trust laws. ------------------------------------------------------------- LABOR AND CAPITAL. W.H. Truesdale Says Combination of Either is Socialistic. New York, March 22. -- In an address before students of the College of the City of New York, W.H. Truesdale, president of the Delaware, Lackawanna & Western Railroad Company, has described great combinations of labor and capital as socialistic, declaring that their tendency is to shackle, if not to destroy, American individuality, to which the country owes so much. But he deemed the himself fortunate, he said, to have lived in a period during which gigantic strides had been made in traffic problems. After describing the development of the great industries of the United States, greatest of which, he declared, is the railroad business, Mr. Truesdale expressed the opinion that the gain from year to year is due to the spirit of American freedom. He does not expect the same proportionate mileage to be constructed hereafter, as the cost of terminals -- where there is not actually a prohibition -- will interfere, but the improvements will continue as rapidly as ever. He said that the great combinations af capital are impossible elsewhere, and it is a question if the do not stifle individuality. Labor organizations may be beneficial in a way: they have done injury in others. When they stifle ambition, however, they do harm. Both sorts of combination, he concluded, are socialistic in their tendency. ----------------------------------------------------------- BILLS THAT FAILED To Reach Governor of Mississippi in Time for Signature. Jackson, Miss., March 22. -- It developed this afternoon that there were six bills which failed to reach the Governor in time for his signature. One of them is an important measure, giving force to the constitutional amendment voted by the people, directing that the poll taxes shall be retained in the counties in which collected. This may cause a muddle in the distribution of the school fund. The amendment has been adopted, but there is nothing to give it force. The Governor announced today that he would to sign the bill confirming the merger of the Mobile & Ohio Railroad and Southern, so far as Mississippi is concerned, but will hold it up for two years. Under the constitution he has to return it to the Legislature within three days after it meets tow years hence. It is believed he will veto it tow years from now. ---------------------------------------------------------- GOVERNOR HEARD'S REGRET. Special to The News. New Orleans, La., March 22. -- Governor Heard today expressed sincere regret that Governor Lanham of Texas could not attend the Southern Good Roads Convention, to be held here April 6 and 7. All Governors of the five Southern States interested have heartily indorsed the movement. ------------------------------------------------------------------ BURNS PROVED FATAL. Special to The News. Goldthwaite Mills Co., Tex., March 22. -- Mrs. Hodnett, wife of Frank Hodnett, dies at their home in the eastern part of the county last night. Death was the result of burns received a few days ago. Mr. Hodnett was terribly burned in assisting his wife and will lose his right hand. --------------------------------------------------------------- MEETING POSTPONED. St. Louis, Mo., March 22. -- The meeting of the subcommittee of the National Democratic Committee which was to have been held here today to further arrangements for holding the National Convention here in July, has been postponed until April 4, when the executive committee will hold a meeting. -------------------------------------------------------------------- MAYER McCLELLAN HAS GRIP. New York, March 22. --Mayor McClellan is confined to his home by a sever case of grip. His physicians expect, however, that he will be able to transact business as usual in a few days. ------------------------------------------------------------------- OIL CITY OIL REPORT. Oil City, Pa., March 22. -- Credit balances $1.71; certificates, no bid. Shipments, 80,458, average 67,164; runs 40,109, average 72,663. shipments: Lima 54,959, average 67,247; runs, Lima, 14,499, average 52,046. ------------------------------------------------------------------ BEST OF ALL To cleanse the system in a gentle and truly beneficial manner, when the springtime comes, use the true and perfect remedy Syrup of Figs. Buy the genuine, Manufactured by the California Fig Syrup Co. only, and for sale by all druggists at 50 cents per bottle. HOW LYON WON OUT. Convention Lasted From 2:30 to 6 O'Clock to Nominate Eight Men to National Meeting. Special to The News. Dallas, Tex., March 22. -- Amid scenes alternately serene and dramatic, the Republican State Convention of Texas was held in Dallas and resulted in the choice of Cecil A. Lyon, Sherman; R.B. Hawley, Galveston; C.M. Ferguson, San Antonio and H.H. Rodgers, La Grange, as the four delegates who will represent the State at large in the Republican National Convention to be held in Chicago this summer. With this outcome the Lyon following in the convention won the victory for which they had been toiling and which they claimed from the first. To the stirring strains of "Dixie" and the wild cheering of delegates the convention was adjourned at 5:50 o'clock tonight having been in session since 2:30, and all for the purpose of naming the four delegates and alternates at large to the National Convention. By many it was pronounced the most harmonious and in every way the best convention that the Republicans have ever had. The alternates from the State at large to the National Convention are as follows: David Abner, Seguin; H.J. Goree, Atlanta; Tom Hall, Palestine, and Judge R.E. Hannay, Hempstead. Previously the committee on resolutions had presented its report, indorsing Chairman Lyon for National committeeman, commending the Administration of Roosevelt and instructing the delegates to vote for Roosevelt at the Chicago convention. Just before the adjournment of the convention a resolution was offered indorsing Senator C.W. Fairbanks of Indiana for Vice Presidential nominee, but the same thing had been attempted in the committee room and had failed. Its presentation to the convention was ruled out of order. * * * When Chairman Lyon, upon the assembling of the delegates in the afternoon, rapped to order, there was a general air of expectancy among both delegates and visitors as to what might happen. Caucuses, conference and buttonholing had been general all the day, night and the morning before. It had been declared that things had not gone smoothly and that at some time during the afternoon session there was to be a bolt of one element. Chairman Lyon himself looked tired and anxious that the whole matter might be handled without delay, when he faced the 1,108 delegates. He called for the reading of the official call for the convention, which was given by Secretary R.L. Hoffman. Rev. Daniel Abner, a negro minister, was introduced and offered the invocation. The parson closed with this sentiment: "And one favor, O Lord, we must ask of thee is that you don't let your party be defeated this year. Grant that, O Lord, and we will be satisfied." At this the "Amen" of the preacher was blended with scores of others from among the delegates. Chairman Lyon then introduced Mayor Ben E. Cabell of Dallas, who gave a warm welcome to those who had assembled. The response was by George H. Green. The chairman declared his pleasure in announcing that comparatively few contests had been filed with the executive committee, at its meeting at the Oriental Hotel earlier in the day. The contests by counties and the reports made upon them by the committee are: Carson County, one-half vote was given to each delegation; Collin, Wilson delegations; Galveston, Rosenthal delegation; Henderson, neither; austin, Gannaway; McLennan, regular; Lamar, by agreement one-half each; Navarro, Clark; Williamson, Wade; Upsure, Fore; Wilbarger, Farrell; Brazoria, Ellis, and Jefferson, Hyatt. As the convention progressed these rulings of the committee were occasionally excepted to, but they steed. Upon motion of C.A. Boynton, Lock MeDaniel was elected temporary chairman of the convention and A.S. Jackson its temporary secretary. The report of the executive committee was adopted in the same motion, which provided for the temporary organization. Upon assuming the gavel Temporary Chairman McDaniel went straight to the business of the session. The three committees were then appointed. Upon motion of C.M. Ferguson, it was decided that all the resolutions to be presented to the convention must first pass through the hands of the committee on that subject. This provision was what, at the closing of the session, killed the resolution indorsing Senator Fairbanks of Indiana for the Vice Presidency. The question of this proposition being adopted precipitated the first big uproar of the convention, although it lasted only a short while. Then the committee retired and for nearly forty-five minues Judge J.W. Owenby of Paris, United States District attorney for the Eastern District of Texas, addressed the convention. First to report of the committees was that on credentials, which recommended that the report of the State executive committee be adopted. This report was received. Then the committee on permanent organization came forth with the name of Webster Flanagan of Austin for permanent chairman and A.S. Jackson as permanent secretary. W.H. Love of McKinney, who had belonged to one of the contesting delegations and had failed to be awarded a seat, made a futile endeavor to present his claims to the convention. He appeared on the rostrum, but was howled down before the delegates allowed him to speak at any length. As he retired from the platform Love yelled reassuringly to the convention: "You can gag me here is you want to but you can't keep me from being a Republican." Permanent Chairman Flanagan then took his post and briefly thanked the convention for the honor, making likewise a brief plea for unity of action. C.W. Ogden moved that the four names receiving the highest number of votes on the floor of the convention be declared the delegates to the National convention. After a bewildering uproar and numerous amendments and substitutes, M.H. Broyles of Prairie View moved as a substitute that Lyon, Hawley, Ferguson and Rodgers be the delegates. Ogden made protest against this action and attempted to secure its tabling. This failed, and recognition was secured by W. H. Atwell, who brought down even more of a pandemonium by a motion that two of the delegates at large. Lyon Hawley, by named by acclamation. Finally Mr. Atwell withdrew his motion, and the convention went on trying to find a way out of the difficulty. The vote by yeas and nays was taken on the substitute, the yeas seeming to have it. A roll call by counties was called for an commenced, which had proceeded a little beyond Upshur County when Mr. Ogden moved that the substitute motion be carried unanimously, he being followed by Mr. Green, who seconded it. Then the substitute went through, the four alternates were elected with little ceremony and the gavel fell, terminating the session. ---------------------------------------------------------- ALMOST LILY WHITE. The Convention Had a Sprinkling of Negroes, but the Majority Were Listening to McDonald. SPECIAL TO THE NEWS. Dallas, Tex., March 22. -- The convention was scheduled to meet at noon, but owing to the numerous and clamorous contesting delegations which appeared before the executive committee in making up the temporary roll, 2:30 came before it was called to order. A feature which was startling to those who have seen Texan Republican conventions for the past twenty years was the scarcity of negroes on the floor. Heretofore the mass of the convention had been made up of negroes, with a sprinkling of whites. Today the reverse was the case. Over a thousand delegates were present and from the press tables it looked like a Lily White gathering. Here and there could be seen a small patch of color, but it was for the most part silent and unobtrusive. Once or twice in the early part of the proceedings a bullet-headed negro would pop up and yell, "Mr. Chairman," with the fond hope of catching the presiding officer's eye, but he was generally disappointed. In the old days a negro who went to the convention and did not succeed in being recognized by the chair, at least once, considered that much of his life had been wasted. Today, after these seekers after glory had made a number of futile efforts to break the monotony of the regular order of business and the nearest approach to recognition by the chair was the information that the speaker was out of order, a large body of colored delegates wended their way out of the convention and took cars down town for the "Hamilton Club," where Bill McDonald was holding forth. As they passed out one was heard to remark: "Dey say we'se bolters, but dere ain't nothin' doin' here fer us." The failure of the negroes to show up in force was charged to "Gooseneck Bill," who had a meeting in full blast at the "Hamilton Club." There there the negroes were gathered in a large, uneasy, dissatisfied and perspiring crowd. "Gooseneck Bill" seemed to hold them in thraldom by his eloquence, and, as they were convinced there was "nothin' doin'" for them at the regular convention, they swarmed around McDonald for advice and consolation. McDonald formed them into a convention, which he named "A Black and Tan" wing. * * * This bolting convention was composed largely of colored men, with a few of the old line Green men of the State, representing the white element of dissatisfaction. A.J. McAuley, colored of Dallas was elected as chairman and R.B. Smith as secretary of the temporary organization. William McDonald, better know as "Gooseneck Bill," was the animating spirit of the body. There was undisguised disappointment expressed very forcibly as the afternoon wore on, and the expected withdrawal of E.H.R. Green and his followers from the Fair Ground convention failed to materialize. Speeches were made to the convention while committees on credentials, resolutions and permanent organization were out deliberating. Among the speakers were W.H. Love of Collin, Ruben Freedman of Corsicana, W.A. Swope of Corsicana, J.G.Lowden of Abilene and G.W. Burkitt of Palestine and Hickson Capers of Dallas. During a good part of the afternoon the addresses continued. All of the speakers referred to the present State chairman as a man who favors the expulsion of the negro from the party, and all of them expressed themselves as ready to give the colored man his full share of honors and labor in the ranks of the party. Party managers were roundly scored. Resolution were passed indorsing Roosevelt and lauding McKinley and Hanna. The report carried with a whoop, even the clause which read: "The Republicans of Texas hereby declare that they will no longer permit the Federal office holders to manipulate Republican conventions in this State nor corruptly control our party organization." J.T. Harris of Washington, C.C. Drake of Tarrant and others made warm remarks on things in general. Two white and two colored delegates from the State at large to the National convention were elected. They are: J.G. Lowden of Abilend, G.W. Burkitt of Palestine, J.W. McKinney of Sherman and A.J. McAuley of Dallas. The alternates are: R.B. Smith, S.A. Hackworth, Galveston; J.A. Jones, Corsicana, and D.R. Stokes, Dallas. For Presidential electors, George M. Patton of Waco and J.W. Burke of Austin were selected. There was great discussion on the proposition of organizing a State committee and selecting a State chairman, but it was decided that this matter should be taken up at a later time. --------------------------------------------------------------------- THE RESOLUTIONS. Administration Indorsed, as Well as the Irrigation Amendment to the Constitution. SPECIAL TO THE NEWS. Dallas, Tex., March 22. -- The report of the committee on resolutions was as follows: To the Chairman of the Republican State Committee -- We, your committee on resolutions, beg to advise and recommend as an embodiment of the belief of Texas Republicans a cordial, hearty and earnest approval of the policies and administration of President Theodore Roosevelt. Called to the executive chair of the greates Nation on earth, he has evidenced and exemplifi3ed all that is best in American citizenship. Standing for an unbroken continuance of President McKinley's policies he has carried to ripe fruition the work so nobly and fearlessly begun by his predecessor. Championing a rigid enforcement of the law alike to individual and corporate interests he has endeared himself to the people, who feel they are safe in his impartial hands. Advocating the constitutional tenets so long contended for by the Republican party, he has obliterated all lines and divisions between classes and conditions. Fearless in duty he has put into concrete form legislation for our recently acquired territory and vouchsafed to each and all, whether in Occident or Orient, constitutional liberties and rights. Alert to conditions and demands he has held our currency at an honest standard, our tariff upon a living basis, and has begun to dig an interoceanic waterway which will permit the commerce of this Government to declare its independence of monopoly. IN consideration of the great interests of the Nation we instruct our delegates to the National Republican convention to vote for the nomination of Theodore Roosevelt. That in the death of Senator Hanna, which we most deeply deplore, we recognize the Nation has lost a true friend and wise counsellor, and the Republicans a most able and loyal advocate. That we tender our thanks to the Hon. R.B. Hawley for the many valuable services rendered by him to our p[arty and express our regret at his retirement from active leadership. We commend the administration of Hon. Cecil A. Lyon as State Chairman and recommend his election as National Committeeman from the State of Texas to succeed the Hon. R.B. Hawley; and instruct the delegates elected by this convention to the National convention to vote for Mr. Lyon for National Committeeman. E.H.R. GREEN, Chairman This resolution, presented to the committee is recommend for adoption: Whereas, At the last session of the State Legislature of Texas, there was submitted to the people a proposed amendment to the Constitution of the State, which proposed amendment provides methods for the prevention of overflows of the rivers of the State, the irrigation of our arid lands and the improvement of our roads, and which proposed amendment will be voted upon at the next general election; and, Whereas, There has been organized an association of representative citizens of the State for the purpose of presenting the merits of said proposed amendment to the people for their consideration and approval, therefore, be it Resolved, That we, the Republicans of Texas in convention assembled, do heartily indorse said proposed Constitutional amendment as being practical, expedient and of unmeasurable value to the agricultural interests and material development of the State; that we heartily approve of the organized efforts to secure its adoption and call upon the people of the entire State, irrespective of party, to give the measure their unstinted support. O.S. YORK, G.E. KEPPLE, W.E. DWYER. -------------------------------------------------------------------- EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. Purported Telegram Concerning Mr. Hawley's Position Stirred Up Things for Awhile. SPECIAL TO THE NEWS. Dallas, Tex., March 22. -- There was a telegram from Washington which figured in the deliberations of the State executive committee, held at the Oriental this morning. This message came from Washington to each member of the committee as he was ready to enter the committee room, was signed by "J.N. Strong," and read: "Hawley's position totally misunderstood. Fight Lyon to a finish." At once rumors were circulated regarding the whereabouts of Hawley. Some said he was in Cuba, others that he was in Washington, and still more claimed that if his real whereabouts were understood he was in Dallas. The receipt of the message gave rise to much speculation regarding Mr. Hawley's position and the significance which it had. It was finally stated on good authority that Hawley was in Havana. The meeting was noted by the bolting of A.J. McAuley of Dallas, Warren Read of Tyler and W.W. Allen of Huntsville, who were angered over the results of the contrasts before the committee. They formed later in the day what was known as the "Black and Tan" wing of the party, with a meeting in the afternoon at Hamilton Hall, and another in the evening at the same place. --------------------------------------------------------------- FIFTH DISTRICT MEETING. Delegates Chosen and the Administration Was Indorsed. SPECIAL TO THE NEWS. Dallas, Tex., March 22. -- Rather brief work was made of the Fifth District Congressional convention of the Republicans, held this morning in the city hall, resulting in the choice of A.S. Wells of Dallas and J.J> Cypert of Hillboro as delegates to the National convention in Chicago. Alternates chosen are: A.M. Morrison of Ennis and R.S. Jenkins of Dallas County. The meeting was presided over by Dr. C.V. Roman and J.R. Jordan was secretary. There were no contests, forty-six delegates being present and talking a lively interest in the proceedings. W.H. Atwell presented the resolution which in brief commended the National Administration, instructing for the nomination of Roosevelt and indorsing Lyon for National committeeman. The Fifth District is composed of the following counties: Dallas, Ellis, Hill, Rockwall and Bosque. -------------------------------------------------------------------- THE THREE COMMITTEES. SPECIAL TO THE NEWS. Dallas, Tex., March 22. -- The following committees were names: Credentials -- J.J. Dickerson of Lamar, chairman; H.O. Wilson of Harrison, J. Cooke Jr. of Gregg, Joe Thompson of Grayson, R.S. Jenkins of Dallas, J.R. Nueces of Mexia, R.L. Hoffman of Galveston, D. A. Starks of Walker, M.W. Henderson of Colorado, S.Y. Butts of Travis, A.B. Green of Bell, J.I. Carter of Travis, A.B. Green of Bell, J.I. Carter of Tarrant, J.L. Hickson of Cooke, C.G. Clifford of Gillespie, C. H. Maris of Cameron, J.A. Smith of El Paso. Permanent organization -- J.A. Hurley of Hopkins, chairman; Ben Wallace of Jefferson; Tom Breen of Wood, U.G. Roach of Hunt, J.L. McElvany of Ellis, L,K. Wagner of Limestone, A.B. Trowell of Galveston, John M. Adkins of Haris, M.M. Rodgers of Fayette, L.S. Simmons of Hays, C.C. Baker of Hamilton, C.A. Dickson of Johnson, J.M. Kindred of Potter, Marshall Smith of Brown, Eugene Nalte of Guadaloupe, M.B. Howard of Nolan. Resolutions -- G.M. Guest of Lamar, Theodore Miller of Cherokee, E.H.R. Gree of Kaufman, chairman; Frank Johnson of Grayson, W. Atwell of Dallas, Tyler Haswell of Brazos, A.J. Rosenthal of Galveston, W.H. Broyles of Waller, J.G. Schumack of Fayette, W.M. Dwyer of Washington, Charles A. Boynton of McLennan, C.C. Littleton of Parker, R.E. Houssells of Childress, Henry Teller of Bexar, J.O. Seeley of Duval, J.B. Blankenbaker of of Jones. --------------------------------------------------------- CLEVELAND FOR GOVERNOR. Being Boomed at New Jersey's Capital for That Position -- Has Not Yet Accepted. SPECIAL TO THE NEWS. Trenton, N.J., March 22. -- "Grover Cleveland for Democratic candidate for Governor of New Jersey," was a slogan that seemed to come today from thin air in the neighborhood of the State House, and this afternoon it was on the tongue of every Democrat of the Legislature and every Republican, too, for that matter, for all parties are deeply interested in this latest bit of political gossip concerning the "Sage of Princeton," who has said he does not want the Presidential nomination; does not want anything that will remove him to any degree remote from his pleasant home in the university town. Democracy Solons were at first surprised and then greatly pleased by the rumors. Many of them expressed themselves as of the opinion that Mr. Cleveland would not be averse to a Gubernatorial campaign. The presence here last night of former United States Senator James Smith, old-time leader of New Jersey Democracy, is credited by many as being the source of this new Cleveland boom, although none would speak authoritatively on the subject. ---------------------------------------------------------------- MASSACHUSETTS CAMPAIGN. George Fred Williams' Manifesto for W.R. Hearst. SPECIAL TO THE NEWS. Boston, Mass., March 22. -- George Fred Williams, the Bryanite leader of New England, issued a manifesto to the press yesterday on behalf of William R. Hearst, and will make the fight of his life for control of the Massachusetts State Democracy. He had started out as the chief manager of the Hearst forces through New England, backed by the Hearst barrel and the new Hearst daily, which issued its first edition in Boston yesterday. His program is to capture everything in sight. "The men with whom I stood from 1898 to 1901 in invincible control of the party in the State practically are a unit for Hearst. There is not mistaking their earnestness and aggressive temper. The working men were not so unanimous for a candidate even in 1898," says Mr. Williams in his statement, and he has set about using the old Bryanite machinery with the labor unions to carry Massachusetts for Hearst. He says he can do it, and counts greatly on Hearst's newspaper to assist. He is planning to split the Olney forces even in Boston with a contesting ticket in every ward. Williams claims twelve States for Hearst. ----------------------------------------------------------- PROTECTION FOR NEGROES. The Brazoria Taxpayers' Association Guarantees It. SPECIAL TO THE NEWS. Angleton, Tex., March 22. -- In response to a call by President L.W. Murdock, there was a large meeting of the Taxpayers' Association of Brazoria County held here yesterday afternoon for the purpose of revising the roll of membership and making such changes as may be required by the Terrell election law. The following was adopted by the executive committee: "That the respective chairmen of the various precincts be required to revise their rolls and to leave no member on the same except those who are qualified voters under the laws of the State and the constitution of the Taxpayers' Union. Any chairman finding members upon his roll who have neither paid their poll tax nor are exempted from payment of same by law shall be required to make a separate roll of such members, and they shall be considered as honorary members, but no precinct shall have representation for its honorary membership." The chairman of the Alvin precinct registered objection by bringing in a minority report. Chairman Burdock ruled that the body had nothing to do with the committee's action, and the minority report was not acted upon. April 30 was the date named for holding primaries to nominate county officers. Hon. W.S. Sproules offered the following, which was adopted unanimously: "Whereas, The negroes of Brazoria County submit to the control and authority of the white people of the county with a willingness that amounts to approval; and "Whereas, They place themselves, their families and their small possessions submissively in our hands for protection; therefore, be it "Resolved, That we pledge ourselves to protect them as citizens in every right that the laws of our country give them, and that so long as they look to us for their protection and the protection of their property, and recognize the social differences existing between the two races, they shall find in us their friends and protectors." ------------------------------------------------------------------- MISSISSIPPI REPUBLICANS. Jackson, Miss., March 22. -- The Republican convention for the Eighth Congressional District met here today. J.B. Yellowly and W.S. Mollison both of Vicksburg, were chosen as delegates to the National convention. Resolutions highly indorsing the administration of President Roosevelt were adopted. T.P. Morleyn, clerk of the Federal Court of this city, was indorsed as National committeeman from Mississippi. ----------------------------------------------------------------------- REPUBLICAN CONVENTIONS. Pittsburg, Pa., March 22. -- Congressional nominations were made today by four Republican conventions, delegates to the National convention were chosen and the administration of President Roosevelt was indorsed. --------------------------------------------------------------------- It Is A Matter Of Health ROYAL BAKING POWDER Absolutely Pure There Is No Substitute -------------------------------------------------------------- CANAL COMMISSION First Meeting Held In Washington Yesterday -- Informal Discussion OF PRELIMINARY WORK And Preparations For The First Visit To The Isthmus By The Commission. AT THE CABINET MEETING Little of Importance Was Done -- Speed to Be Reappointed Attorney in Oklahoma. Washington, March 22. -- Preliminary work was begun today by the Isthmian Canal Commission, the first full meeting being held in the office of Admiral Walker, the chairman. Little of importance was accomplished, the session resolving itself into an informal discussion of various features of the preliminary work and preparations for the first visit of the commission to Panama. President Roosevelt entertained the members of the commission and Secretary Taft at luncheon today. There was a general discussion of the canal question. ----------------------------------------------------- THE CABINET MEETING. Washington, March 22. -- No business of first importance was transacted by the Cabinet at its meeting today. Several departmental matters were considered. Attorney General Knox announced that Horace Speed, United States Attorney for the Eighth District in Oklahoma would be reappointed. Charges were preferred against Mr. Speed, but they were not sustained. The Far eastern question, it is said, was not referred to, even incidentally. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ INDICTMENTS AT PORTLAND, ORE. Washington, March 22. -- The Interior Department today received the following dispatch from Portland, Ore., dated today, reporting the latest development in the investigation of the public land frauds in the West: "Charles Cunningham, the millionaire stockman of Eastern Oregon, and six homesteaders procured by him indicted today for conspiracy." ------------------------------------------------------------------------ NOMINATIONS BY THE PRESIDENT. Washington, March 22. - The President today sent to the Senate the following nominations: Postmaster: Mississippi -- Cotte B. Wier, Quinlan. --------------------------------------------------------------------- DOCTOR'S JUMP Medicine Failed but He Got Back to Health on Food. Proper food helps doctors really more than anything else in many cases. A well known Ohio specialist says: "I have been afflicted with rheumatism and stomach trouble for about four years and have taken my own medicine, also received treatment from other doctors, but I did not seem to get relief. "One year ago, while living in Detroit, I made arrangements to go under a special line of treatment, but just then my father was taken so ill that I could not leave him. At that time we both began to use Grape-Nuts food three times a day and soon found some remarkable changes going on. "It not only cured my father, but it has completely cured my stomach trouble and has done my rheumatism more good than all the drugs I have ever taken. It has also helped a great many of my patients. "From my observations I am convinced there is more strength in one package of Grape-Nuts than there is in many pounds of beef or butter. "All of my own nervousness and sleeplessness are gone and I have gained from 115 pounds to 151 pounds, so you can see that the food has made me robust and healthy." Name given by Postum Co., Battle Creek, Mich. It is an undisputed fact that there is more nourishment the body can use in one pound of Grape-Nuts than in 10 pounds of meat, wheat, oats or bread, as trial quickly proves. "There's a reason." Look in each package for the famous little book, "The Road to Wellville." -------------------------------------------------------- MIDLAND HOTEL, MANCHESTER ENGLAND. "The Most Complete Hotel in Europe for Business, Feasting, Meals, Dancing." SEVENTY BATH ROOMS. TURKISH BATH on the latest Hygienic principles. Bath Dressing Rooms for diners residing in the neighbourhood. Perfect Ventilation and Sanitation. CORRIDORS HAVE END WINDOWS. Building constructed at Fire-proof Material. Trained Staff for Fire Apparatus, and American fire detector system. MR. W. TOWLE, Manager. The Globe AND Commercial Advertiser New York's Oldest Newspaper. ESTABLISHED 1797. 5 & 7 DEY STREET EDITOR'S OFFICE. [*Ack'd 3-25-04*] 24th March Dear Mr. President: Of course I agree with you. I am only sorry that I caused you discomfort, but I was helpless. I made up my mind last Saturday to get out for your sake and told P. so ; but he said that as I had not put myself in I could not take myself out. It is all for the best. I am sure of that. I will trust in the Lord and renew my strength. Perhaps the enclosed may interest you. Yours always J. B. Bishop To/ President Roosevelt.[For 1 enclosure see ca 3-24-04][*C.F*] Chicago, Ill., March 24, 1904. The President, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- In accordance with the promise I made to you before I left Washington, I am writing a brief account of my experience in Albany. I saw a good many of my old legislative friends while there, both of the Platt and Odell stripes. I only saw the Governor for just a minute; he seemed, if anything, more morose than usual. Jim Graham, his secretary, seemed, however, to be very anxious to see me, so anxious that it occurred to me possibly that Odell had told him to talk to me. He did not ask me any questions, and apparently seemed to want to impress me with the fact that Platt was not in condition either phsyically or mentally, to carry on the fight and that it had been determined by this situation, that he could hope for no support from any leaders for any considerable number of delegates back of him. He went further and stated that if Platt attended another conference he would not be able to get anyone to attend it. But, as I said, I took everything Graham said somewhat on suspicions, in-2- view of the fact that he seemed so anxious to discuss matters with me at length. Merton Lewis, whom you will remember as a member of Assembly from Monre County, and who is now in the senate, seemed to feel that Platt could made a strong fight if he saw fit to do so, owing to the obligations under which many people were to him. He also said that there were a great many men in the state, who were uncertain as to what their own positions would be in the event of an open break. He gave no indication of his position. Elsburg is very sanguine, and said that the state was sure for you; in fact, the general impression seemed to be that the party outside of New York City is on the whole in very good shape. Bennett, who was Gruber's assemblyman, said that Gruber, who, as you know, is no particular friend of yours, says that you are certain to carry the state. That may be on account of his friendship for Odell and his desire to give the impression that everything is secure now that Odell is in control. John Morgan says that he thinks King County will do fairly well, that the majority against you will be under ten thousand. He did not give any reason for his opinion, and I do not know just how much it is worth. Both Morgan and Dr. Henry feel that Root really wants to run for governor in spite of what he has said. In fact they contradicted me rather positively when I said that I did not believe that such was the case.-3- Barnes is very bitter against the Governor and will refuse to allow him anything to say in Albany County. Jim Parson says it is common gossip among the newspaper men around the capitol, that an attempt is going to be made to trade the National ticket for the State ticket. If that is so, it seems to me that it is another argument for having a good politician on as member of the National Committee from New York. I made some inquiries about Albany, and the feeling seemed to be that Odell would accept your suggestion for National Commiteeman if you named some friend of his, like Ward. I do not know that there is anything more I can say in regard to the situation. I don not know how valuable this information is - I merely transmit it for whatever it is worth. Faithfully yours, Alford W. CooleyVOLNEY W. FOSTER. CHICAGO. MARCH 24, 1904. Mr. W. J. Loeb, Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. Loeb: As per your request I return you the letter of the Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou dated January 11th, 1904. I thank you very much for this opportunity to note his remarks. As perhaps you are advised, three meetings of the Committee of the House have been held upon the Bill for the establishment of a National Arbitration Tribunal. The proceedings of the last one on March 16th I think would interest the President if they were brought to his notice. I have partly recovered from my Rheumatism. I shall be in Washington on the evening of March 27th at the Arlington Hotel. I go there at the request of the House Committee to appear before it on March 29th. Thanking you for the courtesies which you have extended, I remain, Very sincerely yours, V W Foster ENC. 723 THE ROOKERY[For 1 enclosure see 3-24-04][*ackd 3-28-1904*] REPUBLICAN STATE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. CECIL A. LYON, CHAIRMAN. SHERMAN, TEXAS. March 24, 1904. My Dear Mr. President;- I certainly want to thank you for your telegram, which came to me through Mr. Loeb. Our convention was the cleanest, most harmonious, and most orderly I have ever seen in the State of Texas. It, of course, instructed unanimously for you. I thought best, in view of having received no suggestion from you, to entirely avoid the Vice Presidential topic. Delegates elected to the National Convention were Cecil A. Lyon, R. B. Hawley, C. M. Ferguson, and M. M. Rodgers, the two latter being colored. The vote of the convention was probably 80% white due to the fact perhaps that five districts in west Texas, which include about one hundred and fifty counties, in which there were no negroes, were almost without exception represented by strong delegations. Reference has been made in the papers to a bolting convention. There was no such thing as a bolting convention. A small number of the colored citizens, some of whom were delegates, and some of whom were not, headed by W. M. McDonald (Mr. Green's political Lieutenant) and one, A. J. McCauley, a colored member of the State Committee, failed to attend the State Convention, but organized a sort of mass meeting in another part of the town and declared four persons elected delegates at large to the National Convention. One of these was A. J. Lowdon of Abilene, whom I think you know. In justice to Mr. Lowdon, will say that he was not in Dallas, and he appears in this morning's paper in a card repudiating the connectionREPUBLICAN STATE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. CECIL A. LYON, CHAIRMAN SHERMAN, TEXAS. #2- To The President. of his name with any such convention as that which was held, and declining to recognize any such convention. Another delegate declared elected was one J. W. McKinney, a colored man of this city. McKinney was not a delegate even from his own ward in this town to the County Convention much less a delegate to the State Convention. Have only written the last paragraph for the purpose of showing the standing of the so-called convention. To date Texas has elected twenty eight of our thirty six delegates. All but four of these are instructed for me for National Committeemen; there is a contest in one of the districts. The result assures me of my election as National Committeeman unless delegates elected repudiate their instructions. The order and general effect of our convention is going to be excellent throughout the State at large. Many of our delegates were young men of Democratic decent, and of the best families. Among these was Sloan Simpson of your regiment, and the son of Col. Jno. Simpson. He was elected a delegate to the National Convention by his district, and will be there to cast his vote for you. Your nomination, of course, an assured fact, and my only regret is that Texas will not be placed in your column when the roll is called in the electoral college. With best wishes for yourself personally, which means, in my opinion, the continued prosperity of our country, I am, Very sincerely, Cecil A. Lyon State Chairman. To The President, Washington, D. C.Washington March 24. 1904 [*Ack Mch. 25, 1904*] Dear Mr. President I thought it would interest you to hear about some news I had from Berlin as regards the matter which is worrying Springy so much. It seems the story has circulated. To The President of the United States of America White Houseall over Europe, and we never have even been placed in the position to refuse in joining any sort of an anti-british league. It seems that Delassé got up the story. He by no means wanted to restore the Dreibund of 1895, but he wanted to get some pressureon England by intimidating her, & making her more willing to concede to certain french demands. England really seems to have taken the matter seriously & has shown herself more obliging in the negotiations, now under way, than a part of her press likes to see, and which now is expressing considerable uneasinessover what has been done. I was in Chicago when your letter was read. It created huge enthusiasm among the Germans there. They will be perfectly delighted with what you said at Berlin. Believe me Mr. President yours most sincerely Speck [*[Sternburg]*][*Enc in Capers 3-4-04*] [*2-24-04*] comfort to labor and capital alike, as President Roosevelt did when the coal strikes threatened every fireside in many of the States of our Union. Yes, my friends, there are great depths to his nature which surface ripples do not reach, and the world seems them revealed only when the responsibilities and results are great enough to call into action the surest and safest efforts of patriotism, wisdom and ability. Not only is our President no ordinary man, but he is no untried man. The eye of the public has been upon him since his service as a member of the New York Legislature; as Republican nominee for Mayor of New York City; as Commissioner of the United States Civil Service; as Police Commissioner of New York City; as Assistant Secretary of the Navy; as a militant Colonel in the Army of the United States; as Governor of the great State of New York; as Vice President; and, finally, as President of the United States of America. Entering the White House as he did, when every American heart was bowed down with grief, he was subjected to an ordeal in assuming the work before him, which few men would have had head or heart to begin. Although his entrance into the White House was unusual, his fidelity to the public service, his steady, firm, and courageous administration of our country's affairs, with the manifold duties and responsibilities upon his shoulders, all demonstrate the safety of the man. True it is that our President is possessed of an aggressive force that would scale the defenses of the enemy with the same reckless daring of a Rupert, but his unfailing record shows that when called in the administration of affairs of State in times of peace, he has demonstrated that he possesses that conservative force that husbands its strength for efforts of wisdom, safety and power. [*[FEB_24-04]*] The Demonstrated Safety and Conservation of President Roosevelt Extracts from the speech of Hon. John G. Capers, Delegate-at-Large to the Chicago Convention, and Republican National Committeeman for South Carolina, in presenting Resolutions endorsing President Roosevelt, which were unanimously adopted by the State Convention of the Republican Party of South Carolina, February 24th, 1904. Among other things, Mr. Capers said: Because of the attractive personality, intense patriotism, and marked individuality of character of President Roosevelt, it has become the fixed habit of the Democratic Press and of the Democrats in public life, and a few Republicans, to associate his name with the title of one of the many books he has contributed to the literature and history of our country, and charge him with possessing too "strenuous" a nature for the great office of Chief Executive. Fortunate is the man, who, after many years of service in public life, subjected all the while to the ceaseless observation of his fellow countrymen, and the every partisan eye of the public, if, after service up and up and up, until the White House itself is reached, naught can be said of him in criticism except that he is characterized by efforts indicative of a "strenuous life." HENRY WARD BEECHER once said that he was first impressed with the great wisdom and safety of PRESIDENT LINCOLN by the selections he made for members of his Cabinet, his choice of the men who were to counsel with him and share with him the great work and responsibilities of his high office. In this connection, a part of President Roosevelt's[*Enc in Capers 3-4-04*] [*2-24-04*] record can well be reviewed, not so much by way of defense as by way of illustration. Since he has been President, five vacancies have occurred in his Cabinet, and two vacancies upon the bench of the Supreme Court of the United States. Nothing more clearly demonstrates the safety and conservatism of the President than the manner in which these positions of great responsibility and power have been filled by him. Review this record briefly with me: Henry C. Payne, of Wisconsin, post Master General; a man of wide business experience firm and brave in the execution of his duties, he stands without a peer for integrity and executive ability. Ex-Gov. Leslie M. Shaw, of Iowa, Secretary of the Treasury; a distinguished and conservative former Governor of the great State of Iowa, and a financier of known experience and integrity. William H. Moody, of Massachusetts, Secretary of the Navy; for years a distinguished Member of Congress, and on the Naval Committee of the House; a worthy successor to the War Secretary, Mr. Long, who preceded him in that great office. George B. Cortelyou, that calm and efficient executive officer who stood by and with the noble McKinley until that great President fell into his arms at Buffalo, the victim of the assassin's bullet. There is no man in all our land who does not trust this new Secretary of the new Department of our Government. William H. Taft, of Ohio, Secretary of War; hard indeed was the task, no doubt, to find a man to succeed that master intellect, that forceful power in our country, Elihu Root - yet the great Ohioian, so distinguished as a jurist, and, later, as Civil Governor of all the Phillippines, presides over the War Department to-day, inspiring confidence everywhere. The other four men of his Cabinet retain their positions in answer to the President's earnest request, prompted as that request is, by the unerring judgment our President has always shown in measuring men. Among those who have thus remained by his side, to counsel with him, is John Hay, the greatest Secretary of State the country has had for fifty years. Philander C. Knox, of Pennsylvania, the brilliant and courageous Attorney General. Ethan Allen Hitchcock, of Missouri, calm, conservative, and wise in the administration of the affairs of the Interior Department. James Wilson, of Iowa, the greatest Secretary of Agriculture our County has ever had. And this is not all: The first vacancy on the bench of the Supreme Court of our Country was filled by the President by the selection of OLIVER WENDELL HOLMES, of Massachusetts, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of that great commonwealth at the time of his selection; and the next vacancy, by the appointment of that good and wise man, William R. Day, of Ohio, who, not only a widely known jurist before he entered public life, was, during the Spanish-American War, the great Secretary of State and adviser of the lamented McKinley, and afterwards, the Chairman of the Commission which brought peace between this country and Spain. Could such selections be made by one who was not himself possessed of every element of safety and conservatism, and who was not inspired by the broadest and most patriotic comprehension of the needs of our country. Along other lines we can say too that safe and conservative is that President who, as Chief Executive, seeing and feeling distress and calamity threatening his people, can, with kind and strong hand, bring order and[*[Enclosed in Bishop, 3-24-04]*] The Globe Commercial Advertiser. 1797 - ESTABLISHED-1905. PUBLISHED EVERY EVENING, EXCEPT SUNDAY, By The COMMERCIAL ADVERTISER ASSOCIATION. NEW YORK, FRIDAY, MARCH 24. THE SAN DOMINGO MUDDLE. A very interesting glimpse of the critical conditions which the failure of the Senate to ratify the San Domingo treaty has produced in the island is furnished by an interview with President Morales which is published in the Herald to-day. He spoke before the Senate had adjourned without action, and his words are all the more impressive for that reason. "The American convention," he said, "is the only peaceful method of upholding my government. If it is rejected there will be a long and terrible revolution, but I shall suppress it, for I am prepared to do so." Why the convention was the only peaceful solution of existing troubles President Morales explained by saying: There is no doubt that my country will accept the convention. I am not at all concerned with respect to its being accepted here. They will have to accept it. I will see to that. Some people here do not like it, men who are either evilly disposed or ignorant. But the men who are capable of forming an intelligent opinion are in favor of the agreement and they will support it. The best proof of my patriotism is the fact that I accepted this convention. Under it I can only dispose of 45 per cent. of the customs receipts, but I am willing to do this because I see it is the only way we can hope to obtain peace. There are some smaller internal taxes, such as those on alcohol, sugar, matches, tobacco, etc., upon which we will realize some additional revenue. We have always had enough money for an honest administration and to pay our debts, but the trouble is it has never been turned in to the central government, each governor retaining the customs receipts and simply forwarding the accounts to the capital. This was the plan which the Senate has defeated. The chief agents in this defeat were first the Democratic senators arrayed solidly against the treaty and a few Republican senators who supplied them with specious reasons for their course. We publish in our Washington despatches to-day some enlightening comments upon this subject by a friend of the administration who is obviously in a position to know whereof he speaks. It is most unfortunate for both San Domingo and for this country that there can be no action till the Senate reassembles in October, when the President proposes to call it together in extra session. If the anomalous coalition between the hair-splitting Republican senators and the Democrats continues then and thereby prevents the securing of a two-thirds vote for the treaty, a concurrent resolution should be introduced and passed conferring upon the President power to take such [] as is necessary to conserve American interests in the island. That [] passed by a majority vote, and [] two or three Republican senators whose ingenious minds are so productive of meticulous amendments to all treaties which they put forward to display their jealous care of the high prerogatives of the Senate will be deprived of their blockading powers. BRYAN'S PLAN LAUGHED AT Talk of Fight Between President and Senate Part of Nebraskan's Scheme. BUT IT IS RIDICULED Administration Friends Say That There Is No Contest With Upper Chamber. DEMOCRATS BLAMED FOR PLOT Belief That Opposition Will Try to Force Roosevelt as Candidate Again. (Special to The Globe.) WASHINGTON, March 24.-Recent efforts made in certain Democratic quarters to precipitate a fight to the finish between the President and the Senate have excited much amusement among the friends of the administration. The purpose of these efforts is fully comprehended by the President and his friends, who [] behind them a hope on the part of Bryan and his kind to reap advantage for themselves by splitting the Republican party. "Bryan's object," said a friend of the President to-day, "is perfectly obvious. He thinks that by pushing the President into a fight to the finish with the Senate he can claim, in case the Senate holds up all rate legislation and other measures in the same field, that the President is the only man in the Republican party who represents opposition to the money power and that since the President will not be a candidate again the only way by which the people can accomplish the ends for which Roosevelt is striving will be to elect Bryan, because Bryan is in complete sympathy with Roosevelt." "A part of the scheme," continued this same gentleman, "is to advocate Roosevelt's nomination in 1908 in spite of his announcement on the night of election that he would not again be a candidate. Some recent editorial utterances in this direction, in which it is claimed by Bryan's friends that Roosevelt ought to stand again as a candidate of the whole people, have been received with the ridicult they deserve by the President's friends, who know that he will not consent to stand again, and that he carefully framed his announcement on the night of the election in such a way as to make it declare that he would not only not be a candidate, but that under no circumstances would he accept another nomination. To all persons who have spoken to him since on the subject he has called attention to the phraseology of that announcement, and has said that under no circumstances will he depart from it." On the subject of the trouble with the Senate, this friend of the President went on to say: "I think the trouble between the President and the Senate has been exaggerated, and I am sure the President's object is to minimize rather than to emphasize it. The trouble with the Senate is that it is a helpless body when any work for good is to be done. Two or three determined senators seem to be able to hold up legislation, or at least [] legislation in an astonishing way. The worse thing the Senate did this year was the failure to confirm the San DOmingo treaty. This was due to the fact that the Democratic party, as such, went solidly against the administration. This, coupled with the absence of certain Republican senators, made it impossible to put through the treaty. "The result is that the President is in a very awkward and unpleasant situation in his endeavor to keep foreign powers off San Domingo, and also in trying to settle Venezuelan affairs. After most painstaking thought and labor with Root, Taft, and Hay as his chief advisers, they President negotiated a treaty which would have secured a really satisfactory settlement from every standpoint of the San Domingo matter. Certain Republican senators put in [] which seemed to justify Democratic criticians, and to make it look as if they themselves were adopting an apologetic attitude on the part of the administration. The result was that by a narrow margin the Republicans found themselves without the necessary two-thirds vote in the Senate to confirm the treaty. Then the Senate adjourned, leaving the President alone to shoulder all the responsibility due to their failure. "The Democratic senators go away hoping that disaster will come to the country because the Republican administration has been discredited. The Republican senators who are responsible for the defeat, not feeling any sense of the responsibility, and not thinking about the matter seriously at all, although they have been declaring that the Senate is part of the treaty-making power, go away entirely well satisfied. "The President meanwhile has to take all steps and spend an industrious summer in the difficult task of making diplomatic bricks without straw. The Senate of the present day ought to feel that its action on the treaty-making power should be like that of the President's veto over legislation. In other words, it should be rarely used, and the presumption should always be against amendment. Failure to do this leads to precisely this unfortunate condition of affairs which confronts the President in regard to San Domingo."[*[Enclosed in Bishop, 3-24-04]*] THE GLOBE AND COMMERCIAL ADVERTISER and in this it doubtless reflects the prevailing view- that it is unwise to agitate for a constitutional amendment on which a national divorce law could be based. It is deemed better that effort should be confined to persuading the several states to take independent common action more strictly limiting divorce. Certainly never before has the divorce question pressed itself more seriously on the attention of all thoughtful persons. In one state the divorces in one year were one-fifth the number of marriages in the same year, and other states approach it in laxness. Whether the view be that marriage is a sacrament or merely a social institution to subserve purely secular ends, the churches have placed on them grave responsibility. CASH FOR THE PRESIDENCY Can a nomination for the presidency be bought openly for cash? Having been bought for cash, can an election to the presidency be secured by the same means? These are the questions which the extraordinary candidacy of William R. Hearst raises for the consideration of the American people. There is absolutely nothing behind his candidacy but money. Everybody knows that. For several months rumors have been circulating in political quarters as to the exact amount Mr. Hearst was willing to spend in order to get a nomination. The sums mentioned range all the way from $2,000,000 to $30,000,000. When the Hearst talk first started little serious heed was paid to it, but the developments of the past month make it impossible to ignore his candidacy. He is securing delegates committed to him in all parts of the country, and will go into the convention with a sufficient body of pledged supporters to wield a formidable influence in that body. How is he obtaining these delegates? On that point there is no room for doubt. Cash, ready and abundant, has been poured out all over the land for the organization of Hearst clubs, and the Hearst delegates have been secured through these and similar agencies. In every state in which delegates have been obtained the amount of cash paid in each instance is a subject of general speculation in political circles. The Hearst workers do not even try to conceal the fact that cash is used, and that it comes from Mr. Hearst. One of them was quoted in the Tribune yesterday as saying that money must be bad for running the campaign; that if Mr. Hearst was willing to give it he was a good man to nominate, and that he knew of no one else who would do it. Is there anything in the Hearst candidacy, except cash? Imagine, for a moment, what would become of his candidacy were he to lose all his money to-morrow. How long would his various newspapers continue to be published under those circumstances? They, like his candidacy, would disappear like the baseless fabric of a vision. The sole basis of his publicity, or notoriety, is cash. With cash he has established newspapers by which to advertise himself. With cash he is making himself a candidate. Everything else about him is a negligible quantity. Nobody, not even his hired advocates, claim for him the moral or intellectual qualities which would lift him into the presidential field without his cash. Can such a man buy the presidency of the United States? Can he even buy from a great political party a nomination for the presidency? The suggestion is so preposterous, so monstrous even, that few intelligent persons have been able to take it seriously; but he is making progress toward the purchase of a nomination. It is said that Bryan is working with him, and will be able to bring his personal following in line behind him. If this is true, the combination may develop formidable strength, but that it should prevail in the convention is incredible. On the contrary, it is far more likely, in case the combination is made openly, to lead to the destruction of both Bryan and Hearst. It cannot be possible that any man can stand before the American people with a cash offer for the presidency in his hand and escape unharmed from popular wrath. Even the Democratic party, demoralized and degraded as it has been by Bryanism, must have in it still enough pride of country, if not pride of party, to spurn with hot indignation a proposal so base as that. POLITICS AND THE PANAMA CANAL The able senators who were arguing yesterday so eloquently in favor of excluding the work on the Panama Canal from civil service regulations must have been pained when they learned later of the action which the commissioners in charge of that work were taking while the senators were talking. The commissioners gave up a large part of their first session to discussing the question, and voted finally to put all applications for subordinate places in their service under such civil service rules and regulations as they should themselves formulate and adopt. It is reasonable to suppose that a body of men like this commission should desire to protect themselves from the importunities of politicians, including senators and congressmen, for places for followers and favorites! The only adequate barrier is a rigid civil service system of competitive examination, and that is clearly what they propose to erect. It would be quite useless to hope for the best results under any other conditions, or to follow the injunctions of the President for the absolute exclusion of politics from the work.[*[Enclosed in Foster 3-24-04]*] [* she says Morning[?] Post Mch 24 1904*] FOSTER HURRIES BACK Returns From Hot Springs, Although Not Fully Recovered, to Aid Foss Bill. ON WAY TO WASHINGTON. Insists on Reaching Capital in Time to Talk Committees of Value of Arbitration Volney W. Foster, who is deeply interested in the movement for the establishment of the national arbitration tribunal, a bill providing for which is under consideration in Congress, returned to Chicago last evening from Hot Springs, Ark., where he went a few weeks ago seeking health after two months of severe illness at his Evanston home. He is at the Auditorium Annex. He is much improved in health, but the effects of the attack of rheumatism still make it difficult for him to walk. Mr. Foster's return at this time was brought about by a desire to reach Washington in time to appear before the congressional committees having in charge the Foss arbitration bill, which owes its existence to him. He has made a careful study of the relations between labor and capital, and is confident the provisions of the Foss bill will go far toward reducing the troubles arising from strikes. GOING EAST SATURDAY. "I am exceedingly glad to be able to attend to my affairs after a long illness which has prevented my participating in matters that are of vital interest to me," said Mr. Foster. "Among these matters is the bill for the establishment of a national arbitration tribunal which is pending in the committees in the Senate and House at Washington. I shall go to Washington Saturday. "The next hearing on this matter before the house committee will take place Tuesday. I have full confidence in the merits of the bill, and I believe, if it should become a law, it will reduce to the minimum the evils from which labor and capital now suffer. PENALTY IS PUBLICATION. "The bill provides for voluntary arbitration, but by its terms it provides a penalty for recalcitrant, namely, publication of the facts touching upon the refusal of the party to arbitrate. "The bill will depend for its adoption on its own inherent merits and no effort will be made by me to induce the support of any partisan lobby. It is intended to appeal to the understanding and patriotism of our representatives in Congress and their real action will no doubt be governed by their convictions in regard to the merits of this measure."[*F*] SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS. PUBLISHERS. 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE. New York, March 25, 1904. Dear Mr. President: We have received to-day the manuscript of Appendix E, "The Rough Riders," and we shall put it in type immediately and send a galley proof to you. When it is returned it will be cast into pages and printed with future editions of the book. We shall also communicate with Messrs. Gebbie & Company, and Colliers, and, if they have not printed all of their editions, we shall endeavor to have them insert this appendix. We received a duplicate of this appendix this morning from G. P. Putnam's Sons. Mr. Putnam does not now have any of the plates of "The Rough Riders,"— as he has finished the arrangement which we made with him several years ago for a limited number of sets. We have also sent you to-day, under separate cover, a photograph by Clinedinst which we had chosen as a frontispiece of the book of selections which I am making. If this portrait does not meet with your approval we shall be glad to substitute any other that you may suggest. Faithfully yours, Robert Bridges The President.(COPY) New York, March 25, 1904. Edward A. Alexander, Esq., 15 Broadway, City. My Dear Sir:- I duly received your favor of the 9th, but my time has been so completely taken up with other matters of late, that I have not yet found an opportunity to talk it over with Mr. Hearst. I will do so at the first opportunity, but I do not know that Mr. Hearst would care to take it up himself just now, as he has so many different things to occupy him. Of course, although it is very important, it is not as important to the masses of the people as other trusts crimes, such as the actual increase in the cost of food, and so on. Yours very truly, A. BRISBANE. [Enclosed in Alexander 12-20-04]WILLIAM H. MOODY, SECRETARY. B-S 266 [*2221-361*] [*F*] NAVY DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. March 25, 1904. Sir, I have the honor to transmit herewith copies of further correspondence in relation to the present operations and conditions on the Isthmus of Panama. Very respectfully, Chas H Darling Acting Secretary. The President. Enclosures: Report, 4-04-TSP, dated March 14, Panama, signed Phelps. Report, 53 D-H, dated Colon, March 14, signed Coghlan. Report, dated Caledonia Harbor, March 14, signed Benham. Report, dated Caledonia Harbor, March 14, signed Mertz.[*[For 1 enc see 3-19-04 Loomis Report]*] [*C.F.*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. March 25, 1904. Dear Mr. President:- I enclose you a copy of Mr. Loomis' confidential memorandum of his trip to Santo Domingo. He makes important suggestions on pages 23 and 26. Yours faithfully, John HayCopy Consular Service, U.S.A., Colon, Republic of Panama, March 25, 1904. Hon. W. W. Russell, Charge d'Affaires, U.S.A., at Panama, Republic of Panama. Sir, I have just been informed by the Governor (ad interim) of the Province of Colon, Mr. R. Campillio, that five Indians from Rio Diablo brought him the news that a Colombian warship has arrived at Acanti, Gulfo de Uraba, with Colombian troops on board. The Indians did not know about how many were on board. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, (signed) Oscar Malmros United States Consul. 1[Enc in Darling 4-15-04][*Ackd 3/26/04*] Henry T. Oxnard, President. Robert Oxnard, } J. G. Oxnard, } Vice Presidents. J. E. Tucker, Treasurer. W. Bayard Cutting, Chairman. American Beet Sugar Company, 32 Nassau Street, New York, March 25th, 1904. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. My dear Sir:- I take the liberty of writing and reminding you of our conversation last Saturday, as you requested me to do. Permit me to say, that I shall consider myself in the future, personally responsible to keep you thoroughly advised, regarding the situation in California, and advise you thoroughly of what is going on politically in that State; and will deem it a pleasure to use my best efforts in every way in looking after your interests there. As I said it will not only be my duty, but also my pleasure to devote all my time, energy, and resources in helping to bring about a success of the Republican Party in California, with you as its Standard Bearer. Faithfully and Sincerely yours, Henry T. Oxnard [[shorthand]]Mutual Life Building. New York, Mar. 25, 1904. Dear Theodore: I enclose a newspapers slip which shows that kindred souls beat together though injurious distance stops the way. I think now I shall go over to Washington Thursday afternoon and thus be on hand all day Friday and Saturday. Faithfully yours, Elihu Root To the President, Washington, D. C.[For enc. see 3-25-04][For 1 enc. see "An Alabamian" 3-25-04] EMMETT J. SCOTT TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE Tuskegee, Alabama March 23, 1904. Personal President Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- Herewith I hand you a copy of the letter I have written to the editor of the Outlook in compliance with your request of last Saturday. I hope that it reaches the situation as desired. Yours truly, Emmett J ScottCOPY March 25, 1904. To the Editor, The Outlook, 287 Fourth Avenue, New York, N. Y. Dear Sir:-- It will be recalled by you and the readers of The Outlook that President Roosevelt's mailed fist was necessary to crush the "lily-white" movement in Alabama last year at a time when those who were claiming to be the President's friends were placing him in an entirely false attitude, not only before the people of Alabama, but before thepeople of the whole country. It will be remembered that the "lily-whites" gave it out that they had the direct approval of the President in excluding black men of character and worth from any participation in the councils of the party, and in spite of the fact that the men excluded had secured the approval of democratic registrars who could not refuse them registration certificates. Out of all the chaos has emerged a most satisfactory condition of things. The party in the state is now thoroughly united and there is perfect amity and good-will on all sides. In nearly all of the districts, black and white delegates have been chosen to represent the party in the national Convention to be held at Chicago, and in all of the several district conventions, white men and black men sat side by side. These white men have represented a higher grade than those usually found in southern republican conventions, and they have not felt that theirmeeting together in convention with black men meant that it involved in the remotest way anything smattering of "social equality", or that it was necessary for them to go from the convention to see others homes. A typical convention of this kind was the fifth district con- vention held at Tuskegee, Alabama, recently. The black man elected as a delegate approached a leader of his people in the state and remarked that it was the most remarkable convention he had ever attended; that black men and white men sat together without being suspicious of each other, and that he was elected a delegate without the expenditure of even five cents; that he had been going to national conventions for twenty years and always had expended between two an three hundred dollars for what had been suggested to him were necessary and legitimate expenses. It seems, then, that the President's policy in the South, if actually carried out as he intends it, is productive of most satisfactory and cleanly results. Very truly yours, "An Alabamian". From Emmett J. Scott.[Enc in Scott, 3-25-04]CHARLES W. THOMPSON, TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. [*Ansd by wire 3-27-1904 Wrote to Mr. Aldrich 3-28-1904*] Tuskegee, Ala., March 25, 1904. Dear Mr. President: Yours of the 21 instant is just received, having been forwarded to me here where I have been for the past few days incident to the death and burial of my beloved brother, the Hon. Chas. W. Thompson, M.C. I feel that there are some things I should say in justice to my position in regard to the chairmanship for your information. When at Oyster Bay last Autumn, I suggested that it would be a good idea for Messers. Scott and Aldrich to be made National Committeeman and State Chairman, respectively,- I came home and set to work looking to that end. Scott readily agreed to stand, but Aldrich repeatedly declined. In January of this year I wrote him, again urging him to become a candidate, or to allow the use of his name. He replied on Jan. 20th that he would not allow the use of his name as a candidate &c. The "boys" then turned to me, and requested that I agree to accept the chairmanship. I took the position that I could not afford to become an active candidate, as it might in some way embarass the Administration, but that I could be considered a receptive candidate; and, if chosen, would serve the party the best I could. Six out of nine of the districts have endorsed my candidacy, two of the remaining not yet having acted; and, in no instance has there been a dissenting vote. I think that I could be elected with the least confusion of any man in the state: and that there would be no contest nor grounds for one resulting therefrom. I am rather proud of the fact that no district which has been under my management has done anything to lead to confusion; and I regret o say that, the man who is stirring up this trouble in regard to my candidacy, the Hon. W.F. Aldrich,CHARLES W. THOMPSON, TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. -2- has more strife to the square inch in his district than can be found anywhere else in the state. It occurs to me that Mr. Aldrich would rather carry his point in having the State Committee elect a State Chairman, than to have peace prevail in the party in Alabama. It is true that I have the support of a large number of "Lily Whites;" but, I did not get them by appointing them to office or by making them any promises; but, in no case have I refused to give them party recognition, in order to restore peace and harmony to the party. While I have made friends among that faction of the party, I have not lost the support of our original friends in this state. My ambition has been, that, if elected State Chairman, I would be able to get more votes for our ticket this Fall in the state than was cast for Mr. McKinley in the two previous elections. I can, however, as well work to that end through someone else; and I really see no great necessity for my being chairman; except, that, if I continue as receptive candidate, I will not likely have opposition, whereas if I withdraw there will be probably an half dozen candidates before the convention, which will necessarily lead to confusion. I will write an open letter to the Republicans of Alabama next week, requesting them not to consider me even in the light of a receptive candidate any further, unless I hear from you earlier to the contrary. As one of the executors of my brother's estate, I will have to devote every moment I can spare from my official duties to its affairs. The estate is worth several hundred thousand dollars, and owing to its complex nature will require close attention. I regret exceedingly, Mr. President, that I should have beenCHARLES W. THOMPSON, TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. -3- placed in an attitude which will cause you any embarassment, as you have bestowed more honors upon me than I have ever deserved; and I want to assure you that it is my purpose and desire that I so conduct my office and the other trusts which you have reposed in me in such a way as to have you feel that you have been fully repaid for trusting me. With kindest regards, I remain, Most respectfully, Jos. O. Thompson To The President, White House. P.S. I very much hope you will give Dr. Washington an opportunity to be heard on the above subject, before coming to a definite conclusion. He will probably be able to put some light before you, which has been obscured by a designing party. I shall go to see Genl. Clarkson at my first release from duties of my office and I feel that he will agree that he has been misled, ThompsonOFFICE OF LAWRENCE VEILLER 55-57 WEST 44TH STREET NEW YORK CITY [*Ackd 3/26/04*] [[shorthand]] NEW YORK, March 25, 1904. [*Veiller*] PERSONAL AND CONFIDENTIAL. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President:- I am taking the liberty of writing you a personal line in regard to a situation which has developed in the State about which I think you ought to be informed. I understand that an unfortunate attack is being made in Syracuse upon our friend, Senator Horace White, and that an effort is being made by Ex-Senator Hiscock's son to secure Senator White's place in the Senate. All of us in New York who have watched Senator White's career at Albany and who have come to rely upon him so largely for help in all important reform movements, as we have in our tenement house fight, in the educational matter, and the cause of civil service reform, would consider it a distinct loss to the community if Senator White were not to be returned to the Senate. I appreciate that you are loath to take any action that even might be construed as interfering in State politics but it has seemed to me proper that you should understand the present situation, knowing how much you relied upon Senator White when you were Governor and how very helpful he has been in the tenement legislation (which if you will remember you used to designate your "ewe lamb"-), and in other important matters.-- 2 -- Honorable Theodore Roosevelt. 3/25/04. I understand that the strategic point is the Superintendent of Insurance, Mr. Hendricks, who because of his business relations with the Hiscocks is being urged by them to throw the weight of his influence to their side. If Mr. Hendricks could be prevailed upon to maintain a neutral attitude I think there would be no doubt as to the outcome of this issue and that Senator White would be returned to the Senate, where he has rendered such effective service for so many years. My information is that public feeling is strongly for White's return. I enclose a recent clipping from the Syracuse Herald which relates to this subject. With cordial regards, Yours sincerely, Lawrence Veiller FHF[*[For 1 enc. see ca 3-25-04 Strong for White]*][*P.F.*] BOOKER T. WASHINGTON. TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED. TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. Personal. Hotel Manhattan, New York City March 25th 1904. My dear Mr. President:--- The letter which you have sent to Mr. Williams of Louisiana seems to me to cover every point, and put you on record in a way that cannot be misunderstood. I thank you very heartily for it. Very truly yours, Booker T. WashingtonAmong the questions settled will be, I understand that very vexatious one of the "French Shore" in Newfoundland, whose inhabitants will at last get control over their own territory and I believe England will get in [practice] theory what she has long had in practice, in Egypt i.e. absolute control and France gets the same (in both cases with certain limitations) in Morocco. An interesting Irishman, Professor Butcher has recently gone to our country to lecture at Harvard and Johns Hopkins. He will pay a brief visit to Washington and I hope you may be able to see him. I gave him a letter of introduction to Cabot and told him that he must apply to Durand in order to be presented to you which he would like very much to do. He is great friend of the Balfours, Arthur & Gerald but particularly the latter and I March 25, 1904 [*Ackd 4-4-04*] AMERICAN EMBASSY, LONDON. Dear Mr. President. As the condition of Ireland is always a matter of considerable interest to us, I send you herewith a new book which has recently appeared & which is very highly spoken of, by Sir Horace Plunkett of whom you have doubtless heard. He is a well known & highly respected Irishman, who is a Commissioner of the Irish Congested District Board and Vice President of the Irish Department of Agricultural & Technical Instruction as well as a Privy Councillor &a Fellow of the Royal Society. It gives a very good idea, I understand, of the present and greatly improved condition of Ireland as well as an idea of the earnest desire of the present Powers that be to make amends for past misgovernment and neglect and to do all that is possible to ameliorate the condition of the country. I don't suppose of course that the Nationalists would endorse all that is in the book but I am told that they agree with a good deal of it. At all events the writer is a man of high standing and I think you will find the book interesting to look over if not to read through. I am at present your representative here for a few weeks, Mr Choate having gone to the Continent for a change. Then is nothing very exciting to chronicle just now, even in [the] war matters; but one important, and to us interesting event is taking place and will shortly I believe be consummated and made public viz. the adjustment by France & England of their outstanding differences which is a very important contribution to the cause of Peace outside the present war area and the strongest indication that France does not propose to take up the cudgels with Russia against Japan.AMERICAN EMBASSY, LONDON. have often met him for many years past at their house. He is a little shy at first but will be able to give us a good deal of information about Ireland & the Irish. He has been connected with Oxford & Cambridge at which latter (Trinity College) he was educated and he was recently Professor of Greek at Edinburgh University; besides which he is a Justice of the Peace in Ireland where he is a landed proprietor and member of the Royal Commission on University Education. [in Ireland] I think you will find him an interesting guest at one of those charming informal White House lunches to which I look back with such perfect pleasure. He also has a sense of humor.As I am going to stay in a country house during the Easter holiday with the Prime Minister & George Wyndham besides other minor Government luminaries. I shall be in a position to hear anything of interest with which you should be acquainted and I shall of course not fail to write or telegraph the Sect of State anything of the kind. Of course I make frequent trips to the office in between but staying in a house for some days with a man gives one a wonderful opportunity of finding out the drift of his thoughts. I don't think the opposition are yet very near moving out the Govt? Chinese labor in S. Africa, of which much was expected in that direction, having been a failure. I am of course delighted to hear from Cabot, though not surprised, that all is going so favorably for you and I need scarcely say that the Decision of the Supreme Court in the Northern Securities case and the confirmation of Genl Wood were both a particular source of satisfaction to me. I hope Jack was to have been with you & Mrs. Roosevelt the week after next for a day or two but it appears the Harvard Easter holidays do not take place at Easter but in April. I hope dear Mr. President that everything will continue to work in good favor and that this book will be of interest to you. Butcher knows Plunkett very well. Yours most Sincerely, Henry White[*[Enc. in Veiller 3-??-?? *] [*[ca. 3-? *] [*Syracuse Herald *] [*L??? Sunday*] ----------------------------------------- STRONG FOR WHITE ----------------------------------------- FRIENDS SAY HE SHOULD RUN EVEN IF HENDRICKS SHOULD OPPOSE. ----------------------------------------- THE REPUBLICAN LEADER, HOWEVER, HAS NOT YET BEEN INDUCED TO FAVOR A.K. HISCOCK. ------------------------------------------ Many of the Republicans Will try to Thwart any Chance of the Mistakes Succeeding to the Leadership [?] is Said There is Little Chance of Hendricks Turning From Whitehead, H. Crowle Blamed for the Missed Candidacy. ----------------------------------------- Friends of Senator Horace White are becoming more insistent that he stand again for the nomination. The Senator himself continues to refrain from stating his position, although well informed friends of his say that there is not doubt that he will be a candidate for renomination. Some of the more enthusiastic insist that he must stand once more for the Senate, even though ex-Senator Hendricks may be induced -- which so far is not the case -- to favor the nomination of Albert K. Hiscock. Those who advocate the Senator's candidacy under any circumstances claim that the sentiment of Republicans is so strongly against ex-Senator Frank Hiscock regaining through his son the virtual leadership of the party that Senator White could win in spite of support of Albert K. Hiscock by Mr. Hendricks. "A number of ward and town leaders who don't want to see the Hiscocks in control when Mr. Hendricks retires will not stand for Albert K. Hiscock's candidacy for the Senate," said a Republican leader last night. "They see plainly that the passing of the Republican leadership to the Hiscocks is involved in young Hiscock's elevation to the Senate. Some of them have already notified Mr. Hendricks that if he supports Hiscock they will be obliged to stand by White. "There are others, whom Hendricks could bring into line, but who would not be able to secure the selection of delegates favorable to Hiscock. That is a matter that the followers of these leaders would take into their own hands, and while not caring to disturb the ward leaderships, the constituents of the leaders would simply take into their own hands the selection of delegates to the part in the nomination of a candidate for Senator. There is no present danger of anything of this kind, for Mr. Hendricks is still uncommitted to Hiscock." Some of the politicians are of the impression that when ex-Senator Hiscock returns from his Southern trip he will get at work in an effort on behalf of his son with Mr. Hendricks. It is the general impression among Mr. Hendricks's lieutenants that such an effort will be unsuccessful. NO SENTIMENT FOR HISCOCK. "Hendricks will not find sentiment enough for Hiscock to make his nomination feasible," said a Republican last night. "With so strong a sentiment against the nomination of Hiscock, Mr. Hendricks will undoubtedly refuse to sanction it. No, The Hiscocks cannot afford to break with Hendricks on this proposition. Of course, they control the two bands, in on of which he is president and in the other vice president; but there need be no fear that they would make it so unpleasant for Mr. Hendricks that he would feel like retiring from active connection with the banks, for if Mr. Hendricks should become connected with another bank, it would be a severe loss to the banks with which he is now connected." Former Corporation Counsel A.H. Cowle is said to be largely responsible for the launching of Albert K. Hiscock's boom for the Senate. Mr. Cowle is ambitious for advancement in politics, and he is understood to see better prospects if the Hiscocks get control of the organization He is figuring to help them do it. Mr. Cowle, it is said, expects to enlist the service of other Kline men because of Senator White's opposition to the renomination of Mr. Kline for Mayor. The irreconcilable among the Kline contingent it is claimed, however, did not prove themselves numerous enough in the vote for Mayer last fall to render them now objects of great solicitude. THERE WAS AN UNDERSTANDING. "As I understand it," said a friend of Senator White, "there was an understanding between Mr. White and Mr. Hiscock that the latter would not become a candidate for Senator without consulting with Senator White. Such a consultation might have resulted in Senator White retiring in favor of Mr. Hiscock, but instead of consulting with the Senator, Mr. Hiscock announced his candidacy and said that he was a candidate irrespective of whether Senator White was a candidate. "There is not doubt that ex-Senator Hiscock is jealous of Mr. Hendricks and would like to retire him from the party leadership. Mr. Hiscock was far from pleased for years ago when he was not allowed to go as a delegate to the Republican national convention. Hendrick S. Holden was chosen from Onondaga and Francis H. Gates from Madison. This year it is the plan to have Mr. Hendricks chosen from Onondaga and Henry G. Coman from Madison county." REPUBLICAN COMMITTEE MEETING. The Republican Congressional committee will meet at The Yates at noon next Saturday to call the convention that is to select the two delegates and alternates from this district to the national convention. The late Charles Hiscock was a member of the committee, of which ex-Mayor Jacob Amos is chairman and Charles M. Warner, James R. Blanchard of Van Buren, Dr. Marin Cavans of Oneida and Melvin Tripp of Hamilton are the other members. The Republican general committee will meet at the same time at The Yates to call the country caucuses, and the Assembly district committees will call the conventions to name the delegates to the State convention. ----------------------------------------- $250 FROM DEPARTMENT STORE. ----------------------------------------- MAY MEMORIAL SALE, YESTERDAY PROFITABLE. About $250 was realized from the annual "Department [???]" of the May Memorial church Sunday school, held at the church yesterday afternoon.Enc. in Root 3-25-04 Hon. Henry J. Coggeshall offered the following resolutions which were adopted: "The Republicans of the second Assembly district of Oneida county express their continued believe in the principles of the Republican party, their admiration for President Roosevelt and their approval of his interpretation of those principles and his application of them to government. In administration he has manifested strength of character breadth of mind, courage in action, intense Americanism and lofty patriotism. In diplomacy he has maintained our envied position among the nations of the world. He has stood in civic affairs as in battle, with his face to the front. The peace and prosperity we have enjoyed under his administration, we wish continued and we pledge to him our loyal and industrious support. "Benjamin B. Odell, jr., as governor of the state of New York, has given to the people a wise, economical and business-like administration, and by a conscientious, faithful and efficient discharge of the duties of that high office, has proved himself worthy of confidence and commendation. "We also commend the able, painstaking and successful work of Hon. James S. Sherman, our present member of Congress. He has represented this congressional district in the House of Representatives with signal ability and has won for himself distinction and honor, and reflected credit upon the district he represents. We therefore deem it for the best interests of the people of this congressional district, and of the state of New York, to continue him in the position that he has acceptable and faithfully occupied." At the congressional convention, which followed, Hon. James A. Douglass, of Oriskany Falls, was chairman, and the secretaries were and Dr. E. P. Allen, of Oriskany. The following resolution was adopted: 38 PAGES Dick Now H- DICK SELECTED TO BE HANNA'S SUCCESSOR IN THE U.S. SENATE Herrick With the Prize Within Grasp Refuses It. Will Serve Out His Term as Governor to Preserve Hanna Organization. Conferences at Cleveland Selects Congressman Dick After a Long Session. Story of Herrick's Sacrifices to Party Policy and Events Leading Up to His Refusal of U. S. Senatorship. By Telegraph to The Dispatch. CLEVELAND, OHIO, FEB. 20.—Charles Dick will be the next junior United States senator from Ohio. Tonight his friends are jubilant and the politicians, taking their cue from the leaders, are flooding him with telegrams of congratulation and offering their support and protesting their loyalty to his cause. It is Dick, for the leaders have so declared. The overwhelming majority of Republicans in the legislature will elect him Hanna's successor. HERRICK'S SACRIFICE. But tonight the state is talking of another man—Governor Myron T. Herrick, who, with the United States senatorship within his grasps, with years of honor and power assured, with hosts of friends and admirers ready to flock to his banner, sacrificed himself and his ambitions to preserve the organization built up by Senator Hanna in Ohio. CONTROLLED THE SITUATION. Those who know Governor Herrick will not deny that it was his fondest ambition to go to the United States senate. The governorship of Ohio is but the stepping stone of the longed for honor, and the death of Senator Hanna, almost without warning, placed the coveted honor within easy reach. Even while Senator Hanna lived it was conceded that in event of his death Governor Herrick would be the controlling factor in the successorship. At Senator Hanna's death the opposition realized this, and, weighing well the personality of Governor Herrick, began a systematic campaign to make him eliminate himself where he could not possibly be eliminated by others. THE GOVERNOR GIVES WAY. Tonight Herrick is the tragic figure in this most interesting political drama. Like Davy Crockett, he stands at the door of the cabin, his bleeding arm serving as the human bar to the attacking wolves of the opposition! Herrick was entreated to preserve the Hanna organization; to remain in the governor's chair. They appealed to his loyalty to Hanna, they appealed to his friendship for the dead senator to sacrifice himself on the altar of party policy. Long into the night they urged eloquently and persistently. Worn out, the governor retired at almost 4 o'clock in the morning. He was weary, but convinced. This morning he gave to the people of Ohio this statement: HERRICK'S STATEMENT. "Last November the people of Ohio elected me as governor, by an unprecedented majority. "That election placed in my hands a trust for execution. My duty is plain and clear. I will execute that trust, and remain in the governor's chair." There is much meaning in the phrase, "My duty is plain and clear." They are the words of a man making a great sacrifice under the conviction that he is obeying the dictates of his conscience. The arguers did their work well. Herrick is still governor, but he has lost the golden opportunity of a lifetime. The thread of tragic human interest runs through this notable political drama. Fair dealing alone would not make a good play. The element of trickery and deceit must enter into every effective drama. It enters into this one. While Herrick stands at the doorway with bleeding arm barring out the wolves of opposition the men who directly benefit by his action stand accused of making secret overtures to the very political element feared by the Hanna organization. THE DICK CAMPAIGN. Herrick looses the United States senatorship, and General Dick secures (Continued on Page Eight.) The Ohio State Journal. ESTABLISHED 1811. DAILY, SUNDAY AND SEMI-WEEKLY. SAMUEL G. McCLURE. Editor and Publisher. E. G. DEMING, Vice President. W. T. OBERER, Business Manager. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: The Daily State Journal is delivered to city subscribers [?] 12 cents per week; or, with the Sunday State Journal, 18 cents per week; 66 cents per month. BY MAIL, IN ADVANCE, POSTAGE PAID. Daily, one year, $5.50; six months, $5.00; one month. 50 cents; Daily and Sunday, one year, $7.00; one month. 65 cents. Sunday only, $1.55 per year. Semi-weekly, one year, $1; six months, 60 cents; three months, 35 cents. J. P. McKinney. Foreign Advertising Representative. 16 Po[?]ter Bidg., New York; 708 Boyee Building, Chicago. All manuscripts must be accompanied by stamps if their return is desired. Anonymous communications receive no consideration. Address, THE OHIO STATE JOURNAL CO., 50 East Broad Street, Columbus, Ohio. MONDAY, FEBRUARY 22, 1904. ALLIED PRINTING TRADES UNION LABEL COUNCIL. COLUMBUS, O. 28 The Senatorial Succession. The unanimity with which the leaders of the Republican party in Ohio have agreed upon the senatorial succession will be welcomed by the great majority of the party in the state. Governor Herrick's calm and dignified declination of the great honor which was fairly within his hands marked the broad and farsighted statesman and has won for him, in a greater degree than even his remarkable victory last fall indicated, the warmest love and admiration of the people of Ohio. If there were any doubt regarding the successor in party leadership to Senator Hanna the decision of Governor Herrick swept it away. He is today the acknowledged head of the Republican party in Ohio, its leader, and there is and will be none to dispute his right and title to that place. All this is said with no wish to disparage General Dick, who by the decision will become the next United States senator from Ohio. It is said simply to make clear the fact which General Dick himself will be undoubtedly the first to accept and acknowledge. The decision, from a party standpoint, removes the possibility of factionalism and assures harmony. Moreover, it is a guarantee that the general assembly will not be torn into cliques by a senatorial election fight, nor will the important work before it be seriously broken in upon and disturbed. In all this the people's best interests are served and they are to be congratulated upon it. WISHES OF HANNA ARE TO PREVAIL Roosevelt Delegates Will Be Selected From Friends of Organization—Hanna's Last Word to Gov. Herrick. Senator Hanna's wishes are to prevail, though he is dead. Governor Herrick made this plain, by his refusal at Cleveland to desert the governor's chair. He exemplified the same views yesterday by saying he favored the selection of Roosevelt delegates from the friends of the Hanna organization. He lost no time in making this declaration. Yesterday was his first official dat at the statehouse since the death of Hanna. States His Position. He state his position to the first reporter who asked him. By his decision at Cleveland, which threw the senatorial election to Dick without a contest, the governor had become the head of the state organization. Yesterday he issued his statement with the confidence of assured leadership. At the same time he made it clear he was carrying our Senator Hanna's wishes. Governor Herrick was asked: "How- you now feel with reference to the- n of delegates to the national decision?" lled: carr- only quote from the last letter Senator Hanna wrote, with the Go- a pencil note to the president do you- 30, the day of the Grid- selecti- 'We must organize our- convent- [a]nd choose the Roosevelt- He re- among our friends.' "I can- notwithstanding this attitude Governor Herrick wishes to broaden, not to narrow, the state organization, is indicated by his adding to the foregoing statement: "The opportunity now arises for all good Republicans to unite in the conduct of the party on broad lines, in such a friendly spirit as to eliminate all differences." Hanna's Last Letter. Governor Herrick will always treasure this last letter from Senator Hanna. It was not dictated, but is the senator's penmanship. It was written Jan. 30, and was received Feb. 1. At that time the senator's illness had not [b]een diagnosed as typhoid fever, and- [was] not supposed to be dangerous. [Sec]retary Galloway opened the let- d seeing its importance, carried it at once to the governor. When Governor Herrick read it he became alarmed and said to Secretary Galloway: "I really believe Hanna thinks he will not get well." The tone of the letter made the governor believe this and he, too, conceived then the fear that the illness would prove fatal. That portion of the letter which the governor quoted yesterday shows that Senator Hanna fully expected Roosevelt to be nominated. Herrick for Roosevelt. While Governor Herrick did not say so yesterday, it was said by others that he desires the state convention to declare unmistakably for Roosevelt. State officers who have consulted regarding it say the last week in April is the preferable date for the state convention, and that it certainly should not be later than the first week in May. When Governor Herrick reached his office yesterday morning he found awaiting him a tall stack of letters and another of telegrams from Republicans indorsing his course in not becoming a candidate for senator, and praising his courage. Some of the senders were state appointees who might be expected to approve anything the governor does, but there were many others. Representative Hoiles of Stark thanked him for "standing pat" for the state organization Hanna had built up. President Bashford of Wesleyan university wired: "Your statement rings true. You will go higher." Jar for Mr. Burton. Cleveland Republicans said yesterday Theodore E. Burton was somewhat taken aback by the discovery that the Cuyahoga delegation was not solid for him for senator. They said Burton had decided to take his coat off and make a hard fight to secure control of the Cuyahoga Republican organization. He proposes to win the leadership at home, the lack of which made it impossible to get a footing in the senatorial contest. The Seventh district Republican congressional committee held its second meeting yesterday, but adjourned until Feb. 29, to await the outcome of the Pickaway district common pleas judge convention, which was postponed from last Thursday to this Thursday. [*[enc. in Herrick 2-25-04]*] 8 SUNDAY DICK SELECTED TO BE HANNA'S SUCCESSOR (Continued from Page 1, Section 1.) it, yet it is a fact that lieutenants of General Dick, before Senator Hanna's body was carried into the senate chamber, secretly conferred with the Foraker people looking to a combination which would assure Dick the senatorship. Herrick was the man feared of all men, and the wires of a great press association were loaded with stories of alleged promises made the dead Hanna by Herrick that he would retain the governorship and serve out his term. Herrick all this while maintained a dignified silence bowed down with grief over the death of his friend, Senator Hanna. With his heart full of love and respect for the dead chieftain he was easy pray for those who sought to persuade him to cast aside all his ambitions for the sake of maintaining intact the political organization of Mr. Hanna in Ohio. While Herrick plays the role of the martyr, Mr. Dick when he becomes United States senator, will not be found unfriendly to the very element of opposition which the alleged friends of Governor Herrick so successfully persuaded him to guard against. But the opportunity has gone. Mr. Dick will be a United States senator, while Governor Herrick is the sacrifice. The story of the conference in this city is of necessity meager, and for the most part conjecture. Governor Herrick will not at this time say what his personal reasons were for casting aside the senatorship. TALK OF DICK'S SUCCESSOR Attorney John J. Sullivan Said to be in the Lead. By Telegraph to The Dispatch. AKRON, OHIO, FEB. 20.—Summit county will not furnish the congressman to succeed General Dick. There are several Republicans in the county who have congressional ambitions, among them being ex-Probate Judge George M. Anderson, for years the county leader, and Dr. L. E. Sisler, ex-county auditor, and very popular. From Trumbull county, in the nineteenth, four men are named as probably candidates. The most likely of these, according to party leaders in the district and General Dick himself, is District Attorney John J. Sullivan. The other Trumbull candidates to date are C. W. Wilkins, prosecuting attorney of Trumbull county; T. H. Gillmer, of Warren, and W .Aubrey Thomas. It is generally conceded that if Sullivan can get Trumbull county solid, he will be the next congressman from the Nineteenth. All three of the others, however, are said to be out for the nomination and will divide Trumbull's strength. In Ashtabula county there are George Starkey and E. L. Lampson, the latter being the stronger, and W. S. McKinnon, present state treasurer. Geauga county is reported nearly solid in favor of Judge Metcalf, and Portage county has as candidates Prof. George Colton, Judge O. P. Sperra, Ravenna; John Beatty, jr., and Col. W. S. Kent, of Kent. General Dick's size-up of the congressional situation is as follows: "There seems to be a well-defined disposition toward rotation among the counties. When Lampson ran, the cry was that Ashtabula had just had the congressman before, and that helped to lessen his chances. With that the spirit I should hesitate to say that a Summit or Ashtabula man could win this time." MRS. HANNA WANTS DICK NAMED. Sends Telegram to Akron Man to that Effect. By Telegraph to The Dispatch. AKRON, OHIO, FEB. 20.—Up to this time, I have not solicited a single vote of the legislature, yet I have received the voluntary assurance that I will be the caucus nominee," said General Charles Dick, in accepting the support of the committee which waited on him today, and announcing his candidacy for the United States senate. The committee is composed of the state senators and representatives of this district, and when they went to Mr. Dick's residence, they knew not but what there would be a big fight for the place. They were therefore greatly surprised, and pleased when Mr. Dick further on in his speech of acceptance said: "Governor Herrick informed me this morning that he would not be a candidate, and extended his best wishes for my success. Mr. Cox has given the same assurance, and also promises me his support." General Dick stated that he had had a conference with Congressman Burton, and that the latter had not yet decided, Saturday morning, whether or not he will enter the race. "I do not believe he will run, however," said Dick. Mr. Dick will not go to Columbus to get into the work of organizing the legislature unless he is informed by his supporters that his presence is going to be necessary. "There is a melancholy pleasure in this," said General Dick tonight, showing a telegram he had just received from Mrs. M. A. Hanna, which said: "Mr. Hanna would have wished it, I wish it and the whole family wishes it," JOHNSON FOR DICK. Speaker Pro Tem of the House for the Akron Man. GALLIPOLIS, OHIO, FEB. 20.—Representative Johnson, speaker pro tem the house, has come out in an unequivocal announcement, favoring the election of Charles F. Dick as United States senator from Ohio. Mr. Johnson was greatly pleased at the announcement that General Dick had practically been decided upon as the successor to Senator Hanna, an- pledges him his most ardent support. Will Be Ohio's Junior Senator. CONGRESSMAN CHARLES DICK. Who will be Senator Hanna's successor. General Dick was selected by the conference of Republican leaders held in Cleveland Friday night and Saturday morning.[*[Ackd 3/26/04]*] ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE, CHAIRMAN. COMMITTEE ON TERRITORIES, UNITED STATES SENATE. WASHINGTON. Dear Mr. President, Enclosed is the real thing. Scatter them. This portrait is otherwise so pretty - so natural & somebody else doing it. Don't like the riding leggings. This picture is for the 80 000 000 -- & the people dont know these "leggings" — dont use them. Also they have a dash of the military; & I think you should play offEverybody has a family -- or wishes he had; & men & women will say that no man can be either bad or an ogre with a family like this about him. Sincerely Albert J. Beveridge Mr Loeb -- Send me several of small prints from that just now. There is another family picture I have seen 2 or 3 times just as good as this & not with the "leggings" & so, better than this. You see I'm hard to please. But this is the most effective picture we'll have or can have -- & it ought to be perfect.[*Ackd 3/28/04*] 212, South Capitol St. Capitol Hill, March 26, 1904. The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt. - President of the United States. My Dear Sir: - Might I use in a series of literary articles which I am contributing to several Catholic papers, your words of praise for the great success. You said, you remember, that you* Mr. James Connelly has just called. He tells me that your announcement that a man named "O'Brien" is not necessarily an Irishman pleased him! you found a very high ideal of romantic love. - - in fact something approaching to the Christian chivalric ideal. - * in Conclusion Mrs. Roosevelt has returned two books to me I always find it a great sacrifice to return any book I like! I am Yours, Most Respectfully Maurice Francis Egan[*ackd 3/26/04*] TELEGRAM [[shorthand]] White House, Washington. 2 WU. HG. FD. 88 D.H. 9:18 a.m., March 26, 1904. St. Louis, Mo., 25. THE PRESIDENT. We desire to invite President Diaz to deliver the principal address at opening ceremonies of exposition April thirtieth. Do you approve? Will you inform him through Secretary of State or our ambassador of your hope that he will accept invitation would that necessitate your extending to him invitation to visit Washington, of course, we would send committee to meet him at border and escort him to St. Louis if he should accept and would also bear expenses of his transportation to Washington if he should decide to go there. David R. Francis.DEPARTMENT OF STATE. WASHINGTON. March 26, 1904. Dear Mr. President:- I do not see how you could make an exception to the rule you have hitherto so strictly observed of inviting no royalties or chiefs of state to the Exhibition. I return Mr. Francis' telegram. Yours faithfully John Hay in re telegram from David R. Francis 3/26/04Department of Justice UNITED STATES MARSHAL'S OFFICE, NORTHERN DISTRICT OF GEORGIA. Atlanta, March 26, 1904. The President:- Every element of the Party insisted that I should be elected Chairman of the State Committee, notwithstanding the order that no one connected with the Department of Justice should hold the position of Chairman of any political organization. It was not in a spirit of disregard of this order, but with the hope that it would be modified. Frankness compels me to say, that in my judgment, it would be best to let the order stand, and I would not have permitted my election, had it not been perfectly clear that no one else could be agreed upon. There would have been a bitter fight and in all probability a split, resulting in two organizations. Should I resign, or decline, the Committee, which consists of sixty-five members, will fill the place, as there was no Vice-Chairman elected by the Convention. There is some improvement in the personal of the present Committee over the last, many worthy gentlemen are members, but not up to the standard it should be as a whole. There is no probability of the Committee being called together until after adjournment of the National Convention. Mr. Stewards and I hope you can give us a few moments before that time, to go over the situation and get your advise. Respectfully, Walter H JohnsonDepartment of Justice. UNITED STATES MARSHAL'S OFFICE, NORTHERN DISTRICT OF GEORGIA. Ackd 3/28/04 Atlanta, March 26, 1904. The President:- Our State Convention was held on the 23rd instant. Some disorder, but not near so bad as represented. Worse than disorder, however, was the large number of ignorant and impecunious delegates. It is next to impossible to get many of the intelligent and substantial white men to take part in Conventions. At least three fourths of the delegates were colored. It is anything but pleasant, to have to labor with these conditions, but I was determined to use every honorable means in my power to see that no delegate went from Georgia, without personally pledging himself to, and being instructed for you. From a personal stand point, I could do nothing less, if I had a proper appreciation of the many kindnesses I have received at your hands, and from a party view of the situation, your able and courageous Administration of the affairs of the country demands such action from every patriotic Republican. There can be no doubt of your unanimous nomination and triumphant election. Respectfully, Walter H JohnsonDEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE Qui Pro Domina Justitia Sequitur Office of the Attorney General Washington, D.C. March 26, 1904. To The President. Sir: -- Replying to your letter of March 14, relative to the desire of the Spanish Treaty Claims Commission for the assistance of the government of Spain in ascertaining material facts as to the claims of citizens of the United States against Spain, I have the honor to say that, after conference with the Commission, it seems that such progress is being made in Spain in perfecting arrangements to obtain the desired information, that it is not now necessary to take the particular steps which had been suggested through the State Department. I therefore report progress and defer any further suggestions for the present. Very respectfully, PC KnoxEnrolled Republicans of the 30th Assembly District New York, March 26, 1904. Dear Sir: A Committee of the Enrolled Republicans of the 30th Assembly District has been selected to call to your attention the issues involved in the contest to take place at the Primary Election in this District on Tuesday, March 29th 1904. The questions involved, briefly stated are these: Do you desire to be represented at the National Republican Convention by a non-resident of this Congressional District? Do you desire that the present conditions of affairs of the Republican Party of this District shall remain as they are - the falling off of the Republican vote; the lack of interest in the party and the needs and necessities of the party workers neglected? If you desire to correct these evils, VOTE THE TICKET headed by JOSEPH MURRAY, a resident of this Congressional District, a personal friend of President Roosevelt and an active, energetic worker for the Republican Party at all times. The enclosed ticket is a representative on of the Enrolled Republicans of this District and in casting your vote for same you will be strengthening and upbuilding the Party of the 30th District. YOU VOTE AT 1301 Lexington Avenue, Tallor Shop. Polls open from 2 o'clock in the afternoon until 9 o'clock in the evening. Do not fail to exercise your right as an Enrolled Republican to cast your vote. Thanking you in advance for your king consideration and hoping to be favored with your support and co-operation, we remain, Sincerely yours, The Committee, SAMUEL M. LEVE, Chairman. ADOLPH REIMANN, Secretary.[enc in Clarkson to T.R. 4-26-04]H.C.LODGE, CHAIRMAN PRIVATE [*Wrote Mr. Nowland 3/26/04*] UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES March 26, 1904. Dear Theodore: - The chairs come from Mr. George A. Nowland, of Alexandria, Virginia. After you have looked at them I hope you will write him a note, which I know will gratify him very much. His father bought the chairs from Mount Vernon when the old place was breaking up and after the death of Bushrod Washington in the fifties and before it was taken by the association which now controls it. They are interesting relics and of course intended for you personally. I have written Edith about Mrs. Batchellor and shall try to see her tomorrow in regard to it. It would be a good thing on many accounts if Edith could have the kindness to let her come, although I hate to be so troublesome. I hope that you have not forgotten to arrest the letter to Frye on that subject. Always yours, H.C. Lodge To The President.Copy Consular Service, U.S.A., Colon, Republic of Panama, March 26, 1904. Rear Admiral Charles D. Sigsbee, Commanding South Atlantic Fleet, United States Navy at Colon. Sir, I have just seen Governor Campillo in relation to the reported arrival of the Colombian warship at Acanti with troops. The Governor says that passengers by the last Italian steamer who are not Colombian partisans, report everything quiet at Cartagena and Barranquilla, that nothing is known in either port of a new expedition of troops in the direction of the Isthmus of Panama and that if troops were sent it would be known in those towns. That 800 soldiers had been sent from the coast to Bogota and that many soldiers are discharged at Barranquilla. the Governor also received a letter from Barranquilla, dated the 16th inst., in which no mention is made of the reported expedition but in which the following passage occurs: "Hay un Decreto del Gobernador de Bolivar en que restablece el orden publico an el Departamento i dice que es al Congreso a quen correspondo arreglar al asunto pendiente en Panama." The Governor therefore has come to the conclusion that the report by the Indians of an expedition to Acanti is not deserving of credit. Your obedient servant, (signed) Oscar Malmoros U.S. Consul.Enc. in Darling 4-15-04]1919 Sixteenth St. March 26, 1904. Dear Roosevelt: It is a long time since any act of mine has brought down on my head such a blow as your recent letter. I am mortified that I said what I had to say in each a blundering way that it was susceptible of the interpretation you gave it, and hurt that you do not know me better than to think me capable of implying that I do not believe in you. The fact that you are the only man in the world having the power to help the Indian situation is my excuse for troubling you. If I annoy you too much, tell me to quit, but don't charge me with unfaithfulness. As ever yours C. Hart Merriam REGULAR REPUBLICAN ORGANIZATION, 30TH ASSEMBLY DISTRICT COMMITTEE 344 EAST 86TH STREET, MANHATTAN AMBROSE O. NEAL, Executive Member. New York, March 26, 1904. Dear Sir: We hand you herewith a primary election ballot containing the names of candidates for delegates to the Fourteenth Congressional District Convention and to the Thirtieth Assembly District Convention. This ticket was unanimously nominated by the District Committee, and a resolution adopted by the Committee that a copy of it be mailed to every enrolled Republican in the Assembly District. The delegates to the Fourteenth Congressional District Convention will meet at No. 344 East 86th Street, on April 14, 1904, for the purpose of electing delegates and alternates to the Republican National Convention to be held in Chicago, Ill., on June 21, 1904. The delegates to the Thirtieth Assembly District Convention will meet at Headquarters, No. 344 East 86th Street, on April 7, 1904. This Convention will elect five delegates and five alternates to the Republican State Convention to be held at Carnegie Hall, this city, April 12, 1904. It is but fair to inform you that the election of this ticket means that the delegates to the State Convention and the delegates to the Fourteenth Congressional District Convention, respectively, will vote to instruct the delegates to the National Convention to use all honorable means to assure the nomination of Theodore Roosevelt for President of the United States and for resolutions heartily endorsing his administration. We earnestly hope that the personnel of the candidates for election as delegates to these conventions and their action as outlined, in case of their election, will meet with your approval and receive your active support at the polls. The Primary Election will take place on Tuesday, March 29 1904, and the polls will open from two o'clock in the afternoon until nine o'clock at night. As the number of votes cast at a primary election is generally regarded as indicating the party's interest in its principles and candidates, will you be kind enough to take the slight trouble incurred by voting. The enclosed ballot is official and can be voted at the polls. The polling place in your primary election district is at Yours respectfully, DISTRICT COMMITTEE AMBROSE O. NEAL, Chairman Max Friedman Isidor Wasservogel Jacob C. Stiesi John C. Weber Arthur Rauf Frank L. Clark, Sr. Frank Schmitt Thomas G. Wilkins George W. Wiberley August L. Gieg Alex. Tharp Francis J. Doherty Charles Nagel Thomas A. Campbell Samuel M. Leve Robert M. Ashman Adolph Reiman Benjamin Schwab James M. Moran Jere. Friedman Ernst F. Wolf Joseph H. Quinn Fred C. T. Eilenberg, Jr. Garrett T. Walsh Lawrence F. Barrett Arthur J. Charters Dennis O'Brien Patrick Ford Jacob H. Storms ALLIED PRINTING TRADES COUNCIL UNION LABEL NEW YORK CITY 123[Enc. in Clarkson to T.R. 4-26-04]UNITED STATES DIPLOMATIC AGENCY AND CONSULATE GENERAL, CAIRO, EGYPT. March 26, 1904 My dear Mr. President, Your very kind note of February 28 has reached me. I have never wished to bother you about my affairs, but I am glad of the chance you have given me to express my preferences. When I was last in Washington I filed in the Bureau of Appointments letters addressed to you by Senators Nelson and Clapp, Archbishop Ireland and President Angell respectively, asking for my appointment as Minister to Belgium or a similar post. Although these letters date from the end of 1901 I never before made use of them, as I was better pleased at that time by my appointment to Russia, which was entirely your own kind thought - than I could have been by anything else. That post I always felt was thoroughly suitable and congenial. But Cairo I confess I find thoroughly uncongenial. The little official business is purely consular for which I have had no specialUNITED STATES DIPLOMATIC AGENCY CONSULATE GENERAL. CAIRO, EGYPT. special training and the only services required by American citizens are attentions to opulent tourists in hotels, so that I feel as though I were accredited to a large watering place. If it ever becomes possible to send me to Belgium, Holland, Denmark or Sweden, I should consider such a post delightful. They are my preferences, but I should be more than willing to go to any remote corner of the earth, however unattractive, provided that there is an interesting task to be done. Only I hope it may never be Turkey which seems the graveyard of diplomatic reputations. With Kindest regards to Mrs. Roosevelt, believe me always Yours Sincerely, J. W. RiddleTELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 1 WU. HG. FD. 24 Paid 9.15 a.m. New York, March 26, 1904. THE PRESIDENT. When will it be convenient for you to see me if I come on midnight train to-night answer to 804 Fifth Avenue. W. Emlen Roosevelt.Translation. Colon, March 26, 1904. Secretary of the Navy, Washington. Five Diablo Indians arrived yesterday from Arcandi, Gulf of Darien; reported Colombian gunboat arrived March twenty-second Arcandi with troops, number unknown. Have sent the MARIETTA to investigate and report as soon as possible x x x from Cartegena. Please direct Special Agent Prien to communicate with me. I will notify the commander of the MARBLEHEAD to co-operate. He has reported on March twenty-first Panama Government intended to recall their troops from posts on Pacific. Coghlan declared danger of invasion passed. Will be active until further am assured. Does reported withdrawal Colombian Charge d'Affaires from Washington suggest extraordinary activity on part of me? Sigsbee. Commander of Caribbean Squadron, North Atlantic Fleet.[Enc. in Darling 4-1-04]215-04-CDS U.S. South Atlantic Squadron, U.S.F.S. NEWARK, Colon, Panama, March 26, 1904. Sir, Referring to the telegram sent to the Department today, in which I reported the despatch of the MARIETTA to Acanti to investigate a report received from Indians to the effect that Colombian troops had been landed at Acanti on the 22nd instant, I have the honor to enclose a copy of a letter received today from the United States Consul at Colon. The following is a translation of that part of the Consul's letter which is in Spanish: "There is a decree of the Governor of the province of Bolivar in which public order (as opposite military law) is restored in the Department, and says that it pertains to the province of the national congress to arrange all further matters with Panama." Formerly Colombian troops from Cartagena and the surrounding country, when sent to the Pacific coast of Canoa, were transported by way of Colon and Panama. That route being no longer available, it is understood that the route now preferred is by way of the Atrato river. The Consul's report indicates the probability that if Colombian soldiers were sent to Acanti, it was intended that they should be transported by the Atrato river to restrain the state of Cauca. On our arrival here on Thursday last, I communicated personally and by signal with Rear-Admiral Coghlan, who left within several hours and after having transferred to me a voluminous correspondence in which was no general or comprehensive scheme for the defense of the canal zone. I am making a study of the situation and have already satisfied myself as to the proper scheme of defense, which is so simple that I2 cannot conceive how Colombia could make a serious campaign against Panama. We could soon force her efforts into mere bushwhacking, even were she to succeed in advancing well int the mountainous region south of the canal zone. [The] In order to bring Panama to terms it would be necessary for the Colombians to capture Panama City, and as a secondary consideration, Colon. They should never be allowed to get anywhere near these cities. The United States Navy could look out for the shore line and transportation of the Colombians by sea. With one or two ships, and a force at Porto Bello, whence trails lead from the northeastern shore route to Colon and the canal zone; with a force of marines at San Juan, which is at the junction of the Chagres river with the Pequeni river, situated centrally, and well to the southward of the canal zone; with a force well to the eastward of Panama; and with a ship or two patrolling near the letter point, the military situation would be made impossible for the Colombians, who could not then approach nearer to either Colon or Panama, even in the dry season. I need for additional study a blue-print, showing all the trains, which I expect to receive on Monday from Major Lejeuene, who is now with his force at Empire, on the railroad. I see no difficulty in the situation. The foregoing remarks relate to the purely defensive only, and leave out of consideration the offensive-defensive, which it ism not necessary to discuss at the present time; nor have I gone into details, which I might give, were it necessary. I beg to submit that there is nothing in the strictly military and naval situation as I see it myself, which would require the presence of a Flag Officer at both Panama and Colon. Although there is doubtless3 no longer danger of an attack on Panama by the Colombians, I shall maintain vigilance. Apparently Colombia could have no other object in attacking the Republic of Panama than to destroy the independence of the latter. Instructions of the Department to Rear-Admiral Coghlan were based only on the protection of Isthmian transit by the United States, but by recent treaty, the United States has engaged to defend the independence of Panama. I should be glad to know if, in the even of renewed aggressive action by Colombia, these considerations are deemed by the Department to affect the attitude, toward Colombian expeditions, prescribed by the Department for the Senior Officer Present at the Isthmus. Very respectfully, (signed) C.D. Sigsbee Rear Admiral, U.S. Navy Commander-in-Chief. The Secretary of the Navy. (Bureau of Navigation.)[Enc. in Darling 3-15-04][*[3-27-04]*] Form No. 1516. CABLE MESSAGE. THE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPANY. INCORPORATED ROBERT C. CLOWRY, President and General Manager. TWO AMERICAN CABLES FROM NEW YORK TO GREAT BRITAIN. CONNECTS ALSO WITH FIVE ANGLO-AMERICAN AND ONE DIRECT U. S. ATLANTIC CABLES. DIRECT CABLE COMMUNICATION WITH GERMANY AND FRANCE. CABLE CONNECTION WITH CUBA, WEST INDIES, MEXICO AND CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICA. MESSAGE SENT TO, AND RECEIVED FROM, ALL PARTS OF THE WORLD. OFFICES IN AMERICA: All Offices (22,000) of the Western Union Telegraph Company and its Connections. [*111*] OFFICES IN GREAT BRITAIN: LONDON: 21 Royal Exchange, E. C. 40 Mark Lane, E. C. Effingham House, Arundel Street, W. C. 109 Fenchurch Street, E. C. 2 Northumberland Avenue, W. C. Hay's Wharf, Tooley Street. LIVERPOOL: 8 Rumford St. and Cotton Exchange. BRISTOL: Backhall Chambers, Baldwin Street. BRADFORD: 10 Forster Square. DUNDEE: 1 Panmure Street. EDINBURGH: 50 Frederick Street. GLASGOW: 4 Waterloo Street. " 29 Gordon Street. LEITH: Exchange Buildings. MANCHESTER: 7 Royal Exchange, Bank Street. NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE: 1 Side. RECEIVED at EV 35 Caibarien 757 1[?] 111 NY Mar 27 Lieutent Governor Higginsí Albany (NY) Kindly cause Henry Sigel Olean leave by Steamer tuesday without fail trial April four rule absolute continuance impossible otherwise bond forfeited requisition and prison result most serious answer Anderson Consular Office[*enc in Higgins 3-29-04*] TERMS AND CONDITIONS. To guard against mistakes on the lines of this company, the sender of every message should order it repeated; that is, telegraphed back from the terminus of said lines to the originating Office. For such repeating the sender will be charged, in addition, one-quarter of the usual tolls of this Company on that portion of its lines over which such message passes. This Company will not assume any responsibility concerning any message beyond the terminus of its own lines. It is agreed between the sender of the following message and this Company, that this Company shall not be liable for mistakes or delays in transmission or delivery, nor for non-delivery to the next connecting Telegraph Company, or to the addresses, of any unrepeated message, beyond the amount of that portion of the tolls which shall accrue to this Company; and that this Company shall not be liable for mistakes in the transmission or delivery, nor for delay or non-delivery to the next connecting Telegraph Company, of any repeated message, beyond fifty times the extra sum received by this Company from the sender for repeating such message over his own lines ; and that this Company shall not be liable in any case for delays arising from interruption in the working of its lines, nor for errors in cipher or obscure messages. And this Company is hereby made the agent of the sender, without liability, to forward any message over the lines of any other Company necessary to reach its destination. It is agreed that this Company shall not be liable for damages in any case where the claim is not presented to it in writing within sixty days after the sending of the message.COPY CABLEGRAM. Paris, March 27, 1904. P. C. Knox, Attorney-General, 1527 K Street, Washington, To prevent misapprehension concerning the official participation on Thursday by the Procureur General (Minister of Justice) in the suit by Colombia and the suit by Napoleon Wyse for injunction against transfer, I beg leave to say that the appearance of that official is customary in all cases, as it is his function and duty in every case to watch the proceedings in the interest of justice and to advise the court. It does not signify nor imply any material, personal, or direct interest of the Republic itself in the affair, nor did the Republic assert any interest in the two suits for injunction. The Attorney-General for the Republic very properly and naturally has given especial study to the subject and we particularly asked it. He rendered a written opinion, profound and exhaustive, before the full Bench on Thursday, and officially advised the court that every proposition asserted by us was correct and that every point put forth by Colombia and everything which has been done by Wyse was unfounded in law and that2. their suits should be dismissed. He has been from the beginning with us in his views and we were justly confident of this endorsement; but it is gratifying and helpful to have the official adviser of the court, the Attorney-General for the Republic, officially confirm every step we have taken and advise the court to dismiss these unworthy suits for injunction. The court announced that it would render its decision March 31st, at 10 o'clock, and I repeat my absolute confidence that it will be in our favor. It will then be permissible for us to call the special stockholders' meeting for dissolution, ratification, etc., for which I am making every preparation and shall succeed. General Reyes, who has recently sought me, as did his predecessors - Silva, Concha, Herran - called upon me and announced his departure for Begota to-day. This indicates that he has lost confidence in the injunction suits, which he instituted here and which he came here to prosecute, as he told me in New York. He wrote me Friday night that he was willing to take up my plan for general settlement by three treaties -- one between Colombia and Panama, respecting national debt and future commercial relations; one between Colombia and the United States, of any character you might approve (perhaps through purchase of islands from Colombia); and one between the United States and Panama for commercial relations not covered by existing treaty, (Mr. Hay will explain what I have in mind), all without previous commitment,3. of course, by either Government, but which, I firmly believe, would result successfully. Documents are prepared and ready for submission to-day. Russell Board of Directors actively cooperating to complete agreement, as officially notified by Attorney-General second instant. (Signed) W. Nelson Cromwell.[enclosed in Knox, 3-28-04][*C.F.*] TELEGRAM. [*[1904]*] White House, Washington. PO--1 NY WV GI 135. 468-467. Via French. Paris, March 27---5p The President of the U. S. To prevent misapprehension concerning the official participation on Thursday by the procureur general in the suit by Colombia and the suit by Napoleon Wyse for injunction against transfer, I beg leave to say that the appearance of that official is customary in all cases as it is his function and duty in every case to watch the proceedings in the interests of justice and to advise the court it does not signify nor imply any material personal or direct interest of the republic itself in the affair nor did the republic assert any in the two suits for injunction, the attorney for the Republic very properly and naturally gave special study to the subject and we particularly asked it. He rendered a written opinion profound and exhaustive before the full bench on Thursday and officially advised the court that every proposition asserted by [no] us was correct and that every point put forth by Colombia and Wyse was unfounded in law and that their suits should be dismissed. Everything has been conducted by us from the beginning with this in view and we were justly confident of this endorsement, but it is gratifying and helpful to have the official adviser of the court, the attorney for the republic, officially confirm every step we have taken and advise the court announced that it would render its decision on March 31 at at ten oclock and I repeat my absolute confidence that it will be in our favor. It will then be permissible for us to call the special stockholders meeting for dissolution ratification, etc., for which I am making every preparation and shall succeed general Reyes who has recently sought me as did his predecessors Silva, Concha, Herran, called upon me and announced his departure forTELEGRAM. White House, Washington. (SHEET 2.) Bogota today, this indicates he has lost confidence in the injunction suits, which he instituted here and which he came here to prosecute as he [would] told me in New-York, he wrote me Friday night that he was willing to take up my plan for general settlement by three treaties, one between Colombia and Panama respecting national debt and future commercial relations; one between Colombia and United States of any character you might approve, perhaps through purchase of islands from Colombia, and one between United States and Panama for commercial relations not covered by existing treaty. Mr. Hay will explain what I have in mind all without previous commitment of course by either government but which I firmly believe would result successfully document prepared and ready for submission. Ray Russell board of directors actively cooperating to complete agreement as officially notified by attorney general second instant. Wm. Nelson Cromwell, Care John Munroe and Co., Bankers, 7 Rue Scribe. Received 5:20 p.m.Department of Commerce and Labor OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY Washington March 28, 1904. Dear Mr. President: I am in receipt of the letter of the 18th instant from your Secretary, transmitting a memorandum from Mr. E. Rosewater relative to the control of the output of the paper mills of the United States by an alleged trust, and beg to enclose herewith a letter from the Commissioner of Corporations regarding the matter. The letter of the Commissioner was written after a conference with me and expresses both his views and my own on the subject referred to by Mr. Rosewater. Very truly yours, Geo B. Cortelyou Secretary. To the President. Enclosure.[*PF*] Frank B. Noyes, Chicago Record-Herald, President Melville E. Stone, General Manager. Horace White, New York Evening Post First Vice President. Valentine P. Snyder, Treasurer. William R. Nelson, Kansas City Star, Second Vice President. Directors, Stephen O'Meara, Boston Journal. Whitelaw Reid, New York Tribune. Clark Howell, Atlanta Constitution. W.L. Mc Lean, Philadelphia Bulletin. Albert J. Barr, Pittsburg Post. George Thompson, St. Paul Dispatch. Victor F. Lawson, Chicago Daily News. Charles W. Knapp, St. Louis Republic. Harvey W. Scott, Portland Oregonian, Portland Telegram. Frank B. Noyes, Chicago Record-Herald. Thomas G. Napier, New Orleans Picayune. Herman Ridder, New York Staats Zeitung. M. H de Young, San Francisco Chronicle. Charles H. Grasty, Baltimore Evening News. Wm. D. Brickell, Columbus (O) Evening Dispatch. The Associated Press. ALBANY, N.Y. GEO. E. GRAHAM, CORRESPONDENT, 81 CHAPEL ST., Telephone, Albany, 1085. [*Ackd 3/31/04*] Albany, N. Y. Mch. 28th. 1904. President Theodore Roosevelt, c/o The White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President:- I know you want to be kept advised as to anything that may hurt the vote of this State, and so I write to you of a little complication in Washington County. You know when Assemblyman Hughes made such a bad failure up there, he hurt the two banks in Granville, both of which are controlled by leading Republicans of the County. Just as they are recovering slowly from the matter they are brought to face the fact, that a number of Democrats headed by John Gilroy and Ellis Williams, have made application to the Comptroller of Currency for permission to establish a new bank. I believe it is to be called the "Washington County Bank of Granville." It seems to me it would be very unwise to allow this to be done, it will hurt a great many Republicans and there can certainly be no need of a third bank in such a small place. State Committeeman Baker is against the measure, as are also nearly all of your personalThe Associated Press. Frank B. Noyes, Chicago Record-Herald, President Horace White, New York Evening Post First Vice President. William R. Nelson, Kansas City Star, Second Vice President. Melville E. Stone, General Manager. Valentine P. Snyder, Treasurer. Directors, Stephen O'Meara, Boston Journal. Whitelaw Reid, New York Tribune. Clark Howell, Atlanta Constitution. W.L. Mc Lean, Philadelphia Bulletin. Albert J. Barr, Pittsburg Post. George Thompson, St. Paul Dispatch. Victor F. Lawson, Chicago Daily News. Charles W. Knapp, St. Louis Republic. Harvey W. Scott, Portland Oregonian, Portland Telegram. Frank B. Noyes, Chicago Record-Herald. Thomas G. Napier, New Orleans Picayune. Herman Ridder, New York Staats Zeitung. M. H de Young, San Francisco Chronicle. Charles H. Grasty, Baltimore Evening News. Wm. D. Brickell, Columbus (O) Evening Dispatch. ALBANY, N.Y. GEO. E. GRAHAM, Correspondent, 81 CHAPEL ST., Telephone, Albany, 1085. 2nd- To the President- friends up there. It would be of great benefit to you if the Comptroller should refuse it. Very truly, G. E. Graham[*P.F.*] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General Washington, D.C. March 28, 1904. Dear Mr. President: I have just received a cablegram from Mr. Cromwell, of which the enclosed is a copy. The material part of it is, that it is evident there will be no hitch in the proceedings of transfer. I think he has had definite assurance as to how the French court will treat the suit, and that the message was prompted by a desire to exalt his own horn by predicting the outcome. Very respectfully, P C Knox To The President.[For 1. enc see Cromwell, 3-27-04]to write him a few lines. Sincerely yours W Emlen Roosevelt Mar 28- 1904 [[shorthand]] [*[3-28-04]*] [*Ackd 3/29/04*] 33 WALL STREET. My dear Theodore I have to thank you for a very pleasant day in Washington. I found Mother's condition still improving and really she was smiling as a basket of chips this morning. Jack is also better. Frank Appleton is also much pleased that you have signed the portraits and I hope you will not forget CABLE ADDRESS "RYRAPORT, NEW YORK" DOUGLAS ROBINSON 160 BROADWAY TELEPHONE CONNECTION. [*ackd & enc ret'd 3/31/04 Bus F.*] New York, March 28th, 1904. Dear Mr. Roosevelt:-- I beg to hand you enclosed herewith copy of Appointment of Mr. Ferguson as Trustee under your Father's will in place of the late Mr. Gracie. Kindly sign the same before a Commissioner of Deeds for the State of New York at the seal below Mr. Robinson's signature, returning it at your earliest convenience, and oblige Yours respectfully, Frank C. Smith The President, White House, Washington, D. C. [[shorthand]]Legation of Japan, Washington. March 28, 1904 [*Ackd 3/28/04*] My dear Mr. Secretary, The President spoke to Baron Kaneko and myself when we had the honor of an audience with him on Saturday that he desired to read some Japanese work of the classical nature if there is one translated into English language. I have found from my librarysuch translation embodied in the world's great classics and I beg herewith to send you a volume containing the same together with a little book on an ethical system of Japan written by a Japanese scholar. If the President would find a leisure to give them a glance, I should feel very highly honored. With high regards Very faithfully yours K. TakahiraFBW Patterson, Louisiana. March 28, 1904. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington, D. C. My dear Sir:- Referring to my letter of even date herewith, and to that part wherein I call your attention to several letters written you some time since by Mr. Emile Kuntz; on looking over my files I find the said letters, and am enclosing you copies of same. One of these letters is personal to you, and with which he enclosed you letters to Hon. O. V. Waggner, Chairman Second District Congressional Committee, and to Hon. W. T. Insley, Chairman Fifth District Republican Congressional Committee; disbanding his committee, and showing his willingness to harmonize matters, and be loyal, with his friends, to the recognized Republican State Central Committee of Louisiana. Yours respectfully, F.B. Williams G.F.K.[For 2 encs. see 8-8-02][[shorthand]] FBW Patterson, Louisiana. [*Ackd 4/2/04*] March 28, 1904. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington, D. C. My dear Sir:- Yours of the 21st at hand. I note what you say in reference to our bringing charges against Cohen. We can bring charges which we think would be sufficient to cause his removal, and will do so at the proper time. However, just at this time we do not think it advisable to take any steps whatever towards either pacifying him or removing him. I enclose you for your perusal the proceeds of a meeting of which Cohen is the prime mover. While he does not wish it to appear that way, he is at the bottom of the matter, and intends to do all that he can against the party in this State. As a matter of fact, 90% of those who are in this movement with him are not qualified voters. They have not paid their poll taxes, or are they registered; both of which is necessary in order to qualify them to vote. The party, Emile Kuntz, spoken of in this meeting as chairman of the State Central Committee, is one of the prime movers. If you will remember about a year and a half ago he wrote you a letter in which he stated that he had made a mistake in organizing a State Central Committee in opposition to the one headed by me as Chairman. He also stated that he recognized me as the legal chairman of the State Central Committee, and that in future he proposed to work in harmony with us, and do all that he could to build up a party in the State. You probably have this letter on file. I will state, however, that those members of the State Central Committee who joined with him in organizing a "rump" committee have since that time all gone into our party, and are working with us. There is nothing whatever for us to do but to ignore them. We have our party well organized, and will carry a solid delegation to Chicago, and as Mr. McCall and I stated to you while there recently, would have a few negro delegates. From appearences now it looks like there would be three contesting sets of delegates; from the First, Second, and Sixth District. The First represented by Walter L. Cohen; the Second by L. S. Barnes and Emile Kuntz; and the Sixth by Souer, who was formerly Internal Revenue Collector. I see no possible way of avoiding it. It would do no good for you to remove Coehn now, for in either event, whether he holdsPresident Roosevelt,...3/28/04...#2. his position or whether he is removed, he is going to take his delegation up there. It would be suicidal in our part not to take our delegates from those districts, as we have our party well organized in each district, and for us to say to them now, just prior to the State Election in which we are making our very best efforts to elect our ticket, that we should disband our organization in those districts and turn them over to Walter L. Cohen would mean the disruption of our party, and it would be no use whatever for us to make any further effort. While in Washington recently we had a conversation with Mr. Payne on this same subject, and he dictated a letter to Walter Cohen which we thought would settle the matter definitely, but it may be that Mr. Payne may have reconsidered the matter, and not sent the letter. Hence all of this trouble. I have a letter from Mr. Dover, Secretary of the National Republican Committee, in reference to this same matter, and am sending him a copy of these same resolutions, and also am writing him fully in reference to the political situation here. If there is any one there in whom you have confidence that you could send down here to meet the leaders of our party, and also of the others, matters might be straightened out, but unless this can be done I see solution. Cohen is evidently bent on stiring up strife among the colored people, and is working it for all it is worth in the Northern States. We propose to have some colored people as delegates there, and I do not see that it would have just as good an effect as if we recognized Cohen and Kuntz. While I recognize that they were recognized at the last National Convention at Philadelphia, they have lost all of their claim to that position by reason of the fact that they made no effort whatever during the last Congressional Election to nominate a ticket, or make any effort whatever in behalf of the party. As I stated the situation fully, if there is any suggestions that you can make to harmonize matters I would be glad to hear from you, but think that more good could be done by sending some one here in whom you have confidence ton confer with us. Yours respectfully, J. B. Williams F.B.W.[* [Enclosed in Bishop, 3-28-05] *] The Globe 1787 -- Established -- 1905 Published every evening, except Sunday, By The Commercial Advertiser Association. New York, Tuesday, March 23. soon to be held men are persona grata or the reverse in proportion as their hearts did or did not beat true to the sacred ratio. The feudists, although they have forgotten the cause of the quarrel, still whet their hatchets and act according to the impulses of an inherited animosity. VERY QUEER POLITICS What is going on in the councils of the Democratic party? A few weeks ago Mr. Bryan went over more or less completely to the side of President Roosevelt, fastening himself so far as he was able to do so to the coat-tails of the President and declaring it to be his intention to hang on to them as long as he possibly could. More recently Mr. Hearst has declared in his newspaper his belief that the President will be and should be nominated to succeed himself in 1908. On Sunday last the New York World joined the procession by saying: Theodore Roosevelt will be renominated for president of the United States in 1908, and he will be reëlected -- not merely because he is the idol of the people, or on account of his virtues, or by reason of the mistakes that add to his popularity, but because there will be no real opposition. The Democratic party is and will be hopelessly divided against itself. This is very curious business to be in progress at the moment when two great banquets, planned for the purpose of reviving interest in the Democratic party and pulling it together for future contests, are to be held on Jefferson's birthday. Imagine the inspiriting effect upon these banquets were some person to arise and read to the assemblage the above utterances from the chief Democratic journal of the party in this part of the land! Roosevelt to be renominated and reelected in 1908 "because the Democratic party is and will be hopelessly divided against itself." That is not only an admission that the powerful articles which the World has been publishing during the past month or more against the usurping and unwarrantable acts of the President have had no effect, but that all the articles that it may choose to publish against him for the next four years will have no effect. Queer business, that, on the part of a newspaper that professes to lead and mould public opinion. Was ever before a campaign given up so far in advance as this? It is a very doubtful compliment to the President, whatever may be said of it as journalistic or political wisdom. There is no possibility of misunderstanding Mr. Roosevelt's position on the question of a nomination in 1908. His well-known announcement, written and published on the night of his election in November last, was as emphatic and precise as words could make it. In it he said: On the 4th of March next I shall have served three and one-half years, and this three and one-half years constitutes my first term. The wise custom which limits the president to two terms regards the substance and not the form. Under no circumstances will I be a candidate for or accept another nomination. That declaration bears unmistakable evidence of careful preparation. It would have been very easy to leave off the last five words, and a man who had written the rest of the declaration in other than a perfectly sincere spirit might have left them off. There is no doubt that President Roosevelt put them on because he was sincere and because he was thoroughly determined to stand by the pledge which they express. It is inconceivable that he should take back, or swerve from, or violate this pledge four years hence. He is not that kind of man; even the World will admit that. Why, then, this Democratic movement to make him a candidate against his own pledge and at the expense of his own honor? Has the demoralization of the party gone so far as to unsettle the intellects of its leaders and editors? Or is there a subtle plot behind the mysterious business? If so, Is it subtle or merely imbecile?WAR DEPARTMENT, OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF STAFF, WASHINGTON. March 29, 1904. MEMORANDUM. For the Secretary of War; Pursuant to your request, I beg to hand you herewith the names of the following officers among the senior colonels of the line, from whom I suggest that the President make his selection. Each of these officers is past 60 years of age, each attained the rank of colonel during the year 1901, and each is an officer of very good ability. They attained the rank of colonel in the following order: 1. Col. Constant Williams, 26th Infantry; 2. Col. Stephen P. Jocelyn, 14th Infantry; 3. Col. William M. Wallace, 15th Cavalry; 4. Col. Edward S. Godfrey, 9th Cavalry; 5. Col. John W. Bubb, 12th Infantry; 6. Col Alfred C. Markely, 13th Infantry. All these officers saw some service in the war of the Rebellion. Colonel Godfrey is a graduate of West Point, while all the others were appointed either from the Army or from civil life. As to their capacity, with the exception stated Col Godfrey they are all about on an equality. Should the President deem it unwise to promote either of the officers named, then I beg to call his attention to Col. Ernest A. Garlington, Inspector General's Department, who is 51 years of age, will have 1 years to serve, and who is among the ranking colonels of the Army. He is an officer of good capacity. Respectfully, Chaffee Lieutenant General, Chief of Staff.[*[for enc. see Higgins 3-27-04*] STATE OF NEW YORK LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR'S ROOM ALBANY Albany, N.Y. March 29, 1904. [*Ackd 3/30/04*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. My dear President:- I am deeply interested in furthering the efforts of Major John Byrne to have our State Department use its good offices to secure the quashing of an indictment in the Island of Cuba against my friend Henry Sigel. It is a case of pure blackmail. To give you a little idea of the manner in which the interests of Americans are being looked after by at least one of our consular officers in Cuba. I enclose a cablegram sent to me, - the only communication that I ever had with or from Mr. Anderson. As I understand it, there is no extraditiontreaty with Cuba. and personal harm cannot come to Mr. Sigel, except as it comes in injuring a good name without justification. I am, with best wishes, Your obedient servant Frank W HigginsSEC. 764-TSP U.S.S. MARBLEHEAD, Panama, Republic of Panama, March 29, 1904. Sir, 1. I have the honor to report as follows regarding the movements of the vessels of this Squadron at Panama and vicinity:- The MARBLEHEAD, PREBLE, and PAUL JONES are in the harbor of Panama. The WYOMING left Panama at 5.00 P.M. today for La Palma, Darien Harbor, with orders to communicate with the authorities at El Real and to obtain all information possible relative to the movements of Colombian troops, state of camps, health, etc. in the Province of Darien. She will return here on Thursday afternoon or Friday morning. 2. I am informed by cable from Callao that Admiral Glass sailed from there on the 20th for this port with the NEW YORK, CONCORD, BENNINGTON and BOSTON, and I expect them to arrive here on Thursday afternoon March 31st, or early the following morning. 3. The Panamanian gun-boat "3rd of November" left Panama at 8 P.M. on March 28th for La Palma or Chipagane, Darien Harbor, in order to bring back to Panama the troops that were as Boca de Cupe. 4. I enclose a copy of a letter sent me by the U.S. Charge d'Affaires, Hon. W.W. Russell, received by him from the U.S. Consul at Colon, and received on March 28th. I have been informed by the U.S. Consul General that there is not ruth whatever in this report, he having been so informed by the Government of Panama. I have notified Rear Admiral Sigsbee, now in command of the forces on the Isthmus, to that effect. 5. The P.S.N. steamer Equador arrived here on the 28th, from Guayaquil, Equador, and Colombian ports, and Capitain Speranza, her captain, informs me that everything is quiet at Buenaventura, Colombia, but that it is his opinion that they are only waiting an2 opportunity to rebel against Colombia. The Colombian gunboat BOGOTA was at Guayaquil with her engines disabled and he carried to Buenaventura 30 of her crew as passengers, these men stated that they would not return to the BOGOTA. Captain Speranza thinks that the men in charge of the BOGOTA is trying to sell her, but as yet has not met with success. She is now armed with 10 6-pdr. rapid fire guns, she having left her two 6" guns at Buenaventura before leaving there for Guayaquil. 6. Everything is quiet on this side of the Isthmus, and the health of the Squadron excellent. Very respectfully, (signed) T.S. Phelps Jr., Commander, U.S. Navy, Senior Officer Present. The Secretary of the Navy, Washington, D.C.[*PF*] [*Darling Theodore I thought this might interest you Bamie*] Dictated G. P. Putnam's Sons 37 & 39 23d Street New York 34 Bedford Street, Strand London, W. C. (All business communications should be addressed to the concern) The Knickerbocker Press Mar. 29th, 1904 Mrs. Douglas Robinson, 422 Madison Ave. City. Dear Madam:- Acknowledging your note with directions to send two copies of the pamphlet by "Spectator" to two different addresses, we will see that they are sent as soon as practicable. Of this pamphlet issued by the author, the very considerable first edition has been entirely exhausted. The very strong words of commendation which have been given to this little brochure, have induced the author to come to us and request that we reissue the work. This we are about to do as soon as possible, and as soon as our edition is ready, your order will be filled. This little monograph is, in our opinion, the cleverest and most effective utterance that has yet appeared on the subject considered. it is fair, temperate, and logical, and we believe will do an enormous amount of good. The writer had personal word of a statement made by a prominent banker the other night at a private dinner, to the effect that, having been imbued with some of the popular so-called Wall Street notions, in regard to the President, he had been entirely converted by reading this pamphlet. It was a good deal of an acknowledgement (over)for a man of this kind to make in a semi-public way, and it was significant. Very respectfully, G. P. Putnam's Sons. K. W. Dictated by Irving PutnamNew York, 3/29,/04. [*Ackd 3/30/04 & wrote Mr Collier*] To the President, The White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President: I wrote to Mr. Loeb the other day to suggest that you invite to call upon you Mr. Collier and Mr. Hapgood of Collier's Weekly, and I have bethought me since that Mr. Hapgood is the author of the "Life of Lincoln". It has seemed to me recently that you were more interested in Lincoln than in any other man among your predecessors, and that it might increase your interest in Mr. Hapgood if you had seen his book. So I have ordered a copy sent to you, and I wish you would notice especially those chapters in which Hapgood points out how much of a politician Lincoln was. Yours sincerely, J. Lincoln Steffens[*P.F.*] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. March 29, 1904. The President: I herewith enclose a memorandum of the Chief of Staff on the complaint of Brig. Gen. Daggett, retired, concerning the practice in the Army of detailing chaplains for duty as counsel for enlisted men, exchange officers, etc., and recommending that the President direct that the Regulations be changed so as to prohibit their employment in any way except professionally. It seems to me that the statement of General Chaffee that the order suggested ought not to be issued, and unless otherwise directed, the matter will be allowed to drop without action by this Department, for the reasons sated in his memorandum. Very respectfully, Wm H Taft Secretary of War. Inclosures. [*see War Dep 3/23/04*]hard and unselfish work for you and the party, the people like him, and feel that he is very close to them: he is very strong with the masses. I am not urging that he or anyone else be elected but that the matter be left to its natural course, if you see your way clear to do so. Any change from what you said at the White House will place both Mr. Thompson and myself in an awkward position. Any answer sent to me here will reach me. Very truly yours, Booker T. Washington. President Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. BOOKER T. WASHINGTON [*Ack'd 3-30-04*] TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. Incorporated. Tuskegee, Alabama. Personal and Confidential. Hotel Manhattan, New York City. March 29th, 1904. My dear Mr. President:--- I do hope that you will stand by what you told me to say to Mr. Thompson regarding the Chairmanship, when I see you a week ago at the White House. I telegraphed Mr. Thompson what you said, namely, that you had no objection to his being chairman if it came about in a natural way, that is, provided that he would have been the choice of the people if he had not hold a federal office. The candidacy has been urged upon Mr. Thompson, and while I take no sides in the matter, I hope that you will let the voters settle the question as they think wise. You know that Mr. Aldrich is a very busy man, engaged in large business enterprises; and that Mr. Scott is much out of the state. Mr. Thompson is really the man who has taken off his coat, gone down among the masses and done the work; and has thus brought the two wings of the party together. Because of his [*P.F*] Republican National Committee M. A. HANNA, OHIO, CHAIRMAN HENRY C. PAYNE, WISCONSIN, VICE-CHAIRMAN ELMER DOVER, OHIO, SECRETARY C. N. BLISS, NEW YORK, TREASURES VOLNEY W. FOSTER, ILLINOIS, ASS'T TREASURER WILLIAM F. STONE, MARYLAND, SERGEANT-AT-ARMS Executive Committee HENRY C. PAYNE OF WISCONSIN RICHARD C. KERENS OF MISSOURI GRAEME STEWART OF ILLINOIS HARRY S. NEW OF INDIANA JOSEPH H. MANLEY OF MAINE N. B. SCOTT OF WEST VIRGINIA FRANKLIN MURPHY OF NEW JERSEY CORNELIUS N. BLISS OF NEW YORK OFFICE OF THE ACTING CHAIRMAN HENRY C. PAYNE WASHINGTON, D. C. Washington, D.C., March 29, 1904. Mr. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President. My dear Mr. Loeb: I enclose herewith a letter received by Mr. Payne from Hon. Waller T. Burns, of Houston, Texas, concerning the political situation in Texas. Mr. Payne thinks that the President would be pleased to read the letter in full. Very truly yours, F. H. Whitney Private Secretary. Enclosures.[For 3 Encs. see Payne to Burns 3-23-04 3-29-04 3-22-04]Washington, D.C., March 29, 1904. Hon. Waller T. Burns, Houston, Texas. Dear Sir: I am directed by Mr. Henry C. Payne to acknowledge receipt of your communication of the 23d instant, with enclosure, concerning the proceedings of your State convention. Mr. Payne has been ill for some time and is still confined to his bed. I read your letter to him, and he desired me to state in reply that he would see that your letter is placed before the President, for his information. Very truly yours, Private Secretary.[Enc. in Whitney 3-29-04[*F*] Judge Pritchard says he has the Colored representation in No. Car. delegation in mind. Says they can be put on the District delegations without much trouble, but that there would be opposition to putting them on the state delegation at large. 3-29-1904The Wall Street Journal [*] From the Wall Street Journal of March 29, 1904 "Enemies Of The Republic." Lincoln Steffens, in the April issue of McClue's Magazine, has an article entitled "Enemies of the Re= public." in which he deals with the political condition of Missouri. This article contains some notable passages, and we transcribe here a few sentences to serve as a text for what we have to say with respect to matters directly affecting New York city and New York state. Here they are: "And as for corruption and the understanding there- of, we cannot run 'round and 'round in municipal rings and understand ring corruption; it isn't a ring thing. We cannot remain in one city, or ten, and comprehend municipal corruption; it isn't a local thing; we cannot 'stick to a party' and follow party corruption; it isn't a partisan thing. . . . . It's corruption. The cor- ruption of our American politics is our American corrup- tion, political, but financial, and industrial too. . . Business started the corruption of politics in Pittsburg; upholds it in Philadelphia, boomed with it in Chicago and withered with its reform; and in New York business financed the return of Tammany Hall. . . not the politician, then not the bribe-taker, *but the bribe-giver, the man we are so proud of, our successful business man -he is the source and the sustenance of our bad govern- ment. The captain of industry is the man to catch. His is the trail to follow."* The italicization is ours. We wish it were Mr.Stef- fen's. Public meetings are being held in this city to protest against certain legislation which is being "jammed through" at Albany. This legislation is mainly in the in- terest of certain public service corporations in New York City- street railroads and the Consolidated Gas Com- pany. These concerns will be benefited by it if it is completed. No one acts without motive. What motive have the lawmakers' at Albany which leads them to pass bills ob- noxious to the public? Everyone can see why the street [railroad] companies and the Consolidated Gas Company [?] [these] bills should pass. What people cannot [? ] the lawmakers at Albany [?] [?] the public [?] the [?] [?] or not "graft" cuts any [?] But Cui Bonof is a pretty good [?] Mr.Steffens points it out pretty [?] sentences we have quoted from his article. [?] e we think it will do no harm to remember who it is that managers the public-service corporations, and we print here for he benefit of those who may not have the necessary reference books at hand the names of the gen- tlemen who direct the various street railroad companies and the Consolidated Gas Company: Trustees of the Consolidated Gas Company: H. E. Gawtry Samuel Sloan John W. Sterling W. Rockefeller M. Taylor Pynr Geo. F. Baker Jas. Stillman S. Palmer Frank Tilford F. A. Schermerhorn A. N. Brady Thos. F. Ryan Directors of the Metropolitan Securities Company William H. Bladwin, Jr. Edward J. Berwind Charles A. Conant Paul D. Cravath John D. Crimmins Thos Dolan Thos. P. Fowler Frank S. Gannon George G. Haven James H. Hyde Aug. D. Julliard R.W. Meade P. A. B. Widener Thos. F. Ryan H.H. Vreeland. Directors of the Interborough Rapid Transit Co: William H. Baldwin, Jr. Morton F. Plant August Belmont Andrew Freedman James Jourdan J.B. McDonald. W.G. Oakman John Peirce Geo. W. Young W.A. Read Cornelius Vanderbilt E.P. Bryan Gardiner M. Land It may be that the lawmakers at Albany are honestly mistaken in their judgment as to the propriety of these bills. It may be that the managers or agents of the pub- lic-service corporations have not done anything improper in the way of inducing votes for this legislation. But if the bills pass and become laws there will only be one opinion as to what happened; and that opinion every one knows in advance. The course of the Republican majority at Albany is simply inexplicable upon any other theory than that the party is desirous of throwing away the state. Governor Odell (who had incurred the bitter enmity of the Sun, and therefore cannot be wholly bad) deserves a life pen- sion from the Democratic party for his course in politics. But party politics are as nothing in this matter. Has there been corruption or has there not? And if there has been corruption will it be successful? These are questions that people are asking them- selves now. We trust that every paper in New York city will publish conspicuously the name of every assembly- man and state Senator who has voted or may vote for the Relocation bill, the anti-transfer bill, the Remsen Gas bill (in its present form) and the Ramapo Water bill, so that we may know who they are. But it is more im- portant that people should know who has dealt with the lawmakers. "Cherckes la femme!" say the French when the facts are not clear: -Mr. Steffens says "look for the 'captains of industry,'" and it looks very much as if he were right. // The Sun Tuesday, March 29, 1904. The State Disgraced. We do not suppose that Mr. Roosevelt still continues to indulge in any illusions as to the condition of the Republican party in the State of New York. He must before this, however reluctantly, have had conviction thrust upon him Honest and patriotic Republicans have gone hence to the White House at the Presi- dent's request and they have answered his inquiries bluntly and truthfully. They have told him plainly what the situation was and they have pointed out to him what were the inevitable consequences of having a man of Odell's character in control of the party. They have made clear what were those consequences not [??rely] to the Republican party but to Mr. Roosevelt himself. The statements which these honest and patriotic Repub- licans and citizens of New York made to Mr. Roosevelt were unavailing. Mr. Roosevelt listens to advice, gratefully and with engaging consideration. But, Mr. Roosevelt never takes it. The President believed that Odell was the right man to be intrustaed with management of the party in the Em- pire State. He knew his accomplish- ments as a practical politician, knew pretty much everything there was to be known about him; knew also the Odell hated him and had never concealed his dislike and contempt for him, but he made up his mind that it was no time for the personal equation and that Odell was essential. Mr. Roosevelt was in- different to Odell's personal attitude; it would be subordinated to the weightier considerations of the campaign and was not worth taking into account anyhow. Besides his own magnanimity in the matter and the generous breadth of spirit that he showed toward Odell would certainly disarm his enemy. He could not understand (or be made to understand) that in the whole of Odell's numerous following, up the State and in this city, he, Mr. Roosevelt, had not a single friend. The senior Senator from New York contributed in some degree to the Presi- dent's sense of security and to his con- fidence in the wisdom of his policy. In the first place, Mr. Platt brought no tales of Odell to the Presidential ear. If he said anything, it was to minimize or dismiss as slanders or vicious rumors the stories current respecting Odell's movements and schemes. Mr. Platt didn't believe them himself. He didn't believe Odell was plotting to supplant him, Platt, as State leader and to rob him of the last vestige of authority or power in the Republican party in his own State. He knew Odell was hostile, bitterly hostile, to Roosevelt, but then what did that amount to? He knew that he himself was not any more anxious that Mr. Roosevelt should get the nomina- tion than Odell was. How uncommonly / when it is badly stated, just like that! Appraising, as he did justly enough, the intellectual and physical debility of Mr.Platt, the President, always solici- tous to avoid wounding the sensibilities of the Senator, treated him with all kind- ness and urbanity but encouraged the pretensions of Odell. We had taken occasion, in reviewing the political carrer of Mr.Platt, to deplore his proclivity for taking cold storage reptiles to his bosom and warming them there until they could discharge their natural func- tions. Mr.Platt has sadly and pain- fully acquiesced in the justice of our observations, but the experience he had gained was discarded by the President, who took Odell into the identical place that he had occupied in Mr.Platt's anatomy. Mr. Roosevelt just now is sterilizing his person and fumigating his vicinity. It is the only thing he can do. At first when Odell refused to come to Wash- ington and truculently remarked that he could take care of the Republican party in the State of New York without the President's assistance, Mr. Roosevelt thought it was strange. Then he began to inquire, and what was told to him was not new, he had heard it all before; only now it was pregnant with a significance which his vanity and self-reliance had prevented him from understanding earlier. Odell was a free agent, exult- ing in his revolt and unrestricted in his possibilities for mischief. It was said that Odell was planning to nominate his own man for the Gover- norship and repeat a famous page in his- tory when a Governor was elected and a Presidential candidate defeated. This came to the President's knowledge and it naturally annoyed him. The Fifth Avenue Hotel conference was at first reassuring. It was made to appear that really eminent and illustrious Repub- licans had rallied to Senator Platt's support and had read the riot act to the turbulent statesman from Albany, and had, so to speak, called him down. All that that conference resulted in was a farce, pathetic and revolting so far as it affected Senator Platt, and disastrous and disgraceful in its recoil upon the party spirit. Col. George W. Dunn, the chairman of the State committee, an- nounced that under no circumstances would he serve another term. Col. dunn is a stalwart, able and devoted Repub- lican: why did he refuse to serve as chair- man? It was he beginning of the end. The wages of graft are political death. Thunder, debauchery and corruption are/ running riot at Albany and in every part of the State, and the Republican party is wounded in its very vitals. Even now if there were a real leader the situation might be saved and the State secured to the Republican party and to Theodore Roosevelt. For if Theodore Roose- velt is to be defeated, it were better it should be in the fair, open filed of honest political warfare, and not in the secret haunts of Odell and the infamy and degradation of our State. There are leaders- why will not they lead? The party in its integrity is as great, as powerful and as resourceful as it ever war. The very flower of civic spirit, of patriotic pride and American- ism is in its ranks, where it has always been. Is it that it is pigeon-livered and lacks gall to make oppression bitter and shame intolerable? [*[For 1. enclosure see 3-30-04]*] [*Ackd 3/31/04*] PUBLIC LEDGER PHILADELPHIA L. CLARKE DAVIS March 30. 1904 Theodore Roosevelt, President United States. Dear Mr President: I inclose an editorial on your candidacy, and beg leave to offer you heartiest congratulations on its certain success. I shall go to Washington on the 7th of April to the Publishers dinner, where I have seen it announced you may be. If so Ihope to have the honor and pleasure of a moment's chat with you. With the warmest personal regards, sincerely your friend and Servant L. Clarke Davis[*F*] PERSONAL Office of Assistant Treasurer U. S. New York, N. Y. March 30, 1904. His Excellency The President. White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President:- I have the honor to state that I had a long talk today with Bob Hunter on the question of the delegates from our Congressional district. I find that he is strongly of the impression that Payn will, when the time comes, allow his vote to be cast with the rest of the delegation for you and I know of no one who is more able to speak correctly of Payn's attitude than Hunter, and Hunter is strongly advising Payn to take this course instead of allowing his alternate to vote for him in the Convention. As to the other delegate from our Congressional district - Yale - he is now and has been Assemblyman from my County and has been for many years one of my loyal lieutenants. He is and has been quite as pronounced a Roosevelt man as Gen. Wiley and the change from Wiley to Yale merely represents a change of personnel and not of opinions as to your nomination. I have the honor to be, Most respectfully and faithfully yours, Hamilton Fish[For 1 enclosure see 3-30-04[*Ackd 3/30/04*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE. WASHINGTON. March 30, 1904. Dear Theodore:- I saw General Sanchez yesterday, and gave him his coup de grace. He bore his doom like a soldier and a gentleman. He rose and said: "When I came here my hope was in the generous good will of the American people. Now my only hope is in God", which he seemed to regard as an inadequate compensation. Yours faithfully John Hay [[shorthand]]T/W DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. March 30, 1904. William Loeb, jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: Referring to recent correspondence relative to the lion presented to the President by the Emperor of Abyssinia and by the President turned over to the National Zoological Park, I have to inform you that the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution writes that the animal arrived at the Park on the 19th instant, that it suffered somewhat from the long journey, but that it is hoped that he may improve under the treatment which will be given him there I am, Sir, Your obedient servant John Hay[*CF*] Personal. COMMISSION ON INTERNATIONAL EXCHANGE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Hankow, China, March 30, 1904. To the President, Washington, D. C. My dear President Roosevelt:- I send you inclosed copy of a letter which I have just written to Secretary Hay with reference to the cablegram which I sent him this morning. I hesitated some time before sending the cablegram, inasmuch as it would appear on the face of it to be a request for a personal promotion for personal reasons. After waiting three or four days, however, until I knew that I had only in mind the interests of my work as they appeared to me, I decided to send the cable. I ventured also to send you the line which I did at the same time because I thought that you knew me well enough to know that I would not put forward such a request unless I felt sure that it was distinctly in the interests of the work. I had known Mr. Hay so short a time that I did not feel that he could judge me in the same way, and therefore I ventured upon what I presume is a somewhat irregular proceeding, that of addressing you directly on a matter in connection with myPres.-2. work instead of solely through the State Department. Of course from the nature of the cablegram it is evident that I had no intention of in any way appealing from the decision of the State Department. I find that the difficulties here are chiefly administrative in their nature. It will be practically impossible, I fear, to find Chinese who could handle the new monetary system; and it will be extremely difficult to persuade them to give any foreigners enough power to direct the new system. If I should not succeed in getting the system adopted which we are recommending, it will be chiefly on account of this distrust of foreign aid, I am sure. They say bitter things about even Sir Robert Hart. I seem to be able to get pretty fully the confidence of the Chinese with whom I talk, partly on account of the fact that I have a Chinese secretary. If I can get a fair opportunity to get a personal hold of the people in power, I hope that I can get enough of their confidence so as to get them at least to make a beginning. Very respectfully and sincerely yours, Jeremiah W. Jenks[For 1 enc. see Jenks, 3-30-04]TELEGRAM. White House, 1 CBWG.KQ. 12 U.S.G. via Pacific -- 3 a.m. Washington. March 30, 1904. Hankow, The President, Washington. Cable Secretary of State asks your support really needed favor Jenks.Hankow, China, March 30, 1904. Honorable John Kay, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Sir:- I sent you on the twenty-fourth a cablegram regarding salute, and today I sent you another on the same subject. As I am quite inexperienced in the customs of diplomacy, I did not realize before leaving Washington how important it was that my status be clearly defined and well understood. In Tokio, where the question of the imperial audience was first raised, I first saw the importance of the matter. In Peking the point was much more strongly emphasized but your favorable action regarding the imperial audience seemed practically to settle it, I supposed. When, however, the question was raised here regarding the salute and it became necessary to reach some decision, I felt that, inasmuch as similar question would be likely to come up continually as long as I was in the country, it was important that I have your official ruling on the matter. Much to my regret, your cablegram was not received until after it was necessary to takeJ.H.-2. action. I asked Dr. Wilcox, our consul here, to settle the matter temporarily with the viceroy, inasmuch as I did not care to act formally in my own case. After a salute of fifteen guns had been received, however, and your reply of thirteen guns had come, I thought that it was proper that you be given the reasons in full for the decisions and that you should be informed before there should be another opportunity, say at Hanking, for further action in the same direction. I waited for four days before sending you the cablegram in order to be sure that I had pretty well eliminated the matter of any possible personal feeling and was considering the question solely from the standpoint of the interests of my work. In referring to the difficulty of securing sufficient attention from officials of high rank and sufficient power, I had in mind particularly two facts. In Peking the people who have been appointed to deal with me especially are merely under secretaries in the Boards of Foreign Affairs, of Revenue, and of Commerce. The chairman, I find, in the vice-president of the Board of Revenue. The others are merely secretaries. Writing you immediately after I had been presented to the Vai Fu Pu, I spoke of Na Tung as the chairman. I learned afterwards that I was mistaken and that he had simply beenJ.H.-3. asked to introduce me to the committee. He did not meet with us the second time. Mr. Wu Ting Fang told me that the committee was composed of under officials who had no authority to take any action. The committee is, to be sure, made up largely of the men who have general direction of the new imperial mint, but that, after all, gives them no authority to take independent action on the monetary question. I did not feel either that the members of this committee would be able to present my arguments at second hand to Na Tung and the other influential members of the active Boards, even though I should convince them. I think it entirely possible that, in order to get any action taken or any formal decision of any kind reached, I must get direct access to the three or four men who are presidents of the Boards of Revenue, of Commerce, and of the Wai Wu Pu. When I visited Tientain to call upon Yuan Shih Kai, who is supposed to have more influence with the Empress Dowager than possibly any other person in the Empire, I found him ready to receive me. It was stated, however, that he himself had said when an appointment was asked that he would be glad to receive me -- he was usually ready to see anyone who had any business with him. I was warned beforehand, however, that he was extremely busy and would not be able to discussJ.H.-4. the monetary question. I therefore asked him to appoint some one who could explain to me the situation in the province of Chihli, and he suggested Tong, the Customs Taotai, who is also his chief adviser and who speaks English very well. There could not have been a better reference. Tong, however, has absolutely not authority whatever to act on a question of this kind. In order that I might make some report to the people in Peking, it was necessary that I see Yuan Shih Kai again for a short time at least, and I had to make the request twice before he received me. He declined at first on the ground that he was busy. I have been treated on my trip from Peking here with the greatest possible consideration. I think the suggestion must have been made from Peking that I was practically of the rank of a minister and I was treated as such in the interior provinces, though it may be that the mere fact that I was traveling under government auspices was enough. I have been treated here at Hankow by the Acting Viceroy in the same way, he having asked my Chinese secretary earlier regarding the question. My secretary had made him the statement that Sir Liang considered me of the same rank as a minister, and, as I wired you, he assumed that my rank was the same as that of Commissioner Rockhill. I find that when men think that my rank is high they can get plenty of time without difficulty to discuss the monetary question. At Peking and Tientsin, however, where I think their feeling regarding my rank was quite different, the men of real authority have apparently had much less time, though they haveJ.H.-5. been very courteous when I have seen them. I find that whenever I have the opportunity of discussing the matter with some degree of thoroughness, I have been able as a rule apparently to make some impression upon officials. They are not experts in this question as a rule, but many of the men with whom I have talked are men of ability and their suggestions as to what can be done here are full of good sense and good feeling. It is of course as yet too early to make any predictions as to what can be done at Peking, but I am not at all discouraged regarding the outcome. I think, however, that the outcome is much more likely to be satisfactory if my position is such that men like Yuan Shih Kai, Na Tung, and others will think it their duty to take time enough, an hour or two at two or three different times at least, to talk this question through reasonably thoroughly. From all that I can learn they will not take the opinion of their subordinate secretaries, and I am sure that their secretaries cannot explain the subject to them very satisfactorily, even though they may themselves be convinced. They, moreover, would not be in a position to answer objections which might and doubtless would occur to the officials who have the question to decide. For these reasons I have felt compelled to urge the question of rank much more strongly than my personal inclination would lead me to do. I dislike exceedingly to push for whatJ.H.-6. in the nature of the case would seem to be a personal favor, but the circumstances here have practically compelled this action. Of course I shall do my utmost in connection with this question whatever your decision in reply to my cablegram may prove to be. I also took the liberty today, in cabling you, to cable to the President, thinking it possible that you might wish to refer the question of my rank to him, as I had suggested in my cablegram to you, and feeling that he had known me long enough and well enough so that if I called his attention to the matter as one which was not urged on personal grounds he would be able better to judge the question. Very respectfully yours, [*[Jenks]*] P.S. The cablegram to the President reads as follows: "Cable Secstate asks your support, really needed, not favor."[Enclosed in Jenks, 3-30-04][*Ackd 4/1/04*] [*3-30-04*] Personal. The Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. Dear President. Your reelection is earnestly desired by your friend, the writer. It was this which prompted my protest against Jamison. I devoutly hope nothing will stand in the way of your continuous in your great office, &, therefore, believe you have not misconstrued that protest, which I hoped would reach you in time. I have also for months worried, lest our very disappointing Governor should be renominatedand jeopardize the election results in Illinois, or even diminish the vote for the Rep. Electors. I desire to use my legitimate influence, in an unhampered way, for the success of the ticket with your worthy name at its head. I am confident that your love of honest convictions & fair play will appreciate any criticism of mine implied in said protest. To that appointment I am not reconciled, but it is made, and I reassure you of most cordial support & of my influence among the class that I can reach. Very cordially P. Moerdyke Chicago. 689 Harrison St. March 30. 1904 (PS. 3d p.*]P.S. - Dear President, You are very kindly remembered by our people. Last Sunday the S. School thankfully shouted out your name in answer to a question of mine - The stated prayers of our Church here invoke Gods protection & guidance for our distinguished friend. We shall be greatly pleased someday to see you a fellow worshipper again with us & we hope you reciprocate our cordiality. Yours Sincerely P. Moerdyke[For attachment see 4-30-04][*C.F.*] STATE OF NEW YORK EXECUTIVE CHAMBER ALBANY March 30th, 1904. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr. President:- I have your letter of March 25th. I am very sorry that you could not bring about O'Brien's appointment, as a great deal of good could be done in a number of ways if it could be accomplished. I know of no appointment that you could make that would produce better results. With kindest regards, I am, Yours Sincerely, B.B. Odell Jr.[*628*] [*C.F*] [*534P*] Form No. 168. THE WESTERN UNION TELEGRAPH COMPANY. INCORPORATED 23,000 OFFICES IN AMERICA. CABLE SERVICE TO ALL THE WORLD. This Company TRANSMITS and DELIVERS messages only on conditions limiting its liability, which have been assented to by the sender of the following message. Errors can be guarded against only be repeating a message back to the sending station for comparison, and the Company will not hold itself liable for errors or delays in transmission or delivery of Unrepeated Messages, beyond the amount of tolls paid thereon, nor in any case where the claim is not presented in writing within sixty days after the message is filed with the Company for transmission. This is an UNREPEATED MESSAGE, and is delivered by request of the sender, under the conditions named above. ROBERT C. CLOWRY, President and General Manager RECEIVED at Wyatt Building, Cor. 14th & F. Streets, Washington, D. C. A 383 Ny 38 K 46 paid Ho, Albany, N.Y., March 30 1904 T C Platt, Arlington Hotel, Washington, D.C. Hay being ill Senator Greens removal to Washington has been set for hearin before Thomas April ninth. I regard it as of great political importance that hearing be adjourned until ray recovers. Will explain reasons Friday. Think you should advise president to arrange postponement for present Frank H. Platt . . . 524pKnox, See Penrose above Penn convention judge; in Phil.OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT CORNELL UNIVERSITY ITHACA, NEW YORK [*Ackd 4/1/04*] March 30, 1904 My dear President Roosevelt: As supplementing the very interesting talks I have had with you on the Philippine question I enclose herewith an abstract of a speech I delivered in Carnegie Hall not long ago on National Life and Greatness, with a special application to the Philippine question. I earnestly hope you may get time to read it. I feel very strongly that the one great contribution of the United States to universal history and politics is the principle of National independence and popular self-government, and that unless we treat our tenure of the Philippines as an exceptional and merely temporary necessity we shall be recreant to the ideas that have made our Nation, that constitute its mission, and that have conferred upon it standing and fame in the history of the world. I remain, with great respect, my dear Mr. President, Very faithfully yours, J.G. Schurman President Roosevelt, Washington, D.C.[For 1 enclosure see ca 3-30-04] The Ethical Record-[*F*] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. March 30, 1904. MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT: I beg herewith to submit to you a memorandum by the Chief of Staff, on the subject of promotions to vacant brigadier-generalships. My own impression is that of the six men named, the first is quite as much entitled to promotion as any of them and that it might be a very good thing to promote him as the first on the list. Colonel Garlington, to whom the Lieutenant-General refers is, is an excellent officer and his appointment would not be without desert. Another, whom the Lieutenant-General does not mention, is Colonel Arthur L. Wagner, who is undoubtedly the greatest authority on strategy, in the Army, and whose presence at maneuvers has always been deemed necessary to secure the best results. He has some defects, possibly, in a social way in that he is regarded by his fellow officers frequently as a bore, but his qualifications as a strategist everyone concedes. He is, of course, more of a theorist than a practical commander of troops, but the question always arises in respect to such matters as to whether we do not need something of theories as well as of practice in the high ranks. Wm. H Taft Secretary of War. Inclosure. [*see War Dept 3/29/04*]WILCOX & MINER. COUNSELLORS AT LAW. ANSLEY WILCOX HENRY ADSIT BULL. W.C. MINER ESTATE. W. J. P. SEIPP. Personal. NO. 684 ELLICOTT SQUARE. BUFFALO, N.Y. [*Ackd 4/1/04*] March 30, 1904. My dear Mr. President:- I have been in Albany for two days, and incidentally talked with several well-informed people about political matters, including the prospects as to who will be the republican nominee for Governor to make the campaign with you next fall. I came to the conclusion that the State organization is at present inclined to nominate Mayor Knight of Buffalo. Certain it is that I was asked my opinion about him as a candidate, and another man sitting with me (a prominent republican, but rather independent of the local organization) stated that he had been asked the same question. Both of us declined to express any opinion. I do not believe that this nomination can possibly be made, and I sincerely hope that you will not be called upon to take any part in making up the State ticket, and that you will be able to keep your hands off from it. Nevertheless, I know, for it has been advertised in the newspapers, that Mayor Knight has had one or two long interviews with you, and you may be drawn into expressing an opinion on his candidacy. I hope that you will not do or say anything to favor it. There can be no doubt of the fact that Mr. Knight's nomination would make a great row in the republican party, locally in Buffalo and throughout Western New York. I think it would imperil the success of the whole republican ticket. It is true that he has always run well in the past, and has a reputation as a vote getter. He is a pleasant and amiable gentleman, with many personal friends. But there are many people in Buffalo who do not believe that he is honest or trustworthy, and who would not hesitate to say the contrary even if he were the republican candidate for Governor. In this list is included some of the strongest republican leaders in the city outside of Mr. Warren. I believe that Warren stands for him, but if Greiner or Brendel or Hazel (all now federal office-holders) should support him, they could only do it by shutting their teeth and keeping silent in the face of previous declarations to the contrary. I know that this is true of Greiner, and believe it is true of the other two. His record as City Comptroller will not bear investigation or criticism, and many strong republicans admit this and have not hesitated to denounce him publicly. I am not anxious to be quoted, or to have any hand in making or unmaking republican candidates, though I expect to support the republican national ticket, and should like to be able to support the State ticket as well; and I do not want to make an enemy of Mayor Knight, with whom in his official capacity I frequently[*Personal*] have to come in contact; but I give you these suggestions personally, and you can use them if you find it necessary, though I presume that all of this is well known to you. If Judge Parker is nominated for the presidency, as I hope for the good of the country he will be, and if the democrats get a clean candidate for the governorship, such as John Stanchfield or Mayor McClellan, they will make a hot fight in this State. It would be a pity to have it turned into a campaign involving questions of personal honesty, as it would be if Mayor Knight were the republican nominee for Governor. With best regards, Very sincerely yours, Ansley Wilcox To the President, Washington, D.C.[Enc. in Wilcox 3-31-04]P. Moerdyke, D.D., Pastor of Trinity Reformed Church, at 440 Marshfield Ave. Residence, 680 Harrison St. CHICAGO [attached to Moerdyke 3-30-04][*[ ca 3-30-04]*] [*[enclosed in Schurman 3-30-04]*] The Ethical Record 95 A Great National Question. NATIONS are a compound of forces, of ideas, of laws, of rights. A great nation would be a nation which possessed large physical powers, generous ideas, and a keen and quick sense of right and of wrong; and any nation may be described as great in proportion as it reflects these attributes either in combination or separately. Some nations stand pre-eminently for force. In the ancient world Rome,— although this would not be a complete account of her,—Rome embodied the principle of force. In the modern world Russia stands pre-eminently for force. If we look for nations which embody ideas, we can find in the ancient world an excellent illustration in Greece in the fifth and fourth centuries before Christ; or in the modern world Germany in the eighteenth century. To put our finger on a modern nation that stands preeminently for the moral principle would perhaps be a difficult matter; but in ancient times no race stood more conspicuously for moral principles than the race which has given us Christians our Old Testament,—the ancient Hebrews. These different principles are differently accentuated at different times in the world's history and in the progress of civilization. Thus, the savage represents almost exclusively the reign of force, for the normal condition of the savage is one of war. The distinction between savagery and barbarism may be represented by the advance from the principle of force to the principle of right and law, or perhaps more accurately expressed, to that of custom. Somehow or other, when what Bagehot called the "cake of custom" has once been shaped, laws and rights spring out of it as a matter of course. The savage principle of force survives, but henceforth it is associated and to some extent regulated and controlled by the principle of law and of right; and as civilization advances, we find nations who reach the third stage of ideas and ideals. Now, this development of mankind from savagery through barbarism to civilization, so far as nationality is concerned, we shall find illustrated for us in European history, if we survey the period of the last thousand years,— roughly the period from the year one thousand to the present time. For our purpose that period readily divides itself into three epochs: a period of some five hundred years, from 1000 to 1500, which may be described as the period of law and right; the period from 1500, or thereabouts, to 1800, where you have the French Revolution, which may be described as a period of force; thirdly, the nineteenth century, which I think I can show to you is the period especially conspicuous for the development and influence in politics of ideals and idealism. The first period, from the year 1000 to the year 1500, I have said is a period characterized by the reign of law. I do not mean that men in that period did not violate law or did not go to war, but that the dominant conception was one of right or of law; and that whatever men or nations did, they sought to vindicate by appeals to the sanction of right or of law. A characteristic feature of the time is the survival, along with great states and nations, of petty principalities, the territorial rights of which were sacredly observed. The two great powers of that time were the empire and the papacy. The empire was great rather as a reminiscence[*[ca 3-30-04]*] [*[Enclosed in Schurman 3-30-04]*] 96 The Ethical Record than as a fact. It was in many cases shorn almost completely of its actual powers; yet so deeply was it rooted in the idea of right and of law that it continued to exercise an enormous influence, even when it lacked armies to enforce its commands. The papacy then sprang up as a great world-power. It lacked apparently those roots in the past which characterized the empire; it could not appeal to great historic rights as the empire could. Hence there arose a story of donations of territory in the past, of decretals and what not, which although regarded by modern historians as false or forged, nevertheless served their purpose by convincing the men of that time that the papacy had its roots in the past, and had therefore great rights which it became them to respect just as they respected the historic rights of the empire. Now, if we turn to the next period, from the year 1500 to about 1800, we find ourselves confronted by an entirely different set of phenomena. I do not for a moment mean to say that in this period of force the principle of right does not also obtain. These principles all obtained in all epochs of human history; but at different times one of them is more conspicuous or more dominant than the other. In this period from 1500 to 1800 the dominant note was not that of ideals, not that of right or of law, but of hard, harsh force. They key to the his- tory of Europe at this time is the idea of the balance of powers. The map of Europe was regarded as a kind of parallelogram of forces, and the object of statesmen and of soldiers alike was to maintain the existing equilibrium. At one moment the fear was that Austria might exert too much power; at another danger was seen in the other corner of Europe, in France; or it was feared now that the Catholic powers would lord it over the Protestant, or now that the Protestant would gain control over the Catholic. Or I can illustrate my point by reference to another great historical phenomenon, - the Reformation. We Protestants are apt to think of the Reformation as a triumph by the sheer force of appeal to intellect, to conscience. It is a view that is comforting and satisfactory to ourselves, but history does not bear it out. No less a historian than Dr. Stubbs, the eminent English bishop and authority in this field of history, has asserted that where the Reformation consisted simply of ideas, as for example in Spain and in Italy, it was crushed out by the Inquisition; and that on the other hand, where it prevailed, as it did in Germany and in England, its dominance was due to its combination with worldly or political powers and to great ecclesiastical confiscations, such as that of the monasteries. The phenomenon illustrates my point, that throughout this period what is dominant in the politics of the world is the principle of force and of power. The period culminates in two great names that embody this principle, Louis XIV of France, and Frederick the Great of Germany, both of whom exemplify, though in different fashions, the principle of ruthless brute force. The period which illustrates the third principle is the nineteenth century. In the nineteenth century the dominant note of politics is neither force nor law, but ideas. What is more, those ideas have come from American soil. We reach here the point at which the Republic of America makes her glorious contribution to the history of the world. It was not until the beginning of the nineteenth century that men anywhere believed in the possibility of free, popular, democratic government. The revolt of the thirteen English colonies, and their successful establishment[[*ca 3-30-04]*] [*[enclosed in Schurman 3-30-04]*] The Ethical Record 97 of a democratic Republic, convinced the world for the first time that this scheme was a feasible one. That is our contribution to the history of the world. Force is as old as mankind, law is as old as barbarism; but the idea of liberty, of national independence, of democratic self-government originates as a power and influence in the world with the successful establishment of the Republic of the United States. And just as our Republic, by its history and by its origination, impressed the political consciousness of the world with these new ideas of liberty and democracy, so another nation, under less happy circumstances, bore in upon the mind of the world the significance, the inextinguishable value of the principle of nationality. It was Poland - Poland, in her distress, in her dismemberment, in her extinction, that contributed to the politics of the nineteenth century the other vital principle of nationality. And all that is best in the politics of the nineteenth century comes from the application of these two principles to the management of human affairs, - the American principle of democratic self-government, and the Polish principle of nationality. There are other ideas on which I shall not dwell because, though perhaps of great importance in themselves, for my purpose they are unimportant. I refer to certain ideas which have sprung up in the latter part of the nineteenth century: the idealist's dream of human brotherhood and absolute equality, which we call "socialism"; then the dream of the Nihilist, which, so far as I understand it, as a positive doctrine means simply government without force; and, finally, the ideas of internationalism and humanitarianism, which have grown up in reaction against national hatreds and national resentments, These all are humane and exalted ideals; whether they be feasible in practice or not, is a different matter. But along with them we have a set of ideas which perhaps merely reproduce in a new form the old principle of force. One of them is the innocent looking and apparently self-sacrificing principle of "carrying the white man's burden." It generally means exploiting the man who is not white. There is also the other idea of Pan-Slavism, which means the union of all the Slavs under the aegis of Russia; or Anglo-Saxonism, which means the union of all the English-speaking peoples in the world, under Russia; or Anglo-Saxonism, which the joint influence perhaps of England and the United States. These ideas have appealed with tremendous force to some of the best men of our times. We can understand this so far as they represent moral ideals or humane principles; but often they appeal to the mind of men like the late Cecil Rhodes, for instance, simply because they imply that the race to which you happen to belong is to exercise dominion over all the other races of the world. Whenever these principles take on such a meaning, whatever the verbiage in which they be expressed, they are nothing more or less than the old savage principle of force. I confine myself, however, to those three principles, - force, right and law, nationality and independence, - and having said so much in a general way, I shall now, in the second place, take up our own country with reference to each of these principles. II. I begin with force. I need not linger long over this division of my subject, because the most striking fact in the last[[*ca 3-30-04]*] [*[enclosed in Schurman 3-30-04]*] 98 The Ethical Record twenty, certainly in the last ten years, has been the enormous growth in the material power and resources of the United States of America. We have a continental domain bounded on the East and on the West by oceans. It is a domain of vast and apparently inexhaustible natural resources. It is inhabited by a numerous people, soon to be a hundred millions, who in inventive skill, in producing capacity, seem to lead the nations of the world. And the volume of our exports or the total amount of our productions, which only a decade or two ago came second or third in the lists, is now, as you know, first. On this material side the growth of our country is eminently satisfactory. Nor can we complain that she does not possess in the Council of Nations an influence corresponding to her power. It is a commonplace that in the last few years we have become a world-power, by which I mean that in the settlement of great international questions, questions affecting the Orient, for instance, the United States now possesses and exerts an influence unknown to it throughout the nineteenth century. There is nothing wrong with our nation when we test it by the criterion of material force or the development of its material powers. There is only one other nation that we could compare with it in this respect, and that is Russia. When I speak of Russia, I am not speaking, as you will readily understand, primarily of manufacturing or of transportation, but rather of the extent of its domain and the massive influence which that gives and is likely to give it in the future. It is often said that the two coming powers of the world are Russia and the United States. Russia has had an experience somewhat different from ours. She endeavored to expand in Europe and reach the waters of the Mediterranean, but here she was baulked by England, although, as Lord Salisbury told us not many years ago, England in this step made a mistake, or, as he said, "stake her money on the wrong horse." That threw Russia inevitably in the other direction, - whither, in any event, she would doubtless have tended; and during the last decade or two Russia has been expanding throughout Asia until now she stands at the Pacific, and will contest with Japan for important strategic points there. Russia, as I have previously said, represents force. In all this development across the Asiatic continent to the Pacific Ocean, her course has been practically unimpeded; she has been given a free hand. Now, the position of Russia in the progress of her Asiatic development is that of the United States in this hemisphere. No one contests the hegemony of the United States in the continents of America, and the question that is confronting us and that we should all carefully consider is whether we are in the future to take Russia as an example, and illustrate in our development the regimen of force; or whether, as in the past, we shall be true to ideas and ideals, and to law and to right. No nation has ever been so favorably situated for forcible expansion as the United States is to-day. There is no one to say us "Nay" on the Continent. Whether we shall interfere with the rights of other nations depends upon ourselves. Surely, therefore, it is of the supremest importance that we should have a lively consciousness of the principles that have made us what we are and of the ideas which we have contributed to the world's history. The tendency everywhere among nations, when they become great and powerful, is to revert to the principle of[*[ca 3-30-04]*] [*[ enclosed in Schurman 3-30-024]*] The Ethical Record 99 force. A nation plays its part, contributes some noble idea or ideal to the world, fights for it, and then somehow, all unexpectedly, reverts to the principle of mere force, - as though, after all, in spite of its own great moral achievements, that were the important thing in the world. This is not a new observation; it is an old one. The Greek thinkers, surveying the course of the history of their own little republics, noted with sadness that what they called "hybris" was the ruin of them all. Now that untranslatable word, "hybris," means, among other things, this: the wanton, insolent disregard of the rights of others, a readiness to violate laws, human and divine, and to defy existing institutions and ordinances, - in short, the exaltation of force and self-interest as the sole controlling principles in human affairs. Proceeding, then, to consider our country in relation to ideas which have formed such a potent influence in the politics of the nineteenth century, I ask you to bear in mind that these ideas are our specific contribution to the history of the world. Never forget it! It is an indisputable fact that we have contributed to the world the political principles of liberty and democratic self-government. And the question which I now put is this: Are we true to the principles which we created and launched upon the world, or are we false? Are we going to adhere to them, or are we going to betray them? Six years ago a man asking such a question would have been hooted. This country, it would have been retorted, has always stood for liberty, for national independence, for government of the people by themselves. Have we not sympathized with Ireland? Have we not sympathized with Hungary? Was there ever a nation struggling to be free that had not our sympathies, and at least our moral support? I do not know how a dozen years ago one could have answered such a retort; but certainly a change has taken place in the last few years. Men now speak flippantly of the Declaration of Independence which their fathers regarded as reverently almost as the Sacred Books themselves. Men whose fathers laid down their lives to enfranchise the negro and make him a citizen, to-day proclaim the incapacity of colored nations to govern themselves. I believe this is a passing phase, a delirium, a kind of intoxication, resulting from the military spirit which has been abroad for the last few years. I do not think it is so easy for nations to shake themselves from their own solid foundations; and although for a passing day we may scout the principles that have made us great, that have given us our place in universal history, I cannot for a moment believe, - it is impossible for me to believe, - that we can permanently betray them. Why, if we did, we should have no place or mission in the world; and whatever we name our government, it would, in fact, be as much an empire as that of Russia itself. Now this is what gives such importance and significance to what is called the "Philippine Question." That question is not much in evidence to-day. In an age like ours, when every morning brings the news of the world in its newspapers, no single question can keep itself constantly before the minds of men. That would be an intolerable monotony in this nineteenth century. Nevertheless, the Philippine question is there; and until it is solved in accordance with our principles, it will remain. I venture to think that when the Filipinos get their Legislative Assembly, which they are to have within the next two years, we shall hear for the first time, through an official Philippine organ,[*[ca 3-30-04]*] [*[enclosed in Schurman 3-30-04]*] 100 The Ethical Record their ideas of what they want; and we shall have to give heed to them, whether we like it or not. All the more important that we should prepare ourselves for that day, and know what our attitude will be when that time comes; - for come it surely will. When, as a result of our war with Spain, we found ourselves charged with sovereignty and responsibility for the Philippine Islands, there were idealists amongst us, - they are sometimes called anti-imperialists, - who proposed turning over the islands at once to the government that had been set up by Aguinaldo. I sympathized, and have always sympathized, with these idealists in their idealism. I did not think then, and I do not think now, that the islands could have been turned over to Aguinaldo's government without revolution and chaos. I did not think then, and I do not think now, that the people were at that time sufficiently united, or possessed of a national consciousness, or experienced in the art and practice of self-government. I did not blame our government when, confronted on the one hand by its own ideals, and on the other hand by the hard and inexorable facts in the Philippines, they said: "We must maintain our authority here, and establish first peace and the institution of justice; and then we will set up civil government throughout the islands." It seemed to me a sensible policy; and although I admit it was an exception to our principles, yet I think we shall all recognize that in politics principles and ideals must often temporarily be suspended, because the hard facts will not adapt themselves to them. Thus, for instance, the Constitution itself is inconsistent with slavery; and yet slavery and the Constitution subsisted side by side for more than half a century. The founders of the Constitution realized that, and they expected in the course of our political and economic development that slavery would gradually disappear. I think, therefore, we may have these temporary exceptions to principles. Facts, as I say, and ideals cannot always be brought immediately together. But the fatal thing is that anyone should regard the exception as the rule; and in the presence of hard facts which one cannot immediately subjugate to the ideal, disloyally and despicably abandon the ideal itself. Now, my position is that what has been done in the Philippines in the past was in the main justifiable and necessary. The reason given for it, over and above those I have mentioned, was that we could not deal with the Filipinos while they were in arms; and everybody who knows how war stirs up passions will recognize the force of that contention. But now, when peace has come, when civil governments have been set up from the land of the Moros to the northern point of Luzon, that argument disappears. In short, every argument which, in the past, justified the course we have adopted in the Philippine Islands, justified it only as a temporary measure, not as a permanent one. No political party has in this country committed itself to the retention of the Philippine Islands as a colonial dependency; and yet we must do one or other of three things: We must maintain them as a colonial dependency; we must give them independence, regulated as you will, and safeguarded like that of Cuba; or we must admit them as territories and ultimately as states of our Union. No one openly proclaims, I think, that the Philippines must always be retained as colonial dependencies; but a good many people are openly proclaiming that they shall not be admitted as territories and ultimately as states of the Union. I doubt myself if that policy would be[*[ca 3-30-04]*] [*[enclosed in Schurman 3-30-04]*] The Ethical Record 101 wise, and I do not expect it to be adopted. To say nothing about the difference in tariff,—which, after all, in practical politics, is a pretty influential force,—we have to reckon with race prejudice; and it seems to me very unlikely that the people of the United States would admit as equal partners of this Union the brown men off the coast of Asia. If that be so, we are left with the other alternatives, either a colonial dependency, or let us say, independence like that of Cuba. Some of us advocate independence like that of Cuba. We talk of it in season and out of season, because we want to keep it before the American mind, because we are afraid of the policy of drift, because we apprehend that if nothing is said or done the American people will gradually accustom themselves to ruling what they call their "colonial dependencies"; and we feel that if that policy is acquiesced in it may ultimately become our fixed policy, and that, should it become so, the ancient character of our Republic as the champion of liberty and democratic self-government is gone. We advocate independence for the Philippines, ultimate independence, not to-day or to-morrow, but eventually,—because it is in their interests and in our interests. Half a dozen years ago, at the time of the war, a good many people talked as though in annexing the Philippine Islands we were getting possession of a gold mine, and that Americans who wanted to get rich should leave this Republic and rush to the islands off the coast of Asia. There has been a good deal of disillusionment since the war. We find that the Philippine Islands are not commercially profitable. I think the Protestant missionaries who urged the annexation of the islands on missionary grounds have come to realize that it is not altogether a prosperous venture. Why, the Filipinos don't need Christian missionaries. They number seven millions, apart from about a half million Moro barbarians. These seven millions, as the recent census taken by our Government shows, are civilized and Christianized peoples. We talk of them as Malayans, as Asiatics. In a way, they are; but the terms are altogether misleading. They are a mixed race, who have been under Christian, that is, Catholic, civilization for three hundred years; and if you want to find an analogue to them, you may turn more safely to South American countries than to Asiatic countries. For remember, they are the only country in Asia which for all this time has been under the influence of Catholic civilization. We want eventual independence, first of all, because it is in their interest and ours. There is nothing for either side to gain by retaining them as colonial dependencies. In the second place, we want the change because it comports with their aspirations and our political ideals and traditions. Among the Filipinos whom I met when I was in the Island in '99, when I had the honor of being President of the first Philippine Commission, I found everywhere a longing for independence. They did not feel at the time that they might be entrusted with it. It was something for the future; but it was an ineradicable and, I thought, a most beautiful yearning in every Filipino heart. It is their aspiration, and I say it is our own ideal also. It is in accord with our own principles and political traditions. We cannot deny them independence without renouncing our own history and our own ideals; and that is why the Philippine question makes a great national issue. It is going to test whether we shall be true to our ideals of liberty, of self-government, and of right; or whether we[*[ca 3-30-04]*] [*[enclosed in Schurman 3-30-04]*] 102 The Ethical Record shall revert to the savage and barbaric principle of force. That is the issue. And, judging from the course of Roman history, it would seem that, if we once embark on a career of forcible subjugation, it would not be possible to set limits to its subsequent operations. When Rome, in the third century before Christ, crossed the little strait that separated the mainland of Italy from Sicily, it was, as Mommsen says, a moment of the greatest significance in the history of the world. It decided whether Rome, which had made itself great as an Italian power, should henceforth have transmarine possessions. The fateful step was taken. In Sicily Rome met Carthage. Crossing the little strait meant subjugating Carthage, meant subjugating Northern Africa and what we now call Spain; and when that work had been done, it meant turning eastward to the kingdom of Macedonia and the farther East. Rome in a short time, in the lifetime of a single individual, became a great world-power. That is to say, along with its own natural domain in Italy, it now had colonies and dependencies all over the Mediterranean world. Did they enrich it? Mommsen assures us, that although Rome levied tribute from her subject colonies,—and we do not propose doing that, - the outgo was substantially equal to the income. The history of Rome is before us. She gained nothing in a material way by her transmarine possessions, and she undermined her government. The Republic of Rome soon became an empire, and the cause of the transformation was the annexation of these transmarine possessions. I do not say that will happen with ourselves. No one knows the future. In estimating it we can only fall back upon the lights of the past. But I do feel that security for our nation lies alone in loyalty to those immortal political ideas which it is our high renown to have contributed to the politics of the world. JACOB GOULD SCHURMAN. Wanted a Few Idealists in Our Colleges. It was natural that the finer sensibilities of the Columbia Faculty should have been shocked by the recent accusation brought against the University by Prof. Macdowell on resigning his chair that the spirit of idealism is lacking there. He is reported to have said that his colleague, Prof. Woodberry, whose resignation precipitated his own, was the only spark of idealism to be found in the faculty. It was undoubtedly unfair that Columbia should receive special castigation. What is she among so many? She is less a victim of our commercial ways than others. For he who runs may read everywhere the patent fact that it is in almost all universities and educational institutions that the mercantile and narrow practical and utilitarian spirit of the age is more than a match for the forces spiritual and ethical, idealistic and aesthetic, which we expect our great educational institutions to nurture and diffuse. At present they place an exaggerated value upon knowledge and scholarship. They are needed for a higher educational purpose, - the moral and spiritual edification of our youth. Let then our college presidents seek less the scholar who represents erudition than the scholar of the Emersonian type who uses his learning and his specialism in the interest of the larger moral and spiritual ends which are the basic elements of education and the essentials of success political and social, in a democracy.[*[Enclosed in Davis, 3-30-04]*] 8 ESTABLISHED 1836 PUBLIC LEDGER THE PHILADELPHIA TIMES "All the News That's Fit to Print" GEORGE W. CHILDS Editor and Proprietor from 1864 to 1894. PUBLISHED EVERY MORNING AT PUBLIC LEDGER BUILDING, PHILADELPHIA, BY PUBLIC LEDGER COMPANY President ........... Adolph S. Ochs Vice Pres. And Gen. M'G'R ........... Geo. W. Ochs Editor in Chief ........... L. Clarke Davis Associate Editor ........... A. C. Lambdin Managing Editor ........... W. B. Hale City Editor ........... C. C. Wanamaker State Editor ........... J. S. Chambers Sunday Editor ........... Stephen J. Burke Financial Editor ........... Joel Cook Business Manager ........... John Norris Secretary and Treas ........... B. Thalheimer Advertising Manager ........... S. C. Berger Circulation Manager ........... J. A. Neumann Washington Bureau, The Post Building New York Bureau, The Times Building PRICE Daily ........... One Cent Sunday ........... Two Cents BY MAIL - POSTAGE PREPAID Per Month Daily ........... 25c Daily and Sunday ...........35c Per Annum Daily ........... $2.00 Daily & Sunday ........... $4.00 Telephones: Bell, Filbert 22-30 Keystone, Main 926 Entered August 23, 1902, at Philadelphia, Pa., as second-class matter, under Act of Congress of March 3, 1879. Philadelphia, Wednesday, March 30, 1904. THE REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE It is not so far a cry to the 21st of June as to render it an unreasonable prediction that the Republican National Convention, which will meet at Chicago on that day, will nominate unanimously, probably on the first ballot and by acclamation, Theodore Roosevelt the party's candidate for President. Of the 302 delegates thus far chosen, 257 have been instructed for the President, and it may be safely said that the uninstructed have no other aspirant in mind. The candidacy of Theodore Roosevelt has not been from its inception the work of the practical politicians, any more than was that of Grover Cleveland in 1892. In the case of the former, as in that of the latter, the dominating factor has been the irresistibly favorable public sentiment. The virile personality, the public life of the President, have appealed to the popular imagination. His mistakes, when not admired, were condoned by multitudes of his countrymen, who have come to believe that their political idol and military hero could do no wrong. The bluff, impulsive Americanism of the man appeals to them. There was a time, just before the lamentable death of Senator Hanna, when the political friends of that astute politician threatened to dispute the vantage of the ground with President Roosevelt. Had he lived and consented to their efforts in his behalf, a formidable opposition, dangerous to the ambition of the President, would have appeared in the convention. But with the passing of Hanna the danger of a powerful rival and a contest also passed. Those who up to that time had dreamed or schemed Roosevelt's defeat abandoned then their design and resigned all hope of accomplishing it. They left the field free to the President, so that now there is no one to dispute his nomination. The strength of popular sentiment favorable to his candidacy is strikingly revealed by the submission to it of Senator Platt and Governor Odell, who, between them, hold the Republican party of their State as in the hollow of their hands. They have been at no time personally or politically favorable to Theodore Roosevelt's nomination, but the wise teachings of political expediency have compelled them to accept it. They recognize that supporting it and pushing it to a successful conclusion is a wave of popular feeling the force of which cannot be resisted. In that overwhelming sentiment the President stands immovably arrayed against all rivalry or opposition. Shrewd politicians as they are, they bow to a power which they can neither turn aside nor break. These prominent, influential leaders are not alone in their perfunctory acquiescence in the inevitable. They have their sympathizers, as helpless to resist the popular feeling as themselves. The Democrats long floundered in their efforts to decide upon an available standard-bearer for their Presidential campaign. At last, however, they seem to have sagaciously eliminated the weakest, and have apparently agreed upon the strongest, in the absence of Mr. Cleveland, whose declination of the honor was absolute--Judge Parker, of New York. If the party unites on Parker and presents a solid front--though in view of Bryan's actions this now seems improbable--the result would be by no means a foregone conclusion.[*[Enclosed in Fish; 3-0-04]*] GEN. WILEY TURNED DOWN, Low Pays Wouldn't Stand for the Resolutions Endorsing Roosevelt. Action of Greene County Convention Displeased Him, and That's the Reason the Catskill Man Will Not be a Delegate. The renomination of General Ketch- am by the Republican Congress convention was expected, but the defeat of Gen. Wiley, of Greene county, by Assemblyman Yale, of Putnam county, for delegate to the National convention, at Chicago, was a surprise. The vote for national delegates was as follows: Louis F. Payn of Columbia, 28; John R. Yale of Putnam, 17; W. S. C. Wiley of Greene, 12. Mr. Payn and Mr. Yale were declared the nominees of the convention. When the result was announced, F. D. Cole, of Greene county, arose and announced his disappointment because of the defeat of Gen. Wiley, but declared that Greene county would be loyal to the nominee of the convention. A point of order was raised by Judge J. Rider Cady, which aroused a debate, until Chairman Eggleston ruled that there could be no discussion of the vote until the result had been announced. Mr. Payn, it is alleged, was responsible for bringing about the defeat of Gen. Wiley, to express his disapproval of the action of the Greene county Republican district convention, in endorsing President Roosevelt's administration. Mr. Payn's antipathy to President Roosevelt is well known. General Ketcham had pledged his support to Gen. Wiley and the delegates from his district joined with the Greene county delegates in supporting him. While the subject of national delegates was being discussed, Frank Welles, of Putnam county, interjected humor in the somewhat strained situation, by dryly calling attention to Putnam's faithfulness in coming to Poughkeepsie year after year, with a loyal delegation of three, asking nothing and getting nothing. Mr. Welles remarked that he knew little of how the nomination came to Mr. Yale, but it seemed to him that the honor was well conferred. The convention was called to order by Sanford W. Smith, of Columbia county, who named Lorin J. Eggleston as presiding officer; Vice Presidents, Henry Hudson, of Columbia; E. A. Gifford, of Greene county; Jacob G. Southard, of Putnam county; Secretary, A. F. Bogardus, of Columbia county. The name of Gen. Ketcham was presented by Sanford W. Smith and seconded by e. A. Gifford, of Greene, Frank Welles of Putnam, and George Wood of Dutchess. A dispatch to the New York Sun reads: The Republican Congress convention for the Twenty-first district renominated Gen. John H. Ketcham, who is serving his sixteenth term in Congress; ignored President Roosevelt and turned down Gen. W. S. C. Wiley of Catskill, Roosevelt's friend, for delegate to the national convention. The mailed hand of Louis F. Payn was shown all through the proceedings. Mr. Payn did not attend the convention, but from his apartments at the Nelson House he pulled the wires that undid Gen. Wiley. It was announced several weeks ago that Mr. Payn and Gen. Wiley were to be the delegates to Chicago from the Twenty-first Congress district. This decision was arrived at after Gen. Ketcham and Robert H. Hunter, the Dutchess county leaders, had both declined the proffered honor. Subsequently Gen. Wiley's Greene county district convention passed resolutions praising Roosevelt, Platt and Odell. When Mr. Payn arrived in Poughkeepsie Friday night word went out that Assemblyman John R. Yale of Putnam county was to be substituted in place of Gen. Wiley as Mr. Payn's companion delegate to Chicago. The friends of Mr. Payn made no secret of the fact that the praise of Roosevelt by the Greene county convention was displeasing to him.3-30-04 The Globe and Commercial Advertiser. 1787-Established-184 Published Every Evening, Except Sunday, By The Commercial Advertiser Association. New York, Wednesday, Mar. 30, 1904. PARKER AT THE FRONT. The net result of the primary elec- tions in this state, most of which have been held, is to make Judge Parker the leading candidate in the country for the Democratic presidential nom- ination. He seems to be assured of a large majority of the New York dele- gation, which means that he is likely to be presented to the national con- vention as the unanimous choice of his party in this state. He will thus be placed in a stronger position at the beginning of the contest than any other candidate, for a very large pro- portion of the leaders of the party in other sections of the country have committed themselves in advance to the support of any candidate upon whom the New York Democrats are united. This is peculiarly the case among the Democrats of the south, who are virtually a solid body in favor of such a nominee. There has been in all parts of the country during the past week a very decided movement in favor of Parker. This has been confined to no particular section, and has been as spontaneous as it was general. Undoubtedly one reason for it has been the alarming headway made by the Hearst candi- dacy. Every respectable member of the party has been appalled by the possibility of that candidacy, and has been scanning the political horizon in all directions for hope of deliverance from it. Bryan's generally suspected alliance with Hearst has induced many of his hitherto devoted sup- porters to turn from him and join in the quest for a candidate who would save the party from the awful fate which seemed to be threatening it. In other words, the menace of a thoroughly shameful candidacy has startled the party into a keen appre- ciation of the high value of respecta- bility and character as a campaign as- set in a nominee, and its leaders turn naturally to the man who more than any other possesses those qualities. Whatever may be said of Judge Parker, nobody has ever denied either his high respectability or unsullied personal character. He is an honest gentleman, who has lived a reputable life, has filled with credit the highest judicial office in the state, and has exhibited throughout his career intel- lectual abilities which justify the be- lief that if he were to be elected pres- ident he would discharge the duties of the office with credit to himself and to the nation. Between such a candi- date as this and Hearst, or even Bryan, no respectable man of normal intel- ligence can hesitate for a second. The matter is one far removed from partisan considerations. No American worthy of the name wishes to see a great political party in this country sell its nomination for the presidency for cash to a man who has every dis- qualification for the place and not one qualification. When Bryan allied him- self with such a candidate as that he placed himself in the same category as a subject for universal condemna- tion. It is not surprising that his fol- lowers desert him because of his con- duct. He and Hearst seem to have, quite unwittingly, done their party and the country a great service. If they have, as it appears now, com- pelled the nomination of Judge Parker by the Democrats, they have per- formed a service for decent politics which will entitle them to the grati- tude of every reputable American citi- zen. No Republican, no matter how intense his partisanship, wishes to see our national politics brought down to the level of the Hearst nomination. There would be a certain feeling of degradation in having to argue with the American people that they must not permit their highest office to suf- fer such pollution. The nomination of Judge Parker, if it shall come after the direful menace of this possibility, will be hailed as a blessed relief by the whole country. Whatever its outcome, we shall have a campaign in which plain deceny, human reason, and common honesty will dominate the contest; a campaign in which respectable people can take part, and a result on Election Day which will not dishonor the American name or incite decent Americans to burn the White House in order to save it from desecration.[*C.F.*] State of New York Railroad Commissioners EXCELSIOR Owego March 31 1904 Dear Senator I am advised that my name will be reported out of committee next Wednesday and that I am sure of a full republican vote. if I am confirmed want to do some work for the President this fall amongst the railway men of our state who have so loyally stood by me, tis my belief that can accomplish good results, after am confirmed would it not be a good idea for the President to write me a letter of congratulation and to refer to the loyalty of the railway employer who stood by me. This I could show the men and help me in my missionary work Sincerely, Frank M Baker[*P.F.*] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. Postal. 1NY. OR. FD. 258 Gov't Via French. PARIS 1:47 p.m. March 31, 1904. To The President of the United States, Washington. I have the pleasure to advise you and the Attorney General that the civil tribunal of the Seine, five judges sitting, has this moment pronounced its decision in the suite brought by Colombia and Wyse to enjoin and prohibit the new Panama Canal Company from making transfer to the United States, according to the agreed contract, the court by unanimous decision dismisses both suits and denies injunction; also refuses admit Samper in the board of directors as representative of Colombia; also refuses damages as against the company upon the ground that its action has been proper its to Colombia decision expressly decides that it has lost sovereignty and that republic Panama has acquired sovereignty and has recognized and assumed the concessions and rights of company under the special instrument addressed me as representative of company by Panama government November 27 last and which it quotes in full and which has been assumed and adopted by Panama constitutional convention as to Wyse. The court decides upon his claim as bondholder he has already been represented by the mandataire and is foreclosed by previous decrees and upon his claim as original concessionaire he has no standing and this suit is wholly dismissed; also the decision is delivered exactly within the time I predicted to you and its terms are a most complete unequivocal and absolute determination in our favor without any doubts or reservations, as I have had the honor to predict that the law and facts would justify. William Nelson Cromwell.[*Ackd 4/1/04*] COSMOS CLUB, WASHINGTON, D.C. March 31. 1904 My dear Mr. President: I think the last sentence of this inclosure is constructed on the line of the understanding at the time of my son's call upon you with Mr. Pinchot. If you will permit us to use it, or any modification of it that you may make, I think it will help in the influential character which we desire to give the Country's treatment of this subject in the Westernnumber. I am returning to New York in a few minutes. With due respect, Very sincerely yours, R. U. Johnson. I hope to get Mr. Cleveland to add to his note after reading Pinchot's article.[[shorthand]] [*Ackd 3/31/04*] Arlington March 31, 1904. President Roosevelt, My dear Sir: It is a rarest privilege for me to present to you two books, which I promised in our last meeting. They are called "Heroic Japan" and "Kokon"; and in the former, I marked, by a piece of paper, those generals who are already on the frontin the present war, and also those who are soon to follow. I also send you the list of some work on Japan, omitting those already sent to you by Mr. Takahira, our Minister. Let me thank you for a great honor you have done me by granting such a delightful interview, which, not only renews our old friendship but cements more closely an amicable relation already exists between my country and the Great Republic, whose policy is guided by your noble mind, Yours Sincerely, Kentaro Kaneko.[[shorthand]] Parker House, Boston. 55 Kenwood Road, Roxbury, Mass. March 31,1904 [*Ack'd 4-5-04*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. My Dear Sir :- Some time ago I wrote Senator Lodge in reference to getting the Spanish War Veterans in Massachusetts, or New England, together for you and forming an organization similar to the one which was formed for the late President McKinley in New York. I have been a member of the Massachusetts Militia for some years and was in the service in 1898, and thought that such a plan would be of some help to you. I hope you will talk it over with Senator Lodge and let me know how you feel in this matter; as I stand ready to assist you in the coming campaign in any way you may suggest. Awaiting your reply, I remain, Yours very sincerely James Otis Leman 55 Kenwood Road, Roxbury, Mass.[*C.F.*] [*Private*] H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. Personal. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES March 31, 1904. Dear Theodore:- I went in this morning to the Interior Department to introduce Rudolph Agassiz to Mr. Hitchcock, whom he desired to see in regard to some land business in Idaho. As the Secretary knew Rudolph's father I think he regarded him with rather less suspicion than he does most people, but after he got through with Agassis he asked me into his private room and proceeded to talk about Tinker, and I feel you ought to know what he said before you see him. He began by telling me that Leavengood, who was the principal witness against Tinker, and whose testimony Tinker completely overthrew, had been dismissed from the service. This he seemed to consider to weighed seriously against Tinker. I am still lost in amazement as to the process of reasoning by which this particular conclusion was reached--that because the chief witness against Tinker has been turned out of the service for good sense that is another proof of Tinker's bad conduct. He then went on to say that Tinker was useless as an Inspector, but he could not uphold the charges, in fact, he made me attempt to discuss them, confining himself to saying over and over again that Tinker's reports were not good. I asked him if Tinker's salary had been stopped. He said the p[i]er diem had been stopped. That, of course, is all right, but he knew nothing about the salary, which I understand wasH.C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES stopped also. I finally said to him that I hoped before he acted he would allow you to see the papers in the case and to give you an opportunity before Mr. Tinker was removed and his successor appointed to consider the charges and the way in which they had been met [made]. The fact is the charges have been completely met. That being the case it would put Mr. Lawrence, Senator Hoar and myself in a very embarrassing position to have Tinker turned out when the charges against him were disproved. If you can get him to lay the papers before you I think you could look them over and say there seems to be no case against Tinker and it would be better to leave him alone as we are all so much interested in him. Lay the burden on us. Always yours, H. C. Lodge To The President.[*Alice to Red Cross*] University of the State of New York [*Ackd 4/1/04*] March 31, 1904 Dear Mr. President We expect to be in Washington at the Arlington from Monday afternoon at four till early Wednesday morning, that is if you can give me a short interview during that time. Then I will answer in person the Mexican offer. Could Mr. Loeb wire me at 22 Elk St, Albany, regarding an appointment? Always faithfully yours J. R. Parsons jr [[shorthand]]Translation. Colon, March 31, 1904. Seonav, Washington. MARIETTA returned. He disproved Indians' report. I have considered carefully official information from all sources. It is evident now that threatened invasion has collapsed. Without taking into consideration offensive defensive they could have been defeated by three battalions at front another in [?] Empire vessels cooperating with them defensively. This is sent to avoid hereafter telegram. Sigsbee Commander of Caribbean Squadron, North Atlantic Fleet.[Enc. in Darling 4-1-04]TELEGRAM. Ackd 4/1/04 White House, Washington. 2NY.(PO). MD. RA. 91- Paid 2ex. 5:40 p.m. Lakewood, New-Jersey, March 31, 1904. President Roosevelt, White House. Just received from Jacob H. Schiff following cable from Frankfort: "Lord Rothschild informs me great apprehension exists repetition Kishenef occurences at Odessa during Easter. Pamphlets inciting outrages being freely circulated and tolerated by the Russian government. Rothschild is communicating with Lord Lansdowne. Can you not ask President Roosevelt to express through ambassador Macormick hope that these fears, which European press also freely report, may not be realized." I trust you will once more invoke your humanitarian diplomacy. I will gladly come to Washington if you wish me. Please answer. Oscar S. Straus, Lakewood Hotel.Wilcox & Miner, Counsellors at Law, No. 684 Ellicott Square, Buffalo, N. Y. March 31st, 1904. Hon. William Loeb, Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. Loeb:- Will you please hand the enclosed letter to the President personally, and oblige Yours very truly, Ansley Wilcox[For enc. see 3-30-04]JOSEPH B. GILDER Literary Agent While disclaiming responsibility for manuscripts in his possession, Mr. Gilder takes every precaution to prevent their loss. EMPIRE THEATRE BUILDING 1430 Broadway, corner 40th Street NEW YORK CITY Telephone: "690—38th Street" Cable: "Gilderjo, New York" NEW YORK, 31 March, 1904 At the suggestion of several leading American publishers, Mr. Joseph B. Gilder is placing at the service of authors his intimate knowledge of the publishing business, acquired as Editor of The Critic for over twenty years, as literary adviser to The Century Company (1895-1902), and as London representative for the past two years of Messrs. Dodd, Mead & Company. He undertakes the placing of manuscripts of all kinds—stories, novels, essays, etc.,—disposing of periodical rights, as well as the right to publication in book form. He also arranges for the protection of copyright in England, the right of translation into foreign languages, and the disposal of dramatic and other rights at home and abroad. The Literary Agent has become a recognized institution in England, and there is no reason why his services should be less valuable to the American than to the English author. His function is not merely to save time and trouble for the writer who has "arrived," but to secure a hearing for new and promising authors. In this connection, Mr. Gilder has the advantage of a wide acquaintance among the editors and publishers of New York, London, and other literary centres. MR. RUDYARD KIPLING ON THE LITERARY AGENT "The reason of his being is to meet the publisher as one trained man of business meets another. ...His capital is experience and special knowledge of a highly specialized trade, gained by years of contact with a particular type of men and things. ... He saves the author the mass of profitless, temper-wearing detail that attaches itself to any extended market-work."—From a previously published letter to Mr. Gilder.[*[Enc. in Matthews 4-12-04]*] SELF-EXPLANATORY LETTERS. THE EVENING POST EDITORIAL ROOMS NEW YORK, MARCH 26, 1904. To the Editor of the Columbia University Quarterly: DEAR SIR: I observe that in your March number you reprint a letter of President Butler's in the New York Times, making severe reflections upon the Evening Post. It must have escaped your notice that this paper promptly took exception to some of President Butler's statements, and that later we printed a letter by Professor MacDowell directly controverting a part of the President's charges. Presuming that, in fairness, you would desire to set forth the whole story, I should be glad to furnish you the matter referred to, provided you signify a willingness to insert it in your next number. Very truly yours, ROLLO OGDEN COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY QUARTERLY, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY. NEW YORK, MARCH 29, 1904. Rollo Ogden, Esq., Editor of the Evening Post: DEAR SIR: In answer to your note of the 26th, I beg to inform you that I have read the various interviews, letters, and editorial articles printed in your journal in regard to the recent resignation of one of the professors of Columbia University, and I can understand that some persons may have found them "very interesting reading" - as one of your employees suggested. But I have seen nothing in your columns that controverted Dr. Butler's plainspoken assertion that you journal had "sinned against the light"; and I reprinted his letter in the Quarterly because it seemed to me proper to put on record in the official organ of the university the President's rebuke of a newspaper which was willing to disseminate unfounded statements after receiving warning as to their inaccuracy. Your obedient servant, BRANDER MATTHEWS, Managing Editor of the Columbia University Quarterly THE EVENING POST EDITORIAL ROOMS, NEW YORK, MARCH 31, 1904. Prof. Brander Matthews, Managing Editor of the Columbia Quarterly: DEAR SIR: In reply to yours of the 29th, I have simply to say that the question is not of your judgment, nor of mine, as to what is proved by the documents in the case, but of fairness in printing them so that every man may judge for himself. The Evening Post reprinted entire President Butler's letter of grievous attack. It also published the fact that men in this office, whose reputation for veracity is as dear to them as President Butler's is to him, emphatically repudiated the interpretation which he put upon a conversation by telephone. Finally, we made public a letter by Professor MacDowell, contradicting in terms a part of President Butler's statement. You affirm that we have "sinned against the light," but you refuse to give your readers the light to win against. Whether your course in suppressing a part of the evidence is in accord with journalistic or any other morals, I am content to leave fair-minded men to decide. As an aid to them I shall print our correspondence. Very truly yours, ROLLO OGDEN3-31-04 The Globe and Commercial Advertiser. 1797—ESTABLISHED—1904 PUBLISHED EVERY EVENING, EXCEPT SUNDAY, By The COMMERCIAL ADVERTISER ASSOCIATION. NEW YORK, THURSDAY, MARCH 31, 1904. It is very clear now that the conservative or sane elements of the Democratic party have come together in support of Judge Parker as their candidate for the presidency. That is the meaning of the present impressive development of sentiment in his favor. He will go before the convention primarily as the choice of his party in his own state, and secondarily as the choice of those elements of the party in other sections of the country that are in accord with the views of the eastern or Cleveland Democracy. His candidacy, therefore, will be a direct challenge to the anti-Cleveland or Bryanite elements, and will arouse them to most strenuous efforts to defeat it. It will bring about a final test of strength between the two factions, the outcome of which will be watched with intense interest. Whether Judge Parker and his managers wish to have this line drawn sharply or not, they will be powerless to prevent it. The Bryanites will not submit without a desperate struggle. Their line of attack can easily be foreseen. They will seek to array their following in the west against Parker as the New York or Cleveland candidate. Why, they will ask, is it proposed to go to New York for a candidate, the same state from which the Republican candidate comes? Because, they will answer, Roosevelt is unpopular with certain elements in his own state. What are these elements? Those known as the Wall Street interests or the trusts. Then you ask us to take Parker in the expectation that he will get the support of these interests—you ask us to take a candidate whom these interests will give money to elect? What becomes of our party as an anti-trust party after such a nomination as that? It does not matter to Bryan and Hearst whether this line of attack is just or fair. They will make it because the Parker candidacy is directly and fatally antagonistic to their purposes, and it is not difficult to perceive that it has elements of strength in it when the character of their following is considered. That following is dominated by an intense bitterness against the eastern or Cleveland Democrats because of the conviction that those Democrats twice accomplished the defeat of Bryan. When they see the newspapers and men who represent these Democrats in New York falling in line behind Parker, as they are doing at the present moment, their worst suspicions will be confirmed, and Bryan will have comparatively easy work in arousing them to indomitable opposition. That is the struggle which is now about to begin, and which is certain to make the Democratic convention one of the liveliest and most interesting in our history. Bryan and Hearst and the extreme elements of the party that they have been gathering in a solid body behind them will fight now as they have never fought before for control of the convention, for it is a matter of life and death to them. The conservative forces behind Parker must fight with equal vigor and persistence if they are to win. They have right and decency and patriotism upon their side, and if they have sufficient courage and persistence they can win. Nobody knows exactly how strong the old Bryanite following is, but that it is much weaker than it was four years ago all observers agree. It must control a third at least of the convention or go to the wall. To secure this third with the east and the south combined against them is going to be no easy task for Bryan and Hearst, no matter with what furious zeal they may struggle to accomplish it. They are not only fighting for a bad cause, but are fighting for a dying cause, are fighting against time and the march of progress.then put off. I do not see how I can properly put them off again. I wish I could. I am especially disappointed for I fear that this is the dinner for Louis Frothingham & I most particularly wanted to come on every account. Ever yrs H. C. Lodge I had a letter from Root today in answer to mine bidding him farewell which touched me more than I can say & made me very proud too 1765 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington. [*File*] Dear Theodore - I have just got Loeb's note with your invitation for the 12th of March. On that night as ill luck will have it we have a dinner party at home among others the ambassadors of Russia & Germany These illustrious personages were to dine with us the night Hanna died & were Centaŕo will be much appreciated I am sure both by himself and his family. I remain Very sincerely yours Jessie Hyslop Maxwell [*PF*] March 1904 76, CANNING STREET, LIVERPOOL. Dear Mr. President- The bearer of this letter whom I wish to withhold to you is Signor Roberto Centaŕo from Rome. He sails from Genoa on April 4th, having been given an appointment at the Italian Embassy in Washington, and will doubtless hand in this letter shortly after his arrival. I may mention that Signor Centaro's mother was the daughter of the late Mr. Robert Hutchison of Savannah Georgia who was so closely connected with my father, and also you may remember that Mr. Hutchison's first wife was Corinne Elliott daughter of our great grandfather John Elliott of Georgia. Anything you can do for Signorknow you know how active they are. The indepent vote today is developing for you. The Straw suckers in the clubs (the Constitutional Crowd) have burnt their powder. Is there any way you can get before the people some expression on trade & the markets. The New England Manufacturers Association meets here next Tuesday It struck me that Lodge could say something that would help him & help the party on "The markets & trade" & the Export Commission The people who have reduced wages & who have no wages THE MOUNT WASHINGTON, BRETTON WOODS, WHITE MOUNTAINS, N. H. Saturday [*F*] [*[ca 3-1904]*] Mr. President:- Our friend Walter Page of the Worlds Work, some months ago stated in his magazine that if the Democrats made "Roosevelt" the issue they were ticked. He has written another article this month. I spent the night with him last week & I have been thinking about the "impressions" of his remarks about you. He reaches a great many independentvoters. I think it a good idea to send for him & see him a few minutes & give him a new head of steam. Things are too good to keep & the provident fear should seize us all to crystalize forces that are gathering & be in position to subdue the Democrats immediately after they make their intended rally. The Hannah guards want to get under cover We must let them - they want the consciousness that you know they now think you are safe. I was talking to a man whose Company gave the last Campaign two hundred & fifty thousand dollars. I mention this to emphasize the magnitude of his business. He wants to get before you I will take this up with Mr. Cortelyou. The letter you gave me to him got us together I think such men as Page - Albert Shaw, Root & Cortelyou should devise a plan for you, to get men before you in Washington. I can reach Mr. Root but if you take to this idea I would want you to write him a line before I saw him. The independent vote in N.Y. will save the state if proper attention is given to it & there is no better way than to get the big men active & let them[*[For 1 enc. see 3-3-04 William B_?]*] THE MOUNT WASHINGTON, BRETTON WOODS, WHITE MOUNTAINS, N. H. on account of closed cotton factories, want to know when they can buy a barrel of flour. I send you a letter which explains itself I have done nothing about the matter. The Outlook stated the case so as to reach the big man & the little man. Jacob Riis writings are in these numbers also. If you want me to take this up with Mr. Cortelyou I will be glad to do so. I will be here until Wednesday night. Sincerely B. Frank Mebane To Mr. RooseveltAMENDMENT [*[ca Mar. 1904]*] That the Delaware Indians who have made improvements or are in rightful possession of such improvements in the Cherokee Nation shall have the right to first select from said improved lands their allotments and thereafter for a period of six months shall have the right to sell their surplus improvements to other citizens of the Cherokee Nation and shall secure the payment of the purchase money by such contracts as the parties shall make. Such purchaser when filling his selection upon such land shall submit a written authority, properly verified, of the Delaware Indian selling the improvements thereon. 313[*Private To be printed in this June number of this English Illustrated Magazine G.F.P.*] [*Enc. in Parker 3-2-04]*] [*[ca 3-1904]*] PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AS AN AUTHOR BY GEORGE F. PARKER In attempting to review, briefly, the writings which have been published by Theodore Roosevelt, I shall endeavor to separate, so far s this is possible, the student and the writer from the politician and man of action. Under the circumstances, this is a task of some difficulty, as with the exception of part of his historical work, he has almost uniformly written only upon those questions or policies, with which he has had to deal in politics or war, or in sport and adventure. But, whatever may have been the origin or the impulse, we are called upon to recognize the undoubted fact that here is a man who, in addition to his achievements as member of the Legislature of his native State, candidate for Mayor of his native City, President of the National Civil Service Commission, Police-Commissioner of New York City, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Colonel of the regiment known as the "Rough Riders," Governor of New York, Vice-President, and finally President of the United States--all achieved before he had completed his fourty-fourth year--has written more than twenty volumes on politics, social life, history and sport. Dealing with many different publishing houses, one of them, the Messrs. Putnam's Sons, of London and New York, have been able to get together, in a popular collected edition, fifteen volumes, which include specimens of his activities in all his various lines of thought and effort. Messrs. Houghton, Mifflin and Company, of Boston, represented by Messrs. Gay and Bird in London, have issued in the American Statesman Series his lives of Gouverneur Morris and Thomas H. Benton, the Century Company, of New York and London, have given currency to "Ranch Life and the Hunting Trail," "Hero Tales from American History," and "The Strenuous Life"--the latter issued since his election as Vice-President--the second written in collaboration with his friend, Senator Henry Cabot Lodge; while Messrs. Charles Scribner and Sons, of New York, have given their imprint to his "Life of Oliver Cromwell:" and Messrs. Longman's and Co., of London and New York, to "New York," in the Historic Towns Series. In addition to these, there is an indefinite number of contributions--published in various quarters on both sides of the ocean--upon the American Indian, upon the hunting of big game, and the composite histories of navies, and also some early and uncollected contributions to magazines. Here, then, is a body of writing, all devoted to serious questions, which might well represent the intellectual output of the most industrious professional writer of the same age and corresponding activities. And this is true in spite of the fact that, in President Roosevelt's case, it has been a mere bye-product. Discarding, therefore, as futile, any attempt to treat this mass of writing either with an approach to completeness or in anything resembling the order in which it was given to the world, it will, perhaps, best serve the purpose I have in view and also more effectively impress this upon the reader if I endeavor to deal, successively, and in the most irregular order, with his studies of politics--including political biography and social conditions, of sport and game, of armies and navies, and, finally, of history, pure and simple. It will also be necessary in treating some of these, to quote with some freedom, as in no other way can a fair idea be given of the style and uncompromising earnestness with which the writer reflects the man, his opinions and ideals. It may not be amiss, in passing, to take note of the fact that the career of Theodore Roosevelt affords the first opportunity, since 1829, to write of a President of the United States who was also a literary man. In the earlier days of the republic, John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and John Quincy Adams, all influenced public opinion with the pen as well as through the voice and that more potent recognition which they had been able to command from their countrymen. With the advent of Andrew Jackson, a different type of statesman came to the front. It is true that Martin Van Buren and James Buchanan wrote books, but, in both cases, they assumed the form of apologies. Other Presidents, indeed most of them, have had a gift, more or less developed, for the composition of public papers, but no other, within the period mentioned, has found it either desirable or necessary, or perhaps within his power, to influence his countrymen by persistent literary appeals, either by means of books, or in less dignified publications. Their messages and speeches, like the utterances of their less prominent countrymen, have therefore been devoted, almost wholly, to those questions and issues with which, as public men, they have been called to deal. They are useful and necessary for the student, but open to the suspicion, or the charge, of a lack of interest from the purely human point of view. Theodore Roosevelt was born in New York, October 27th, 1858. His father was a member of a well-known family, Dutch in name, with a mixture of Scotch-Irish, coming through his mother; while his wife, the mother of the future president, was a member of a family in the remote southern state of Georgia. Completing his education at Harvard University in 1880, the young man was elected the same year to the lower house of the New York Legislature. Here, during three successive terms, he showed both his devotion to principle and his fitness for practical politics and that love of a contest for its own sake, which have always distinguished him from the ordinary politician. He carried through many practical and useful measures in the face of serious difficulties, always compelling recognition of his high and commanding qualities, inspiring respect for his abilities, and achieving one of the cherished ambitions of his life by making fast friendships and bitter enmities. During this time, too, he began his serious work as a student and writer, his first book being issued in 1882.PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT TWO His first attempt to deal with the literary side of political life was in 1888, when a small book appeared, little more than a pamphlet in size, which dealt mainly with his experience in the Legislature. He subjected State politics to analysis from a point of view until then uncommon. He excoriated the indifference of the respectable, exposed and corrupt methods of the representatives of the prosperous classes, and recognized the ability and capacity for usefulness of some of the foreign-born colleagues--not of his own party--with whom he had been associated in legislation. Even in this earliest study he emphasized that attitude of contempt for "the people of means in all great cities," who, meeting together in a large hall, "will vociferously demand 'reform,' as if it were some concrete substance which could be handed out in slices," and will then disband with a feeling of the most serene satisfaction, "and the assumption that they have nothing more to do." He also recorded that when he "had to name a committee which was to do the most difficult, dangerous, and important work that came before the Legislature" during his service in it, three out of his four colleagues were Irish either by birth or descent. His study of the "machine" embodied many facts which can still be commended to the student of practical politics as deserving of attention. These ideas were developed with greater completeness in the volume on "American Ideals," written in 1895 which contains his confession of faith in matters political and social. The intensity of his Americanism and the strenuousness of his demands were newly emphasized. He insisted that the open wrong-doers, who made themselves amenable to the law, were not the real dangerous classes. He found these in the advocates of disunion who had also maintained their political position; the repudiators, whose purposes had been concealed; the anarchists, outside the pale of the law; while the stock speculator, who acquires wealth by swindling his fellows, debauching judges, corrupting legislatures, only to die one of the richest of men, is denounced as exerting a worse influence than the average murderer or bandit; and the reckless labour agitator and his sympathizer, the legislator who, to catch votes, denounces the judiciary and the military because they suppress mobs, is pilloried alongside of the narrow, hard, selfish merchant or manufacturer who deliberately acts himself to keep the labourers he employs in a condition of helpless dependence. But the blunt, outspoken expression of his rage he reserved for those whom he defines as more serous wrong-doers than those who commit the overt act, the men of wealth who sacrifice everything to getting money. The scope of his opinions on this question and his method of dealing with them and others of the same type are fairly indicated by the following disconnected paragraphs: There is not in the world a more ignoble character than the mere money-getting Ameri- every principle, bent only on amassing a fortune, and putting his fortune only to the basest uses-whether these uses be to speculate can, insensible to every duty regardless of in stock and wreck railroads himself, or to allow his son to lead a life of foolish and expensive idleness and gross debauchery, or to purchase some scoundrel of high social position, foreign or native, for his daughter. Such a man is only the more dangerous if he occasionally does some deed like founding a college or endowing a church which makes those good people who are also foolish forget his real iniquity. These men are equally careless of the workingmen, whom they oppress, and of the State, whose existence they imperil. There are not very many of them, but there is a very great number of men who approach more or less closely to the type, and, just in so far as they do so approach, they are curses to the country. The man who is content to let politics go from bad to worse, jesting at the corruption of politicians, the man who is content to see the maladministration of justice without an immediate and resolute effort to reform it, is shirking his duty, and is preparing the way for infinite woes in the future. Hard, brutal indifference to the right, and an equally brutal shortsightedness as to the inevitable results of corruption and injustice, are baleful beyond measure; and yet they are characteristic of a great many Americans who think themselves perfectly respectable, and who are considered thriving, prosperous men by their easy-going fellow citizens. Another class, merging into this, and only less dangerous, is that of the men whose ideals are purely material. These are the men who are willing to go for good government when they think it will pay, but who measure everything by the shop-till, the people who are unable to appreciate any quality that is not a mercantile commodity, who do not understand that a poet may do far more for a country than the owner of a nail factory, who do not realise that no amount of commercial prosperity can supply the lack of the heroic virtues, or can in itself solve the terrible social problems which all the civilised world is now facing. The mere materialist is, above all things, shortsighted. To men of a certain kind, trade and property are fare more sacred than life or honor, of far more consequence than the great thoughts and lofty emotions, which alone make a nation mighty. They believe, with a faith almost touching in its utter feebleness that "the Angel of Peace, draped in a garment of untaxed calico," has given her final message to men when she has implored them to devote all their energies to producing oleomargarine at a quarter of a cent less a firkin, or to importing woollens for a fraction less than they can be made at home. These solemn prattlers strive after an ideal in which they shall happily unite the imagination of a green-grocer with the heart of a Bengalee baboo. They are utterly incapable of feeling one thrill of generous emotion, or the slightest throb of that pulse which gives to the world statesmen, patriots, warriors, and poets, and which makes a nation other than a cumberer of the world's surface. In like manner, i.e., without concealment, without any apparent desire to conciliate the opponents of these moral and practical ideas and measures, or to indulge in fine or wire-drawn distinctions, he narrates in the same positive, uncompromising way, his experiences in the management of the New York Police. He advocated a policy of thorough in the assertion of the Monroe doctrine long before he could have had any fixed idea of becoming President, and that too, without the truculence towards foreign countries with which the expressions of such opinions were formerly connected. I do not find anywhere in his writings, or recall in his speeches, any of the contempt for foreign countries which was the main stock in trade of a certain type of American politician who was prone to excommunicate all who did not share his opinions or endorse his method of enforcing them. [*[Enc in Parker, 3-2-04]*] [*[ca 3-1904]*]PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT THREE I do not find in his works any review or notice of a current novel or any purely literary criticism excepting a single, severe arraignment of American writers of fiction for aping foreign models. to all appearance, this form of modern literature does not appeal to him, owing to the almost universal absence of high imagination. In his collected writings, I have found only three articles which take the form of reviews. These deal with the late Professor Person's "National Life and Character," Benjamin Kidd's "Social Evolution," and the erratic and somewhat disconnected, but able and suggestive, "Civilisation and Decay," of Brooks Adams. Whatever judgment he has passed upon these, each finds in him interest and the power to comprehend the dignity and solemnity of its fundamental ideas. All this is only to say that he deals with nothing, either in a literary way or in life, from a frivolous point of view, or from any other than the man of serious mind. I know nothing of Mr. Roosevelt's methods of composition, but each of his utterances on politics or social life--and he never once so much as attempts to separate the two, as features closely allied in all human concerns--whether it takes the form of a speech or essay, gives me the impression that it has been dictated late at night after a hard day's work in the legislature, or on the Civil Service Commission, or in the Police Office. One can imagine the waiting and perhaps drowsy secretary called in at two o'clock in the morning to take down from the lips of his chief piping hot, those opinions and conclusions and admonitions which have been formulated in that quick, active mind, by some exhibition of poor human, nature in the form of a hard, vain, ignorant, and grasping rich man, or an arrogant, over-confident boss or a corrupt, dangerous labour-leader or agitator. It is not difficult to imagine that some violator of the civil service law, or Captain of Police has just been having a bad quarter-of-an-hour. These strong, rugged opinions, neither devoid of grace or over-nervous about it, are then, no doubt, revised with care, but not to the injury of their vigour. Whatever relations such writings, when finished, may bear to literature they must be recognized as reflecting the real life of whose relation to letters the world so often heard. They are the conclusions of a man whose integrity of purpose cannot be questioned, however much they may arouse disagreement, and they explain some things that have happened thus far in the political history of the United States. I, who write these things, am, when at home, the consistent political opponent of Mr. Roosevelt and his party, but I am now trying to separate the President from those narrow politics of which the world sometimes hears too much, and to consider the man whose score of published volumes are scattered about me as I write. East of the Sandy Hook lighthouse no sensible American ought to have any party opinions, unless the existence or the honour of his country is at stake; even West of that point he ought to allow himself to think of the man of letters without confusing him with the chance party leader and President. It will be seen at once how exclusively, though not narrowly, American the point of view of all this is. Its writer sees the whole world as clearly as any public man of his time, but he also knows that his voice will carry most certainly if, using his general knowledge of history, he limits his efforts to his own watertight compartment. In writing the life of Gouverneur Morris, Mr. Roosevelt dealt with a minor, though an important, public character of the formative period. There were none of those great outstanding morals which so attract him. The natural result is that he has not registered a defined success. The constituency of such biography is, after all, small and narrow; and this particular work, like so many of those done for a series, conveys the impression of having been done to order rather than to have written itself because it must. The same may be said, in all essential respects, of its partner and successor, the life of Thomas H. Benton, an obstinate, doughty champion of hard money, and a qualified opponent of slavery in the days when there was not much opportunity for compromise or hesitation upon this question. Mr. Roosevelt would have simply revelled in a life of Andrew Jackson, Benton's mentor and master, because he would have seen in him a spirit kindred in many respects to his own, while the disciple neither aroused his enthusiasm as an American nor fired his spirit as a man. In "The Strenuous Life" we find an enlarged and revised "American Ideals." There is the same strong appeal to the sense of duty and obligation, the same denunciation of selfishness and corruption, and the same fearlessness in commending great moral lessons. The country had assumed new responsibilities between the time of the writing of the first essay and the succeeding book, so that its people are everywhere adjured to remember this fact, and to let it act as a new inspiration to vigour and right-doing. The little collection of stories written in collaboration with Senator Lodge, is made up, in the case of both writers, of material left over from more serious historical studies and adapted for boys. They had the purpose, avowed and distinct of arousing and maintaining patriotic spirit, and these slight sketches have, no doubt, produced the effect intended. It is not often that busy statesmen of literary standing will turn aside to promote such worthy objects. About 1884, after Mr. Roosevelt had completed his political apprenticeship, he purchased a ranch in the mountains of Wyoming. He took this step, primarily, for the purpose of improving his health, which had not been over-rugged, with business as a secondary consideration, and with the intention of passing his life in the extreme West. Although this was not carried out, he returned for many successive years to look after his property interests and to spend long holidays. Out of this venture grew two widely different phases of his literary activity, one dealing with the frontier, the other strictly historical. The first is represented by three series of books or studies of 'the pioneer life' in the mountains and of the cattle ranch. In their order these were: "The Hunting Trips of a Ranchman," "Ranch Life and the Hunting Trail," and the "Wilderness Hunter." Evidently the most of them were written on the spot, and so they make an entirely different impression from the political writings. This new life, [*[Enc in Parker, 3-2-04]*] [*[ca 3-1904]*]PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT FOUR with its alternations of extreme activity and of deep, almost impenetrable solitude, no doubt had a far greater influence upon his subsequent career than even his education and his earlier political experience in the East. Here he acquired that knowledge of the varied conditions of American life which has given him a more complete understanding of his countrymen than any man who has come to the forefront in national politics during the last half century. Especially did it give him an opportunity to know the West in its many phases, and nothing is more important than for that region--singularly barren, at the present juncture, of commanding public figures of its own-to feel that its character and its own peculiar problems are really understood by a strong, commanding man, born, matured and trained in an environment in which this knowledge is seldom found. In the first book of this trilogy, the opening chapter is devoted to recording Mr. Roosevelt's first impressions of the new and strange surroundings in which he had found himself. In it he sets forth the conditions which then surrounded ranch life. Although this was written less than twenty years ago it deals with industrial conditions which have almost entirely disappeared, a fact which the writer fully recognised even at the time. In it, he describes the lands themselves; their steady occupation for cattle-raising; the character of the buildings and their surroundings; the types of men-now popularly known as cowboys--engaged in the employment, with an analysis of their character, training, ideas, dress, and mode of life. All of these features appeal to the man whose style easily adapts itself to the somewhat simple conditions he is led to describe. He does not disdain to observe the songs of birds, absent or unfamiliar elsewhere, and is open to all the influences which enter into the charm of what he defines as "freedom and the vigorous open-air existence it forces a man to lead." The saddle, the make of rifle or other gun used by himself or his associates, the methods of dealing with the herd, the search for cattle or ponies, the precautions necessary to insure supplies in cold weather, the provisions of firewood-- nothing is too small to attract his attention. Everything shows that business comes before the pleasure or the adventure to be sought in hunting trips. But, with it all, he deals with facts, and even indulges in prophecy, as the following extract will show:-- During the past century a good deal of sentimental nonsense has been talked about our taking the Indians' land. Now, I do not mean to say for a moment that gross wrong has not been done the Indians, both by government and individuals, again and again. The government makes promises impossible to perform, and then fails to do even what it might toward their fulfilment; and where brutal and reckless frontiersmen are brought into contact with a set of treacherous, revenge- ful, and fiendishly cruel savages, a long series of outrages by both sides is sure to follow. But as regards taking the land, at least from the western Indians, the simple truth is that the latter never had any real ownership in it at all. Where the game was plenty, there they hunted; they followed it when it moved away to new hunting-grounds, unless they were pre- vented by stronger rivals; and to most of the land on which we found them they had no stronger claim than that of having a few years previously butchered the original occupants. When my cattle came to the Little Missouri, the region was only inhabited by a score or so of white hunters; their title to it was quite as good as that of most Indian tribes to the lands they claim; yet nobody dreamed of say- ing that these hunters owned the country. Each could eventually have kept his own claim of 160 acres, and no more. The Indians should be treated in just the same way that we treat the white settlers. Give each his little claim; if, as would generally happen, he declined this, why then let him share the fate of the thousands of white hunters and trappers who have lived on the game that the settlement of the country has exterminated, and let him, like these whites, who will not work, perish from the face of the earth which he cumbers. The doctrine seems merciless, and so it is; but it is just and rational, for all that. It does not do in be merciful to a few, at the cost of justice to the many. The cattle-men at least keep herds and build houses on the land; yet I would not for a moment debar settlers from the right of entry to the cattle country, though their coming in means in the end the destruc- tion of us and our industry. For we ourselves, and the life that we lead, will shortly pass away from the plains as com- pletely as the red and white hunters who have vanished from before our herds. The free, open-air life of the ranchman, the pleasantest and healthiest life in America, is from its very nature ephemeral. The broad and boundless prairies have already been bounded, and will soon be made narrow. It is scarcely a figure of speech to say that the tide of white settle- ment during the last few years has risen over the west life a flood; and the cattle-men are but the spray from the crest of the wave, thrown for in advance, but soon to be over- taken. As the settlers throng into the lands and seize the good ground, especially that near the streams, the great fenceless ranches, where the cattle and their mounted herdsmen wan- dered unchecked over hundreds of thousands of acres, will be broken up and divided into corn land, or else into small grazing farms where a few hundred head of stock are closely watched and taken care of. Of course the most powerful ranches, owned by wealthy cor- porations or individuals, and already firmly rooted in the soil, will long resist this crowd- ing; in places, where the ground is not suited to agriculture, or where, through the old Spanish land-grants, title has been acquired to a great tract of territory, cattle ranching will continue for a long time, though in a greatly modified form; elsewhere I doubt if it outlasts the present century. This is not without value, even outside of itself, if for no other reason than that it illustrates, if illustration were necessary, the genesis of "American Ideals" and "The Strenuous Life," and even of some ringing message about the future of the Philippines or Cuba. Its absolute frank- ness, even when writing about his own selfish interests, is of a piece with the same quality when he deals with the interests of others. Putting aside, for a time, his comprehen- sive knowledge of the new men with whom he had come into contact, the reader can only express surprise at the ease with which he also adapted himself the animal world. Going into the West at twenty- five, from an Eastern and city training and education, he could not have had even those privileges, which come by accident and are reserved for the chosen few, of an intimate all-round acquaintance with the domestic animals; and yet, after a year or so of the mountains and the ranch, he not only knew them but one might have thought that this adventurous young man had been cradled and nursed with wolves, bears, cougars, buffaloes, elk, deer, antelope, mountain goats, wild geese, and turkeys, pinnated grouse, and quail to say nothing of eagles, badgers, prairie dogs, and all the other inhabitants of the mountain, the forest, and the prairie. Each had then been studied in its own haunts, and its habits as carefully noted as if this was to be henceforth the main business of life. [*[Enc in Parker, 3-2-04]*] [*[ca 3-1904]*]PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT FIVE Nor was the knowledge limited to what he had seen; it had been supplemented by the study of the books written by the best specialists. Everywhere the student accompanies the practical naturalist, the adventurer, or the sportsman. Interesting asides record his opinion of Burroughs, Thoreau, Audubon, Bachman, Coues, Maurice Thompson, or Theodore Ayrault Dodge, Catlin, Parkman, or Ruxton. He laments the modern lack of knowledge and the sometimes affected, sometimes merely ignorant, depreciation of Fenimore Cooper, and shows that he enjoys to the full that most perfect of all writers about the sea, Herman Melville. Thus, the well-bred, dainty New-Yorker, and the Harvard graduate are found in the man in buckskin who commands on a Wyoming ranch just as he was to do later on a warship or a Cuban battlefield. It would be impossible, within any ordinary space limits, to follow such a writer through the details of a subject upon which he writes with such versatility. As a hunter, he avers that he has never sought to make large bags and follows this up with the vigorously expressed opinion that "a hunter should not be a game butcher." In connection, with this he says in "The Wilderness Hunter":-- From its very nature, the life of the hunter is in most places evanescent; and when it has vanished there can be no real substitute in old settled countries. Shooting in a private game preserve is but a dismal parody; the manliest and healthiest features of the sport are lost with the change of conditions. We need, in the interest of the community at large, a rigid system of game laws rigidly enforced, and it is not only admissable, but one may almost say necessary, to establish, under the control of the State, great national forest preserves, which shall also be breeding grounds and nurseries for wild game; but I should much regret to see grow up in this country a system of large private game preserves, kept for the enjoyment of the very rich. One of the chief attractions of the life of the wilderness is its ragged and stalwart democracy; there every man stands for what he actually is, and can show himself to be. I must content myself with one more quotation, this time his estimate of the later pioneer woman, from "Ranch Life and the Hunting Trail," and there leave the fascinating volumes which represent something more than mere episode in this man's life;-- There is an old and true border saying that "the frontier is hard on women and cattle." There are some striking exceptions; but, as a rule, the grinding toil and hardship of a life passed in the wilderness, or on its outskirts, drive the beauty and bloom from a woman's face long before her youth has left her. By the time she is a mother she is sinewy and angular; with thin, compressed lips and furrowed, sallow brow. But she has a hundred qualities that atone for the grace she lacks. She is a good mother and a hard-working housewife, always putting things to rights, washing and cooking for her stalwart spouse and offspring. She is faithful to her husband, and, like the true American that she is, exacts faithfulness in return. Peril cannot daunt her, nor hardship and poverty appal her. Whether on the mountain in a log hut chinked with moss, in a sod or adobe hovel on the desolate prairie, or in a mere temporary camp, where the white-topped waggons have been drawn up in a protection-giving circle near some spring, she is equally at home. Clad in a dingy gown and a hideous sun-bonnet, she goes bravely about her work, resolute, silent, uncomplaining. the children grow up pretty much as fate dictates. Even when very small they seem well able to protect themselves. The wife of one of my teamsters, who lived in a small outlying camp, used to keep the youngest and most troublesome members of her family out of mischief by the simple expedient of picketing them out, each child being tied by the leg, with a long leather string, to a stake driven into the ground, so that it could neither get at another child nor at anything breakable. To the third division of the subjects, that devoted to naval and military studies and the life of Cromwell, which falls naturally into this class, it will not be necessary to devote much space. In 1882, when only twenty-three, and engaged in the difficult and distracting service in the State Legislature, Mr. Roosevelt wrote his history of "The Naval War of 1812." He avowed his purpose to write as impartially as possible the story of a conflict which, as he emphasized it, had always been told from the point of view of the one side or the other. The book was its author's first literary effort and has been so long before the public with such general agreement as to its fairness, that it may be accepted as something of an authority on an important period. It no doubt exercised a considerable influence in the United States upon the movement, then recently inaugurated, for rebuilding a new navy. It was before the days of Captain Mahan and entirely different, in both purpose and execution, from the monumental and revolutionary volumes which the latter has since published; but it is not unlikely that the earlier writer had something to do with the development of the later one. A not unimportant corollary of it was, that it had so directed its author's attention to naval matters as to make him Assistant-Secretary of the Navy fifteen years after is appearance. As the Rough Rider Regiment was itself a direct outgrowth from the conditions which produced the books on pioneer life, so it would not have been anomalous to notice the book, in which their story is told, in that division of my subject. There is the same adaptability to many kinds of men; the same recognition of good and bad qualities; the same democratic equality; and, only emphasised by the larger measure in which war furnishes it, the same spirit of adventure which had distinguished the more peaceful pursuits in the mountains or on the ranch. In this book, written while Governor of New York, Mr. Roosevelt tells the story of how he became the second in command of a regiment of cavalry, authorised by a special act of Congress, to be recruited from the cowboys and trained riflemen of the plains and mountains of the West. The raising and the organisation of this body were given into the hands of its Colonel--Leonard Wood, now a General commanding the forces in the Philippines--and of the writer of its story which deals with it from its enlistment until his final disbandment on Long Island. Even the fate of some of its men, after the war was over is given without discrimination as to rank. It [*[Enc in Parker, 3-2-04]*] [*[ca 3-1904]*]PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT SIX was a body of volunteers throughout, its colonel having been only an army surgeon, and its lieutenant-colonel a civilian. It included, in addition to the classes already mentioned, Indians, half-breeds, miners, adventurers from every quarter but mainly from the mountain regions and Texas, guides, old time stage-drivers, college students, and some outlaws. Its men were chosen because they had fought somebody, somewhere, or if they had not, were determined to make up for lost time as soon as possible. The book which deals with the regiment is a plain story, with no more than the necessary egotism, showing how it was raised and trained, how it fought with or against orders, and how its commander --after the first month in Cuba its Colonel was promoted so that its real creator became its head--signed round robins, or wrote letters or telegrams of advice to the War Department at Washington. In short, it was a regiment like none ever enlisted before, with a unique commander who also became its historian. It is a model, which will, no doubt, often be imitated in the future. The "Life of Cromwell" was written, apparently out of hand, while its author was Governor of New York. There was for a time, an animated rivalry between magazine publishers as to which should be the first to issue serially lives, fully illustrated, of the Great Protector. Some men can write up to pictures, but neither Theodore Roosevelt nor John Morley can be said to have this gift. Besides, so far as Mr. Roosevelt is concerned, it has already been shown that great biography is some- what beyond even his wide range, a balance which perhaps the future may redress. By far the most important work which Mr. Roosevelt has produced, looked at from the purely literary point of view, is "The Winning of the West," a piece of historical writing worthy of high commendation. With the exception of his history of the war of 1812, practically all his other works have grown naturally out of his employments or his mental activities. Here he appears as the student, who, taking up a long period in his country's history, having patiently delved in manuscripts and other original materials and consulted printed authorities, has sought, by weaving them together into a consistent whole, to fill a real gap in research. Nor it is, like most of the monographs of the present day, a mere dry catalogue of authorities, without form and void, and without style or opinion, or consistent purpose. In its pages the men and women who were the original American pioneers, those who in new surroundings and under new conditions, were to continue the earlier work done wholly by Europeans, pass before the reader as they lived and moved. It is, thus far, a fragment, ending with the transfer of Louisiana to the United States by virtue of the purchase from Napoleon in 1803; but, as its writing is a labour of love, its completion is no doubt interrupted by practical activities for a time only. It is the annals of the pioneer, the story of his restless, relentless march to the west and the south-west, of his struggles with nature, with Indians, with poverty and fever, with indifference and misunderstanding, and also of his inability to escape from the baneful influences of European politics which for a long time made him their buffer and their victim. It is difficult to impossibility to condense the contents of four library volumes into a few pages at the end of a review already verging upon the danger point in the matter of length. And yet nothing else than quotation can give a fair idea of his point of view, or his analysis of the conditions he has undertaken in treat. Dealing with the position of the great areas, now included in the United States, then just conquered by England as the result of Wolfe's victory, and showing how the French had treated it as an appanage, in which development had been restricted to hunting and trapping, he insisted that England had adopted the same policy;-- In the north-west she succeeded to the French policy as well as go to the French position. She wished the land to remain a wilderness, the home of the trapper and the fur trader, of the Indian hunter and the French voyageur. She desired it to be kept as a barrier against the growth of the seaboard colonies towards the interior. She regarded the new lands across the Atlantic as being won and settled, not for the benefit of the men who won and settled them, but for the benefit of the merchants and traders who stayed at home. It was this that rendered the Revolution inevitable; the struggle was a revolt against the whole mental attitude of Britain in regard to America, rather than against any one special act or set of acts. The sins and shortcomings of the colonists had been many and it would be easy to make out a formidable catalogue of grievances against them, on behalf of the mother country; but on the great underlying question they were wholly in the right, and their success was of vital consequence to the well-being of the race on this continent. [*[Enc in Parker, 3-2-04]*] [*[ca 3-1904]*]PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT SEVEN Nowhere else could it be possible to find a better summary of the character of the Indian and his methods of carrying on war than in the fourth chapter of this work, and in its scarcely less effective appendix in which he fearlessly combats the ideas of the sentimentalists who for a long time sought to represent the Indians as something more than the savage which history had painted him. Mr. Roosevelt was essentially well fitted, from his own experience, to formulate a correct estimate of the backwoodsman of the Alleghenies; of Daniel Boone and the hunters who made Kentucky; of the Moravians, their triumphs and sufferings; and of the later pioneers who carried out the early experiments of Tennessee. The small, but relatively destructive, wars that accompanied and followed the Revolutionary struggle, the slow process of building up civil government during the later days of the Confederation and the resulting inrush of settlers from the older States, are all treated with a knowledge and an energy that captivate the reader. Sticking closely to his subject, which is that of the expansion of the United States over its own territories, he refuses to turn aside or to deal with anything irrevelant. Indulging occasionally in a forecast of his country's destiny, he permits himself to direct attention to some of the examples which his study of history had revealed to him and to sound a note of the imperialism that now bids fair to command acceptance. He thus carries on the story to the transfer of Louisiana and its natural sequel, the expedition of Lewis and Clarke to the Pacific. Throughout, he is far more severely critical of the early Americans than of the British, or French, or Spaniards, from whom they inherited or with whom they had to deal. In no case does he try the men of that time, whatever their nationality, by the standards of a later one. Taken as a whole, the work would be a creditable achievement for a student who had done nothing else, and yet it is no doubt true that it was easier for this busy man to write this book, than it would have been for the professional historian, for the sim le reason that he wrote what he had really lived. His small book on "New York," in the Historic Town Series, was a well executed outline, on a very narrow scale, of the growth of a wonder of the modern world. One or two phrases from the conclusion are at least characteristic. Speaking of the fact that the "Smart Set" had shifted from Paris to London, he thinks that this, perhaps, marks some improvement in that the resulting society is less provincial and a trifle more American. "But," he argues, "a would-be upper class based mainly on wealth, in which it is the exception and not the rule for a man to be of any real account in the national life, whether as a politician, a literary man, or otherwise, is, of necessity, radically defective, and of little account." He concludes that "the greedy tyranny of the unscrupulous rich and the anarchic violence of the vicious and ignorant poor are ever-threatening dangers." An effort has been made throughout to deal fairly and with due perspective with the writings of a man still in public life, but with only the smallest relation to this fact. To separate them entirely in this case, as in any other in which personal character must become a fundamental part of the work, would be impossible. As every phase and influence of his life, almost every act, are known, so he has concealed little in his writings. His style may now have a Hebraic vigour, and again, be wanting in finish, yet in the one case as in the other the meaning is perfectly plain. If he is cocksure, it is because he feels that he is right and has convinced himself, either by instinct or reason, that it is his duty to say what is in his mind. All this makes it impossible to imagine him a diplomat of the old school. It will be seen that he is always serious, so that it is difficult to realise that he ever passed through a frivolous period. It is so natural for him to lead a busy, all-embracing life, and to be interested in everything, that he does not need any mentor to induce him to write and speak of it. Finally, if it ever becomes necessary in America to raise anew the question "What shall we do with ex-Presidents?" it will not be difficult, in view of past achievements, to give an answer, so far as the future of the present versatile incumbent may be involved. [*[Enc in Parker, 3-2-04]*] [*[ca 3-1904]*][*[enclosed in Riis 3-8-04]*] [*Kansas City Star March 7*] A NEW VOTE IN MISSOURI. IN THE LAST FOUR YEARS ABOUT 30,000 FARMERS HAVE MOVED HERE. A. L. Ellis, a Land Agent, a Democrat, Says That 80 Per Cent of the Immigrants Are Republicans—Their First Votes This Year. In the opinion of A. L. Ellis of Jefferson City, who is engaged in bringing land buyers to Missouri from other states, the immigration to this state in the past three of four years may furnish some political surprises this fall. Mr. Ellis thinks that more than 30,000 men who have moved into Missouri and who have not voted in this state before will cast ballots at the coming election. Most of these are from Iowa, Illinois and one or two other Republican states. He, therefore, believes that perhaps 80 per cent of these new votes will be Republican. Mr. Ellis is a guest, at the Coates house, having come to Kansas City on land business. He is not a Republican. While living in South Dakota he was a free silver adherent and voted for Bryan for President. In predicting that Missouri may have some political surprises coming from its late immigration, he does not speak as a Republican. COME FOR CHEAPER LAND. The majority of the people who are moving to Missouri for homes, Mr. Ellis says, are Iowa farmers. In Iowa, he says, land of the fertile prairie kind is worth from $65 to $125 an acre. In Missouri land of the same variety can be bought for from $25 to $40 an acre, he says. The Iowa farmer, therefore, finds profit and just as good a farm by selling out and removing to Missouri. "There is always a living in a farm, but the average farmer makes his wealth in the increase in the value of his land," said Mr. Ellis this morning. "Take the Iowa farmer: he has a mortgage on his farm. The Illinois land is worth more than that of Iowa. The Illinois farmer sells out and buys the Iowa land. The Iowa farmer pays his debts, buys a Missouri farm and has some money left. He is then in a better position to get rich, as his Missouri land will increase in value rapidly, and he has no debts. Sometimes the Illinois farmer buys Missouri land. Missouri farm property is steadily increasing in value." Mr. Ellis says that in the past few years many farmers from Minnesota and the Dakotas and other Northern states have moved to Missouri and the Southwest, and others are coming. "They want good land in a warmer climate," said Mr. Ellis. "Therefore many of them come to Missouri. This state offers great opportunities for farmers. "Politically speaking," concluded Mr. Ellis, "these farmers may make some changes in Missouri. They are all from Republican states. Many of them have sons. Fifteen or twenty years may see a great many more Republican voters in Missouri."[*ca Mar 1904*] [*Enc. in Roche 3-14-04*] Irish Citizens Declare Them- selves in Favor of Russia. LATTER ALWAYS A FRIEND TO THE UNITED STATES, THEY SAY. Condemn the Attitude of Secretary Hay in the Far East and Denounce the Campaign of the Press Against Russia and Her Interests. Resolutions Adopted at Meeting Held in Irons Hall by Robert Emmet Literary Association. More than 400 voices range in the song "God Save Island," which was the closing number in the entertainment held in Irons Hall last evening in celebration of the 126th anniversary of the birth of Robert Emmet. The affair was planned by the Robert Emmet Literary Association, and occasion was taken to adopt resolutions intended to display the feeling of the Irish people in the affairs of State and the war in the Far East. The hall was crowded to the doors, and when the patriotic song of the Emerald Isle was started the audience rose en masse and sang lustily. It was not the first time during the evening that enthusiasm was displayed. Col. Patrick Henry Quinn, who was Chairman of the meeting started the ball rolling by his reference to Irish matters and John W. Hogan, who delivered an address in which Emmet's life and the doings of other men who helped to make the history of the country came in for much praise, was repeatedly interrupted by applause. Chairman of the committee of arrangements, presented the following resolutions, which were adopted: We, Irish citizens of Providence, assembled to honor the memory and the principles of Robert Emmet, who gave his life for the liberty of his people, hereby declare: First--That, as American citizens, proud of the part played by our race in the foundation, upbuilding and preservation of this great republic from the Revolution, through every stage and crisis of the nation's life to the present day, we stand firmly by the principles of government established by the Revolution; we stand by the policy of avoiding entangling alliances with the Powers of the Old World proclaimed by George Washington in his farewell address to the American people and proved to be sound by a century of continuous and unqualified success. Second--We regard as detrimental to the best interests of the American people and fraught with danger and dishonor the organized movement made evident by the actions and utterances of many public men and journals, and still more by the action of the State Department since John Hay assumed control of it, to reverse the traditional American policy an substitute for it one of reckless adventure in the Old World as well as in the New. Third--We denounce the proposed arbitration treaty with England as a thinly disguised alliance, publicly avowed by its English sponsors to be the first step to an open alliance, intended to serve British interests alone and to enable England to wage war on other countries with greater freedom. The attitude of Secretary Hay in the Far East leaves no room to doubt the existence of a private understanding with England, providing for concurrent action. This attitude has only served, and is intended only to serve British interests, is endangering American commercial interests and antagonizing Russia, which for generations has been conspicuously friendly to the United States, while England has been treacherously hostile. Fourth--We protest against the scarcely veiled hostility to Russia displayed by Secretary Hay from the very beginning of the present troubles in the Far East. We charge that his demand for the so-called "open door," his recent treaty with China, his ill-timed sending of Consuls to Manchuria after his encouragement of Japan had made war certain, and his note to the Powers after the outbreak of hostilities, using deliberately vague language about "localizing the war," and the "administrative entity" of China, were all intended to afford a pretext for antagonizing Russia in the settlement that is to come and for armed interference if English interests should require it. Fifth--We denounce as base and dishonorable the campaign of falsehood and misrepresentation carried on against Russia by a large portion of the daily press, in slavish imitation of the convicted forger, the London Times and the worst class of English journals. This scandalous propaganda has for its object the creation of such antagonism as would secure popular approval for armed support of England when she is forced to throw off the mask and go to the rescue of Japan. We denounce, above all, the attempt to falsify the facts of history by denying that Russian fleets in American waters in 1863 prevented English intervention in favor of the South--a service proved by the official receptions to the Russian officers in Washington and New York, by the mission headed by Gustavus Vasa Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, sent by our Government to Russia in 1866 to thank the Czar for this service: by the statements made to United States Minister Andrew G. Curtin by the Emperor Alexander and Prince Gortschakoff, and by the declaration of the Emperor to Wharton Barker in 1879. Russia's friendship was again forcibly demonstrated during the Spanish-American War, when she refused to join the combination which Lord Paunceforte was endeavoring to form against the United States, and which is now falsely represented to the American people as a combination frustrated by England, whose Ambassador had actually proposed it. Sixth--We therefore strongly insist, as American citizens who believe that republics are not ungrateful, that the sympathy of the people of this country in this crisis in the Far East should be on the side of Russia, the age-long friend of the United States, and that no single step should be taken by the Administration that would place us in an entangling alliance with any Power whatever. When the first number on the programme was announced the seating capacity of the hall was taxed. The greater part of the programme was devoted to appropriate readings and singing. All of the numbers were well selected, and the audience was not slow to manifest its approval. The readings by Thomas H. Bride were particularly well received. The others who contributed to the programme were Misses Eleanor Gannon, Margaret Hanley, Catherine McGinn and Isabel Giles and Messrs. Martin Spellman, James Donlan, Hugh J. Cassidy, Richard Bailey and George Bailey. The accompanists were Misses Mary Cummings, Catherine Gannon, Bessie Donlan and Etta J. Ward. Of the many annual events in observance of Robert Emmet Day the one last evening will hold its place near the top. The affair was carried off quickly, the speakers were interesting and the remainder of the entertainment was of A-1 order. The committee of arrangements had worked diligently for the well-merited success which greetedSCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, Publishers, 153-157 Fifth Avenue, New York, Between 21st and 22nd Streets. [*ackd & enc rec'd 4/1/04*] New York, April 1st, 1904 Dear Mr. President: I send you herewith the galley-proofs of Appendix E to "The Rough Riders." Both "Collier's" and Gebbie are waiting to get the revised proof from us; it will therefore be a great convenience if we can have these back very soon. We shall immediately send the revisions to them. Do you wish to give the Appendix a title, or simply call it "Appendix E?" I am, Mr. President Faithfully yours Robert Bridges [[shorthand]] The President.B.S 266 2221-370 NAVY DEPARTMENT, Washington, April 1, 1904. Sir, I have the honor to transmit herewith copies of further correspondence in relation to the present operations and situation on the Isthmus of Panama. Very respectfully, Charles H. Darling Acting Secretary. The President. Enclosures: Report, 5-04-TSP, dated Panama, Mar. 31, signed Phelps. Letter dated Guatamala, Mar. 4, signed W. F. Tisdel. Report, 60-D, dated Colon, March 22, signed Coghlan. Translation from "El Pervenir" of Cartagena, Mar. 13, 1904. Despatch dated Colon, Mar. 26, signed Sigsbee: Five Diablo. Despatch dated Colon, Mar. 31, signed Sigsbee: MARIETTA[for encs. see over]TELEGRAM White House, Washington. Ackd 4-3-1904 2NY.(PO). MD. RA. 237-D. H. Stamp 6:20 p.m. World's Fair Grounds, St-Louis, Mo., April 1, 1904. The President. Secretary Loeb wired me in response to my inquiry that it would be impossible for you to attend opening ceremonies of universal exposition, April 30th. We were greatly disappointed, but understanding conditions prevailing in expiring days of Congressional session were disposed to accept situation. Foreign commissioners however, cannot understand why our President fails to participate in opening an exposition to which invitations have been extended by our government to their governments and accepted through same channel. They say we claim this to be greatest exposition ever held and remind us that Centennial was opened by President Grant and Columbian exposition by President Cleveland, and contend that if our President fails to attend this exposition the people of their respective countries, if not their government officials themselves, will be unable to understand his absence, and will conclude that exposition is not held in proper esteem in country where it is located. We very much hope you can attend opening but if it is absolutely impossible won't you place us under obligations by sending as your representative and as the spokesman of the government either Secretary Hay or President of the Senate Frye. I can't think of no other official who could so well meet the expectations as well as the requirements of the occasion. The opening will be on Saturday. You need not lose more than two business days from Washington in order to attend. David R. Francis.[*C.F.*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE. WASHINGTON. April; 1, 1904. Dear Mr. President:- I herewith return Mr. Jenks' despatch. He has sent a long cable, thinking that the Chinese authorities are not giving him guns enough. It is evidently a severe attack of morbus consularis. He will have to get along with his fifteen. Faithfully yours John Hay [*ppF Hay*]"To Foster the Trade and Welfare of New York." THE MERCHANTS' ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. NEW YORK LIFE BUILDING, Telephone: 985 Franklin. S. C. Mead, Assistant Secretary Cable Access: "MERCHASSON," New York OFFICERS AND DIRECTORS Clarence Whitman, President. Gustav H. Schwab, 1st Vice-Pres. John C. Eames, 2nd Vice-Pres. w. A. Marble Secretary. George L. Duval, Treasurer. George F. Crane, J. Hampden Dougherty, Thos. H. Downing. William F. King, Herbert L. Satterlee, Frank Squier, Henry R. Towne, Geo. Fredk. Vietor Charles R. Lamb. Francis S. Hutchins, Attorney. James B. Dill, Special Counsel. New York Life Building, Please Address All Communications to The Merchants' Association. New York, Apr. 1, 1904. [*P.F.*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President: Mr. Mead, who is now in Washington, has arranged for a conference in that city on next Tuesday between the Post Office authorities, Congressman Douglas and the members of his Committee, the officials of the Pennsylvania Railroad Co., and the Committee on Post Office Sites of this Association, of which I am Chairman. The purpose of the meeting is to see if a proposition cannot be evolved satisfactory to all the parties concerned, so that New York City can get the additional post office on the site of the Pennsylvania Terminal. Between this and Tuesday, when I hope to have the pleasure of calling on you, I shall endeavor to see W. Wickham Smith in regard to his fee, being very anxious to close the matter up at as early a date as possible. The enclosed clipping from the Tribune of to-day will be, at least, of passing interest to you. The Governor is making many friends in this City by his determined stand against the obnoxious Bills in the Legislature. In the statement which appears-2- Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, in the papers to-day, he certainly "puts it up" to the Mayor and the City authorities for the mom-exercise of the Home Rule powers already granted by the Legislature. I was very sorry to note that Secretary Taft has rendered an adverse decision as to the lengthening of the Hudson River piers in the Chelsea district. These piers are absolutely necessary for the future commerce of our City, as is developed by the thorough investigation which has been made by the Association, the result of which we counted on presenting to the Secretary of War. With kindest regards, Very sincerely yours, Wm F King ENC. [for 1 enclosure see King 4-1-04]"TO FOSTER THE TRADE AND WELFARE OF NEW YORK." THE MERCHANTS' ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. NEW YORK LIFE BUILDING, TELEPHONE: 985 FRANKLIN. S. C. MEAD, ASSISTANT SECRETARY CABLE ADDRESS: "MERCHASSON," NEW YORK. OFFICERS AND DIRECTORS CLARENCE WHITMAN, PRESIDENT. GUSTAV H. SCHWAB, 1ST VICE-PRES. JOHN C. EAMES, 2ND VICE-PRES. W. A. MARBLE, SECRETARY. GEORGE L. DUVAL, TREASURER. GEORGE F. CRANE, J. HAMPDEN DOUGHERTY, THOS. H. DOWNING, WILLIAM F. KING, FRANK SQUIER, HENRY R. TOWNE, GEO. FREDK. VIETOR CHARLES R. LAMB. FRANCIS S. HUTCHINS, ATTORNEY. JAMES B. DILL, SPECIAL COUNSEL. New York Life Building. PLEASE ADDRESS ALL COMMUNCATIONS TO THE MERCHANTS' ASSOCIATION. New York, Apr. 1st, 1904. TO THE CITY EDITOR: TO THE CHIEF EDITORIAL WRITER: Dear Sirs: The Committee appointed by the Board of Directors of The Merchants' Association of New York to investigate the question of post office sites in New York City, with a view to getting an auxiliary post office or post offices uptown, had a meeting Tuesday with Congressman Douglas to go over the entire situation. The theory on which he is working is that New York hopes to get in the near future a great and magnificent structure for a general Federal building. Any large amount appropriated for a post office at the present time would be detrimental to the project, he says. After going over the matter carefully from every point of view, calling his attention to the extension of the piers in the Chelsea district, the number of tunnels crossing the North River bringing in all the railroads from New Jersey to New York, and the enormous increase of all kinds of traffic in that section, he was shown the importance of a post office in that locality, and particularly that in view of the increased2: valuation of property in that section which will ensue in the next few years, ownership by the Government will be wiser than leasehold. After an argument extending over two hours, he finally consented to attend a meeting in Washington, to confer with the officials of the Pennsylvania Railroad Co., the Post Office authorities, and Members of Congress, with a view to an acceptable alternative proposition. Wednesday we had a meeting with Mr. Samuel Rea, the Fourth Vice-President of the Pennsylvania Railroad Co., he having charge of all these matters. We pointed out to him that it would be most desirable for the Pennsylvania Railroad Co. to be represented at such a conference. Mr. Rea stated that the Pennsylvania Railroad Company did not originate the proposition to sell this property to the Government, that the Post Office Department made the suggestion of a great big station and laid out the space wanted, and that the plans which have been drawn were approved by the Post Office Department. He stated that the Pennsylvania Railroad Co. had placed a moderate price upon their property, that it would increase from 50% to 60% in value immediately, and that the Government needed such a site. He also stated that the establishment of a postal clearing office in the terminal station would enable the forwarding of mails over all the lines of the system connecting the New England States with the great West, without loss of time in changing. This feature has never been brought out before. Upon conclusion of the conference he agreed to submit to Mr. Cassatt, the President of the Company, two question presented by The Merchants' Association, which he did not wish to take upon3: himself to answer. He agreed, however, to attend the conference in Washington. I cannot dwell too strongly upon the importance of action at this session of Congress to provide the new post office site. The City to-day is suffering from the lack of postal facilities. The manufacturing industries of the country, which depend on foreign markets for the sale of their products, are also suffering by postal delays of from three to five days, due to insufficient clearing facilities in New York. In providing a new post office here Congress would be benefitting not alone New York City, but also the entire country. New York is the clearing house of the country, is destined to be the greatest financial, commercial and manufacturing center in the world, and must have commensurate postal facilities. It is our purpose, if the different interests can be brought to untie upon a comprise plan, to circularize the entire United States within the next thirty days to create sentiment to procure the passing of the necessary appropriation. Thus far there has been no unity of action on the part of the Pennsylvania Railroad Co., the Post Office Department, the House of Representatives and the Senate. Unless something is done within the next thirty days to create public opinion, which can only be done by the public press, I am afaird nothing will be accomplished. With our press agitating the subject from now until next Tuesday, we believe we will be aided in our work. Such action will encourage us to fight to finish for that which New York needs so badly. I place this matter before you not for publicity but to truly state this situation.41 Trusting your editorial columns will be used in aid of the movement, I remain, Very truly tours, (Signed) WM. F. KING, Chairman, COMMITTEE ON POST OFFICE SITE, THE MERCHANTS' ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. P. S. We have just received a wire from Mr. S. C. Mead, who is in Washington, that the conference referred to above will be held in that City on Tuesday, April 5th, at 10 A. M. The officials of the Pennsylvania Railroad Co. have been asked to be present with the necessary data, plans, maps, etc.Russel M. Seeds, Indianapolis. Ackd 4/4/04 4/1/04. Mr. President:- Knowing how heavily time hangs upon your hands, I am enclosing you two documents--if Mr. Loeb will kindly pilot them past the waste basket. The one is a review of Leupp's book, and the other the resolutions to be used at our Congressional convention tomorrow. In the latter I have marked a paragraph I am a bit proud of, and shall feel bad if they do not put something to the same effect in the national platform. Possibly it is bad form to address the President, when I have nothing to ask for, for either myself or a friend. If so, charge it up to a desire to add my mite of encouragement to a career I have watched with keen admiration ever since, a boy in college, I gloried in your first rough-and-tumble fights for decency at Albany. Very truly yours, Russel M. Seeds To the Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, The White House, Washington. [[shorthand notation]]Copy Panama Railroad Company, Panama, April 1, 1904. Rear Admiral Henry Glass, Commanding Pacific Squadron, Panama. Dear Sir, Some of the dock laborers at La Boca have declared their intention to strike tomorrow, April 2nd. We have assurances from others that they will work if given protection. As past experiences show that the property of the Company will be endangered and the transit on the Isthmus interrupted, unless such protection is given, I request that you take action as you consider necessary. and I will take pleasure in rendering such assistance as lies in my power in carrying out all movements you may decide to make. I am, Very truly yours, (signed) JR Shaler, Gen' 1 Supt.., Panama R.R. Company.[Enc. in Darling 4-15-04][*P.F.*] FREDERIC H. BETTS SAMUEL R. BETTS JAMES R. SHEFFIELD L. F. H. BETTS. BETTS, BETTS, SHEFFIELD & BETTS, COUNSELLORS AT LAW, EQUITABLE BUILDING, 120 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. TELEPHONE 4554 CORTLANDT. CABLE ADDRESS, MIRAGE," NEW YORK. April 1, 1904. President Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear President Roosevelt:- When I last saw you in Washington, I had not, as I then told you, read Mr. Leupp's book. I have since read it, with the greatest delight. It is the fairest, most accurate and convincing statement of your position on various public questions, that I have seen in print. He has performed a real public service, and the book should be widely read, not for his sake, nor altogether for yours, but to enable people to form a truer and more impartial judgment upon you, and your marvelous achievements. The entire absence of anything like hero-worship, and of partisanship, makes it all the more effective. Mr. Leupp certainly possesses, to an unusual degree, the virtues of brevity and directness, which have enable him to condense, into one short and convincing volume, pretty near the whole record. At the same time, there are some things which I am sorry he did not find space to enlarge upon. I refer particularly to your historical writings, from which I, in common with so many thousands, have gained great pleasure, and inspiration. It does not seem to me that any sketch of you could be complete without enlarging somewhat on your "Winning of the West," which is a classic. However, it seems hypercritical to find fault, when the thing has been so well done. I appreciate, greatly, the photograph which you gave me. It isBETTS, BETTS, SHEFFIELD & BETTS. Page 2 190 splendid, and will always be treasured by the tribe of Sheffield. Some day I am going to take advantage of your kind offer to write your autograph in my copies of your works. This can wait until a more convenient season. Matters here are shaping themselves more or less satisfactorily. It looks to us as though Judge Parker would be your opponent. That, of course, means a good fight in this State. I see no reason to change my opinion that, if the Governor plays straight, you will carry the State. I wish we might have such a candidate as Elihu Root for Governor. It would, in my opinion, absolutely assure the result. With best wishes always, believe me Very sincerely yours, James R. Sheffield[*P.F.*] F.S. WITHERBEE, 71 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. April 1, 1904. To The President, Washington,D,C, My dear Mr. President:- On my return from Port Henry I find yours of the 29th ult., with the enclosed two clippings. The Sun editorial undoubtedly aims to open up a breach between you and the Governor as their attempt to widen the one between Senator Platt and him has failed. They want revenge on Odell and apparently are willing to go to any extreme to obtain it. I know that Mr. Riggs was very disappointed and angry when he learned the result of our conference at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. The charge that the Senator and Governor want you defeated I know to be absolutely as false as it is silly, for what could either gain and how much both would lose by having a Democrat in your place. Besides that, as matters are today there is much more danger of our losing the State than the National ticket. You are quite right not to pay much attention to what the Sun says but the Wall Street Journal article is much more srious and matters are certainly in very bad shape at Albany. Fortunately for the party and its leaders public sentiment has been aroused to such an extent that I doubt if any of the bills so severely criticised will be passed and if they are I am confident they will be vetoed by the Governor, but much harm has been done and we must nominate for Governor a man who will not only pull the full party vote but will also attract the Independents. The one man above others who would seem to be able to do this is our friend Elihu Root.To the President. 2 If Judge Parker is nominated we have got a hard battle to win in this State, and there must be no scandals to apologize for or internal feuds to settle. Victory will only come from a good party record and a united front such as we certainly have in our National contest. Always yours to command. Frank S. WitherbeeTHE EMPORIA GAZETTE Daily and Weekly W. A. White, Editor [*Ackd 4-4-04 Copy to Atty Gen'l*] EMPORIA, KANSAS APRIL 1 1904 My Dear Colonel Roosevelt: An unspeakably cruel injury is being done to my friend Joseph L. Bristow by the Kansas City Journal; it is claiming with vociferation that Burton was persecuted by Bristow, and was entrapped to his fall that Bristow might have Burton's place in the Senate. In the first place Bristow probably would not take an appointment to succeed Burton, and in the second place it is spoiling all the moral effect of the government's activity in the Burton case, to have the people believe that your administration of the law is prompted by malicious ambition. I feel sure that a statement for publication, from some one in authority-- either the attorney general, [the] whose department had charge of the Burton prosecution or the postmaster general, who is Bristow superior officer, should be made. This statement might be in the form of a letter eitherTHE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS, 1904 Roosevelt 2 to me or to some proper person; the letter should state what I believe to be the truth in short order: that Bristow's conection with the case was only as an inferior obeying explicit orders from a superior, and that he did not in any way instigate or prompt the proceedings against Burton. Already in Kansas there is a feeling that Burton was more sinned against than sinning and that the real crimnal is Bistow. This is horrible to contemplate. I know Mr. Payne the Post master General, and I know Mr. Knox the attorney general. If either of them could address a letter for publication to me, I could give it the widest publicty and remove from an honest man's name an undeserving taint. This is being done by Charles S. Gleed, as I think because he desires to go to the Senate himself. I am not in a habit of back-capping, but the monstrous injustice they areTHE EMPORIA GAZETTE Daily and Weekly W. A. White, Editor EMPORIA, KANSAS 1904 Roosevelt 3 putting upon Bristow, whom I believe to be absolutely honest and manly and conscientiously brave, makes me hunt for an evil motive, and I see no other than ambition in Gleed, which would move him to use his paper for such an ignoble end. Truly-- W.A. White Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States. Washington D. C. P.S. you might consult BristowJ.W. Yerkes, Commissioner [*Ackd 4/4/04*] TREASURY DEPARTMENT OFFICE OF COMMISSIONER OF INTERNAL REVENUE Washington, Apr. 1, 1904. My dear Mr. President: I mentioned to you a day or two ago some little study I had been making of the Republican vote in 1900 in certain sections of the country. Will you allow me to call your attention to it more directly? In 1900 the Republican Presidential ticket received in the New England States the following vote: Massachusetts....................238,866 Connecticut.........................102,587 Maine.....................................65,435 New Hampshire.................54,803 Vermont................................42,568 Rhode Island.......................33,784 Total.......................................536,023 The same year your ticket received in three Southern States, operating under most vicious election laws absolutely destructive of fairness and full opportunity to the Republicans to have their votes cast and counted, the following vote: Missouri....................314,091 Kentucky...................226,801 Maryland..................136,212 Total..........................677,104 A very small proportion of this large total of 677,104 votes was cast by black men. The negroes do not vote out as do white men and many of them are susceptible to certain influences which lead(2) them to vote the Democratic ticket when they do go to the polls. In the Census Reports of 1900 these three Southern States had the following percentage of colored population: Missouri...5 2/10 Kentucky...13 1/3 Maryland...19 8/10 An average of 12 3/4 per cent. There is in these three States a smaller proportion of foreign-born people then in the New England States, and I might add there are not very many men commonly termed "carpet baggers." This large vote was cast primarily by white men, Union men in '61 and the sons of these Union men, largely added to by vigorous, forceful Independent Democrats who have refused for the past eight years to follow the present Democratic leadership. The vote of these three Southern States shows up remarkably well when compared with the vote of Republican States in the West. In 1900 the following is the record of three of these great Western States: Iowa............. 307,805 Kansas......... 185,955 Minnesota....190,461 Total............. 684,224 We find then three Southern States giving 140,000 more Republican votes then the New England States and a vote nearly equal to that of these three great Western States. Consider also conditions. In New England Republicans fleet with the tide, in the Southern States fight every day against the current.(3) New England has stood high in favor with Republican Administrations. Southern States have received very scant recognition and Southern Republicans, largely without cause, are looked upon with suspicion by their northern brothers. Until 1896 we had neither aid nor countenance from the Republican National Committee; and I believe I am correct when I say that Massachusetts to-day has more men holding office through Presidential appointment, including the Diplomatic and Consular service, than the three Southern States above named. I am Very respectfully yours, John W. Yerkes The President, White House.Senator Foraker says an Interior Dept. clerk has been on leave in Ohio, engaged in pernicious political activity; that he has been ordered back to Washington by Secy. Hitchcock; that Rep. Hildebrant had tried to get Secy. Hitchcock to revoke the order and now proposes to take the case to the President. The Senator does not want the man allowed to remain in Ohio. 4-1-1904.[*[Enc. in Beveridge 4-19-01]*] A CAMPAIGN WITHOUT AN ISSUE. DEBATE IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE BETWEEN ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE, OF INDIANA (REPUBLICAN), AND F. MCL. SIMMONS, OF NORTH CAROLINA (DEMOCRAT), APRIL 1, 1904. We have nothing to conceal; we have principles, and are proud of them, and present them with confidence to the American people. We propose not only to defend them, but to attack whoever opposes them, in the knowledge that the American people will do what some of the Senator's own colleagues did, and what the Senator himself has done, approve them with their votes. We have agreed upon our candidate, and the power that caused us to agree is the people. That power which caused agreement upon him as a candidate will cause agreement upon him at the polls, and the name of our candidate, the name of our next President is the name of the present President of the United States, Theodore Roosevelt, and we are glad and proud to declare it. WASHINGTON. 1904. 5989DEBATE BETWEEN SENATOR BEVERIDGE (Republican) AND SENATOR SIMMONS (Democrat). Friday, April 1, 1904. The Senate as in Committee of the Whole, resumed the consideration of the bill (H.R. 18521) making appropriations for the service of the Post-Office Department for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1905, and for other purposes. MR. BEVERIDGE. Does the Senator approve the investigation (of the Post-Office Department) thus far made? MR. SIMMONS. Certainly. MR. BEVERIDGE. Under whose direction was it made? MR. SIMMONS. I presume it was made under the direction of the President, and in response to the public demand. MR. BEVERIDGE. Does not the Senator know that it was made under the direction of the President? MR. SIMMONS. Yes; I have no doubt about it. PUNISHMENT FOLLOWED EXPOSURE. MR. BEVERIDGE. In the course of the Senator's interesting speech he said that where in this investigation they had looked for it, they had found graft. I ask whether that finding of graft was not followed by exposure, and exposure by punishment? Is not that true? MR. SIMMONS. Yes, to an extent; four out of the thirty-three indicted have been tried. MR. BEVERIDGE. Then has the Senator any justification for saying, since this investigation was made under the direction of the President, since it was thoroughly approved by him, since it was fearless, followed by punishment, that if the state of affairs which the Senator insinuates exists the President would not just as fearlessly order an investigation as thorough and complete as the Senator admits has taken place in the Post-Office Department? MR. SIMMONS. Mr. President, the investigation which did take place in the Post-Office Department was begun reluctantly. At first these charges were in a manner denied; and after their existence could not longer be doubted, when the demand for the investigation could not longer be resisted, it was undertaken by the present Administration under the direction of the President, I assume. In the four divisions of the First Assistant Postmaster- General's office, to which it was confined, it was reasonably thorough and complete. But the point I was making was that it did not extend sufficiently far, and I expressed the opinion that the Republican party objected to its further extension because it feared if the investigation 5089 34 went further it might disclose an all-pervading condition of fraud and graft, not only in the Post-Office Department, but in the other Departments here at Washington, and that the Republican party had in this dilemma had recourse to its general policy of "stand pat." MR. BEVERIDGE. Will my friend permit another question? THE PRESIDENT pro tempore. Does the Senator from North Carolina yield to the Senator from Indiana? MR. SIMMONS. Yes PRESIDENT WOULD NOT HESITATE. MR. BEVERIDGE. I ask my distinguished friend whether it is his personal opinion that the President of the United States would hesitate for a single instant to investigate and punish regardless of consequences? Does the Senator give it as his personal opinion that the President of the United States would connive at the concealment of a crime which he had reason to suspect existed? I ask the Senator's opinion on that. MR. SIMMONS. Certainly not. I made no such suggestion as that. MR. BEVERIDGE. No; but I ask the Senator. MR. SIMMONS. I have no doubt about the fact that when crime is brought to the immediate attention of the President it will meet with his disapproval, and that he will stand ready, Mr. President, to have the criminal prosecuted. I have no doubt about that, if that is what the Senator means. MR. BEVERIDGE. And I ask the Senator whether or not he can cite an instance in the history of this Government where an investigation has been ordered by the Administration itself equal to this one? PRESIDENT DID HIS DUTY. MR. SIMMONS. Mr. President, the President of the United States in ordering this investigation, I think everybody in the United States will admit, did nothing more than his duty. If he had done less than that, he would have received the condemnation of the whole people of the United States without regard to party. MR. BEVERIDGE. But did he do his duty? MR. SIMMONS. I have said that he did his duty. MR. BEVERIDGE. Well, then, would the Senator ask him to do more? WITHOUT FEAR OR FAVOR. So, from the beginning of the investigation until now it develops, according to the Senator's own statement, that a Republican Administration has investigated without fear and without favor, and exposed without hesitation, and put upon the backs of the guilty the stripes of punishment--all in that short time. ROOTS OF EVIL IN A DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION. Another thing. the Senator is a very impartial and nonpartisan Senator, and I was satisfied that he would do everybody justice and would call attention to the fact, since he was disclosing new facts which had not been mentioned, heretofore, that in this investigation the roots of it were found not during a Republican Administration, but in the last Democratic Administration. Is that true? MR. SIMMONS. Mr. President---- MR. BEVERIDGE. Is that true? 5989 5 MR. SIMMONS. So far as Machen is concerned, Mr. Bristow tells us it is true. MR. BEVERIDGE. And does not the Senator admit that the source and fountain head of the whole thing, so far as is shown, were in Mr. Machen? MR. SIMMONS. If the Senator wants me to make him a frank answer, I will say that in my judgment there never has been and never will be an Administration in the history of this Government that has not some fraud to its account in the Departments here in Washington, and that is the reason why I have suggested that there ought to be a commission, a permanent commission, to examine annually into these Departments. It makes no difference, so far as I am concerned, whether the Government is in the hands of a Democratic or a Republican President, there should be recurring investigation, not in the interest of party or partisan politics, but in the interest of the people. MR. BEVERIDGE. will the Senator permit me? MR. SIMMONS. Certainly. MR BEVERIDGE. It has fallen to my lot on many occasions to have the pleasure of agreeing with the Senator in many suggestions, and the last suggestion he has made strikes me as very wise. But he has not offered any measure to that effect. MR. SIMMONS. I will say to the Senator--- MR. BEVERIDGE. I ask this question----- MR. SIMMONS. Just one moment. I considered the question of offering an amendment to this bill, lodging that power in the Civil Service Commission, but I concluded that it would be subject to a point of order as being new legislation, and I did not care to present an amendment which I knew to be palpably in violation of the rules of the Senate. FOUNTAIN HEAD IN DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION. MR. BEVERIDGE. Now I ask the Senator this question, and I fancy I shall not interrupt him further. I ask this only because the Senator has repeatedly referred throughout this very interesting address to the fact of this Administration and the Republican party, etc., and the corruption shown and other corruption which the Senator suggests may possibly exist, etc. Therefore I ask the Senator whether it is not shown that the fountain head of this whole thing was found, not in a Republican Administration, but in an official of a Democratic Administration, whose malfeasance in office went clear back to that time. Is that true? MR. SIMMONS. Mr. President----- MR. BEVERIDGE. Is that true? MR. SIMMONS. I will answer the Senator, and I hope he will permit me to answer him in my own way and without attempting to coerce a categorical answer, because a categorical answer one way or the other would not be a full and complete answer either in justice to myself or in justice to the question. MR. BEVERIDGE. I am willing that the Senator should not give a categorical answer, and I confess I do not blame him for not wanting to. MR. SIMMONS. I do not know when the frauds in the Post- Office Department began or with whom they first began, except so far as I gather information in reference to that matter from the report of Mr. Bristow, and the only information that Mr. 59896 Bristow gives which throws any light on the question asked by the Senator from Indiana is his statement with reference to Mr. Machen, and the fact that the frauds found in Mr. Machen's department run back quite a number of years. Machen was appointed by Cleveland and was continued in office afterwards by McKinley and Roosevelt, probably because of his accommodating politics in voting the national Republican ticket in 1896 and in 1900. REPUBLICANS WILL "STAND PAT." Mr. President, upon the question of fraud in the Post-Office Department, as upon the tariff and as upon every other controversy, the Republican party has decided to stand pat, and it is going to the country upon the one issue of prosperity, claiming exclusive and undivided credit for all the good things we are enjoying to-day. It will say to the people, "You are prosperous. You are getting high prices for your products. The balance of trade is largely in your favor. The gold of the world is pouring in upon you. You are making money. What do you care if there is graft, if there is swindling, and if there is stealing in the Post-Office Department? What do you care if you have to pay a part of your hard earnings to the beneficiaries of the tariff? What do you care if the President is a rough rider, riding roughshod over the Constitution and the Congress? All prosperity is to be ascribed to Republican policies. The prosperity argument is to be used as the cloak with which to hide all the sins and shortcomings of that sin-begrimed old organization. They will give God no credit for our prosperity. They will give man no credit for it. NO CREDIT TO DEMOCRATIC PARTY. MR. BEVERIDGE. Nor the Democratic party. MR. SIMMONS. Mr. President, if the Republican party imagine they have not got to fight, and to fight for their lives, in the coming campaign for the control of this Government; if the Republican party imagine that the people of this country are satisfied with their administration of the affairs of the Government and intend to give them an indefinite lease of power, they will, in my humble judgment, be mistaken. You have already made your nomination for the Presidency. Your convention will have nothing to do but to do the bidding of some power, I know not where it is lodged, which has settled upon the present occupant of the White House as his own successor. The power of the President is admitted to be great. What influence the "powers" of the President has had in making the nomination of the present occupant of the White House a foregone conclusion I do not know; but it is settled upon. He is to be your candidate. DEMOCRATS HAVE FACTIONAL TROUBLES. The Democratic party has its factional troubles. Do not take any heart from that. We are going to settle our factional troubles, and we are going to give you a candidate of sober, calm, judicial temperament, sound, conservative, equable, and poised. Now, the Senator wants to ask me who he is, and I am not going to have a showdown of hands here. MR. BEVERIDGE. Do not give him away 5989 7 Candidate in Mystery. MR. SIMMONS. I am not going to tell you who he will be, for, of course, I do not know myself; but he will be the character of man I have described. MR. BEVERIDGE. Mr. President, I shall not detain the Senate for more than a minute or two. Indeed, I rise chiefly to give my thanks, and the thanks, I am sure, of my colleagues on this side of the Chamber, to the distinguished Senator from North Carolina (Mr. Simmons) for warning us that we must fight for our lives in the coming campaign. The warning is valuable, even if the grounds for the warning are difficult to understand. It is a noble enemy who apprises us of a deadly and concealed battery he means to unmask. But I can not grasp the reasons for the Senator's confidence in our coming destruction. In the Senator's long and vigorous address he succeeded in establishing the fact that in the Post-Office investigation the source of corruption, the fountain head from which flowed the whole miserable business, was found not in a Republican, but in a Democratic Administration, and that it was a Republican Administration which applied the lancet and let free the poison. Certainly then, Mr. President, that can not be the ground upon which the Senator warns us that we must fight for our lives-- that a Republican Administration has fearlessly investigated, exposed, punished, and that in the search the original guilt was found in the last Democratic Administration. I asked the Senator during his address, not desiring to interrupt him more than was necessary, whether he could show in the course of his own distinguished public experience, or within his recollection, or within the history of the Government, another instance where an investigation had been inaugurated by a President concerning malfeasance of office under himself and where the malefactors when discovered were fearlessly exposed and justice wrought upon them, and the Senator could not answer. AN OPEN, PUBLIC INVESTIGATION. It is an Illustration, Mr. President, of openness in the conduct of a public investigation and of swift punishment for offenses against the law unexampled, I make bold to say, in the history of our country. I fancy the people will be found pretty well content with an Administration which did not hesitate to say, "Let no guilty man escape," and then enforced that order. I call the attention of the Senator to the fact that that expression was used once before, and then by another Illustrious Republican President. So the Senator certainly can not warn us that we will have to fight for our lives upon the ground of this investigation. It is an investigation which he and every other Senator speaking upon that side has greatly approved. Yesterday, or the day before, I asked a Senator speaking upon it whether or not he believed the statements in the official report of this investigation to be true, and he said that he did. Then the conclusion forced itself that if that were the case all that Senators in opposition are asking for is the investigation of an investigation which they themselves applaud. We have heard golden references made to the report of this investigation. They say it is perfect. They say it is fearless. They 59896 Bristow gives which throws any light on the question asked by the Senator from Indiana is his statement with reference to Mr. Machen, and the fact that the frauds found in Mr. Machen's department run back quite a number of years. Machen was appointed by Cleveland and was continued in office afterwards by McKinley and Roosevelt, probably because of his accommodating politics in voting the national Republican ticket in 1896 and in 1900. REPUBLICAN WILL "STAND PAT." Mr. President, upon the question of fraud in the Post-Office Department, as upon the tariff and as upon every other controversy, the Republican party has decided to stand pat, and it is going to the country upon the one issue of prosperity, claiming exclusive and undivided credit for all the good things we are enjoying to-day. It will say to the people, "You are prosperous. You are getting high prices for your products. The balance of trade is largely in your favor. The gold of the world is pouring in upon you. You are making money. What do you care if there is graft, if there is swindling, and if there is stealing in the Post-Office Department? What do you care if you have to pay a part of your hard earnings to the beneficiaries of the tariff? What do you care if the President is a rough rider, riding roughshod over the Constitution and the Congress?" All prosperity is to be ascribed to Republican policies. The prosperity argument is to be used as the cloak with which to hide all the sins and shortcomings of that sin-begrimed old organization. They will give God no credit for our prosperity. They will give man no credit for it. NO CREDIT TO DEMOCRATIC PARTY. MR. BEVERIDGE. Nor the Democratic party. MR. SIMMONS. Mr. President if the Republican party imagine they have not got to fight, and to fight for their lives, in the coming campaign for the control of this Government; if the Republican party imagine that the people of this country are satisfied with their administration of the affairs of the Government and intend to give them an indefinite lease of power, they will, in my humble judgment, be mistaken. You have already made your nomination for the Presidency. Your convention will have nothing to do but to do the bidding of some power, I know not where it is lodged, which has settled upon the present occupant of the White House as his own successor. The power of the President is admitted to be great. What influence the "powers" of the President has had in making the nomination of the present occupant of the White House a foregone conclusion I do not know; but it is settled upon. He is to be your candidate. DEMOCRATS HAVE FACTIONAL TROUBLES. The Democratic party has its factional troubles. Do not take any heart from that. We are going to settle our factional troubles, and we are going to give you a candidate of sober, calm, judicial temperament, sound, conservative, equable, and poised. Now, the Senator wants to ask me who he is, and I am not going to have a showdown of hands here. MR. BEVERIDGE. Do not give him away. 5989 7 CANDIDATE IN MYSTERY. MR. SIMMONS. I am not going to tell you who he will be, for, of course, I do not know myself; but he will be the character of man I have described. MR. BEVERIDGE. Mr. President, I shall not detain the Senate for more than a minute or two. Indeed, I rise chiefly to give my thanks, and the thanks, I am sure, of my colleagues on this side of the Chamber, to the distinguished Senator from North Carolina (Mr. Simmons) for warning us that we must fight for our lives in the coming campaign. The warning is valuable, even if the grounds for the warning are difficult to understand. It is a noble enemy who apprises us of a deadly and concealed battery he means to unmask. But I can not grasp the reasons for the Senator's confidence in our coming destruction. In the Senator's long and vigorous address he succeeded in establishing the fact that in the Post-Office investigation the source of corruption, the fountain head from which flowed the whole miserable business, was found not in a Republican, but in a Democratic Administration, and that it was a Republican Administration which applied the lancet and let free the poison. Certainly then, Mr. President, that cant not be the ground upon which the Senator warns us that we must fight for our lives - that a Republican Administration has fearlessly investigated, exposed, punished, and that in the search the original guilt was found in the last Democratic Administration. I asked the Senator during his address, not desiring to interrupt him more than was necessary, whether he could show in the course of his own distinguished public experience, or within his recollection, or within the history of the Government, another instance where an investigation had been inaugurated by a President concerning malfeasance of office under himself and where the malefactors when discovered were fearlessly exposed and justice wrought upon them, and the Senator could not answer. AN OPEN, PUBLIC INVESTIGATION. It is an illustration, Mr. President, of openness in the conduct of a public investigation and of swift punishment for offenses against the law unexampled, I make bold to say, in the history of our country. I fancy the people will be found pretty well content with an Administration which did not hesitate to say, "Let no guilty man escape," and then enforced that order. I call the attention of the Senator to the fact that that expression was used once before, and then by another illustrious Republican President. So the Senator certainly can not warn us that we will have to fight for our lives upon the ground of this investigation. It is an investigation which he and every other Senator speaking upon that side has greatly approved. Yesterday, or the day before, I asked a Senator speaking upon it whether or not he believed the statements in the official report of this investigation to be true, and he said that he did. Then the conclusion forced itself that if that were the case all that Senators in opposition are asking for is the investigation of an investigation which they themselves applaud. We have heard golden references made to the report of this investigation. They say it is perfect. They say it is fearless. They 59898 say it is truthful. Yet they are not content, and ask us to gild gold which they themselves declare to be already refined. So if the Senator can get any comfort out of that, I beg to assure him his is welcome to it. If he can find warrant in that for his warning that we must fight our lives, he is a daring, if fanciful, reasoner. Is there any ground for the Senator's warning, that we must fight for our lives, in the conditions of prosperity which the Senator himself so picturesquely laid before us? THE PEOPLE PROSPEROUS. I wish I could recall the eloquent words of the Senator in describing the present condition of the people of this Republic - "prosperity luxuriant as never before," said he, or something like that; "the gold of the world flowing in upon us," said he, or words to that effect; "all the happy conditions which good government and wise policies bring to a free people prevail," said he in substance; and the Republican party in power! What a syllogism from which to draw Democratic inspiration and hope! Does the Senator see in that any justification of his prophecy that we must fight for our lives? Does not the Senator imagine that when the people find "the gold of the world pouring in upon us," as he says; that when the people find themselves enjoying a prosperity unexampled, as he declares, and then reflect that the Republican party is presiding over the destinies of the land at a period so fortunate - does he not think that when the people consider all this, they will give a verdict at the polls that they are pretty well satisfied? DEMOCRATIC DISASTER - REPUBLICAN PROSPERITY. And when the people recall the fact that this prosperity has come to them since the inauguration of William McKinley; that this golden daylight of prosperity followed a midnight of disaster, and that that disaster occurred under a Democratic Administration, the Senator must not impeach the intelligence of the American people by fancying they will return to their former condition. So, Mr. President, when I reflect upon the warning - MR. SIMMONS. Will the Senator from Indiana permit me to interrupt him? MR. BEVERIDGE. Certainly. MR. SIMMONS. I should like to inquire of the Senator from Indiana if he means to say that the hard times which preceded McKinley's Administration before this prosperity set in was due to Democratic administration and Democratic policies? MR. BEVERIDGE. Do you ask me that question? MR. SIMMONS. Yes. THE PEOPLE'S VERDICT. MR. BEVERIDGE. I refer the Senator to the American people, and they will say "undoubtedly." They said "undoubtedly" by the verdict they gave at the polls when they turned that Administration out of power. MR. SIMMONS. I know that is what the Republicans said about that verdict, but I do not think they were right about it; and I do not think anybody outside of the Republican party agreed with them. Now, Mr. President, if the Senator will permit me - MR. BEVERIDGE. Certainly. 5989 9 MR. SIMMONS. I concede that we have prosperity. I concede that that prosperity is a matter of recent development. But I do deny that the hard times which preceded this prosperity sprung up under the Cleveland Administration, as the Senator from Indiana would have the country to believe. I assert, on the contrary, that the seeds out of which hard times came were sowed during the Harrison Administration. Before Mr. Harrison went out of power we already had hard times, low prices, tight money. If the Senator will permit me a minute more, as a conclusive evidence of that, I call his attention to the fact that the great Populist party - great at one time, great no longer, but great in the year 1902 - originated long before the election in 1893, and that party sprang out of the conditions of tight money and low prices in this country. MR. BEVERIDGE. It sprang out of the Democratic party, did it not? MR. SIMMONS. That party came into existence with a wail of hard times and low prices, and that party in this country polled in 1892, the year in which Cleveland was elected, over a million votes. It polled in my State 47,000 votes, every one of which was a protest against the hard times that had come about under Harrison's Administration. ORIGIN OF THE POPULISTS. MR. BEVERIDGE. Mr. President, the Senator has contributed some new and interesting information about the Populist party. He is better qualified to speak upon the origin of that interesting organization than myself. We had always supposed that it sprang out of the Democratic party. At least we have seen during the last few years strenuous efforts to get it and the Democratic party together, though, I am bound to admit, without any signal success. They are fragments of the same original whole, and their efforts to reunite showed their common origin. Now, with reference to where hard times originated, the Senator knows it is not my disposition to split hairs, but I will be permitted, even by him, to call attention to the fact that the Democratic party is at least unfortunate in its coincidences. Whenever it is in power hard times come; whenever the Republican party is in power good times come; explain it how you will. It follows, then, that it is either the fault of the Democratic party, or else the Democratic party is very unlucky. Let the Senator take either horn of the dilemma; either is equally uncomfortable. It is a melancholy organization, which is always either at fault or unfortunate. Why should the Senator continue a member of it? It is a waste of splendid material for a man like the Senator to remain with an organization which seems to be fated even in its best efforts. DEMOCRATIC SUPREMACY AND HARD TIMES. Whatever the reasons may be, the fact exists - Democratic supremacy and hard times, Republican supremacy and good times; explain it how you will. Explain and explain, yet the facts remain, and with those facts the Senator will find that the American people are content. Mr. President, as I stated, I only intended to speak a moment or two, but I have still another thought, inspired by the remark 598910 of the Senator from North Carolina, delivered with a good deal of explosive energy, that we must fight for our lives. "Fight for our lives!" Why? Certainly not upon the showing which the Senator made upon the post-office investigation; certainly not upon the showing which the Senator so eloquently made concerning the conditions of prosperity in this country; certainly not upon what has been accomplished since Theodore Roosevelt has been President. REPUBLICAN ACHIEVEMENTS. Consider the achievements of his Administration. In the great question of legislation concerning modern industrial organization, so wise have been the policies which the Republican party, under the leadership of Theodore Roosevelt, has proposed, that all the power of partisanship was not able to consolidate that side of the Chamber against them. TRUST LEGISLATION. This side of the Chamber stood a solid phalanx in favor of those measures concerning trust legislation, and you of the opposition admitted that they were so excellent that you divided upon them, many of you being forced by the merit of those measures to give them the approval of your votes. CUBAN RECIPROCITY. Then we came to Cuban reciprocity, a measure of national honor and of national good business, too; and so wise was that measure that, declaring you would oppose it when it came to a vote a large number of you of the opposition supported it. PANAMA CANAL. Then we came to that world work of the centuries--the Panama Canal, the eternal wedding of the two great oceans of the globe in the interests of the commerce of mankind and the on-going and welfare of the human race. It was fought for weeks by a distinguished leader of the opposition, who was in desperate search of an issue, and he thought he had found it in Panama. Yet so wise was the Administration policy that you could not, by all the power of partisan discipline, consolidate your votes against it. So that in all the great constructive measures of the Republican party in the last three years you yourselves have not been able solidly to oppose them. Well, then, when all the powers of partisanship can not unite your own votes against those Republican measures here in the Senate, do you fancy that you can appeal to the American people with very much confidence to unite against them? OPPOSITION CAN NOT UNITE. Does the Senator find, then, in what we have done, and what all the strength of partisan discipline could not unite the opposition against, any ground for his prophecy that we must fight for our lives? But, as I said a moment ago, whether the Senator has any good grounds for it except a militant desire to do battle, it was exceedingly chivalrous upon his part to give us warning of the mighty conflict he is about to force upon us. Perhaps, Mr. President, he had in mind all the time as the ground for his challenge, not the prosperity of his country, not in investigation unparalleled in effectiveness and fearlessness inaugurated by a Republican 5989 11 Administration, not measures which were solidly supported on this side of the Chamber and which the other side of the Chamber divided upon, so great was their excellence; but instead a mysterious something which the Senator himself felt was too precious to intrust to the confidence of the American people. NO DEMOCRATIC ISSUES NOW. "Ah!" said he, "we have not any issues, it is true; your measures have been so great and good that we ourselves, by a portion of our votes, have approved them; but, never you mind, you must fight for your lives, because--let me whisper in your ear--we have got a candidate." That suffices. MR. SIMMONS. I know the Senator would not seek to misrepresent me. MR. BEVERIDGE. No, I would not. MR. SIMMONS. I did not say that we did not have any issues. On the contrary, I will call the Senator's attention to the fact that I said we would present the Republican party with issues in which the people of this country were profoundly interested, and this matter we have been discussing is one of the leading ones. MR. BEVERIDGE. Why, Mr. President, there is no difference between the statement of the Senator and that of myself, except that I used the present tense and he uses the future. I say you have no issues. You admit it. But you say, "Ah, true, we have no issues now; but wait! We will present some issues to you in good time." We are waiting for the Senator to present these issues; we shall be delighted if the Senator will indicate the issues. I wondered, as I sat here in my chair and listened with great interest, as I always do, to the Senator, what possible issues he could have. UNCERTAINTY OF FUTURE ISSUES. I was surprised, knowing his frankness, that he did not tell us what they were. Of course, Mr. President, we can not fight something we do not know anything about. We certainly do not know anything more about the issues which the Democratic party "in due time" proposes to present than the American people themselves know about them. Would the Senator mind taking the Senate and the people of the country into his confidence long enough to hint at some of those issues which "in due time" he is going to present? MR. SIMMONS. Mr. President, at some time before this session adjourns I hope to have an opportunity to do that; but I do not want to do it now, especially in the time of the Senator. MR. BEVERIDGE. Well then, Mr. President, I was right. So far as the purposes of the present discussion are concerned, the Senator and the party he represents have no issues; but in the future, at some convenient time, he will produce them. We will all await with interest, and even curiosity, that disclosure. MR. SIMMONS. I did not say that. MR. BEVERIDGE. Well, we will await their presentation with expectation of entertainment when we see them. MR. SIMMONS. The Senator knows perfectly well what the issues are. REPUBLICANS HAVE ISSUES. MR. BEVERIDGE. I know what our issues are. Mark the contrast Mr. President. We are not so reticent: we have nothing to conceal; we have principles, and are proud of them, and 598912 present them with confidence to the American people. We propose not only to defend them, but to attack whoever opposes them, in the knowledge that the American people will do what some of the Senator's own colleagues did, and what the Senator himself has done, approve them with their votes. Now, we come to the thing, though, that causes me apprehension. The Senator says we must fight for our lives--not because the Senator's party has any issues, but because he says his party has a candidate. Mr. President, that is news to the American people; it is news to the Senate; certainly it is startling information to myself. The Democratic party in 1904 with a candidate! Impossible, Mr. President. But the Senator asserts it and we must believe him, for no more trustworthy man sits in this body. And so, since the Senator seems to be the custodian of this important secret, would he mind telling us who his candidate is? MR. SIMMONS. I declined to do that when I saw the Senator from Wisconsin was about to put me upon the rack. I declined to enlighten the other side as to who our candidate would be, because I am not myself enlightened, but I know what his qualities ought to be. "QUALITIES," BUT NO CANDIDATE. MR. BEVERIDGE. "Qualities!" It is not the candidate, then, after all. This discussion promised to be useful, because we thought the country was on the verge of a very interesting discovery, and that was that the Senator's party had a candidate; but--alas for our hopes!--now we find that it has not a candidate after all. But, says the Senator, they have "qualities" in their mind; and what they are hunting for is some man to locate those "qualities" on. Does the Senator imagine that if the Senator from Wisconsin, sitting silently in his seat, frightens the Senator from even mentioning the word "qualities," much less the name of his candidate, that such a candidate will prove very formidable before the American people? Why then, Mr. President, is it that the Senator says to us this afternoon, "We are going to make you fight for your lives. True, we have no issues. Ah, yes! but we have got a candidate; hush! I can not tell you his name--but be assured that we have got a candidate. No; I will revise my remarks: We have not a candidate, but we have certain 'qualities' in our mind--vague, diaphanous, and all-pervading 'qualities,' which we propose to locate on some one and then present them to the American people." Let me tell the Senator that under our election laws it is necessary for his party to put a name at the head of the ticket. MR. SIMMONS. We will. MR. BEVERIDGE. Will the Senator name the name he will select for those "qualities" he has in mind? MR. SIMMONS. I will furnish the Senator that information later on. But I will now say that it will be such a man that the element of Republicans who are afraid of your candidate will be able to vote for him. MR. BEVERIDGE. Name him. MR. SIMMONS. The Senator can speculate as much as he pleases about that. MR. BEVERIDGE. Is your candidate Judge Parker? 5989 13 MR. SIMMONS. That is a secret. MR. BEVERIDGE. Is it MR. Hearst? MR. SIMMONS. It would be improper to reply. MR. BEVERIDGE. Then, according to the Senator from North Carolina, Judge Parker is a secret and Mr. HEARST is improper, (Laughter.) Why is there any secret about this thing, unless it be that Judge Parker himself is a secret. MR. SIMMONS. He would make a very good one. MR. BEVERIDGE. A good secret? MR. SIMMONS. No; he would make a very good candidate. MR. BEVERIDGE. If the Senator thinks his candidate is a "secret," I think the American people will continue to keep him a "secret." (Laughter.) A CAMPAIGN ON SECRETS. How does the Senator expect to make a campaign before the American people on "secrets;" and if you have nothing for your candidate but "secrets" (laughter), and nothing for issues except measures which you by your votes have approved, how do you expect to make us fight for our lives? Upon such a programme as that, it would seem to me to be a pretty easy and certain contest. If the Senator is particularly reticent as to whether it is Judge Parker who is to be the candidate, may I ask the Senator whether he is willing to state whether his party's candidate is to be that very distinguished fellow-citizen of Judge Parker's--Mr. HEARST? What does the Senator say to that? MR. SIMMONS. Mr. President, I have stated to the Senator that I had not in mind any particular person, and I think the Senator ought to accept my statement that I did not desire and that it was not proper for me to name a candidate. MR. BEVERIDGE. Mr. President, I will. If it is not proper-- I do not desire to embarrass the Senator, for he is a man for whom I have as high regard as I have for any man in this Chamber, or any place else--if he does not regard it as proper to name the Democratic candidate at this juncture, I shall certainly not pursue him further with interrogations. MR. FORAKER (to Mr. Beveridge). Ask him if Mr. HEARST has not judicial qualities? MR. BEVERIDGE. But the Senator from North Carolina said it was not a proper question to ask, or for me to ask it further. MR. SIMMONS. What was that? MR. BEVERIDGE. The Senator from Ohio suggested that I should ask the Senator whether Mr. HEARST has not judicial qualities. DEMOCRATS HAVE NOT AGREED. MR. SIMMONS. The Senator knows full well that the line of inquiry he is making of me is not proper, because he knows that, while his party has agreed upon a candidate, my party has not agreed upon a candidate; and the Senator knows that the Democratic party is a party that selects its candidate in its national convention; that he represents the party; and that no man can boss the Democratic party and name its candidate. That is done by the convention. MR. BEVERIDGE. Yes; I know that the Senator's party is not only not able to agree upon a candidate, but also that that 598914 party is not able to agree upon an issue. Will the Senator--and I will give him some of my time, although I want to get through-- name one single issue upon which the leaders of his party all agree? The Senator is silent. AN AGGREGATION OF POLITICAL DISAGREEMENTS. The opposition is the greatest aggregation, Mr. President, of disagreements political history has ever beheld; yet we are told by this motley political array that we, who stand united and consolidated upon sound principles and policies and behind a leader we have been agreed upon, must fight for our lives! Well, I do not think the Senator has pursued his usually excellent logic. The Senator tells us that we have agreed upon our candidate. That is true. We have. He says it has been in obedience to some power that those on their side have not been able to fathom and do not know what it is. i will tell him what that power is, although I am not surprised, from reviewing the political history of the last eight years, that the Senator and his colleagues do not know what that power is. PEOPLE CAUSED AGREEMENT. The power that has caused us to agree upon our candidate is that power known as the people. That is the power to which we have yielded a willing and glad obedience, and always will; and it is because that has been our course of conduct that we are in power to-day and will continue to be for many years to come. AGREED ON ROOSEVELT. Yes, we have agreed upon our candidate, and the power that caused us to agree is the people. And that power which caused agreement upon him as a candidate will cause agreement upon him at the polls, and the name of our candidate, the name of our next President is the name of the present President of the United States, Theodore Roosevelt, and we are glad and proud to declare it. 5989[*[ Enclosed in Bishop, 4-4-04]*] The Sun. FRIDAY, APRIL 1, 1904. Entered at the Post Office at New York as Second-Class Mail Matter. Subscriptions by Mail, Postpaid. DAILY, Per Month..........................$0.50 DAILY Per Year............................ 6.00 SUNDAY, Per Year.......................2.00 DAILY AND SUNDAY, Per Year............8.00 DAILY AND SUNDAY, Per Month........... 70 Postage to foreign countries added. THE SUN, New York City. PARIS—Klosque No. 12, near Grand Hotel, and Klosque No. 10, Boulevard des Capucines. If our friends who favor us with manuscripts for publication wish to have rejected articles returned, they must in all cases send stamps for that purpose. The Republican View of Judge Parker's Availability. There is a lesson of profound significance in the comments of Mr. ROOSEVELT'S special friends in the press upon the prospect that Judge PARKER will be the Democratic nominee. As Judge PARKER'S chances seem to increase, the satisfaction of Mr. ROOSEVELT'S friends becomes more joyfully manifest. Different was it when GROVER CLEVELAND was deemed a possibility! The dominant note then was that of painful anxiety about the maintenance of the third-term tradition; and the idea of dragging forth from peaceful retirement a statesman 67 years old occasioned acute distress in many sympathetic hearts.[*[ca 4-1-04]*] [*[enclosed in King 4-1-04]*] SURE OF ODELL'S VETO. [*Tribune April 1 1904*] W. F. King Says "No Grab Bill" Promise Has Been Made. Confident that even if the railway "grab bills" are passed by the legislature they will not be signed by the Governor, William F. King, of the Merchants' Association, said yesterday that the promise had been made to him that this series of corporation measures would never become law. "Governor Odell has told me that we needn't worry about these bills," said Mr. King. "The one Bedell bill—that which would have done away with the transfer privilege wherever the railway companies chose—has been killed, and I have just received a telegram that Mr. Newcomb has amended the other four bills, which have gone to the Committee on Rules. See what happens to them there. I have the utmost faith in the Governor. He has never broken his word to me, and he only can shake my faith in him. "Now we're devoting more time to the Wallace bill for the reconstruction of the Railroad Commission and the passage of the Law's Delay measures than we are to railway grabs. We feel that we can trust them to the honesty of the Governor. Why, he said to Mr. De Berard when he was at Albany a few days ago to see him about the bills, 'You don't suppose I'm going out of this office in a blaze of dishonor, do you?' And I think that's rather significant." In the XXXIst Assembly District, from which Mr. Wallace was elected, the independent Republicans and the Citizens Union organization are making a personal fight. The transfer measure which Mr. Wallace introduced would affect vitally that district, with the transfer points at One-hundred-and-twenty-fifth and One-hundred-and-sixteenth sts. The Republicans began the agitation and there was arranged a mass meeting for to-morrow night. This has been postponed to await the result of the Newcomb amendments made yesterday. The people of the district, however, intend to be among the foremost in condemning all the grab bills, and if the measures are not killed a mass meeting will be held next week.City of Mexico, Mexico, April 2, 1904. [*Ack'd Wrote Sec'y Hay 4-7-04*] Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President: I desire to report to you the political situation in Arkansas, and to inform you of my proposed action in the party's interest and that of yourself, so that if you should have any different suggestions to make, I may receive them in due time. We have been in the habit, heretofore, of holding two state conventions in presidential years, one to send delegates to the national convention and to select presidential electors, and another later to nominate a state ticket, etc. The expense of attending two conventions is quite onerous to those living at distant points from the state capital, hence this year we determined to hold but one convention for all purposes. This being the case, it was necessary to delay the nomination of a state ticket as long as possible so as, in the meantime, to allow the democratic disaffection and apparent disruption to become as fully developed as possible. The democratic primaries were-2- held last Saturday, the Davis faction apparently being successful, which is not conceded, however, by his opponents. The indications now are that the contest will be continued in the state convention to be held in June, as there appears to be a large number of contesting delegations. The anti-Davis men are very bitter, and apparently irreconcilable. At the time our state committee called the state convention, the situation appeared to your friends upon the committee to be one requiring diligent work and constant vigilence, hence it was our desire that the state convention should be held at a time when I could avail myself of the sixty days leave of absence that the statute allows, not only to enable me to attend my own district convention and the state convention, but to be present in the state a few weeks prior to their convening, and, if necessary, to attend the Chicago convention during the period of my leave of absence. I still think the first part of this program advisable; but whether I shall attend the meeting of the national committee at Chicago for the purpose of making the roll of the convention, and, subsequently, the meeting of the new committee, of which I expect to be a member, will depend upon your wishes. Although your nomination now seems assured, I deem it to be the duty of your friends not to relax their vigilence and-3- energy until it is absolutely accomplished. I believe it will be best for you, and best for us in Arkansas, to send a non-officeholding delegation, both state and district, to Chicago. We did so when President McKinley was nominated for his second term, and with his strong approval. If I am present in the state and attend the state convention, it is my purpose to set the example, if I am place in nomination, as I am likely to be, and to urge upon others the propriety of the same course. The trouble is that, if we should let the bars down for one, all the rest would want to follow. I believe a delegation absolutely loyal to you can be made up, largely of business men, all true and active republicans, not for office, but for the triumph of republican principles, and I say, without egotism, that during the 36 years of the party's existence in Arkansas, I have been intimately connected with it and with those who have been active in its councils and work, as to give me a good insight into the character and reliability of each. What I want is to secure a state and district delegation upon whom we can absolutely rely in all contingencies, and for the securement of this end I desire to be present and exert my influence to whatever extent I may be able. The party in Arkansas is in excellent condition. Two of the counties where the "insurgents" were strongest during the last election, have held their-4- conventions, the "insurgents" coming back into the organization and participating, receiving, of course, a hearty welcome. The ringleaders still hold out, but are being deserted by their following. The few countries that have held their conventions have selected good delegates and have passed resolutions endorsing your candidacy. I shall send to the Secretary of State, by the next mall, an application for a leave of absence for fifty-five days, leaving here on the 25th of the present month, which would be sufficient not only to cover the beforementioned program, but to enable me to attend the Circuit Court at Hot Springs about the 1st of May, where I shall have pending an important lawsuit, which I instituted when last in the United States, to eject a tenant from a valuable business property which I own, who has been using the house for immoral purposes, contrary to the terms of the contract, which explicitly prohibits such use. I also have some other private business at my home in Eureka Springs which demands attention. If you think it proper and expedient, I shall be glad if you will indicate to Secretary Hay your willingness to grant my request; and if I hear nothing from you to the contrary, I shall conclude that you have no objection to the entire course of action above outlined. Very sincerely your friend and servant, Powell Clayton[*F*] H. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. April 2, 1904. Dear Mr. Loeb: Referring to your letter of the 31st, enclosing a communication from Rev. Dr. Thomas S. Barbour, concerning certain matters in the Congo State, I have the honor to enclose for the information of the President the reply I have made to Dr. Barbour's representation. Faithfully yours, John Hay Wm. Loeb, Jr., Esq., Secretary to the President, White House. Enclosure: To Dr. Thomas S. Barbour, April 2, 1904. [*State*]H. April 2, 1904. Reverend Thomas S. Barbour, Secretary, American Baptist Missionary Union, and Chairman of Conference of American Missionary Societies, etc., etc., etc., Tremont Temple, Boston, Massachusetts. Sir: The President has referred to this Department your letter of March 30, 1904, in relation to the rights and privileges of American Missionary Societies and American citizens engaged in missionary work in the Independent State of the Congo. Your letter has for its principal object to present anew the request previously addressed to the President by representatives of American Missionary Societies conducting work in the Congo State, namely: that the President ask from Mr. Roger Casement, described as "the Acting Consul of our Government at Boma," a formal report upon the question whether, in his judgment, the provisions of the treaty concluded between the United States and the Independent State of the Congo, January 24, 1891, are faithfully observed by the Government of the Congo State.-2- A misapprehension seems to exist as to Mr. Casement's relation to this Government. He is not Acting Consul of the United States at Boma. He is the Consul of Great Britain at Kinchassa, Congo State. At the request of this Government and with the acquiescence of the Congo Government, he has been permitted to use good offices in behalf of the local interests of American citizens in that quarter where no representative of this Government is stationed. As is usual in such cases, his good offices are exercised as the acts of a consul of a third friendly power and not as an agent of the United States. He is not under the direction or control of this Government. Under these circumstances this Department would not have the right to call upon Mr. Casement for a formal report of the character you indicate, even as to the facts you desire to elicit. As for inviting from him an advisory report interpreting and defining the treaty rights of the United States in the Independent State of the Congo, it would not be appropriate for this Government to submit such questions to the judgment of a foreign agent, nether would a foreign agent be competent to give an opinion on such matters for the use of a third government. The treaty rights of the United States in the Congo State are matters solely for discussion between the two parties to the treaties. It would pertain to this government alone-3- alone to determine, upon the facts before it whether it could make and support against the Congo Government a charge of the violation of treaty engagements. I have already had the pleasure to express to the respected members of the recent Conference who visited me a few days ago, the readiness of this Government to give the fullest consideration to any complaints which may be presented showing violations, in the Congo State, of treaties to which the United States and The Independent State of the Congo may be parties, and to act thereon as occasion may require. If the substantiation of the complaints you desire to make should involve the attestation of evidence to be presented by American citizens alleging infringement of their treaty rights, the present friendly relation of Mr. Casement to this Department would warrant his authenticating such evidence, in the absence of a representative of the United States, as a notarial act under his signature and seal as British Consul. If he should feel at liberty to volunteer any corroborative statements, they would be received and given due consideration. but I am not in a position to ask him to formulate such complaints in his official capacity. The consideration you adduce touching the existing treaty stipulations to which the United States and the Congo-4- Congo State are parties are noted for due consideration in connection with such further representation as you may be prepared to make on the subject. Sharing the assurances which the President directs me to make of his lively interest in the question you have brought to his notice, I am, very respectfully Your obedient servant, JOHN HAY.June 18th. Before positively deciding Helen & I want to be sure, if possible, that you can come. We do so hope that that date will be convenient to you. With love to Aunt Edith, Your aff. nephew, T Douglas Robinson [*Moody letter to Foss*] A. D. CLUB April 2nd [*Ackd 4-4-04 PPF B*] Dear Uncle Ted,- I have found out that I get through college, by the middle of June & have half decided that the wedding will be on SaturdayCRW. GENERAL BOARD, NAVY DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. April 2, 1904. MEMORANDUM FOR REAR ADMIRAL TAYLOR. 1. Mr. Sims in his recommendation about the permanency of officers, covers the period of duty in one ship only. A gunnery or division officer would have such duty without change during that cruise, and no longer. As the type of guns, mounts, turrets, and interior communications are standardized, as the wide variations among them, which now exist, disappear, the time necessary for officers and men to shake down in their stations, for the ship to become an efficient element in the fleet, whether in maneuvers or battle service, will lessen materially; and when that time comes, the serious injury to any ship's efficiency now resulting from a change among the officers, will be greatly lessened. I believe that none of our thoughtful officers, of considerable experience in modern ships, would favorably consider carrying special training beyond what is here outlined; and to this extent its effect in the end is, to broaden and increase the value of all who receive such training. 2. The subjects of sights and mounts occupy a foremost position in our discussions and experiments. The improvements already accomplished promise us the best sight for broad-side mounts in the world, in the near future, and we expect to be-2. equally successful with those for turrets. The Chief of Ordnance said to me that nothing but the best in any field will satisfy him, and stands ready to meet the demands of the service, and to work for its improvement with all energy. I believe the reports received from Pensacola on mounts and sights are already bearing fruit in the drawing rooms of Ordnance Bureau, and that the spirit now existing there leaves nothing to be desired. Very respectfully, Wm Swift, Captain, U. S. Navy.[attached to Taylor 4-5-04]WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON. [*Ackd 4-3-1904*] April 2, 1904. My dear Mr. President: I am in receipt of the communications from Governor Francis, Secretary Hay and Mr. Loeb, in respect to a representative of the Government at the opening ceremonies of the St. Louis Exposition. I have always expected to be there, because I wished to see how far along the Philippine Exhibit is, and what has been accomplished. I did not expect to go there as your representative, because I supposed there would be somebody else there to occupy that exalted place. I wish you could induce Mr. Hay or Mr. Frye to go, if you cannot yourself go, and I do not think you ought to attempt to. I shall, however, be there, representing not the United States Government so much as the Philippine Government. Very sincerely yours, Wm H Taft The President. P. S. I return you telegram of Governor Francis and letter of Secretary Hay for your files.[*CF*] WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON. [SPECIAL MEMORANDUM FILE;] April 2, 1904. On a telegram from W. C. Dix, Philadelphia, Pa., this day referred to Secretary Hay appeared the following memorandum in the President's handwriting: "Referred to Secy of State. He may remember a previous communication from this splendid specimen of the common or garden ass. T.R."DDX--Wm. Frederick See Mutual Life. [*P.F.*][*Enc. in Moody 4-4-04*] [*4-2-04*] FIRST SECTION. INFLUENCE STORY EXCITES OFFICERS Navy Men Worked Up by Insinuations That Missouri-Illinois Court Was Influenced. FEAR A NAVAL CONTROVERSY Divided Opinions Among Friends of Captains Cowles and Bradford as to Responsibility for Collision. HERALD BUREAU, No. 734 FIFTEENTH STREET, N. W., WASHINGTON, D. C., Saturday. Like a match to tinder was the effect on naval circles of a statement in a weekly s ervice paper this morning that "two despatches were sent by a high authority in Washington to a member of the court on the Missouri-Illinois collision previous to the finding." The insinuation was that some member of the administration had tried to influence the verdict of the court. Naval officers are much worked up over this matter. No one has been found who will substantiate the statement. Secretary Moody had nothing to say upon it beyond the statement that he knew nothing whatever of the matter and that if he had had anything to say to the court he would have done so openly. The aftermath of the decision of Secretary Moody, approving the recommendation of the court that no further proceedings be taken, seems to be charged with dynamite. Opinion is divided as to the responsibility for the accident, although the court of inquiry said neither Captain Cowles, President Roosevelt's brother-in-law, commanding the Missouri, nor Captain R. B. Bradford, commanding the Illinois, could be held at fault, although certain of their actions were set down as causes for the collision. [?] STORIES AFLOAT. All kinds of rumors are afloat in addition to the suggestion of strong influence on the court from Washington. One story is that two members of the Court of Inquiry voted to courtmartial Captain Cowles. This is regarded as erroneous on its face, for two members would have been a majority of the court, which consisted of Rear Admiral W. C. Wise, Captain C. H. Davis and Captain J. G. Eaton. Among partisans of both officers there is no end of acrimonious comment, and many fear that the situation may develop into a naval controversy. There is, however, no personal feeling between Captain Bradford and Captain Cowles. Captain Bradford, when chief of the Bureau of Equipment, was so strong in his opinions on service questions that his relations with the General Board, which is strongly affiliated with the Bureau of Navigation, were not good. He and Rear Admiral Taylor, chief of the Bureau of Navigation, engaged in a controversy over their right of precedence in the meeting of the General Board. Rear Admiral Taylor won. MR. MOODY'S VIEW. Secretary Moody had an hour's talk today with Captain Bradford, whose ship is in dry dock at the New York Navy Yard. The Secretary believes the divided opinion as to who was responsible is the best proof of the wisdom of the court of inquiry in failing to put absolute responsibility on either commanding officer. Among younger officers Secretary Moody is criticized for approving the finding of the court instead of ordering a court martial, as he did in the case of Ensign Wortman, who was in charge of a turret on the Massachusetts in which an accident kolled mine men. It has been pointed out, however, that in the Wortman case the officer was pronounced guilty of grave error, while the court of inquiry in the Missouri-Illinois collision exculpated both officers. LENIENCY SHOWN TO CAPT. COWLES. Navy Dissatisfied at Failure to Order Court-martial on Battle-Ship Collision. MYSTERIOUS DEPATCHES TO COURT OF INQUIRY. Secretary Moody Greatly Perturbed by Allusions Made by the Leading Service Journal. (Special to The World.) WASHINGTON, April 2.—Secretary Moody may yet be compelled to order that Capt. Cowles, the President's brother-in-law, be tried by court-martial for the recent ramming of the battle-ship Illinois by the Missouri, of which Capt. Cowles is in command. If he fails to do so he will be showing Capt. Cowles much greater consideration than has been shown other officers, and departing from a principle that Mr. Moody himself laid down only a few months ago when he established the rule that whenever the verdict of a court of inquiry reflects even in the slightest degree upon the conduct of the officer under investigation there must be a court-martial, even though the court of inquiry recommends that no further action be taken. This principle was established so that, in justice both to the service and the officer, all the facts may be brought out. Following the enunciation of this principle came the cases of Lieut. Wells, who commanded the tug Leyden when she went shore off Newport, and Ensign Wortman, who was in command of the turret on the Massachusetts in which several men were killed by the premature explosion of a gun charge. In both cases the courts of inquiry recommended that no further action be taken, but Mr. Moody ordered courts-martial. Surprising Leniency to Cowles. Then came the ramming of the Illinois, in which case nothing more was done than to approve the finding of the court of inquiry, though the court's criticism of Capt. Cowles was much more severe than in either of the other cases. In the Wortman case the court reported that he had complied with the regulations, but said he "might" have committed an error of judgement. In the case of Lieut. Wells it was found that he "might" have taken more soundings than he did, though it was not stated that even if he had done so the Leyden would not have gone ashore. In the case of the accident to the Illinois the court reported that the accident could not have happened if Capt. Cowles had obeyed the regulations and displayed the proper signals promptly. Capt. Cowles was excused on the ground that his ship had had no experience in fleet manoeuvres. Dissatisfaction is increasing among naval officers over the fact that the finding of the court was approved without further action, and the quiet effort to have Capt. Cowles court-martialled was strengthened to-day by the plain charge, by direct inference, in the Army and Navy Journal, the lending service paper, that powerful influence was exerted with the court of inquiry to have it return a verdict that would be as favorable as possible to Capt. Cowles. Commenting on the publication of the court's finding the Journal says: Two Mysterious Despatches. "The record does not include the two despatches sent by 'high authority' at Washington to a member of the court previous to the finding." Secretary Moody was greatly perturbed by this publication. He entered a categorical denial that he had sent any such messages as were indicated. Later in the day, after he had made inquiries, he said that he was sure no such messages had been sent by any one in the department. Naval officers do not believe that the Journal, which is a very conservative paper, would have made such a vital statement unless it is prepared to prove it, and there is a belief that the Journal next week will publish the text of the messages, or their substances, with the name of the sender. Admiral Dewey and Rear-Admiral Taylor were at the scene of the accident, so neither of them could have sent the message referred to. Capt. Bradford, who commands the Illinois, which is undergoing repairs at the New York yard. Was at the Navy Department to-day and saw Secretary Moody and Assistant-Secretary Darling.[*Ackd 5/12/04*] April 3 1904 ARTILLERY MANSIONS, WESTMINSTER, LONDON, S.W. Dear Mr. President, On the last page of your Foreword for my "Master of Game" you say: "when Pliny in his letters to Trajan". I think it should read: "when Trajan in his letters to Pliny", and two well known classical scholars Dr. G.F. Warner and Mr. Jeayes, both of the British Museum, share this opinion, in fact it was the latter that first pointed it out to me. As the printers can not defer going to press with this part of the book much longer, I shall venture to correct this little slip if I do not receive a short cable from you. The present lines should be in your hands by the 12. or 13. inst. so if I do not hear from you by the evening of the 15. inst. I shall take it for granted that you agree to the suggested transposition of Trajan for Pliny. Should you for any reason whatever desire to leave it as you wrote it, then cable: "Grohman, Artillery Mansions London : leave Pliny", and I will understand. I believe the "Century" Magazine is going to publish portions of your Foreword in a magazine article, as I informed them that I had your kind permission to do so, so as to bring the "Master of Game" more to the notice of American readers. Over here the book is promising very well, both the King and the Prince of Wales have become subscribers, and this of course is a good advertisement. On your side publishers evidently think the work too antiquarian, for I have sold only one copy so far, and an order for 25 copies given by Scribners some time ago has been withdrawn, but I expect when they once see the book it will be different. I hope to be able to send you the copy which I hope you will allow me to present to you, in some weeks time. Yours very truly, W. A. Baillie-GrohmanPoughkeepsie Post Office. [*Ack'd 4-4-04*] OFFICE OF THE POSTMASTER. Poughkeepsie, Dutchess Co., N. Y., March 3 April? [89] 1904 Hon Theodore Roosevelt, Washington D.C., Having been employed, in the post office for the past twenty four years, and being of a good republican family, I am naturly interested in your political welfare. I wish to say to you, that the action of the republican convention, held in this city, a week ago, and the presention of General Wiley as a national delegate, does not express the will of the people in this district. Because the people of this city and county have always been loyal to you and I am positively sure will remain so. On the other hand, the action of that convention, has made votes and friends for you, "As an illustration". The Rev. William LivingstonPoughkeepsie Post Office. OFFICE OF THE POSTMASTER. Poughkeepsie, Dutchess Co., N. Y., 189 pastor of St. Peters Catholic Church, the largest congregation, in the city numbering 4000. declared publicly from the altar, (the first in the history of the church) that he was a democrat. But he said he expected to vote for Theodore Roosevelt if it was the last ballot he ever cast. I was present when he so declared, and I am sure it will show good results. Hoping that you not only will be nominated but triumphantly elected, is the wish of your humble servant. Patrick H Kearney Chief Clerk Poughkeepsie P.O. N.Y. [[shorthand]]William F. Aldrich [*P.F.*] Aldrich, Ala. April 4th, 1904. Dear Mr. President:- I wish to lay the Alabama situation, as I see it, before you in advance of your reaching a final decision. We are appointed referees, without solicitation, to bring the party back to original lines of policy, and to suggest for appointment to the various Federal offices, that became vacant in this State, such of the candidates as seemed the best qualified for the public service. The work that has been done on these lines up to the middle of March was successful beyond our expectations. The opposition is called the "Lily-Whites: had given up all hope, at least 25 of the 35 members of the State Committee were with us, and every district that had acted sent instructed delegations to the National Convention for the President and for Capt. Scott for our member of the National Committee. We upheld the regularity of the State, district and county organizations and at the last conference held at Washington with General Payne, Clarkson and Dodge we offered ( with the sanction of the President) in order to insure harmony to allow the opposition to name the State Chairman and to name one half of the delegates to the National Convention. This was declined by Messrs. Wellman and Dimmick, they insisted on having full control and all of the official positions. Therefore it will be seen that our efforts were at all times directed towards unification and not toward division. The political history of Alabama will show, that all factions in the Republican party, have been started and been occasioned by contests between candidates for the State Chairmanship. In September last we had a conference at Montgomery at which the policy of making a nomination for National Committeeman, and to have no candidate for State Chairman but to permit the District Delegates at the State Convention to name their strongest and best men for members of the State Committee and to allow the new committee to elect its own chairman, was agreed to and fully understood. Capt. Scott was nominated for National Committeeman under that agreement. Mr. J. O. Thompson is the Collector of Internal Revenue for Alabama, the best paying and the best political office in the State, he is a Referee, He is a delegate to the National Convention, He is a candidate for temporary chairman of the State Convention. He is a candidate for office of State Chairman. Mr. Thompson became a candidate for State Chairman, in violation of the declared policy at the Montgomery conference and without consulting with him co-referees. In order to obtain support for himself he enters into some kind of a trade or combination with the leaders of the "Lily-Whites" especially in the 6th, 7th, and 9th. districts[xxxxx] the three districts that are under his particular2 charge as referee, and which districts he failed to capture or control prior to this agreement or trade. To carry out the trade, although hevery county in the 6th and 9th. districts had endorsed Capt. Scott for National Committeeman, and had instructed the district delegates to vote for him, when these delegates reached the district convention, they ignored their instructions and refused to endorse Scott but did endorse Thompson. I am informed that this was done at the request of Mr. Thompson and worked through the Birmingham postmaster, Dr. J. W. Hughes. In the 7th. district two members of the State Committee who were among the first to rally to the support of the President's Referees and friends, have, by this trade been ignored and discredited. viz: J. J. Curtis and W. S. Standifer. Mr. Standifer was appointed postmaster by the President on the recommendation of Mr. Thompson and the other referees, in the place of Thos. H. Stephens an active Lily-White and an anti-administrationist. Now Mr. Standifer is eliminated from politics and the discredited Mr. Stephens is made the Referee for the whole 7th. District by Mr. Thompson. Mr. J. W. Davidson who made such haste to resign as Assistant U. S. Attorney at Birmingham when Wm. Vaughan was removed from office, not wishing to serve under the President that appointed Judge Jones and Judge Roulbac to office, has been elected a National delegate and has recently written, so I am informed, to his friends that the delegates from the State at large to the National Convention will go there UNINSTRUCTED. I protest Mr. President, against the candidature of Mr. Thompson as State Chairman, because more unfortunate results than those above set forth will surely follow, the efforts for the improvement of conditions will be lost, the work done by the referees will be largely nulified, and the President's interests sacrificed. If the ambition of Mr. Thompson is satisfied in this direction, it means to restore to office and influence the men who have been fighting the Administration under the lead of Wm. Vaughan, the United States Attorney who the President removed from office, and to neglect and ignore the friends of the President who have fought to good fight, and have up to this time won the victory. Very Respectfully, W. F. Aldrich To Hon. Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States Washington D. C. [*F*] The Arlington: T. E. ROESSLE, Proprietor. Washington, D. C. April 4, 1904 My dear Mr. President I am on my way from the South, and, if you could spare a moment today, I should be very grateful, altho. it is upon purely personal matters, so pray do not hesitate to send me away, if not perfectly convenient. I find that my friend from Massachusetts has every intention of remainingfor another term so I must wait. Sincerely Yours Robert BaconThe Commercial Advertiser ESTABLISHED 1707. 187 BROADWAY AND 5 AND 7 DEY STREET. Ack'd 4-5-04 EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT NEW YORK April 4th, 1904. Dear Mr. President:-- Considerable political information has come to my notice during the past few days which I think will interest you. In the first place, I learn from several sources up the state that Odell is trying his best to smooth out all quarrels within the party because, as he says to all the wranglers, he must carry the state this fall or go to everlasting smash himself. He is doing this in the quarrel in the district where the row ins on between Walter Witherbee and some others when you doubtless know. O'Brien and his brother are doing their best to make trouble there on the ground that you have turned down the General for the place he was after. They all laugh at both of them and say they are a pair of foods who can do no harm. In connection with this subject, I should like to say, referring to something you said in your last letter to me as to O'Brien's intimation that in some way I betrayed his confidence, that he thrust his confidence on me, that I tried in all ways to rid myself of him, that if he talked freely to me he did so in spite of all efforts of nine to stop him. The difficulty with the man is fundamental. He is a damned fool. In regard to Parker's candidacy, I have been speaking of him very highly in the paper and in consequence have aroused the suspicion of the Sun as to the motives for such conduct. It seemed to me best to do it for various reasons, one of which wasThe Commercial Advertiser. ESTABLISHED 1797. 187 BROADWAY AND 5 AND 7 DEY STREET, EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT. NEW YORK, -2- that this paper, by being perfectly fair and impartial now, will have all the more force in the campaign after the nominations shall have been made. There is no doubt whatever in my mind that this paper will have incalculably more influence in the next campaign than it ever had before or could possibly have had it continued in its old form. We not only have an enormous circulation, but it is among a class of people whom we never reached before, and I am sure that we can have great influence with them in your support during the campaign. I need not tell you of the immense satisfaction this is to me. I am struck in talking with Democrats here at their utter lack of interest in Parker. Not one of them whom I have seen seems to think he is a strong candidate or seems to care anything about him anyway. The main reason for this, so far as I can ascertain it, is their belief that he voted for Bryan in both elections. A very interesting thing was said to me yesterday by Judge Lacombe. His brother-in-law, ex-Surgeon General Tryon, is just back from a long trip through the west. He told the Judge that from his observations he was convinced that if the Republicans did not nominate Roosevelt the Democrats would. I think this throws a flood of light on the whole Democratic situation. You have really got the platform they would like to have and they are unable to construct any in its place. It is very clear that Wall Street, with the exception of Belmont, dislikes Parker intenselyThe Commercial Advertiser. ESTABLISHED 1797. 187 BROADWAY AND 5 AND 7 DEY STREET, EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT. NEW YORK, -3- and I can imagine no man whose support would be more damaging to a candidate than Belmont. I have received from Loeb the first two copies of your papers and addresses for which I am greatly obliged. They will be very convenient for reference in the next campaign. Yours always, J. B. Bishop President Roosevelt, The White House, Washington, D. C.[For 1 enclosure see 4-1-04]36 WALL STREET NEW YORK [*Ack'd 4-5-04*] [[shorthand]] 40 East 68th Street, N. Y. April 4th, 1904. Dear Mr. President:- Sunday's New York Times published a purported interview with me, which is cruel to me - to have it thought that I was capable of giving forth such utterances. On the contrary, at all times and on all occasions, I have never hesitated to speak of my estimation of your high character, patriotism, ability and accomplishments. I am pained beyond measure and have written to the "Times". Your most obedient and humble servant, John D. Crimmins Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C.[*Masons*] [*calendared*] INTERNATIONAL BUREAU OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS INTERNATIONAL UNION OF AMERICAN REPUBLICS WASHINGTON. D. C. [*PPF*] [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 4-5-04 Letter addressed to NB Fugitt as suggested but sent to Fox*] April 4, 1904. Honorable Wm. Loeb, Secretary to the President. Dear Sir and Brother: Respectfully referring to the conversation which I recently had the honor to have with you on behalf of the Committee of Federal Lodge No. 1, having in charge the ceremonies connected with the annual visitation on April 12th next, I beg to say that it was the hope of the committee that the President, who is an honorary member of the Lodge might find it convenient to be present on the occasion referred to. I well understand from what you said to me that the time of the President is so taken up that it will be impossible for him to favor us in the way we all should have liked and which would have marked an epoch in Masonic history in this district. You will perhaps2 recall that George Washington marched with Federal Lodge in the procession when he laid the corner stone of the Capital and there are many incidents connecting our Lodge historically with a number of our Chief Magistrates. In behalf of the Lodge, I have, therefore, to rescectfully suggest that a few written words, from Brother Roosevelt, addressed to N. B. Fugitt, W. M., to be read at the annual visitation of the Grand Lodge on April 12th next, would not only be inspiring and helpful to Masonry, but would be a cherished memento in the records of the Lodge. Very respectfully and fraternally, William C. Fox For the Committee.SPF-296 United States Flagship NEW YORK, Panama, R. P., April 4, 1904. Sir, I have the honor to report that the Flagship NEW YORK, the BOSTON, BENNINGTON, and CONCORD arrived a this port on the instant after an uneventful run from Callao, Peru. 2. Affairs on the Isthmus continue perfectly quiet. The Panama Government has withdrawn all regular troops from the Darien region, but for the present will maintain there a force of about 50 scouts to keep a clos watch along the frontier. By means of native steamers almost daily communication is kept up between El Real de Santa Maria and Panama. All information obtainable points to the withdrawal by Colombia of all troops formerly menacing Panama, and it is believed that all danger from the quarter is passed. 3. A few hours after my arrival at Panama on April 1st the United States Consul General ad the Assistant Superintendent of the Panama Railway called on me and represented that a strike among the dock laborers of the company would take place on the morning of the 2nd and that it was feared serious disturbances would occur about the wharves. Later I received a letter from the General Syperintendent of the Railway Company, a copy of which is enclosed. 4. In view of the reports made I decided to send an officer and 20 marines to the wharf at La Boca the following morning to observe affairs and prevent any disturbance. Going ashore at La Boca at nine o'clock I found affairs perfectly quiet and no indicated of any disturbance. I then called on the President of Panama in company with the United States Consul General, the Charge d'Affaires being ill. I was assured by President Amador that all steps necessary to prevent rioting or damage to2 persons or property would be taken at once and while he had no objection to my landing any force deemed necessary he suggested that doing so, except in the failure of the local authorities to preserve order, would probably be attended by some excitement among the people of Paama which he was anxious to avoid. This I considered a proper view to take of the situation and, as soon as I found that a sufficient number of soldiers and policemen had been stationed at the railways to preserve order I withdrew the marines from shore. 5. A close watch is being kept on the conditions on shore where perfect quiet obtains at present, and should any trouble seem imminent I shall land a sufficient force to preserve order. 6. Work has been practically suspended at the company's wharves the laborers refusing to work without an increase of pay. Some adjustment of the difficulties will probably be made in a few days. 7. The health of the Squadron is good. Respectfully, (Signed) Henry Glass Rear Admiral U S Navy, Commander-in-Chief, Pacific Squadron. The Secretary of the Navy, Navy Department, Washington, D.C.[Enc. in Darling 4-15-04]H. C. Lodge, Chairman. Personal. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES April 4, 1904. Dear Mr. Loeb:- I do not know anything about the letter you send me from Mr. Leman but I will find out and let you know. Very truly yours, H.C. Lodge William Loeb, Jr., Esq. see James Otis Lemen 3/31/04HUGH GORDON MILLER ASSISTANT UNITED STATES ATTORNEY DANIEL COLEMAN, JR. MILLER & COLEMAN ATTORNEYS AND COUNSELORS AT LAW, ROOMS 313 AND 315 ATLANTIC BUILDING, NORFOLK, VIRGINIA Ack'd 4-6-04 April 4th 1904. President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. D. Mr. President:- It has occurred to me while reading the enclosed that it might be some little encouragement to you to read this editorial of today from the leading afternoon paper of this section especially as it is a democratic paper. Its observations on the Republican situation ought also be be impartial. I should like the editor to meet you some time when convenient and agreeable as I think it would do him good as well as the State. Very respectfully, Hugh Gordon Miller [[shorthand notation]]NAVY DEPARTMENT, M-M WASHINGTON, April 4, 1904. My Dear Mr. President: I return the clippings concerning the ILLINOIS-MISSOURI court of inquiry, as you requested. That you may have on file some reference to it, I beg leave to say that, in accordance with your oral instructions, I have sent the following telegram to each member of the court and its Judge Advocate: "Army and Navy Journal contains statement that two dispatches were sent by high authority at Washington to some member of court of inquiry concerning Missouri-Illinois collision previous to the finding. I desire to be informed whether you received any such dispatch from any official in authority at Washington or from any one claiming to represent such official. Wire answer and if yes, mail copy of dispatch to Department." Very respectfully, William Moody Secretary. THE PRESIDENT.[For enc. see 4-2-04][*PF*] [*Invite foreigners to sent St. Louis exhibits to Portland exposition.*] [*Hay Jackson Oak celebration*] [*[4-4-04]*] Dear Mr. President The Indian bill is practically through and you might if you wish send for him tomorrow and go over the matter of his leases of which I spoke to you when we last met I hope you will be good to him. In the passage of these compromise appropriations he takes nothing except as a member of his tribe. I specifically pledged upon the floor of the Senate that not a cent of the money should pass into the hands of agents or attorneys. Help him as far as you can. The question of the leases as I understand it is purely between him and his tribesmen and the Secretary of the Interior ought not to interfere if the terms are just. I will write you in a day or two about some other affairs. Adams wishes to leave so I mentiontomorrow for the meeting. It is likely the Delawares will ask me to make the distribution. Yours very truly M. S. Quay The President Washington DC 100 States Avenue Atlantic City N. J. April 10 1904[[shorthand]] [*Ackd 4/6/04*] 4.4.04 EDITORIAL ROOMS OF THE YOUTH'S COMPANION, BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS. Private To HIs Excellency The President Dear Mr Roosevelt: - May I ask you to accept a complimentary copy of my new novel - "How Tyson Came Home" - which I am sending by this mail with the thought that some of the western scenes may amuse you? There is a playful but veiled reference to you in [th] it which Itrust might be unveiled without the least offence. I am dear Mr Roosevelt. Yours Faithfully William H Rideing. Copy Panama, April 4, 1904 11.29 PM, Secretary of State, Washington. Strikers on Panama railroad docks gradually failed to report for work until this morning when not one appeared and refused to allow to go to work about one hundred men which the management had secured Panama troops stationed at the dock by the Government did nothing to protect the new laborers. Superintendent railroad requested Rear-Admiral Glass to land sufficient number of men to protect laborers in unloading ships. Marines will probably be sent tomorrow. RUSSELL[Enc. in Moody 4-7-04]LEGATION DE LA REPUBLICA DOMINICANA. New York April 4th 1904. To His Excellency John Hay, Secretary of State Washington, D.C. Excellency: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of Your Excellency's letter dated 30th March the interesting contents of which reveal to me a sincere friendly disposition on the part of Your Excellency's Government, as expressed verbally at our last interview, and I shall convey to General Morales' cabinet the deep regret of the President of the Great Union as regards the disturbances in our country, as well as his appreciation of the good will and desire of the Dominican Government to bring the two countries in closer relation. On the even of leaving for Santo Domingo, I beg to assure Your Excellency that inspired by the same feeling of confidence expressed by you, I shall entertain the hope that our views may be met and realized at an early date and that the document that I have left in your hands in quite a reserved and confidential manner may give Your Excellency the measure of my personal esteem and complete faith in your good desire for our welfare. In this expectation, I avail of this opportunity to renew to Your Excellency the assurance of my highest consideration. Juan Fco.. Sanchez.[Enc. in Hay 4-8-04]File 121 Panama Railroad Company, Panama, April 4, 1904. Rear Admiral Henry Glass, Commander-in-Chief, Pacific Squadron, Panama. Dear Sir, I have the honor to inform you that there has been a strike on the part of a portion of the employees of the Panama Railroad Company, and that the transit of the Isthmus has absolutely ceased, in consequence of this interference on the part of some of the employees of the Company with others who are exceedingly anxious to work, and who have exhibited their desire to do so by commencing work on the piers and vessels of the company. I have called on President Amador for protection against this outrage and illegal attack upon our men, and he has expressed himself as being perfectly willing to furnish troops necessary to overcome this condition of anarchy. In effect, however, the troops sent out by the Panama Government have not been able, and to some extent have not been willing to take the steps necessary to reestablish the transit of the Isthmus, and the consequence is that the trains of the Panama Railroad Company are unable to carry their traffic, and the ships at Panama have been unable to load and unload their cargoes. I have seen the President of the Republic today with regard to the situation, and he has again expressed his willingness to aid in so far as he can, to restore order, and enable usto move the trains across the Isthmus, but has freely admitted that he did not seem able to succeed in accomplishing the purpose desired by the Panama Railroad Company. I have said to him that I should feel compelled to call upon the authorities of the United States to restore order, and to reopen the traffic on the Isthmus by using such force as may be necessary to this end, and I now ask if you can consistently with your views of duty, afford us the necessary protection, so as to enable us to work in the Company's service. All we ask is that the men who are willing to work shall not be permitted to be interfered with. We have every reason to suppose that if we are adequately protected we shall have quite as many men as can in any way be required to reopen the transit of the Isthmus. Yours very truly, (signed) J.R. Shaler General Superintendent.[*[Enc. in Darling 5-3-04]*](Copy) New York, April 4th, 1904. Dear Sir:- I address you in relation to an article in your edition of April 3rd -- "John D. Crimmins declares for Parker". There have been injected into this talk words which I never uttered and which my mind was never in possession of. I refer to the reflections upon President Roosevelt. I never mentioned the President in illustration or comparison. I have great respect for the sincereity, honesty of purpose and dignity of the President. It is not in the man to bring disrepute on any office which he might occupy in the sense which the injected words of the interview would have it appear. I solicit from the Times a contradiction of the words published reflecting upon the administration or character of President Roosevelt. Sincerely yours, To the Editor of the Times, New York City.[*read & enc retd*] 1733, N. Street. Dear Mr Loeb – I hate to trouble the President but as he is also interested in the Piers referred to I did not feel I should answer Mr Nesmith positively without his seeing Mr Nesmith. I have however written I feared we could do nothing in theCowles 4-5-04 matter will you return me the papers with an answer at your earliest convenience Sincerely Yours Anna Roosevelt Cowles April 5 1904 [*ackd & enc retd*] [*4/5/04*]HG 299 United States Flagship NEW YORK, Panama, R.P., April 5, 1904. Sir, I have the honor to enclose for your information copies of correspondence with the General Superintendent of the Panama Railroad Company, concerning the strike of the Company's employees at Panama. 2 After our conversation of this morning I called on President Amador and was assured by him that his government had taken steps necessary to prevent any disturbance in Panama threatening the safety of persons or property and that the force now detailed would be increased at any time as found necessary. The President also assured me that if specific reports were made of any violence, or attempt at violence, the offenders would be promptly arrested and held for trial. 3. As this seems to be a case for the local authorities alone to handle, and as they have the situation well in hand, I can after a careful examination of existing conditions see no reason for any interference by the force under my command with affairs on shore. I shall be prepared, however, to take immediate action in case disorders should arise beyond this ability of the local authorities to suppress. Very respectfully, (signed) Henry Glass Rear Admiral, U.S. Navy. Commander-in-Chief Pacific Squadron. Hon. W.W. Russel, U.S. Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipetentiary, Republic of Panama.[Enc. in Darling 5-3-04]HG 298 United States Flagship NEW YORK Panama, R.P., April 5, 1904. Sir, I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt at 1.30 P.M., this date of your letter of the 4th instant, reporting the existence of a strike among the employees of the Panama Railroad Company at Panama and requesting protection for some of the employees who wish to resume work from interference or attack by disaffected workmen. 2. In view of our conversation of yesterday afternoon, on board the NEW YORK, I went over the line of the railway from La Boca to the American wharf in Panama by train, this morning and found perfect quiet to exist, there being no evidence of a mob or of unusual excitement. I found quite a large number of Panama troops with their officers at both wharves of the company and at the intermediate station on the line, with numbers of policemen posted in readiness to suppress any disorders. Troops were also going to and fro on the trains to protect them as necessary. 3. After a conference with the United States Minister I called on the President of Panama and informed him that you had represented to me that insufficient protection was being afforded your company in its operations. President Amador assured me that ample force had been detailed to prevent any disturbances threatening the safety of persons and property and that the force would be increased if necessary. He also stated that no specific reports had been received of any violence on the part of the strikers and that if such reports were made the offenders would be promptly arrested and held for trial. The President suggested that if you would make to the local government recommendations as to means of preventing the disaffected persons from interfering with men going to work such recommendations would receive every attention and be promptly carried into effect, as far as practicable and legal. 4. In the [pr] present condition of affairs I can see no reason for employing any of the force under my command in the way you request, the local authorities having effective control and showing ability to prevent any disorders entailing danger to persons ormproperty. Very respectfully, (signed) Henry Glass Rear Admiral, U.S. Navy, Commander-in-Chief, Pacific Squadron. Col. J.R. Shaler, General Superintendent, Panama Railroad Company.[*[Enc. in Darling 5-3-04]*]T/T DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. [*Ack'd 4/6/1904*] April 5, 1904. William Loeb, Jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: Mr. Guachalla, Bolivian Minister at this capital, has forwarded to the Department a copy of his letter of recall and asks that the President will kindly fix a day and hour for him to present the original. Awaiting your reply, I am, Sir, Your obedient servant John Hay [[shorthand]]W.A. & G. Maxwell & Co. Telegraphic Address "WAG" Liverpool. Telephone No. 1578. [*Ackd 4/16/04*] 63 South John Street. Liverpool 5 April 1904 Dear Mr. President, I have taken the liberty of giving an old friend of ours a letter of introduction to you. He is interested in the Philippines a country that you also know something about! He went out about last Nov. to look after his business & before leaving took unto himself a wife! So really he is on a wedding trip combined with business! He is a very nice fellow & a very old friend of my wifes family - As you have no doubt heard I have latelyW.A & G. Maxwell & Co. Telegraphic Address - "W A G", LIVERPOOL. Telephone No. 1578. 63. South John Street. Liverpool. lost my father & while we has been expecting the end for some little time the shock was none the less severe. I am on this account kept very busy at the moment & whether I can come over to the States this year is very problematical. We do want to come while you are in office & I feel we still have plenty of time as from all accounts you are safe to be re-elected & we hope to be among the number to congratulate you heartily upon your re-election. Jess sends her love & best wishes to Edith & yourself not forgetting your family & with best regards from myself I remain Yours very sincerely W. A. MaxwellApril 5, 1904. Translation. Glass, Panama. ) ) Sigsbee, Colon. ) Take care that marines or seamen do not interpose in the disputes of labor. Nothing beyond the preservation of peace and property should be permitted. Moody[Enc. in Darling 4-15-04]Translation. Washington, April 5, 1904. Glass, Panama. Sigsbee, Colon. Take care that marines or seamen do not interpose in the disputes of labor. Nothing beyond the preservation of peace and property should be permitted. (signed) Moody.[Enc in Moody 4-7-04][*F*] NAVY DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, M-M April 5, 1904. My Dear Mr. President: I cannot refrain from sending you a quotation from another private letter of Sims. Referring to the battleship practice at Pensacola, he says: "Here is a 'sum' in arithmetic. Something over a year ago the 13" guns of these vessels took 6 minutes between shots. They now fire on an average 8.4 rounds in the same time. Formerly they could make about 10% of hits; this time they averaged 75%. Therefore: 8.4/1 x 75/10 = 6300% improvement." Sims, from the most doleful of pessimists, seems to have become wildly enthusiastic. I cannot see, however, that he is not justified, for the change seems not to be in him but in the facts. Even the monitors, which make a complete roll in six seconds, seem to be doing some very fair shooting. I asked Taylor what would have happened if we had done such shooting as that at Santiago. With an expansive smile, he replied: "They wouldn't have had time to have turned their helm; they wouldn't have had time to have taken afire; they would have been eaten up." Very respectfully, W. H. Moody The President.grateful to you for coming at all. We shall look for you on the morning of Tuesday, May 24th. The boxes arrived at noon in excellent condition. With warmest regards for Mrs. Roosevelt, I am, Ever sincerely yours Endicott Peabody [*P.F.*] GROTON SCHOOL GROTON MASSACHUSETTS April 5. 1904. My dear Theodore, Many thanks for your kind note. It would have been delightful to have you for Sunday; but I quite realize the difficulty of the situation & I amFIFTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS. ORVILLE H. PLATT, CHAIRMAN. H.W. ALDRICH. H.M. TELLER. JNO.C. SPOONER. H.D. MONEY. H.E. BURNHAM . J.P. TALIAFERRO. J.H. MITCHELL. F.M. SIMMONS. A.D. KITTREDGE. A.O. HOPKINS. CHAS.G. PHELPS, CLERK. SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, COMMITTEE ON CUBAN RELATIONS, WASHINGTON, D.C. [*Ackd 4/6/04*] April 5, 1904. To the President: I heard today that you have some idea of sending a message relating to the situation of the Chinese exclusion act. I hope you will not do that - certainly not until after I can have an opportunity to see you and learn a little more definitely what the attorney general thinks of the matter as it now stands. Very truly, O.H. Platt [[shorthand]]"Personal". MILLBRAE, SAN MATEO COUNTY, CALIFORNIA. April 5th, 1904. [*P.F.*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, White House, Washington, D. C., My Dear Mr. President: When your letter of March 5th reached this Coast, I was hidden at some hot springs in the interior of San Luis Obispo County in Southern California. At the earliest opportunity, however, I took the liberty of telling Captain Payson, confidentially, how little impression the unfriendly dispatch concerning him had made on your mind. If there was any indiscretion in this, I am sure you would have pardoned it if you could have seen what relief and pleasure it gave him. I had not heard that anybody had attributed the pamphlet by "A Spectator" to me; and it is certainly a compliment to be thought capable of having produced so effective a bit of work at exactly the right moment and in the right way. There are some things in it I should not have said, but, for its special purpose, it is perhaps all the more useful because it does say them. The only people whom I had guessed at for the authorship were Henry Adams, Senator Lodge, and possibly the Evening Post's Washington correspondent; but the stories which now reach me about it point to good old John Bigelow as the author. He is one of the salt of the earth and wonderfully young for his years; but I shouldn't have thought of him as keeping in such perfect touch with present conditions down town, and maintaining so keen an interest in current politics. Whoever did it has shown, as you have justly noted, the possibilities still left in the pamphlet as a mode of political discussion. The very commonness of the newspaper has for years given a greater influence than of old to the "speech on occasion" as a more effective means of influencing public thought. Perhaps the same cause may likewise revive the pamphlet! Halstead's letter strikes me as also likely to do good in New York; though it might have done more good if the narrative part had been put more pithily and in less compass. I am glad to learn that Mr. Loeb has been acting on my hint and communicating direct with the office when needful. I hope now, however, to be more nearly in touch again myself; since I have decided to start back a fortnight earlier than the family. I now expect to be in New York by the 14th. Nothing has occurred here since I last wrote to diminish the cheerful outlook on this Coast and throughout the West. Cool observers here, quite outside the political machines, assure me that the indications are for an almost unheard of majority for you this Fall in California. They say it will be much larger than the the politicians or public yet realize- in fact they talk about 60,000. Hearst is immensely useful in this direction, and I am hoping he may not be "snuffed out" in New York quite so completely as the Eastern dispatches now indicate. From this point of view, there appears no doubt of any Western State, excepting Montana, and I am told extraordinary things as to the prospect in the deplorable little rotten-borough of Nevada. While at the hot springs, I was remote enough from current affairs to take a long plunge into American history, Trevelyan, Goldwin Smith, Rhodes, McMaster and volume 4 of "The Winning of the West". I was very grateful to the last for expressing with so much more force and fervor then I could command, my very ideas as to two ofMILLBRAE, SAN MATEO COUNTY, CALIFORNIA. Hon. T. R. -2- the most overpraised figures in our history, Jefferson and Madison. The continuation of Trevelyan didn't seem to me quite up to the standard set some years ago by the first volume, and McMaster left me still more than ever annoyed by the curious contrast between his extraordinary success in collecting facts and the cheap stump- speech style in which he so often presents them. What a history that man might have made if he had only had a style and known how to tell a story! As it is, Henry Adams is worth a hundred of him as far as he goes; and the pity is that he hasn't gone farther. But, forgive this prosing about an idle reader's impressions. If you know the isolation of El Paso de Robles, you would understand if not excuse it! Very sincerely yours, Whitelaw Reid[*F*] ADDRESS BUREAU OF NAVIGATION, NAVY DEPARTMENT, AND REFER TO NO. DEPARTMENT OF THE NAVY BUREAU OF NAVIGATION WASHINGTON, D. C., April 5, 1904. MEMORANDUM for the Secretary of the Navy. Referring to the attached letter of the President concerning the specialization of our gunnery officers and sights and mounts, I have endeavored since taking office to prevent a breaking up of ships' companies by the detachment of persons long in the vessels and the introduction of officers and men strangers to the ship and to serve sometimes only a few months. In carrying this out in the face of a custom established for several years which counted the ship's organization as less than many other considerations and its impairment as of little harm to efficiency, I was obliged to establish the custom of younger officers fleeting up to take the place of older ones that were detached, rather than introducing older officers from other ships who would be strange to the organization and personnel of their new detail. At the present time, and for the last few months, we find from Mr. Sims that this otherwise good rule is making divisional officers shift their divisions, and ordnance officers fleet up to become navigators. We have, therefore, modified the order and are now in the act of-2- directing that when possible, officers shall not be changed from one division to another because of questions of rank, and that the different divisions, first, second, third, fourth, and powder division, shall not be in themselves senior one over another, and that the gunnery officer shall, when practicable, be regarded in the same light and retain his position without change. The danger of which the President speaks of this being a case of over-specializing which may leave the ship helpless if one or two officers expert in ordnance be disabled is not serious; for these rules hold only for the period of a ship's commission of about three years and the officers' service in her for that time or less, and there will always be in every ship enough officers who understand gunnery and can manage the gun divisions satisfactorily in case the gunnery officer is absent from any cause. H. C. Taylor Chief of Bureau.[for attachment see Swift 4-2-04]ROOSEVELT'S ENMITY TO UNIONS [*S.F. Examiner Apr. 5. 1904.*] Representative Livernash Condemns the President for His Open Friendship for the Haters of Labor Organizations REFERS TO HIS "OPEN SHOP" POLICY [Special by leased wire, the longest in the world.] WASHINGTON, April 4.—Representative Livernash of California in the House of Representatives to-day delivered a message to the country for the people who toil for their daily bread. He emphasized the hostility of the Republican party and the President toward those who are "hired and the favoritism and consideration invariably shown by the Administration to those who do the hiring." Representative Livernash unsparingly condemned President Roosevelt for his expressed friendliness for the "open shop" in private employ, as well as in Government service. In the Miller case the executive order, just as to its application to men directly employed by the Government, was an official and authoritative declaration for the "open shop" generally and intensely hostile to the labor unions of America, this order was seized upon by employers through-out the country and used as a bludgeon against trades unions. With full knowledge of the effect of his words the President has permitted, Mr. Livernash said, the continued use of his expressions as a weapon against organized labor; and he has not been friendly enough to union men to utter one syllable in modification of his order. Members in their seats, and the attendance was larger than usual, gave unbroken attention to the words of the California member. Speaking for labor, organized and unorganized, Mr. Livernash protested against the unvarying repression applied to the toilers when they sought justice at the hands of the administration officials and he referred to the cases of the letter carriers and the machinists of the Government navy yards, who had been denied the right of petitioning Congress by President Roosevelt as usurpation of the rights of citizens— rights which were guaranteed by the Constitution and never before invaded. The arraignment of the President began with a declaration that he had suffered his administration to disregard the Constitution in its protection of the poor and the House, unable in the exercise of ther citizenship, had permitted his Secretary of the Navy to stand for an unreasonable wage to mechanics in the service of the Government and to embarrass them in their just compensation for their toil, had sanctioned the failure of three of his Cabinet officers to enforce the Chinese exclusion laws against employment of Chinese seamen on American ships; had himself declared in favor of the "open shop" in private industries, to the grievous injury of labor unions throughout the country, and in various other ways had manifested coldness toward the lowly, whatever the warmth of his mere words when addressing public gatherings. CONSTITUTION VIOLATED. "For the protection of his party chiefs in their neglect of a multitude of underpaid Department employees," said Mr. Livernash, "he issued his Executive order of January 31, 1902, forbidding all subordinate Department employees from directly or indirectly asking Congress to better their condition. That order was a clear violation of the Federal constitution. It was a bold attempt to deprive a host of American citizens serving the Government in humble stations of their constitutional right to freedom of speech and freedom of petition. Theodore Roosevelt never had a shadow of authority for depriving citizens working for the United States of the right to ask for better wages. Their right to ask Congress for any desired change of law was and is deeply rooted as human rights can be, and the despotic and arrogant order whereby he sought to overturn the great rule making the humble and mightly equal in the matter of freedom of speech and freedom of petition, will be remembered by history to his lasting discredit." Mr. Livernash then took up the use the Administration had made of the executive order and showed that the orders had been used as a club to rebuke workers for the Government who had dared to exercise their citizenship in driving out of public life Roosevelt pets unfaithful to the toilers. The case of Eugene Loud was especially cited as affording a striking example of flagrant executive usurpation of power to the direct disadvantage of men at the bottom. THE CASE OF LOUD. It was brought out that soon after the letter carriers, justly incensed by the hostility of Mr. Loud to their reasonable requests for a living wage, amidst general prosperity, had let it be known that they would be glad to have him retired from Congress and Mr. Loud had suffered defeat at the polls, a representative of the executive (Continued on Page 5, Column 1.) [*[Enc. in Wood 4-6-04]*] [*[4-5-04]*] PHONE BLACK 5201 [*ALLIED PRINTING TRADES UNION LABEL COUNCIL SAN MATEO CA*] 2 BIL (REGISTERED) JOSEPH W. WOOD SAN DIEGO, FINANCIAL SEC. & BUSINESS AGENT BARTENDERS INTERNATIONAL LEAGUE, LOCAL UNION No. 768 CAL.[* [Enc. in Wood 4-6-04] *] [* [4-5-04] *] PRESIDENT SCORED BY CONGRESSMAN LIVERNASH Roosevelt's Honeyed Words in Public Gatherings Are of No Moment to Those Who Toil for Their Daily Bread. Contrasts Executive's Order Forbidding Employees Taking Part in Politics, While Cabinet Officer Take the Stump. (Continued From Page One.) branch of the Government was sent from Washington to San Francisco, where he engaged in a systematic secret inquisition as to the part taken by the letter carriers in the campaign resulting in the overthrow of Mr. Loud--an inquisition in which carriers were placed upon their oath and made to disclose what they had said, with whom they had talked, what had been said and done at the meetings of their union as related to Mr. Loud's candidacy for re-election to congress, and just how their influence had been exerted in reference to that candidacy, even up to the very ballot box. "The Invasion of the primary rights of citizenship in this case." continued Mr. Livernash, "was justified by the odious order of January 31, 1902. That invasion was one of the most shameful incidents of American history. The daring of it, the purpose of it, must strike thoughtful men with amazement." Attention was then invited to the circumstance that, side by side with the intolerance of the Executive to political activity of workmen serving the United States in subordinate places, has steadily been a direct compliance on the part of the President toward members of his Cabinet taking the stump in prosecution of the partisan ends of the Republican organization. "Has it come to this?" asked the Californian, "that we have one set of right for the citizens holding positions of power and money value, and another set for citizens holding the places of subordinate authority and beggarly pay?" WORKERS FOR THE GOVERNMENT. Turning to the wages of mechanics as distinguished from the wages of other employees of the Government, Mr. Livernash charged the Administration with unwillingness to favor a just wage for mechanics when an advance of wages would have the possible effect of stimulating wages in kindred employment in great non-union industrial plans. He cited the experience of the mechanics employed in the United States naval gun factory at Washington. They are not as well paid as other mechanics in working for the Government in Washington and they have desired a moderate increase--enough to bring their pay to the level of the other mechanics in Washington. They had to get permission from the administration before they could ask Congress to give the m the increase and when this permission had been granted they found that the Secretary of the Navy had written to the House Committee on Naval Affairs advising aginst the improvement of their condition. "The Secretary of the Navy," said the speaker, "professed to be against the increase because an increase would be a discrimination in favor of the gun factory workmen as against workmen engaged in navy yards outside of Washington; but he very well knew that there is no gun factory in any of the navy yards outside of Washington and he very well knew that the employees of the gun factory in the District of Columbia are particularly skilled mechanics and therefore entitled to special compensation. The simple truth appears to be that he wished and yet wishes to protect the great non-union Bethlehem and Midvale gun plants from the possibility of being obliged by a discontent of their workmen to advance wages notoriously inadequate." Next Mr. Livernash discussed the "open shop" policy of the President. He quoted from the letter written by the President, July 14, 1903, to Mr. Cortelyou, concerning the Miller case. FAVORS THE OPEN SHOP. "In his letter," he said, "the President quoted that paragraph of the judgment of the Anthracite Coal Strike Commission, wherein the commission declared for non- discrimination against non-union workmen. And immediately after so quoting, he said: "I heartily approve of this award and judgment of the Commission appointed by me," and further on he wrote: "This Commission was dealing with labor organizations working for private employers. It is, of course, mere elementary decency to require that all Governmental Departments shall be handled in accordance with the principle thus clearly and fearlessly enunciated.' "Thus Mr. Roosevelt threw the great weight of his office in favor of the 'open shop' in private employments. He expressed satisfaction with the Commission's award as affecting private industries and that award was an 'open shop' award. The pronounced that 'open shop' award fearlessly and the clearness of his statements of principle he deemed admirable. "Had he confined himself to a statement of the law as affecting Government employ, he would have been fulfilling his plain duty. Had he coupled with that statement an expression of personal friendliness for the labor union, he would have been doing something of distinct value to society; but when he announced the laws as affects Government employ in the language of intolerance or discrimination against non-unionism and, worse yet, whe he goes far out of his way and expresses hearty approval of the 'open shop' policy as applied to private employment, he discloses an active and bitter hostility to trades unionism and he should be treated from sea to sea as the most dangerous anti-union man of his time, inasmuch as his brutally curt announcement has, by reason of his station, become a gospel from which a multitude of haters of labor unions are preaching destruction of the tremendously valuable movement whereby the unions uplift the millions who toil." Mr. Livernash thereupon analyzed the "open shop" policy, showing it to be nothing less than a policy promotive of non-unionism, backed by the foes of unions and the enemies of the masses. He defended unionism as a great safeguard of public welfare and direct aid to equitable distribution of wealth, comfort and enlightenment, and declared the highest duty of citizens of the republic to be in these times to protect them in their mission of progress. After further discussion of legislative disregard of the interests of the plain people, the Californian spoke of Congress and charged and proved that the majority party in the present Congress has been hostile to the people who work and are unduly friendly toward the parasites who control enormous fortunes. He closed by expressing faith in the multitude, faith that sooner or later they would see things at Washington about as they are, and, so seeing, drive from power the party neglectful of their welfare. HURRICANE DOES MUCH DAMAGE. Montevideo (Uruguay), April 4. A Hurricane has caused considerable damage to property here. Several 'vessels' were driven ashore in the harbor.Buffalo. Apr. 6. 04 THE BUFFALO CLUB Personal & Confidential My dear Roosevelt Thank you immensely for the encouragement you gave me in my new role of Professor of "Colonial Administration" at the Boston University Law School. Mr. Moody received me most amiably & I do hope that it will be possible for Admiral Chadwick to stop at the various points about the Red Sea & Persian Gulf which promise to become burning centers of political interest after Russia shall have found that the Route to India is not safe via Tokio. Yours faithfully Poultney BigelowTHE BUFFALO CLUB Buffalo. Apr. 6 Dear Mr. President There is a Diplomatic mission which I solicit most earnestly at your hands. It is a mission to the King of Abyssinia — to bethe bearer of an Autograph letter conveying to his Majesty the grief of the American People and of Your Excellency in the loss of the pet Lion. For this I ask no salary - and furthermore I promise to behave myself with most diplomatic decorum. This mission I crave because without positive orders from the Commander in Chief it is not likely that our Cautious Admiral Chadwick would interrupt his cruise at this point. Your very loyal & obedient servant Poultney Bigelow[*PF*] OFFICE OF THE SURVEYOR UNITED STATES CUSTOMS SERVICE PORT OF NEW YORK, April 6, 1904. MEMO. FOR THE PRESIDENT. Enclosed are the two circulars issued for the Primary of the 30th Assembly District; No. 1 in the interest of Joseph Murray for delegate to Chicago, in which a direct appeal was made for Murray as a personal friend of the President; No. 2, in the paragraph marked, shows that the republicans of the District as a mass were in line for an instructed delegate in favor of the President. The extract from the World tells the story of Murray's attempt and Murray's defeat. Mr. Neal was in to see me to-day, and is well satisfied with the result, only he desired that the matter be called to the President's attention with the assurance that all the time he and all his associates have been warmly for the President's renomination, and that he himself will go to the Convention as a delegate and esteem it a great privilege of his distinguished career to vote for his renomination. J. S. C. 3 enclosures. [*[CLARKSON]*][For 3 enc. see Leve 3-26-04 - Neal 3-26-04 - Ca. 4-26-04][*Masons*] OFFICE OF SECRETARY OF Pentalpha Lodge, No. 23, F. A. A. M. Washington, D.C. [*PPF*] [*Ackd 4/7/1904*] [[shorthand]] Meet First and Third Mondays Washington, D. C., April 6, 1904. President Theodore Roosevelt, White House. Dear Sir and Brother: At a stated communication of Pentalpha Lodge, No. 23, F.A.A.M., held April 4, 1904, you were elected an honorary member. It seems proper to inform you that one of your predecessors, James A. Garfield, was a charter member of the Lodge and remained a working craftsman on it's rolls until his death, a period covering over twelve years. Fraternally, Wm. P. H. Crews, Secretary. W.A. Kimmel Master."Don't give up the ship!" -- Lawrence American Maritime League Formed to Aid the Upbuilding of our American Merchant Marine Office of the Secretary 23 Park Row, New York Please address all communications to P. O. Box 324, N. Y. Vice-Presidents Advisory Board Hon. William P. Frye, U. S. Senator from Maine. William R. Harper, President, University of Chicago Archer Brown, Rogers, Brown & Co. Thomas Dolan, Philadelphia Julian D. Fairchild, President, Kings County Trust Company, Brooklyn Charles J. Harran, President, Midvale Steel Co. Hon. John Fremont Hill, Governor of Maine James C. Holden, President, National Safe Deposit Co. of New York W. C. McMillan, Detroit, Mich. Emerson McMillin, Emerson McMillin & Co. Hon. William H. Moody Secretary, U. S. Navy Department Hon. Warner Miller, former U. S. Senator from New York E. T. D. Myers, President, R. F. & P. R. R. Co., Richmond, Va. Hon. George C. Perkins, U. S. Senator from California Hon. E. H. Gary, Chairman Executive Committee, U. S. Steel Corporation Major-Gen. Grenville M. Dodge, Iowa Admiral J. G. Walker, President, Isthmian Canal Commission Henry C. Rouse, President M. K. & T. R. R. Co. Jacob Gould Sochurman, President, Cornell University Isaac N. Seligman, New York R. A. C. Smith, President, Chesapeake & Ohio Ry. Company Col. Robert M. Thompson A. Cortlandt Van Renselaer Hon. John W. Griggs, former U. S. Attorney-General Hon. A. T. Bliss, Governor of Michigan S. M. Felton, President, Chicago & Alton Railroad Thomas D. Catlin, President, National City Bank,Ottawa, Ill. John W. Bailey, Memphis, Tenn. Thomas F. Walsh, Washington, D. C. Thomas Lowry, President, Twin City Rapid Transit Co., Minneapolis, Minn. James Speyer, Speyer & Co. Hon. Henry E. Howland Hon. Myron T. Herrice, Governor of Ohio Dr. Walter R. Gillette, Vice-Pres., The Mutual Life Insurance Company of New York Charles I. Hudson, C. I. Hudson & Co., New York Rt. Rev. Thomas J. Conaty, Los Angeles, Cal. Frederick Gilbert Bourne, President, Singer Manufacturing Co. James W. Ellsworth Hon. Franklin Murphy, Governor of New Jersey Hon. Timothy L. Woodruff, President, Smith Premier Typewriter Co. James Gayley, U. S. Steel Corporation Hon. A. chamberlain, Governor of Connecticut Henry Mitchell MacCracker, Chancellor, New York University Henry F. Shoemaker, Chairman of the Board, Cincinnati, Hamilton & Dayton Railway. H> E. Huntington, President, Los Angeles Railway Co. J. F. Hanson, President, Central of Georgia Railway Co. April 6th, 1904 My Dear Sir:-- We beg to advise you of your recent election to an Honorary Membership of this League, the objects of which are so clearly expressed in the single sentence of our letter-head that we do not feel justified in taking up your time by a lengthy exposition of our purposes here. Your acceptance imposes upon you no moral or financial obligation whatever, and is indicative only of your approval of our objects, as expressed in your recent message to Congress. We cannot overestimate and we hope you will not underestimate the value to our cause of your individual co-operation to this extent, and sincerely hope to be in receipt of your affirmative reply at your earliest convenience. Yours faithfully, S. Elliot Curtis Secretary. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States Washington, D. C. [*P.F.*] Republican National Committee M. A. HANNA, OHIO, CHAIRMAN HENRY C. PAYNE, WISCONSIN, VICE-CHAIRMAN ELMER DOVER, OHIO, SECRETARY C. N. BLISS, NEW YORK, TREASURER VOLNEY W. FOSTER, ILLINOIS, ASS'T TREASURER WILLIAM F. STONE, MARYLAND, SERGEANT-AT-ARMS Executive Committee HENRY C. PAYNE OF WISCONSIN RICHARD C. KERENS OF MISSOURI GRAEME STEWART OF ILLINOIS HARRY S. NEW OF INDIANA JOSEPH H. MANLEY OF MAINE N. B. SCOTT OF WEST VIRGINIA FRANKLIN MURPHY OF NEW JERSEY CORNELIUS N. BLISS OF NEW YORK OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY ELMER DOVER ARLINGTON HOTEL WASHINGTON, D. C. [*Enc retd to Mr. Dover 5-9-04*] April 6, 1904. The President, White House. My dear Mr. President: Although dated March 29th the enclosed letter from Mr. F. B. Williams, Chairman of the Republican State Central Committee of Louisiana, has just reached me - April 5th. From the contents it would seem that Mr. Williams has no hope of harmony in Louisiana. Mr. Cohen has written and wired me asking for an appointment to talk the matter over. I am leaving at noon today for Thomasville Georgia, where I hope to get rid of a cough which has been annoying me for over a month. I will see Mr. Cohen either there during the next week or ten days, or after my return to Washington; although from the tone of Mr. Williams' letter it would seem to be impossible to adjust their differences. Sincerely yours, Elmer Dover. enc.[*Wrote Sec'y Taft 4-6-04*] Secretary of War For the Chief of Staff: At the request of the Secretary of War and with the concurrence of the Chief of Engineers, the names of six officers of the Corps of Engineers U. S. A., are herein suggested for the consideration of the President as well fitted to fill the office for the personal charge of Public Buildings and Grounds, Washington D. C., should a vacancy therein occur at an early day. This office is under the charge of the Chief of Engineers by Act of August 4, 1854. Section 1797 Revised Statutes. The officers are recommended according to their order on this list. [[shorthand]] Captain Charles S. Bromwell, " [David DuB. Gaillard,] (G.S.) " [Charles H. McKinnley,] " [William R. Leduc,] " [William J. Darden,] " [William E. Craighill,] Major [H. P. Hodges,] " [David C. King] Captain Bromwell is the son of Hon. Jacob H. Bromwell, Cincinnati, Ohio, (R) member of the 57th Congress. He is a young officer of fine attainments and affability of manner and well equipped to fill the office to the satisfaction of the President and with credit to his corps and to himself. He is stationed in New Orleans, and should he be selected it might be well before assigning him to the office to direct him to come to Washington for consultation with the Chief of Engineers. G. L. Gillespie Major General Ass't Chief StaffDEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. [*Ack'd 4-6-04 Encl. returned*] April 6, 1904. Dear Mr. Loeb: I take great pleasure in referring to you the enclosed interesting communication from the United States Consul at Trebizon, Turkey, of whom you may have heard before. Very sincerely yours, Francis B Loomis Hon. William Loeb Jr., Secretary to the President, White House. [[shorthand]]Executive Department. New York Life Insurance Company, John A. Mc Call, President. 346 & 348 Broadway, New York. April 6th, 1904. [*Ack'd 4-7-04*] [*Personal*] Colonel William Loeb, Jr., White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Colonel Loeb:- I send herewith an extract from a letter received from our Manager at St. Petersburg under date of March 17th. It may be interesting to the President to have this information. Very truly yours, John A. McCall President. [[shorthand]][For enc. see 3-17-04][*C.F.] Ap. 6. 04. Government House, Ottawa. My dear President, It was most kind of you to write so many thanks from both of us. Lady Minto is going on capitally but the fire following so close on the accident was a high trial.We did not move her till it was absolutely necessary, my room next hers being full of smoke, and the fire coming on very fast.. we carried her downstairs on a screen. Luckily the move has done her no harm and as our bed rooms were to my surprise saved, we were able to take her back again to her own room. Lady Minto asks me to give you and Mrs. Roosevelt her best remembrances.. and again my very best thanks to you for so kindly writing, and believe me My dear President Yrs very truly MintoUNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON. April 6, 1904. Hc The President, The White House. My dear Mr. President: I have your personal letter of yesterday regarding your intention to nominate a personal friend not connected with politics for the position of Consul General at Mexico. It was not necessary that you should write me on that subject because any nomination you might have made would be unhesitatingly accepted by me as proper and I should have experienced satisfaction in subordinating my personal preferences, if any existed, to your desire. I had written the Secretary of State suggesting the appointment of Mr. Geo. Sweet, from my home county, to the vacant Consul Generalship and believed he would be a good man for the place as he has had long experience down there, but I would not, of course, urge it as against your personal reccommendation. Sincerely yours, T C. PlattConfidential. MILLBRAE, SAN MATEO COUNTY, CALIFORNIA. April 6, 1904. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, White House, Washington, D. C., My Dear Mr. President: If the above statement has any warrant (and special dispatches in other papers this morning are to the same effect) I want, before it is too late, to suggest one point for your consideration. My relations with the gentleman have always been perfectly cordial, and I would not like to say a word to his detriment. The issues this Fall, however, are too momentous to justify silence if it entails risk; and it seems, therefore, my duty to ask you, confidentially, to consider what might be the effect of his financial record in New York as exploited and distorted by his political enemies in a closely contested campaign. You know it was always said that he and his associate (now inseparable from him abroad) made money out of the Railroad under their construction and management, while everybody else concerned lost heavily. It used to be said, in fact, by his enemies that his associate had cogent reasons for leaving New York suddenly and staying abroad several years without a return. There were people, also, who always insisted that nothing but adroitness and good luck saved him from sharing his colleague's fate at the time of the whiskey exposures under Grant. I have never gone into these things and they may be calumnies; but I am sure enough has been said and believed about them by responsible men in New York to make it essential that they should be considered before we risk confronting them in the campaign. Why shouldn't Root's natural ambitions coincide with the interest of the party in inducing him to take the nomination himself? But, if you have already considered the stories above and found them baseless, pray forgive this hint- and forget it! I now hope to be in New York on Wednesday of next week, April 14th. Very sincerely yours, Whitelaw Reid[*C.F.*] My dear Mr. President: I start from here April 11, and will let you know from N.Y. what train I arrive on. The local supply of eastern time tables seems to have been exhausted about the time of the Spanish conquest. For the grace of the Whitman saddle and the simple reins I offer you thanks, - as also for the chance at Mr. Pinchot, which I shall value. I shall leave Washington Thursday morning, I think, as there is plenty to do in this getting married business. Sincerely Stewart Edward White Santa Barbara, Cal April 6, 1904.Department of Agriculture, Office of Secretary, Washington, D.C. [*Ack'd Encl returned 4-6-04*] April 6 1904 Dear Mr. President I wrote a personal letter to Mr. J. W. Blythe of Burlington Iowa regarding his ability to reach Mr. Harriman. I inclose his reply Sincerely James Wilson [[shorthand]][*Ackd & cong. rec. sent 4/12/04*] San Diego, California April 6th 1904. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt President of The United States. Your Excellency, As an American Citizen by birth, and, I trust a good one and also a member of a Labor Union, I would respectfully also your Excellency if there is any truth in the enclosed article taken from the San Francisco 'Examiner' of April 5th 1904 with regard to your alleged hostility to Labor Unions. I feel, this statement can not be true, and as a good Republican and an ardent admirer of your Administration and for the benefit of four thousand Union men of San Diego as well as myself I would respectfully ask Your Excellency to spare a few minutes of your valuable time if possible[For 1 enc see 4-5-04 Roosevelt's E[?].."] to answer this and assuring Your Excellency of our good will and support at all times, and trusting you to be as I believe, a friend of Organized Labor. I beg to Remain Yours Most Respectfully. Joseph W. Wood. Financial Security Bartenders International League of America Local Union No 768 President H.E. Dean Rec Security 76 C. Buckle. [short hand]Panama Railroad Company, Colon, April 6, 1904. Rear Admiral Henry Glass, Commander-in-Chief, Pacific Squadron, Panama. Dear Sir, Referring to the request made to me today by yourself, that I should furnish you within the next five days, 1000 tons of coal, I beg leave to say that owning to the disturbed condition of the Isthmus we are unable to secure protection for our employees, while loading the coal. We are also unable to secure protection for our switchmen, engineers, and trainmen while handling the trains over the tracks in the yard. I have, however, inyour presence requested the Secretary of State, Mr. Tomas Arias to present my application to his Excellency the President for ample protection to the employees of the Panama Railroad Company, while engaged in this business. The President has already signified his desire to furnish ample protection to the employees of the Railroad Company, but he has singularly failed to do so thus far. Our men have been driven from their work without successful resistance to the strikers on the part of the Panama Government. In view of these facts I have also referred a request to yourself asking you to furnish to the Panama Railroad Company at different points enough United States troops to afford moral support to our employees who are willing to work, but you have declined absolutely to assist us in this protection. I now have to say to you in reply to your request for coal that if the protection for our men, who will be engaged in this business can be furnished either by the Panama Government or the United States forces we can without any difficulty whatever furnish you the coal you require. We have the coal on hand, held here at the request of the United States Government, ready to deliver to you, but unless you can furnish us with adequate protection it may not be possible for us to do so. It may not be amiss to express my deep regret that such a condition of affairs exists. It seems farsical that the United States Government should have been working for the last forty years to secure a reliable and continuous route for the traffic across the Isthmus, and to have spent hundreds of thousands of dollars in endeavoring to keep this transit open, and have furnished fleets on both sides of the Isthmus for the purpose of securing the interoceanic traffic, and have established Military (or Naval) posts within the Isthmus and line of railroad, to effect moral influence (which you informed me today you could not do) and to have of late entered into a convention with the Republic of Panama tom protect its independence, and to find at this spoch that the only independence to be found on the Isthmus is that exercised by, certainly, not to exceed twenty gentlemen of color, who are able, and who are permitted to terrorize the faithful employees of the Panama Railroad Company to such an extent that the interoceanic traffic, which has been so struggled for for so many years should be absolutely suspended. In view of these conditions I very respectfully urge upon you the propriety of furnishing a guard of troops to the American Pier, Panama, another at the new station, Panama, another at the junction of La Boca branch, and another at La Boca, and at the La Boca pier. With this provision for protection I have no doubt that we can operate the railroad and maintain the transit across the Isthmus without2 any difficulty. I think it proper to add to this that whilst His Excellency the President of the Republic of Panama has professed his willingness to aid the railroad company as far as possible, it appears that he is simply unable to accomplish it. His will is good but the capacity of his troops seems not at all equal to the necessities of the case. I beg leave to renew my application for the assistance of United States troops, which under the present condition of things is to my mind the only method by which a prompt solution of the difficulty can be obtained. Yours very truly, General Superintendent.From P.O. Dept.: [[shorthand]] Senator Foraker has left letter from a correspondent regarding P.M. at Ashland, Ohio. (1st class office - $3100). charging him with actively opposing the Senator's interests in politics. The Senator asks that the P.M. be reprimanded. Genl. Bristow thinks it best to send an inspector out there first to get the facts, but submits the question to the President before taking any action. 4-6-1904.[*[Enc. in Clarke 4-7-04]*] [*[4-6-04]*] [*K.C. Star Aprl 6th*] NEFF MAYOR BY 2,583 The Entire Republican City Ticket Elected by Good Pluralities, Except the Police Judge. THREE WARDS TO KEMPER Bold Repeating and Open Purchase of Votes Did Not Save the Police Candidates. Buchhols Will Contest Election of Brady Who Was the Beneficiary of North End Fraud. COUNCIL IS REPUBLICAN Upper House Is a Tie and the Lower House Has Only Four Democrats. MAYOR. Neff, Republican .......................15,670 Kemper, Democrat .....................18,087 Smith, Labor .......................... 4,659 Shelley, Democrat ...................... 3,193 TREASURER. Holmes, Republican ....................15,728 Ridge, Democrat .......................13,028 Maxwell, Labor ........................ 4,608 Ryland, Democrat ..................... 3,148 Holmes's plurality, 2,700. AUDITOR. Koehler, Republican ....................13,909 Silkwood, Democrat ....................12,071 Kent, Democrat ....................... 5,941 Kratz, Labor .......................... 4,525 Koehler's plurality, 1,838. POLICE JUDGE. Brady, Democrat ......................17,994 Buchholz, Republican ..................17,948 Brady's majority, 46. CITY ATTORNEY. Swenson, Republican ...................15,678 Moore, Democrat ......................13,004 Sumner, Labor ....................... 4,642 Pew, Democrat ........................ 3,187 Swenson's plurality, 2,674. PRESIDENT UPPER HOUSE. Beardsley, Republican ..................16,257 Rood, Democrat .......................12,778 Reicher, Labor ......................... 4,554 Schueler, Democrat .................... 3,104 Beardsley's plurality, 3,479. (Full Vote by Precincts on Page 5.) Only one man on the general Republican city ticket failed of election yesterday. William Buchholz, nominee for police judge, who had only one opponent on the three opposition tickets, fell only forty-six votes short of carrying the city, on the face of the returns. Buchholz has ample grounds to contest the election of Hugh C. Brady and will bring a contest. Though not participating in the frauds himself Brady was, by reason of being on the police ticket, the beneficiary of the crimes committed by the machine yesterday. They were bolder than anything that has been perpetrated in Kansas City in years, although the Shelley Democrats were able to prevent much crooked work that was intended to be done in the Eighth and Ninth wards, and the presence of Civic league representatives in the First and Sixth wards had the effect of intimidating some would-be repeaters. But it did not prevent an extensive amount of crooked work. FRAUD IN THE NORTH END. A glance at the vote in a few wards shows some startling facts. The present First wards includes the old First and Second and about two precincts of the old Third that were practically a standoff between Republicans and Democrats. In the last national election Dockery carried the last two wards by 236 votes. The added territory from the Third would not make the total 300 for Bryan. But yesterday, when other wards that went for Bryan were giving Neff a plurality of their votes, the First gave Kemper a plurality of 1,067 and a majority over the three principal opposition candidates of 679. The Sixth ward Dockery carried by 114, but when Kemper carried the Sixth by 741 yesterday Governor Dockery made haste to rush into print with an inerview telling what a splendidly fair election the city had been given under his administration. BOUGHT VOTES AND REPEATED. Nor were these the only places where crooked work was done. Leave out the fact that the standard price for the salable vote as fixed by the Kemper supporters was $2 and the money was paid regularly, the detectives who were sent out to watch for repeaters brought back money that had been given them to vote names that were put on the books fraudulently or names of people who were out of town with the slips furnished them with instructions: "Memorize these carefully and be sure you make no mistake if you are questioned." Still another element that will be brought out in a contest is the fact that several legal voters, when they presented themselves at the polls, were told that their names had already been voted. In most cases they went away and lost their votes. In view of these facts many friends of Buchholz were advising him to-day to bring a contest at once, unless the official count shall show him elected, which is improbable. CONTEST WOULD EXPOSE MACHINE. A contest will throw on the machine a misfortune that only adds to its defeat. The means it took to try to save itself will be looked into by people who are directly concerned in the result, and this fact adds materially to the probability that the prosecutions which have been begun will be pushed with proper energy.[*Ack'd 4/8/04*] The Commercial Advertiser, ESTABLISHED 1797. 187 BROADWAY AND 5 & 7 DEY STREET, EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT NEW YORK, April 7th, 1904. Dear Mr. President:-- You may get some mild amusement out of the enclosed. What Hearst says about Ochs and the Times is pure, blackguardism, of course. But what makes it cut is that there is a grain of truth running through it all. It looks as if Cleveland had knocked out Parker -- perhaps not intentionally so much as from unconscious hoggishness. If he has not made his nomination impossible, he has greatly weakened him as a candidate in case he is put forward. It will be a great pleasure to come on with Butler whenever you wish to see us. Yours always, J. B. Bishop. President Roosevelt, The White House, Washington, D. C.[For 1 enclosure see 4-7-04][*Ack'd 4-11-04*] LAW OFFICES, CHAS. W. CLARKE, ROOMS 217-218 CENTURY BUILDING, KANSAS CITY, MO. 4/7/04. HON. WM. LOEB, JR., WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON, D. C. DEAR SIR:- The election of the Republican ticket in Kansas City on Tuesday, by pluralities ranging from 2,583 for Mayor to 3,479 for the President of the Upper House, is a most emphatic endorsement of the President's policy in the state, and especially in Kansas City; and has given the greatest satisfaction to his friends here, and should give pleasure to his friends everywhere. Mr. Neff received the united and enthusiastic support of the whole party - regardless of past differences - which was largely brought about by the efforts of Major Warner, Mr. Harris and Mr. Roberts. The enormous frauds perpetrated in behalf of the machine candidates alone prevented our ticket from receiving a majority over all. In the residence wards, our majority was overwhelming; and there was a very marked and unusual interest manifested by the substantial business men of our city, who joined hands with us in our efforts to redeem the city from corruption and machine rule. I confidently believe they will manifest the same interest in our efforts to redeem the State of Missouri, and place her in line with the party of patriotism and progress, whose chief exponent is Theodore Roosevelt. Yours very respectfully, C. W. Clarke Delegate at Large from Missouri[*[For 1 enc see 4-6-04 Neff Mayor by 2,583]*]Translation. Abnodandos Panama, April 7, 1904. Secretary of the Navy, Washington. Freight traffic on the railroad is suspended from strike. All is quiet. No violence is feared. Authorities here are prepared to maintain order. Naval interference is unnecessary. No interference necessary or contemplated. Glass.[Enc. in Moody 4-7-04]HG 308 United States Flagship NEW YORK, Panama, R.P., April 7, 1904. Sir, I have the honor to enclose herewith an unsigned letter presumably from the General Superintendent of the Panama Railroad Company, concerning the present labor conditions at Panama and requesting the intervention of the United States Naval Forces. 2. In view of the statement made and of the instructions which I have received from the Honorable Secretary of the Navy, with the purport of which you are acquainted, I would request an opinion whether in your judgment disorders exist at Panama threatening the peace of the community and the safety life and property beyond the ability of the local authorities to control; and whether the situation requires the presence on the shore of armed forces of the United States for the protection of peace and the safety of life and property. The return of the enclosed letter is requested. Respectfully (signed) Henry Glass Rear Admiral U.S. Navy, Commander-in-Chief, Pacific Squadron. Hon, W.W. Russell, U.S. Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipetentiary, Republic of Panama.[Enc. in Darling 5-3-04][*[For 3. enc see 3-10-04 "Party Dictators", 3-11-04 'First Gen", 3-15-04 "The resolution"...]*] [*Ack'd 4-8-04*] Committees on Ways and Means, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. April 4th 1904 My Dear Mr. President The enclosed are clippings from the editorial columns of the San Francisco Chronicle concerning which I spoke to you yesterday. Yours Truly V. H. Metcalf[*F*] B-S 266 [*2221-375*] NAVY DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, April 7, 1904. Sir, I have the honor to transmit herewith copies of further correspondence in relation to the present situation and operations on the Isthmus of Panama. Very respectfully, William H Moody Secretary. The President. Enclosures: Despatch dated Panama, April 4, to Secstate, signed Russel. Despatch dated Washington, April 5, signed Moody: Take care Despatch dated Panama, April 7, signed Glass: Abnodandos.[for encs. see over]UNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON. April 7, 1904. My dear Mr. President: The time has come, it seems to me, when you ought, to take some action with reference to the Postmastership at Washington. A continued postponement of General Merritt's case creates a good deal of dissatisfaction and distrust. I am very anxious to see him nominated and confirmed before the session is over. Will you tell me what is the reason for the continued postponement and delay in the matter? Yours sincerely, T.C Platt The President, Washington, D. C.LEGATION OF UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Panama. April 7, 1904. Rear Admiral Henry Glass, U.S. Navy, Commander-in-Chief, Pacific Squadron. Sir, I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your No. 308 of even date herewith, with enclosures from the General Superintendent of the Panama Railroad Company, concerning the present strike at Panama. You ask my opinion as to whether, in my judgment, disorders exist at Panama, threatening the peace of the community, and the safety of life and property, beyond the ability of the local authorities to control; and whether the situation requires the presence on shore of armed forces of the United States for the protection of peace and the safety of life and property. In my opinion armed forces of the United States are not at present necessary in Panama for the preservation of peace, and the safety of life and property. There exists no danger from the strikers; they are organized, as they assert, on a peaceful strike, and while their attitude may seriously effect transportation and traffic across the Isthmus by the Panama Railroad and the despatch of the vast amount of merchandize accumulating on the docks. I see no reason at the present time for lending armed forces of the United States in Panama. I herewith return the letter you forwarded me. I am, Sir, with great respect, (signed) William W. Russell.[Enc. in Darling 5-3-04]Russel M. Seeds, Indianapolis. April 7, 1904. Mr. President:- You have given me an entirely unexpected pleasure with your cordial autograph acknowledgment of my note, one that I appreciate deeply. The review of Mr. Leupp's book appeared in the Indianapolis Journal of April 4, but the resolutions are still virgin. Our committee was flooded with manuscripts from sundry statesmen descriptive of their fitness to be Senator, Governor, Justice of the Peace, etc., done in such glowing rhetoric as to make my poor tribute seem by comparison as cold and lifeless as the hand of a rich relation. Therefore, we started the thing off with the usual form of endorsement of your administration, clinched by instruction, and permitted the small fry to come behind, riding to glory in word-wagons of their own workmanship. To our horror and disgust, the local newspapers could find room for none of it but the main proposition, the presidential paragraph, and now there is nothing we can do with all these burning periods, except to just let'em burn. Again let me thank you for the genuine pleasure your kindness has given me--and mine--and believe me, Faithfully yours, Russel M. Seeds To the Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington.THE GLOBE AND COMMERCIAL ...fected by the full value assessment plan. While immigration has largely increased the population of the tenement districts, it must also be borne in mind that some 40,000 of the lower east side population have emigrated to the Brownsville section of Brooklyn in the past year or two. Tenement building has been affected by the labor troubles and the tight money market less than any other class of construction. As to the enforcement of the tenement house law, the changed conditions were accepted by the tenants some time ago. It is the speculation in tenement house properties during the past eighteen months, unprecedented in the history of the real estate market, which seems the primary cause of rent increases. Tenements have changed hands repeatedly, and to justify the advance in price there has been a successive keying up of rents. It is difficult for the impartial observer to exonerate the landlords from the charge of cupidity which the tenants are so strenuously making. The situation is the more unfortunate for the reason that demands bear heavily on a class of tenant already paying all it can afford for meagre accommodations. It is to be hoped, therefore, that landlords will recede from a position so manifestly out of keeping with the moral aspect of the case and so wholly in opposition to public sentiment. ========================== SIGNS OF TROUBLE. Mr. Cleveland's emphatic and sincere approval of Judge Parker has had the effect upon the Democratic party that the act of a careless person who should inadvertently step upon a hornets' nest on the outskirts of a camp meeting would have upon the assembled worshippers. There is a rushing to and fro, an eager search for shelter, and a tendency to shriek and bewail and curse, the like of which has seldom been witnessed in any party. Perhaps the most amusing evidence of paralyzing consternation is the conduct of several of our esteemed contemporaries in excluding Mr. Cleveland's views from their news columns and refraining from all comment in their editorial columns. "If we do not let our readers see the dreadful stuff or hear of it from us, perhaps they will never know that Mr. Cleveland said it!" This "head in the sand" business would be comic enough in any newspaper, but when those engaged in it now are journals which worship habitually at the Cleveland shrine it becomes what the Evening Post would call a "shrieking absurdity". Why not help Mr. Cleveland in his laudable effort to get the party upon a "sane and patriotic" platform? Why not help him to bring the party back to "true Democratic principles" [?] it forever from "foolish vagaries," from "doubt, evasion, or disingenuous compromise"? All these are praiseworthy efforts, are they not? Why, instead of hailing Mr. Cleveland's words with joy, or, as the World puts it, as "a trumpet call to Democracy," seek to suppress them as something to be ashamed of or avoided like a pestilence? It is not Mr.Cleveland the embodiment and personification of the moral sense of his party? Is he not its only living ex-president and its most revered sage? Then, why not give him a show when he comes to the front and offers to lift the party to a higher plane. Why assume that advice from him is a thing to be dreaded lest it mar the prospects of party harmony? Is party harmony more, to be sought than principle? Is it dearer than a "sane and patriotic" renaissance? If the friends and disciples of Cleveland do not uphold his hands, what hope is there that his ideas will prevail? Reports from Washington reveal both wrath and dismay among the Democratic senators and representatives there. As one of them puts it, the prevailing opinion seems to be that "Mr. Cleveland will do the party a great service if he will only keep quiet." One would expect professional politicians to take that utilitarian view, but surely moral leaders in politics can have no toleration for such a compromise of principle as it proposes. The anti-Cleveland elements of the party propose no compromise. They accept his views in the same way that the World does, as a "trumpet call," and they declare that it is the most joyous sound that they have heard since the Parker boom began to swell to such portentous size. "Now we know," they say, "what Parker stands for. He stands for Cleveland's ideas." Are the Cleveland Democrats afraid to accept the challenge? If they are, their defeat in the St. Louis convention will be the worst in their experience, and will be deserved. Mr. Bryan's comment is yet to be made, but it is foreshadowed in this passage in his newspaper of to-day which was written before Mr. Cleveland's indorsement had reached him: "If Mr. Parker is nominated it must be with the knowledge that he represents the same element, the same influence, and the same methods which during Mr. Cleveland's second administration led the party through the valley of the shadow of death." That defines the issue upon which the anti-Bryan Democrats might fight, if they are to fight at all, in the St. Louis convention. Mr. Cleveland has been the opponents of Judge Parker precisely what they were looking for -- a rallying cry for their forces. They are using it already, and will continue to use it till the convention has completed its work. It is in [?] "Parker is the candidate of the Cleveland element of the party which refused to support its nominee in two presidential campaigns -- that is, became traitors to their party. Are you going to allow them to dictate your nominee now?" That is the battle cry of the Bryanites, and it has obvious elements of power. It is stupid to think it can be either silenced or made powerless by ignoring its existence. The only possible way of depriving it of triumphant force is to meet it squarely and fight its followers to a finish. ========================== [*[Enclosed in Bishop 4-07-04]*] --- American April 7, 1904. WILLIAM RANDOLPH HEARST Mr. August Belmont and His Tame Ochs. "When the proud steed shall know why man restrains His fiery course, or drives him o'er the plains; When the dull ox, why now he breaks the clod, Is now a victim, and now Egypt's god:" (Etc., etc., etc.) THOSE old words by Mr. Pope are all right to-day. We are not prepared to identify the "proud steed," but we know that the ox very well. He is the editor of the New York Times, and the person who bids him to do all sorts of odd jobs is August Belmont. August Belmont and a few like him owned the New York Times. They ran it as a newspaper DEVOTED TO THEIR IDEAS. It failed miserably. Do you wonder? They brought from another city an oily little commercial gentleman named Ochs -- Adolph H. Ochs. He came cringing into Mr. Belmont's office, with oily smiles, obsequiously curved shoulders and nervously rubbing his hands, and he was put to work. If he could patch up this wreck of a newspaper that had been stupid enough to reflect the opinions of August Belmont, of the Government bond deal; Mr. Flint, of the Rubber Trust, etc., he was to have certain proprietary rights in the sheet. Mr. Ochs is now trying to EARN those proprietary rights -- you must remember that when you read his paper. It happens that Mr. Ochs is an uneducated gentleman, and he does not write. But he has a faithful newspaper hack, named Miller, who has twice been sold, with the paper -- with the desks, the type, etc. Mr. Belmont tells Ochs what to say, and Ochs tells Miller. Don't forget that, if you are one of the few individuals with whose help "the dull Ochs" expects to make his money. Mr. Pope's ox was puzzled at his variegated treatment, as the post tells us. One day he ploughed the sod, the next he was a sacrifice, and on the third he was Egypt's god. The Egyptian ox was not nearly as much puzzled as is Mr. Belmont's poor Ochs at times. Sometimes he is a reformer, in the hope of getting subscribers. Again, when he remembers that Mr. Belmont's ring, backed by the Rothschilds, owns the elevated railroads and the underground, the dull Ochs suddenly finds that he is against reform. He hates the Elsberg bill -- in fact, he does not even know that it exists. ========================== Mr. Ochs is not very important; he is an ordinary type of the very ordinary man, who is as respectable as he dares to be, and whose opinions are given to him by his stockholders. He is neither good nor bad -- just a dull Ochs, with heart, stomach and mind in his pocket, with one nerve running from his pocketbook to his brain. He is only worth mentioning because the money of his backers enables him to talk to the public, and it is well that the people should know who pulls the string when this Ochs wiggles. ========================== Mr. August Belmont, who owns the dull Ochs and gives him his different jobs to do, is a little more interesting than Ochs, although he also is a rather small sample of the element he typifies. If a genius from another world were fishing in Wall Street for a man of power and should happen to catch August Belmont, he would probably throw him back, as the fishers in New England throw back lobsters under nine inches long. Still, Mr. Belmont has the dull Ochs working for him, the dull Ochs has Miller, and poor Miller, the man of many owners, has some readers. Mr. Belmont, delightfully deficient in the sense of humor and with an absolutely pathetic ignorance of public opinion concerning himself, has gone to Washington to tell the people that he and his associate, David B. Hill, want Judge Parker nominated for President on the Democratic ticket. Poor Judge Parker! Nobody ever knew better than he the bitter truth of the old saying: "Save me from my friends." At the first glance, of course, it would seem that August Belmont had made himself the spokesperson for Parker with the deliberate, malicious intention to make his nomination impossible. It is hard to think that a man in August Belmont's position could fail to realize that any association with him must be absolutely fatal to a man seeking public approval. August Belmont is the president of a Jockey Club, which means that he is at the head of the biggest institution in America for promoting GAMBLING AND DISHONESTY among the public. He is at this moment building a race track on Long Island, which is to be honored by having his own name bestowed upon it. What is that race track but a gambling concern! And what are the stockholders but a lot of men that take money from the gambling public, and THAT TAKE A HUNDRED DOLLARS A DAY EACH FROM A CROWD OF GAMBLING BOOKMAKERS, OF WHOM EVERY ONE SHOULD BE IN JAIL IF THE LAWS WERE ENFORCED! What is the difference between August Belmont's race track and Mr. Canfield's gambling house, that Jerome is so anxious to close up! The difference is that August Belmont's race track makes forgers and thieves of thousands of men, and ruins THOUSANDS of families, where Canfield's picayune establishment ruins one. The President of the Jockey Club, the biggest promoter of gambling in the United States, is a nice man to tell the people of the country WHOM HE WANTS FOR PRESIDENT, is not he? And what else is August Belmont? He is the gentleman that went in with J. Pierpont Morgan to buy the Government bonds of this country at 104, or, rather, he acted as agent of the Rothschilds when they picked up the pretty bargain that was offered to them. A gentleman associated with that particular financial transaction lacks humor when he offers himself as the man to select the Democratic candidate, does not he? August Belmont's reputation is unsavory enough in New York, where all remember the bond scandal, and where thousands of poor women and children owe their [ruin?] to the race tracks. But you must go to the South if you would learn how heavy a political handicap is involved in Belmont's indorsement. Governor Goebel of Kentucky, was an honest Democrat, trying to protect the people against railroad extortion and railroad corruption. His bitterest enemy was Louisville & Nashville Railroad -- and as a result of that railroad fight, Goebel WAS MURDERED. A Republican Governor of another State controlled by railroad influence, refused to give up the murderer -- AND AUGUST BELMONT was the president of the Louisville & Nashville when the murder occurred. The Democrats of Kentucky and of the entire South know what a curse it is to any candidate to be even suspected of August Belmont's approval. Henry Watterson said, editorially, in the Courier-Journal, February 17, 1900, in communicating on his severe and just charges against Belmont: "Every man, woman and child in this part of the world knows exactly the part played by Mr. Belmont's money and Mr. Belmont's agents in the late election, and the facts, with their bloody denouement, will never be forgotten, but will come up in judgement against the company during the [monitory?] of living men." Mr. Belmont is the gentleman, with the Rothschild backing, that has control of the New York underground railroads, and of the elevated railroads. He is the gentleman who did not put any underground tunnel on the East Side, because it is more profitable to pack foolish New Yorkers like sardines into the East Side elevated trains. He is also the gentleman who ran away from the Democratic party -- to which he never really belonged -- in 1896 and 1900, when his Lombard street instincts [?] his pocket told his brain to run. He did run. He looks [?] doesn't he, coming back all out of breaths, with race track [?] pocket, monopoly stock in another pocket, and a Government bond [?] record hanging all around him, to tell the Democratic party [?] select for a national candidate! Poor Judge Parker [?] with Hill on one side and August Belmont on the other [?] Arnold ought to be enough of a Jonah for any political [?] have two Benedict Arnolds for his sponsors -- and the [?] in the country, at that -- ought really to ruin, the political [?] patient man as Judge Parker.HG 307 United States Flagship NEW YORK, Panama, R.P., April 8, 1904. Sir, I am in receipt of an unsigned letter from your office dated April 8, 1904, concerning the probable inability of your company to supply coal to the vessels of my command, under the contract with the Navy Department, and repeating your request for the presence of armed forces on shore. 2. In reply I have to say that after a careful consideration of conditions on shore at Panama, I can see no reason whatever, at this time, to employ any force under my command in the manner in which you request. Respectfully (signed) Henry Glass Rear Admiral U.S. Navy, Commander-in-Chief, Pacific Squadron. The General Superintendent, Panama Railroad Company.[Enc. in Darling 5-3-04]OTTO GRESHAM, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 701 TACOMA BUILDING. CHICAGO, April 8 - 1904 My dear Mr. President: I enclose you a page of the Indianapolis News of the 7th containing an advertisement as to Mr. Hearst. It was such stuff together with news articles that Col. Watterson thought Republican and Independent so called papers should not run. On this proposition he is absolutely right. It is one of morals. Very Faithfully Yours Otto Gresham[For 1 enclosure see ca. 4-8-04]OTTO GRESHAM, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 701 TACOMA BUILDING. [*Ackd 4-11-04*] Personal CHICAGO, April 8 - 1904 Mr Dear Mr. President: The other afternoon I ran into "Morse Henri Watterson" at the Chicago Club surrounded by quite a party. He was entertaining as well as instructing them on various subjects, chief of which turned out to be politics. He said you would be the issue this year and finally gave it as his opinion that you would be elected. The use of money as a factor was referred to. Here I put this question. "If the presidency is to be bought why should not Mr. Hearst buy it?" I had addressed this querry a few days before to a rich man, professed to be opposed to you and also I believe that every thing was for sale. ItOTTO GRESHAM, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 701 TACOMA BUILDING. CHICAGO, silenced him but not so "Morse Henry." He implored his hearers if they loved their country, not for mere party success, to encourage the pretensions of a man it was a disgrace to the country to be considered in connection with the office. Medill McCormick was in the party. He was begged by Mr. Watterson to keep the Chicago Tribune clean of all references to Hearst. I was glad to see that the young man was evidently moved by the appeals that were leveled at him. I was mistaken about what would be the result of the contest at Indianapolis for the chairmanship of the County Committee. Robt Metzger did not quiteOTTO GRESHAM, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 701 TACOMA BUILDING. CHICAGO, make it. I enclose clipping. But the fight demonstrated that V. T. Malott the banker will be with you to the finish. This to me at least is a good indication of what some very important interest may do Delavan Smith told me Frank Hanley could easily carry Indiana for governor this fall. I thought but refrained from asking him, if this be true, why did you state in an interview in Washington that Indiana is good fighting ground for the democrats this year. The same thought it seemed to me went through his mind. My guess is that he and the Indianapolis News will be for your election when the time comes. I saw Mr. W. R. McKeen at Terre Haute the other day; he and one of his friends will be the delegates from that district. He was very emphatic that you will not need any aid to carry Indiana this year. He said he was for whoever you wanted for Vice Prest. Very Faithfully Yours Otto Gresham[*F.*] President's Office, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. Apr. 8. 1904. My dear Mr. President - I cannot begin to tell you how much your letter pleased me. I am rather glad that you did not send the draft to the recipient for whom it was originally designed, and very glad indeed that you did send it to me instead. It is a special pleasure to me that you read Freedom and Responsibility with somuch care, because there were a good many passages in it where I had you and your work very prominently in mind as illustrations of the points I was making; and I felt sure that there were some of these passages, which if you found time to read them, you would be able to judge more critically and yet more fairly than anybody else. Faithfully yours Arthur T Hadley[*F*] T/T DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. April 8, 1904. William Loeb, jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: I enclose for the information of the President copy of a note from Mr. Sanchez acknowledging the receipt of the Department's note of the 30th ultimo stating the views of the President on the proposals made by his Government. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant John Hay Enclosure: From Dominican Chargé, March 4, 1904.[For enc. see 4-4-04][[shorthand]] American Philosophical Society, Independence Square, Philadelphia, April 8th, 1904. [*Ackd 4/9/1904*] Sir. I have the honour of informing you, that you have been this day elected a Member of the American Philosophical Society, held at Philadelphia, for promoting useful knowledge. I am, Sir, Your obedient Servant. I. Minis Hays Secretary. To Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, LL.D.Enclosed in Amer. Philo. Loc. ca 1904respectful good wishes to Mrs. Roosevelt and your charming daughter I can never forget their kindness to me when visiting the United States. Yours very sincerely Charles Hereford Vice Admiral. The President of the United States [Ackd 5/6/04*] 18. April. 04. at Sea H.M.S. CAESAR. CHANNEL FLEET. My dear Mr. President I have just read in the papers of the sea accident on board the "Missouri" battle ship. I wish to convey to you the deep sympathy felt for our comrades in the United States Navy by the Rear Admiral (Hedworth Lambton) the Captain, officers & shipscompanies of the Channel Fleet, under my command in the terrible loss that the United States Navy has sustained. Such losses are alas irreparable from the naval profession of a nation, when they occur they invariably awake those generous, kindly and sympathetic feelings of sorrow and regret, that seamen of the world feel for each other when in trouble or distress. These kindly sentiments of sorrow and respect, are intensified in the case of British and American men of war men, when an accident occurs in either Fleet. Will you kindly convey my mostCompanies of the Channel Fleet, under my command in the terrible loss that the United States Navy has sustained. Such losses are also inseparable from the naval profession of our nations, when they occur they invariably awake those generous, kindly and sympathetic feelings of sorrow and regret, that seamen of the world feel for each other when in trouble or distress. These kindly sentiments of sorrow and respect, are intensified in the case of British and American men of war men, when an accident occur in either Fleet. Will you kindly convey my most[*CF*] P. O. BOX 1222. CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT. Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, April 8th, 1904. The President, Washington, D. C. My dear Theodore:-- I see the papers still continue to talk of Murphy for Chairman of the National Committee. I am convinced that he would not answer in any way. So far as I can learn he is absolutely tied up with the corporations, and I fear his personal habits are not of the best, and at times he talks very imprudently. My information comes from Hamilton Kean, not from John, but I thought it right to let you know what I heard. Hamilton Fish was in to see me about a week ago [with] asking suggestions for the local Committee in New York to raise funds, but I am afraid I have not been much help as yet. Mother continues to improve, and I hope soon to get her out for a drive. But Jack is not yet in shape to do much, and I fear it will be sometime before he gets back to school. Yours truly, W Emlen Roosevelt[*F*] UNITED STATES COMMISSION TO THE PARIS EXPOSITION OF 1900. P. O. BOX 88, MONROE, ORANGE CO., NEW YORK. BENJ. D. WOODWARD, EX. ASSISTANT COMMISSIONER GENERAL. April 8, 1904. Professor Brander Matthews, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. My dear Professor Matthews:- I am a candidate for the secretaryship of the Panama Canal Commission, and Sen. Thomas C. Platt of New York has placed himself earnestly on record with the President in my behalf. I need further endorsements with the President, and would appreciate it very much if you can help me directly by urging the President to favor my selection. With warm regards, I remain, Yours very sincerely, B D Woodward[Enc. in Matthews, 4-10-04]PART ONE. La Grippe If you have La Grippe you want to get rid of it quick. You do not want it to leave you weak and miserable. You want to avoid those dangerous, lingering organic troubles which follow most attacks of this disease. If this is true, you should take Dr. Miles' Nervine at once to break up the attack, strengthen and build up the nervous system and restore your vital energy. Nothing will o this so thoroughly and quickly as Nervine. Relieve the aches and pains with Dr. Miles' Anti-Pain pills, and the road to permanent recovery is short. "My doctor informed me I had a severe case of La Grippe but his medicine did me no good. After taking one and a half bottles of Dr. Miles' Nervine I was again able to resume my work. I am entirely cured and have felt none of the effects since. "J. C. HELFREY, 4122 main St., Pittsburg, Pa." Dr. Miles' Nervine is sold under a positive guarantee that if the first bottle does not benefit, your druggist, will return your money. We stand back of this guarantee. DR. MILES MEDICAL CO., LABORATORIES, ELKHART, IND. H. B. Smith Elected Chairman; Contest Ends in Harmony (CONCLUDED FROM FIRST PAGE.) yesterday's Journal. The report was adopted without a dissent. FOUR CANDIDATES NAMED. Mr. Groninger reported for the committee on rules that the vote on the election of officers should be by precinct and that each committeeman should arise and vote as his name was called. This report was adopted. Then nominations for chairman were in order and the roll of wards and townships was called. The First ward nominated Colonel Harry B. Smith, the Seventh Robert Metzger, the Ninth, W. E. Davis and Center township, outside, Vincent G. Clifford. On motion, the chairman named Joseph L. Gasper as teller for Mr. Smith, William Bosson for Mr. Metzger, John L. McFarland for Mr. Davis and Forrest Hoover for Mr. Clifford. The chairman then announced that if after the vote had been taken there should be any disagreement between the tellers as to the total votes he would order a new roll call. With this distinct understanding Mr. Elliott ordered the first roll call, and it was tarted amid intense excitement. The First ward furnished a surprise for Mr. Metzger and his lieutenants, as they got but two votes there when they had counted on four. The Second ward voted just as had been expected -- solid for Smith, except but one vote from E. D. Logsdon's precinct for Metzger. The Third furnished no surprise, but the Fourth disappointed the Metzger forces. The Fifth supplied the real sensation of the meeting, for it was upon the action of the committeemen from this ward that the ensuing complications and excitement hinged. Ed. Sourbler, of this ward, is a candidate for the nomination for sheriff, and in his interests the Republicans of the ward had agreed that their vote should be divided between the candidates for chairman. When the Fifth ward was called, the committeemen insisted on voting as a whole, six votes for Smith and seven for Metzger, one of their committeemen having been thrown out by the board of primary commissioners and a vacancy declared. Inasmuch as a motion had been adopted that the committeemen must vote individually as their names and precincts were called, it was ruled that the Fifth ward could not vote as a whole Then the committeemen from the ward refused to vote at all as their names were called. DISAGREEMENT AMONG TELLERS. At the end of roll call he tellers disagreed. Mr. Gasper, Mr. Hoover and Mr. McFarland had 117 votes for Smith, 110 for Metzger, three for Davis and one for Clifford. Mr. Bosson had 115 votes for Smith, 112 for Metzger, three for Davis and one for Clifford. On Mr. Gasper's figures Smith had received a majority of the votes cast and was elected. On Mr. Bosson's figures neither candidate had received a majority and there had been no election on that ballot. Mr. Negley, the secretary of the committee, had become confused in his figures and was not positive how the vote stood, but he found a total of 117 for Smith, although he said he was not certain he had made no mistakes. A scene of indescribable confusion ensued. The Smith followers were wild with joy and madly insistent that their candidate had been elected. The Metzger people were just as noisy and just s certain that there had been no election and that victory would ultimately be theirs. Gasper and Bosson each made a speech presenting his side of the case, but the speeches convinced no one, and served merely to add fuel to the flames. To add to the confusion the Fifth ward finally got together and attempted to cast thirteen votes for Mr. Davis, but this was resented by both the Smith and Metzger people, and the chair ruled that the vote should not be recorded that way, inasmuch as the committeemen from that ward had refused to vote according to the rules of the convention. If the thirteen votes of the Fifth had been recorded for Davis then there would have been no election beyond peradventure of a doubt, and another ballot would have been in order. Chairman Elliott, when he could make himself heard, announced that he would stand by the statement he had made before the balloting commenced and that by reason of the fact that there was a disagreement between the tellers he would order another roll call. This decision met with nothing short of a revolt from the Smith people and it was readily apparent that order could never be restored to proceed with business. It was at this dramatic juncture that Mr. Metzger came forward and made his self-sacrificing announcement that he would ask the committeemen to make Mr. Smith their chairman by acclamation, rather than continue the fight to the bitter end and take a chance of injuring the party. METZGER'S NEW BOOM. It was the general agreement of all party leaders last night that the chairmanship contest had resulted to the best interests of the party. All conceded that any other result would have been followed by bitternesacs and factional divisions that would seriously cripple the party, and that now all such troubles had been avoided and the party was united and harmonious and in the best of condition for the coming fight with the common enemy. An unexpected sequel of the chairmanship contest was a boom that was at once started for Mr. Metzger for the renomination for sheriff. One of the leaders of the Smith forces started the boom when he declared: "We'll show Bob Metzger that we'll do the right thing by him my renominating him for sheriff -- he can have anything he wants. We're for him!" This statement was at once taken up and disseminated throughout the crowd. Mr. Metzger had decided not to ask for a second term as sheriff, and it is not known whether he will consent to become a candidate, but it is generally conceded that if he had wanted a renomination and nothing else nothing could have happened to further his interests more than the happy solution of the chairmanship struggle brought about by his initiative. The members of the new county committee by precincts are as follows: -- First Ward. -- Precinct. Precinct. 1 -- Morton Traub. 10 -- A. Maple. 2 -- Frank Henneger. 11 -- J. C. Davy. 3 -- Charles Walter. 12 -- George Park. 4 -- O. B. Beebinger. 13 -- Charles Alcon. 5 -- John F. O'Donnell. 14 -- T. A. Daily. 6 -- William Banks. 15 -- George Sale. 7 -- Louis Eicke. 16 -- H. A. Pease. 8 -- William Reid. 17 -- Robert Senour. 9 -- Claude Gest. 18 -- Hays Wilson. -- Second Ward. -- 1 -- C. E. Hodgin. 10 -- James Eaglesfield. 2 -- Clarence Mickies. 11 -- John Reagen. 3 -- J. A. Lowry. 12 -- Joe L. Gasper. 4 -- Frank Green. 13 -- H. T. Conde. 5 -- Harvey Hustin. 14 -- R. J. Comer. 6 -- Tie. 15 -- Charles R. Gift. 7 -- G. W. Stradling. 16 -- John E. Sharp. 8 -- Charles Tutewiler. 17 -- J. E. Parry. 9 -- J. O. Daughters. 18 -- C. L. Hutchinson. -- Third Ward. -- 1 -- R. H. Bryson. 11 -- Ed Tousey and Gus 2 -- T. J. Carter. Lambert tied. 3 -- W. H. Smith. 12 -- Joe Kreber. 4 -- H. C. Campbell. 13 -- Noble Dean. 5 -- W. A. Bogardus. 14 -- Hoyt McClain. 6 -- Samuel Ashby. 15 -- A. Wiltsie. 7 -- Marion Ensley. 16 -- C. T. Shaw. 8 -- George Ross. 17 -- Rpbert mo;ois/ 9 -- R. A. N. Butler. 18 -- George Pendleton. 10 -- Rufus page. -- Forth Ward. -- 1 -- Dan Brown. 9 -- Frank Jones. 2 -- Fred Akin. 10 -- Harry Holmes. 3 -- Ray Abrams. 11 -- John Thorpe. 4 -- William Stevens. 12 -- John L. Ford. 5 -- Ed Shafer. 13 -- Thomas Hensley. 6 -- Fred Owens. 14 -- Joseph Broyles. 7 -- G. O. Hutsell. 15 -- Tie. 8 -- R. P. Williams. -- Fifth Ward. -- 1 -- H. Heaton. 8 -- Steve mcCrackin. 2 -- George Yanthis. 9 -- Charles Giffin. 3 -- James Sheldon. 10 -- Vacancy. 4 -- William Keen. 11 -- John Littlejohn. 5 -- E. A. W. Young. 12 -- C. C. Martindale. 6 -- Cornelius Kelly. 13 -- William Barlow. 7 -- Jacob Shaw. 14 -- William Callahan. -- Sixth Ward. -- 1 -- H. M. Cochran. 10 -- Wood Knox. 2 -- W. O. Shelley. 11 -- W. H. McClain. 3 -- Harry Dunneton. 12 -- George W. Finn. 4 -- Charles Chatman. 13 -- E. Marquette. 5 -- Dave Bell. 14 -- C. Ball. 6 -- V. Kiefer. 15 -- P. C. Gall. 7 -- T. S. Shilling. 16 -- Abe Finley. 8 -- Henry Jackson. 17 -- John Hawthorne. 9 -- Charles Stopp. 18 -- Dave Meister. -- Seventh Ward. -- 1 -- Mart Winston. 8 -- Thomas Shufelton. 2 -- T. W. Groninger. 9 -- Beno Mitchell. 3 -- William Brown. 10 -- William Schrader. 4 -- E. E. Stout. 11 -- R. Barnett. 5 -- W. O. Bangs. 12 -- Vacancy. 6 -- George Shaffer. 13 -- Lawrence Davis. 7 -- W. O. Kemper. 14 -- John J. Stalker. -- Eighth Ward. -- 1 -- Joe Steinberg. 10 -- William Tyner. 2 -- Elso Keller. 11 -- I. L. Bramblett. 3 -- Scott Gehring. 12 -- Arthur Wright. 4 -- A. J. Middleton. 13 -- John Myers. 5 -- William Miller. 14 -- James Lanhan. 6 -- Louis Bauer. 15 -- Harry Tron. 7 -- William Downin. 16 -- William Richter. 8 -- William Gordon. 17 -- James Brown. 9 -- D. [Coul?n]. -- Ninth Ward. -- 1 -- Ed Dalby. 8 -- Ollie Snall. 2 -- John C. Ricketis. 9 -- Hiram Harris. 3 -- W. Casat. 10 -- John Albright. 4 -- C. F. Emmons. 11 -- James Witheroad. 5 -- J. L. McFarlan. 12 -- Louis Kiefer. 6 -- Andrew Buchanan. 13 -- Harry Wallace. 7 -- John Uhl. 14 -- Thomas F. Howell. -- Tenth Ward. -- 1 -- A. Graham. 7 -- C. J. Clark. 2 -- Jack Lyons. 8 -- Fred Elf. 3 -- Charles Miles. 9 -- Fred Hauck. 4 -- John Pyle. 10 -- J. B. Thornton. 6 -- E. W. Allard. -- Eleventh Ward. -- 1 -- Albert Cafer. 6 -- Ed Jordan. 2 -- John White. 7 -- R. Crane. 3 -- Rufus Phillips. 8 -- John Corriden. 4 -- Vacancy. 9 -- W. Sussman. 5 -- Louis Zeigler. 10 -- Ed Reiner. -- Twelfth Ward. -- 1 -- T. E. Martin. 6 -- T. T. Jacobs. 2 -- Albert Glazier. 7 -- Dave Tutlis. 3 -- J. W. Jones. 8 -- Ed B. Clarke. 4 -- Albert Pettigrew. 9 -- Emory Gentry. 5 -- James McNulty. -- Thirteenth Ward. -- 1 -- Vacancy. 7 -- Harry Ryker. 2 -- Peter Travers. 8 -- Harvey Hand. 3 -- S. R. Johnson. 9 -- R. Pedlo. 4 -- John Kimball. 10 -- Gus Kothe. 5 -- Charles Plummer. 11 -- Charies F. Ruth. 6 -- Bob Hamilton. -- Fourteenth Ward. -- 1 -- F. H. Tacoma. 6 -- F. Brose. 2 -- John Hubbard. 7 -- A. Kinney. 3 -- Chris. Pochier, Jr. 8 -- John Pantzer. 4 -- F. McClanchan. 9 -- Leonard Guill. 5 -- Orville Harris. 10 -- J. V. Allen. -- Fifteenth Ward. -- 1 -- William Wiegand. 8 -- Joseph Selfort. 2 -- Wm. Hillman, sr. 9 -- Fred L. Crane. 3 -- G. A. Wurgler. 10 -- John Deer. 4 -- Joe Foppiano. 11 -- John M. Sideky. 5 -- Ed Huse. 12 -- Charles Holtmman. 6 -- Tom Boyne. 13 -- William Morgan. 7 -- F. W. Geul. 14 -- William Swenson. -- Wayne Township. -- 1 -- Homer Trunk. 8 -- A. T. Malay. 2 -- Alva Jay. 9 -- Christ. Weddell. 3 -- Oliver Johnson. 10 -- James Keating. 4 -- John Roth. 11 -- Louis Redding. 5 -- Ed Franklin. 12 -- C. Myers. 6 -- David Darnell. 13 -- Henry Harding. 7 -- George Bergman. -- Warren Township. -- 1 -- J. M. Lowes. 4 -- Ira Oswald. 2 -- William Wixon. 5 -- John Furgeson. 3 -- Charles P. Fisher. -- Perry Township. -- 1 -- N. Tex. 3 -- James Norwood. 2 -- R. Wetnight. 4 -- Austin Glenn. -- Lawrence Township. -- 1 -- J. D. Copersmith. 3 -- M. E. Freeman. 2 -- John F. Morgan. -- Center Outside. -- 1 -- R. M. Mathews. 4 -- John Spaun. 2 -- Sam Spaulding. 5 -- Forest Hoover. 3 -- Charles Hurst. -- Decatur Township. -- 1 -- W. C. Hayward. 2 -- J. L. Miller. -- Franklin Township. -- 1 -- Reuben Adams. 3 -- J. E. Myers. 2 -- John Craft. -- Washington Township. -- 1 -- E. N. Trester. 4 -- D. L. Smith. 2 -- Albert Newby. 5 -- William Bosson. 3 -- Charles Dawson. -- Pike Township. -- 1 -- Perry Hardin. 3 -- E. Mathis. 2 -- Elias Butler. [*[Enclosed in 4-8-04]*] 38 PAGES THE [?] WEEKLY ESTABLISHED 1823. } VOL. LIV -- NO. 59. DAILY ESTABLISHED 1830. HARRY B. SMITH ELECTED CHAIRMAN AND CONTEST ENDS IN PARTY HARMONY Amid Scenes of confusion, Robert Metzger makes Signal Sacrifice and Insures Unity. HONOR SHOWN BOTH MEN Sheriff Made Vice Chairman of Republican Committee After Moving Unanimous Action. BOOM FOR SHRIEVALTY Friends of Party Leader and His Opponent Plan Continued Honors as Reward. Colonel Harry B. Smith is the new chairman of the Republican county central committee. Robert Metzger is the new vice chairman, Bert Johnson the new secretary, and Frank D. Stainaker the new treasurer. Republican candidates for county offices at the fall election will be selected by a delegate convention, to be held at a date yet to be selected. Such in brief was the result of a three hours' session of the newly elected county committee yesterday afternoon in the Criminal Court room. Strangely enough, after as lively a preliminary skirmish as has been seen in Marion county in many years, every action taken by the committee was taken with virtual unanimity and the convention resolved itself into a Republican love feast. This was due largely to the action of Robert Metzger, one of the candidates for chairman, who immolated himself upon the altar of his party, laying aside his personal ambitions that absolutely harmony might prevail within the Republican ranks in this county. At the close of the first ballot for chairman, when there was a dispute between tellers representing the respective candidates as to the total votes, while the convention was in an uproar that could not be stilled, and while there was in prospect an endless wrangle that might engender the most bitter feelings and a factional division in the party, Mr. Metzger struggled through the crowd to the front of the hall, clambered upon a table and shouted a motion that his opponent, Mr. Smith, be elected by acclamation. "Gentlemen of the committee," he said, "I am a Republican, first, last and all the time, and rather than take a chance of losing the county to the Republican ticket this fall I ask that you elect Mr. Smith your chairman by acclamation." GENEROUS RIVAL CHEERED. The unexpected denouement of the tense situation stilled the crowd for an instant and then a pandemonium of cheers reigned for several minutes -- cheers that were meant [?] tribute to both Mr. Smith, the new chairman, and to Mr. Metzger, his generous [?]. As soon as he could be heard, William Bosson made a motion that Mr. Smith be elected by acclamation in accordance with Mr. Metzger's wishes. In seconding that motion Horace E. Smith, the brother of the new chairman, said: "I have worked in politics for several years and I have gone through many fights, but I want to say to you, gentlemen of the committee, that I have never seen an act of self-sacrifice that equaled the generous action of Mr. Metzger. I cannot find words to express my emotions at this moment, I have fought this fight to the best of my ability for my own blood and for what I believe to be the good of the party, but now I want to forget everything else and pay tribute to Mr. Metzger." The motion was put and carried with a shout and then the new chairman was called to assume the gavel by the retiring chairman, C. N. Elliott, Mr. Smith was cheered to the echo, his loyal supporters being in a veritable frenzy of joy over the winning of the contest. "In accepting the honor you have conferred upon me and in thanking you for it," said Chairman Smith, "I wish, first of all, to express my deepest thanks to Robert Metzger and to say that, although this fight has been a vigorous one, Mr. Metzger has treated me with every consideration. He brought no personalities into the contest, as we agreed at the outset, and I know that I have never said an unkind word of him. I thank you and pledge you that it shall be my earnest effort, as your chairman, to do all that can be done for the good of the Republican party." METZGER VICE CHAIRMAN. As a further tribute to Mr. Metzger a motion was put and carried with a hurrah that he be elected vice chairman of the committee by acclamation, and then he was called to the front for a speech. He was cheered again and again as he mounted the table and in a few words thanked the committee for the honor. "This contest has left no bitternesses," he said. "I guess there can be no question but that the best of feeling prevails all around and that we're all ready to take up the fight for the Republican party with redoubled enthusiasm. I pledge you that I shall give your chairman and the committee my hearty support and that I stand ready at all times to do anything within my power for the common good." Nominations for secretary were called for and Bert Johnson and W. P. Reagan were named. A roll call was ordered and had progressed through four wards when Mr. Reagan asked that his name be withdrawn and Mr. Johnson's election be taken by acclamation. This was done with a vim and then Mr. Johnson was called upon for a speech, in which he briefly thanked the committee for the honor accorded him. To round out the demonstration of thorough harmony, Frank D. Stalnaker was then elected treasurer by acclamation. The motion that the county ticket be selected by a delegate convention prevailed with little opposition, although there was a manifest desire of a few committeemen that nominations be made by direct primary. Chairman Smith was authorized to fill all vacancies that might exist in the committee, a vote of thanks was tendered the retiring committee and its officers and then adjournment was taken. The meeting was resolved into an informal reception for the newly-elected officers in which congratulations and good wishes were exchanged. The committee was called to order by Chairman Elliott at 1:15 o'clock. The courtroom was filled to overflowing as an evidence of the intense interest in the contest for the chairmanship and it was with some difficulty that order was secured. The roll of committeemen was called and the chairman announced that he would appoint William Bosson, Charles Alcon and Taylor W. Groninger as a committee on rules and resolutions. Secretary [Negby?] read the report of the board of primary [?] commissioners on the contest cases, [?] of which were published in (CONTINUED ON PAGE 3, COL. 1) COPY. April 9, 1904. Admiral John C. Walker, Chairman, Panama Canal Commission, Washington, D. C. My Dear Admiral: I do not want to have the appearance of meddling in other peoples' business, but as I understand that the name of Major Eugene F. Ladd may come before you for consideration as to his suitability for appointment as Treasurer of the Panama Canal Commission, it is possible that you might like to have a statement from me about him in view of my long and intimate association with him when he occupied a similar position in Cuba. In the year 1899, when I was Chief of the Cuban Customs Service and Collector for the Port of Havana, Major Ladd was appointed Treasurer of Customs. In this position Major Ladd received and disbursed customs collections averaging a million and a half dollars per month,--or, counting the handling of the money in and out, about three millions per month. The customs service comprised practically the entire financial department of the Cuban government. Major Ladd organized the entire system of accountability, of disbursement, and of audit. So thoroughly and accurately was this work done (and it remains the system followed today) that Major Ladd was appointed Treasurer of the Island of Cuba as soon as that federal department was created. It was a position of a very great responsibility-2- and the untiring energy, ability and tact which he devoted to the harassing duties of this position were the admiration of all of us who appreciated the great difficulties with which he had to contend. Major Ladd administered his office as one who never for a moment lost consciousness of the fact that the reputation of the people and government of the United States in the eyes of the world was wholly dependent upon the integrity of our financial administration in Cuba. Under his management there was no shadow of a scandal in the affairs of that department from one end of the Island to the other, and the system which he created and formally established goes a long way toward making such a scandal impossible. No detail which tended to bring about economy of administration escaped his attention. You want, of course, these qualities in the Treasurer of the Panama Canal Commission; you want a man who has proved by experience that he possesses them: if, in addition, you want a discreet man, a man tactful in all his relations with superiors and subordinates and a man of unswerving personal and official loyalty, I commend Major Ladd to your consideration. Very truly yours, (signed) Tasker H Bliss Brigadier General, U. S. A., Assistant Chief of Staff, President, Army War College. A true Copy, Original filed with Military Secretary E F Ladd, Capt. U.S. Army[*[Enc. in Proctor, 6-2-05]*][*ack'd 4-10-04*] [[shorthand]] UNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON. April 9, 1904 My Dear Mr. President. The Washington Post of this morning contains a statement to the effect that the Chairmanship of the National Committee had been offered to a number of gentlemen and declined. The report, undenied, may do true harm to you, as it tends to create a false impression. I venture to suggest that it should be promptly denied, through your secretary, or adviser ; and [that] the statement made that the subject has not been seriously consideredand that no one had been offered the position, if that is so, as I understand it is. I very well recollect the harm done to General Harrison by such reports. Do not give any consideration to this note unless it accords with your better judgment. Faithfully yours, Charles W. Fairbanks The President.[*[For 1 enclosure see ca. 4-9-1904]*] [*Please save till Sunday*] [*ackd 4/17/04*] West Palm Beach Florida April 9, 1904 My dear Mr. President, For a long time I have been wanting to "call your attention" to a piece of old (perhaps) philosophic verse of mine which, I am inclined to think, gives a philosophic basis for the "Strenuous Life:" Tho. perhaps you may not think so! It would be absurd to ask the busiest man in the world to read anything - did not all the world know that he somehow finds time, sooner or later, to read everything. On the way north I hope to interest you in the Everglades - which you must surely visit - as a sportsman & traveller. I have met the two men who know it best - & have a book for youfrom one of them. Its difficulties, its unknownness, & its Indians will all attract you. Most sincerely R.W. Gilder[*F*] T/S DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. April 9, 1904. William Loeb, Jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 7th instant, stating the President's wish that the request of Ambassador Clayton for leave of absence should be complied with. A telegram has been sent to Mr. Clayton to-day granting the leave. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant John Hay2337. B'way. April 9" 1904 [*Ack'd 4/11/04*] My dear Mr. Loeb, May I take the liberty to ask your kindness in handing the enclosed letter to the President. With regard, yours very truly G. Petit le Brun Mr. Wm Loeb, Jr. Washington D.C. [[shorthand]] of the convention. They were with the Senator for over an hour and when they left felt that they had won him over, he the Senator was passive throughout their talk, but as you know, this their first effort did not succeed very well, nevertheless Quigg has worked right along to accomplish your defeat, his various schemes to that end, you have no idea, he only gave up when Senator Hanna died, and when he saw the trend of public opinion was in your favor. Confidential April 9" 1904 Hon. Theodore, Roosevelt, White House Washington Dear Mr. President, In a letter which I wrote to Mr. Loeb, some time ago concerning the progress of the Latin American Republican League. I also mentioned therein that I could impart to you facts about a certain individual that might be of interest to you, since that I thought that matters had shaped themselves so that this individual had been politically relegated to the rear, but some how or other, he looms up again prominently. This individual I have reference to is Lemuel E. Quigg. I learn he is going as a delegate to the National Convention, is it to do some mischief? or to show his clients that he is still on top? Nevertheless I think it is a disgrace that he should be elected a national delegate, especially to a convention that is to nominate you, in view of what he has said and done. For the past two years he has been the arch conspirator in trying to defeat your nomination for the Presidency a year ago [before] last June before the last Gubernatorial State Convention, he had Lou Payn call at his (Quigg's) office and they agreed to combine their forces to defeat your nomination, they started off that very day by going together to Senator Platt's Office to get him to use his influence and join with them in preventing any resolution being passed by the State Convention favoring your nomination, and that Quigg should be chairmanIt was he who was back of Plimley, and when you appointed him U.S. Treasurer Quigg laughed about the way he worked Plimley's appointment, but his seeming triumph was of short duration for he was bitterly disappointed when Plimley was turned down, which was a good thing for the administration and the public, last summer he told how you had visited him to call through Senator Platt, and his answer was that you would have to send him a written invitation, andallow him to give your invitation to the newspapers to publish. these are a few of the many things I wished to apprise you about this man, and please pardon me for doing so, but such a man ought not to be given any prominence in the party's councils, and if he goes as a delegate it is not as the choice of the voters of the district as he could not be even elected Alderman, and my reason in sending you this bit of information is for your own personal interest that you may know how to deal with this individual in the future, as he is still of the same mind and feeling that he was two years ago, I know whereof I speak. Yours faithfully G. Petit leBrunState of New York Office of the Secretary of State, Albany, April 9, 1904 [*Ackd 4/12/04*] PERSONAL President Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. President: It gives me great pleasure to inform you that your administration was enthusiastically endorsed at our Clinton County Republican Convention held at Plattsburgh the 7th inst., and the delegates to the State Convention were instructed for your re-nomination. The Republicans of Clinton County are in splendid fighting form and will give a good account of themselves next November. I have the honor to head the delegation to the State Convention, and will be glad to add my effort to the harmony of the occasion. Your obedient servant, John F. O'Brien[*Ack'd 4-11-04*] Chambers United States Judge. Macon, Georgia. April 9, 1904. To the President: I have the honor to enclose herewith a copy of an opinion recently rendered by me adjudicating the constitutionality of the United States statutes against peonage. The question is now pending in another case before the Supreme Court and is one of vital importance to the peace and orderly methods of society in the South. If the statutes already enacted, which are here reviewed, are not regarded as valid and sufficient by the courts of final resort, certain it is that no other topic of domestic concern more urgently demands additional legislation. Recent developments have convinced me that involuntary servitude is much more extensively inflicted upon the humble and helpless classes than I had believed to be possible. I remain, Mr. President, with great respect, Your obedient servant, Emory Speer To the President, White House, Washington, D.C., [ [[shorthand]] ][*[For 1. enc see "memorial appertaining to music..." ca 4-9-04]*] [*Ackd 4/11/04*] [*[4-9-04]*] His Excellency Theodore Roosevelt President of the United States. Washington, D. C. Your Excellency will, I hope, not think me presumptuous for submitting to your kindly consideration the accompanying Memorial appertaining to the present status of "Music in American Civic Life." Having been a citizen of this Country nearly twenty five years; having traveled observingly - as a pianist - over all the States and believing to have found the causes which retard our higher musical development, I have set them forth in this Memorial.In conjunction with the general matter I devoted some study to the subject of "Negro melody", in regard to which I venture upon certain suggestions. These, however, are naturally reserved for the last pages. Your Excellency will please accept the Memorial partly as a slight return that I endeavor to make to this great Nation who, after adopting me as a citizen has showered kindnesses past counting upon me. Partly, however, it is a tribute to Your Excellency; for the subject of the memorial has occupied my interest these many years and yet--it should have remained still unimpressed had I not observed with profound admiration how vast the horizon of Your Excellency's active and beneficent interests and had I not thereby felt encouraged to the hope that Music, too - and in its finest and noblest phase - may come in for its share of your kindly consideration. Owing to its necessary brevity, relatively speaking, the Memorial must needs be incomplete. Should Your Excellency feel inclined to honor me with an audience I should be glad to supplement it. And if it were possible to present such supplements to Your Excellency before I sail for Europe - on the tenth of May - I could utilize part of my stay in Europe for further researches in the interest of the subject. I am, Your Excellency, most respectfully yours Constantin von Sternberg 10 South 18th St. Philadelphia, Pa. April 9th 1904. [*[ca 4-9-04]*] MEMORIAL, APPERTAINING TO MUSIC, IN AMERICAN CIVIC LIFE. RESPECTFULLY SUBMITTED to HIS EXCELLENCY, THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, THEODORE ROOSEVELT, by CONSTANTIN von STERNBERG.MEMORIAL. The ethics of Art which have governed its rise and development in Europe are not necessarily binding to this country. If a reasonable basis could be found here for the construction of a new line and process of development, it should by all means be utilized. But, inasmuch as the vast majority of our people are quite similar to the people of Europe in racial, sociological, religious and ethical aspects, there is no reason to assume that Art in the United States could or should evolve from new causes, on new lines or by new processes. On the other hand are the people and the institutions of American and Europe sufficiently dissimilar in many cultural details to vouchsafe to the Art of this Country a style quite of its own. And it is with a view to assist in bringing out and develop this legitimate difference of style that this Memorial is chiefly occupied. This difference, however, implies neither a dissimilarity in ethics, nor in the process of Art development. Art is so intimate an utterance and so serious and sincere an interpretation of life that there can be no essential difference between the various forms or branches of Art, save in technicalities inherent to the nature of their various materials or media. The principles underlying one form of Art, if true, must needs hold good in all forms. Hence, all that has been said here of Art in general, applies equally to Music in particular, as to the special theme of this Memorial.2. When the high estimate is considered which the most luminous minds of all ages, creeds and philosophies have placed upon Music- an estimate (and perhaps the only esthectic one) in which Confucius, The Bible, Plato, the Scholastics Shakespeare, Voltaire, Göthe, Schopenhauer and Spencer completely concurred- it seems unnecessary to dwell upon the importance and power of Music as a civilizing force. It would be at any rate too late after such testimony to relegate Music to the domain of mere amusement. An Art uniting in itself the architectural element of structure and form, the pictorial elements of design, color variety and psychic description, the literary element of logic and the attribute of permanence through script and print: an Art thus equipped, the manifestations of which call forth into finest activity the noblest powers of the auditor's mind, namely, his imagination on the lines of human sentiment- than which Religion can do no more- such an art is entitled to the serious attention and solicitude of all earnest thinkers who have the cultural advancement of their nation at heart. Such an Art should not be left to the vagaries of a fitful public vogue. It should not be left in the hands of women to the exclusion of men, as is practically the case here. And it should, above all, not be abonded to the mercies of the commercial speculator. These verities are not only recognized by all Occidental Governments except ours, but they have been wisely acted upon for two centuries, more or less, in all the lands of Europe and in3. a variety of ways. In one point, however, these various ways have always met. It was in the fostering of what may be termed the "National Note" in the highest class of their music. The various Governments felt-very correctly-that High Art can have no possible cultural effect upon the great mass of their people, unless it contains some element which can serve as a point of contact from which they can be led upward and onward. The contact of the lesser educated man with high Art- so they evidently reasoned- should resemble his meeting a higher bred man of his own nation, whose superiority he will by instinct recognize and admit to himself and whose example he will endeavor to emulate in every way open to him, provided, however, that he first feel that mysterious and yet so powerful bondship which, despite all differences, unites him with his compatriot. the "National Note" is, therefore, a conditio sine qua non to the progress in any branch of culture and most imperatively so in the Art of Music, that most indefinite and yet so powerful and most universal of languages. The manner in which the "National Note" can be fostered will partly suggest itself through the further observations in this present Memorial. This suggestion, must however, be preceded by a critical review of the actual status of Music in this Country. The superficial observer of the present condition of4. Music here must feel satisfied that it developed pari passu with other phases of culture. We have- in certain respects- the finest Grand Opera in the world, three of the best Orchestras in the world, (Philadelphia, Boston, Chicago) a large number of well patronized institutes of musical learning, a complete federation of Women's Clubs of musical tendencies, and a thriving a flourishing profession of teachers of all types and kinds of Music. This seemingly strong structure proves, however, very frail at closer inspection and would have broken down ere this were it not upheld by an artificial support. The Opera, for instance, is purely the creation of the wealthy class. To this there should be no objection, were it not that it is also maintained for the wealthy class and rather as a social function than as a matter of Art. The public must be admitted, of course, to reduce the expense, but they receive no consideration whatever in the repertoire and general plan of the Opera. the one or two singera in the Opera who are Americans emphasize the fact that it is practically an imported "show". The repertoire is governed solely by the stockholders. There is no plan, no educational aim, no catholicity of taste in it. The public is craftily and sedulously taught to go to the Opera for the purpose of enjoying the singer, not the Opera; the executant, not the work of the author; at best only the Music, as if it were a Concert; not the musical Drama. The5. singers are great artists in some instances, but the "Stars" are supported by artistic mediocrities, by people who in their own respective Countries are no longer possible and whose being here bare our aspiring beginners from that place in which they could gain the experience necessary for large work. Besides, this Grand Opera is not the best, but the only one we have for nearly 90,000,000 people. Proof positive of its inherent artificiality. In our Orchestras there is hardly an American member to be found. The Conductors are all foreigners who have, however, become citizens of this Country, like myself. * The members of the Orchestra are practically all foreigners. The programs are foreign, too. And rightly so. For the works of our native composers, both in character and mode of utterance are no less foreign, which accounts for the otherwise inexplicable circumstance that no work by a native writer- despite the great artistic merit in many of them- has attained to any legitimate popularity. The attendance of the Concerts is partly made up of those who have devoted considerable time and money to Music as a study. They have obtained their understanding of Music through foreign teachers from foreign authors and naturally continue what may be termed a foreign Music life. * There is also a conductor here who was born in Texas but left this Country in his early childhood and returned when much over thirty years old; another native gentleman who has also charge of an orchestra cannot be considered more seriously here than the style of his writings which are called Operas solely by courtesy.6. To the average man and woman, however, these Concerts are- at best- a sort of better amusement in which to be seen they consider one of the duties of their station. They do not feel that enthusiasm which would impel them to active support through the instinctive exercise of their influence among their associates. Hence, all our orchestras suffer with financial troubles. The Music in our Churches, of the non-catholic denominations, is mostly excellence on the executive side and lamentably bad- with indeed very few exceptions- on the side of selection and creation. While it is true that there is no religious Music- for Music, being reflective in its psychic action, admits of many interpretations--still there is a style of Music which is decidely eccelesiastic or has become so by the long association with the Church. This style is hardly known in this Country. We sing either mundanely shallow songs quite foreign to the acknowledged hymnal type or so called arrangements of operatic airs. Our organists- again with rare exceptions- are making for virtuosity and aim rather at a mimicking of the orchestra than at a true Organ style. Here and there a work by Bach is played, but it is not cultivated so as to influence and develop an ecclesiastic style of Music. The Ladies' Music Clubs have yet to show wherein they should deserve mention here. While they give a certain number of musical entertainments, they have exercised no influence upon either the promotion or retarding of our musical advancement.7. As to our institutes of musical learning, there is no fault to be found with them except such as they are obliged to commit in self-presentation, because they are not endowed. Of the almost uncountable millions of Dollars annually spent for educational purposes on Universities, Colleges, municipal Galleries and- alas- Libraries, not one particle seems to have been available for Music. Hence, even the best Music Schools cannot afford to arrange their curriculum without regard to the commercial side of their existence which, it is needless to say, is tantamount to a crippling on the ideal side. What Schools with crippled ideals can possible achieve they do achieve, viz." brilliancy in execution coupled with a lack of grounding. Performers, but not interpreters, much less creators. The musical instruction in our public Schools- where it is given- is the best feature in our musical life, but even this must needs fail in its chief aim unless it can teach songs of a distinctly American type, which are, as yet, absent from its song books. The so called Music chairs in our Universities are so small in number as to merit no special mention. If alluded to here, it is only to characterize them as chiefly ornamental or as sinecures for men who have so far failed to make any returns of an ideal kind, such as are tacitly expected from the artistic holders of sinecures, and as have been made by Washington Irving, Hawthorne and others. The one exception to this seemingly sweeping assertion Mr. Edward A. MacDowell, has recently resigned his chair and couched his letter of resignation in terms which stamp8. the assertion here made as unduly mild. Thus the outwardly glittering and flourishing aspect of our musical condition crumbles into practically nothing under the light of dispassionate investigation. And yet there lies one element of encouragement in all the phases just enumerated. For that which actually has been achieved, could never have been done without an innate love for Music in this great Nation. The people are hungry for Music here. They patronize it; they go to Opera, Concert, Variety-Show, to choral Society meeting and Music lesson and it seems as if from day to day they expect to be touched by some strain to which their American heart could respond in that warm, sincere, enthusiastic way in which musical history tells them that- for instance- the Germans have hailed their "Freishciitz" after a long tyrannical reign of Italian Opera. But that sympathetic, that American touch tarries and tarries and exhausts their patience and their disappointment turns them sooner or later to musical vulgarities like "rag-time". For men will obtain what he needs. If he cannot obtain it in the best quality he will reconcile himself to a lesser one. He feels in "rag-time" the expression of a phase of American life. Not the best phase to be sure; rather the "yellow" phase, but- yellow or not- it is at least American. It touches and amuses him like the sight of a good natured mob he beholds through the window of his refined room.9. It does touch, it does amuse him. For it must not be supposed that "rag-time" is the musical pabulum of only the lower classes. It is served with astonishing frequency as a dessert- entire la poire et le fromage - where a good classic work formed the gross piece of the music feast. And it is not to be altogether condemned, for the desire to speak or hear a word in one's musical mother-tongue-- though it be slangy while it must- is legitimate. The chiefest necessity for musical culture, a love of music, is thus manifest among all classes and in all normal, natural man and women in America. The task of our day is to turn the legitimate desire for American Music into its proper channel and to provide the means of satisfying this thoroughly righteous appetite. Many may be the roads that lead to this national desideratum, but one step must needs be the first and while the selection among the roads may require debate, there can be no question what this first step must be: Music must be dignified by a recognition from the Government! It must be brought home to the lesser educated that Music is no longer a wild bird for any one to shoot at his pleasure, or a subject to sneer at, but a matter serious enough to enlist the attention of the Government. This, by itself, will bring into the ranks of those who study Music what is most needful, namely men. More than fifty years ago Lowell Mason pointed at the necessity of bringing the sons of good families into touch with Music and time10. has added strength to his word. Men's tendencies polarise usually in money or in honor; in both as long as it was possible, in one of them if they have to choose. As long as there is neither money nor civic honor to be attained through Music, men will continue to regard the occupation with it as unworthy of masculine attention. Bach, Beethoven, Wagner will be mere words to them and the Art of Music a mere amusement, not a pleasure contributing to a people's welfare like all other pursuits of life. To ennoble the pursuit of Music as an artistic and scientific study through an act of the Government must be the first steps and there are two firms in which this step may be taken. The first appears just at present a little premature, but it must be mentioned because of its many precedents in other countries. Norway has twice made honorary donations to its chief composer: once to enable him to visit Liszt in Rome and later on to express the appreciation of his countrymen, incidently to emancipate him from the necessity of teaching, in order that he may work undisturbed upon his lovely creations. Vienna paid Brahms 1500 florins annually for making his home there. Saxony supports - through the private chatulle of its King - the two main Conservatories in Dresden and Leipzig. Berlin's Academy (Hoch-Schule) is supported by imperial funds. In Russia, Tshaikowski enjoyed till his premature death an annuity of 6000 Rubels. France enables through its Prix de Rome one student each year to travel five years for study purposes.11. Italy or many of its cities pay an annual prize for the best folksong. One form would be, therefore, to make some donation to the foremost composer of serious Music in America, than which no one but MacDowell could be regarded; or else to create a position for him which - while practically a sinecure - would bring out his fine influence and spread it over the whole Country. If this form should- as it to be feared- prove premature at the present time, the other form is not open to the same objection. It would b the appointment of a commission of the foremost musicians for the purpose of gathering the rich harvest of American folksongs and to have the collection published by- or under the auspices of- the Government. From this commission should be barred all purely executive musicians (virtuosos) and the writers of socalled Comic Operas or comic songs. The publication should be furnished free of cost in a reasonable number of copies to every Public School and to all Music Schools which pledge themselves to make these folksongs the basis for their students' contrapuntal studies. The latterpoint requires elucidation in two directions. A generation of Music students nourished through their musical childhood on the folksongs of American will have absorbed enough of their pecularities in melodic curve and rythmic quality, to be unconsciously influenced by them in their later writings.12. All the great composers of history travelled by this path- even the Norwegian Edward Grieg in our own generation- and the[ir]re is therefore neither any reason to assume that our composers will ever arrive at a work of Pethnic significance by any other road, nor that the agency of the folksong may be at all liable to fail in its work. As to the folksong itself, it will, no doubt, chiefly consist of what is erroneously called "negro-melody" and on this score there is a possible division of opinions to be apprehended. The writer has, however, ample material on hand to prove that the "negro-melody" is not of Ethiopian, but of old Spanish origin. Africa, that is: the tribes from which the American negro is descended, does not know our diatonic scale. Its Music is primitive, more so than that of our Indian, and uses almost exclusively instruments of percussion. Nowhere in our negros'-songs is there expressed a longing for their original African home. Nowhere anything that appentains to the negros in particular. Nowhere anything that is not in Nature, sentiment, condition or feeling distinctly and strikingly American. That the old Spanish melodies have filtered through the negro mind in the course of these many generations since Gonsalves brought the first negroes to Spain (1442) is undeniable. That by this process the weird and plaintive note was infused into these melodies is equally true, but it is no less true that these songs have by this same process been, so to speak, translated into English;13. that they have been changed from the cadence inherent to Spanish speech into that of the English (spoken) language. Considering at this juncture the shifting of our population in the early history of our Country and its richness in natural resources which claimed the attention of our forefathers to the exclusion of the esthetic side of life; considering, furthermore, that the preserver and re-moulder of the folk-song must ever be looked for among the more or less unfree, whatever land we may have in mind; it was not more than natural that this mission fell in this Country upon the Negro. But the negro sings a white man's song. The best of his songs, the "Swanee River", the "Old Folks at Home" (gems among the songs of all nations) are even written by a white man, Stephen Foster, who has not yet received the honor of a monument while many men have been thus honored whose gifts to this nation were of far less enduring value. It may be mentioned here that this collection of folksongs should be made as soon as possible, for there are unmistakable signs of rapid deterioration in these melodies, due no doubt to the growing facilities of communication. In ten years, if not before, it will be too late to garner them and the Nation will have cheated itself out of its most precious sentimental possession. The Government in its wisdom may devise a mode to combine the two forms of the aforesaid first step, or find a third form. But this memorial would be incomplete if it failed to express the14. thought that whatever step the Government should decide upon it should refer its suggestion and execution to the foremost artists in Music in this Country in order that political consideration should be kept our of this Nation's Music and that, at least, an Art matter should be handled by artists, instead of amateurs and outsiders as it is unfortunately so often done. Respectfully submitted by:- Constantin v. Sternberg[Enc. in Sternberg, 4-9-04]THE HOMESTEAD HOTEL & COTTAGES. OPEN ALL THE YEAR. FRED STERRY, MANAGER. ALSO MANAGER Royal Poinciana and The Breakers Palm Beach, Fla. Open from December to April. [*Ack'd 4-10-04*] Hot Springs, Va. April 9 1904 Dear Theodore: By this day week, Saturday, I hope to be once more fit to be a guest - may I, on that day, or on any subsequent days up to the 20th, come to you & Mrs. Roosevelt on my way home? Then I must go and (possibly they tell me) be cut open for my foolish appendix. Before this happens I should "admire" to see you & Mrs. Roosevelt, & I have some very sage words to speak to you or the negro question. Yours for health Dan. Owen Wister[*[Enclosed in Gilder(?), 4-9-04]*] [NON SINE DOLORE 179 And breathest still, and hold'st thy way divine. 'T is here, O pitying Christ, where thee I seek, Here where the strife is fiercest; where the sun Beats down upon the highway thronged with men, And in the raging mart. Oh ! deeper lead My soul into the living world of souls Where thou dost move. But lead me, Man Divine, Where'er thou will'st, only that I may find At the long journey's end thy image there, And grow more like to it. For art not thou The human shadow of the infinite Love That made and fills the endless universe! The very Word of him, the unseen, unknown Eternal Good that rules the summer flower And all the worlds that people starry space!] NON SINE DOLORE What, then, is Life,--what Death? Thus the Answerer saith; O faithless mortal, bend thy head and listen: Down o'er the vibrant strings, That thrill, and moan, and mourn, and glisten, The Master drawn his bow. A voiceless pause; then upward, see, it springs, Free as a bird with [un] disimprisoned wings! In twain the chord was cloven, While, shaken with woe, With breaks of instant joy all interwoven, Piercing the heart with lyric knife,[*[Enclosed in Gilder(?), 4-9-04]*] 180 FIVE BOOKS OF SONG On, on the ceaseless music sings, Restless, intense, serene;— Life is the downward stroke, the upward, Life; Death but the pause between. II Then spake the Questioner: If't were only this, Ah, who could face the abyss That plunges steep athwart each human breath? If the new birth of Death Meant only more of Life as mortals know it, What priestly balm, what song of highest poet, Could heal one sentient soul's immitigable pain? All, all were vain! If, having soared pure spirit at the last, Free from the impertinence and warp of flesh, We find half joy, half pain, on every blast; Are caught again in closer-woven mesh — Ah! who would care to die From out these fields and hills, and this familiar sky; These firm, sure hands that compass us, this dear humanity? III Again the Answerer saith: O ye of little faith, Shall, then, the spirit prove craven, And Death's divine deliverance but give A summer rest and haven? By all most noble in us, by the light that streams Into our waking dreams, Ah, we who know what Life is, let us live! Clearer and freer, who shall doubt? Something of dust and darkness cast forever out;[*[Enclosed in Gilder(?), 4-9-04]*] NON SINE DOLORE 181 But Life, still Life, that leads to higher Life, Even though the highest be not free from the immortal strife. The highest! Soul of man, oh, be thou bold, And to the brink of thought draw near, behold! Where, on the earth's green sod, Where, where in all the universe of God, Hath strife forever ceased? When hath not some great orb flashed into space The terror of its doom? When hath no human face Turned earthward in despair, For that some horrid sin had stamped its image there? If at our passing Life be Life increased, And we ourselves flame pure unfettered soul, Like the Eternal Power that made the whole And lives in all he made From shore of matter to the unknown spirit shore; If, sire to son, and tree to limb, Cycle on countless cycle more and more We grow to be like him; if he lives on, serene and unafraid, Through all his light, his love, his living thought, One with the sufferer, be it soul or star; If he escape, no pain, what beings that are Can e'er escape while Life leads on and up the unseen way and far? If he escape not, by whom all was wrought, Then shall not we,— Whate'er of godlike solace still may be,— For in all worlds there is no Life without a pang, and can be nought.[*[Enclosed in Gilder(?), 4-9-04]*] 182 FIVE BOOKS OF SONG No Life without a pang! It were not Life, If ended were the strife-- Man were not man, nor God were truly God! See from the sod The lark thrill skyward in an arrow of song: Even so from pain and wrong Upsprings the exultant spirit, wild and free. He knows not all the joy of liberty Who never yet was crushed 'neath heavy woe. He doth not know, Nor can, the bliss of being brave Who never hath faced death, nor with unquailing eye hath measured his own grave. Courage, and pity, and divinest scorn-- Self-scorn, self-pity, and high courage of the soul; The passion for the goal; The strength to never yield though all be lost-- All these are born Of endless strife; this is the eternal cost Of every lovely thought that through the portal Of human minds doth pass with following light. Blanch not, O trembling mortal! But with extreme and terrible delight Know thou the truth, Nor let thy heart be heavy with false ruth. No passing burden is our earthly sorrow That shall depart in some mysterious morrow. 'T is His one universe where'er we are-- One changeless law from sun to viewless star. Were sorrow evil here, evil it were forever, Beyond the scope and help of our most keen endeavor. God doth not dote,[*[Enclosed in Gilder(?), 4-9-04]*] ODE 183 His everlasting purpose shall not fail. Here where our ears are weary with the wail And weeping of the sufferers; there where the Pleiads float-- Here, there,forever, pain most dread and dire Doth bring the intensest bliss, the dearest and most sure. 'T is not from Life aside, it doth endure Deep in the secret heart of all existence. It is the inward fire, The heavenly urge, and the divine insistence. Uplift thine eyes, O Questioner, from the sod! It were no longer Life, If ended were the strife; Man were not man, God were not truly God. [PART VI ODE Read before the Society of the Phi Beta Kappa, Harvard University, June 26, 1890. I In the white midday's full imperious show What glorious colors hide from human sight! But in the breathing pause 'twixt day and night Forth stream those prisoned splendors, glow on glow; Like billows on they pour And beat against the shore Of cloud-wrought cliffs high as the utmost dome, To die in purple waves that break on dawns to come.][*[Enclosed in Gilder(?), 4-9-04]*] 184 FIVE BOOKS OF SONG [II Divine, divine! Oh, breathe no earthlier word! Behold the western heavens how swift they flame With hues that bring to mortal language shame; Swelling and pulsing like deep music heard On sacred summer eves When the loud organ grieves And thrills with lyric life the incensed air, While 'mid the pillared gloom the people bow in prayer. III Now is it some huge bird with monstrous vans That through the sunset plies its shadowy way, Catching on outstretched pinions the last play Of failing tint celestial! See! it spans Darkly the fading west, And now its beamy crest Follows from sight the glittering, golden sun; and now one mighty wing-beat more, and all is done. IV But in those skyey spaces what dread change! thus have we seen the mortal turn immortal; So doth the day's soul die, as through death's portal The soul of man takes up its heavenward range. A million orbs endue The unfathomable blue-- Till, the long miracle of night withdrawn, The world beholds once more the miracle of dawn. V Dawn, eve, and night, the iridescent seas, Bright moon, enlightening sun, and quivering stars, The midnight rose whose petals are the bars][*[For 1 enc. see Matthews, 4-8-04]*] I am glad to see that there begins to be a chance for a worthy candidate to run against you. That will raise the plane of the campaign; and it will strengthen the opposition - the power of which is as necessary of the proper working as the greater power of the Administration. Yours Ever Brandon Matthews April 10th 1904 [*Ackd 4-11-04*] 681 WEST END AVENUE, N.W. CORNER 93RD ST. NEW YORK. April 10th 1904 Dear Mr. President: It is an honor to know you and it was a joy to have a chat with you at Oyster Bay six months ago; but all memorable joys have to be paid for. The receipt of letterslike the enclosed is a part of the price I pay for the joyous honor. I send this letter because I believe that Woodward would make a very good Secretary, indeed. I heard in Paris in 1900 high praise for his energy and efficiency. Did you see Prof. Burgess's article in the latest Political Science Quarterly on the ethnic and ethical solidarity of the U.S. - Great Britain and Germany? As it expressed forcibly things I had vaguely felt, I naturally thought it interesting; and I think it would interest you. Can I send it to you?26 East 37th Street April 11, 1904. Dear Mr. President, Accepting bounding thanks and appreciation for the autograph letter received today from the White House -- two autograph letters in fact. I shall keep the letter in my collection of President letters and also as a souvenir of your friendly remembrance.Russia ministers have often written several autograph letters in a day to their Sovereign, because they had to but who ever before this heard of a great minister writing two letters in one day by his own hand to a humble and unsolicitous follower. Sir I admire you! Your portrait signed for the Porc: Club has been framed and sent to Cambridge & will give great pleasure to those heroe loving boys. — It is very kind of you to sign also, a proof for me, and for all of this and the trouble I have imposed upon you, and again for your most acceptable letter, I am, as ever. Sincerely yours Francis R. Appleton To the President, Washington[*Ackd 4/12/04*] ARTHUR V. BRIESEN, ANTONIO KNAUTH. HANS V. BRIESEN HENRY M. TURK, JAMES L. SUYDAM, OTTO V. SCHRENK, WM. L. HARRISON. WASHINGTON OFFICE, FRITZ V. BRIESEN. BRIESEN & KNAUTH, COUNSELORS AT LAW, 40 WALL STREET, NEW YORK. 918 F ST., N. W., WASHINGTON, D. C. CABLE ADDRESS, BRIESENK. TELEPHONES. NEW YORK, 714 BROAD. WASHINGTON, MAIN 1704. NEW YORK, April 11 1904. My dear Mr. Roosevelt, Please read the text of this invitation and tell me how you like it. It was intended to give the key to the meeting of april 30. I dictated it while quite sick, but hope, it may do. That you would not send me to Europe to round up the Ellis Island matter proved a great disappointment. I had hoped to accomplish great things. Will see you on 29th or before the meeting on 30th to consider[*[For 2 enclosures see 4-11-04]*] program for the evening. Hope you can spare me half an hour for that purpose. Of those who joined my Roosevelt League, and signed the declaration of loyalty, of which I enclose heading, I can name the following New York bankers: Isaac N. Seligmann Ernst Thalmann (of Ladenbg, T Co. ) Percival Kuehne (of Knauth, Nachod & Kuehne) Mortimer Schiff (Mortimer's father Jacob Schiff is abroad and will sign on his return. This shows that some rather strong banking interests are enthusiastically on your side, Faithfully yours Arthur v. Briesen[*F*] No.1 Broadway, New York. [*Personal*] April 11, 1904. My dear Mr. President: I received your letter this morning, and immediately got into communication with several of the Senator's friends. I was rather surprised to learn of his attitude, as I was given to understand that he was friendly. I learned that Colonel Mills is in Washington, and wired him to see the Senator personally. I think as Mills has absolutely abstained from seeing anyone, and has gained friends in that way, it would do no harm for him to have a personal talk with the Senator. I have also reached the Senator through several gentlemen who know some of his friends in Wisconsin. In addition to this I have written to Senator Allison, who takes an interest in the matter, to appeal to the Senator, and wrote such a letter as may be shown him if necessary. I am not personally acquainted with him. We will do everything possible in the matter. Thanking you for your interest in the matter, I am, Truly and respectfully, Grenville M. Dodge Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C.[*[for enc. see Hay 4-11-04]*] you will find it in the Literary Digest of March 26, page 433. I have written to a number of my newspaper friends in the west, suggesting that it be kept standing in their columns throughout the campaign. Very sincerely, Eugene G. Hay BYRON S. WAITE, PRESIDENT, HENDERSON M. SOMEVILLE, THADDEUS S. SHARRETTS, WILBUR F. LUNT, WILLIAM B. HOWELL, ISRAEL F. FISCHER, MARION DE VRIES, EUGENE G. HAY, CHARLES P. MCCLELLAND, JOHN E. DOWSINS, CLERK, BOARD OF UNITED STATES GENERAL APPRAISERS, 641 WASHINGTON STREET, NEW YORK. [*Ack'd 4-12-04*] April 11, 1904. Hon. Wm. Loeb, jr., Private Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Loeb: Since the meeting of the Republican State Convention in Minnesota I have received a number of letters from my old friends there, expressing deep dissatisfaction at the platform adopted by our Convention on the question of tariff and reciprocity. The platform was a very poor thing in fact a mere jargon of words but the criticism they make is I think scarcely warranted; that is that by it the party has been committed against real reciprocity, for as a matter of fact the platform is no meaningless that it does not commit the party to anything. The newspapers have also taken the matter up and evenfrom now and upon those elections the success of Mr. Roosevelt's coming administration very much depends. For that reason it has occured to me that the tariff plank of our platform should be considered with reference to the attitude of western Republicans and its possible effect upon the Congressional elections of 1906. I write this letter to you that you may call it to the attention of the President or those entrusted with the general management of party interests, in event, you think it of sufficient importance, and I say this with perfect frankness, for I may overestimate the importance of this matter. Your attention may have been directed to the New York World's succinct statement of the attitude of the two parties on the trust question. I think it constitutes the best Republican campaign document that has yet been printed, coming as it does from a Democratic source. If you have not seen it the Minneapolis Tribune, the most uncompromising Republican paper in the State, is quite outspoken. The enclosed clipping is from the editorial page of that paper of about a week ago. Unless the Republican party is ready to abandon reciprocity entirely I believe our National platform could be so worded as to give entire satisfaction. At all events it ought to be clear and explicit and if we are to abandon reciprocity as a party tenet we should do so with perfect frankness, and if we are to adhere to the past policy of the party the platform should give expression to clear thought on this subject. To abandon the past policy of the party would lose us many votes. I do not believe it would affect the general result of the coming election for the popularity of the President and his courageous enforcement of the law has made him far stronger than the party and I think practically assures his election, but the affect of the position we may take on the tariff question at the National Convention will be felt at the Congressional elections two yearsDEPARTMENT OF STATE. WASHINGTON. [*Ackd 4/12/04*] April 11, 1904. Dear Mr. President:- I enclose the letter and the memorial [*Constantin*] of Mr. von Sternberg, of which I spoke to you yesterday. The letter is very brief, and the memorial not very long. You can find time to read the one, and, perhaps, glance at the other and dictate a word of reply. Yours faithfully John Hay [*state 4/9/04*]H. C. LODGE, CHAIRMAN. Personal. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES April 11, 1904. Dear Theodore:- I am sorry that both evenings should be gone, but I am afraid they are. We have a dinner party tonight for Miss Choate, and if you are engaged for Tuesday I shall be away Wednesday, and I shall not see you until I return. Always yours, H. C. Lodge To The President.DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. [[shorthand]] T/T [*Ackd 4/12/1904*] April 11, 1904. William Loeb, jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: I enclose a translation of the speech submitted by the Minister of Paraguay to be delivered on presenting his letter of credence and a draft of a reply. Requesting that the President will kindly fix as early a day as he finds convenient for the reception of the Minister. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant Francis B. Loomis Assistant Secretary.[*C.F*] COPY. CHARLES NAGEL. St. Louis. April 11/1904. My dear Mr. Hitchcock: It may become difficult at some future time to answer your inquiry of the 5th inst. For the present it seems to me the answer is easy enough. We ought to await developments at least. If Mr. Folk is not nominated there will of course be a very serious break in the Democratic ranks which ought to result in the election of our candidate if he is at all acceptable to that element of the Democratic party. In that event our course is clear. Should Mr. Folk be nominated, the question is presented to which you refer. Up to three weeks ago his defeat was as good as assured. The disturbances in the 28th ward or rather the fact that they were given publicity has made his nomination likely. What occurred is precisely what we have contended with for 3 1/2 years in this City, but reform Democrats would not admit it, until they were struck. However, we are grateful for favors, however indirectly they may come to us. The real question is what shall we do if Mr. Folk's nomination is brought about whatever the agency. I may as well say that in my opinion the position of our party must undergo a very radical change, to make-2- Mr. Folk's endorsement possible upon any terms. That is not the present inclination and is not likely to be in the future. Politically speaking, he is regarded a very pronounced Democrat, with strong appreciation of the value of a machine. His following is made up in large part of the worst machine men and lobbyists of this State. How far these forces would dominate him politically is matter of speculation; but it is safe to say that so far our party is unwilling to confide in him. He may be preferred, but he is not looked to for relief. Again there is no telling what his party will do in case of his nomination. It is altogether possible if not likely that in such an event there will be a serious revolt. In fact there is bound to be; and our real question will be whether we can hold our forces together. In this City we would suffer losses but make gains three fold. In the country the prospect of victory would have a very strong tendency to rally our vote to our candidates. That will be the question. Feeling is bright in the Democratic ranks, and this promises to be the first fight since 1861. I beg of you to be careful as to what you say or advise. It is impossible to get a correct impression from the newspapers, or from the accounts of men who spasmodically become interested in politics. It is deserving of a personal interview; and men will be glad to come when the time is ripe. In the meantime be assured that the President's friends have been fighting to some purpose. We have a united party as we have not had it for many-3- years, and a word now that would indicate a lack of confidence, or a disposition to look for a rescuer elsewhere, might and I think would do inestimable harm. The situation is too complicated to pass upon in a ward, but surely it would be ruinous now to suggest what probably could not be accomplished, and just as likely would be unwise. Very sincerely yours, CHAS. NAGEL. [Enc. in Nagel 4-19-05][*P.F.*] UNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON. At 49 Broadway, New York, April 11, 1904. The President, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President: I cannot understand how Wynne got the idea that I did not think well of Hazard. I do think well of Hazard and always have thought well of Hazard, else I should not have sent you the memorandum I did the other day. If you will send Wynne around to me, I will very soon convince him that he entertains an erroneous idea of my feelings. I will see you about General Merritt's case as soon as I return. Very truly yours, T C Platt HmTELEGRAM. [*Ackd 4/11/04*] White House, Washington. 3 WU. CB. FD. 17 Paid 2:41 p.m. Groton, Mass., April 11, 1904. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. If you wish to send private car boys can go home otherwise not, they are doing well. Edith Roosevelt [[shorthand]]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. COPY. 6WU. G. RA. 9-Paid 7:42 p.m. Groton, Massachusetts, April 11, 1904. Theodore Roosevelt, White House. Arrange for car; will isolate boys at White House. Edith Roosevelt.[*CF*] P. O. BOX 1222. CABLE ADDRESS, ROOSEVELT. Roosevelt & Son, 33 Wall Street, New York, April 11th, 1904. The PRESIDENT, Washington, D. C. Dear Theodore:-- I do not believe that the choice of Murphy would at all jeopardize John's chances, although I suppose Murphy would like to succeed John if he could; but I do not believe he is the man you want, nor for that matter do I think is Root. My own fancy would be more a man like Aldrich. I wish Root could be Governor of the State of New York, for I do not think that political affairs are running very smoothly in this State, and I somewhat afraid of the result on the election. Yours truly, W Emlen RooseveltHyde Park & Helen & I are so very glad you can come. I think Helen & Cousin Rosy has written Mr. Loeb about the arrangements for the 18th has positively been decided on. With love to Aunt Edith, Your aff. nephew, T. Douglas Robinson [*P.F.*] [*[1904]*] A.D. Club April 11th Dear Uncle Ted,- I was so glad to get your letter last week saying that June 18th would be a convenient date for you to be at[*P.F*] United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. April 11th 1904 My dear Mr. President. I have your kind note of yesterday for which I thank you. Some one needed to speak earnestly on the lines I partly followed before the P O Bill passed. I wish it had been better done, as it might have been. Always Faithfully Yours John C. Spooner The PresidentThe American Monthly Review of Reviews 13 Astor Place, New York Albert Shaw, Editor Ackd 4/12/04 April 11, 1904. Dear Mr. President: Certain men who have been at Albany, representing both independents and Democrats in politics, together with certain other men of various politics representing the newspapers at Albany and in the closest touch with everything going on there, have reached the conclusion that it is extremely important in the interest of your success in the State of New York this fall that you should be convinced that the recent doings of the Legislature are very detrimental to your interests, and, further, that Odell is personally responsible for nearly all the business that arouses so much indignation and that is especially so distasteful to the independent element in New York City. What these men tell me is that Odell regards his political career as ended with the conclusion of the present session of the Legislature, and that he is therefore making hay while the sun shines and is using his immediate power in a disguised way to promote all this scandalous series of so-called "grub" bills that the newspapers of both parties have been denouncing as almost without a precedent at Albany. I am informed, for example, by a man of the highest credibility that he is directly assured by the members of the Ruler Committee that the trick which held back the Elsberg Rapid Transit bill when the other two bills were reported out was purely of Odell's devising. In other wards, that the Committee unanimously wished to observe good faith and report the Elsberg bill, but that the Governor had demanded that it be held back. Furthermore, I am informed in the same manner that Governor Odell's promotion of the enlarged Railroad Commission bill in its present shape has been in the interest of2 Harrisman, and for Odell's own future benefit. It is further alleged that canal matters and various other things have made great opposition to Odell in the up-State counties, while these matters relating to corporations have aroused the deep antagonism of the independent element in New York City. The Democrats are deliberately counting upon these conditions to help them carry the State, and are preparing to make the largest possible use of the Odell record and the scandalous conduct of the present Legislature in the campaign next fall. These men (Democrats) declare that the one strong element in the situation against which they have got to fight is the confidence of the people themselves in your own public and private character, and their instinctive disposition to vote for you as President and against anybody else. They hold that your reelection, therefore, would be pretty well assured (and the men who tell me this are not Republicans) if it could be known that there now came from you promptly some word of rather sharp and bold disapprobation of the proceedings at Albany. In short, they believe that it would clear the situation for you rather than further complicate it if some strong friend of yours, like Mr. Root, for example, should--to quote their words--"read the riot act to Odell" and demand that he exercise the veto power as against objectionable measures, and act, in short, in the governor's chair in the present emergency as you yourself would act if you were at Albany. While I may think I have some general political sagacity, you are also well aware that I have never pretended to have much intimate knowledge of the politics of the State of New York. I do not, therefore, in sending you this letter, assume to express any opinion of my own. You have, as I know, various sources of intimate knowledge of what is going on at Albany.. I fee bound, nevertheless, to send you this letter for what it may seem to you to be worth.3 I have no doubt it expresses the exact opinion of all that element represented by the Citizens' Union people, and probably would represent the views of a very much larger number of voters than those enrolled in such bodies as the Citizens' Union. If one can judge of general indications, a sweeping Republican defeat is about due in this State. Your own strength with the people, as distinguished from the politicians, is the main reliance for victory in November, and you would probably add to that strength by its becoming known within the next few days in the boldest way that you are opposed to much that is going on at Albany. I am not, however, preffering a particle of advice, and you would naturally consult with men capable of giving it, like Mr. Root and others. If Mr. Root would run for governor, I have little doubt he would carry the State and lift the local situation out of its slimy bogs to clean high ground. I am going to Richmond, Virginia, to-morrow night to make an address on Jefferson's birthday, Wednesday evening, the 13th. I may stop over a train on my way home the next day and may call at the Executive Offices for a few minutes. As ever, faithfully yours, Albert Shaw Hon. Theodore Roosevelt President White House Washington, D.C.TELEGRAM The White House, Washington. 4 PO MC GI 47 Govt --- 2:05p [*[CA 4-11-04]*] Rome via French April 11. President Roosevelt: I deeply appreciate the generous sympathy which you have been pleased to express to me in the present great calamity of Italy and tender to you and your countrymen my warmest thanks, sure to interpret also the gratitude of the Italian people. Vittorio Emanuele.Department of Commerce and Labor OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY Washington April 11, 1904. Memorandum for the Cabinet Meeting: Ask the President to write a letter to Isaac N. Seligman about Mr. von Briesen circulating a petition among the bankers to endorse the President.✓ P.M.G. arrived Key West this a.m. - will sail to-morrow a.m. - can be reached by wire to-day care Collector of Customs Key West. 4-11-1904.[*[Enclosed in Briesen 4-11-04]*] Roosevelt League. The undersigned favor and agree to support the election in 1904, of Hon. THEODORE ROOSEVELT, for President of the United States NAME. AS'BLY DIST. OCCUPATION. ADDRESSRoosevelt League. New York, 11. April 1904. Geehrter Herr! Sie Werden Hiermit Ersucht, Einer Aeusserst Wichtigen Versammlung Bekannter Buerger Deutshcer Abstammung, Welche AM 30. April 1904 In Washington, D. C., Stattfinden Wird, Beizuwohnen. Diese Versammlung Hat Den Zweck, Fuer Die Nomination Und Erwaehlung Von THEODORE ROOSEVELT Zum Praesidenten Der Vereinigten Staaten Die Vorbereitenden Massregeln Zu Treffen, Weil Herr Roosevelt Besser Als Jeder Andere Moegliche Kandidat Dem Deutschen Wesen Ein Warmes Interesse Und Unseren Kulturbestrebungen Ein Klares Verstaendniss Entgegenbringt; Und Weil Er Sich Durch Sein Redliches Bestreben, Dem Lande Eine Ehrliche Und Faehige Verwaltung Zu Verschaffen, Unsere Hoechste Anerkennung Erworben Hat. Die Versammlung Wird Im Hotel New Willard AM 30. D. M., Um 6 Uhr Nachmittags, Stattfinden. Um 8 Uhr Abiends Werden Sich Die Theilnehmer Im Grossen Saale DesSelben Hotels Zu Einem Bankett Zusammendfinden. Zum Abschlusse Wird Ein Kurzer Besuch Im Weissen Hause Geplant. Ihre Gefaellige Zusage Bitte, Sobald Wie Moeglich, Eventuell Telegraphisch, An Herrn Richard Bartholdt, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C., Zu Schicken. Achtungsvoll. Das Committee Des Westens: Dr. Emil Pretorius, St. Louis, Mo. Geo. Brumder, Milwaukee, Wis. Edw. G. Halle, Chicago, Ill. Col. Markbreit, Cincinnati, O. Richard Bartholdt, Washington, D.C. Das New Yorker Committee: Arthur Von Briesen, Hermann C. Kudlich, F. A. Ringler, Chs. A. Schieren Dr. W. John Schildge, Dr. Gustav Scholer, Ralph Trautmann, Joseph Winter.[Enclosed in Briesen, 4-11-04]68TH congress, 2D SESSION [*[4-11-04]*] H. R. 4831. (Report No. 2349.) IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES November 24, 1908. Mr. HILL, of Connecticut, introduced the following bill; which was referred to the Committee on Banking and Currency and ordered to be printed. April 11, 1904. Reported with amendments, committed to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union, and ordered to be printed. (Omit the part struck through and insert the part printed in italics.) A BILL To improve currency conditions. 1 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives 2 of the United States of America in Congress assembled, 3 That section fifty-one hundred and fifty-three of the Revised 4 Statutes be, and is hereby, amended by striking out from the 5 first clause of said section the words "except receipts from 6 customs," so that said clause shall be read as follows: 7 "All national banking associations designated for that 8 purpose by the Secretary of the Treasury shall be depositories 9 of public moneys, under such regulations as may be prescribed 10 by the Secretary; and they may also be employed as financial 11 agents of the Government; and they shall perform all 12 such reasonable duties as depositories of public moneys and2 1 financial agents of the Government as may be required of 2 them." 3 SEC. 2. That so much of an Act entitled "An Act to 4 enable national banking associations to extend their corporate 5 existence, and for other purposes," approved July twelfth, 6 eighteen hundred and eighty-two, as prohibits the deposit of 7 more than three million dollars of lawful money during any 8 calendar month for the purpose of withdrawing circulating 9 notes is hereby repealed, and all other Acts or parts of Acts 10 inconsistent with the provisions of this section are hereby 11 repealed. [*Recouŕage clause.*] 12 SEC. 3. That the Secretary of the Treasury is hereby 13 authorized, without regard to any heretofore prescribed limit 14 of amount of subsidiary silver coinage, and as public necessities 15 may demand from time to time, to recoin standard silver 16 dollars from cash in the general fund in the Treasury into 17 such authorized denominations of subsidiary silver coin as he 18 may deem necessary to meet public requirements. 19 [SEC. 4. That the Secretary of the Treasury is hereby 20 authorized from time to time to withdraw from circulation 21 any denominations of silver certificates and United States 22 notes, and in substitution therefor to reissue like amounts of 23 said certificates and notes of such authorized denomination 24 as in his judgment public convenience and necessity may 25 require.] 3 1 SEC. 5 4. That section six of an Act approved March 2 fourteenth, nineteen hundred, entitled "An Act to define and 3 fix the standard of value, to maintain the parity of all forms 4 of money issued or coined by the United States, to refund 5 the public debt, and for other purposes," be, and is hereby, 6 amended by striking out the work "twenty" in the first 7 clause of said section and inserting in lieu thereof the word 8 "ten," so that said first clause of said section shall read as 9 follows: 10 "That the Secretary of the Treasury is hereby authorized 11 and directed to receive deposits of gold coin with the Treasurer 12 or any assistant treasurer of the United States, in sums 13 of not less than ten dollars, and to issue gold certificates therefor 14 in denominations of not less than ten dollars, and the coin 15 so deposited shall be retained in the Treasury and held for 16 the payment of such certificates on demand, and used for no 17 other purpose." 18 SEC. 6 5. That section twelve of an Act approved March 19 fourteenth, nineteen hundred, entitled "An Act to define and 20 fix the standard of value, to maintain the parity of all forms 21 of money issued or coined by the United States, to refund the 22 public debt, and for other purposes," be, and is hereby, amended 23 by striking out from the second proviso in said section the 24 following words: "except that no national banking association 25 shall, after the passage of this Act, be entitled to receive4 1 from the Comptroller of the Currency, or to issue or reissue 2 or place in circulation, more than one-third in amount 3 of its circulating notes of the denomination of five dollars," 4 so that said proviso of said section shall read as follows: 5 "And provided further, That the circulating notes furnished 6 to national banking associations under the provisions of this 7 Act shall be of the denominations prescribed by law." [8 SEC. 7. That every national banking association having 9 United States bonds on deposit to secure its circulating notes 10 shall pay to the Treasurer of the United States, in the months 11 of January and July, a tax of one fourth of one per centum 12 each half year upon the average amount of its notes in circulation, 13 and such taxes shall be in lieu of all existing taxes on 14 circulating notes of national banking association.][*[enc in Edwards 11-19-04]*] 58TH CONGRESS, } H.R. 4831. 2D SESSION. } [Report No. 2349.] A BILL To improve currency conditions. By MR. HILL, of Connecticut. November 24, 1903.—Referred to the Committee on Banking and Currency and ordered to be printed. April 11, 1904.—Reported with amendments, committed to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union, and ordered to be printed.[*[Enclosed in Bishop, 4-12-04]*] 6 THE [GLO?] The Globe and Commercial Advertiser, 1797—ESTABLISHED—1904 PUBLISHED EVERY EVENING, EXCEPT SUNDAY. BY THE COMMERCIAL ADVERTISER ASSOCIATION. NEW YORK, MONDAY, APRIL 11, 1904. ??BLICATION OFFICE 1?7 Broadway. ???NCH OFFICES: Uptown, S. W. 19th St., 617 1??? Broadway, and 1?3? Broadway. ?TON : Western Union Building ———————————————————— ??BSCRIPTION RATES. $3.00 Three months….. .75 1.50 One month………. .?0 ———————————————————— ———————————————————— ? not responsible for ??script which is not ?he name and ad- ?ccompanied by ———————————————————— [?] be feared than her hatred. Even as Hazallear swore Hannibal to eternal enmity of Rome, so the Russians are told that they must ever regard England. It is announced that, not satisfied with inspiring Japan to attack Russia in the east, Great Britain is now attempting to corrupt France, the friend of Russia in the west. France is conjured not to forget her faithful ally and to fear the British even though bearing gifts. Germany, "the honest broker," is asked to range herself on the side of Russia and France, so that "on the shores of the Pacific will appear a new triple alliance which will put an end to the Yellow and Anglo-Saxon danger." At this distance it looks very much - assuming the Novoe Vremya receives its inspiration from official sources - as if confusion reigns among the councils of the czar, and that St. Petersburg is again depressed. -------------------------------------------------------- NEW YORK'S DOMINATION. If Judge Parker is made the Democratic nominee for the presidency it will be the second time in our history that the two great parties have gone to the same state for their nominee. In the campaign of 1860 the Republicans took Lincoln from Illinois, and one section of the Democratic party took Douglas from the same state. Since that time it has been an increasing tendency to balance one section of the country against the other - that is, if one party selected its candidate from an eastern state, its opponent felt impelled to select its man from a western state. Exceptions were made in 1884, when Cleveland of New York was opposed with Blaine of Maine, and in 1896 and 1900, when both candidates were taken from the west. There has been a steadily increasing tendency to claim that in the matter of controlling nominations westward the course of empire took its way, and to say that the demands of the east should not be regarded as of importance. In view of all these facts the probability that both candidates will be taken from New York indicates a very interesting condition of opinion. Why should the Democrats feel impelled to come to the same state that the Republican candidate hails from in order to find a nominee who meets Thurlow Weed's demand of "availability," or, as Webster put it in his wrathful and contemptuous phrase after he had twice been defeated of [?] because of it, "that sagacious, wise far-seeing doctrine of availability"? The reason, as everybody knows, is that the Democrats realize that the electoral vote of New York is an absolute necessity to them if they are to win, and, that they think Roosevelt is weak in his own state because of the hostility of the so-called Wall Street interests. It is likely to come about, therefore, that New York is to exercise a dominating influence in both the conventions and the subsequent campaign. So far as the Republicans are concerned, they have plain sailing in the formulation of their principles and issues. The President has made their platform for them, and they will go into the contest upon that. Its principles will be in thorough accord with New York ideas so far as the dominating issues of the campaign are concerned, and will represent those ideas before the country. But the Democrats have a quite different problem. The western wing of their party is composed of men who not only do not agree with New York ideas but loathe and detest them. They are peculiarly hostile to anything like toleration for Wall Street ideas in any form. There are already rumors of disagreement between Mr. Hill and Judge Parker as to the expediency of seeking to make a compromise platform which will please both New Yorkers and the western Democrats who distrust them. These rumors are obviously without foundation at present, but sooner or later this question of compromise will have to be met, and it will not be an easy one to dispose of. Mr. Hill has made several efforts to offer of compromise in the past, but never with success. He dodged and trimmed and puttered on the silver question, inventing a bimetallic system of his own, but the Free Silverities joined with the Gold bugs in ridiculing it. He tried to placate the Socialistic vote in 1902 by putting a plank into the Democratic state platform in favor of government ownership of coal mines, but only succeeded in arousing the disgust of the decent element of his party. In the present situation he has [?] more difficult than any he has hitherto, for a compromise is apparently as impossible as it was in the Democratic convention of 1800, when the Democratic party broke into three parts on the question of slavery in the territories. If Judge Parker stands resolutely for New York ideas, in their best sense, he will have a tremendous fight on his hands, but he will do an immense service for his party and for the country if he wins it. ————————————————————[*[enc. in Hay 4-11-04]*] REAL AND SHAM RECIPROCITY. [*Hay*] Champ Clark is not a very important person; but his speech in the house has for Republicans the interest of a warning. It makes sufficiently clear the distinction between the real reciprocity for expansion of markets the Republican masses want and the sham reciprocity the Republican politicians think to put them off with. It is unfortunate, when we have so many Republican orators and writers clamoring for reciprocity, till they are silenced by getting the public officers or private jobs they are after, that it should be left to a Democrat so slight and unconsidered as Champ Clark to make the distinction clear. Real reciprocity is mutual concession among nations for increase of international commerce and lowering of prices The familiar principle of wholesale trade enters into it. That is to say, producers and traders on both sides make more money because the briskness and volume of exchanges are so greatly increased. It matter not whether these mutual concessions are made by treaties or by independent legislation on either side. The essence of the thing is that we should make it possible for other nations to buy more of those things which we can produce to the best advantage by buying from them more of the things which they can produce to better advantage than we can. Here is universal benefit without loss anywhere, unless to artificial monopolies that are oppressing the people. Consumers can buy more, and their increased demand enables producers to make more, in spite of lower prices, through increase of trade. This is real reciprocity. We think the people of the country are bound to have it. If they do not get it from the Republicans, they will go to the Democrats. The Republican platform of Minnesota offers them sham reciprocity in the form of free trade in everything we do not produce. How will this encourage other nations to give us free trade, except in things they do not produce? If other nations adopted our principle, and it were carried to a logical conclusion everywhere, all international trade would disappear except in articles that can be produced only in special and limited localities. No nation would be able to take advantage of the superior natural advantages or human skill of another nation in production. Adoption of it to encourage trade is a confession of inferiority to other industrial and commercial nations. We are the last nation in the world to think such a concession needful. [*San Fran Chronicle Ap. 7*] "RECIPROCITY" REPUDIATED. The Minnesota Republicans have adopted a tariff plank which reads, in part, as follows: We believe that protection and reciprocity are twin measures of Republican policy and success, or, in other words, the correct application of reciprocity is protection. We demand enlarged markets for the products of our farms and factories; we demand admission of the necessaries of life which we do not produce from other countries under reciprocal agreements of mutual interest which gain open markets for us with other nations, always keeping in view the fact that our home protection must not be impaired. There is no difficulty in understanding the foregoing deliverance as a distinct repudiation of the doctrine of "reciprocity," except in commodities which we do not ourselves produce, and nearly all those are on the free lot. There can be no reciprocity in them until we first endow them with a duty to be traded off, after the manner of all other countries which dabble in reciprocity trades and enact duties avowedly for trading purposes. As the Minnesota platform reads, therefore, taken in connection with the existing tariff laws, it declares against any reciprocity at all. But while the meaning of the Minnesota Republicans is plain enough, the curiosity involved way in which it was deemed necessary to express themselves well illustrates the political folly of adopting double-ended planks intended merely to catch votes, and possible to be twisted to suit the exigencies of any occasion. It has been a common practice with both our great parties, and has been deemed "good politics" by our "sharpest" politicians. It assumes a very crude state of civilization in which the great body of the electorate can be easily fooled by rhetorical expressions intended to be meaningless. Republican journals have openly stated that the "reciprocity" plank in the last National republican Convention was a plank of that kind, and they may be right. But it does not pay. The time comes, if the matter is of importance, when the party adopting such a plank is brought to book. The meaning of the Republican plank of 1900 is clear enough when analyzed, and plainly excludes "reciprocity" in competing products, and yet it was ingeniously worded to enable reciprocity mongers to excuse themselves for direct violation of its terms. Now that it is necessary to abjure the whole business, party managers are at their wit's ends to invent formulas which will effectively do so without seeming to be "inconsistent." Hence the Minnesota deliverance, and there will be others like it, but they will all mean "no more reciprocity." Probably the best way for the party is to frankly confess error in adopting language intended to obscure meaning. But if that is not thought best, and a perfectly clear, yet adequately rhetorical plank is desired, we will think the "Chronicle" formula the best: "We approve reciprocity in non-competing products as the handmaid of protection, and denounce reciprocity in products of our own industry as the handmaid of free trade." Nobody will question the meaning of that and at any time we can put a duty on a non-competing product for the purpose of trading it off. House of Representatives U. S. Washington, D.C. [*a*] Cleveland, Ohio, 4/12/04. Hon. J. B. Foraker, Washington, D. C. My Dear Senator: Referring to the matter of Mr. Batt's appointment as appraiser in this city, I think it is important that you should know that the present occupants of the offices of Postmaster Deputy Postmaster United States Marshall Appraiser of Merchandise are all residents of the 21st district. And this same condition of affairs has existed for a long time past, and I think it nothing more than right now that the 20th district, which has within its borders more than one-third of the voting population of the city of Cleveland, should be remembered in the giving out of these appointive offices. As representative of the 20th district, I would say to you that I am continually being "hounded" by my constituents to know why some of the presidential appointments cannot be given to some person living within the city of Cleveland and in the 20th district. Up to the present time the results have been what I would call unfair, and I think now that as Mr. BattHouse of Representatives U. S. Washington, D.C. Hon. J.B.F.--2-- who is a resident of the 20th district is an applicant for the position of appraiser, the fact that this district has been so badly treated in the past should work in his favor. Thinking that you would be glad to be apprised of these facts, I am, Yours respectfully, J. A. BeidlerThe Globe and Commercial Advertiser NEW YORK'S OLDEST NEWSPAPER. ESTABLISHED 1792 5 & 7 DEY STREET EDITOR'S OFFICE. [[shorthand]] 12th April. [*Ack'd 4-13-04*] Dear Mr. President- If you have a moment you may like to look over the enclosed. I have tried, while writing in a judicial tone, to make several points that will be useful. Yours always J.B. Bishop. To President Roosevelt[For 2 enclosures see 4-11-04 & 4-12-04]COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK Ack'd 4-13-04 PRESIDENT'S ROOM April 12, 1904. My dear Mr. President: I am just back after a delightful four weeks trip to Mexico and the Southwest, greatly refreshed in body and in spirit. I shall have much to tell you when we meet, but at the moment am swamped with accumulated work. There is one matter, however, which I promised President Diaz and Senor Limantour, Minister of Finance, to bring to your personal attention, and that relates to the matter on which I enclose a clipping from the San Antonio Express of April 6th. President Diaz and his advisers express great concern at what they believe to be the unwarranted attitude of the State of Texas in enforcing a quarantine against the whole of Mexico because of supposed yellow fever in the latter country. Almost all of Mexico lies, as you know, on an elevated plateau, which is from 5000 to 8000 feet above the level of the sea, and very healthy. The yellow fever, when it comes, is found chiefly at the ports of Vera Cruz and Tampico, and occasionally it has crept up one of the branch railroad lines to a town on the edge of the plateau, as in the case of Monterey last year. The chief health officer of Mexico a distinguished physician, Dr. Liceaga,-2- a brother-in-law of President Diaz, and he has organized and put in operation an extensive and accurate system of sanitary inspection and reporting, the workings of which I myself observed at his request. The Mexican sanitary officers are on the best of terms with our marine hospital service, and either Dr. Wyman himself or some of his colleagues has recently visited Mexico and insepcted the sanitary administration and expressed satisfaction with it. The same thing has been done with Texas officers, but the moment that they get back to Texas they begin to exercise their prerogatives and enforce a quarantine which is both very annoying to passengers and a very serious interruption to trade. The Mexican officials have no possible objection to a quarantine against passengers coming from a place where yellow fever is known to exist. In fact, they themselves have a quarantine on the plateau against Vera Cruz and Tampico whenever yellow fever exists at either place. What they do object to is a general quarantine against Mexico, which is, as a whole, as healthy as the United States, simply because one or two points are infected with a contagious disease. You will readily see that the situation is similar to one which would exist if Canada were to quarantine against the United States as a whole because we had yellow fever in New Orleans or in Memphis. The Mexican authorities are entirely willing to put their case in the hands of our marine hospital service and abide by their decision, and to submit to any quarantine or other regulations which they may establish. What they object to is the attitude of the State of Texas, and they point out that for us to permit the State of Texas to disregard -3- our national quarantine and to establish regulations of its own is to give the State control not only over interstate commerce, but over international commerce. This brings the matter to the point where you may be interested. What we need is a national quarantine law to be enforced by the marine hospital service, to supersede all special State quarantines. This has been proposed in Congress several times and has had strong scientific and other support, but, if I remember correctly, the attitude of the Senators from Texas and from Florida has been largely instrumental in defeating its enactment. My trip to Mexico and my talk with the authorities there convinced me that the subject is one which it is very well worth your while to have looked up with a view, if possible, to recommending a national quarantine law in your next message and to securing its adoption by Congress. Away up here in the north we do not feel the trade difficulties which are now met at the Texas border, but to those who are immediately subjected to them, the matter is a very serious one indeed. Always sincerely yours, Nicholas Murray Butler To the President, White House, Washington, D.C.[*BUREAU Public Health No. 1876 AND Rec'd [MAY 2 1904] Marine Hospital Service Ans'd*] Incl 1 Pres Butler's letter [*[For enc. see Tabor ca 4-12-04]*]WILLIAM E. CHANDLER, PRESIDENT GERRIT J. DIEKEMA JAMES PERRY WOOL WILLIAM A. MAURY WILLIAM L. CHAMBERS WILLIAM E. SPEAR, CLERK WILLIAM E. FULLER ASST. ATTORNEY GENERAL SPANISH TREATY CLAIMS COMMISSION. OFFICE NO. 1411 H STREET N.W. WASHINGTON, D.C. April 12 1904 [*Ack'd 4-12-04*] My dear Mr. Loeb I am quite sure the President will like to read a copy of a letter which an indiscreet friend of his has written to Mr. Laffan whose Sun continues to shine for all. If the President detects any sarcasm or insincerity therein let us hope Mr. Laffan less distrustful then the President will not discover it. Very Truly Wm. E. Chandler [[shorthand]]WILLIAM E. CHANDLER, PRESIDENT GERRIT J. DIEKEMA JAMES PERRY WOOD WILLIAM A. MAURY WILLIAM L. CHAMBERS WILLIAM E. SPEAR CLERK. WILLIAM E. FULLER ASST. ATTORNEY GENERAL. SPANISH TREATY CLAIMS COMMISSION WASHINGTON, D.C. April 12, 1904. My Dear Mr. Laffan: Why have you taken down your name from the editorial page? I liked to see it there - importing proprietorship and responsibility. You were always helpful to me through both good and evil report-- although I am not now agreeing with all the Sun says. Perhaps however you are only artfully managing to do the most you can to save the country from a democratic president and a democratic house of representatives which will surely come with him. Of course with your keen perceptions you must know that the Republicans would have been defeated if no movement had been made by the administration against the Northern Securities Company; as also we should have been if the President had not taken hold of the coal strike and ended it. The fear that our party was insincere in its declarations against monopolies and in favor of preserving competition was gaining ground and was sure to lead to our overthrow, with almost any democratic candidate against us;-- especially with ideas prevailing that we meant to try to carry the election by expanding vast sums of money in accordance with the methods of 1896 and 1900. That whole outlook is dissipated and success made sure byWilliam E. Chandler, President Gerrit J. Diekema James Perry Wood William A. Maury William L. Chambers William E. Spear Clerk. William E. Fuller Asst. Attorney General SPANISH TREATY CLAIMS COMMISSION WASHINGTON, D.C. -2- the President's straightforward, fearless course and we are going to win, because the people are with us and the men of wealth will not venture to go against us "lest a worse evil come upon us." It is true we may lose New York but we are sure to carry without New York. It is the fact that we are likely to lose New York that will make us overwhelmingly strong in the great West. All of this you know a great deal better than I can tell it to you, and I can see that on the whole in your own way you are doing the very best the Sun can do to elect Roosevelt. Your constant insistence that he is hostile to what we call the money power and is bent upon enforcing the anti-trust law in all its wise stringency helps to prevent any growing distrust of the President's sincerity in those respects which the democrats are charging upon him and Knox with great adroitness. This is indeed their greatest hope and consequently our greatest danger, and nothing is doing so much as you are to destroy that hope and avert that danger. As mere tactics for Republican victory your course is masterly; although in truth I do not think you are right in your criticisms. Mr. Roosevelt is as safe as he is true and courageous. But all the doubts thrown on his conservation from the East only add to his strength at the West. Looking at the question in this way I am sorry to see Mr.WILLIAM E. CHANDLER, PRESIDENT GERRIT J. DIEKEMA JAMES PERRY WOOD WILLIAM A. MAURY WILLIAM L. CHAMBERS WILLIAM E. SPEAR CLERK. WILLIAM E. FULLER ASST. ATTORNEY GENERAL. SPANISH TREATY CLAIMS COMMISSION WASHINGTON, D.C. -3- Harriman going to the National Convention - a Roosevelt delegate— if you can keep him away I hope you will do so. Any strong indication that such a class of men really mean to support Roosevelt may be fatal to his election. Let them stand aloof until election day and when they see what democracy is with its candidate and what republicanism is with its candidate there is no doubt what they will do- especially with that Democratic House in prospect. You may say that we cannot get the money with which to pay our campaign expenses if these men hold aloof till the eve of election. But if things work according to my plan we shall not need much money. The people will elect Roosevelt without money; and so we shall purify politics and save the party at the same time. I admit, with the Sun that there are some bad Republicans whom we ought to get rid of. We can do that after victory. We must not try to do too much at once. Yates of Illinois is down and if Odell is bad [and] as I am inclined to think, from the Sun's pictures he is, he will be powerless after Roosevelt's election. Let him be Chairman of the State Committee- especially if the State is going democratic while Roosevelt is chosen without the State. I do not see that you will be embarrassed in carrying outWilliam E. Chandler, PRESIDENT. Gerrit J. Diekema James Perry Wood William A. Maury William L. Chambers William E. Spear CLERK. William E. Fuller ASST. ATTORNEY GENERAL. SPANISH TREATY CLAIMS COMMISSION WASHINGTON, D.C. -4- your plans. At the proper time after both candidates and platforms are in the field you can set forth the cogent reasons why Roosevelt should be elected instead of Parker. But you must not do this prematurely. We must be sure that the people are without distrust; that victory is reasonably sure and that no harm will be done by advising that all good citizens, the rich and the poor, the parson and the cowboy, the Corporations and the Labor Unions should rush forward and keep out of power the fraudulent democracy and give the country one more republican administration-- it will be the last that I shall be able to aid in any way to place in power. All of which is respectfully submitted by one who has read the Sun for 35 years. During that time I have aimed to read daily two New York papers- one to be democratic, one to be republican. The two have been the Sun and Tribune. Thereupon thoughts of changes arise! But I will close. Yours truly, Wm. E. Chandler Wm. M. Laffan, Esq. P.S. The Sun editorially says the House has impeached Judge Swayne-- which is a gross mistake, 8 out of 19 members of the Committee have advised the House to impeach and as many have advisedWilliam E. Chandler, President Gerrit J. Diekema James Perry Wood William A. Maury William L. Chambers William E. Spear Clerk William E. Fuller Asst. Attorney General SPANISH TREATY CLAIMS COMMISSION WASHINGTON, D.C. -5- the House not to do it. He is in no danger of impeachment next winter, having done nothing deserving impeachment. W. E. C.[Enc. in Chandler 4-12-04]B. F. DANIELS. A. M. CONARD. CONARD & DANIELS, MINES, RANCHES AND CATTLE IN MEXICO AND ARIZONA. MARSH BLDG. MORLEY AVE., ROOMS 2 AND 4. NOGALES, ARIZONA, Apr. 12th. 1904 President Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. [*Ack'd 4-18-04*] MY DEAR PRESIDENT. It has been some time since I have written to you; So I thought I would write to you, in order to let you know that I am still living in Arizona, and at our Territorial Convention, I was elected Alternate, to the National Convention. I only wish that I had of been elected and of the Delegates. so I could of had the privilege to put in my Vote for you. And you can bet that what I say, comes right from my Heart, for if you are Elected, I feel that we will have A President that is not afraid to do his duty. Regardless of what may happen. Please accept my kindest and best wishes, for Yourself, and Family. I remain as ever, your Friend. B.F. Daniels[For 1 enclosure see 4-12-04]SPF No 341. United States Flagship NEW YORK, Panama, R.P., April 12, 1904. Sir, In continuation of my #296 of the 4th instant, I have the honor to inform the Department that affairs on the Isthmus remain perfectly quiet. 2. The strike by a part of the employees of the Panama Railroad Company was terminated yesterday and freight traffic has been resumed. During the strike, no disorder or violence occured, and no action on the part of the forces under my command was necessary. In this connection attention is invited to the appended copies of correspondence relative to the strike. 3. The strike has interfered with the coaling of the squadron as the Railroad Company professed to be unable to move coal across the Isthmus Company professed to be unable to move coal across the Isthmus until yesterday. It is believed, however, that the MARBLEHEAD and CONCORD can be coaled by tomorrow night, the 13th, and the NEW YORK and BENNINGTON by Saturday, the 16th. 4. In obedience to the Department's instructions, the MARBLEHEAD and CONCORD will proceed in company to Mare Island, as soon as coaled, for docking only, and will rejoin the Flagship at Honolulu with the least possible delay. The NEW YORK and BENNINGTON will proceed, as soon as coaled, to Honolulu, touching at Acapulco for coal. It is believed the NEW YORK and BENNINGTON will arrive at Honolulu on or about the 10th proximo. 5. the WYOMING, PAUL HONES, and PREBLE will proceed in company to Pichilinque Bay as soon as coaled, and as directed by the Department in its telegram of the 5th instant one of the destroyers will be sent to Guaymas, Mexico, to cable the arrival of those vessels at Phichilinque Bay. 6. Ishall direct the Collier NERO to proceed to Honolulu, to arrive2 there by the 10th proxmo. That vessel will then accompany the Squadron to Kiska and Puget Sound. 7. Copies of the telegrams sent to and received from the Department during the past week are appended hereto. Respectfully (signed) Henry Glass Rear Admiral, U.S. Navy, Commander-in-Chief, Pacific Squadron. The Secretary of the Navy, Navy Department, Washington, D.C.[Enc. in Darling 5-3-04][*[for 1 enc. see Ogden, 3-31-04]*] count me among the small group of your old friends who never ask anything from the President. Yours Ever Brander Matthews [*Ackd 4/13/04*] April 12th 1904 681 WEST END AVENUE, N.W. CORNER 93rd ST. NEW YORK. Dear Mr. President: I am sending you today the Political Science Quarterly with Burgess's article. And I enclose (for your own amusement) a correspondencewhich appeared in the Evening Post a few days ago. I hope you did not suppose that I was urging Woodward's appointment. He asked me to write to you; and I did. But I want you always to[[shorthand]] Tel. (N. Y.) 3176 John Law Offices August C. Streitwolf, Jr., Peoples Nat. Bank Bldg New Brunswick, N.J., 76 William Street, New York City. [*Ackd 4/13/04*] New Brunswick, N. J., April 12, 1904. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir: I am informed by Prof. Dietz of Temple, Tex., that you contemplate the writing of a history of the State of Texas. My client Mr. George F. Fuller, aged 83, a very intelligent man and an author, was a midshipman in the navy of the Republic of Texas prior to the annexation of Texas to the United States, and can describe vividly the Battle of Campeche and other battles of known importance that occured at that time. If my information is correct regarding your proposed undertaking of the history of Texas, I venture to write that Mr. Fuller volunteers his service in furnishing you with data, and particularly, of the war that Texas was engaged in with Mexico prior to the annexation. Respectfully yours, Aug't. Streitwolf Jr.[*[ca 4-12-04]*] MEXICAN REGULATIONS Land quarantine The following quarantine regulations against Mexico shall be in force, and effect, after the 30th of April, 1904. 1. All passenger coaches, sleeping cars, baggage, express and mail cars, from, or through places infected with yellow fever, in 1903, must have all windows screened with No. 18 mesh wire, screen doors, and windows to be kept close all the time. 2. On arrival at Laredo, Eagle Pass, or El Paso, all cars must be disinfected in a manner prescribed by, and under the direction of the State quarantine inspector 3. Passengers from Mexico must be provided with certificates from an inspector of the State of Texas, or the United States Public Heath Service, who will be located at some point in Mexico, stating that they have not been, for five days, in any place which was infected with yellow fever last year, or is at present infected. These certificates will be furnished passengers without cost. Passengers arriving at the border without such certificates, will not be permitted to enter the State. 4. The "local" passenger trains, operating between Saltillo and Laredo, must be disinfected at Saltillo, as well as Laredo. 5. All freight cars, empty, or loaded, originating in places infected with yellow fever in 1903, must be disinfected at the border, before entering Texas. All cars must be tagged "disinfected" with date of disinfection, with signature of the Disinfector thereto, before it is brought across the river. Any violation of the above regulations-2- by conductors, trainmen, or passengers, will be punished as prescribed in the Statutes of this State. All Quarantine inspectors are directed to enforce these regulations. Sgnd, Geo. R. Tabor, State Health Officer of TexasIncl 2 Copy of Texas regulations against Mexico [*[Enc in Butler 4-12-04]*]4-12-04 [*Ack'd 4-12-04*] [[shorthand]] Mrs. Fairfax H. Wheelan [*Secretary of the Department of Hand painted Crocodiles P.I.*] [First Friday] [1915 Baker Street] VICKERY, ATKINS & TORREY ANNOUNCE AN EXHIBITION OF BOOK-PLATE DESIGNS BY MRS. ALBERTINE RANDALL WHEELAN IN THE GREEN GALLERY AT TWO HUNDRED & THIRTY-SIX POST STREET FROM EASTER MONDAY APRIL FOURTH TO APRIL NINTH MCMIV:4-12-04 Among the book-plates exhibited will be those of: The Browning Society The Sketch Club Four plates for the University of California The Jack Boyd Memorial Prize for the Thachez School Samuel Cutler Bigelow Elizabeth Gerberding Lilly Marsh Wheeler William Lathrop McClure Mary Virginia Worstell Miss Stow Mark Irick Drexel Hawley Ellason Strong Julius Rehn Weber Fairfax Henry Wheelan Fairfax Randall Wheelan The book-plate conveys the last touch of indinviduality to the library. Especially is this true if it bear upon its face, besides the name of the owner, a pictorial or decorative design emblemeatine of some "hobby" of the owner or some reflection of his spriit. Mrs. Wheelan's work in this field has attracted wide attention both in this country and in Europe. The London Book of Book Plates, in its issue of July, 1903, says, in part: "It is the distinctive feature of Mrs. Wheelan's work that it is pervaded with a fine thoughtfulness. The designs are well balanced, the drawing is good, the technique bold and strong, the mastery over solid blocks used in heavy masses being particularly noticeable, but in addition to all these qualities each design means something; it is the expression of an idea.[*[Enclosed in Daniels, 4-12-04]*] B. F. Daniels. A.M. Conard CONARD & DANIELS, MINES, RANCHES AND CATTLE IN MEXICO AND ARIZONA. Marsh Bldg. Rooms 2 & 4. Nogales, Arizona.[*[Enclosed in Bishop 4-12-04]*] The Globe and Commercial Advertiser. 1797-ESTABLISHED-1904 PUBLISHED EVERY EVENING EXCEPT SUNDAY. By The COMMERCIAL ADVERTISER ASSOCIATION. A FOREGONE CONCLUSION. That the Republicans of New York State would send a solid Roosevelt delegation to the national convention has been an assured fact for nearly two years. The action of the state convention to-day merely confirms the action of the convention of September, 1902, in which it was declared: "We look forward to his (Roosevelt) election to the presidency in 1904, and so far as this convention has the power we pledge thereto the earnest efforts of the Republican party of this state." That action, coming after formal declarations in favor of the President's nomination in many of the most powerful Republican states of the Union, and preceding like expressions from other states, virtually settled the question of the President's candidacy. In May of last year no less than eighteen states, with an aggregate of delegates which was only a little short of an actual majority in the convention, had committed themselves formally to him. Others fell in line afterward, and, at the opening of the present year his nomination by acclamation was universally conceded. In several respects this unanimous support of the President by his party is unique in our political history. He will be the first vice-president, succeeding to the presidency through the death of a president, to be thus honored. No other "accidental president" has received anything approaching such approval by his own party. Fillmore was nominated by a section of his party in 1856, but was repudiated by another section; which nominated Gen. Fremont, and was defeated at the polls. Few others have been seriously thought of as candidates at the close of their service, though one of them, Arthur, had made so excellent a record as president that he fully deserved to be. The chief reason for the exception in Roosevelt's case is that he was a very strong presidential possibility when he was selected for second place four years ago. Nothing except the devotion of the party to McKinley because of his record in office prevented the candidacy of Roosevelt for first place from assuming large proportions at that time. He was not put on the ticket as candidates for vice-president usually are as a consolation prize for the supporters of a defeated candidate, but as a man whose great popularity throughout the country would arouse enthusiasm and give strength to the ticket. His campaign tour in the west fully justified their estimate of his qualities, and left him at its close more popular than ever. He was, in fact, recognized at the time of his nomination as a man up to the presidential candidate size, and this estimate of him has been confirmed in the estimation of his party by his conduct in office since McKinley's death. Instead of there being anything inexplicable or surprising in the strength of his candidacy to-day, it is the logical result of his career and of events. Another unusual characteristic of the approaching national convention in its "unpacked" quality. No man can say truthfully that this convention has been "set up" for Roosevelt by the politicians of the party, for it is notorious that the great majority of them have not at heart been in favor of his nomination. The convention has been "packed," but the people themselves have done the work. They have fairly compelled the politicians to take the President as their candidate on peril of party defeat if they did not do so. Others of our great convention of both parties have been manipulated far in advance by the party leaders, and have been so thoroughly in hand when they assembled that those leaders were able to do what they chose with them. This was the case with the very first conventions held, after the breakdown of the caucus system. Jackson manipulated the first two or three Democratic conventions, and Thurlow Weed was absolute master of the first three or four Whig and Republican conventions. At present the various Democratic leaders are doing their utmost to pack the St. Louis convention, either for their own candidates or against the candidates of rivals. But the Chicago convention in being manipulated by no political leader save, possibly, in theFrank S. Black. William M.K. Olcott. Abraham Gruber. William H. Bonynge. Terence J. McManus Theodore B. Chancellor. Henderson Peck. Irving L. Ernst. Frederic B. Bard. Cable Address, Blackol. Ack'd 4-14-04 Black, Olcott, Gruber & Bonynge. Attorneys and Counsellors at Law. 170 Broadway. New York, April 13th, 1904 Honorable Theodore Roosevelt; WASHINGTON, D.C. My dear Mr. President:- I took up the subject of Excise Legislation immediately upon my return from Washington. Of course I went directly to the Governor. I am satisfied that that subject will not be dealt with at all this session. I agree completely with your view that it would be a dangerous matter to stir up now; it is never easy or safe but it is now especially hard and dangerous. I think, however, you need not give that subject any further consideration. You probably recollect the talk you and I had with reference to the Caleb Powers case in Kentucky. His counsel, Mr. Robert C. Kinkead of Louisville, has just been in to see me this morning. I told him, in confidence, of course, what you said about the case and he was delighted beyond measure. This case has impressed me very strongly, so much so that I have agreed to render my professional services without compensation. It is a case that ought to be taken up to save the credit of the human race. I feel sure that Powers is innocent and I feel equally sure that they mean to hang him. They shouldn't be allowed to do it. Of course just at this minute I felt that I was not guilty of any great crime in asking Mr. Kinkead what bearing that caseT. R. 2. was likely to have on Kentucky politics. He says, that properly handled, it will make Kentucky Republican. The Powers question seems to be burning down there and it looks as though it is, what our friend Jerome would call "the right psychological moment" to turn the tide. You will not need Kentucky but I never knew a man to have too many votes. I advised Mr. Kinkead, who has already spoken with you once, to stop off and see you when he goes through Washington. I thought you might like to talk with him. He impresses me as a very intelligent, earnest, honest man. The convention yesterday went off in a way which I think would be entirely satisfactory to you. The symptoms are all improving here and I believe from now on they will improve more rapidly than ever. I did not see Mr. Stranahan because it seemed not necessary in connection with the Excise matter. I shall be glad to see him at any time, however, or to see any one or do anything which may be of use to you. I am, with kind regards, Sincerely yours, Frank S. Black(COPY) Washington, D.C., April 13, 1904. My dear Mr. Laffan:- Of course with your keen perceptions you must now that the Republicans would have been defeated if no movement had been made by the administration against the Northern Securities Company; as also we should have been if the President had not taken hold of the coal strike and ended it. The fear that our party of preserving competition was gaining ground and was sure to lead to our overthrow, with almost any democratic candidate against us; - especially with ideas prevailing that we meant to try to carry the election by expending vast sums of money in accordance with the methods of 1896 and 1900. That whole outlook is dissipated and success made sure bythe President's straightforward, fearless course and we are going to win, because the people are with us and the men of wealth will not venture to go against us "lest a worse evil come upon us." It is true we may lose New York but we are sure to carry without New York. It is the fact that we are likely to lose New York that will make us overwhelmingly strong in the great West. All this you know a great deal better than I can tell it to you; and I can see that on the whole in your own way you are doing the very best the Sun can do to elect Roosevelt. Yourconstant insistence that he is hostile to what we call the money power and is bent upon enforcing the anti-trust law in all its wise stringency helps to prevent any growing distrust of the President's sincerity in those respects which the democrats are charging upon him and Knox with great adriotness. This is indeed their greatest hope and consequently our greatest danger, and nothing is doing so much as you are to destroy that hope and avert that danger. As mere tactics for Republican victory your course is masterly; although in truth I do not think you are right in your criticisms. Mr. Roosevelt is as he is true and courageous. But all the doubts thrown on his conservatism from the East only add to his strength at the West. Looking at the question is this way I am sorry to see Mr. Harriman going to the National Convention - a Roosevelt delegate - if you cam [can] keep him away I hope you will do so. Any strong indication that such a class of men really mean to support Roosevelt may be fatal to his election. Let them stand aloof until election day and when they see what democracy is with its candidate, ad what republicanism is with its candidate, there is no doubt what they will do - especially with that Democratic House in prospect. You may say that we cannot get the money with which to pay our campaign expenses if these men hold aloof till the eve of election. But if things work according to my plan we shall notneed much money. The people will elect Roosevelt without money; andso we shall purify politics and save the party at the same time. I admit, with the Sun, that there are some bad Republicans whom we ought to get rid of. We can do that after victory. We must not try to do too much at once. Yates of Illinois is down and if Odell is bad, as I am inclined to think from the Sun's pictures he is, he will be powerless after Roosevelt's election. Let him be Chairman of the State Committee - especially if the state is going democratic while Roosevelt is chosen without the state. I do not see that you will be embarrassed in carrying out your plans. At the proper time, after both candidates and platforms are in the field, you can set forth the cogent reasons why Roosevelt should be elected instead of Parker. But you must not do this prematurely. We must be sure that the people are without distrust; that victory is reasonably sure and that no harm will be done by advising that all good citizens, the rich and the poor, the person and the cowboy, the corporations and the labor unions, should rush forward and keep out of power the fraudulent democracy and give the country one more republican administration - it will be the last that I shall be able to aid in any way to place in power.All of which is respectfully submitted by one who has read the Sun for 35 years. During that time I have aimed to read daily two New York papers - one to be democratic, one to be republican. The two have been the Sun and Tribune. Thereupon thoughts of changes arise. But I will close. Yours truly, Wm. E. Chandler.[Enc in Chandler, 9-10-04]J. SLOAT FASSETT. ELMIRA, N.Y. [[shorthand]] [*Ackd 4/14/1904*] April 13th, 1904. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, The White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President :- Just a word to ask you not to be impatient with us for urging you to prompt action in the case of Marshal Compton. Messrs. Brown and Curtis have been sent in by you, and I think if prompt action is taken with reference to Mr. Compton, against whom at present there is not the slightest evidence of opposition from any source, it may relieve some of our friends from any temptation to make any opposition. I hope to be in Washington next Monday and to have the pleasure of an interview with you. I will send in my card to Mr. Loeb on arrival. Congratulating you upon the splendid endorsement which you received at the hands of the convention, and the really most encouraging welcome which your name received in the convention itself, I am, Very sincerely yours, J. S. Fassett[*F*] PERSONAL Office of Assistant Treasurer U. S., New York, N. Y. April 13, 1904. His Excellency The President, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President:- Secretary Shaw doubtless informed you of the result of the conference at this office last week between himself, Mr. Bliss and Chairman Murray.- The decision was in the judgment of Collector Stranahan and myself, a very wise one.- The State Convention yesterday passed off very harmoniously, and it was apparent that Senator Platt still has the affections of the delegates, especially those from the Republican counties and that any slight upon him from any source would be resented. Assuming that you are to see Gov. Odell at an early day, may I venture to suggest that you make it clear to him that you expect not only to name the man on the Committee on Resolutions, but also the member of the National Committee from New York State, that that is your right and that no one should interfere with it. There are one or two men on the New York delegation who have been so outspoken in their abuse of you and who have been spoken of as desiring to be on the Committee on Resolutions that it seems desirable for you to forestall the Governor in the matter. Senator Aldrich would, all things beingOffice of Assistant Treasurer U. S., New York, N. Y., 190 Assistant Treasurer U.S. SUBJECT: No. of Inclosures,considered, be the most available man for Chairman of the National Committee - he is masterful, resourceful and strong in the quarter where you most need support. If he could be induced to accept, it would prove a splendid solution of the difficulties of the moment. I have the honor to be, Very respectfully and faithfully yours, Hamilton FishOffice of Assistant Treasurer U. S., New York City, 189 Assistant Treasurer U.S. SUBJECT: No. of Inclosures[*[For 1 enclosure see 4-13-04]*] [*Ackd & Cong record sent 4/15/04*] The Troy Times. Troy, N. Y., April 13th, 1904. My dear Mr. Loeb:- Will you kindly see that the enclosed clipping from the editorial columns of to-day's "Troy Times" is placed before the President, and oblige. Yours very truly, Charles S. Francis Mr. William Loeb, jr., Washington, D. C.[*Please consider this letter entirely confidential—*] Personal. J.W. GODDARD & SONS 98-102 BLEECKER ST. AND 197 MERCER ST. NEW YORK. NORTON GODDARD April 13th, 1904 President Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear President Roosevelt, Some time ago, it was either the end of November or the beginning of December, Governor Odell same down to New York, and took up his headquarters at the Republican Club, and the object of his visit, as stated in the papers, was "to re-organize the Republican County Committee." He sent for all the District Leaders, and amongst others he sent for me, although I am no longer a District Leader, and as soon as he had said, how do you do, without any further preliminary he said, "I want you to go on the State Committee from the 12th Congressional District. I need you there, and I hope you will be willing to go." I answered, that I always understood that membership on the State Committee amounted to nothing, but that if he wanted me and felt he had any use for me I would be glad to go, but I must call his attention to the fact that I did not control the 12th Congress District,- that probably Henkel of the 18th would vote with the 20th for me, but that Lexow of the 22nd, Smith Pine of the 24th and Jastrow Alexander of the 26th would doubtless vote together against me. Governor Odell replied, "Oh well I have just consummated a change in the Comptroller's office with the particular object of getting control of the Collateral Inheritance Tax Appraisers, andJ.W. GODDARD & SONS 98-102 BLEECKER ST. AND 197 MERCER ST. NEW YORK. NORTON GODDARD -2- Lexow is one of them and I can control him to do what I want. I said, "very well, then I accept with thanks and will look forward with pleasure to being elected State Committeeman." Then he went on and asked me how I would stand on the reorganization of the County Committee and I told him that I would stand with him. Of course this was a bargain clearly enough, on Governor Odell's part, and represented what he thought it would take to make me safe. On my part I should have voted for the the re-organization any way, as it promised the deposition of Mr. Platt as State as State Leader, which I have long thought was the first thing to be accomplished before even a beginning could be made at improving things in this State, so I didn't need any inducements. However they were offered and accepted. Yesterday the Governor informed me that he had changed his mind and was not going to interfere with the re-election of Smith Pine as State Committeeman. I reminded him in a perfectly polite way of his offer and my acceptance of it, but that made no difference, he merely said that he didn't feel that he could interfere in the 12th Congress District. Of course he could have interfered successfully, just as he pointed out in December that he could. During the last week I have seen him a couple of times and from my conversation with him I felt it was going to come to the point where he would turn me down, and of course I don't mind so far as the matter of losing the State Committeemanship isJ.W. GODDARD & SONS 98-102 BLEECKER ST. AND 197 MERCER ST. NEW YORK. NORTON GODDARD -3- concerned,- that office has no attraction for me, but I did take an interest in the matter because I regarded it as a test of Governor Odell's interest in me, and I am sorry the test showed that he practically has none. He forced Lauterbach on the Committee; he forced Walter Witherbee off the Committee, and he did a lot of other things which were a great deal harder than it would have been to tell Lexow how he should vote, and as he has professed very great regard for me, and assured me that my being on the State Committee would add weight to the State Committee and so on, I feel that his professions are now shown to be insincere. So far as that merely affects me I don't know that it makes very much difference, but it seems to me that perhaps having demonstrated that he had unhorsed Platt he thought that turning me down might indicate that he was not friendly to your friends, and thus that he was independent of you. If it would be convenient for you to see me in Washington before long I shall be very glad indeed to receive the honor of an appointment to call on you. If you should favor me in this way I could of course break any appointments that I have here that it might be necessary to break to keep the appointment with you, except that I would not like to break an engagement I have for Wednesday evening, April 27th, as it is not a social engagement, but a matter of duty. [*I enclose copy of letter I have written to Gov. Odell and ask you to consider it commitments to you in confidence.*] Very respectfully [Yours] and sincerely yours, Norton Goddard[For 1 enclosure see 4-14-04][*C.F.*] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D. C. April 13, 1904. Dear Mr. President: I enclose you a clipping from the New York Herald of this morning, which is based upon a conversation which I had with the Herald reporter last evening. I thought it was just as well that a wrong impression should not prevail as to the Government's attitude, and this account is substantially correct. Very respectfully yours, P C Knox To The President.[For 1 enclosure see ca 4-13-04, clipping]be no fault attributed to you, for you naturally trust the advice of your family physician. Mrs. Roosevelt has gone off with the two boys this morning. I will not see her for I resigned a short time since from magazine Bill Bernden. I hope that the boys will go through all right & that we [*P F*] GROTON SCHOOL GROTON MASSACHUSETTS April 13. 1904. My dear Theodore, It is good of you, in the midst of ten thousand cases of a great importance, to think of us on this remote hill in Massachusetts. As I said to to Mrs. Roosevelt, there canshall have them again at Groton in good health before many weeks have passed. I am, Ever Sincerely Yours, Endicott PeabodyJOHN C. ROSE, ATTORNEY AT LAW. 88 POST OFFICE BUILDING, BALTIMORE. [*Ackd 4/14/04*] [[shorthand]] April 13, 1904 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, The White House, Washington. My dear Mr. President:- During the great fire here in February last a large and quite valuable flour mill on the water front was seriously in danger. A fire boat was making a vigorous fight against the flames. The owner of the mill was on board the fire boat. In the midst of the fight a man came up from the hold and reported something to the captain. The captain turned to the owner of the mill and told him that he would have to take his boat away. The owner asked him why. He said that his fire room was full of ashes and he would have to take the boat away to dump them. The owner said "Why don't you dump them in the dock"? "Oh," says the captain, "I cannot do that, it is against the ordinance." In spite of all the protestations of the owner the captain sailed away with his boat, took it to the prescribed place and legally dumped his ashes overboard and then returned, but when he got back the mill was gone. Do you not think the captain of that boat is the very man that the Evening Post and the other people who are exercised over your lawless tendencies, ought to run for President? Sincerely yours, John C. Rose R. to B.-[[shorthand]] [*Ackd 4/16/04*] Belleville Ill. April 13, 1904 Mr. President: The Congressional Convention which re-nominated our friend Mr. Rodenberg, named me as a delegate to the National Convention and superfluously instructed me to vote for you. I may be relied upon to do so unless you completely destroy the Republic, overturn the Constitution, abolish the Revised Statutes and enslave the people before the Convention meets. If you do these things I shall not vote for you except under great pressure notwithstanding my instructions. I learn from Mr. B. Cochran that you are about to demolish the government and if such is the case I wish to be frank with you and advise you that I cannot encourage or support you in that course. Yours very truly: Charles Wait Thomas. To Theodore Roosevelt. President of the United States Washington, D.C.[*C.F.*] [*[ca 4-13-04]*] HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, WASHINGTON. MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT. The attention of the Postoffice Department should be called to the fact that it is almost impossible for a member of Congress to call at the department on business without being held up so to speak by some one of his constituent who has a grievance or who is anxious to secure a promotion. Just today on a visit to the department the writer was detained for an hour longer than necessary owing to the fact that he was met in the corridor by three different clerks who insisted on being heard. In passing through the department three other members were seen standing in the corridors in every case talking to women clerks and it is fair to presume that they were detained in the same manner. The Postoffice Department is not alone in the matter but is cited because of the frequency of such occurrences which is no doubt owing to the fact that visits to that department are more numerous as a rule than to the other buildings. The expression has often been made by members that the female clerks in the P.O. Department spend or rather seem to spend the greater part of their time in the corridors and if that were stopped perhaps the abuse complained of would be ended. The writer does not desire to in any way take snap judgment or to allow any particular person to be placed under suspicion so will refrain from making the matter personal.[*[Enclosed in Francis, 4-13-04]*] PUBLISHED IN LATEST EDITION THE TROY TIMES LATEST EDITION. Troy, N. Y., 1904. The Troy Times. Founded in 1851 by JOHN M. FRANCIS. Wednesday Afternoon, April 13, 1904. Republican Union. The Republican State Convention held in New York city yesterday expressed the condition of unity which distinguishes the party. Harmony was evident in all the proceedings, and devotion to the cardinal principles of Republicanism showed no abatement and was enunciated with enthusiasm. The platform which was adopted wisely indicated that the periods of American prosperity have been those of Re- publican administration and that the intervals of depression have been those when Democratic policies, or an obstructiveness which might be called a lack of policy, have been carried on with Democrats in control of executive and legislative offices. If the tree is known by its fruit, the abundant growth of this country when adhering to the principles formulated in Republican platforms is a glorious tribute to the soundness of the political beliefs and administrative methods which have made the name Republican the most lustrous in the history of American parties. So it was with abundant justification that the Republicans assembled in Carnegie Hall, New York, yesterday both appealed with confidence to the electors of 1904 and reaffirmed the principles which have been fundamental through years of success. A protective tariff; a free ballot for free men, which the Southern Democracy is solid in opposing or degrading; expansion of national commerce with the Panama Canal as an illustration of one of the methods by which wiser and prompter intercourse may be obtained; the maintenance of the gold standard in finance; the upbuilding of a merchant marine which will bear the Stars and Stripes--all there are not only Republican measures but they are also the elements essential to the nation's prosperity. Principles are futile without appropriate and energetic exponents. Therefore the Republicans in New York yesterday indorsed the administration of President Roosevelt as having with fidelity and sturdy ability carried out in the national life those precepts which form the Republican creed. Succeeding as he did that loved and lamented statesman, William McKinley, President Roosevelt has upheld the doctrines to which President McKinley gave assent in his letters of acceptance, and has become the most conspicuous type of the Republican party of the nation. Therefore it was inevitable and eminently just that the delegates chosen yesterday to represent the state at large in the national convention at Chicago should be directed to use their best efforts to secure the renomination of President Roosevelt. As President Roosevelt represents Republicanism in the nation, so does the executive head of the state, Hon. Benjamin B. Odell, jr., represent the principles of that party in the government of this commonwealth. The platform adopted yesterday says truly: "For his determined advocacy of "retrenchment, of relief from state taxation", his measures of economy and his "sagacious regulation of state expenditures", Governor Odell deserves as he "has received the appreciation and support of the people of New York." The unanimous choice of Governor Odell to be Chairman of the Republican State Committee and to direct operations in the coming campaign, is an assurance that the management of the preparations for this vastly important election will be in the hands of one of unsurpassed experience and success and of the most thorough acquaintance with the field, with the work to be performed in that field and with those who will do the work. Due recognition was given also to the long service of Senator Platt in leading the battles for Republican supremacy. The four delegates-at-large who were chosen to the Chicago convention represent service to the people and distinguished ability, and it is with peculiar gratification that the people of this county find the untiring and brilliant efforts of their leader, Hon. Frank S. Black, again recognized so conspicuously by the Republicanism of the state. The Republicans of New York state enter this year's campaign with union in party organization, devotion to the leadership which has shown its energy and integrity, and renewed allegiance to those principles of freedom and programs which have caused the American people to look with confidence to that party as the instrumentality for gaining respect abroad and at home the liberty and advancement which have, in spite of the hampering obstructiveness of a Bourbon minority, become inseparably identified with the name of America.[*[Enclosed in Knox, 4-13-04]*] [*[ca 4-13-04]*] NEITHER SIDE IS FAVORED BY KNOX Action a Refusal to Allow Conflicting Interests to Reopen the Government's Case. HERALD BUREAU, NO. 734 FIFTEENTH STREET, N. W., WASHINGTON, D. C., Tuesday. Attorney General Knox's action in filing objections to-day against the petition of Edward H. Harriman and others for leave to intervene in the proceedings against the Northern Securities Company amounts to a refusal to allow Mr. Harriman and Mr. Hill to litigate the private differences in connection with the government's case. An official of the Department of Justice in discussing the Attorney General's statement to-night said:- "In no possible manner can any one assert with justice that the Attorney General takes either sides in the Harriman-Hill difference. He neither admits nor denies the allegation of the petition, and his statement does not have the effect of recognizing either one of the parties to the suit. Mr. Harriman sought to graft his case on to that of the government. The Attorney General decides that the government's suit has been tried and decided and is therefore dad, since the court of last resort has issued the final decree. There is therefore nothing on which Mr. Harriman can craft his case and the Attorney General says this in effect. Mr. Harriman is left to bring his suit against the Northern Securities Company for a re-exchange of stock in his own way. The government can in no way assist him. Nor can it say just how that re-exchange of stock shall be made." "The action of the Attorney General simply says that the government case being settled by the court of last resort cannot be reopened for any purpose." The best lawyers here say that the decision of the Attorney General is objecting to the desired intervention favors neither side in the private quarrel and in no way can it be so construed. Mr. Harriman and his colleagues are left to conduct such private suits as they may bring in their own way so far as the Department of Justice is concerned. The decree of the Circuit Court, affirmed by the Supreme Court of the United States, distinctly said that it was not to be construed as preventing a re-exchange between the Northern Securities Company and those to whom its own stock had been issued in exchange for shares of either railway company. The granting of Mr. Harriman's petition for intervention, in the opinion of the Department of Justice, would also have meant leave to be heard in regard to the manner of the execution of the decree bearing on the re-exchange of stock, which is the basis of Mr. Harriman's suit. Mr. Knox objects to this because it would involve a practical reopening of the case so far as the execution is concerned, which the government approves. the Court, he says, is now only concerned to see that the decree is faithfully observed by the defendants. The decisions of the Court enjoins the Northern Securities Company from doing certain things, the carrying out of which was the only reason for the existence of the corporation. Presumably the removal by legal decree of its reason for existence will be followed by the collapse of the company itself, but whether the company woes out of existence or how it goes out of existence is not the government's concern. It has only to see that the injunctions prohibiting certain transactions are strictly observed.[*[Enclosed in Fish 4-27-04]*] 4. Seite. 13. April 1904. Frankfurter Handelsblatt Wiedergabe der mit * bezeichneten Artikel und der Privat-Depeschen auch deren telegraphische oder telephonische Verbreitung ist nur mit deutlicher Quellenangabe ,,Frkf. Ztg.“ gestattet. * Zur Lage in den Vereinigten Staaten. Im Hinblick auf die mannigfachen interessanten Vorgänge, welche sich auf den amerikanischen geschäftlichen Gebieten in letzter Zeit ereignet haben, ist es gewiß von Interesse, die Ansichten eines Mannes zu erfahren, der mit reichen Erfahrungen ausgestattet eine führende Rolle drüben bekleidet und als Autorität in finanziellen Angelegenheiten zu bezeichnen ist. Es ist dies der gegenwärtig wieder in Frankfurt (seiner Vaterstadt) weilende Herr J a c o b H. S c h i f f , Chef der bekannten New Yorker Bankfirma Kuhn, Loeb & Co., der sich, nachdem schon vor zwei Jahren einmal an dieser Stelle eine interessante Darlegung von ihm veröffentlicht wurde, jetzt neuerdings in einer mit uns sattgehabten Unterredung über verschiedene Punkte in folgender beachtenswerter Weise geäußert hat. Bezüglich der Entscheidung des obersten Gerichtes in Sachen der N o r t h e r n S e c u r i t i e s C o. sei selbstverständlich die Fortexistenz der Kombination weiterhin nicht möglich, deren Auflösung sei daher ohne weiteres beschlossen und der bekannte Abfindungsplan entworfen worden. Ob dem gegen den letzteren seitens der Union Pacific-Bahn erhobenen Einwand Folge gegeben wird, sei offene Frage, so logisch es auch erscheinen mag, daß die Parteien, weiche Northern Pacific-Shares in die Northern Securities Co. hineingegeben hatten, auch berechtigt sein sollten, diese zurückzufordern und nicht als Teilabfindung die ihnen zugewiesene Quote in Great Northern-Shares. Das seien übrigens Fragen von untergeordneter Bedeutung, weit wichtiger sei die prinzipielle Seite der Angelegenheit. Herr Schiff glaubt nicht, daß, im Hinblick auf die Eigenartigkeit der Abstimmung bezw. der überaus knappen Majorität für den Gerichtsbeschluß, gegen andere bereits bestehende Kombinationen nunmehr ebenfalls vorgegangen werde, wohl aber würde durch die Entscheidung die Bildung neuer ähnlicher Kombinationen zum mindesten erschwert. Es werde sich angesichts dieses Präzedenz-Falles jede Eisenbahngesellschaft wohl überlegen, kontrollierende Posten Shares anderer Linien aufzukaufen und sich damit der eventuellen unbestimmten Haltung der Gerichte auszusetzen. Wäre die Entscheidung zu gunsten der Northern Securities Co. ausgefallen, dann würden zweifelsohne eine Unmenge ähnlicher Kombinationen gebildet worden sein und die Gefahr hätte dann nahe gelegen, daß neue Kombinationen mit der Zeit größere Konkurrenzkämpfe mit sich gebracht hätten, ebenso daß sowohl vom Kongreß, wie von den Einzelstaaten scharfe remedielle Gesetze erlassen worden wären. Insofern beurteile er, obwohl er (Schiff) selbst Mitglied des Direktoriums gewesen sei, die Auflösung der Northern Securities Co. eher günstig. Durch die Entscheidung sei zwar die Form der Interessengemeinschafte unter den betreffenden Linien geändert, aber letztere selbst dürfte nicht notwendigerweise als gefährdet erscheinen. Die jüngste Bewegung in U n i o n P a c i f i c - S h a r e s sei zwar noch nicht erklärt, doch sei nicht anzunehmen, daß es sich dabei, um die Kontrollabsichten einer neuen Gruppe handle. Freilich werde ein großer Kapitalist als Käufer genannt. Sollte dies richtig sein, dann sei es wahrscheinlich, daß diese Ankäufe lediglich für dessen Privatanlage erfolgt seien. Erfahrungsgemäß gibt es in solchen Fällen immer eine große Anzahl Mitläufer, die dann das ihrige tun, der Bewegung eine bedeutsamere Signatur aufzudrücken, als sie tatsächlich verdient. Die gegenwärtigen Interessen in dem Unternehmen und die damit zusammenhängende Kontrolle seien so gefestigt und kapitalkräftig, daß Versuche Anderer, die Kontrolle zu erwerben, wenig Aussicht auf Erfolg haben. Von nicht zu unterschätzender Bedeutung sei der sehr in die Wagschale fallende Besitz der Union Pacific-Bahn von etwa 90 Millionen Dollars Aktien der S o u t h e r n P a c i f i c C o. Wenn auch dieses Aktivum unter Zugrundelegung des gegenwärtigen Kurses der Aktien einen Minderwert gegen den Ankaufspreis repräsentiert, so seien die direkten und Vorteile dieses kontrollierenden Besitzes recht weitgehende für die Union Pacific-Bahn. Neben vielen direkten Vorteilen für die Union Pacific-Bahn ist durch diese Kontrolle des Southern Pacific-Systems die Absicht anderer Gesellschaften, wie beispielsweise der Chicago & North West, der Illinois Central und anderer Bahnen, sich nach Salt Lake City auszudehnen, bezw. eine Verbindung nach dem Pacific-Ozean herzustellen, auf lange Zeit vereitelt worden, mithin für die Union Pacific-Bahn diese direkte Konkurrenz vorerst nicht zu befürchten Die letzten vielfachen G e ld b e s c h a f f u n g e n a m e r i k a n i s c h e r K o r p o r a t i o n e n mittels kurzfristiger Noten haben allerdings ihre zwei Seiten, aber immerhin sei die Beschaffung der nötigen Gelder zu höheren Bedingungen auf kurze Termine einer permanenten Belastung zu ebenfalls ungünstigen Zinssätzen, wie es unter den gegenwärtigen Verhältnissen nicht anders möglich wäre, vorzuziehen. Was speziell die letzte größere Anleihe von 50 Millionen Dollars (18monatl. Noten) der P e n n s y l v a n i a C o. anbelangt, so sei jetzt schon als sicher anzunehmen, daß die Gesellschaft diese Noten bei Verfall in Shares unter Einräumung des Bezugsrechts für die alten Aktionäre konvertieren werde und daß auch voraussichtlich weitere eventuelle Gelderfordernisse durch Vermehrung des Aktienkapitales und nicht der Bondsschuld aufgebracht werden. Die jüngsten Vorgänge an der Newyorker B au m w o l l l e n b ö r s e seien zu beklagen, es seien das eben Auswüchse der Spekulation wie sie von Zeit zu Zeit wiederkehren. Aber wie alles im Leben Licht- und Schattenseite hat, so auch in diesem Falle. Durch die Preissteigerung der Baumwolle habe sich der Nationalwohlstand im Süden der Vereinigten Staaten in noch nie dagewesener Weise gehoben. Aehnliches sei für den Westen und Nordwesten infolge der anhaltend hohen Preise für Brotstoffe zu konstatieren. Darin sei auch teilweise der Grund zu finden, weshalb ein ernstlicher Rückschlag der wirtschaftlichen Lage des Landes trotz der während der aufsteigenden Epoche begangenen schweren Sünden vorerst nicht zu befürchten sei, sofern nicht unvorhergesehene Ereignisse einen solchen herbeiführen. Auch die bevorstehende W a h l k a m p a g e dürfte nach Ansicht des Herrn Schiff ohne größere Störungen verlaufen. Es sei durchaus nicht wahrscheinlich, daß das Volk eine Aenderung in der Administration des Landes wünschen werde, weder der Partei noch Personen betreffe. Es könne deshalb auch als ein fast sicheres Faktum (foregone conclusion) betrachtet werden, daß Präsident Roosevelt von der republikanischen Partei, deren Nationalkonvention im Juli stattfindet, nominiert und bei der Wahl im November erwählt werden würde. Die Opposition seitens einiger Finanz-Elemente wegen der sogenannten Anti-Trust-Tendenzen des Präsidenten, von der so viel unberechtigtes Aufsehen gemacht worden, sei von keiner Bedeutung und werde im Sand verlaufen; der Präsident sei beim Volk selbst und speziell im großen Westen wegen seiner geraden, unerschrockenen un patriotischen Stellungnahme geachtet und beliebt, während die demokratische Partei fortgesetzt in sich selbst zerrissen sei, und es ihr an fähigen Führern fehle. Auch sei es ganz unwahrscheinlich, daß die S i l b e r f r a g e abermals in der bevorstehenden Wahlkampagne seitens der Demokratie auf die Tagesordnung gesetzt werde und könne diese Frage, selbst soweit es die demokratische Partei betreffe, als endgültig begraben angesehen werden. * Zur Börsengesetz-Reform. In seiner "Monatsschrift für Handelsrecht und Bankwesen" unterzieht Justizrat Dr. Paul H o l d h e i m - Frankfurt a.M. die Börsengesetz-Novelle einer scharfen Kritik. Auch er weist darauf hin, daß die Novelle insofern sogar noch eine Verschärfung des bisherigen Zustandes bedeutet, als sie sich auf den Boden der Rechtsprechung des Reichsgerichts stellt, damit die Grundgedanken des ursprünglichen Börsengesetzes verläßt und den erst durch die Auslegung des Reichsgerichts in das Börsengesetz hineingebrachten Vorschriften die bisher fehlende gesetzliche Grundlage verschafft. Wie die Rechtslage sich danach gestalten würde, davon gibt er ein anschauliches Bild: Während einer Frist von sechs Monaten nach Mitteilung von Abwicklung des Geschäfts bleibt der Bankier allen Einwendungen und Chikanen des Kunden ausgesetzt, und zwar in dem vollen Umfang, den das Reichsgericht nach seiner Auffassung den Vorschriften des Börsengesetzes gegeben hat. Für diese kritischen sechs Monate tritt die Verschärfung des Börsengesetzes nunmehr in volle gesetzliche Kraft; während dieses Zeitraumes bleibt die Handhabung des Börsengesetzes in der erweiterten Fassung, die sich in der Rechtsprechung des Reichsgerichts herausgebildet hat, die nunmehr unanfechtbare Grundlage des Börsenverkehrs. Sechs Monate lang droht dem Bankier die Ungültigkeit des Geschäftes, der Differenz-Spiel- und Registereinwand. Sechs Monate sind ein lange Zeit im Leben der Börse; angesichts des schnellen Wechsels der Konjunktur dauert diese Schutzlosigkeit zu lange, als daß sich daraufhin ein geordneter Verkehr entwickeln könnte. Während dieser sechs Monate aber genügt eine einfache Erklärung des Schuldners, daß er die Erfüllung verweigere, um den Zustand der Rechtlosigkeit zu verewigen. Darum kann für Holdheim das Urteil über den Entwurf nicht zweifelhaft sein. Auch ihm ist die Novelle ein Stück- und Flickwerk, eine Halbheit, die wie "wie alle Halbheiten die Gefahr in sich birgt, daß trotz der im einzelnen gebotenen Verbesserungen die Gesamtlage durch sie verschlechtert wird. Ohne Aufhebung des Verbotes[*F*] SCHLOSS MATZEN, BRIXLEGG, TYROL. Shooting Lodge Hungary 14 Apr. 1904 Dear Sir, Being away from home shooting in Hungary your favour of August. 29. has only reached me this day & I hasten to say in reply that I shall of course refrain from goading the President: Kind praise of the "Master of Game", in future.Please be good enough to inform the President of this & believe me to be dear Sir Yours very faithfully W. A. Baillie-Grohman Wm. Loeb Esq. Secretary to the President.[*Ackd 4/18/04*] FREMONT, OHIO, 4/14. '04. [[shorthand]] President Roosevelt Washington, D.C. Dear Sir: - In talking with our Congressman a few days since with reference to calling a convention, I pressed him for a promise to be a candidate for reelection, that I might acquaint the Committee Saturday next, but he positively refused to again make the race. He can add much strength to the ticket in this district in a presidential year - Even tho' he should fail of election, which I would not look for, if the Democrats put up a labor union candidate - a thing the farmers will not relish & it looks as tho' they would do this. I think a personal talk by yourself, with Mr. Jackson might induce him to again make the race. Respectfully J.D. Bemis Chm'n. Cong Committee OFFICE OF J. D. BEMIS, M.D. FREMONT, OHIO.Washington April 14-th 1904.- [*Ack'd 4-15-04*] Mr. President, Having received the sad news of the loss of our battleship, the Petropavlovsk, which has cost so many lives to our brave navy, - I simultaneously am informed of the disaster which occured on board your battleship, the Missouri, which took away so many lives of your gallant sailors. Permit me to express to you, Mr. President, my deep sympathy in the name of my Government and my own, on this sad occurrence, which has deeply moved as all at a time when we with grief are mourning our own loss. Believe me, Mr. President, yours very sincerely Cassini His Excellency The President of the United States. [*CF*] JOSEPH B. FORAKER, CHAIRMAN. CHAUNCY M. DEPEW. GEORGE P. WETMORE. ADDISON G. FOSTER. JOHN M. MITCHELL. THOMAS KEARNS. JOSEPH R. BURTON. FRANCIS M. COCKRELL. STEPHEN R. MALLORY. JOSEPH C.S. BLACKBURN. WILLIAM A. CLARK. CHARLES E. ALDEN, CLERK. JOSEPH SAGMEISTER, ASSISTANT CLERK. United States Senate, COMMITTEE ON PACIFIC ISLANDS AND PORTO RICO April 14, 1904. My dear Mr. President: Referring to our conversation this morning, and the promise I made, on leaving, to submit a memorandum with respect to the matters talked about, I send you the following: 1. I desire the appointment of Charles A. Judson to be Collector of the Port at Sandusky, vice E.H. Zurhorst, resigned. Mr. Judson is now serving his second term as a member of the State Senate from that Senatorial District. The District is Democratic, but Mr. Judson has carried it twice in succession. He is endorsed by every member of the several committees at that place. He is also endorsed by numerous citizens. I think I may safely say that he is endorsed by practically all the leading citizens of that place. In addition to my endorsement, he has the endorsement of Hon. A. H. Jackson, Member of Congress from that District, and he has also the endorsement of Mr. Burton and Mr. Beidler, the two Members of Congress from Cleveland, Ohio. I do not know of any reason why this appointment should not be made, and made at once.JOSEPH B. FORAKER, CHAIRMAN. CHAUNCY M. DEPEW. GEORGE P. WETMORE. ADDISON G. FOSTER. JOHN M. MITCHELL. THOMAS KEARNS. JOSEPH R. BURTON. FRANCIS M. COCKRELL. STEPHEN R. MALLORY. JOSEPH C.S. BLACKBURN. WILLIAM A. CLARK. CHARLES E. ALDEN, CLERK. JOSEPH SAGMEISTER, ASSISTANT CLERK. United States Senate, COMMITTEE ON PACIFIC ISLANDS AND PORTO RICO The President - 2. 2. I also renew my recommendation that Clinton F. Parks be appointed to succeed L. H. Smith as Postmaster at Arcanum, in Darke County, Ohio, and that John A. Koeper be appointed Postmaster at New Bremen, Ohio, to succeed A.C. Buss, who, according to a notice received by me from the Post Office Department some time ago, has been, or is to be, removed, on report of Post Office Inspector. 3. I also recommend the appointment of Mr. Edwin A. Batt to be Appraiser at Cleveland, Ohio, vice Alexander Bruce, to be removed, on the recommendation of the Treasury Department. As to Mr. Batt, he is also endorsed by Mr. Beidler, Member of Congress from the 20th District. Mr. Burton did not join in making this recommendation, but he told me that he would say to you, if consulted, that Mr. Batt is a good man for the place. In this connection, I submit herewith a letter just received by me from Hon. J.A. Beidler, calling attention to the fact that the Postmaster, Deputy Postmaster, United States Marshal, and Appraiser of Merchandise are all residents of the 21st District - Mr. Burton's Mr. Beidler naturally thinks that he should have some of the appointments at Cleveland for his District. But, however that may be, I recommend Mr. Batt.Joseph B. Foraker, Chairman. Chauncey M. DePew Francis M. Cockrell. George P. Wetmore. Stephen R. Mallory. Addison G. Foster. Joseph C.S. Blackburn John M. Mitchell. William A. Clark. Thomas Kearns. Joseph R. Burton. Charles E. Alden, Clerk. Joseph Sagmeister, Assistant Clerk. United States Senate, Committee on Pacific Islands and Porto Rico The President -3. I was somewhat surprised to have you say to me this morning that some one has informed you that Mr. Batt is not a man of good character. My information is to the contrary; but, on that point, I refer you to Mr. Burton, who resides in Cleveland and who knows all about Mr. Batt. These cover all the matters, so far as I can recall, about which I was to send you a memorandum. I do not think you have any idea, Mr. President, how exceedingly disagreeable this matter of patronage is to me. It would be disagreeable this matter of patronage is to me. It would be disagreeable under any circumstances, but it is particularly so under those which have heretofore obtained and which seem to continue. I do not wish to be impatient or to in any manner add to your cares and burdens and troubles, but I hope it will not be necessary for me to trouble you again with a personal interview in regard to these or any other appointments. If the situation heretofore obtaining can not be changed, or at least greatly improved, I shall respectfully decline to have anything to do with appointments from Ohio except only as it may be my privilege and duty to take actionJOSEPH B. FORAKER, CHAIRMAN. CHAUNCY M. DEPEW. GEORGE P. WETMORE. ADDISON G. FOSTER. JOHN M. MITCHELL. THOMAS KEARNS. JOSEPH R. BURTON. FRANCIS M. COCKRELL. STEPHEN R. MALLORY. JOSEPH C.S. BLACKBURN. WILLIAM A. CLARK. CHARLES E. ALDEN, CLERK. JOSEPH SAGMEISTER, ASSISTANT CLERK. United States Senate, COMMITTEE ON PACIFIC ISLANDS AND PORTO RICO The President - 4. with respect to them in the Senate. Very truly yours, etc., J. B. Foraker (Enclosure).[*[For 1 enclosures see Beidler, 4-12-04]*]J.W. GODDARD & SONS 98-102 BLEECKER ST. AND 197 MERCER ST. NEW YORK NORTON GODDARD [*Ack'd 4-15-04*] April 14th, 1904 President Roosevelt, Washington, D. C. My dear President Roosevelt, I take the liberty of enclosing you a clipping from to-day's Sun, because it is something of a bearing on what I shall want to suggest to you when I see you if you favor me with an appointment, asked for in a letter sent you earlier in the day. Very sincerely yours, Norton Goddard [[shorthand]][For 1 enclosure see, ca 4-17-04][*Copy*] April 14th, 1904 Governor Odell, Albany, N. Y. My dear Governor Odell, As I find on consideration of the matter that I feel distinctly chagrined and dissatisfied over my failing to be elected State Committeeman from the 12th Congress District, I have decided that it is franker and more satisfactory to me, and unquestionably more satisfactory to you, for me to say plainly why I feel this way. I hope you will be able to re-call, as I do, that at the time you came down here and went to the Republican Club to attend to the matter, as the newspapers put it, of re-organizing the County Committee here, you sent for me, and before I said anything you told me that it was your desire that I should go on the State Committee from the 12th Congress District. You were good enough to say that in that position I could be of service to you, and you were even pleased to say that you wanted me individually, and what you described as "men like me" on the Committee. You also said that you wanted me as State Committeeman because you thought it was due to me that the Republican Organization should, by electing me State Committeeman this year, make good to me for the injustice the same Organization and inflicted on me two years before at Saratoga when, because I refused to vote for Quigg for temporary Chairman, I was refused the election to the State Committee which had been promised me. I was, of course, very much flattered by your kindness and consideration and gladly accepted the offer. Then you went on and talked to me about the re-organization of the Committee, and when I told you-2- that I thought the re-organization should include the supplanting of the National Committeeman and the State Chairman by other men, you said that your plan included that, and I gave you the assurance of my heart support. I felt very much complimented by your frankness in talking to me, but I called to your attention that I did not control the 12th Congress District, and could not be elected there unless either Lexow, or Smith Fine or Jastrow Alexander voted for me. You answered that I need not worry about that,- that you had just accomplished a change in the Comptroller's office with the object of controlling the Collateral Inheritance Tax Appraisers, and as Lexow was one of them it was positive you could control his vote for me as State Committeeman. During the past week or ten days I spoke to you a couple of times about the matter, but you each time put it off, as you said you were not ready to talk as yet, and in fact the election of Smith Pine was consummated without my having a chance to talk to you and tell you my side of the case, after you had heard Pine, Alexander and Lexow, for Mr. Halpin told me a few minutes before the announcement of Mr. Pine's election that you had told him you had decided not to interfere as the three made a personal matter of it,- that Jastrow Alexander said he was opposed to me because I had tried to get you not to re-nominate him, which is quite true of course, as you know, but how in the world he should know it I cannot conceive,- that Mr. Pine was against me because he was for himself, and that Lexow had some grievance or other unstated. As to Mr. Pine, I don't blame him in the least. As to Jastrow Alexander, I do blame him because two years ago at Saratoga he gave me his word that he would vote for me, which would-3- have resulted in my election, by the way, if he had kept his word, but he did not, and broke it. He gave me his word, in the presence of witnesses, so that I think he has no grievance, and should have been glad of an opportunity this year to do a little something toward making good the wrong he did two years ago. Any way there would have remained Lexow, whom you felt you could control. It is probably unnecessary for me to state that the position itself is nothing to me except as it might have enabled me to be of some use to you as leader of the Party. My chagrin is chiefly due to the fact that you changed your mind about me between December and April, and that my usefulness to the Party in a position of this kind did not bulk large enough in your estimation to warrant you in making the effort that would have been necessary. My disappointment is due to not receiving what I had understood had been offered and accepted. Some time back I explained to you my reason for believing that Jastrow Alexander should not be re-appointed to his present office. The reason had to do with the interests of the Republican Party in this city, and I furthermore asked you to consider appointing a man whom I recommended to you for the place. You said you would not take the matter up until after the State Convention was over, and that then you would see me about it and would not take any action without having a good full talk with me. I hope you will soon be ready to take this matter up with me as promised. Please believe me, Very respectfully yours, [*[Goddard]*][Enclosed in Goddard, 4-13-04][*C.F.*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE. WASHINGTON. April 14, 1904. Dear Theodore:- The committee of the Michigan delegation called yesterday morning, and, with a look of cheerful expectation, asked me if you had spoken to me as you promised them. I said yes, that you had dealt with me faithfully, said I was a cumberer of the ground, likewise a bump on a log, that the State Department was too great a place to be held by a dumb dog that would not bark - to all of which I had assented, and had taken the matter under advisement. They tried to make it as easy for me as they could, said they did not care what sort of speech I made. I was apparently wanted as a sort of relic, and, to clinch the matter and make my acceptance certain, they said I could read my speech. "Yes", said another, with large magnanimity, "you can sit in a chair and read it if you like". I have already agreed to go to St. Louis and speak on the 19th. I had to do it or else stay away from the Fair altogether. I have thus broken the promise made to myself for good and sufficient reasons, which still seem to me good and sufficient. I have also broken the promise I made my wife, who is witness of what such engagements cost. I have no natural appetite or sleep while the horror lasts; and I know perfectly well it is not worth while. Although I havelost all the creative rhetorical capacity I once had, I have not lost my faculty of criticism, and I can judge my own work and find it inadequate. When I read one of your speeches and the speeches of others, I see how completely I have lost the power of contact with actuality. Of course, there is in all this an element of personal indolence and a desire to shirk, but, leaving that out, I am convinced that if I am worth anything in the State Department, it is a waste of whatever I am worth, to go about the country making speeches. Yours faithfully John Hay[*CF*] [*Ack'd 4-15-04*] New York Tribune. "ALL THE NEWS THAT IS NEWS" New York. April 14, 1904 Dear Mr. President - At the risk of being considered a bore I wish to again call your attention to the desirability of having some of your friends acquire the New York Daily News property. Handled right it could be made valuable as an investment and its value as a political factor, especially this year, would be tremendous. You simply must carry New York State. Despite all his sulking and balking now Murphy will try to have New York City roll up for the Democratic ticket a record-breaking majority. Properly conducted the "News" could do more than any other one agency that I know of to overcome his efforts. It could reestablish itself in the confidence of the East & West side and fight Tammany right in its own stronghold. In old Ben Wood's time Croker didn't care a rap about the other newspapers so long as he had the News. Yours sincerely James Martin Theodore Roosevelt President Washington D.C.[*[For 1. enclosure see ca. 4-14-04, Munsey]*][*C.F.*] Office Of The Secretary TREASURY DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON April 14, 1904. My dear Mr. Loeb: I am in receipt of your note inclosing a letter from Hon. Eugene G. Hay, to which is attached a clipping from the Minneapolis Tribune, and I note the President's request that I submit some observations upon the Minneapolis platform. [* see Hay, Eugene G *] In my judgment the Minneapolis platform has been given undue notoriety. One has to read between the lines to discover there is any tariff revision sentiment in the State. The platform does not in terms concede anything to would-be tariff revisers. the platform, in harmony with the last national platform, declares in favor of reciprocity in non-competitive articles, and expresses affirmatively what the Philadelphia platform expresses by implication, for it says in effect that we cannot have reciprocity in competitive articles. I am a little surprised at Mr. Hay's letter, and more surprised at the clipping from the Minneapolis-2- Tribune. The Tribune says: "Real reciprocity is mutual concession among nations for increase of international commerce and lowering of prices. The familiar principle of wholesale trade enters into it. x x x It matters not whether these mutual concessions are made by treaties or by independent legislation on either side. The essence of the thing is that we should make it possible for other nations to buy more of those things which we can produce to the best advantage by buying from them more of the things which they can produce to better advantage than we can." If this is not as clean-cut Democratic doctrine as was ever expressed, I fail to see the distinction. It is an absolute and complete surrender of the last vestige of protection. No Democratic orator ever expressed the principles of the Cobden Club with greater clearness than does the Tribune in the language I have quoted. I presume the President is aware of the fact that a year ago a resolution was introduced in the Senate of the Minnesota Legislature memorializing Congress in favor of reciprocity with Canada. It was defeated by an overwhelming vote - if I am rightly advised, something above two to one. It was not even introduced in the House. Yours very truly, L. M. Shaw [*Enclosure*] Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President Inclosure-3- P. S. I enclose a clipping from the San Francisco Chronicle, which quotes the reciprocity plank of the Minnesota platform. I think the Chronicle much sounder than the Tribune, and it has the further advantage of being in harmony with the Philadelphia platform of 1900. L. M. S.[[shorthand]] IMPERIAL GERMAN EMBASSY. WASHINGTON, D.C. April 14 1904 [*ackd 4-14-04*] Dear Mr. President Kindly accept the expression of my heartfelt and profound sympathy on the loss which America has suffered. To The President of the United States of Americain the death of so many gallant officers and men of her navy. Believe me Mr. President yours most sincerely Sternburg [*F*] J. L. Bristow OFFICE OF FOURTH ASSISTANT POSTMASTER GENERAL WASHINGTON W Personal. [*Burton*] April 14, 1904. Memorandum for Mr. Loeb. Last July, Mr. William Allen White wrote the President, at Oyster Bay, stating among other things that Senator Burton had been violating the law in appearing before the Post Office Department and that the statement could be verified by inquiring of the Chief Post Office Inspector and other postal officials. This letter was forwarded to the Postmaster-General with the request that the Chief Inspector make a statement as to what he knew of the matters referred to. The Chief Inspector made a statement, dated July 20, which was delivered to the Postmaster-General and by him forwarded to the President. At a subsequent date Mr. Folk, of St. Louis, turned over to either Inspector Dice or United States Attorney Dyer, certain checks and letters relating to Senator Burton's employment by the Rialto Grain and Securities Company to represent that company before the Post Office Department. These checks were forwarded to the Postmaster-General and by him turned over to the Attorney-General, as I understand it. The Attorney-General also at that time had the statement made on July 20 by the Chief Inspector. He then took up the matter as to the indictment of Senator Burton with the United States Attorney at St. Louis. If the Attorney-General, in the letter which he contemplates writing, concerning which the President spoke to me yesterday, states that the papers were first presented to him by the Postmaster-General, and the preliminary proceedings-2- are not mentioned, Senator Burton, or his friends, would doubtless say the matter was placed in the hands of the Postmaster-General by Bristow for the purpose of getting even with Burton. If the letter is written it appears that it would be wiser to give all of the preliminaries or none of them, simply stating that the Attorney-General received this information and these papers at a Cabinet meeting and that he instituted an inquiry, and upon his own motion decided to present the evidence against Burton to the grand jury. This memorandum is made because of a conservation had with the President yesterday during which this subject was mentioned.[*[Enclosed in Goddard, 4-14-04]*] YOU CAN BLAME IT ON GODDARD. The Fault, Dear Brutus, Is Not In Our Stars That We Don't Get There. There was a little Abe Gruber-Norton Goddard story yesterday. For half a dozen years Mr. Goddard has aspired to be State committeeman for the Twelfth Congress district. Every time the pall of defeat has been his portion, and on Tuesday Mr. Goddard was beaten again, Smith Pine retaining the place. Mr. Goddard has accepted all that his political mentor, Abe Gruber, has told him to the why and the wherefore of his previous defeats. It was that man Platt-- Platt was the wicked man who wouldn't have Goddard for State committeeman. On Monday Gov. Odell decreed that Mr. Goddard should be State committeeman for the district, but the district delegates beat Goddard again. It isn't a case of Platt or Odell in Goddard's matter. It is best illustrated by a story told by a Twelfth district delegate. "Our district" said he, "feels a good deal as Roosevelt did once when he was Governor. He came down to the Fifth Avenue Hotel and we boned him to review a parade. 'I'll do it on the condition,' said Roosevelt; 'that is, that you keep that man Goddard a-w-a-y from me."[*[Enclosed in Curtis, 4-14-04]*] [*[ca. 4-14-04]*] MR. MUNSEY WILL QUIT THE NEWS Public Has Failed to Respond to His Circulation Making Devices. HE TRIED ALL BUT ONE That is an Appeal to Supporters of the Old Newspapers, and He Does Not Care to Do That. After having tried for two years and five months to make a success of the New York Daily News along the lines he desired in a newspaper with which his name was connected Mr. Frank A. Munsey has determined to retire any connection with the property. He made this announcement last night and at the same time said that one of his chief reasons for wishing to be free from any responsibility for the newspaper was [?] he expects to sail for Europe next month for a vacation and that while away, he does not wish to be subjected to the worry involved in a continued effort to make the News successful. "Within a month I shall have severed my connection absolutely with the News," said Mr. Munsey. "I have resorted to every expedient I know to make the paper successful, but I have been met with the remarkable proposition that at each fresh expenditure of considerable money the circulation instead of increasing, has decreased. "I put in a large color press and got out what I thought was a pretty good Sunday paper, but we still lost circulation. Because I was anxious to get out what I considered a good newspaper I changed the News from an evening to a morning newspaper, and we lost circulation. We were handicapped greatly by the lack of an Associated Press franchise, and finally I made it once more an evening paper. Again we lost circulation. "The fact is that the constituency of the News has always been and still remains on the east side and the west side of the city. It catered to a class of people with whom I am not in sympathy. I tried to make a place for it among those with whom I am in sympathy and with whom I am daily thrown in contact to do so, for various causes, into which there is no need of my going. I do not care to run a newspaper along the lines which once made the News successful, and consequently I am going to leave it. I don't know how to conduct a paper as economically as would be necessary in the latter case, and I have no desire to make the attempt. "I simply have made as good a fight as I knew how, and now I am through. That's all there is about it. As a matter of fact I have been merely the capitalist back of the property and have devoted little or none of my personal attention to its conduct. That fact of itself would make any similar proposition difficult, if not impossible. I do not know of a single instance where a capitalist as such has been able to build up a weak newspaper properly or to establish a new paper." Mr. Munsey indicated that the News is for sale though he did not name any figure he would take for the property, but, in any event he said that his connection with the paper would cease within the month. He has a forty horse power Mercedes automobile waiting for him on the other side.CHICAGO & NORTH WESTERN RAILWAY CO. LAW DEPARTMENT. LLOYD W. BOWERS, General Counsel. SAMUEL A. LYNDE, } ARTHUR W. PULVER, } General Attorneys. CHICAGO, April 15th, 1904. [*RECEIVED APR 17 1904 OFFICE Secretary of War.*] Hon. William H. Taft, Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. My dear Bill:-- I venture to write to call to your attention, now that you are back in Washington, what was said between us on the subject of Blythe as a possible vice-chairman for the republican national committee. I am sure that his choice would be admirable. He is an able man and a good fellow; and I think him unmistakably one of the very best politicians in the west. No man, so far as I can estimate, has more influence out here in republican quarters; and he is to-day altogether the most potent individual in Iowa. He is popular, too, in all directions; not only with the railroads, but with the world at large. I write you because thoroughly convinced that Blythe would be great addition to the committee, Graeme Stewart, also, is a first rate man. Nobody in Chicago, I think, stands better with the business community, and he has had large political experience, as you know. If only one of these two were to be chosen, however, I think Blythe ought to[*[4-15-04]*] W. H. T. be the man; because his acquaintance, influence and power are much more extensive. With much regard, Lloyd [*[Bowers]*] P.S. Mr. Hughitt entertains the same opinion. L.W.B. -2-[Enc. in Taft 4-18-04]I suppose this means for the funeral. April 15 1904-- [*ackd 4/15/04*] 1733, N. Street. Theodore dearest I send you this letter written the day before the terrible accident it is so pathetic in view of what has come if, you think the Secretary of the Navy would care to see it show it to him it seems time to show so clearly the pride all these young officers were takeing in theirDo not imagine I am only thinking of Will it is only the strain I realize. I am sick with the thought of all these men & these brave loyal young officers full of the courage of life, with whom we parted on February 12th poor Mrs Davidson has telegraphed She wishes me with her when her husband's body arrives work, when I think of the strain that Will is under & that I am not with him it just breaks my heart. I do not tell him this, but, just do all I can to give him the courage he needs I would like the letter back if you will let Mr Loeb send it me Devotedly Bye [*[Anna R. Cowles]*][*2221/380*] NAVY DEPARTMENT, Washington, April 15, 1904. Sir, I have the honor to transmit herewith copies of further correspondence in relation to the present operations and situation on the Isthmus of Panama. Very respectfully, Chas. H Darling Acting Secretary. The President. Enclosures: Letter dated March 25, to W. W. Russell, signed Malmros. Letter dated March 26, to C.D. Sigsbee, signed Malmros. Report dated March 26, No. 315-04-CDS, signed Sigsbee. Report dated March 29, No. 7-04-TSP, signed Sigsbee. Letter dated April 1, to Glass, signed J.R. Shaler. Report dated April 4, No. SPF-296, signed Glass. Despatch dated April 5, to Glass & Sigsbee, sig'd Moody.[*[see verso for encs]*][For 1 enclosure see 4-15-04] [*Ackd 4/18/04*] PUBLIC LEDGER PHILADELPHIA L. CLARKE DAVIS April 15. 1904 Theodore Roosevelt, President United States, Dear Mr. President: I inclose an opinion of what I think of the "probabilities" or in your case of the "certainties" of the situation. Also a brief Editorial note & comment in reply to Ex-governor Pattison's criticism of your Strike Commission. With very great regard, Your friend and Servant. L. Clarke Davis[*Ackd and Enc sent Hon Cornelius N Bliss 4/18/04 4/20/04*] Friday April 16th 1904. Brooklyn, 969 Putnam Ave. Dear Sir:- Inclosed you will find an expose on the question "The advisability of having a German Daily in New York which advocates the doctrines. of the republican party, with sidelights from an impartial observer". I have spoken about the matter with Mr. Gibbs (you gave me the introduction) and with Gov. Odell and then let the matter rest till now I know that some of your friends tried to gain control of the N.Y.Staatszeitung. last winter. All I have to ask of you is: I am now in a tolerably well paid position on one of the German dailies in New York: I am married and have to look out for my family: should my "boss" get wind that I wrote the inclosed expose my position would be in danger and I would have to start from the last rung of the ladder - it is only the thought [of] to further my family that I make this last start in the matter. So you will understand why I ask discretion in the matter (which is the more necessary as quite a number of local republicans whom you might consult know not only my name but also where I am employed and are even friends of my employer) - to keep my name a secret till it appears reasonably sure that something will come of this letter. I am as always yours most sincerly J W H Emmert PhD. [*one inclosure*] [[shorthand]][*[For Enc see ca - 4-15-04]*][*[ca. 4-15-04]*] The following lines are an exposé on the question: "The advisability of founding a "German Daily in New York which advocates "the doctrines of the Republican "party - with sidelights "from an impartial observer." There is hardly any doubt that the American citizens of German Birth most of whom are still more or less German (as an opposite to Anglo-Saxon) in their ways of acting and thinking have decided the national campaigns of 1896 and 1900. This citizen is conservative and therefore the conservative money policies and industrial principles of the republican party as against the radicalism of their opponents did draw them from their then unexplained idol Grover Cleveland whose Wall Str. Connections had proved to be a hard bite to swallow. The German immigration during the last ten years about equalled the number of deaths and as most of the new immigrants are citizens by now their numerical strength as a poli[tica]tical factor is not less than during the last two national campaigns. The socalled German-American - for a change I will use the bad hyphen - are therefore of some political importance and as they rely for their general political information from which they form their own opinions on the dailies published in German it is evident that the question of having a trustworthy organ published in German must be considered by the republican party of New York. To get this paper there would bet two ways: either buy one of the existing papers outright (or gain his help by subventioning it) or found a new one. There are five German Dailies in New York City if we number the morning and evening editions of the "Staats" and of the German Herold as one. They are "Die New Yorker Staatszeitung" (morning, Eve., Sunday): owned by Hermann Ridder and Edward Uhl. "Der New Yorker Herold" (Eve) - Die Gross New Yorker Zeitung" (Morn.) Die New Yorker Revue" (Sund.) these three owned by The N.Y. Zeitungs Publishing Co. (Wolffram & Maier); "Das storgen journal" (Morn. and Sund.) owned by a socialistic cooperative Ass.; and finally "Die Brooklyner Freie Presse" (Eve. and Sund.) owned by the Estate of the late Col. Roehr. "Die Freie Presse" has always been strictly Republican - Col. Roehr was a Civil War Veteran -; die Evening Edition prints about 7000 Copies, the Sunday Edition up to 11,000x, so that it is clear that only the corporations advertisements held that paper above water. "Die Volkszeitung" prints about 11,000 mornings and 16,000 sundays and [*193*]2) is very such hampe red by the fact that it cannot exist without charging 2¢ a copy. Hearst Morgenjournal has circulation of 46-66.000. The copies Wolffram and Maier print of their papers vary from 60-40.000 for the morning edition and 47-66.000 for the Eve. Edition up to 76.000 - 98.000 for the Sunday Edition. The "Staats" prints less again: 30-35.000 Mornings, 26.-32.000 Evenings and 46.000 Sundays. The small circulation excludes the Freie Presse and the socialistic tendencies the Volkszeitung from consideration. The Morgenjournal has so bad a name as scandalmonger and panderer to the bad instincts of the masses that during the lat winter Mr. Hearst and his boom Managers seriously thought of selling the sheet and goodwill to the big rivals "Staats" and "Herold" and starting an entirely new paper as a separate enterprise behind which nobody would suspect the fine hand and big purse of Hearst. Messrs. Schiff, Speyer et.al. tried last winter to buy the Staatszeitung from Mr. Ridder and Mr. Uhl. Neither of these [out] two gentlemen likes the compagnionship of the other as coproprietor: Mr. Ridder has lost the paper much of its influence by using it as a "Concealed weapon" to force his relations into public offices: the political Cunctator policies of the paper and its backers are too well known as to make it an acquisition which would have easily served the purpose. I am told that the "German Syndicate of Wall Str." wa staggered by the price which Mr. Ridder asked: a question how much he asked would have been answered had I asked: out I know that the "Staats" would be a good investment up to a 8.000.000 and I believe it as naer as possible to the exact sum [that] Mr. Ridder asked anywhere from $ 8.000.000 to $ 12.000.000. If Messrs Speyer, Schiff et. al. had been content with 4% interest on their investment even [at] $ 12,000.000 would not have been excessive. The "Staats" is still for Sale and Mr. Ridder might now ask less than before. The last complet German paper is the "Herold-Zeitung-Revue". The Sunday paper is strictly independent; its aims are only to be a weekly magazine for the German family and its politics did never go outside a few cartoons in support of German in the public school and similar The Zeitung as the least valuable of the three - it has hardly any advertising and its circulation varies with the success of special features - has mostly done the campaign work for the republican party as you will remember from 1898. A loss of readers (if politics might result in that) would hardly be[i] felt much as the paper is presumably the one which getup is the cheapest among all the dailies. The Herold is more or less independent democratic with sometimes Tammany-leanings. I still believe that the underhand opposition of the Herold and the weak support through the Zeitung are chief among the causes that led to Mr. Lows defeat. If either through outright buying or IRONCLAD conditioned subventioning these three editions could be got under control no mean importance would be won. But I say on a purpose ironclad conditioned as I hardly think that the proprietors would take the risk of losing democratic campaign ads, democratic City Ads and the ads of democratic firms like the Strauses and others. To buy [*194*]3) the papers would not be much cheaper than to buy the Staats because the proprietors would make good use of the change: to subvention the firm would take much money to insure the proper use of the papers. I think that not less than $ 1.000.000 would have to be spent on this purpose if it should bear fruit. All these facts I put before the late Mr. Gibbs and Gov. Odell when I approached them with the following proposition - both gentlemen did not think, that the necessary money could bet got together; the news that Messrs. Schiff, Speyer et al. tried to buy the Staats proved to me, that both were mistaken and that the necessary $ 2.000.000 for the founding of a German organ of the republican party would be easily forthcoming i[s]f one [interested] of the interested factors would take the trouble to examine the facts and these facts [contained] are contained in the following estimate for founding the paper (which is to support the republican party during the coming struggle) as a pure business enterprise which shall be selfsupporting - not drawing on the resources of the party - and paying an[d] handsome interest on the invested capital. Not counting a number of smaller papersoutside Greater New York there are sold almost 200.000 copies morning, 200.000 copies evening and 200.000 sundays - all German printed papers. A new paper which would start with 200.000 copies in the morning, 200.000 in the evening and 200.000 sundays which would be as large (amount of printed matter) as the Staats as manifold as any of the other papers and cheaper than the cheapest [amogngt] among them would quickly get a paid circulation up to 100.000 or up to 160.000 and average an interest of 12% on the $ 2.000.000 invested. I give [an] a few facts and figures to illustrate the working of the plan: The $ 2.000.000 would be disposed of in the following manner: 1) Building (ready for occupancy incl. furniture, lighting heating elev. serv. lot etc.) $ 250.000 2) Paper for one year $ 900.000 3) Salaries a) Editorial 89.700 b) Press Room 42.640 c) Foundry 25.000 d) Bus. Off. 16.800 e) comp. Room 86.000 219 employees $ 276.000 4) News Service $ 50.000 5) Machinery of all kind $ 326.000 6) Emergency fund $ 200.000 $ 2.000.000 [*195*]4) The income during the first year would figure at: 60.000 subscribers at $ 6 $ 250.000 4.000 pages ads @ $ 300 (all expenses deducted) $1200.000 $1450.000 less defic. fund. 100.000 $1350.000 5% interest on $ 2.000.000 100.000 $1250.000 yearly sinking fund 100.000 $1150.000 fund for extras second year 550.000 $ 600.000 reserve fund 100.000 $ 500.000 of which $ 250.000 would give a dividend of 12 1/2% for the investors and the same for the employees shares (To get the very best men in the different departments and to give the promoter the change to prove that a German Newspaper in Great new York started in the right manner must not only pay 20% interest on the investment and pay back the whole debt in less than ten years but must also make the promotor wealthy if the capitalists see that it is in their own best interest to make him and the employees represented by him an equal partner. I would not move a hand for the enterprise if I could not get the legal guarantee as to that, so sure is my personal belief in this facts). The Regular Balancesheet would be: EXPENSES: EARNINGS: Paper 1.000.000 160.000 subscribers $ 4 600.000 Salaries 800.000 8.000 pages ads 2.400.000 News 60.000 $ 3.000.000 Interest 100.000 less def. wfund. 300.000 Extrafund 250.000 $ 2.700.000 1.700.000 expenses 1.700.000 $ 1.000.000 sinking fund 100.000 $ 900.000 reserve fund 150.000 $ 750.000 $ 375.000 dividends to the capital = 18.76% div. plus 5% int. 23.75% int. $ 375.000 to employees. [*196*]5) The figures given in these balance sheets are "straight goods"; the expenses are as high as can be within reasonable bounds. With $ 2.000.000 back of it the enterprise will be able to work cheaper while the receipts are very low and still further lowered by conceding deficits which will not happen. All told I consider the foundation of a totally new paper much cheaper surer and much more effectful. The time is very short but just sufficient if the matter is quickly settled. It is possible to build and equip the necessary building inside three months while during the same time the presses, linotypes etc. can be build and set up and then remain three months for campaign work. Three months of good hard work will tell even in a national campaign. I should have preferred to start work earlier but Mr. Gibbs' doubts and Gov. Odells local preoccupation and the natural disinclination to submit the matter directly to you held me back. Only the confirmation of the fact that Messrs. Speyer, Schiff et al. tried to buy the Staats compelled me to renew my work for the practical execution of an idea on which I worked while while still working my way through college. The further details of the plans which are worked out to the point, will only interest when something comes of this letter. [*[J.W.H. EMMERT]*] [*197*][Enc. in Emmert to T.R. 4-15-04][*CF*] Imperial Hotel, L'td., E. FLAIG, Manager. Tokyo, April 15 1904 My dear Colonel - I have not as yet been able to get to the front, but as none of the accredited attachés have left Tokyo, I am not discouraged. I lunched with Mr. Griscom yesterday and met Mrs. Griscom who is charming but this you already know. Mr. Griscom gave me to understand that there was a chance of my starting to Korea within two weeks so I am waiting patiently. Since my arrival I have learned a few things that may interest you. In the first place, during the war there is no opposition party to the Government, no old fossils getting up in the Diet and advocating peace. You can understand the value of this. Secondly, even the newspapers are held in check, and two have been suppressed for expressing a hostile sentiment towards the Government and one has been warned for criticising the advisability of a war-tax. They can print nothing except what the War Office allows, and no movements of troops or warships are published until such information is of no value to the enemy.The American newspapermen are 'chawing the air' as they are being carefully supervised. They cannot escape without a a pass from the General Staff and all their telegrams are most rigorously censored As no Japanese officer fears their enmity, their violent protests and threats mixed with polite calmness. But what has most excited my administration is the secrecy and dispatch with which troops are viewed. Regimental administrators do not know the destination of their regiments. They receive orders to board a certain train at a certain hour and that is all they need. Troops are generally moved at night without any fuss or popular demonstration. I have not yet seen a Parade; it is thought that they would convey a certain amount of information to the enemy but this seems to me to be going a little too far. Information of any kind effecting the army is most difficult to obtain and questions on military affairs meet with smiling but evasive replies. I have been much impressed with the Japanese transportation carts and think that we would adopt something similar for use over bad roads. The first point of recommendation would be the Personal attention is given to all letters and correspondence addressed: "Care of Imperial Hotel, Tokyo."[*C.F*] Imperial Hotel, L'td., H. FLAIG, Manager. Tokyo, 1904 economy of horse flesh and second their practicability over all roads except the roughest mountain trails. I have taken a number of pictures of them and expect to find out all about them for I will watch them closely when in use in the field. I have not seen enough of any other part of the Army to learn if we have any thing to gain by adopting other Japanese ideas. There is little else of interest to you, Mr. Griscom has been sick for some time, due to overwork, and the whole legation seems to be very busy and complain of being short handed, but thing will ease up a little when they get rid of the newspapermen. I hope the horses are all well now and expect to see a new stable started by the time I get back. I notice by the papers the you have "Willie" Hearst as a prospective opponent this fall. This is too good to be true as beating him would be like the Japanese method of hunting ducks with a scoop net, so easy that it's no sport.We have just received news of the drowning of Admiral Makaroff and the absence of exultation is a good point in favor of these people. I hope to be able to write more interesting letters when I get in the field and see some excitement. Please give my respects to Mrs. Roosevelt and remember me to your family. Tell Mrs. Roosevelt that I will endeavor to get a Japanese buta or pig for her, for, if I remember rightly she has a penchant for pigs. Very respectfully yours Granville R. Fortescue Personal attention is given to all letters and correspondence addressed: "Care of Imperial Hotel, Tokyo"[*C.F.*] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE QUI PRO DOMINA JUSTITIA SEQUITUR Office of the Attorney General, Washington, D. C. April 15, 1904. The President: Replying to your note of the 14th instant, in which you ask me to suggest a capable lawyer for the purpose of assisting you in further investigation of the affairs of the Post Office Department, I have the honor to suggest that Assistant Attorney-General Charles H. Robb would, in my opinion, be of great assistance to you. Mr. Robb, as you will remember, is the gentleman who was detailed by this Department to take charge of the work of the Assistant Attorney-General for the Post Office Department, after the removal of Mr. Tyner, and subsequently served as Assistant Attorney-General for that Department by appointment of the Postmaster-General. He has recently been appointed an Assistant Attorney-General, but has not yet assumed the duties of that office. By reason of his familiarity with the affairs of the Post Office Department, I think he could render great assistance to you in your further investigations. Yours respectfully, P C Knox Attorney-General.TELEGRAM. Ack'd 4-15-04 ? White House, Washington. 1WU.O.RA. 20-D. H. 2:25 p. m. Galveston, Texas, April 15, 1905. The President. We arrived Galveston this morning, after most restful trip. Am much improved; expect to be in Washington twenty eighth April. H. C. Payne [[shorthand notation]]The American Monthly Review of Reviews 13 Astor Place, New York Albert Shaw, Editor Ack'd 4/17/04 April 15, 1904 Dear Mr. Loeb: Quite contrary to my intentions and plans, instead of stopping off at Washington on my way home yesterday, I hurried directly through to New York. There were some reasons which made it seem rather essential that I should get home without delay. I did not expect the President to write a letter in answer to mine of April 9 on New York politics, and I took it for granted that your prompt telegram inviting me to stop over on my way home from Richmond was rather due to the President's willingness to enlighten me somewhat upon the situation as he perceives it, than to any possible service I could render. Of course, if I could be of the slightest use in any way in that or any other matter, I would come to Washington at any time. I had meanwhile, just before starting for Richmond, talked over the New York situation with George W. Perkins, who was that same day going down to have a talk with the President. My own instinct has been all along that,-contrary to the advice of the Citizen's Union men,-the President could not well take it upon himself to seem to be interfering with the course of affairs at Albany, whether or not Odell's actions were advisable. In connection with our plans for the further sale of the Statesman Edition of the works of President Roosevelt, we are anxious to have taken for our especial use a new photograph of the President, to be made with the utmost care by a good photographer whom we should send from New York for the purpose. We should then make probably a very careful and attractive photogravure from the best negative that we could get, consulting the President, of course, in2 making the selection. I feel confident that in view of all the circumstances the President will accede to this request of mine. If agreeable to him, we should like to have the the photographer come down at some time within the next ten days. [or two weeks.] Will you be kind enough to see if you could possibly arrange a date for such a sitting? As ever, Sincerely yours, Albert Shaw. Mr. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President White House Washington, D.C.[*C.F.*] [*Ack'd 4-18-04*] THE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS, April 15th, 1904 My Dear Colonel Roosevelt:- I enclose you an editoral from the GAZETTE, in which I think, I have straightened up the Bristow matter. If it breaks out again, I will let you know. I do not think it will be necessary for the Attorney General to make a statement in the matter. Your letter which I received upon my return home, was very convincing. You are, as you always are, exactly right. I gained from your general attitude and mental caste of thought, when I saw you, that you were unhappy because of certain very apparent oppositions to you in Washington and New York. I believe that you will not think me over bumptious, if I tell you that you are putting too much stress on the importance of politicians and the Wall Street Cabal. They are mere flies on the wheel. They can't effect you so far as either to prevent your nomination or as frustrating the decent plans of your administration, either now, or for the next four years. It seems to me, that even though they nominate Judge Parker, they can't get any place with him across the Alleganies. I think I mix with the people, more or less, I mean the common ordinary voting class of people, and even in New York City, all that you lose from the Century Club and from Wall Street, you will gain ten times over from DemocraticTHE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS, 1904. T. R. #2. sources. I am told by the very competent rustlers in the lower walks of Politics in New York City, that Tammany expects to loose a big vote to you next fall, and cannot counteract it. You real trouble with the politicians will not come at the election, but after the election. A number of Republican Congressmen are going to come back defeated. The courtesy which they are extending you as a Republican President, will be [back shot] badly shattered and you may expect forty-three different kinds of Hell to break out in the Lower House in the short session. I circulated among those Congressmen a little when I was in Washington. They don't dare fight you now, and even though each of them has two votes in the National Convention, they will not organize against you and cannot organize against you. I tried to see President Butler when I was in New York, but he was out of town. I could not agree with Mr. Patterson of the Chicago Tribune on the number of letters I should write during the campaign, and so will let the matter drop with him. But Mr. Lorimer of the Post and Mr. Curtis, publisher of the Post, are very anxious to have some sort of a series of articles, during the campaign, from me and the series which I had planned for the Tribune, I shall put in the Post. I shallTHE EMPORIA GAZETTE DAILY AND WEEKLY W. A. WHITE, EDITOR EMPORIA, KANSAS, 1904. T. R. #3. write President Butler in a few days, and ask his cooperation. Mr. S. S. McClure when I got back to New York, was full of an article about the Post Office Department. I had another article in mind, but will forget that for a time, and get up the one on the Post Office Department. Will you kindly instruct Mr. Bristow to send me here, to Emporia, all the facts, documents, and the like that may be obtained, to throw light on the Post Office Investigation. It must appear in [a series] the early summer, and it is to be [returned] written of course with a view showing exactly what you have done in the matter of bringing rascels to Justice. There will be no other aim in the article. I will write to Bristow to-day, asking him for the information, that I have just suggested, and trust that he may be able to forward me something. Of course, I shall hold strictly confidential any thing that you may send me, or that he may send me, which you or he desires, to be held confidential. Very truly yours, W. A. White President Roosevelt, Washington, D. C.[*CF*] CUSTOM HOUSE, SURVEYOR'S OFFICE, [*Ackd 4/18/04*] NEW YORK, April 15, 1904. Dear Mr. Loeb: In connection with the letter I have just written you concerning Ferdinand Ziegel and his desire to organize commercial travelers' clubs for the opening campaign, and the statements concerning George J. Corey in connection therewith, I wish to impress upon your mind some important facts relative to this work. Corey was the originator of utilizing the commercial travelers in Republican campaigns, in the campaign of '96, and was made the President of the national organization and the executive officer of the movement. He held the same place again in 1900. He held in '96 a $6,000 position in an important business house in Chicago; after McKinley's election he offered him the Postmastership at Chicago, but Corey desired to go abroad and was sent as a Consul. He was called back for this work in the campaign of 1900 and made the Deputy Naval Officers in this port, and again did very superior work in the commercial travelers' organizations. It is clear to my mind that he should be put in the same position again this year, if he will take it, and I think it is time to begin to think this over and to come to some conclusion, at least by way of preliminary decision. With Corey as the President of the National organization and John Van Wormer as President of the State organization, the most effective work possible can be done. It is due to Mr. Corey that I should say that while he has been-2- suffering under some disappointment for inattention to recommendations made in his behalf to President Roosevelt, by Elijah Kennedy and Doctor Hillis, pastor of Plymouth Church, and while I find that Kennedy and Hillis are both pretty much aggrieved, not so much because nothing was done for Corey, as because their letters to some of the Department remained unanswered, Corey himself has shown nothing of this feeling and has been in to see me at least once a week for conference to see if there was anything he could do in behalf of the party. He has recently made a great deal of money in some gas company, and he has also just been elected Second Vice-President of an international banking company which is starting into business in New York, and the President of which is to be Elijah Kennedy, of whom the President of the Wall Street disaffection, but still more on account of the treatment given Corey, yet the letter is something Corey himself does not resent as he understands practical politics better than Kennedy; therefore Kennedy is disinclined to have Corey take up this political work this year, but Corey has the right spirit and says that if he is needed he will in some way manage to do the work. This is the kind of men to build on. I am going to try and ascertain from Dr. Hillis, whom I know very well, as he was born in Iowa and was raised on the Republican gospel of the State Register when I was editor, and find out just how he is feeling. I am told that he is pretty warm on this subject of having been ignored and his letters not answered. If I can ascertain from him the Departments of which he complains, I will report it to you and see if the-3- matter cannot be adjusted. Hillis is a great power among the people of his class. As I write the fact is recalled to me that the whole cause of Henry Ward Beecher bolting Blaine and supporting Cleveland in 1884 was because of Beecher's resentment toward Garfield and especially to Blaine for their indifference to his request to have a personal friend appointed to an $1800 position. Beecher saw President Garfield, and the President sent him to Blaine saying that Blaine would provide the place; Blaine assured Beecher that it would be done, and then seemed to forget it. It rankled in Beecher's heart until it became chronic and deepened into such resentment finally as to lead him into opposing Blaine's election. I merely mention this to show how men who do not understand the lottery and mischances in politics and public affairs hold more resentment for fancied slights than is warranted by the facts. While writing I have just received your letter saying it might be well if I could come over tonight with Stewart and his men. It is not possible for me to do so, as I have two or three important engagements tonight in the local political work of this city, which I cannot postpone without offence. I would like very much to come over, as there are several things that I want to talk about. I have come to the conclusion that it would be wise if it could be decided satisfactorily now, or at least to have it known, who is to be the chairman of the National Committee in the campaign. The death of Hanna and the illness of Payne leave the National Committee without a head. Still more important is the fact that the work of the campaign is going to be very hard, and now is none too early to begin on preliminary things. I know it is easier to suggest the-4- choice of a chairman than to name the man. I give you offhand some of my views, based on my experience in forty years in politics and sixteen years on the National Committee. Senator Fairbanks would make a better chairman of the National Committee than he would a candidate for Vice-President. As to Senator Penrose, if the party goes into Pennsylvania for the chairman, it might as well take the master- that is, take Senator Quay, the greatest of all the political generals. Whatever handicap there would be as to his selection among the reform element, which I think would not be large, would apply to Penrose as well as to Quay, so we might just as well have the old man instead of the boy if it comes to that. There is no leader who as chairman would fire the hearts of all the fighting republicans in every State and community as Quay would. His health is as good now as it was in '88. Quay is always well when he is in a campaign and ill when he is out of it. Fight is a tonic to him. Quay is also as strong with the business interests and with capital as he is with the rank and file of the republicans. Franklin Murphy has many of the qualifications needed for a successful chairman, and there seems to be a general expectation that he is to be chairman, and a pretty general acquiescence in it as being a good choice. He is very strong in New York and New Jersey, and he would also be popular with the Union soldiers. How he stands in the West, I do not know. Among the men whom I would consider very seriously, if I had the choice to make, would be J. Sloat Fassett, who was Secretary of the National-5- Committee under Quay in the great campaign of '88, and who showed himself then a masterful and resourceful man in politics. Since then he has grown very much, and more in business than political circles, for in later years he has largely dropped out of politics. He has a wide national acquaintance, is a popular leader with the fighting republicans everywhere, is very strong with all the western people, including the Pacific slope, and has made such a great success in his business career that he is also very strong with capital. The President of The Equitable Life Assurance Society and one of the Vice-Presidents of that company told me the other day that Fassett made a speech at the Underwriters' Banquet here on the Eastern question which was the ablest speech that they ever listened to. Those who have not associated with him latterly do not know how he has increased in strength and availability. J. W. Blythe, of Iowa, has all the personal, business and political ability to make a great chairman. He has fidelity beyond all question. Whether he has the confidence of the business man and capitalists of the Eastern States to the same extent that he has in the West, I doubt; if he had that he would be a most acceptable man for the position. It must be remembered, however, that western knowledge is going to be as important almost in the chairman this year as eastern knowledge and influence. There is not a single Democratic plan being made which does not include Illinois and California, and in the last month they have begun to include Ohio as one of the States that they are going to campaign for largely on the strength of co-operation from powerful corporations.-6- Cornelius N. Bliss is always in reserve and would be a good chairman. He has every qualification except that of youth and strength. An active and strong vice-chairman in New York and one in Chicago would take much of the work from his shoulders. The business world would have complete confidence in him. To me, it would be a vital thing to have him treasurer of the Committee if he is not to be chairman. I do not believe he could be induced to take the chairmanship. I notice that there is growing talk of Joe Cannon for Vice-President, and I think it both helpful and hopeful. For my part, I believe that there should not be two factions on the Presidential ticket. The candidate for Vice-President should in the same line, with the same policies and principles as the candidate for President. Aside from the peril involved to a President in having a Vice-President in disagreement, as was so powerfully illustrated by Fred Douglass years ago in his popular lecture on the Perils of the Vice-Presidency, it is well to remember that the people who choose a man for President because he is the champion of certain policies and principles are entitled to be protected in case of any mishap to him to have as his successor a man who will carry out the same policies and principles. Uncle Joe Cannon would fit in for this place on the general situation admirably, and nothing would, in my judgment, so much reinforce the Republican strength in Illinois as for him to be on the ticket. All the above is plain talk. I felt in the mood for it, and so I have indulged in it. Sincerely yours, J.S.C. Mr. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Washington. [*I still think the Repn party has the right to ask that Mr. Root shall be Ch'n of the Natl. Com. or candidate for Governor of N.Y.*][*[Enclosed in Davis 4-15-04]*] ELPHIA. FRIDAY in social order, in peaceful self-control— may fit these people for the gradual assumption of political responsibilities. That is the American duty which friends of human rights and liberty must recognize. NOTE AND COMMENT. The reassertion of Jeffersonian principles is always timely, but any one who dreams of making an issue against the President on the ground of his intervention in the anthracite strike is advised to wake up. The President was not, as ex-Governor Pattison complains, guilty of a "wanton invasion of the sovereignty of the State." He did not invade its sovereignty at all, nor interfere in any way with its laws or their execution. In proposing a form of arbitration he expressly disclaimed any official authority, offering the suggestion wholly as a representative citizen. He had no power either to compel the submission to arbitration or to compel compliance with the award, and he never pretended to have. But the plan was accepted and was justified by its results. It accomplished its purpose to the general satisfaction, and it is foolish to attack it now. A Jeffersonian should find enough grounds of opposition to the prevailing policy of the party in power without falling foul of one of Mr. Roosevelt's commendable acts.[*Enc in Davis 4-15-04 4-15-04*] 8 PUBLIC [LEDGER?] ESTABLISHED 1836 PUBLIC LEDGER THE PHILADELPHIA TIMES "All the News That's Fit to Print" GEORGE W. CHILDS Editor and Proprietor from 1864 to 1894. PUBLISHED EVERY MORNING AT PUBLIC LEDGER BUILDING, PHILADELPHIA, BY PUBLIC LEDGER COMPANY PRESIDENT ADOLPH S. OCHS VICE PRES. AND GEN. M'G'R GEO. W. OCHS EDITOR IN CHIEF I. CLARKE DAVIS ASSOCIATE EDITOR A. C. LAMBDIN MANAGING EDITOR W. B. HALE CITY EDITOR C. C. WANAMAKER STATE EDITOR J. S. CRAMMERS SUNDAY EDITOR STEPHEN J. BURKE FINANCIAL EDITOR JOEL COOK BUSINESS MANAGER JOHN NORRIS SECRETARY AND TREAS B. THALHEIMER ADVERTISING MANAGER S. C. BERGER CIRCULATION MANAGER J. A. NEUMANN Washington Bureau, } { New York Bureau, The Post Building. } { The Times Building. PRICE DAILY ONE CENT SUNDAY TWO CENTS BY MAIL—POSTAGE PREPAID PER MONTH. PER ANNUM. Daily.... 25c| Daily..... $3.00 Daily and Sunday.... 35c| Daily and Sunday..$4.00 CENTRAL UPTOWN OFFICE, N. W. corner Broad and Chestnut streets. Telephones: Bell, Filbert 22-30. Keystone, Main 920. Entered August 23, 1902, at Philadelphia, Pa., as second-class matter, under Act of Congress of March 3, 1879. PUBLIC LEDGER UPTOWN OFFICE. The PUBLIC LEDGER has opened a central uptown office at the northwest corner of Broad and Chestnut streets. Advertisements intended for the PUBLIC LEDGER may be left there, also subscriptions. Philadelphia, Friday, April 15, 1904. TWO CANDIDATES. There is no room on the Presidential ticket of either of the great parties in 1904 for a Western candidate. (The eyes of the Republicans and Democrats, North, South, East and West, are turned toward New York, it being commonly recognized that that State, with its thirty-nine electoral votes, is to be the decisive battleground of the national campaign. The Republicans of the West a year or less ago were insistent that they should be permitted to name the candidate for President, but they have sagaciously conceded that exigency of the situation demands that to the Easy shall be given that distinction. The West must wait for a later year to have its [?] for preferment conceded [?] On Tuesday the Republican Convention of the Empire State resolved: "We here by direct that the delegates this day chosen use all honorable means to bring about this (Theodore Roosevelt's) nomination for President at the National Convention to be held in June." There has been some sharp criticism of the word "direct" by the friends of the President, who insist that its substitution for the customary word "instruct" suggests insincerity and the possibility of an evasive purpose. This criticism does not seem to be justified by the facts. The national delegates of New York to the Presidential Convention of 1880 were "instructed" for General Grant, but did not as a body obey their instructions, twenty of the voting for Garfield. If at Chicago and delegates from the Empire State should wish to support other aspirants they would be no more deterred from doing so by the word "instruct" than by the word "direct.' But, unless all signs are misleading and count for nothing, the New York delegation will vote as directed in the National Convention for Theodore Roosevelt. Whom else can they vote for? Who is the President's opponent, and who is he who at the last moment is at all likely to rise up at Chicago to contest the nomination with him? When the New York Convention adopted the above resolution on Tuesday last there had been chosen 446 delegates, 341 of whom has been instructed, or directed, to vote for the nomination of the President. The 105 uninstructed or undirected are about as certain to support Theodore Roosevelt in the June convention as it is certain the sun will rise and set over Chicago the day the nomination is made. The apparently invincible position which the President occupies is that is is not the politicians who demand his nomination, but the overwhelming masses of the Republican party. The Platts and Odells, who have no great love for him, and would not grieve over his discomfiture could they induce the convention to give the nomination to one of their own kind, can no more turn aside the popular movement for the President than they can stop the ebb and flow of the tides by shouting against them. Theodore Roosevelt's countrymen have decreed his selection, and his nomination will have nothing surprising about it, unless it should not be made by acclamation on the first ballot. The Democrats have, almost as certainly, agreed upon the nomination for President of Judge Parker at St. Louis, the trend of Democratic sentiment having turned almost wholly toward the eminent New York jurist, Massachusetts would like ex-Secretary Olney, Delaware Judge Gray and Maryland Senator Gorman, but these are respectively "favorite sons" who will eventually be found, it is confidently expected, supporting Judge Parker, as ex-President Cleveland is already doing. What else may be reasonably predicted is that Judge Parker will go into the convention with the support of the New York delegation. The overwhelming victory of the McCarren hosts in Kings on Tuesday presages that he will not be opposed by a single delegate from his own State. Of course there may be slips between April and June, but it seems probable or certain that Judge Parker will be the Presidential candidate of the Democratic party. It is true that he lacks the great popularity of the President; his life has been more secluded than that of his competitor. The Bench, even when most worthily filled, as it has been by Judge Parker, attracts the attention of but comparatively few observers; its incumbent, however great his learning or probity, does not hold the centre of his country's stage, nor stand in the glare and dazzle of the limelight of publicity, as the strenuous soldier, statesman or author does. The wise, upright Judge may have his victories less renowned, but not less important to the welfare of the people than those of the captain who fights his way, where every footstep bleeds, up San Juan Hill; but only the few note the triumphs of justice, while the successful soldier has all the applauding world for his audience. If Judge Parker, lacking publicity has not President Roosevelt's popularity, it does not follow that the Democrats, in choosing him their standard bearer in the coming campaign, will not have a strong candidate. Distracted, demoralized and divided as the party has been by Bryanism, it imperatively needs a forceful, sagacious, honorable and conservative leader. Such a man is ex-Secretary Olney, and another is Judge Gray, but neither has the essential quality of success, availability, in so large a measure as Judge Parker. It is believed by his supporters that he can carry the State of New York, and it is that which gives force to and warrant for his nomination. But even if he cannot do that, and though he should be defeated in every Northern and Western State, his candidacy would still be well for the country and his party, because it would unite the Democracy upon sound, honest political principles; it would sweep away the last vestiges of the spurious and vicious Democracy called Bryanism. It would restore to the party the respect and confidence which the country had in it before it bowed down to its cheap, dishonest money idols and the false gods of Socialism and Populism. That would be a victory only less worth the winning than the election of Judge Parker, or any Democratic candidate, to the Presidency.[*Ackd 4/18/04*] Members. BERNARD LOUGHRAM. W. SCOTT GILLESPIE. CONRAD HILTEBRANT. ISAAC N. WIENER. HENRY R. BRIGHAM. HENRY C. CONNELLY. WALTER C. DOLSON. DUBOIS G. ATKINS. WALTER N. GILL. Board of Education, CITY OF KINGSTON. S.R. SHEAR, SUPERINTENDENT OF SCHOOLS. Officers. D.G. ATKINS, PRESIDENT. WALTER N. GILL, VICE PRESIDENT. DAVID WHITE, TREASURER. Kingston, N.Y. April 16th 1904. [[shorthand]] President Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, D.C. Mr President:-- Pardon me for taking this liberty, but I am interested in your re-election. it looks as if Judge Parker will be your opponent if so, it is time he showed up, and let the people know what sort of a man he is. Some interesting political news can be assured here, and I would like to be put in communication with some of your friends so that it can be used. Some of the papers are making a great time over him as a farmer, since he moved to Esopus but he dont vote with the farmers. He votes here in the city of Kingston, yet claims his residence at EsopusI must confess this is an extraordinary proceeding on my part, but knowing the man and every body trying to make him out greater than he is is to strenuous for some of us here. Confidential. Respectfully Yours D. G. Atkins My office was Republican Headquarters when you ran for Vice Prest.COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK [*Ackd 4/17/04.*] PRESIDENT'S ROOM April 16. 1904 Dear Mr. President, Th accumulation upon my desk is now pretty well disposed of, and if agreeable to you and to Mrs. Roosevelt I can come down next Saturday, the 23rd., for this night and for so much of Sunday as you may desire. I took luncheon today with Bishop and he spoke of your having expressed a wish that he and I should come on at the same time if possible. He isfree to come next Saturday also, if that is your wish. It will be a great satisfaction to have a good pow-wow and get rid of all arrears. Faithfully yours Nicholas Murray Butler To The President White House, WashingtonJoseph B. Foraker, Chairman. Chauncey M. Depew Francis M. Cockrell. George P. Wetmore. Stephen R. Mallory. Addison G. Foster. Joseph C.S. Blackburn. John H. Mitchell. William A. Clark. Thomas Kearns. Joseph R. Burton. Charles E. Alden, Clerk. Joseph Sagmeister, Assistant Clerk. United States Senate, Committee on Pacific Islands and Porto Rico [*Ackd 4/16/04*] April 16, 1904. My dear Mr. President: I send for your information the character of news being sent out from Washington about the Sandusky Collectorship. I respectfully request to be informed whether or not there is any basis of truth for such publications. Very truly yours, etc. J.B. Foraker Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, The White House. 2 Enclosures.Washington. He asked me if I were writing to you, to give you his kind regards I hope that everything goes well, with you, and that it will do so to the end. Yours faithfully Seth Low. [*PF*] Paris, April 16 1904 My dear Theodore I have learned with sorrow of the deaths of the brave fellows on the "Missouri" and of the accidents to the ship but I rejoice that the accident itself has given us now cause to be proud of our Navy. The coolness, the courage the heroism, in it preventedcomplete catastrophe stand out brilliantly against the lurid cloud caused by this explosion. I congratulate both Capt Cowles and your Sister not only on his escape from injury but in his extremely good discipline that saved his ship. I was presented this morning to President Loubet by Gen. Porter who has been as kind as possible to me. The President asked after you and expressed his interest in your campaign. Gen. Brugère, also, who honored the Rochambeau Delegation, you will remember, has also been very kind indeed. He evidently remembers with great pleasure his welcome in the United States; not only in New York, but inOFFICE OF THE COLLECTOR UNITED STATES CUSTOMS SERVICE PORT OF Boston, Mass., April 16, 1904. [[shorthand]] The President, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President: One Foss, sui generis, of poor accomplishment and inferior morale, lately seized upon the word "reciprocity," which tickled the wandering fancy, much as that blessed word "Mesopotamia" controlled the orthodoxy of the old woman, and he raised a banner against the stand-patter, in hopes of good accruing to himself rather than with a view to the establishment of a better relationship with Canada. This was an easy catchword in our State to the wayward, and even to the uninstructed elect. The seed took root, and began to develop on the outskirts of our vineyard, and we were to a certain degree nervous about it. His disciples began to increase in number and to look, or pretend to look, askance at our national administration. The day of harvest approached, and the question arose as to separating the tares from the wheat. There appeared on the scene a gallant knight of statesmanship, and it is to congratulate you on his advent and success, that is the burden of this letter. I wish that you could have seen him deal with this subject. He was at his very best, and better.-2- On the adoption of the resolutions at our Convention, Cabot replied to an amendment proposed by the self-styled hero of reciprocity. I think he must have spoken at least three quarters of an hour; and he made it perfectly clear to any reasonable man, both that the time was not ripe for an alteration of our schedule, and that it was useless to attempt to make a bargain where Brother Laurier and the patriots on his side of the fence would not even listen to us. He then proceeded, in no honeyed words, to wither up and crumple the said Foss, exceeding in his effort even that ingenuity and skill which one naturally expects from him, and finally; which I believe no other man could have done so well, for his very heart was in it,-he handled the issue of Theodore Roosevelt in a manner so keen, so masterful, and with such good taste, such force of utterance, and such succinct and conviction-carrying force, that the friendship of such a man might well be looked upon as a safeguard, an honor, and a delight to any ruler in the world. It made his hearers, at least in part, participants in his own peculiar enthusiasm. You will pardon me for intruding so long an epistle into your busy official life, but I felt so strongly what he had done, and how he had represented you, that I was determined you should hear of it, although perhaps nothing more than you expected. Believe me, as ever, Sincerely yours, George H LymanCustom House, Collector's Office, Boston, Mass., 190 Collector. SUBJECT: No. of Inclosures,be appreciated not only by me but also by the Trustees and student body of the University. I must thank you, and that very warmly, for the interview that you gave to Mr. Speer and me. Very faithfully yours Silas McBee [*McBee*] The Churchman 47 LAFAYETTE PLACE NEW YORK. EDITORIAL ROOMS. April 16, 1904. To The President of the United States, White House, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President: The Vice Chancellor and Faculties of the University of the South have sent an official invitation to His Excellency, Baron Speck von Sternburg to make the Commencement address at Sewanee in June. You were good enough to say, when Mr. Speer and I called, that if I would send you a note reminding you of it, you would speak to the Ambassador. Your aid in this matter will[*Ackd 4/18/04*] Mutual Life Building New York April 16, 1904. Dear Theodore: I have never been impressed by your resemblance to Hamlet, and therefore I am not disturbed lest you feel bound to set right the rottenness in our State of Denmark which Albert Shaw describes. Nothing could be more injudicious, or show more complete absence of political knowledge and sense, than the advice that you should interfere in the way that Shaw's interlocutors desires. Shaw's own excellent sense forbids him to do anything more than act as a conduit for the proposition. Of course you do not know and cannot know who is right and who is wrong in all the little quarrels and that are going on at Albany. If you undertook to find out you would have to stop being President. If you undertook to interfereThe President 2. you would be meddling in what is none of your business. No President ever undertook to interfere in the local affairs of a State without doing more harm than good. Of course Odell's enemies (and they seem to be numerous, and bitter) would be much gratified to see him punched, banged, swatted, kicked, keelhauled, and otherwise maltreated. There is only one man in the United States who is absolutely barred by the proprieties and inconsistent duties of his position from acting as the instrument of their humane and Christian wishes, and that man is the President of the United States. I return Shaw's letter. I am hoping to get over to Washington for a Carnegie Institution meeting on the 22nd, and to see you then. Always, Faithfully yours, Elihu Root. The President.sausage and a few kind words Sunday morning at such hour between 5 and 11 as may suit your convenience. If we do not hear from you to the contrary we will [*Ackd 4/16/04.*] [[shorthand]] 1750 Massachusetts Avenue [*Also see CF & Treasy*] My Dear President: Your kind note is received. It will be a pleasure to Mrs. Shaw and myself to entertain you and Mr. Owen Wister for buckwheat cakesexpect you at about 9-30 Very sincerely yours L. M. Shaw April 16th 1904 to The Presidentthe President was pleased to send me through you, as requested. Sincerely yours Sternburg IMPERIAL GERMAN EMBASSY. Washington, D. C. Ap. 16. 1904 My dear Mr. Loeb I find your card on my return from New York and hasten to return the first letter To William Loeb Esq White House Report on Burton (Merriam) [*Ackd 4/16/04*] Friday P. M. dear T We are leaving Monday or Tuesday and I am very sorry to have seen so little of you, let alone sharing in the regret of all good citizens at the opportunities for culture lost by the Executive. So write to say goodbye. Next time I come down I will have an application for place on a R.F.D. route (or inspector of Post Office rentals) signed by my M.C. when I presume I shall be free to call at any hour and may see something of you Sincerely W. A. Wadsworth[For 1 enc see Outlook, 4-16-04] BOOKER T. WASHINGTON TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. Incorporated. Tuskegee, Alabama. Personal. Hotel Manhattan, New York City. 16 April, 1904. My dear Mr. President :-- I send you enclosed a copy of this week's "Outlook," which contains an account of the Congressional Convention held at Tuskegee, which you said you thought it well to have written up for the "Outlook." Very truly yours, Booker T Washington President Theodore Roosevelt. White House, Washington, D. C. [*P.F*] Manila, P.I. April 16, 1904 My dear Mr. President, I write to thank you for your considerate letter of February 5th. It will be a great pleasure, and a source of sincere gratification to be able to discharge, to the best of my ability, the duties of any position to which you may appoint me. It may interest you to know that the first Republican Convention held in the Philippines, unanimously and with great enthusiasm instructed its delegatesto vote for you in the national convention "first, last, and always, as its only choice for President." The delegates may not be seated, but the instructions are interesting as inducing the enthusiastic desire for your re-election that exists in these faraway islands. Judge McDonough, your former Secretary of State in New York, is one of the delegates. With warmest regard to Mrs. Roosevelt, Believe me, Sincerely yours, Beekman Winthrop.[*F*] Senator Spooner will bring with him at 10 o'clock Archbishop Messmer, [of] Catholic Primate of Milwaukee. The Senator thinks it well for the President to know in advance the character and importance of his visitor, who is especially influential among the Germans. 4-16-1904[*[4-16-04]*] [*[Enc. in Washington, 4-16-04]*] 906 The Outlook [16 April where power to do a thing is lawfully intrusted to a body, thereby are conferred also the lesser powers (such as calling for evidence) necessary to carry out this authority. It is evident that if the Commission had a right to ascertain whether or not a pooling arrangement existed, it had, as a corollary, the right to demand the answers to questions which would make known the actual situation. The point made in behalf of the railway companies that the complainant had sustained no damage was dismissed peremptorily with the declaration that the Commission was bound by the terms of its constitution to investigate all complaints made by any citizens. Justice Day pointed out that acquaintance with the relations between the carrier roads and shippers and their mutual contracts was essential to knowledge by the Commission of the manner in which inter-State traffic is conducted, and knowledge of the facts upon which it is claimed that the law is violated. Furthermore, Justice Day considered the testimony competent as bearing on the way in which transportation rates are fixed in view of determining the reasonableness of rates, a matter into which the Commission has the right to inquire. It is probable that, as a result of this decision, the presidents of the great coal roads will again be summoned before the Inter-State Commerce Commission to answer the questions to which they refused to reply a year ago. If the illegal pooling combination is proven to exist, the Commission would in its regular course place the matter in the hands of the Attorney-General of the United States, whose duty it would be to bring suit in the United States courts for the execution of the penalty of five hundred dollars for each offense. This, it has been pointed out, would not be a severe or deterring penalty, in view of the amount involved; but it is possible that an injunction might be obtained against the continued maintenance of such an arrangement. To citizens generally the decision is of serious importance, because it shows that the Supreme Court will uphold the Inter-State Commission in carrying out the purpose for which it was created. The "Lily White" Movement in Alabama It will be remembered that about a year ago there was a factional movement in the Republican party of Alabama, the purpose of which was to exclude negroes from any participation in the counsels of the party, and make the Republican party in that State a "Lily White" party. It was even mistakenly reported that this "Lily White" movement had received the tacit approval of President Roosevelt. Naturally, this movement led to confusion and bitterness not only among the blacks, but among white voters and politicians in the State. A correspondent in Alabama now informs us that out of the chaos has emerged a most satisfactory condition of things. In nearly all the recent district conventions, black and white delegates have been chosen to represent the party in the National Convention to be held at Chicago, and in each instance white men and black men have worked harmoniously in the same Convention. The white men have represented a higher grade than those usually found in the Southern Republican Conventions, and they have not felt that their meeting together in convention with black men involved, in the remotest way, "social equality," or that it was necessary for them to go from the Convention to one another's homes. A typical Convention of this kind was that held in the Fifth District at Tuskegee, Alabama. A black man elected as a delegate approached a leader of his people in the State, and remarked that it was the most remarkable Convention he had ever attended; that black men and white men sat together without being suspicious of one another, and that he was elected a delegate without the expenditure of even five cents, although he had been going to National Conventions for twenty years and always had expended between two and three hundred dollars for what had been suggested to him as necessary and legitimate expenses. The negroes who have taken this quiet but active part in Alabama politics are, generally speaking, men of character and substance, who have secured the approval of Democratic registrars under the State laws. The spring conventions in Alabama seem to [*[4-16-04]*] [*[Enc. in Washington, 4-16-04]*] 1904] The Week 907 bear out, on the one hand, the belief of President Roosevelt that the whites are not always averse to political relations with the blacks, and, on the other hand, Booker Washington's contention that the negro who in any community establishes a reputation for honesty, uprightness of character, and thrift, and at the same time accumulates a reasonable amount of property, may take the part that belongs to any respectable citizen in local and in National politics. The correspondent who gives us this information about recent political developments in Alabama lays especial stress upon that fact which Booker Washington himself very graphically illustrated in his Atlanta speech, that political and industrial equality and affiliation are entirely different things from social equality and affiliation. Repudiated State Bonds: An Important Decision Repudiation, in the peculiar sense which the word bears in American history, has long seemed as dead an issue as abolition and reconstruction. It is almost a generation since the repudiating States defeated the last effort of an individual bondholder to collect his money through the courts, and wiped their indebtedness off their books by the simple process of refusing to pay. The indignant investors have long ago exhausted the vocabulary of angry reproach, and laid away the bonds, with their big sheets of uncut coupons, to rest in dusty pigeonholes. But repudiation stalks as a very robust ghost through the case of the State of South Dakota vs. the State of North Carolina; and the decision, handed down during March by a divided Supreme Court, affects vitally the standing of some seven hundred millions in bonds and coupons which have long been regarded as little more than historical curiosities. The ability of the Southern States to repudiate their debts and defy their creditors rests on that provision of the United States Constitution which forbids an individual citizen to sue a State; and this late decision, which may ultimately compel the repudiating States to pay back the money they borrowed, rests on another provision of the same document— that any State may sue a sister State in the Supreme Court. The recent history of the whole matter begins with the passage by the South Dakota Legislature in the session of 1901 of a peculiar and unusual statute, the nature of which is sufficiently indicated by its title: "An Act to Require the Acceptance and Collection of Grants, Devises, Bequests, Donations, and Assignments to the State of South Dakota." It is unusual for a State to be made the beneficiary of a philanthropist, and this statute was clearly anticipatory of the letter which, a few months later, was addressed to the State of South Dakota by Simon Schafer, a broker in Wall Street, New York. The letter stated that the writer was the owner of a number of North Carolina bonds, that he had waited thirty years for North Carolina to pay, that he was unable to sue the debtor State himself, but that South Dakota could sue; and that he had, therefore, decided to donate ten of these bonds to South Dakota. The letter then hinted that if South Dakota succeeded in collecting, the donors would be disposed to make further gifts of the same kind. South Dakota sued, North Carolina defended, and the issue was heard last October. That the case was a difficult one is indicated by the six months taken for advisement, and by the fact that four of the nine Justices dissented. Justice, Brewer, who wrote the opinion, was not blind to the motive behind the donation. "Apparently," he says, "the donor made the gift under a not unreasonable expectation that South Dakota would bring an action to enforce these bonds and that such action might enure to his benefit as the owner of other bonds." But he went on to say that "the motive with which a gift is made, whether good or bad, does not affect its validity or the question of jurisdiction." He held that South Dakota was, bona fide, the owner of the bonds; that therefore the Supreme Court had jurisdiction of the suit as one between two States; and, finally, it was decreed that "the State of North Carolina pay to the State of South Dakota the said amount (twenty-seven thousand four hundred dollars), with costs of suit, [[shorthand]] SPANISH TREATY CLAIMS COMMISSION WASHINGTON, D.C. [*Ack'd 4/17/04*] 1421 I str. April 17, 1904 My dear Mr. President Please read the copy of my letter to Mr. Laffan which Mr. Loeb has;-- and let me this afternoon or evening come over and show you his reply. Very Respectfully Wm. E. Chandler To the President.[[shorthand]] SPANISH TREATY CLAIMS COMMISSION WASHINGTON, D.C. [*Ack'd 4/17/04*] 1421 I str. April 17, 1904 My dear Mr. President Please read the copy of my letter to Mr. Laffan which Mr. Loeb has;-- and let me this afternoon or evening come over and show you his reply. Very Respectfully Wm. E. Chandler To the President.[*C.F*] 17th Apl SALUS POPULI SUPREMA LEX ESTO BATTLESHIP MISSOURI Dear Mr. President Thanks for yr. line of congratulate It is fine & Ill give it to the crew as for them. They love yr contribution Of all the dead nearly all have been sent for & gone home — The funeral was most impressive. Your HammerI call him one of the Roosevelt children was a target spotter from the Cleveland & worked like a beaver at the fire so did every one. It was a close call every minute. for about twenty of them I expected to be the last but we won out & saved the rest. Love to Edith & all. Capt William S.C.I will write you again about certain things that are imperative in design after this experience. The constructors themselves will see it & will be wise to. WSC [*[Cowles]*] How thrilling it is when you are up against it[*Ack'd 4-1-9-04*] GILBERT D.B. HASBROUCK, THEODORE H. SWIFT, ADOLPH J. RODENBECK, Judges. CHARLES E. PALMER, Clerk. State of New York COURT OF CLAIMS Clerk's Office. Albany, Apr 17 1904 My dear Mr. President: I was chosen in your interests on Saturday as a delegate of the National Convention. I would not have been except for the desire expressed by you to me quite a year ago that you wished the district named send some friendly person I did not know one more friendly than you fellow on the law school & your colleague in the Legislature so long ago and so I thought I'd come myself. With best wishes. Cordially Yours G. D. B. HasbrouckTranslation of cablegram sent April 17th, 1904. Governor Wright, Baguio via Manila. Strictly confidential: For Governors eye only. The President desires to appoint Beekman Winthrop Governor of Porto Rico. Please confer with him, ascertain if he will accept and advise me when he can leave for the United States to assume the new office. The President would like to send the name to the Senate for confirmation as soon as possible. TAFT.Seder at Ellis Island One of the pleasantest, and at the same time most touching Seder services that has ever been held in this country, was that given at Ellis Island, at which ninety immigrants celebrated the Passover. Through the generosity of Messrs Hudgins and Dumis, who also defrayed the expenses of the Seder, tables uttensils, table linen, and in fact, everything to be used for the service, were entirely new. The prayers were read by one of their own number. After the services, an immigrant who knew he had to be deported, on account of ill health, addressed the assemblage, thanking God that his brethren could find comfort in the thought that they could respect their religion observances undisturbed, and notwithstanding he was not allowed to remain in this free country, he still had none but good words for it, and had no fault to find with those who could not conscientiously allow him to remain. The government officials made arrangements to have the boat leave at a later hour than usual for the benefit of those living in the city who remained until the celebration was over. The Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society supplied matzos, cider, tea and hagadahs. Messrs. A. White, A. S. Schomer and A. Harkavy had charge of the arrangements, through the kindness of Mr. Williams and Mr. Hudgens, all of whom partook of the meal with these immigrants. In another column will be found the story of the Seder celebration at Ellis Island. If any man, Jew or Christian, can read this without a thrill, he is not subject to the ordinary human emotions. The Passover season to the Jew in Russia is a season of dreadful terror. The old false blood accusation is then renewed, and its horrible consequences may be anything from simple riot to a Kishineff. Imagine, then, what it must have meant to the ninety Russian Jewish immigrants detained at Ellis Island, when the Government, at the same moment that it detained them, made such provision for their religious scruples as to enable them to celebrate their religious festival with all the joy and fervor with which it could have celebrated in any private home. The entire expense of the affair—it is worthy of mention—was borne by a firm of Christians who have the catering contract on the Island. They furnished even new white linen for the occasion. Truly this is a great country! Three cheers for America![Enclosed in Cortelyou 4-17-04[*F*] COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK PRESIDENT'S ROOM April 18, 1904 Dear Mr. President: You may be interested in seeing the Declaration of Principles which the District Convention of the Thirteen Congressional District adopted after electing Root and me to be delegates. Please remember that this district represents the brown stone residence district from 14th to 92nd Streets and between Lexington and Seventh Avenues. It contains nearly all the chief clubs and hotels and other resorts of the city, and yet, as you will observe, there is an aggression and defiance about the resolutions which ought to satisfy some "doubting Thomases" outside of New York. I look forward with great pleasure to seeing you on Saturday. Faithfully yours, Nicholas Murray Butler To the President, White House, Washington, D.C.COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK PRESIDENT'S ROOM April 18, 1904 Dear Mr. President: I have your very kind note of the 16th, and also Mr. Loeb's letter of the 17th. I have conferred with Bishop by telephone and we shall be very glad to come down on Saturday, reaching the White House some time after four o'clock in the afternoon. It will be necessary for me to come back on the midnight train on Sunday, and I believe that Bishop feels the same way, in view of our respective engagements here. I trust that this arrangement will not inconvenience either you or Mrs. Roosevelt in any way. There are many things to talk about, and I shall be most glad of the chance. I am particularly concerned about the Platform at Chicago, both as to content and as to form, and shall be only too glad to hear what is being done about it. Faithfully yours, Nicholas Murray Butler To the President, White House, Washington, D.C.[*ackd 4/20/04*] LAW OFFICES OF CLINTON & CLINTON 1012 PRUDENTIAL BLDG. BUFFALO, N. Y. GEORGE CLINTON GEORGE CLINTON, JR. Buffalo, N. Y., April 18 1904. Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. Sir:- My friendship for Erastus C. Knight coupled with my knowledge of the man and my views as to his availability as a candidate for Governor of New York, together with an earnest desire to strengthen the state and specially the national ticket, induce me to take the liberty of intruding my views upon you. Mr. Knight always has been not only a consistent Republican but a conservative man and had devoted his energies in the offices he has filled, wisely and well to the interests of the public. The Canal situation it seems to me has a strong bearing upon the availability of candidates for the Governorship. It is well known throughout the State and especially in New York and Buffalo that the Republican party in New York State is regarded as hostile to Canal Improvement, for the reason that the great Republican strength lies in the Anti-Canal counties. It would seem, therefore, desirable to alley this feeling among Republicans in the great canal centres. At the same time it will not do to nominate an ultra canal man as that might affect us seriously in the Anti-Canal counties. Under the circumstances it seems to me that if a man acceptable to the Canal people who has not taken so active a part in Canal matters as to make himselfobnoxious to those who are opposed to Canal Improvement and who has other qualities which would make him a strong candidate can be found that he would be the most available man to put before the people. I believe that Mr. Knight is this man. It is true he lives in a Canal locality and that so far as he has spoken he has expressed himself as in favor of proper Canal Improvement. But he has not been an active promoter of Canal Improvement and his known conservatism is such that I believe our Republican friends in the country counties would have confidence in his fairness and that they would not regard him in any sense as a Canal partisan. As to Mr. Knight's availability in other respects I would refer you to his past record as a nominee of his party. He has been a candidate for elective office in this City and State seven times and has never been defeated. He has never held an appointive office and has never been a candidate for any appointment. He was born in Buffalo and entered public life as a Superintendent of his home Ward, being elected by a plurality of 1,685. He was twice re-elected and his plurality upon the last occasion was 1,764. While serving as Chairman of the Board of Supervisors in 1884, he was nominated for Comptroller, the second highest office in the City Government. He was elected by a plurality of 10,498, running nearly 1,000 ahead of the candidate for Mayor and, in fact, ahead of all other candidates on the Republican ticket. Three years later he was re-nominated and his re-election by a plurality of 1,860 is one of the best evidences of his strength and popularity. The Republican candidate for Mayor was defeated that year by a plurality of 8,632, but Mr. Knight, who was second on the ticket, ran 10,472 ahead of his ticket and was elected by a plurality of 1,840. -2-In 1900, Mayor Knight was elected State Comptroller by a plurality of 124,635, running 13,308 ahead of Governor Odall on the total State votes and he received more votes than all other candidates on the State ticket save one. At the same election he ran 3,013 ahead of President McKinley in Erie County and 3,873 ahead of Governor Odall, in fact, receiving a higher vote than any other candidate voted for in Erie County that Fall. The following year, Mr. Knight was elected Mayor County that Fall. The following year, Mr. Knight was elected Mayor of Buffalo by a plurality of 3,343, carrying through all Republican candidates, although the second office on the ticket received a plurality of only 1,890. Incidentally I might say that the Mayoralty contest showed the regard which the labor element has for Mayor Knight, as his election was due to the tremendous vote polled for him on the East and South sides of the City, where the great mass of working men of Buffalo live. Sincerely hoping that you will excuse me for obtruding my views, I remain. Yours respectfully, George Clinton [*[George Clinton]*] -Dictated by Mr. Clinton.-[*CHIEF CLERK APR 19 1904 Department of State*] SANTO DOMINGO, APRIL 18, Received April 18, 1904. 3:10 p. m. Secretary of State, Washington. April 18, 9 p. m. President requests you will name one skilled in financial matters to revise fiscal administration. All expenses to be paid by this Government. POWELL. April 19, 1904. 3:25[For 1 attachment see Hay, 4-20-04][*should this be Edited?*] [*F*] "P" Department of the Interior, GENERAL LAND OFFICE, Washington, D. C., April 18, 1904 TO SPECIAL AGENTS AND REGISTERS AND RECEIVERS: Chas. A. M. Schlierholz, a special agent of this office, has been suspended pending an investigation of charges preferred against him to the effect that he has, in violation of his oath and the law in such cases made and provided, misappropriated moneys due the Government. Mr. Schlierholz has tendered his resignation, but final action thereon has not been taken. You are hereby notified that he is not to be officially recognized unless so directed by this office. Since the first of February, 1903, twenty-two special agents have left the service for one cause and another, some because of insufficient capacity; intemperate habits; physical infirmities, and other like causes. A large number, however, have been separated from the service because it has been found that they had taken money due the Government in timber trespass cases and appropriated it to their own use and benefit; that they accepted moneys and other gifts in one form and another in return for official services; had rendered vouchers for services for which they had failed to pay the parties performing such service; traveled on passes for which they charged the Government transportation; assisted claimants to violate the laws, and sold information contained in special agents' reports. The office is determined to punish all infringements of the law by its special agents with dismissal from the service and proper prosecution in the courts. Very respectfully, W. A. Richards Commissioner.[Enclosed in 4-25-04]TELEPHONE, 2544 BROAD. R. B. ROOSEVELT, JR., 49 & 51 WALL ST. NEW YORK, April 18, 1904 190 Dear Cousin Theodore:- The Post of last Saturday announces that you will probably appoint a number of ex-officers to the appointment about to be vacated by Major Tweedale of the War Department. These new appointments to be retired the succeeding day, until you reach the name of the gentleman who is to fill the position permanently. My father-in-law Mr. Hamersly, a member of the Loyal Legion, with a splendid war record, as you will see by the enclosed Congressional documents, would like one of the temporary appointments, and I think if you will read the papers, you will be inclined to look on it favorably. His bill never came to a vote in Congress, not having reached on the calendar. Affectionately, Bert. [*[ROOSEVELT]*][*F*] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. April 18, 1904. My dear Mr. President: I send herewith a note from Lloyd Bowers in respect to Blythe and Graeme Stewart, which may be of interest in confirming what I understood to be your judgment. Very sincerely yours, Wm. H Taft The President. Inclosure.[For enc. see 4-15-04][* Ackd 4/19/14*] Our Plea is for Equal Rights. NATIONAL AFRO-AMERICAN COUNCIL N-A-A-C ORGANIZED 1898 NATIONAL AFRO AMERICAN COUNCIL Jersey City, N. J. April 18, 1904 Officers: President......Bishop A. Walters, D.D. 228 Duncan Avenue, Jersey City, N.J. 1st Vice Pres. Bishop A. Grant, Philadelphia, Pa. 2d Vice Pres. Rev. E. C. Morris, Helen, Ark. 3d Vice Pres. Bishop G. W. Clinton, Charlotte, N.C. 4th Vice Pres. Hon. Geo. H. White Member of Congress, Washington, D.C. 5th Vice Pres. Bishop L. H. Holsey, Atlanta, Ga. 6th Vice Pres. Bishop B. W. Arnett, Ohio. 7th Vice Pres. T. Thos. Fortune, New York. 8th Vice Pres. Bishop C. R. Harris, North Carolina. 9th Vice Pres. C. J. Perry, Pennsylvania. Fin. Secretary, J. E. Bruce, Albany, N.Y. Cor. Sec'y, Mrs. Julia M. Layton, Wash'ton, D.C. Rec. Sec'y, R. W. Thompson, Indiana. Ass't Rec. Sec'y, F. L. McGhee, Minnesota. Treasurer, John W. Thompson, Rochester, N.Y. Sergeant-at-Arms, C. H. Thompson, Illinois. Chaplain, R. C. Ransom, Chicago, Ill. Bureaus: LEGISLATION BUREAU, Daniel Murray, Director......Washington, D.C. LITERARY BUREAU, P. B. S. Pinchback, Director..Washington, D.C. IMMIGRATION BUREAU, Bishop H. M. Turner, Director......Atlanta, Ga. BUSINESS BUREAU, Prof. W. E. B. DuBois, Director......Atlanta, Ga. EDUCATION BUREAU, Prof. B. A. Johnson, Director.....Salisbury, N.C. ANTI-LYNCHING BUREAU, Mrs. I. B. W. Barnett, Director........Chicago, Ill. ECCLESIATICAL (REFORM) BUREAU, Rev. A. J. Carey, Director................Chicago, Ill. Executive Committee: ALABAMA W.R. Pettiford, J. W. Alstork, Sarah J. Duncan ARKANSAS E. C. Morris, J. C. Corbin, Mrs. H. E. Carolina CALIFORNIA T. B. Morten, Linc'n Dennis, Mrs. Minnie Benston COLORADO E. H. Hackley, P. A. Hubbard, Mrs. Enslie CONNECTICUT J. P. Peaker, Geo. A. Jenkins, Mrs. F. H. Hill DELAWARE O. D. Robinson FLORIDA M. M. Moore, M. M. Lewey, Mrs. J. Clinton GEORGIA W. A. Pledger, J. W. Lyons, Mrs. P. G. Simmons ILLINOIS C. F. Adams, R. A. Byrd, Mrs. J. Gray Lucas INDIANA W. A. Sweeney, Geo. L. Knox, Lillian T. Fox IOWA J. F. Blackburn, Geo. H. Woodson, Katharine B. Tillman KANSAS I. T. Bradley, Dr. S. H. Thompson, Mrs. J. J. Bass KENTUCKY W. H. Steward, W. H. Chambers, Miss Mary Britton LOUISIANA P. B.S . Pinchback, Col. Jason Lewis, Mrs. B. F. Williams MARYLAND Harry S. Cummings. Dr. Wm. Bishop MASSACHIISETTS E. E. Brown, Peter J. Smith, Mrs. Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin MICHIGAN Rob't Pelham, W. L. Burton, Mrs. M. E. McCoy MINNESOTA Jno. Q. Adams, F. L. McGhee, Mrs. J. B. Kemp MISSISSIPPI Isaiah T. Montgomery, Jas. Hill, Mrs. E. W. Lampton MISSOURI O. M. Wood, Peter H. Clark, Miss Anna H. Jones NEBRASKA F. L. Barnett, Fred L. Smith NEW JERSEY H. T. Johnson, Jesse Lawson, Mrs. Florence Randolph NEW YORK T. T. Fortune, Chas. Anderson, Miss J. Imogene Howard NORTH CAROLINA John C. Dancy, H. P. Cheatham, Miss Mary A. Lynch OHIO H. C. Smith, W. R. Stewart PENNSYLVANIA C. J. Perry, Harry Bass, Mrs. N. F. Mossell RHODE ISLAND J. W. Henderson, W. H. Coffey, Miss Elizabeth Carter SOUTH CAROLINA G. W. Murray, W. D. Crum, Mrs. Jennie B. Welton TENNESSEE J. C. Napier, J. G. Settle, Mrs. Alice Sumner TEXAS Prof. J. R. Gibson, I. N. Burgan VIRGINIA Jno. Mitchell, Jr., W. L. Taylor WASHINGTON H. C. Cotton, C. A. Rideout W. VIRGINIA J. R. Clifford, F. M. Ramer, M. F. Clifford WISCONSIN S. Miner, J. J. Miles, Mrs. Rhoda Black Williams DIST. COLUMBIA D. Murray, E. E. Cooper, Miss Lucy E. Moten, M.D. N. MEXICO H. O. Flipper OKLAHOMA I. E. Page, E. P. McCabe, Mrs. Zelia P. Page INDIAN TERRITORY W. H. Twine President Theodore Roosevelt, White House Washington D.C. Dear Sir: I submit the enclosed circulars for your approval. Secretary Loeb assured me a few weeks ago that you would endorse and approve of Hon. James S Clarkson's being the spokesman for the Administration so far as the colored people are concerned. He has consented to act with us, and in him we repose the utmost confidence. Before finishing up the circulars and sending them out, we have thought it best to first have your approval. Trusting to be favored with an early reply, I remain, Your obedient servant Alexander Walters 28 Oak St[For 1 enc. see ca 4-18-04 Plan of Organization][*Ack'd 4-18-04*] Dear Mr. President You see I am laying the foundation for my future appointment as Minister to Dublin. Sincerely yours Walter Wellman [*REWARD OF MERIT. If the g.o.p. succeeds in electing Roosevelt there will of course, be the usual scramble for appointive places. The struggle between the "ins" who don't want to go out and the "outs" who insist on getting in will be beautifully illustrative of the "principles" the party stands for. Doubtless there will be more or less recognition accorded to a few for distinguished services, and, as the campaign will be fought by our patriotic republican friends with a chief reliance on boodle and buncomb, the appointment of spoils will be allotted on the usual plan, also. That is, the men who furnish the boodle will be rewarded with opportunities to recoup themselves for their donations to the boodle fund at the (also usual) rate of ten to one for the money advanced. As to the "buncomb" fellows- the chaps who to the tall, artistic lying and the largest volume of effective mud-slinging- they pught to and in the very nature of things republican, will get nice, soft places- that literally reek with "fat" and flow with milk and honey. All these things being taken for ganted- (provided Roosevelt is elected) we feel moved to make a recommendation conscious though we are that our potential is that of a trust magnate who has "put up" a five figure contribution to "save the honor of the country" some more. Be that as it will, we shall recommend to the first place- after the trust patriots are served, of course- in Teddy's grateful consideration the veracious but somewhat imaginative Walter Wellman of the Record-Herald. If he don't deserve well of his country, he is laying modern republicanism under tremendous obligations for his robust fiction. H. TRYING TO SAVE THE TRUSTS.*][*Ack'd 4-18-04*] Dear Mr. President: You see I am laying the foundation for my future appointment as Minister to Dublin. Sincerely your Walter Wellman [*REWARD OF MERIT. If the g.o.p. succeeds in electing Roosevelt there will of course, be the usual scramble for appointive places. The struggle between the "ins" who don't want to go out and the "outs" who insist on getting in will be beautifully illustrative of the "principles" the party stands for. Doubtless there will be more or less recognition accorded to a few for distinguished services, and, as the campaign will be fought by our patriotic republican friends with a chief reliance on boodle and buncomb, the appointment of spoils will be allotted on the usual plan, also. That is, the men who furnish the boodle will be rewarded with opportunities to recoup themselves for their donations to the boodle fund at the (also usual) rate of ten to one for the money advanced. As to the "buncomb" fellows- the chaps who to the tall, artistic lying and the largest volume of effective mud-slinging- they pught to and in the very nature of things republican, will get nice, soft places- that literally reek with "fat" and flow with milk and honey. All these things being taken for ganted- (provided Roosevelt is elected) we feel moved to make a recommendation conscious though we are that our potential is that of a trust magnate who has "put up" a five figure contribution to "save the honor of the country" some more. Be that as it will, we shall recommend to the first place- after the trust patriots are served, of course- in Teddy's grateful consideration the veracious but somewhat imaginative Walter Wellman of the Record-Herald. If he don't deserve well of his country, he is laying modern republicanism under tremendous obligations for his robust fiction. H. TRYING TO SAVE THE TRUSTS.*]Translation of cablegram received at 10:36 p. m., April 18th, 1904. 7 CB. K. KN. Govt. MANILA. Secretary of War, Washington. Just arrived Baguio and find your cablegram of April 17th. Have telegraphed Winthrop. We can let him go at once, although we hate to lose him. WRIGHT. COPY for the Secretary's file.[ca 4-18-04] [Enc in Walters, 4-18-04]PLAN OF ORGANIZATION. Our plan of organization is as follows: Any person who has sufficient interest in the mater can send invitations on leading Afro-American citizens who are interested in the ameliorations of the condition of our race, and the nomination and election of President Roosevelt to succeed himself, and the success of the Republican party can meet in some private house, according to the number invited. If as many as ten assemble and are willing to subscribe to the objects mentioned above they can be organized by the election of the following officers: President, Vice-President, Secretary, Asst. Secretary, Treausurer, Chaplain, Sergeant at Arms, and an Executive Committee consisting of five members. Each club or organization is entitled to representation in the annual convention by the payment of $5 for each delegate entitled to one vote. Clubs already organized can join the National body by making application, with list of officers enclosed, to A. B. Cosey, National Organizer, 828 Broad Street, Newark, N. J. T. THOMAS FORTUNE, President, Red Bank, N. J. ALEXANDER WALTERS, Chair, Executive Com, 98 Oak Street, Jersey City, N. J. C. F. ADAMS, Secretary, 934 S. St., N. W., Washington, D. C. JOHN W. THOMPSON, Treasurer, Box 498, Rochester, New York. A. B. COSEY, National Organizer, Newark, N. J. ADVISORY COMMITTEE. HON. JAMES S. CLARKSON. Booker T, Washington, Ala.; J. E. Bruce, New York; Judson W. Lyons, Ga; Charles W. Anderson, New York; Henri Herbert, New Jersey; J. C. Napier, Tenn.; S. L. Corrothers, D. C.; Edward Morris, Ill.; W. H. Steward, Ky.; W. F. Farmer, No.; J. C. Dancy, N. C.; P. B. S. Pinchback, D. C.; Judge R. H. Terrell, D. C.; Bishop B. W. Arnett, Ohio; Bishop G. W. Clinton, N. C.; R. L. Smith, Tex.; C. N. Robinson, N. J.; W. H. Lewis, Mass.; Walter L. Cohen, La; F. L. Barnet, Ill.; Geo. L. Knox, Ind.; I. F. Bradley, Kan.National Republican Afro-American Council. ORGANIZE! ORGANIZE! ORGANIZE! Objects and Plan of Organization At the meeting of the Sub-Committee of the Executive Committee of the National Afro-American Council, held in Washington, D. C., Dec. 10th, 1903. it was decided to strike out the Non-partisan clause in the Constitution and to work in harmony with the Republican party: First: Because we are forced to the conclusion that if we are to retain our civil and political rights it will be through partisan action on our part. The Jim Crow car, the disfranchisement law, the convict lease system, and other discriminatory laws are the result of Democratic legislation; hence, we have nothing to hope for from that party. Second: It is our bounden duty to do all in our power to secure the nomination and election of President Roosevelt to succeed himself His noble stand for justice to all men regardless of race, color, or previous condition of servitude, and his manly utterances in favor of an open door of opportunity for the black man, which has done so much to create favorable public opinion for the Afro-American people, has placed us under a lasting obligation to him. It therefore becomes the duty of every Afro-American to assist in organizing Republican Councils in every city, town and village in the Nation. There ought to be a thousand Councils organized by the 21st of June, 1904, the date of the meeting of the National Republican Committee. We have a splendid opportunity to favorably impress the National Republican Committee which can only be done by going before it backed by a mighty organization. Properly organized we can secure what we desire; unorganized our cause is almost helpless.[Enclosed in Fairbanks, 4-18-04]Our opponents say the Philippine policy does not pay; that it costs more than we receive. They should not forget that the United States did not go to war with Spain for dollars and cents. They should remember that when it comes to a matter of duty, the United States does not consider the cost. When the history of our country is written, it will be found that there is no brighter page, or one which will yield more pleasure and satisfaction in its contemplation than the one which tells of our discharge of the responsibilities growing out of the war with Spain. The archipelago belongs to the United States. Its title is vested in this Government by virtue of the treaty of peace negotiated and ratified according to the requirements of the constitution, and the responsibility of administration rests upon us, not as a matter of sentiment, but as a duty imposed by the obligations of the law.[*Ack'd 4-22-04*] [[shorthand]] One-forty-one East Twenty-fifth Street New York April 19 1904 My Dear Mr. President: I am asking Mr. McClure to send you a copy of McClure's Magazine for May a little in advance of publication. I am very anxious to have you see my article on the Colorado labor situation for which I have used a paragraph from your letter as a text. Your friend, Mr. P. B. Stewart,to whom you referred me was exceedingly helpful to me in my work at Colorado Springs. I have endeavored in this article to set down the truth with absolute frankness, no matter who it hit; and if the truth were ever needed, it is needed today in Colorado. With Sincere respect, Ray Stannard Baker To the President United States Senate [[shorthand]] Washington, D.C. [*Ackd 4/19/04*] [*[ca 4-19-04]*] Dear Loeb: Wont you kindly hand this to the President. I would like him to glance at it. Sincerely Beveridge [*[Beveridge]*][For enc. see 4-1-04][*ack'd 4/20/04*] 117 DUANE STREET. New York, April 19 1904 Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Washington. My dear Mr. Loeb: I have your note of the 18th with enclosed suggestion in regard to the German newspapers. Of course, no Republican can buy the Staats Zeitung, nor could any combination of Republicans put up two millions of dollars to establish a new German paper in this city. As the paper was not signed I could take no personal action regarding the maker, but if you wish to send him to me to be let down as easily as possible, I have no objection to being interviewed by him. I will write within a day or two in response to note received from the President yesterday and say when it will be possible for me to go to Washington as suggested by the President. In this connection I would say to the President that I had a note from Governor Murphy of New Jersey this morning, mentioning that his physician and advised him to take three or four weeks' rest and that he should sail for Europe immediately, to return the latter part of May. Very truly yours, C. N. Bliss [*[Bliss]*][*CF*] [*Enc. filed under W.*] J. L. BRISTOW OFFICE OF FOURTH ASSISTANT POSTMASTER GENERAL WASHINGTON Strictly Personal. April 19, 1904. My dear Mr. Loeb: I have your letter with enclosure of one from Mr. William Allen White. I will forward Mr. White the information requested, although the documents which he probably would like to review are very bulky. Will correspond with him at once, however, and find out just what he would like. Enclosed I hand you Mr. White's letter, as requested. Very truly yours, J. L. Bristow Fourth Assistant Postmaster-General Hon. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President. Enclosure.[*F*] Department of Commerce and Labor OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY Washington April 19, 1904. Dear Mr. President: You will be interested in the enclosure. Very sincerely yours, Geo. B. Cortelyou To the President. Enclosure.[For 1 enclosure see ca. 4-19-04][*B*] [[shorthand]] [*already ack'd*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. April 19, 1904. William Loeb, jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: Jonkheer Reneke de Marees de Swinderen, the newly appointed Minister of the Netherlands near this Government, has requested me to ascertain when the President will be pleased to receive him, so that he may present his letters of credence. I shall be thankful to be informed of the President's wishes in the matter. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant John Hay[*F*] T/T DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. April 19, 1904. William Loeb, jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: I have to advise you that the Department has received from the Argentine Minister at this capital a note expressing, on behalf of his Government, as well as himself, the sentiment of the sincere condolence and deep sympathy prevailing, in view of the grievous accident on board the MISSOURI, and has made due acknowledgment thereof. This communication is made at the request of the Argentine Minister. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant John Hay[*F*] T/T DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. April 19, 1904. William Loeb, jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President. Sir: I have to advise you that the Department has received from the Argentine Minister at this capital a note expressing, on behalf of his Government, as well as himself, the sentiment of the sincere condolence and deep sympathy prevailing, in view of the grievous accident on board the MISSOURI, and has made due acknowledgment thereof. This communication is made at the request of the Argentine Minister. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant John Haymeans. Yours faithfully John Hay [*CF*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. April 19, 1904. Dear Mr. President:- I return herewith Mr. Riddle's letter, as you request, and with it this quotation from a letter just received from Mr. Peirce: "Riddle is not very well satisfied with his place here and would like a change. Morgan, on the other hand, is very fond of Cairo, where he has made a great social success and is highly regarded, both by the official and social world. He has bought a house here and entertains handsomely. If Riddle should be transferred, it would be, I am sure, in the interest of our prestige and of the work, to appoint Morgan as his successor". The Morgan mentioned is Frederick Morgan, new Vice Consul General at Cairo, and a brother of E. V. Morgan. He is a gentleman of excellent abilities, fine education and considerable [*F*] OFFICE OF CUSTODIAN, U.S. Custom House, Chattanooga, Tenn. April 19th, 1904. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. Honored Sir:- I am going to run for Congress and have a good chance for election. This is Mr. Evans' old district. A fter you sent him to London, Mr. Sanders and I were made reference; afterward, Mr. Brown, who is not in harmony with us, was added. At the recent state convention we had a large majority of the delegates from this district. An attempt was made to intimidate our delegates by making the statement that the referees would be changed. Any change would embarass me very much in my race for Congress. Kindly see that nothing of the kind is done and we will try and present you one more republican congressman from Tennessee. Very respectfully, R. S. Sharp[Dear John send this letter back when you have glanced at the marked part.] IMPERIAL GERMAN EMBASSY, WASHINGTON, D.C. April 19, 1904 Dear Mr. President Permit me to thank you for your letter of yesterday the enclosure of which To The President of the United States of AmericaI return. I have told the people at Swanee University that I shall be glad to visit them in June and to speak there. I wonder if the russian armywill be able to make a better show than the navy. I think that even the Spaniards in Port Arthur could have gone the Russians one better. Believe me, Mr. President, most sincerely yours Speck.[*Ackd 4/20/04*] All quotations subject to change without notice. Orders will be entered subject to delay through Strikes Fires or other unavoidable causes. Travers Brothers Co., Manufacturers of Cordage, 41 Worth Street, New York F. C. Travers, President. A. F. Travers, Vice Pres't. V. P. Travers, Treasurer. April 19th 1904 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt President U. S. america Dear Sir It was a great pleasure to me to see in the papers the telegram from Brave Capt. Cowles - to our archbishop in reference to Chaplain Gleeson I thought he had the right blood in him to make him a brave man and I hope he has proven it I am very proud of Father Gleeson & Father McDonald of the Iowa both fine noble men and I hope you are also well pleased with them I wish also to say to you that Capt. Cowles has had very hard luck but no braver man was ever in the U. S. Service and he will prove it on every occasion My sympathy goes to Mrs. Cowles and you on the sad accident. Yours Truly Frank C. Travers[[shorthand]] James S. Whipple, Clerk. State of New York Office of the Clerk of the Senate, Albany. April 19-1904 Hon, Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States White House, Washington D.C. My dear President: Had long talk with Mr. Dan'l O'Day yesterday. He is anxious for you and Mr. John Archibold to meet and suggests that Senator Aldrich could bring it about. If a Cattaraugus farmer may be allowed to make a suggestion, I think it advisable. The O'Days are surely good friends and I believe valuable ones. Please command me if there is any thing I can do. Sincerely J.S. Whipple[*wrote Mr. Babcock 4/21/04*] Committee on The Merchant Marine and Fisheries, House of Representatives U.S. CHAS. H. GROSVENOR, CHAIRMAN. [*Ackd 4/21/04*] April 20, 1904. To the President, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir:- I spoke to Mr. Babcock about the printing of the speech. He did not respond with the alacrity that I would have been glad to have had him. Yesterday a labor leader came to us and wanted a thousand copies and he said , and wisely, as you will readily appreciate, that a thousand copies now would do more good than a hundred thousand will do later. I wish some steps could be taken to get Mr. Babcock to at once put that document into print and let us have the use of it. Yours truly, C.H. GrosvenorDepartment of State, Washington. April 20, 1904. Dear Theodore: - I return Speck's letter, and am very glad to have seen it. It is all the more valuable for its indiscretion. Faithfully yours, John Hay.Department of State, Washington, D.C. Apl. 20. 1904 [*ack'd 4-20-04*] Dear Theodore Do you have in mind a good man for this job? If not, how would Hollander of Johns Hopkins, answer? Yours faithfully J. H [*[Hay]*]ackd 4/23/04 Holland House, New York City April 20th 1904 My Dear President Roosevelt I take the great pleasure of sending to you under a separate cover a copy of the "International Quarterly" in which my article on Japan and the "United States" appears. I should feel much gratified if you kindly read it at your leisure, and shall deem it a great honorif you kindly intimate to me any opinion that you may entertain upon the subject, I am very sincerely your Kentaro Kaneko.Hotel Wellington Seventh Avenue Bet. 55th and 56th Streets New York J. F. CHAMPLIN, MGR. Ocean House Watch Hill, R. I. J. F. CHAMPLIN [*V*] April 20 .4 [*Ackd 4/22/07*] My dear Mr President. They drove me to this by their constant carping and misquoting . and I feel better. It is the having a man in the White House of whom one can write this and know it is so and much more than so, that makes life worth living to Your friend Jacob A. Riis Dont, please, bother about acknowledging this, for I am going to New England to stay all week.[*Wrote Sen. Proctor 5-2-1904*] [*To The President*] This is a copy of the much talked of letter to O. Merrill who happens to be Collector of Customs at the port of Burlington, Vermont, as well as President of the Enosburg Falls Savings Bank & Trust Co.: "TREASURY DEPARTMENT, Office of the Secretary, Washington, April 20, 1903. "My dear Sir: "My partner writes me that you are thinking of taking some loans of our firm at Denison, Iowa. You will pardon me if I suggest that in my judgment this is a wise move. I do not know that I need to say more than to refer to the record we have made. I am still interested in the old stand, though I am not personally doing business there. "I am, Very sincerely yours, L.M.SHAW." "Mr. O. Merrill, Pres., Enosburg Falls Savings Bank & Trust Company, Enosburg Falls, Vermont." If I had known that Mr. Merrill of Enosburg Falls was also Collector of Customs at Burlington, I should not have written the letter; or writing it, I certainly should have addressed him at Burlington and as Hon. Respectfully, L. M. ShawDR. ANDREW C. SMITH, ROOMS 306 AND 307, THE DEKUM. OFFICE HOURS: 2:00 TO 5:00 P. M. 11:00 TO 12:00 A. M. AT ST. VINCENT'S HOSPITAL PORTLAND, OREGON, April, 20, 1904. My Dear Coe:- I received your very interesting letter several weeks ago, and I assure you that my delay in answering is not indicative of any indifference on my part. I was up to my chin in politics at that time, from which I have been gracefully retired by my good friends who I placed where they now are, - in a position to down me; but I am not kicking, only getting a long breath for going back, at a more opportune time. I have the satisfaction however of knowing that I put up a fight that cost them a lot of money, and some floor-walking. I use the pronoun in the first person singular, because I know that had it not been for my efforts no fight would have been put up at all. Enough of politics. [As I have used your name in vain I thought perhaps you might be interested in looking over my prospectus, copy of which I herewith enclose. Your resume of the stock situation is not encouraging especially for the immediate sale of that sort of merchandise, but I note with particular pleasure what you say about the prospects in the near future, and I hope that you are correct in your prognostications. It was my intention to go East about this time and try my luck once more in that line of work, but I have concluded to wait until next Fall. I have hold $18,000 right here in Portland without any effort at all, never having spent an hour of special time to that work. I have used most of this however and will soon be in need of more money, so I think I will try here in Portland to get enough money to carry the work on for six months longer. If I had one-half of the push and diplomacy, which the Lord has so bountifully bestowed upon you I would not worry a particle about the success of my [prospect] proposition, but as it is I am fearful that I will not reach the goal. I am much pleased to hear you speak as confidently of your prospects, and knowing you as well as I do I think there is nothing but death, surer than that you will make a complete success of your affair.][Enc. in COE to TR 5-11-04]Imperial German Embassy Washington D.C. [1904] April 20 My dear Mr Loeb Will you be so kind as to tell the President that I shall be delighted to accept his kind to William Loeb Esq White Houseinvitation to lunch with him to day at half past one o'clock. By an error I omitted to enclose a letter in the one I sent to the President yesterday. Ienclose it today and beg you to be so kind as to deliver it sincerely yours SternburgTranslation of cablegram received at 10:30 p. m., April 20th, 1904. 1 CB. Q. KO. MANILA. Secretary of War, Washington. Please convey to the President my acceptance. Sincere thanks to you both. WINTHROP. COPY for the Secretary's file.[*ack'd 4-22-04*] [[shorthand]] MR. BALL, CHAIRMAN. UNITED STATES SENATE, COMMITTEE ON VENTILATION AND ACOUSTICS. April 21, 1904. To the President, The White House. My dear Mr. President. I called the White House this morning, but knowing you are so busy, I do not desire to take up your time. I wish to present to you a copy of the platform adopted by our convention on Tuesday last, which I herewith enclose. The only material difference, I think, in our platform and the Union Republican platform, is in the Civil Service plank. The Union Republicans denounce the Civil Service, while you will see that our convention endorse it. Both conventions have pledged their delegates to support you for renomination. We had the largest and most representative convention that I have ever seen in the state, which should that the Anti-Addicks forces have not lessened. After the adjournment of Congress, when your time is not entirely taken up, I would like to confer with you on the situation. I remain, very truly yours, L. Heisler Ball"Manila, April 20th. "Secretary of War, Washington Please convey to the President my acceptance. Sincere thanks to you both. WINTHROP." "Manila, April 21st. "Secretary of War, Washington. With reference to your telegram of 17th, Winthrop, reply as follows: (quote) I accept, appreciating sincerely the honor; will be ready to leave upon termination of cases now pending, certainly not more than ten days; should like to know about what day the President desires to be in Washington, and shall be there at the time. Many thanks for your prompt telegram. (end of quotation). WRIGHT." Very sincerely, Clarence R. Edwards Hon. William Loeb, Secretary to the President. [*C.F.*] War Department, Bureau of Insular Affairs, Washington, D.C. April 21, 1904. My dear Mr. Loeb: In the absence of Secretary Taft, I take the liberty to quote the following telegrams exchanged with Manila: "April 17, "Wright, Baguio, via Manila. Strictly confidential, for Governor's eye only. The President desires to appoint Beekman Winthrop Governor of Porto Rico. Please confer with him, ascertain if he will accept and advise me when he can leave for the United States to assume the new office. The President would like to send the name to the Senate for confirmation as soon as possible. TAFT." "Manila, April 18th. "Secretary of War, Washington. "Just arrived Baguio and find your telegram of April 17th. Have telegraphed Winthrop. We can let him go at once, although we hate to lose him. WRIGHT."[*F*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. April 21, 1904. Dear Theodore:- I think you have been very kind to Sternberg, and, perhaps, silence in regard to his renewed request would be answer enough. Yours faithfully John Hay [*Ackd & wrote Mr. Weik 4/22/04*] EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT THE CENTURY MAGAZINE UNION SQUARE NEW YORK April 21, 1904. R.W. GILDER, EDITOR. R. U. JOHNSON, ASSOCIATE EDITOR. C. C. BUEL, ASSISTANT EDITOR. To the President, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. President: You may remember that recently when I had the honor of an interview with you in your library, seeing autograph letters of Washington and Grant, I asked you if you had any of Lincoln, and you said "no, unfortunately," and that you wished you had, whereupon I spoke of the fact that Jesse W. Weik, Esq. of Greencastle, Indiana, who is the joint-author with Mr. Herndon of a Life of Lincoln, had sent us a considerable number of legal documents in Lincoln's handwriting, one of which he had given to me, and I said to you that I would venture to suggest to Mr. Weik that he should present one of these interesting and characteristic autographs to you. You said that it would give you much pleasure to receive it, on the strength of which I made the suggestion to Mr. Weik, to which he very courteously responded. In a note just received from him relating to business matters (we are to print in our western number an article by him on "Lincoln as a Lawyer"), he says: "As suggested by you I sent the President a characteristic paper by Lincoln which I supposed he would understand was intended as a present, but in a few days it came backT. R. 2. with a letter from his secretary stating that 'the President was greatly interested in the two documents inclosed, which on account of their value he returns.'" As this action was doubtless due to a lapse of memory on your part I feel that it would be inconsiderate of me not to let you know the situation, so that you may set the matter right with Mr. Weik. Respectfully and sincerely yours, R. U. Johnson. [*[For 1 enclosure see memo, ca. 4-21-04]*] [*F*] DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE OFFICE OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL WASHINGTON,D.C. 21 April 1904. Dear Mr. President:- I had a talk with Dalzell on the telephone. He says the House will not pass the Resolution, and I sent him a copy of the enclosed memorandum. Very Respectfully, P C Knox The President.[*C.F.*] HOTEL CHAMBERLIN GEO. F ADAMS, MANAGER. FORTRESS MONROE, VA. 4/21 1904 Friday Dear Mr President, When you see Odell on Monday I trust you will be insistent on W. L. Ward's being New Yorks national committeeman. The Governor states that Warren has asked for this place, & that he has agreed to support him for it - otherwise he would gladly agree to Ward. Your decided preference strongly expressed will I am sure straightens this matter - I feel positive that Ward is the right man for the place. and will do effective work. Faithfully yours Lucius N. Littauer [*[Littauer] *] I did not mention to Odell that I had spoken to you on this matter - Keep it confidential.[*F*] G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 27 & 29 WEST 23RD STREET NEW YORK 24 BEDFORD STREET,STRAND, LONDON. April 21, 1904 Dear Mr. Loeb:-- We shall be forwarding in a few days: for the President's increasing collection of the editions of his work, copies of the "Addresses and Presidential Messages" in the two forms in which we are issuing the book. It occurs to me that the President will probably desire to send certain complimentary copies of these to his own friends. It is possible also that the President's advisers may be in a position to suggest the names of certain political leaders or party managers to whom the publishers might to advantage send complimentary copies. We await instructions under the former heading and suggestions in regard to the second list. I am Yours faithfully, G. H. Putnam Mr. Wm. Loeb, Jr. [*[Acn'd 4-22-04]*] All quotations subject to change without notice. Travers Brothers Co. Manufacturers of Cordage 41 Worth Street. New York. Orders will be entered subject to delay through Strikes, Fire or other unavoidable causes. F.C. Travers, President. A.F. Travers, Vice-Prest. V.P. Travers, Treasurer. Apl 21st 1904 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt President United States America Hon Sir Yours recd I quite agree in the same mail I recd a very long letter from Father Gleeson some parts may need my explanation but one part is I think very important for you to know he says to me A vile attempt has recently been made after the collision with the Illinois to hurt the President though Capt. Cowles on that occasion I know and can prove and so can every officer of the Missouri that our Captain Cowles saved both the Illinois & the Missouri by his splendid sea-manship I dont believe in opening up any matter in the press but I do believe in a quiet propaganda for the Truth in order to do this it is necessary to have the Navy Dept send the Missouri to New York dont give the reason to anyone outside the President the ship might be sent to Newport News which would be a great mistake we are not afraid to go to NY and tell the Truth signed Father G [*[Travers]*]All quotations subject to change without notice Travers Brothers Co. Manufacturers of Cordage 41 Worth Street. New York. Orders will be entered subject to delay through Strikes, Fire or other unavoidable causes. F.C. Travers, President A.F. Travers, Vice-Prest. V.P. Travers, Treasurer [*[Ap. 21. 1904]*] Mr President Dr Sir I. know Father Gleeson so well and knowing him to be such an educated man and so honest I would think over what he says and have the secty order the Missouri to New York for repairs his letter is so full of information I may think it wise to bring it over to you as I would hate to risk it by mail it reads like a history of the affair Yours Frank C. Travers[*C.F.*] BOOKER T. WASHINGTON TUSKGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED. TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. April 21, 1904. Personal and Confidential My dear Mr. President : - I have just reached home. I received your message through Mr. Loeb, and in consequence remained over in Washington Monday and spent the greater portion of the day in making personal calls on the following Senators : Senator Gallinger, Senator Aldrich, Senator Hoar, Senator Fairbanks, Senator Spooner, Senator Foraker, Senator Dolliver. I feel that my visit and talk to them accomplished a great deal of good. I shall be passing through Washington again within a few days and shall see a number of others. The more I see of them, the more I feel that this is the most effective way for me to reach and influence them. Yours very truly, Booker T. Washington. President Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C.[[shorthand]] [*Sent by Ins B. to The President NOC.*] [*File*] Extract of translation of cablegram received 8:23 a.m. ,April 21,1904. Secretary of War, Washington. With reference to your telegram of 17th, Winthrop reply as follows: (quote) "I accept, appreciating sincerely the honor; will be ready to leave upon the termination of cases now pending, certainly not more than ten days; should like to know about what day the President desires me to be in Washington, and shall be there at the time. Many thanks for your prompt telegram." (end of quotation). x x x x WRIGHT.[*[ca. 4-21-04]*] There are some reasons apparent upon the face of the Hearst Resolutions why they should not pass. First. They have to do with the alleged violations of the law, which, the Resolutions show, are being inquired into by the Attorney-General. The question as to when and how and upon what evidence he shall proceed is a matter which the law leaves to his discretion, for which he is answerable to the President and not to Congress. It is a matter of common knowledge that the alleged coal combination is not a combination like the Northern Securities Company, whose purposes and powers appeared in its written charter, and about which there could be no dispute; but its is a combination which, if it exists at all, must be shown to exist by facts and circumstances which would have to be affirmatively established by the Government. In this respect it is analogous to the beef trust, the existence of which and its illegality have been established by the Government in a suit begun by the Attorney-General in the Circuit Court at Chicago, and is now pending in the Supreme Court of the United States upon appeal by the defendants. It should immediately occur to any one that the final determination of this case will have a great deal of bearing upon the anthracite coal case. It is likewise a matter of common knowledge that, pending the investigation by the Attorney-General, namely, in2. April, 1903, the Interstate Commerce Commission begun an investigation to inform itself as to the manner and method in which the business of the coal companies is conducted, with a view to obtain from the officers of said companies full and complete information through the exercise of the powers conferred upon the Commission to compel the production of testimony; that in the course of this investigation several witnesses refused to produce contracts and answer questions which the Commission considered and ruled to be germane to the inquiry, whereupon the Commission, under the direction of the Attorney-General, began proceedings in the United States Circuit Court in New York for the purpose of compelling the coal companies to produce papers and answer questions. The Circuit Court dismissed the petition of the Interstate Commerce Commission, whereupon the Attorney-General, availing himself of the power conferred upon him by the act of February 19, 1903, (which, by the way, was an act suggested to Congress by the Attorney General - prepared by him and passed at his request. See the letter of the Attorney-General to the Judiciary Committees of the House and Senate, dated January 7, 1903) took an appeal directly from the Circuit Court to the Supreme Court of the United States, where, upon the motion of the Attorney-General, by reason of its great public importance, the case was advanced and argued by his personal representative, and decided in favor of the powers of the Commission to compel the production of the testimony, which now enables the Interstate Commerce Commission to go on and3. fully develop all the facts in connection with the business of the coal companies. This conclusively shows that the utmost expedition possible under the law has been used by the Department of Justice to enable the Interstate Commerce Commission to get at the facts. It would seem reasonable to assume, in the light of all of the corroborative evidence of deeds actually done by this present Administration in the enforcement of the Sherman Anti-trust Act, that it can be trusted to conduct the litigation of the Government without interference from Congress. If any Member of Congress is in doubt as to the serious attitude of the Government towards the alleged coal combination, he can satisfy himself fully by reading the Government's brief in the case of United States vs. Baird. Of course, every lawyer and every intelligent layman knows it is not compatible with the interests of the public to make known the public's case and the evidence upon which it rests, in advance of its trial. The matters referred to above are matters of public knowledge. The just inference from them is, that the public's interests are not being neglected.[Enclosed in Knox, 4-21-04][*[ca 4-31-04]*] REPUBLICAN PLATFORM We, the representatives of the Republican Party of the state of Delaware, in convention assembled, at Dover, this nineteenth day of April, A.D. 1904, declare our allegiance to the National Republican Party and adopt the following declaration of principles: PARTY RECORD Seven prosperous years is the record of the Republican Party under the administrations of McKinley and Roosevelt. We contrast these years of unparallelled business prosperity and national growth with the hard times under Democratic rule. On that record we confidently ask the support of the voters of Delaware. THE PRESIDENT We renew our pledge of hearty and united support to President Roosevelt and endorse his wise and fearless administration of National and foreign affairs, Cuban Reciprocity, the Panama Treaty, the Settlement of the Coal Strike, and other achievements are in large measure the President's personal triumphs. His high ideals, his strong convictions of right and duty, and his fearlessness in the enforcement of the laws entitle him to the respect and support of every American citizen, and we specially commend his uncompromising opposition in every form of corruption. With abiding confidence in his wisdom and statesmanship we hereby instruct and direct the delegates this day chosen to use all honorable means to bring about his nomination for President at the coming National Convention and to vote as a unit on each and every question that may come before that body. PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY We reaffirm our faith in the policy of Protection which provides for tariffs to cover the difference between the labor cost here and abroad, and we favor the associated policy of Reciprocity which will open our markets on favorable term to commodities which we do not ourselves produce in return for free foreign markets. MONEY Business conditions have demonstrated the fallacy of free coinage of silver at 16 to 1 and have established the soundness of the gold standard.- 2 - AMERICAN SHIPPING We deplore the fact that foreign vessels carry nine-tenths of our trade with other countries and we favor legislation to promote the building and manning of American merchant ships under agreements making such vessels auxiliary to our navy in time of war. PANAMA CANAL We recognize in the Panama Canal, the construction of which is now to be undertaken, an enterprise of vast importance, not only to American commerce, but to the commerce of the world. The credit of this achievement will ever be associated with the first Roosevelt administration. THE PHILIPPINES We approve of every effort to make the Filipinos a self-governing people and endorse the projects for the material development of those islands by proper systems of railway communication. We favor the reduction of duties on Philippine products imported into the United States. TRUSTS We approve state and federal legislation against injurious monopolies and unreasonable restraints of trade and commerce. CIVIL SERVICE REFORM We oppose the spoils system in appointments or removals from office. The merit system has vastly improved the public service and raised the tone of public life. We recommend its extension to the consular service. NEGRO DISENFRANCHISEMENT We uphold the Constitutional guarantees as to the right of voting and denounce any restriction of this franchise that does not apply to both white and colored. POLYGAMY We denounce polygamy, and we deplore the laxity and lack of uniformity in the laws of the several states in matters of marriage and divorce. We favor rigid and uniform laws covering these subjects.- 3 - PENSIONS We favor liberal pension laws for veterans of the Civil War. RURAL MAIL SERVICE We approve the growth and further extension of the rural free-delivery service. DELAWARE SHIP CANAL We approve the passage of the bill introduced by Senator Ball authorising the purchase and reconstruction by the Government of the Delaware and Chesapeake Canal. CORRUPTION We denounce the corruptionist and the demagogue. We call for the enforcement of the State laws against bribery.[Enc. in Bell 4-21-04][4-21-04] [Enc. in Edwards 7-5-04] Reprint from Cong'l Record April 28, 1904 The Philippine Islands. An Address Delivered Before the Chamber of Commerce of the State of New-York April 21st, 1904. By The Hon. William H. Taft, Secretary of War. New York 1904 The Philippine Islands. An Address Delivered Before The Chamber of Commerce of the [*War Department, Bureau of Insular Affairs, Washington, D.C.*] State of New-York, April 21st, 1904, By The Hon. William H. Taft, Secretary of War. New-York. 1904.Address. Gentlemen of the Chamber of Commerce of New York: Your President, Mr. Jesuf, has been good enough to invite me to address you. I should have declined the invitation because of many other engagements, but for the opportunity which it gives me to bring to the attention of the solid business men of New York the problem which we have on our hands in the Philippines. The people of the United States have under their guidance and control in the Philippines an archipelago of 3,000 islands, the population of which is about 7,600,000 souls. Of these, 7,000,000 are Christians and 600,000 are Moros or other Pagan tribes. The problem of the government of the Moros is the same as that which England has had in the government of the Straits Settlements or India. The government of 7,000,000 Christian Filipinos is a very different problem, and one which it has fallen to the lot of the United States only to solve. The attitude of the American people toward the Philippine Islands may be described as follows: There are those who think that the Declaration of Independence forbids our accepting or maintaining sovereignty over them; there are those who, without respect to the Declaration of Independence, believe that colonial possessions are likely to lead to expense and corruption and demoralization, have little faith in the solution of the problem by teaching the FIlipino the art of self-government, and are anxious to get rid of the Islands before they had done any harm to the United States; then there are those who hold that fate brought these Islands under our control, and that thus a duty was imposed upon us of seeing to it that they were not injured by the transfer. As a friend of the Filipinos, it is my anxious desire to enlarge that class of Americans who have a real interest in the welfare of the Islands and who believe that the United States can have no higher duty or function than to assist the people of the Islands4 to prosperity and a political development which shall enable them to secure to themselves the enjoyment of civil liberty. [Applause.] The war with Spain led us far from Cuba, whose condition was its cause, to these beautiful Islands in the oriental tropics. After Dewey's guns had brought the whole Archipelago potentially within American control, there was no escape from the dilemma which was then and thereafter presented to the people of the United States except the one which they took. Three courses were suggested; first, that after peace with Spain, we should turn the Islands back to her. But in the legitimate course of the campaign, we had called to our assistance as allies Aguinaldo and his forces, with whom the people of the Islands were largely in sympathy. It would have been a breach of faith on our part to have delivered them over to Spain with the bloody conflict which would instantly have followed. Could we have delivered the Islands over to the Government of Aguinaldo? Aguinaldo's Government was a military dictatorship, having actual control and that not always complete, in from eight or ten of forty provinces. A convention had been called of Aguinaldo's friends. A large majority of the delegates had been directly appointed by him. They formulated and adopted a Constitution as the basis of a popular government. The constitution was mere paper. It was taken from the Constitution of the United States, that of Mexico and that of the Argentine Republic. It had no life, for it was never at any time put in force. The actual government was despotic and oppressive to even a greater degree than the Spanish Government ever had been, and resistance to its authority, caused by its dishonesty and oppressive measures in the provinces in which it had authority, was frequent and disturbing. The adoption of the constitution at Malalos was not indicative of the then capacity of the people to maintain popular self-government. It represented only an academic aspiration by the drafters. The result was mere committee work, without the slightest evidence of the practical operativeness of the instrument from previous actual experience in government by the people. The only real government which existed under Aguinaldo was that of the one-man power, arbitrary and inconsiderate of the people. With these facts before the United 5. States, I submit that there was no escape from the dilemma except the acceptance of a transfer of the sovereignty of Spain and the assumption of political control over the Filipino people, until by proper measures and patient governmental training and experience they could be given self-governing capacity. Concerning the objection that this is a new business for the United States, which will have a demoralizing effect upon the nation, I think no one is able to point out any injury which has thus far resulted to the people of the United States except the expense attendant upon the maintenance of law and order in the Islands during the insurrection, and the regrettable loss of life which occurred. Certainly no one thus far can show the baleful effects of that dreadful spirit of greed which the opponents of the policy are so prone to see in everything done with respect to the Philippines. I challenge them to point out in anything which has been done to the Philippine Islands, either immediately under the government there established, or by the United States, which savors in the least of a selfish use of those Islands for the benefit, either of the individuals in the United States or of the Government itself. The only thing which can be seriously made the basis of such a charge was the attempt during the present session of Congress to put in force the coastwise trading laws for the benefit of the shipping of the United States in respect to the trans-oceanic trade between the Islands and the United States, and that by Act of Congress has now been postponed for two years longer. There has been a rebate provided of the export duty on hemp imported directly from the Islands to United States. This has not affected injuriously the trade of the Islands, because the demand for hemp is so great that the Islands have a monopoly in respect to it. There has unexpectedly been caused by the rebate a reduction of the income in the Islands of about $250,000, because the equivalent which was provided as a counter benefit, to wit, the duties to be collected on imports from the Islands into the United States, has not equalled the aggregate rebate on the hemp. This, however, was a miscalculation by the legislators that was pardonable and can easily be rectified. In every other respect the legislation which has been enacted has been in favor of the Islands, including a gift 6 of three millions of dollars for the purpose of relieving distress there. The attitude of those who support the Government in its policy is altruistic. It is of one who out of feeling friendly to the Filipinos would sacrifice much to accomplish the purposes of the Administration there. It is a feeling which does the nation credit, and a feeling that a nation of wealth and power that this nation has, may well afford to encourage. General denunciation of the Government's policy as one of the suppression of freedom and an attack upon liberty has rendered uneasy many of our people, but the charge is wholly unfounded. There has been established in the islands a government of law and order in which the administration of justice is quite as good as it is in half the States of the Union. It has secured to every man, woman and child among the Christian Constitution of the United States except the rght to bear arms and the right to trial by jury. The right to bear arms is one that might very well be restricted in the United States. [Laughter and applause.] The freedom with which firearms are sold, the unlicensed character of business , will readily account for many of the homicides which disgrace the criminal annals of our country. The right of trial by jury is one of which the people of the islands do not understand, and which it is wise to postpone the exercise of until they who are to constitute the jury shall be better qualified to exercise the function of administering justice. as it is to-day in the Islands no man need be convicted of a crime except by the judgement of a judge of first instance, concurred in by a majority of the seven judges of the Supreme Court. The appeal on the facts and law to the Supreme Court of the Islands, which consists of three Filipinos and four Americans, certainly offers sufficient security against mistakes or prejudices of one judge. All the substantial civil rights then are secured to the Philippine people. They do not themselves exercise complete political control, but that is a very different thing from civil liberty. Women and children, and other non-voters in this country, have the civil liberty secured by the Constitution, but do not exercise political control. If we abandoned the Islands we should be turning their political control over to the violent and the turbulent, and the agitators and civil liberty would at once 7 cease to exist there. The great difficulty that we have now in making our grant of civil liberty useful to the inhabitants is their failure to understand what their rights are and their incapacity to maintain them. I remember one morning, early in my experience in the Philippines, I was visited by an elderly Tagalo who spoke no Spansh, but who presented a petition, written for him by some one else, in Spanish, in which he set forth that his son had been arrested for a crime under the Spanish regime, had been held for six years without trial, and was still in Bilibid prison. Calling on me at the same time was a distinguished lawyer of the Islands, one of the three persons who had drawn up the constitution adopted at Malolos, which has attracted so much admiration from our anti-imperialistic friends. I turned the petition over to him and asked him to confer with the old man, which he did. He said to me, "Ho can we redress this grievance?" I suggested : "Under an order of General Otis the writ of habeas corpus is in force ; you ought to sue out such a writ." He asked me what the writ of habeas corpus was, and I explained it to him, and at his request drafted a petition for the writ. Taking the petition he went to Bilibid prison and found that there were ninety persons in prison in the same situation as that of the son of my early caller. He filed a petition for the writ in each of these cases and succeeded in securing the release of all. His success in the matter was a revelation to him, as it was to the people of the community, in respect to what was practical civil liberty of the individual. Yet it was he who had penned the constitution supposed to secure such liberties to his fellow citizens some two or three years before. My experience in the Philippines, and that of others who have been there, justify me in saying that, were the Americans to leave the Islands to the government of Aguinaldo or some person of his views, all the guaranties of civil liberty would be lost in the effort of the executive head of the government to maintain his position against hostile cabals and conspiracies. In other words a surrender by us of political control in the Islands, as they are at present peopled, means the suppression of civil liberty. Hence it is that those of us who are in favor of only the gradual extension to the Filipinos of political control, retaining a guidance under the Government of the United States, are the real8 defenders and protectors of the liberties of the Philippine people, while the so-called and self-styled "anti-imperialists" who demand an immediate surrender of the Islands, are, in effect, advocating a policy which makes for absolutism and tyranny, or a political chaos, which is even worse than either, and which will end for a long time to come all hope of the liberty of the individual. The course which the so-called anti-imperialists seek is the easy one. The course which we have on hand is a difficult one. If we pursue the policy which is now being pursued in respect to the Islands, the policy of holding the Islands for the benefit of the Filipinos, and of doing everything we can to elevate and educate the people, to increase their prosperity, and to furnish them full opportunity for the pursuit of happiness, we need trouble ourselves little about the alleged violation of the principles of the Declaration of Independence. If that instrument is to be so construed as to prevent us from taking the course which the dilemma already presented required us to take, then the history of the American Republic has been nothing but a violation of the principles of that instrument from the beginning. Women and children and slaves were not permitted to exercise any political control at the time that the Declaration of Independence was signed. Those who by their suffrages had all the political control there was in the various colonies were, in many instances, in the minority of male citizens. Every property qualification, every educational qualification that excluded from the suffrage any male citizen over twenty-one, violated the Declaration of Independence, if it is to be given the wide construction contended for by our opponents. When THOMAS JEFFERSON, who penned the Declaration, directed the purchase of Louisiana, the French residents and the Spanish residents of that country protested against the transfer of NAPOLEON to the United States on the ground that it was made without their consent, and they were thereby converted into subjects of a sovereign to whom they had willingly sworn allegiance. When we took in New-Mexico and Arizona from old Mexico we agreed that we would ultimately give them State government and independent control. More than fifty years have passed since that time and they are still held in a condition of dependence, without 9 the rights of sovereign States. For fifty years, then, we have been violating the declaration with respect to those people. When the war came on, and the issues of slavery and State rights were presented, twenty millions of people coerced ten millions of people to remain in the government from the control of which they had withdrawn their consent, and now to-day, in the Southern States, by grandfather's clauses and by property qualifications and by educational qualifications, the white people are seeking to exclude from the ballot those colored votes whom they deem to be unfitted to exercise political control in their respective communities. For either the Southerner or the New-Englander to rest his opposition to what we are doing in the Philippines on the Declaration of Independence involves an inconsistency that robs what he says of weight. In every instance it will be seen that the principles of the Declaration of Independence are always qualified by the statement that the people who are to be consulted with respect to their own government shall have sufficient capacity to govern themselves and better themselves by such self-government. In the Philippine Islands ninety per cent. of the inhabitants are still in a hopeless condition of ignorance, and utterly unable intelligently to wield political control. They are subject, like the waves of the sea, to the influence of the moment, and any educated Filipino can carry them in one direction or another, as the opportunity and the occasion shall permit. The ten per cent. of the Filipinos who are educated have shown by what they have done and what they have aspired to and what they are, that they may be taught the lesson of self-government, and that their fellows by further education may be brought up to a condition of discriminating intelligence which shall enable them to make a forceful and useful public opinion. But that it will take more than one generation to accomplish this, e very one familiar with the facts must concede. It is true that the marvelous development of the Japanese in the last fifty years may justify the hope that the period will be shorter than I have stated, but it is to be noted with the Japanese; first, that they are a more industrious people and a more thrifty people than the Filipinos; and second, that they have always had an independent and natural government10 proceeding from the feudal system and the continuance of the traditional governmental influence of the imperial household. The Spanish regime of four hundred years stamped out all tribal relations and everything akin to the feudal allegiance and to a natural government among the Filipinos, and there is nothing but the dead-level of a people whose only hope is education up to popular self-government under the guidance of some power which meantime shall secure to the people the inestimable benefits of civil liberty. My own idea of the mission of the United States in the Philippine Islands is that it ought to be maintained and encouraged by the people of the United States without regard to the question of its cost or its profitable results from a commercial or financial standpoint. Opponents of the policy of the administration strive to frighten the taxpayer with a review of the cost, which they say the Philippine Islands have been and will prove to be to the United States. I am not familiar with the statistics, but it is possible that the war of the insurrection cost the United States about three hundred millions of dollars. That is spent. The object of the war has been accomplished. Tranquility and good order prevail in the Islands. The number of white troops in the Islands has been reduced from 75,000 to 15,000 men. The army of the United States numbers 65,000. In any event, whether we have the Philippines or not, 65,000 regular soldiers are not too many for a nation of eighty millions of people. Therefore, all that can be properly charged to the Philippine experiment from now. on, is the additional cost of keeping 15,000 men and transporting them from the United States to the Philippines and back every three years, over what it would cost to keep them in the United States and transport them to and from the stations in the United States. This is a comparatively small sum. Then it is said that our Navy is enlarged on the account of the Philippines. I do not think our Navy is too large, whether we have the Philippines or not. Our commerce must be protected. Our nation must occupy a dignified position before the other nations of the world, and certain it is that the protests of a nation with a respectable navy are more respectfully listened to than when it has only a few wooden hulks to represent its nationality. There will be the additional cost of fortifying Manila, 11 Iloilo, Cebu, and Subig Bay as part of the coast line of the United States. Beyond that there will be no considerable additional expenditure out of the United States Treasury. The Islands themselves give every indication of furnishing revenue sufficient to carry out the plans which the United States may properly carry out in the material and intellectual development of the country and its people. The taxpaying capacity of the country is, of course, determined by that which it produces for domestic and foreign use. For the last two or three years the wealth produced in the Islands has been seriously impaired and reduced, not only by the war and the cholera, but also and chiefly by the loss of draft animals, ninety per cent of which have succumbed to the rhinderpest. Agriculture has been dependent upon such animals and the recovery from this blow must necessarily be slow. Congress appropriated three millions of dollars to assist the Islands in re-stocking plantations, but the enormous difficulties attending the importation of cattle from other countries which are able to live in the Philippines are only known to those who have attempted it. I am glad to say, however, that our scientists in the Islands have discovered a method of preventing a recurrence and spread of the disease so that when the plantations are re-stocked rhinderpest will have no terrors for the farmers. With normal conditions in agriculture, when the cattle shall have been restored by breeding and otherwise to their usual number, the Islands will always be self-supporting, and will, doubtless, furnish a surplus of revenue with which to meet the demands for improvements which present themselves in every part of the Islands. The Philippine Archipelago is the only country in which can be produced what is known as Manila hemp, or what is called in the Spanish language "abaca." This is a fibre of enormous strength, of from six to fifteen feet in length, which is stripped from the stalk of a banana plant, not the ordinary banana plant, but a plant of the same family which does not produce fruit. The leaf is slightly different from that of the fruit banana, though one may easily be mistaken for the other. The plant grows on the side hills. For the first two years it needs the shade from the tropical sun and some cultivation around the foot of the stalk. After two years the stalk is12 strong enough to afford the fibre of commerce, and though cut down will reproduce itself each year for six or seven in the production of the fibre is that of stripping the fibre of the pith of the plant. It is done by pulling or drawing it under a knife edge. If the fibre be drawn under a serrated knife edge the work is very much easier than if drawn under a straight edge, but the fibre is not so clean and its value and quality are much reduced. The tremendous increase in the demand for Manila hemp has made the profitable the production of the cheaper and poorer qualities. Women and children are able to draw the hemp with a serrated knife, while only the stronger adults are able to draw and clean properly the finer fibre. Many machines have been invented for the purpose of drawing the hemp, but in none of them as yet has the hemp producer been able to secure a result which justifies their use commercially. They either break the fibre or they discolor it. There is the opportunity for an invention which will revolutionize the hemp business in the Philippines as completely as the cotton gin revolutionized the production and preparation of cotton in the South. Of the forty-one provinces of the Philippine Islands, at least fifteen now produce commercial quantities of hemp. To-day, owing to the insufficient means of communication and transportation, many fields of hemp are allowed to rot and are not stripped or used. In many of the provinces there is wild hemp which is not so good in texture and which it would be necessary to replace by cultivated plants were the opportunity offered to put it on the market. From experiments by our Agricultural Bureau, I have no doubt that the number of provinces in which hemp could be raised might be doubled. the demand for hemp is so great that while an increase in its production might reduce the price, the total product would far exceed in value that which the statistics now show. Many parts of the Islands are very rich in cocoanuts. The cocoanut grove is planted two hundred to a hectare, that is two hundred to two and a half acres. It takes four or five years for cocoanut trees to bear. After that they will bear for a hundred years and a low price per tree for annual rent is one dollar, Mexican, or forty dollars, gold, a year an acre. 13 In the province of Laguna within the last two years, since the war was over, there have been planted more than five times the number of trees which were there before. There is a constant market for copra, which is the dried meat of the cocoanut, and the price is rising. Since the demand for hemp and cocoanuts have increased so largely planters have abandoned the raising of rice, preferring to buy their food out of the profit of the hemp or cocoanut industry. Therefore, for ten or fifteen years it has been the habit of the Islands to import rice, although there are no islands where rice will brow to better advantage than in the Philippines. The amount of importation, however, was comparatively small until the destruction of the draft cattle, three years ago, which reduced the actual amount of rice production in the Islands far below what was necessary to feed the people, and during the last year about $12,000,000, gold, had to be expended in importing rice from French China. The sugar and tobacco industries in the Islands are capable of a considerable increase. The Island of Negros contains sugar land as rich as any in the world, and the provinces of Cagayan, Isabela and Union, contain tobacco lands which, next to Cuba, produce the best tobacco in the world, but the trouble is that the markets for such sugar and tobacco have been by tariffs imposed in various countries very much reduced. Should the markets of the United States be opened to the Philippines, it is certain that both the sugar and the tobacco industry would become thriving, and although the total amount of the product in each would probably not effect the American market at all, so extensive is the demand here for both tobacco and sugar, it would mean the difference between poverty and prosperity in the Islands. I know that the reduction of the tariff for this purpose is much opposed by the interests which represent beet sugar and tobacco, but I believe that a great majority of the people of the United States are in favor of opening the markets to the Philippine Islands, conscious that it will not destroy either the beet sugar or the tobacco industry of this country, and feeling that as long as we maintain the association which we now have with the Philippine Islands, it is our duty to give them the benefit of the markets of the United States and bring them as close to14 our people and our trade as possible. Nothing else will justify the application of the coastwise trading laws to the transoceanic trade between the United States and the Philippine Islands, but if they are invited to partake of the benefits of the protection theory, they may well be subjected to the rule that as between the United States and themselves the products are to be transferred in American bottoms. Another immense source of wealth in the Islands is the almost inexhaustable supply of the most beautiful woods of rubber and of the most valuable gums. These sources of wealth are hardly developed. And now what as to the existing trade between the United States and the Philippines. It is still quite small, not exceeding five million in any one year of merchandise transferred from the United States to the Philippines, but increasing largely in the products transferred from the Philippines to the United States. The latter increase, however, is not a natural one. It is brought about by Congressional legislation already mentioned, which confers the benefit of $7.40 a ton rebate from export tax upon all hemp transported directly from the Philippines to the United States. The total business done between the United States and the Philippines is something like seventeen millions. With the restoration of normal conditions in the Islands, with the construction of railways and other material development, then I have no doubt that this trade between the United States and the Islands would be trebled in the course of five years. The conditions with respect to the business of the United States merchants in the Islands to-day is unfortunate, and its cause can easily be traced. The Government of the United States went into the Islands under a distinct promise that it would govern the Philippines for the benefit of the Filipinos; that it would extend self-government to the Filipinos as rapidly as they showed themselves fit for it, and that as many Filipinos as possible would be used in the personnel of the Government. This has always been the attitude of the Government, and never, so far as I know (has there been a single step of departure from it. It was the attitude declared before the war of insurrection began, while it was pending, and at its close, and no resistance on the part of the natives has 15 varied our position in that regard. The policy did not meet, as was natural, the ready assent of all the army or of those persons who were in sympathy with the army. The adventuresome spirits who followed the army for the purpose of establishing a business in its wake found that they had all that they could do to supply the demand made by the army for American goods, and as American capital came in driblets or in larger sums, it was turned into the business of supplying the army with those things which the Government did not supply. Four or five trading companies were thus organized, embracing substantially all the American enterprise that has appeared in the Islands during the first three or four years of American occupation. American merchants thus situated easily caught the feeling of hostility and contempt felt by many of the soldiers for the Filipinos, and were most emphatic in condemning the policy of the Government in attempting to attract the Filipinos and make them so far as might be a part of the new civil order. The American newspapers which were established, readily took the tone of their advertisers and their subscribers, and hence it is that the American community in the Philippines to-day is largely an anti-Filipino community. The 75,000 soldiers whose demands for supplies made their business so profitable, have now been reduced to 15,000, and the market which made the American merchants for a time independent of the Filipinos, has now almost entirely disappeared. The condemnation by such merchants of the Civil Government continues, and they do not hesitate to make the Government the scapegoat for the failure of business to improve. The fact is that their customers have gone back to the United States and that their attitude towards the Filipinos is such that the Filipinos are not disposed to patronize them. This is unfortunate, and there must come into the Islands a new set of merchants who shall view the situation from an entirely different standpoint. There are 7,600,000 Filipinos. Of these, the 7,000,000 Christian Filipinos are imitative, anxious for new ideas, willing to accept them, willing to follow American styles, American sports, American dress and American customs. A large amount of cotton goods is imported into the Islands each year, but this is nearly all from England and Germany. There is no reason why these cotton16 goods should not come from America, except the fact that there are no American houses in the Islands that have devoted their attention to winning Filipino trade. I am not a business man, but I know enough to know that it is not the best way to attract custom from an alien people to call them names, to make fun of them, and to decry every effort towards their advancement and development. In other words, the American merchants in the Philippines have gotten off on the wrong foot. There should be a radical change. There are a few projected railroad lines in the Philippines which it would be possible to induce capital to build without a guaranty of income, but it is wiser, it seems to the commission, to attempt to introduce a general system of railways than to have a link built here and a link built there and to await the process of time before trunk lines shall be established. For instance, it is quite probable that a short line of forty or fifty miles would be constructed without a guaranty in the Province of Legaspi, where is the rich hemp business and where it has been customary during the last two or three hemp seasons to pay forty dollars Mexican a day for a caribou cart; so, perhaps it would be possible to secure the construction of a line without a guaranty from Manila south to Batangas, though of this I am not certain. With the hope, however, of bringing capital in considerable amount to the Islands, a bill has been prepared, which has passed the House, authorizing the Philippine Government to grant franchises for the construction of railways with a guaranty of income of not more than five per cent. on the amount actually invested for not exceeding thirty years. In most cases a guaranty of a less percentage would be sufficient, but my impression is that with respect to the main trunk line from Aparri to Manila, the difficulties of construction and the delay in securing a profitable business would probably require an assurance of five per cent. dividends. The opposition of those who oppose the investment of any American capital in the Islands which shall furnish a motive for a longer association between the two countries than is absolutely necessary, may postpone the passage of the bill until the next session of Congress. I shall deeply regret the delay, but I am not discouraged, for as long as I continue in my present position I expect to press the 17 legitimate claims of the Philippine Islands upon a just and generous Government for such authority in the local government as will permit a proper development of the material resources of the Islands; and the delay in legislation, which is incident, not to the opposition of a majority but to the opposition of a small minority, while it is apt to try one's patience, ought nevertheless not to discourage. I come now to the question of labor, which has been made the basis for the most discouraging accounts of conditions in the Philippine Islands. The Filipino is a tropical laborer. In times past a large amount of rice has been raised in the Islands, a large amount of hemp, and they all involve, as a material part of the cost of their production, the labor of the natives. The Chinamen, who have been said by mistaken persons to number a million or a million and a half in the Islands, in fact fo not number 100,000, and none of them do any agricultural work of any kind in the Philippine Islands. The Filipino is naturally an agriculturalist. When you go through his village in the middle of the day you will probably see him lounging about the window or on the seat in front of his house, and you will ascribe to him the laziest habits, because you do not know that he has been up at four o'clock in the morning and has worked from that time until nine or ten in the fields, and that he will begin work again at four o'clock and work for two or three hours until sun down or later. The American merchant is loud in his denunciation of the insufficiency of the Filipino laborer. This is because the price of labor has probably doubled since the Americans went there, and he has heard the tale of how cheap labor was before the Spanish regime ended. He also compared the cost of labor in the Philippine Islands with that in Hong Kong, and he finds this is very considerable less all over China. I am not contending that the labor in the Philippines is as good as Chinese labor, for that labor is the best in the world, probably, when economy in wages and efficiency in product are considered, but what I wish to dispute is that the labor conditions in the Philippines are hopeless. The city of Manila has under its control, and in its employment, about 3,000 laborers, and they are paid all the way from fifty cents Mexican to $1.25 Mexican18 and there is no complaint whatever on the part of the authorities that their work is not properly and well done. The Quartermaster's Department of the army has about the same number, and their reports of the efficiency of Filipino labor are exceedingly encouraging. We have now employed really as coolies on the Benguet Road in the most difficult drilling and construction work about 3,000 natives, and while their efficiency is nothing like that of the American, in the accomplishment of work in proportion to the pay, they probably get through about as much. The men who are constructing the harbor works at Manila - The Atlantic, Pacific & Gulf Company - have employed upwards of 800 to 1,000 Filipinos in their quarries. At first they found it very difficult to secure workmen, but now they have more labor than they need. They use about eight per cent of white foremen and the rest natives. They give to the natives houses, furnish a church, a band, a cock pit and a school. On their fiesta days they give them vacation. They have less desertions, less absenteeism, than with Americans. These experiments only show that the solution of the labor problem in the Philippines is teaching the Filipinos how to work. Sir WILLIAM VAN HORNE reports that he found much difficulty originally in the construction of the Cuban railways because the natives were not acquainted with how the work should be done, but that by means of while foremen they were easily taught, and that then they made good laborers. I feel sure that the same thing will prove to be true of the Filipinos. There is doubtless a great deal of mineral wealth in the Islands, but it will only be available after transportation shall have been introduced. It is not an island with a bonanza mine in it, though at some distant day such a vein may be discovered there. There is certainly coal in the Islands in considerable quantities. There is now between the islands a considerable inter-island trade, and there are quite a large number of ships engaged therein. Without is the Islands could not live; it is their arterial circulation. The present system might be much improved by introducing American generous methods of dealing with the public. About two and a half millions of capital has been invested in a street railway in Manila, which will be completed next Thanksgiving Day. They will certainly 19 change one of the annoying and expensive features of Manila life, and will give to the residents of the city opportunity to cut down their present expense of living, at least twenty-five per cent. There is no city in the world where there is so much traveling done in carriages, due to the fact that people may not walk about safely under the tropical sun. The presence of a street railway will do away with the necessity for many of these conveyances, and the streets will be less used and their condition much improved. There is a sufficient continuous fall of water in streams within practicable distance of Manila to furnish electrical power exceeding fifteen thousand horse power. With the high price of coal this is an important aid to manufacturers. The English houses and the Spanish houses who have dealt in the export trade in the Islands have earned large profits during the occupancy of the United States. It is said that the health of the Islands is such as to preclude Americans from going there. This is not true. The climate does prevent one from going out into the sun in the middle of the day and so prevents his working in the fields as a laboring man, but it is entirely possible for one to live in the Islands for years, and if he does not neglect the ordinary rules of hygiene to be free from bad health. The Province of Benguet, which is 150 miles from Manila, and which will soonn be reached by a railroad and an electric road in twelve hours, offers a climate quite like the summer climate of the Adirondacks or of Canada. Under the land regulations, which go into force at the time of the adjournment of Congress, a summer capital is to be established at Baguio, and town lots in the same place will be offered at public auction. Americans engaged in business may, at small cost, buy lots and erect houses and live there as many months of the year as they choose, except the months of August and September, which are usually so wet as to make it unprofitable. During remaining months of the year the climate is beautiful, the temperature going down as low as 35 degrees FAHRENHEIT, and rarely if ever reaching 80 degrees. It is estimated that not more than five millions of acres of land are owned by natives in the Islands, and that the remainder, sixty-five millions, is owned by the Government. This20 remainder will under the land regulations be opened for settlement and purchase at the adjournment of the present session of Congress. There is every prospect that the land will be taken up by both Filipinos and Americans. The maximum limitation for purchase by a company is 2,500 acres. This limitation is much too low for the cultivation of sugar, but is sufficiently extensive for the cultivation of other products. There is a provision in the law by which irrigation companies may own stock in land companies, so that probably the limitation may be evaded if private profit requires. The future of the Philippine Islands of course it would be dangerous to prophesy with certainty, but with a change in the hygienic conditions that surround life, due to an effective board of health, with a supply of pure water from the sinking of driven wells all over the country which the pending Bill in Congress will encourage, I feel sure that the population will rapidly increase. We hold the Philippines for the benefit of Filipinos and we are not entitled to pass a single act or approve a single measure that has not that as its chief purpose. But it so happens, and it fortunately so happens, that generally everything we do for the benefit of the Filipinos and the Philippines will only make their association with the United States more profitable to the United States. I do not base my prayer for a continuance of the present policy toward the Philippine Islands on selfish grounds, but as this is the Chamber of Commerce, and as it is naturally interested in the possibilities of commerce in these distant Islands, I have felt justified in referring more than heretofore to the industrial conditions existing there and the possibility of improvement and the increase of trade between the United States and the Philippines. The first requisite of prosperity in the Philippine Islands is tranquility, and this should be evidenced by a well ordered government. The Filipinos must be taught the advantages of such a government, and they should learn from the government which is given them the disadvantages that arise to everybody in the country from political agitation for a change in the form of government in the immediate future. Hence it is that I have ventured to oppose with all the argument that I could bring to bear the petition to the political conventions 21 asking that independence be promised to the Filipinos. It is not that I am opposed to independence in the Islands, should the people of the Philippines desire independence when they are fitted for it, but it is that the great present need in the Islands is tranquility, the great present need in the Islands is the building up of a permanent well-ordered government, the great present need in the Islands is the increase of the saving remnant of conservative Filipinos whose aid in uplift ing and maintaining the present government on a party popular and strictly civil liberty basis, shall be secured. A promise such as that which is petitioned for cannot but introduce at once into the politics of the Islands the issue of independence, of present fitness for self-government, and will frighten away from the support of the present government the conservative element which is essential to its success, and yet which is always timid lest by a change bringing the violent and the irreconcilable to the front, they shall suffer by reason of their prominence in aid of the present government. The promise to give independence helps no one. There is no need of that promise to secure tranquility because we have tranquility in the Islands. It is certain to be misunderstood as a promise to be compiled with in the present generation, and if, as is probable, the people shall not be fitted for self-government in the present or the next generation, then the failure to give it will be regarded as a breach. Why not let the politics of the Islands take care of themselves? Why should the good people who signed the petition intermeddle with something, the effect of which they are very little able to understand. Why not take the broader policy, which is that of doing everything beneficial to the Philippine Islands, of giving them a full market, of offering them an opportunity to have railroads built extensively through the Islands, and of having a tranquility which is essential to the development of their business and their prosperity; why not insist on the spread of the educational system, of an improvement in the health laws, and subject everything that is done in the Islands to an examination as to whether it is beneficial to the Filipino people, and then when all has been done for the Philippines that a government can do, and they have been elevated and taught the dignity of labor, the wisdom of civil liberty and self-restraint in the22 political control indispensable to the enjoyment of civil liberty, when they have learned the principles of successful popular self-government from a gradually enlarged experience therein, we can discuss the question whether independence is what they desire and grant it, or whether they prefer the retention of a closer association with the country which, by its guidance, has unselfishly led them on to better conditions. And now, gentlemen, there remains one thing to say which is more or less a matter of business. In order to familiarize the people of the United States with the Philippine Islands, and in order to bring the Filipinos closer to the United States, the commission has deemed it wise to expend about three-quarters of a million dollars in making a satisfactory exhibit at the World's Fair at St. Louis. In making the ethnographical exhibit, the collectors have brought here natives of the various tribes of the Islands. Naturally, as an exhibit, they would not bring the civilized tribes, except as they are shown in the battalions of scouts and constabulary which are here. The educated, the cultured and the refined Filipinos would, of course, not appear in an exhibit, and yet the attention likely to be attracted to the wild tribes may blind the people to the fact that these wild tribes do not correctly represent the general average of civilization in the Islands. For that reason the Commission deems it proper to appropriate a considerable sum of money to bring to the United States a delegation of from forty to fifty Filipinos prominent at the bar, prominent in business, prominent in the provinces, prominent in literature, in order that by going about they country and the different cities they may become acquainted with the institutions and appearances of this country, and at the same time the business and prominent men of the cities of the United States may have acquaintance with the best elements of the Filipinos. The appropriation is not large enough to justify such extensive visiting to the various cities as we should like, and therefore we have thought it wise to appeal to the commercial bodies of each city to assist us in the entertainment of these gentlemen while they are here. I venture to suggest, therefore, to the Chamber of Commerce, that some action be taken in the nature of the appointment of a Committee to confer with Dr. WILSON, who is in charge of the Philippine Exhibit, and 23 also in charge of the delegation of Filipinos, and to care for them while in New-York. I am sure that there is in New-York, as there is elsewhere, a sufficient interest in the people of those far-distant Islands to invoke some effort on the part of the individuals to see that the hospitality of the City of New-York is properly extended to them. The first virtue of a Filipino city or village is hospitality, and should any of your number ever visit the Philippines and become acquainted with the Filipinos, you will understand why it is that those of us who have enjoyed the hospitality of the people of those Islands are so anxious that the Filipino gentlemen with their standards of hospitality shall not be disappointed in what they receive here. I thank you, gentlemen of the Chamber of Commerce and Mr. Chairman, for your attention. (Great applause.)[*[Enclosed in Guild, 4-22-04]*] CURTIS GUILD, JR. AT North Dorchester Republican Club, April 21, 1904. Mr. Guild said in part: We Republicans are often accused by the party of opposition of an overweening fondness for quoting out own party's achievements. If we were a party with a record of forty-four years of opposition without achievement we might perhaps follow certain illustrious examples and confine our gaze to the rainbows of the future rather than suffer it to wander to the record of the past. If the eulogy of Republican leaders be a fault it is, however, a fault shared by our opponents, with this distinction, that they never seem to appreciate the leader till after he has ceased to lead. Fremont in 1856 was anathema maranatha to the Democratic party. In 1864 they discovered that the war was a failure because Lincoln had not lived up to the ideals of Fremont. Yet no Democratic speech today is perfect without an eulogy of Lincoln. Even in Grant's administration they were sure that resumption of special payments was a failure because Grant had not lived up to the ideals of Lincoln. It took over a decade for them to appreciate Grant, but under Harrison's administration they were sure that our National banking system as well as Protection and Reciprocity of the Blaine brand were failures, and execrated Harrison as less trustworthy than the soldier-president who had vetoed inflation and crushed the greenback craze. McKinley became President, and one kind of Democrat called him a murderer whose hands were red with the blood of the poor, and the other kind referred to him as a pinchbeck Napoleon, and both indulged in ululations from the housetops that under McKinley such leadership as Harrison's had departed from the Republican party. McKinley dies and is succeeded by Roosevelt, and the very newspapers that egged on Czolgosz to his crime now assert that the United States, the largest exporting nation in the world, is a hopeless failure, and yearn for a second McKinley or a second Blaine, proclaim their devotion to the principles of Protection and Reciprocity against which they fought and won the Presidential Campaign of 1892, and which they legislated out of existence as a party measure, repealing every reciprocity treaty then in existence when in full control of House, Senate and Presidency. Ten years from now, no matter what Republican is President, these same men will discover that the Republican Party has departed from the ideals of a man brave enough to stand by his convictions at any cost, the man whose broad statesmanship is transforming the alkali desert into fertile fields, has cut the Gordian knot that so long has fastened the gates between the Atlantic and Pacific, has renewed the Reciprocity Treaty with Cuba that a Democratic administration destroyed, has extended our trade to new markets in the distant recesses of Ethiopia and the wild mountains of Thibet, and in the international dangers, whether off Hayti, or Venezuela, or Manchuria, has, through his great secretary, John Hay, shown that American diplomacy means not bluster, but fair play, arbitration and peace, not the peace at any price, but peace with honor. In spite of the Democratic Party which for a generation insisted, that tin plate and silks and steel rails and worsted cloths and battleships could not be made in the United States, we are the first manufacturing nation of the world. We have conquered the Home Market, the most valuable market in the world, the market of the United States. We have done more. We are conquering the foreign market. I am sorry that this fiscal year is not yet completed, for 1904 is making a better showing even than 1903. The United States is the first exporting nation in the world. In 1903 our exports were worth $1,392,231,000. The United Kingdom, once first, is still a close second, and Germany is third. Since 1899 our exports of manufactures have never fallen below $400,000,000 in value. The average in the preceding decade was barely $200,000,000. Two items of manufactures in which our exports to all countries have most notably increased are leather goods and cotton goods. Our exports of leather and leather goods in 1903 were valued at $31,617,389 against $11,912,154 in 1893. Our exports of cotton goods in 1903 were $32,216,304 in value against $11,809,355 in 1893. There is nothing so good, however, that it cannot be better, and I for one as an advocate of Reciprocity of nearly 20 years am delighted if we need not fear the Greeks even when bearing gifts, if any Democrat is at last converted to the Republican doctrine of Reciprocity: that is to say that when we can remove an existing duty without injuring an American industry, it should be removed for the benefit of some country that will make a similar concession in its tariff for the benefit of this country. Coal is an apt illustration. We gave the world our markets on all coal free last year. It had no effect on the price of coal. Coal was higher with free coal, on the average, than before. The duty has just been restored on bituminous coal, and contrary to theory, the price of this coal is lower today than when it was not protected by a duty. This is because the imports of coal are utterly unimportant as compared to the coal product of the United States. Last year with all coal absolutely free our imports were less than half the amount of our exports. Our imports were barely 1 per cent. of our production. Our imports from British North America with all coal absolutely free were 65,000 tons less than in the year before when we collected a duty. Coal, therefore, is a fit subject for reciprocity. So are hides and beef and wheat. The retention of these duties has not, as is claimed, prevented an increase in American business, but they are needless duties and not protective. Argentina seems ready to open her markets to our manufactures in exchange for free beef and hides. Australasia might reduce her duties on our manufactures in exchange for free hides and free coal. Newfoundland has in terms officially refused to reduce her duties on our boots and shoes, rubber goods or woolens even if we offer in exchange free fish. Canada, however, has not yet refused. She has been asked to reconvene the joint High Commission to consider on what terms Canada can lower her duties on our manufactures. Sir Wilfrid Laurier, the Premier, still has the matter under advisement. Let us hope that he will not delay us much longer. We cannot surrender our great fishing interests, nor the farming interests, but there are duties that can be reduced or removed, and if I might suggest action to our New England business men, I would urge them to supplement the advances already made through Senator Fairbanks by the United States Government, and to send delegations to the boards of trade of the Canadian cities that mutual recommendations may be made, if possible, by the commercial bodies of both countries to both governments, as in the noble precedent set by the merchants of France and England in establishing the recent entente cordiale. Perhaps the experiment may fail, but it is at least worth trying, if only that we may know definitely whether Canada will or will not under any circumstances give us better terms of trade than we have at present and that Canada may understand our friendly feelings towards such mutual concessions as will injure neither while she flies her own flag, but that unrestricted entrance to all the markets of the United States can be given only to communities that fly ours. Let us see, however, what the Republican and Democratic Parties have done respectively as a matter of record to secure foreign markets for American merchandise in recent years. On Sept. 9, 1876, there went into effect with Hawaii a Republican treaty of reciprocity, exchanging our manufactures for their tropical products. A little later President Harrison sought to annex Hawaii. President Cleveland opposed it. Finally Hawaii was annexed under a Republican administration in spite of the Democratic Party. The shipments of products of the United States to Hawaii in 1896, the last year of a Democratic administration, were in value $3,985,707. Last year under Roosevelt they were in value $10,787,666. The annexation of Porto Rico was bitterly opposed by the Democratic Party. The shipments of merchandise to Porto Rico in 1896 were valued at $2,102,094. Last year they were worth $11,976,134. The Democratic Party not only repealed the Reciprocity Treaty with Cuba under Cleveland, but opposed its renewal under Roosevelt. In 1896 our exports to Cuba were valued at barely $7,000,000. Last year they were worth over $20,000,000, and as the direct effect of the new Reciprocity Treaty the exports of American goods in February, 1904, are over $2,000,000 against $1,500,000 for the same month last year. The whole energies of the Democratic Party have been bent against the annexation of the Philippines. Our shipments to the Philippines in 1896 were worth $162,446. Last year they were worth $4,028,677. We have heard more or less oratory against the policy of interference in the world's diplomacy. The Democracy did not interfere. We once had a fine trade in American cotton goods with Madagascar. France seized Madagascar in 1896 and threw our consul into prison. We did not interfere. We lost the business. This was under Democratic control. We have begun to get better markets in cotton goods in Manchuria. We have interfered for the Open Door when Russia tried to seize this customer. Our total exports of domestic products to Hong Kong and China in 1896 were valued at less than $12,000,000. Last year they were worth over $27,000,000. President Cleveland wiped out Reciprocity Treaties framed so as not to injure any American industry, with Spain for Cuba and Porto Rico, with San Domingo, with the British West Indies, with Salvador, Nicaragua, Honduras and Guatemala, with Germany and Austria. Since 1896 under the Dingley Tariff Reciprocity Treaties have been made with France, Germany, Portugal and Italy, and are now in force. Other propositions have been made, and will be made. Massachusetts next Fall is to vote, among other things, for her own interests in foreign trade as well as in domestic industry. I believe that her interests in both are unsafe in the hands of those who wrecked her business prosperity once before, in the hands of those who are ever ready to open American markets to the foreigner, but not only did nothing when they had the power to open foreign markets to the American, but actually closed markets already opened by the genius of James G. Blaine. The party that has cared for the manufacturing industries of Massachusetts when Democracy insisted upon Free Trade can be trusted still. The party that invented Reciprocity and enacted it can be better trusted to secure an ever wider market for our manufactures than the party that behind the mask of Reciprocity seeks, as of old, not the control of foreign markets, but the surrender of our own.into various streams on the east slopes of the Sierras near Owen Lake which were previously without trout of any kind. This Bureau has not as yet attempted the artificial propagation of this species but it is my intention to take up the matter this year. I expect to send Dr. Evermann, assistant in charge of scientific inquiry, to the Mount Whitney region in August or September for the purpose of determining the present distribution of the species, the local conditions, just what steps are necessary for its preservation, and what can be done toward extending its distribution. I shall communicate this intention to Mr. Stewart Edward White, at Santa Barbara, Cal., and shall be pleased to let you know the result of the investigation. Thanking you for your letter, I have the honor to be Your obedient servant, Geo. M. Bowers [*P.F.*] BUREAU OF FISHERIES Washington, April 22, 1904. My dear Mr. President: I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of 21st instant calling attention to the limited distribution of the Golden Trout of Mount Whitney and the danger of its extermination. This interesting and beautiful species, described by Dr. Jordan in 1892, is, as you say, exceedingly restricted in its habitat. Though originally described from Cottonwood Creek on the east slope of Mount Whitney, it has been since ascertained that the species had been introduced there from Volcano or Whitney Creek on the west of Mount Whitney and tributary to Kern River. This fish has also been reported from the South Fork of Kern River and is said to have been introducedCHINESE LEGATION, Washington, April 22, 1904. No. 31. Sir : I have the honor to enclose herewith for your information a translation of the letter from His Majesty the Emperor of China to His Excellency the President of the United States, the original of which Prince Pu Lun will deliver to its high destination on Monday. Accept, Sir, the renewed assurances of my highest consideration. CHENTUNG LIANG CHENG. Enclosure as above-mentioned. Honorable John Hay, Secretary of State.myself, one of the most delightful occasions of our lives. I remain, Yours, very respectfully Maurice Francis Egan The Honorable Theodore Roosevelt Ackd 4/13/04 April 22, 1904. My dear Mr. President:- I beg leave to submit the inclosed paragraph, which is the opening of an article for the Catholic papers in Lady Gregory's latest book. Your connection with the article ends with this paragraph. I made my dinner call in the presence of several thousandsif I shall not be too old,--to find you with many hours of leisure for talk on the subjects we both love so well. Such talk seems never to exhaust itself. Your dinner the other night was, for my wife and myself, thousands of my friends & the Knights of Columbus, and I was assured on all sides that the "Roosevelt Democrat" is adopting the motto of the State of Maryland! *In eight years from March 4, 1905,--when you retire from the White House,--I hope, if *Having served two full terms.[[shorthand]] [*Ackd 4/22/04*] United States Senate, Washington. April 22, 1904. My Dear Mr. President-- I have given notice that I will move an Executive session early on Saturday (to-morrow), with a view of taking up and urging the Crum Case. Our democratic friends, through Mr. Gorman, say that if the case is pressedKindly impress upon Senators Allison, Aldrich, Lodge, Cullom, Platt, Hale and other of the older Senators the importance of the matter, and also say a word to some of the newer Senators like Fulton, Burnham, Kittredge, Hopkins, and others that will occur to you. With full ranks and a determined attitude we can even now win. Permit me Most cordially yours, J.H. Gallinger Congress will not adjourn for a month. Personally I see no objection to that programme if the issue shall be made, but it will be necessary to have our lines in fighting trim if the contest comes on. My impression is that a week will be sufficient to settle the matter, but I may be wrong in that view.F Ackd 4/26/04 Balto. Apl. 22.1904. Mr. President: Mr. J. Duncan Waring is a candidate for the post of Disbursing officer of the Isthmian Canal Commission. Though not known to me personally Mr. Waring is highly recommended by gentlemen whose judgment I value. I beg to commend to your favorable attention Faithfully yrs J. Card. Gibbons To The President.Ackd 4/25/04 Office of the Commercial Bulletin. 77 KILBY STREET. Boston, April 22/1904 Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. President of the United States. Washington. D.C. Dear [Theodore] Mr. President:-- I suppose Senator Lodge has told you that we differ in regard to the action of the administration in regard to reciprocity with Canada. We agree that probably Canada will never agree, at present at all events, to reduce her duties on any terms on our manufactures. It is publicly denied by Laurier that he has ever been approached by this government for the assembling of the Joint High Commission. Cabot, as publicly, has stated that Senator Fairbanks has approached LaurierOffice of the Commercial Bulletin. 77 KILBY STREET. Boston, and was repulsed. I believe it wise to nail Laurier by asking him again. Cabot does not. That is our only point of difference. I am writing this letter not as an act of criticism in any way but merely to show you that I am making the best of the line of campaign upon which you and he, doubtless for excellent reasons, have decided upon. [The] An undisputed refusal to take up Reciprocity by Laurier would take the whole issue out of politics, of course. You asked me once to keep you posted as to Reciprocity, hence these terms. Cabot made a magnificent speech, saying exactly the right things and won a magnificent victory in our convention. You will get about a thirdOffice of the Commercial Bulletin. 77 KILBY STREET. Boston, of the Democratic vote, in addition to ours, in this State if I am a judge of public opinion- Always affectionately yours, Curtis Truitt, Jr.For 1. enclosure see, (proof) 4-21-04[*[4-22-04]*] RT. REV. B. F. LEE, D.D., L.L. D., Presiding Bishop. REV. OSCAR J. W. SCOTT, D. D., Pastor. REV. DANIEL P. SEATON, D. D., Presiding Elder. REV. JOHN PORTER, D. D., Secretary. EIGHTY-SEVENTH SESSION Baltimore Annual Conference A.M.E. Church APRIL 13-19, 1904 METROPOLITAN A. M. E. CHURCH, M ST. BET. 15TH AND 16TH STS., N. W., WASHINGTON, D. C. Believing that a national exhibit of the advancement of the colored people of this country in the arts and sciences since their Emancipation would wonderfully enlighten the public conscience by furnishing incontrovertible evidence of our worthiness and capacity to fully and intelligently discharge the obligation of citizenship: therefore be it Resolved; that the Baltimore Conference of the A.M.E. Church in Annual Session assembled in the City of Washington do heartily endorse and appeal to the President of the United States to aid us in collecting and installing a representative exhibit of our progress to the end that the visiting world at the St. Louis Exposition may view us at our best especially at their critical juncture when we are again at the bar of the civilized world on trial B. F. Lee, Bishop. John Porter Secy[Enc. in Parker 4-22-04]TELEGRAM. White House, Washington Ackd 4/22/04 2. PO. KE. FD. 19- 4:12 p.m. Fort Monroe, Va., April 22, 1904. Hon. Theo. Roosevelt, Washington. Will stop off Monday morning for a couple of hours. See from ten to twelve if that will suit. B.B. Odell, jr.[[shorthand notation]] [*Ackd 4/22/04*] [*P*] [* [4-22-04]*] [*Negroes*] To the President of the United States Hon Theodore Roosevelt Washington D.C. My Dear Mr President:- In obedience to your request that we commit to paper what we would like to have you do in the matter of aiding us to get before the visiting world at the Louisiana Purchase Exposition a creditable exhibit if our progress since emancipation, we beg to state that in the absence of legislative authority to provide us the means with which to erect a suitable building to house such an exhibit, we desire to have you, Mr President. cooperate with our friends who have pledged us a building,- cooperate to the extent of clothing us with authority as your special commissioners to gather information in the shape of an exhibit of the material, moral and intellectual progress of the colored people and report to you Mr President at the close of the fair the evidences collectedand their influence as a factor of inspiration and enlightenment to whites and blacks alike. The enclosed petition from the Pacific Coast is one of a dozen sent to States of large colored population last November; but they were not presented to you Mr President at the proper time because of severe illness on my part. However, you may appreciate some of the reasons for bringing this matter to your attention. Sincerely Hale Giddings Parker Chicago Ill and C.H. Tandy St Louis Mo For enc see Lee 4-22-04[*Ack'd 4-25-04*] THE HOMESTEAD THE HOMESTEAD HOTEL & COTTAGES. OPEN ALL YEAR. FRED STERRY, MANAGER. ALSO MANAGER ROYAL POINCIANA AND THE BREAKERS. PALM BEACH, FLA. OPEN FROM DECEMBER TO APRIL. Hot Springs, Va., 22 April 1904 The President, My dear Mr. President;- I recently received a letter stating that the Federation of Catholic Societies had been requested to try and procure a more just treatment of the Church in Porto Rico. It was suggested that I submit the matter to you and I shall do so when the facts have been furnished me. The reason of my writing now is that today I read in the press that Governor2 THE HOMESTEAD THE HOMESTEAD HOTEL & COTTAGES. OPEN ALL YEAR. FRED STERRY, MANAGER. ALSO MANAGER ROYAL POINCIANA AND THE BREAKERS. PALM BEACH, FLA. OPEN FROM DECEMBER TO APRIL. Hot Springs, Va., 190__ Hunt was in this country and expected to return the 30" inst. It might be that you would like to confer with him regarding the causes for complaint. I shall return to New York tomorrow, Saturday, night and shall then look into the matter. The interest you kindly took in the Indian matter has been most thoroughly appreciated and I know that any conclusion you may reach in relation to the above subject will beTHE HOMESTEAD THE HOMESTEAD HOTEL & COTTAGES. OPEN ALL YEAR. FRED STERRY, MANAGER. ALSO MANAGER ROYAL POINCIANA AND THE BREAKERS. PALM BEACH, FLA. OPEN FROM DECEMBER TO APRIL. Hot Springs, Va., 190__ accepted as the only possible disposition of it, no matter how much disappointment may be suffered. I understand that Bishop Blenk, of Porto Rico, is very kindly disposed toward the Governor and has no criticism to make of his administration. I am my dear Mr. President, with sincere regard, yours respectfully Eugene A. PhilbinJOS. T. BROWN, PRESIDENT BIRNEY W.G. PREUITT, SEC'Y-TREAS. HELENA DAVID FRATT, 1ST VICE-PREST. BILLINGS JESSE I. PHELPS, 2ND VICE-PREST. HELENA SECRETARY'S OFFICE MONTANA STOCK GROWERS' ASSOCIATION Helena, Mont. April 22nd 1904 [[shorthand]] [*ackd 4/26/04*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President, United States of America, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir:- At the Nineteenth Annual Convention of the Montana Stock Growers Association held at Miles City on April 19th and 20th, 1904- a resolution was offered by Col. F.M.Malone and seconded by Mr. J.M.Holt- that Theodore Roosevelt should be elected an honorary member of the Montana Stock Growers Association- and the secretary instructed to send him due notice of this fact by telegraph and by letter. I take pleasure in sending you official notice of the action of the Association in this matter. Yours truly, W.G. Preuitt Sec'y.[Ackd] 4/22/04 pp [?] 57 FIFTH AVENUE. My Dear Theodore I have just seen that the N. Y. National Convention have nominated me as a Presidential elector against you. I regard this as little lessthem an impertinence but write a refusal in a quiet & peaceful tone as the best & most advisible thing to do. Hoping you are well & taking life easily I am Yours affectionately Uncle Rob [*[Roosevelt}*] This don't require any answer = & I am not quite sure it was necessary to write it.AMERICAN EMBASSY, LONDON. Private April 22, 1904. Dear Chief I have been nearly a month in charge without writing you a private letter from which you have doubtless inferred - and correctly - that there has been nothing of importance or special interest to write about. The Chief Diplomatic Event has of course been the Anglo-French Agreement which really does great credit to the principal negotiators: Lord Lansdowne, M. M. Cambon & Delcassé. Curiously enough it has been most cordially received on both sides of the channel and I have not come across any suggestion from responsible quarters that either country has been "done" by the other. It is doubtless particularly welcome in France as a guarantee that Russia can under no circumstances now expect France to join her against Japan and for somewhat the same reason in this country where nothing could have been more abhorrent to the national feeling that being obliged, under the Anglo-Japanese Treaty, to join Japan against France because France had joined Russia and thereby to be at war with their neighbor across the channel over the quarrel of two other nations. But whatever the cause, the result is extreme satisfaction and relief on both sides of the channel-2- and curiously enough according to the newspapers there is a move in Russia to try and come to terms, in some such an agreement, over the questions at issue between the latter country and this. Altogether the Government instead of losing ground, as they were expected to do when Parliament met, have been distinctly gaining - Alfred Lyttelton, whose success as Colonial Minister has been very marked & rapid, steered them, with A. Balfour's assistance, successfully through the S. African Chinese Labor difficulty which many prophets said would certainly turn [on] them out and when that failed the Budget was thought to be a certain Government destroyer. But Austen has made his speech & faced with a very simple taxation, evenly distributed, a very considerable deficit - over £ 8000,000 (taking the past year's actual expenditure over income and this year's 1904-5 estimate for the same together) and there is no outcry but acquiescence - at least - and a feeling of relief that matters are no worse and although the 2d. extra on tea was supposed likely to be very unpopular among the poor and can hardly be popular, nothing very much has been heard against it. Finally there is the Licensing Bill just introduced- a most complicated and difficult question to steer between the fanatical Temperance People and the enormous Brewing interest. But by taking the succession tax as a means of reckoning the value of Licenses when withdrawn on public grounds, such valuation being made free of charge by the Inland Revenue Officials who estimate succession, and by causing the payment of such valuation to be made from a fund levied upon the Brewing & Public House interests,the moderates & reasonable people on both sides seem to think the compromise as fair a one as was possible in this imperfect world, and even that was most controversial bill, as matters at present stand, is rather a feather in the Government's cap than otherwise. Its authors are A. J. Balfour, Salisbury (late Granbourne) A. Lyttelton, & the Attorney General. Salisbury appears to be a very efficient and hard working member of the Govt and not only his father's son. As regards our own affairs, I have not so far succeeded in getting them at the F. O. to take up the Samoan Claims of Germany although I placed our view of the matter at once in Lord Lansdowne's possession. But the F. O. Legal adviser is away and they hesitate to deal with the matter without him - But Villiers' idea is that a reasoned Despatch should be written by each Government to Germany declining to pay the high sum suggested, or to call in the King of Sweden to further arbitrate. Villiers seemed to think the F. O' legal adviser and our crane would have to be consulted before anything could be done. There have been some sensational calbegrams in the newspapers from Jamaica about the Nicaraguan incident, as to which I have sent you one telegram, and Lord Lansdowne told me last night at the Court that so far or up till then no report whatever has been received from H. M. S. "Retribution" which as you know was sent to investigate. I have sent you today a telegram which explains itself about the Ladd extradition case,, which looks to me as though an-4- attempt had again been made to use extradition proceedings to squeeze the prisoner for a civil debt with the intention of causing them to be withdrawn if it be paid. There have been several such attempts of late &usually from Chicago. At all events I thought it my duty to let our Department's legal adviser investigate the papers when they are returned next week to the Dept. You have doubtless heard of L. William Harcourt's succeeding to his family estates - beautiful Nuneham Park near Oxford &c. He is as pleased as Punch and so are his friends on both sides and it is thought likely he will take the title of Earl of Harcourt - formerly in his family - before long. There are many also who rejoice that, as he succeeded or rather inherited from his nephew he will have to pay the highest rate of Succession Duty possible. I hope you and yours are well & that Jack has the pleasure of seeing you when in Washington. I rejoice that all seems to be going well for the President's election. Yours most truly H. WHITE[[shorthand notation]] [*CF*] [*Ackd 4/22/04*] Rep. Jenkins says his committee [had] has adjourned for the session--that the anti-injunction bill will not be reported, nor the Hearst coal resolution. He desires the President to know that he voted with the Democratic members of the committee on the Williams resolution in order to be able to control it on the floor, as otherwise it would have been wholly in the hands of the Democrats. 4-22-1904THE GRAND RAPIDS HERALD, FRIDAY M[ORNING] WILL OPPOSE THE STRIKERS TEAM OWNERS' ASSOCIATION ADOPTS RESOLUTIONS. GENERAL STRIKE IS EXPECTED Employers Demand "Open Shop." Agree to Discharge Employes Who Refuse to Handle Transfer Business. The Team Owners' association of the city has decided to oppose the striking teamsters of the Columbian Transfer company. The decision was reached yesterday afternoon at a meeting of the members, who also agreed to stand by the Columbian company and aid it in its efforts to break the strike. It was further agreed that any employe who refuses to handle the business of the company shall be discharged. Refuse to Accept Agreement. The association reiterated its decision refusing to accept the agreement proposed by the Teamsters' union for the year beginning May 4. The objectionable clause, members of the association say, is the one stipulating that none but union drivers may be employed. "We are expecting a general strike to be declared," said a member of the association last night. "While we are not desirous of precipitating trouble, we want to find out just where we stand. There is practically no difference between the union and our association regarding wages. We are simply determined to stand for open shop." The resolutions adopted yesterday afternoon and the names of the signers, which, it is stated, includes every member of the association, are: To Stand Against the Strikers. Resolved, That it is the sense of the Team Owners' association of Grand Rapids, Mich., and of the subscribers hereto that each and every member of this association shall from this date assist any member hereof whose men are at any time on a strike, the purpose of which strike is to secure a "closed shop" after the expiration of the present agreement May 4, 1904; and that such assistance shall extend to the furnishing of such member or members with men, teams or conveyances whenever called upon; and be it further, Resolved, That the refusal by any employe of any member to do any work or to fill any order when required after Friday, April 22, 1904, shall be considered good and sufficient cause for instant discharge, and the subscribers hereto agree to discharge such man or men accordingly. Gelock Transfer company, Columbian Transfer company, Radcliffe & Co., N. B. Miller, Palace Livery company, Stonehouse Carting company, Seth L. Baragar, Helmus Bros., A. Bomers, Grand Rapids Garbage company, Clark-Rutka-Weaver company, Clark-Jewel-Wells company, Joseph Colborn, John Hiaishutter, Henry Skutt, Charles S. Holt, H. P. Bateman, A. N. Albee, Voigt Milling company, Bert Everhart, George P. Dowling, A. Keller, L. LeRoy, A. F. Cordes, O. H. Shaver, Security Transfer company, T. Kelly, T. F. Golden, George Kigeler, W. Andy Johnson, F. G. Telford, James Boylon, John Boter, J. P. Moran, B. F. Miller & Son. Engaging Non-Union Men. President FitzGerald of the Columbian Transfer company stated last night that he was engaging non-union drivers to take the place of the strikers. He says there are many applicants, but he is going slowly and hiring only good men. Yesterday three of the company's six moving vans, seven of the 20 trucks and the hotel busses were running. He says he expects to increase the number of vans and trucks today and a few carriages may be started out. All the business that the Columbian company cannot handle, President FitzGerald says, is being handled by other firms for him. So far there has been no open interference on the part of the strikers. President Bullock of the Teamsters' union said yesterday afternoon that the union would not interfere with the holding of funerals. The services of his men, he said, would be at the disposal of undertakers. Yesterday morning, he says, he received a call from one firm to bring a body from a vault to a morgue. Jerry Buel, an old employe of the Columbian company, went to the stable to hitch up a team, but was refused permission to take out the rig. The Columbian people say they would not recognize Buel, and their own superintendent drove the wagon. Advised to "Stand Pat." Expressions of sympathy toward the Grand Rapids Team Owners' association relative to the strike of the Columbian teamsters were made last evening at the meeting of the Grand Rapids Manufacturers & Building Trades' association. While the manufacturers were in session in one room of the board of trade last night, the teamowners' association held a meeting in another. Late in the evening the two organizatiois met together. Members of both associations were called upon for addresses, the tone of all of which were "stand pat." Central Organizer Here. George Innes, central organizer for the International Teamsters' union, arrived on a late train last night from Detroit. He at once met President Bullock and other members of the local union and took up consideration of the condition of affairs here. The union learned early in the evening the decision of the Team Owners' association, but decided to take no action until counseled by the central organizer. Struck By Locomotive. Everett Hinken, living at No. 44 Ney street, was struck by a Pere Marquette switch engine last night at the Fourth avenue crossing while attempting to cross the track. He sustained severe bruises about the head and body. The police ambulance took him to his home, where it was said that he would recover. He is 40 years of age. $500 GIVEN AWAY Write us or call on an Alabastine dealer for the easy conditions of a contest open to all. ALABASTINE THE ONLY DURABLE WALL COATING Not a disease-breeding, out-of-date, hot water, glue kalsomine. Kills disease germs and furnishes no lodgment grounds for them. Kalsomines stuck on the wall with animal glue and wall paper with its decaying paste nurture and assist the propagation of all germs. Alabastine is ready to mix by the addition of cold water, is as durable as the wall itself, comes in fourteen beautiful tints and any one can brush it on, Ask for circular showing tints and giving information about decorating. Buy only in 5lb. pkgs. properly labeled Alabastine Co., GRAND RAPIDS, MICH. New York Office, 105 Water St. NEWS OF THE CITY IN BRIEF W. Fred McBain is in Detroit on business. Judge Newnham of the Superior court is visiting at Saugatuck. The flood relief committee expects to begin the distribution of relief funds next week. Carl Crissey and wife, formerly of Grand Rapids, now of Waukesha, Wis., are visiting in the city. Claude E. Haines, No. 88 S. Diamond street, and Claude Berton of Fourth avenue are visiting at Denver, Colo. Mrs. Mims, who will lecture Thursday evening at Fountain Street Baptist church, is a member of the Christian Science board of lectureship of Boston. Mrs. Leolyn TenHopen, deputy clerk of the United States district and circuit courts, has been removed from Butterterworth hospital to her home in Lake avenue. W. H. Hubbard of Sparta asked the sheriff's officers yesterday to locate his son, Jent Hubbard, who, it is charged, has departed with a valuable horse and carriage. The Ladies' Aid society of the Wealthy Avenue Baptist church will give me a "coffee" this afternoon in the home of Mrs. J. B. Johnson, No. 229 South East street, from 3 to 6 o'clock. In addition to the regular St. Cecilia program this afternoon at 3 o'clock, Mr. Varlich, a Russian basso, and Miss Roberts of New York, both guests of Mr. and Mrs. Charles M. Wilson, will furnish the opening numbers. When Patrolman Kelly attempted to arrest William Mernett at the Sharon hotel last night for disorderly conduct, Mernett put up such a stiff fight that the officer had to make free use of his baton. Repeated blows were necessary to render Mernett submissive to a ride in the patrol wagon. S. J. Hufford has received word of a serious accident which befell his brother, W. M. Hufford, who was a resident of this city up to three years ago, when he moved to Indianapolis. By the explosion of a kettle of boiling candy he was so severely burned that there is doubt as to his recovery. He is now in the hospital. FOUR MILLIONS IN CITY PROPERTY ANNUAL INVENTORY SHOWS GOOD-SIZED INCREASE. TOTAL HOLDING IS $4,119,400 Figures Compiled Yesterday in Comptroller's Office—Value of School Buildings, Parks, Bridges, and Cemeteries. The statement of real property owned by the city of Grand Rapids at the end of the present municipal year will show a total holding of $4,119,400. The various city departments are sending in their estimates to City Comptroller French for tabulation in his statement to the common council, which goes in next Monday night. This is an increase of $135,800 over last year's total, which was $3,983,600. The city's money is tied up in buildings, lots, cemeteries, parks and bridges. This total of over $4,000,000 represents actual assets to which the city holds perfect title and does not include the $60,000 of tax titles in quitclaimable lands which the city has on its hands. The Large Items. The largest items in this inventory are the following: City Hall ..........................$ 300,000 Schools ............................. 1,194,000 Engine houses ...................... 107,350 Cemeteries .......................... 255,000 Parks ............................... 338,000 Bridges ............................. 115,980 City market ........................ 85,000 Lighting plant ...................... 192,000 Water works plant ................. 1,301,000 The inventory shows the relative value of the various bridges and parks. They are given the same as last year in the following order: Fulton street, $28,600; Bridge street, $24,780; Pearl street, #23,300; Sixth street, $19,600; Leonard street, $5,280; canal bridges, $12,840. During the coming year the Bridge street bridge valuation will jump up to $85,000 and Wealthy avenue bridge will be added with a valuation of $40,000. Money Invested In Parks. The parks are valued as follows: John Ball, $125,000: Fulton street, $75,000; Antoine Campau, $40,000; Lincoln, $30,000; Crescent, $15,000; Monument, $15,000; Highland, $12,000; State street, $10,000. There are also six minor descriptions. The main increases for the past year come in the water works and school valuations. The former jumps up $60,000 by reason of water main extensions and the latter increases over $40,000 because of the museum and new building lots. This figure will greatly increase during the coming year because of the new Ryerson library, the new south end standpipe and many water main extensions. It is estimated that next year's total realty valuation will be in the neighborhood of $5,000,000. Besides the total of $4,119,400 for this year, the city has personal property to nearly another million. These latter figures have not yet been compiled. TRUSTEE FROM SECOND WARD. Board of Education Will Elect Successor to E. F. Sweet. The election of Mayor Sweet has created a vacancy on the board of education from the Second ward. According to precedent this vacancy will be filled at the next session of the board by election. The two Second ward trustees will get together on a nomination and their recommendation will undoubtedly be final. It is probable that the choice will fall on John S. Lawrence. Several other names are mentioned, however, among them that of Mrs. Frederick Immen. This is the second time a man has stepped from the board of education into the mayor's chair. The other instance was the case of Ernest B. Fisher in 1894. DEATHS OF A DAY Mrs. Mary Jane Bradish. Mrs. Mary Jane Bradish, a resident of Grand Rapids township for 51 years, died at her home in Knapp avenue yesterday morning at the age of 85 years. The funeral will be held from the home at 2 o'clock Saturday afternoon, conducted by the Rev. Mr. Smith. Mrs. Bradish is survived by eight children. NASH COMES OUT FOR STATE SENATO[R] HE WILL OPPOSE WEEKS IN TH[E] SEVENTEENTH DISTRICT. THE ANNOUNCEMENT IS MAD[E] Local Democrat Committee will Mee[t] Tomorrow Morning to Set Date for County Convention. Police Court Judge. County politics received some attention by the delegates who attended th[e] Fifth district convention yesterday, bu[t] of course the latter was of most importance at that time. Kent count[y] delegates who attended the conventio[n] reported that sentiment against the renomination of the present county officials had not decreased in the townships, but interest in the campaign wil[l] not be awakened until some of th[e] other conventions have been held. Interest was added to the situation i[n] the Seventeenth senatorial district yesterday by the entrance of Ex-Representative E. P. Nash of Grattan as a candidate for the Republican nominatio[n] for senator against Senator A. W[.] Weeks of Lowell. Mr. Nash had bee[n] undecided what to do until yesterda[y] when his friends got him to make fo[r]mal announcement of his candidacy. Mr. Nash represented the Third di[s]trict of Kent county in the state legi[s]lature for two terms and during h[is] service he was considered to be one [of] the most conscientious and trustworth[y] members of that body. The candidates now in the field in th[e] district are Mr. Nash, Senator A. [W.] Weeks of Lowell and Huntiy Russe[l] of North Park. The latter announce[d] his candidacy only a few days ago. Kent Democrats Astir. Secretary Frank W. Hine. of the Ken[t] County Democrat committee has calle[d] a meeting of the committee to be hel[d] in his office in the Norris building a[t] 10 o'clock Saturday morning to consider the guestion of date for the count[y] convention to elect delegates to th[e] state convention. The first Democra[t] state convention to be held will be in Detroit June 1 to elect delegates to the national convention in St. Louis. Candidates for Legislature. From present appearances there will be little if any contest for the Republican nomination for representatives in the county districts of Kent county. Representative Frank Ladner of Cannon has no opposition for renomination in the Third district, and so far Supervisor William Shafer has a clear field in the Second district. Candidates for legislative offices are to be nominated by direct vote September 13 in the same manner as county candidates are to be nominated. Hess for Police Judge. Attorney Frank A. Hess of the Twelfth ward yesterday announced his candidacy for Republican nomination for judge of the police court whenever the election shall be held to fill the vacancy. The field of candidates now includes Justice Harry D. Cowan, John W. Powers, Dwight Goss and ex-Justice Charles A. Watt. CHOIR ENTERTAINMENT. Those Who Will Take Part in the Musical Comedy. Professional men, including prominent jurists and attorneys, will take part in the farce, "The Missing Hymn Book; A Trial By Jury," which concludes the operatic entertainment to be given by the choir of St. Mark's church at Powers' theater May 25. In the jury box will be twelve well known Grand Rapids women, while on the bench will be one of the judges of a Grand Rapids court. Stuart E. Knappen, who wrote the farce, will have partial control of the preliminary arrangements. Announcement was made last evening of the cast for the musical comedy which opens the evening's program. This comedy, composed by A. W. Bell, with music by Ferdinand Warner, is entitled, "A Fete Up-to-Date," and some clever songs, both original and old. The following is the cast of characters: Muriel Smart ..............Mrs. Maude Kurtz Algernon Smart..................E. S. Conrad Welland Strong ................Arthur Sparry Gladys Bright................Miss Pearl Smith Willie Giggle .................Stuart Dykema Louie Krausmeyer .............Edward Smith Fritz Armstrutter ...........Martin Louwerse Mrs. Straight...........Mrs. F. G. Aldworth Mr. Straight...........Dr. Henry W. Howard Iam Straight ....................Master Hol[m] Youre Straight ...............Master Warne[r] Weare Straight .................Master Ric[?] Very Straight .................Master Monro[e] Quite Straight .............Master McCormic[k] Goodand Straight ...............Master Trua[?] Sophonia Simper .......Miss Mabel Underwoo[d] Professor Pedagogue ..............S. W. Tod[d] Escanulo .....................Tom Remingto[n] Male quartet ............................ ......Messrs Stuart Dykema, Arthur Sparry, Tom Remington and Frank Full[er] Toreadors ............................... Messrs. Herbert Chase and Leonard Trua[?] Miss Henrietta Krause and sever[al] other vocalists will also take part, a[l]though definite places have not been a[s]signed to them. At the conclusion [of] this feature St. Mark's cadets, [??] strong, will give an exhibition drill. Between the plays there will be [a] series of vaudeville features, given [????] four acts. Proceeds of the enterta[in]ment will be devoted to paying [the] camping expenses of a two weeks' o[ut]ing for the choir. CASTORIA. The Kind You Have Always Bou[ght.] Bears the Signature of [???]. H. [?l?t?h??] No matter if your pocketbook [is] somewhat depleted. It will do enou[gh] to surprise you if you order your p[ro]visions from the merchants whose [a]dvertisements appear in today's "Coo[ks'] Guide." SWEET CIDER. Pure Juice From the Michigan Ap[ples] at Dettenthaler's. Sweet, rich and delicious is the ci[der] we are drawing just now. We've b[een] keeping this for spring trade and it's [???] tap in any quantity you want. Or [???] some of this pure apple juice. Choice wines and liquors. DETTENTHALER'S FAMILY MARKE[T] Wholesale and Retail. EXCURSIONS VIA THE PERE MARQUETTE MANISTEE AND RETURN $2.0[0] Sunday, April 24. Leave Union station 7:30 a. m., [ar]riving Manistee about noon. Fi[rst] excursion of the season. If you carefully examine the adv[er]tisements that appear in toda[y's] "Cooks' Guide" the quality of goo[ds] and the low prices quoted will giv[e] you a pleasant surprise. [*Enc. in W.H. Smith 5-10-04]*] [*[4-22-04]*] [T]HE GRAND RAP[IDS] GRAND RAPIDS. MICH., FRIDAY MORN[ING] [*RENOMINATION 5TH DIST. TRUE REPUBLICANISM Fifth District Honors Her Representative.*] SMITH FOR SIXTH TERM FIFTH DISTRICT CONGRESSMAN HONORED BY CONSTITUENTS. SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE RECIEVED WITH APPLAUSE. RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED INDORSING ADMINISTRATION. District Delegates Elected to the Chicago Convention—Kent County Helped Ottawa In Fight With Ionia County. For Congressman—William Alden Smith, Kent. Delegates to National Convention— William Judson, Kent; Herman F. Harbeck, Ottawa. Alternates—S. B. Hicks, Lowell; B. F. Hall, Ionia. New District Committee. Ionia—K. R. Smith, John Kitson, E. B. Lapham, William Fitzgibbons, J. W. Diamond, John Bradley, Fred J. Mauren, F. S. Hoag. Ottawa—John B. Mulder, Suels A. Sheldon, Millard Durham, William Savidge, George W. McBride, C. Van Loo, H. S. Harbeck, W. H. Beach. Kent—C. H. Loomis, C. R. Buchanan, S. P. Hicks, E. D. Conger, Fred Hubbard, George Clapperton, Charles H. Anderson, G. H. DeGraff, Walter H. Brroks, N. J. Brown. In one of the most enthusiastic and harmonious conventions ever held in the Fifth district Congressman William Alden Smith was nominated for a sixth term by a rising vote in Lincoln club hall yesterday afternoon. The attendance was unusually large, Ionia and Ottawa counties being fully represented, and 56 of Kent's 65 delegates being present. The congressman appeared before the convention and fervently thanked the delegates for the honor conferred and his presence was greeted with loud cheering and hurrahs for Smith. Kent country gave a majority of its support to Capt. H. F. Harbeck of Grand Haven for delegate to the Chicago convention, thus defeating B. F. Hall, the Ionia county candidate. Resolutions indorsing the congressman, President Roosevelt, Senator Fairbanks for vice president, the administration of Speaker Cannon and also requesting that the Hon Gerrit J. Diekema, chairman of the state central committee, be re-elected to that position by the new committee. MORNING SESSION. Amos S. Musselman Named as Temporary Chairman. Committee Chairman E. D. Conger called the convention to order at 11 a. m. in the Lincoln club room with full delegations present. After Secretary Leonard D. Verdier had read the call, Mr. Conger said it had been his intention to invite Capt. H. F. Harbeck of Grand Haven to preside as temporary chairman, but Mr. Harbeck declined the honor, requesting that some Kent county man be called to the chair. Mr. Conger then announced that Amos S. Musselman of Grand Rapids had consented to accept the position and, upon invitation, Mr. Musselman assumed the chair. Addressing the delegates he said owing to short notice he had prepared no address, and he did not think it was necessary to detain them in any attempt at speech making. "We have met here today," said he, "to ratify the desire of every person in the Fifth district as to who they want to represent them in congress, so our duty is comparatively easy." Jacob Glerum of Grand Haven was chosen temporary secretary and the following committees were appointed: Credentials—Suel A. Sheldon, Ottawa; Ed L. Smith, Kent; William H. Mattison, Ionia. Permanent Organization and Order of Business—K. R. Smith, Ionia; W. Millard Palmer, Kent; D. B. K. Van Raalte, Ottawa. Resolutions—Elvin Swarthout, Kent; Frank R. Chase, Ionia; Cornelius Van Loo, Ottawa. RENOMINATED BY RISING VOTE. Business of Afternoon Session Was Quickly Disposed Of. At the opening of the afternoon session reports of committees were first on the program. Chairman Smith reported no contest among the delegations and the names of delegates were accepted. The temporary organization was made permanent and the nomination of a candidate for congress followed. George Clapperton of Grand Rapids, for the sixth time, took the platform to (Continued on [P]age 4.)TELEGRAM White House, Washington 4:35 p.m. April 23. [1904] 2 NY PO OR JM 37 Paris via French To the President, White House, Washington, D.C. Stockholders vote fullest ratification and documents exchanged precisely as I had the honor to assure you would be done I extend my most respectful congratulations. Wm. Nelson Cromwell, General Counsel. [*F*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. L/S April 23, 1904. William Loeb, Jr., Esquire, Secretary to the President, White House. Sir: I enclose herewith a copy of a note from the Chinese Minister covering a translation of a letter from the Chinese Emperor, the original of which, the Minister states, will be handed to the President by Prince Pu Lun on Monday. I am, Sir, Your obedient servent John Hay Enclosure: From Chinese Minister, April 22, 1904, with enclosure. [*State*][?] TELEGRAM. White House, Washington. 6PO. HF. RA. 30- 6:40 p.m. Fort-Monroe-Virginia, April 23, 1904. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. Mrs. Odell goes direct to New-York and is obliged to decline your kind invitation. I will get in touch with you early Monday morning and arrange satisfactory time for meeting. B. B. Odell, Jr.[?] UNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON. April 23, 1904. Hc The President, The White House. My dear Mr. President: It will give me pleasure to consent to the confirmation of the nomination of Mr. Beekman Winthrop to be the Governor of Porto Rico when the name reaches the Senate on Monday, and to exert myself to see that the nomination is confirmed. Yours very truly, T. C. Platt[*Ack'd 4-26-04*] G.P. PUTNAM'S SONS 27 & 29 WEST 23D STREET NEW YORK 24 BEDFORD STREET, STRAND LONDON, W.C. (All business communications should be addressed to the concern) The Knickerbocker Press Dictated April 23, 1904 President Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir: -- We are sending with this, with the compliments of the publishers, for placing in the collection of editions of your Works, copies of the two editions that we are publishing today of the "Speeches and Presidential Messages". We trust that you may be pleased with the appearance of the volumes. We are, with much respect, Your obedient servants, G.P. Putnam's SonsI cannot take a step unsupported, but hope in time to totter about with my cane. I trust your family will now call a halt in maladies and that the mumps are over. Love to Edith and the young people. And again thanking you for your kind [*Ack'd 4-27-04*] April 23rd 4. West 57th Street Dear Theodore Many thanks for the photo you were kind enough to send me. All the faces in it are such good likenesses; it is a great pleasure to me to have it. You would be amused to see me trying to walk.thought of me I am Your affectionate Aunt Elizabeth N. Roosevelt[*C.F.*] PERSONAL. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. WASHINGTON. April 23, 1904. To The President. My Dear Mr. President: -- I had a conversation with the Governor since I saw you, and I find very much to my regret that he is inclined to change his position in relation to resigning immediately after the State Convention this fall. I write this because I knew that he expected to see you Monday, and I had made a statement to you what his former position had been in relation to this question, and I thought it better to have you advised that he had shifted. I tried strongly to impress upon him that the Republican sentiment in the State of New York will be much opposed to such action on his part, but he evidently has made up his mind that it would be a wise thing for him not to give up the Governorship. In fact he told me that he had definitely concluded that he would very much prefer resigning as Chairman of the State Committee. This question may not come up between you to-morrow, but if it does you have the latest facts as I have gathered them. I am, Very truly yours, W L WardIncorporated December 20th 1893 The Insurance and Trust Company CAPITAL STOCK (PAID UP) $500,000 CABLE ADDRESS "TITLETRUST" Corner: Franklin and New High Streets. Los Angeles, Cal 4/23/1902 DIRECTORS. WM. H. ALLEN, JR. PRESIDENT. M. S. HELLMAN, VICE PREST. JAS. H. SHANKLAND, VICE PREST. O. P. CLARK SECY & TREAS. O. F. BRANT, MANAGER FRANK A. GIBSON. W.M. CASWELL. H. W. O'MELVENY. I. N. VAN NUYS. WM. R. STAATS. DR. C. B. JONES. LEGAL DEPARTMENT. J. A. GRAVES. H. W. O'MELVENY. J. H. SHANKLAND. L. C. GATES. W. M. HIATT. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D.C. My Dear Col. Roosevelt:-- Congressman Scott writes me a letter which gives me some uneasiness. Scott seems to think that my attitude in the Emporia Post-Office matter is giving you embarrassment and annoyance. Perhaps during the last four or five months while I have been so over wrought nervously I have given you the impression that this matter was a life and death matter with me. I wish to assure you most heartily and earnestly that it is not a life and death matter with me and that any ordinary man with the usual number of legs, arms, teeth and eyes might be appointed at the Emporia Post-Office without giving me any annoyance. Of course, the appointment of Mr. Wiggam would be a very bad appointment, but it would not result in the total annihilation of the Town of Emporia; the sun would continue to rise and set, and water run down hill, and the grass come up in the spring and die in the fall. A hundred worse appointments have been made in the last four years, and unless you are the next President a hundred more will be made in the next [two or] three or four years. I realize perfectly that in the business of running a Government there are a good many compromises, and I realize also that to gain some great good and important end it is often necessary to sacrifice some minor detail. And bad as I think the appointment of Wiggam would be, I had hoped that you understood my friendship, loyalty and faith in youwell enough to know that the appointment of Wiggam would not make the slightest difference in my feeling toward you. I have all along thought that Congressman Miller should name the Postmaster and have only suggested Ewing's re-appointment in the event that Miller should refuse to make any recommendation except that of Wiggam, whom I understood you to say was unworthy of consideration; but if Miller names a good man there is no reason on earth why he should not be appointed. And there are a good many worse things done in the world than the appointment of Wiggam, bad as he is. And if you could get a vote or two for your Cuban Reciprocity proposition, [wh]by the appointment of Wiggam, or of Jesse James, or our esteemed friend Rathbo[o]ne, of Cuba, it would seem to me that it would be unwise to hesitate. I write you this fully simply because Scott has given me the idea that I am doing an injustice to myself in persisting in the Wiggam matter. The good Lord knows that I do not want to persist in any matter. I want to be your friend and I do not want you to handicap yourself on that account. But I do think that Wiggam is a bad man for the Emporia Post-Office, but that the Emporia Post-Office is not much of an affair and the appointment of John Wiggam is not of enough consequence to set the world by the ears. Very truly yours, W.A. White [*It seems to me you would have been in my shoes if I had been in yours. If I had been asked to make Wiggam post master of Oyster Bay you would have registered a kick — a good stiff American kick and then trust to my good sense and the situation. WAW*][*Foss. Geo. Edmund*] Rep. Foss suggests a word from the President to Senator Hale in behalf of the appropriation for publication of statistics of strikes and lockouts. [[shorthand]] [*Telephoned Mr. Weaver 4/23/04= Received reply 4/26/04*] [*Phoned Sen. Lodge 4-26-1904*]that he is a good all-round fellow. Give my very best regards to your brothers, V.P. & A.F. Remember me to all inquiring friends and with best wishes I remain my dear Mr Travers Your sincere friend. Matt. C. Gleeson U.S.N. [*Baroness Speck Gen Young*] [*CF*] U.S.S. MISSOURI Pensacola, Florida April 24th 1904 My dear Mr. Travers. Your letter just to hand. Thank you from my heart for your good words and congratulations. I do not think however that I did more than any other priest would have done in similar circumstances. I'm glad for the sake of the Church, and for those who like your generous self, stood by me so faithfully when I sought the appointment that there was nothing in my conduct to be ashamed of. At the time I was absolutely sure of being killed. I do not think I entertained the remotest hope of coming out of the ordeal alive. I feel quite certain that I can never again come so close to death, and live to tell the tale. It was very kind and thoughtful of Captain Cowles to wire Apb. Farley. I have not heard from His Grace since the disaster--neither has Captain Cowles. I know Captain Cowles would appreciate a letter of congratulation from the Archbishop, and you might give his secretary Father Hays a tip on the matter. This is between ourselves. Cowles is a perfectly marvellous man. I have never in my life seen such affection for aback for four years more. I know the Archbishop will be strongly for him. I understand the Department is going to send us to Newport News in order that we may be quickly repaired to make this European trip that has been planned for the battleships. Anxious as I am to go, I'd much prefer that the Missouri should [to] be left behind in New York [such] for the reasons I gave you. All this of course is confidential. I have discussed the whole thing with some officers here whom I know to be warm friends of the President's and they think the idea is a capital one. The Court of Inquiry, which is taking evidence on the disaster is still at work on board, and I doubt if we will get away from here before the 3rd or 4th of May. Meanwhile if you have anything to tell me write me here. Father M'Donald was on the Iowa as you doubtless know and the Iowa was not near us during the explosion. What I was surprised at is that next day when his ship anchored beside us, that he did not come and help me with the funeral services. I have not met him since I came here though his ship is here in the harbor. He said Mass the other day in the Catholic Church here for the victims of the Missouri. I hear [something] that he is in the best of health. I have no doubt but superior as the men on this ship have for him. He faced death side by side with them last Wednesday week, and saved four of the poor wounded boys with his own hand. I saw him do it. We have received our orders to go to Newport News, rather than to New York. Im very sorry to hear this for the reason I gave you. I did not discuss the matter with Captain Cowles. [very] One of the important matters which I wanted you to set on foot was a reception to him and the officers of the Missouri by the Catholic Club. I intended to have every important man I knew visit the ship, talk with the men, and [also] send them away with the idea that our Captain was the right man in the right place, and the President who appointed him to the Missouri knew his business. I cant tell Captain Cowles this for he is one of the most retiring men I ever met. I think if I had one month in New York, I could do a[s] [any] good deal with our priests and people, quietly and diplomatically, for the President. His [reel] reelection is all important to the Nation and our people. I think without doubt he is the best friend that we Catholics have ever had in the White House, and we should do all we possibly can to put him[*[4-24-04]*] [*CF*] 1315 CONNECTICUT AVENUE Dear Governor- If by any chance Hartzell should decide to resign as Secretary of Porto Rico on account of being passed over for the Governorship, I want you to bear in mind the present Assistant Secretary, Wm H Gale — Gale is a gentleman, about 38 years old, a graduate of Yale, and with sufficient independent means to make him not dependent on office for his lively hoodBut his principal qualification is his experience as he has been practically the Secretary for the last two years, as he has done all the work of the office, and during Hartzells absence on vacation, and during the Governors vacation while Hartzell acted as Governor, he has been actually the head of the office- It is doubly important with a new man for Governor that we have an experienced Secretary, and Gale is the best man I know for the place. Governor Hunt will back up this statement I know-- So if a vacancy occurs by any chance in the Secretaries Office, bear this man in mind. I am off to Port Rico on May 6th--Tell Winthrop that he can rely on me to back him loyaly for your sake, and to give him all the help a I can. Always sincerely yours Regis H Post Sunday April 24th 1904[*4-24-04*] [*ENC. IN CLARKSON TO LOEB 4-27-03*] [* World April 24*] ROOSEVELT AND CLEVELAND. Our entertaining neighbor, the Sun, continues its ironical, satirical and sardonical attentions to President Roosevelt. Yesterday we copied some of its biting badinage upon Mr. Roosevelt's success in stealing the biggest part of Mr. Bryan's campaign thunder. It followed this with a contrast of the reply which Grover Cleveland would probably have made to the request of the strikers who have put a "boycott" upon the Union Pacific Railway—that the President avoid this road in his Western travels—with the "regret" which Mr. Roosevelt expressed that he could not grant the request, for the reason that he had promised to appear and speak at various places on the line of the Union Pacific and was unwilling to disappoint the people who expected him. Says the Sun: Mr. Cleveland, however, never would have expressed his regret that a prior engagement deprived him of the pleasure of participating in their boycott. He would have had no thought for their sensibilities, no disinterested sympathy with their laudable purpose. His head would have been full of obsolete ideas about the Bill of Rights, the inviolability of freedom of contract and the putative importance of the common law. So obsessed would he have been by these sentimental futilities that the invitation would have smacked to him of insult and he would have affected a rousing indignation. It is this selfish and narrow adherence to superannuated ideals, this bigoted infatuation with the Constitution of his country and its laws, and this myopic failure to sympathize with the true feelings of the public, that make Mr. Cleveland the respectable impossibility that he is to-day. Even though one may not admit the justice of all the Sun's criticisms of the President, the Governor and the Mayor, it is impossible not to admire the independence and courage which they evince in a Republican journal, and the wit and skill with which they are constructed. And yet it will no doubt occur to many partisans, already very anxious as to the result in New York next year, that this sort of writing is not calculated to increase Mr. Roosevelt's already dubious chances of carrying New York. ALBANY EVENING JOURNAL. FOUNDED BY THURLOW WEED. The Journal Company Publishers. William Barnes, jr. Resident. Circulation yesterday 17,691 DAILY AND WEEKLY. BEST ADVERTISING MEDIUMS IN EASTERN NEW YORK. JOHN H. LINDSAY MANAGER Albany, N.Y. April 25, 1904. My Dear Loeb: As it is practically settled that I shall be executive chairman again this year, I am beginning to pick up "drift" about weak spots. I find that the Ancient Order of Hibernians, and their friends are quite disinclined toward the President, and that one of their arguments is that he bolted Blaine in 1884. I do not believe this is so, but perhaps the President may have some documentary evidence which might be circulated privately covering this point. Very truly yours, William Barnes, jr William Loeb, jr. esq., White House, Washington, D.C.[[shorthand]] ALBANY EVENING JOURNAL Albany, N. Y. April 25, 1904. [*Ack'd 4-27-04*] Sir: I have received a great many requests in favor of Mr. Waudby of Rochester who desires to succeed Carroll Wright as commissioner of labor. The movement for him seems to have great weight with the labor people. Cannot you advise me what I should say to his friends? Very truly yours, William Barnes jr. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D.C.[*F*] SCRIBNER'S MAGAZINE CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS. PUBLISHERS, 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE NEW YORK April 25, 1904. Dear Mr. President: I send you herewith two sets of foundry proofs of the Appendix E to "The Rough Riders." We still have on hand a number of the bound volumes but expect to bind up some sheets very soon, and for these we shall specially print and include the new Appendix. As soon as that is done I shall send you a bound copy containing it. Toward the end of the week I expect to send you copies of the book of selections from your writings which I have been making. I hope that you will like the arrangement and general get up of the volume which we have tried to make as attractive as possible for the price, which is only 50 cents. Faithfully yours Robert Bridges The President.[*CF*] FIFTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS. THEODORE E. BURTON, OHIO, CHAIRMAN. BLACKBURN B. DOVENER, W.VA. ROSWELL P. BISHOP, MICH. ERNEST F. ACHESON, PA. DE ALVA S. ALEXANDER, N.Y. GEORGE P. LAWRENCE, MASS. JAMES H. DAVIDSON, WIS. JAMES MCLACHLAN, CAL. WILLIAM LORIMER, ILL. WESLEY L. JONES, WASH. J. ADAM BEDE, MINN. RUFUS E. LESTER, GA. JOHN H. BANKHEAD, ALA. STEPHEN M. SPARKMAN, FLA. JOSEPH E. RANSDELL, LA. GEORGE F. BURGESS, TEX. BENJAMIN G. HUMPHREYS, MISS. JAMES H. CASSIDY, CLERK. COMMITTEE ON RIVERS AND HARBORS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES U.S., WASHINGTON, D.C., April 25, 1904 To the President, White House. My dear Mr. President: Referring to our conversation of Saturday in regard to appointments at Cleveland, I would say that Senator Foraker declines to agree to a recommendation by which Dewstoe shall be confirmed, and Batt and Chandler shall be appointed. His disposition was favorable to that settlement early last week, but a few days ago Senator Dick, in an interview, declined to state whether he (Foraker) would be one of the delegates to the Chicago National Convention. This has created a new ground of irritation. It is possible, however, that after a few days a settlement can be made in which all will agree. Very respectfully yours, T. E. BurtonCOLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK [*ackd 4/26/04*] PRESIDENT'S ROOM April 25, 1904 My dear Mr. President: As Mrs. Roosevelt was not visible last night when it came time to rush for the train, I had no chance to make my adieu in person. May I not say to you both how greatly I enjoyed my visit, and how satisfactory it was to find you in such sound health and good spirits. Senator Cameron had a very earnest and direct talk with me on the subject of the chairmanship of the National Committee, but I had no chance to go over with you what he said before leaving. I have no doubt whatever that he is correct in the high estimate which he puts upon Penrose's skill as a political organiser and manipulator. What he says about the relation between Penrose and influential men in the Roman Catholic Church in the large cities is of primary practical importance. What it would mean here in New York I do not know, for some pretty hard and fast lines of a contrary sort are already laid down between those people and the other side. Moreover, they always want to be with the winners, and there is not much hope of their cutting loose from Tammany and New York City therefor in your time or mine. There is much in Penrose's favor also that he is a poor man and could raise funds more easily than a rich man could. I have been considering all these things with great care, and have tried hard to free myself from any mere sentimental objections to his occupying so important and so representative a place. Nevertheless,-2- I keep coming back to these points, which I do not put forward as final objections by any means, but as considerations which you ought to think over with the greatest possible care before assenting to the step: 1. Penrose come not only from Pennsylvania, but from Philadelphia, where our party machinery is in the lowest and most corrupt hands anywhere in the country. This fact is well known and has been widely advertised of late. To put him at the head of our party machinery seems to me on all fours with putting a Tammany Hall leader who had risen to national prominence in command of the forces of a reformed democracy. 2. Pennsylvania and Philadelphia have been more corrupted by the existing tariff scheme than any other parts of the country, What possible chance would there by for any betterment of existing conditions, however slight, if the authoritative head of the party organization were a trusted representative of the Pennsylvania and Philadelphia interests? 3. Penrose's political methods and standards are such that he would be certain to make promises and pledges that you could not afterwards fulfill without incurring grave censure. Quay submitted a batch of such pledges to Harrison in 1889 and Harrison refused to honor them. The result was an unfortunate and unnecessary breach between Harrison and the organization. Unnecessary, I mean, in the sense that Harrison ought not to have been called upon to sanction some things which were presented to him with the endorsement of the chairman of the National Committee. I should hate to have you find yourself in similar position next March.-3- 4. A good deal is going to be made by the other side of administrative corruption, which can only be gotten rid of by change of party control. You and I know how little there is in this, but what will the great mass of innocent voters say when these charges are repelled on the authority of the head of the Philadelphia machine, who is for the moment chairman of the National Committee? In other words, I think the man has a good many practical qualifications for the post, but more practical disqualifications. I fear the effect of the objections I mention, not merely in that they are derelictions from high standards, but that they will alienate certain phases of public opinion and a good many votes. I have had a confidential talk with Barclay Parsons this morning, on the strength of our conversation of yesterday, and I think that everything will go as you would like to have it. If the office of Attorney General cannot provide the Canal Commission with all the legal advice it needs, then I hope you will stir them to the choice of some highly competent man of established reputation who will have the complete confidence of Mr. Knox and who will not be too old. Always faithfully yours Nicholas Murray Butler To the President, White House, Washington, D.C.Republican National Committee Arlington Hotel Washington, D.C. Elmer Dover, Secretary April 25, 1904. My dear Mr. President: I am sorry not to have seen Doctor Formaneck when he was in the city, but have written him at Chicago and will arrange to see him there in June. It is my plan to go to Chicago the first of June and open headquarters there at least three weeks before the Convention. This will give me the opportunity to discuss the matter fully with him. Yours very truly, Elmer Dover. The President, White House,[*F*] My Dear Mr. Secretary : Thanks for enclosed letter from Gov. Wright. Today I will cable Bishop Hendrick & will also write to him informing him of the pains the President has taken to ascertain the grounds of the Bishop's complaint. Faithfully yrs, J. Card Gibbons Balto. Apl. 25, 1904[*CF*] Department of State. Washington. April 25, 1904. Dear Mr. President:- I enclose a copy of a despatch just received from Mr. Conger in regard to Prince Pu Lun. Faithfully yours, John Hay. [*State 3/5/04*]thing & should be protected against vindictive hostility Dont forget that the court of inquiry vindicated Biscoe & that Evans went over its head. I go into these details as I know you have no time but I am sure you will not let a wrong & injustice pass. Especially where it is the result of a manly act. Affectionately Uncle Rob [*[Roosevelt]*] April 25 [*[04]*] 57 FIFTH AVENUE. My Dear Theodore Dont fail to look into the Biscoe case & if you dont say it is vindictive persecution I shall be surprised. A court of enquiry was first appointed & they, while censuring the clerk & deservedly, reccommended that nono further action be taken. In spite of that Evans orders a court martial & brings all his influence to bear on it as he tried to do in the original court martial when he abused Biscoe because he would not yield to this improper influence. Now I enclose the specification & in spite of their tautology what do they amount to. That the clerk failed to keep some book & that Biscoe taking the clerks word made the mistake of reporting that his stores were abundant & he did not want any more. To call this a falsehood is to show ignorance of language. When Biscoe originally resisted the attempt of his commander to degrade & control a court martial as no commander had a right to do he did a manly[[shorthand]] AMASA THORNTON, LAWYER. 150 BROADWAY. CABLE ADDRESS: 'AMASTON, NEWYORK." NEW YORK, Apr. 25th, 1904. [*Ackd 4/27/04*] Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington, D. C. My Dear Sir:- It was my intention to go to Washington this week and take the liberty of calling on you to discuss the political situation in our State, but I leave for Europe on Saturday morning at six o'clock on business and will not be able to come on account of pressure of work. It is practically settled by this time who the Democratic candidate will be. Both being New York State men, one must lose his own State. The question is which one. There has gotten abroad a feeling that Parker will carry the State against you at the election. That feeling has been much encouraged by many Republicans, and I think they as much as any other cause are responsible for the feeling indicated. For two or three months I was the only politician that went to the Fifth Avenue Hotel who said you were sure to carry New York. In the last two or three months others have said so besides myself. I think the situation will improve some on that account between now and the first of July. There is no doubt that there is a good deal of dissatisfaction in our State at some things you have done. The only two things that I see that are likely to affect the situation much, is the Pension Extension Order and the promotion of General Wood. The feeling about the Wood affair is disappearing and long before election will only affect the mind of a few that are close observers and who feel that none but West Point men should be at the head of the Army. No injury will come between now and election from the promotion of volunteers, because thereAMASA THORNTON. LAWYER. 150 BROADWAY. CABLE ADDRESS: "AMASTON, NEWYORK." NEW YORK. Apr. 25th, 1904. Hon. T. R. No. 2. will be no war, and I look upon the Wood matter as being out of practical consideration. The Pension Extension Order works injury in this, to wit, men say that it indicates that the President desires to usurp the legislative powers of the Government whenever he can and that this is unsafe. As against this you have the fact that your action against the Northern Securities Co. is very popular with the masses and the small business men. They believe that you are against the great concentration of wealth that has been and is now going on. They believe that you are against them, not from the standpoint of the demagogue, but from the standpoint of a lover of your country's best welfare. This feeling towards you strengthens you very much. Judge Parker is going to be nominated because he made some decisions favorable to Labor. This cannot strengthen him and I believe that the State can be carried for Theodore Roosevelt at the next election, provided, that things are battened down, the ship kept in good fighting trim and the fight made good, hot and hard. The feeling in some places against Odell is already beginning to ease up a little and I believe will practically disappear. there is always more or less feeling aroused when there is a change in leadership, but I think Odell is showing good sense now and the party will not lose on election day by reason of the change. The thing to do is to get all the organization men straightened out in the fighting, and then with good leadership I believe we must win. I believe that our candidate for Governor should be Bliss. He would not be antagonized by any machine man on the ground that heAMASA THORNTON, LAWYER, 150 BROADWAY. CABLE ADDRESS: "AMASTON, NEWYORK." NEW YORK, Apr. 25th, 1904. Hon.T. R. No. 3. might set up for himself and try to be the State leader. His business standing with his Wall Street connections will help him there very much. His years of honest faithful loyalty to the party, never bolting, is bound to bring the support of every active Republican, and his great friendship with President McKinley would arouse all the old McKinley following. Personally I would gain nothing by his election, but I believe he is by far the strongest candidate that can be named. I shall be back from Europe in a couple of months and shall be ready to take off my coat for you with all the know how and energy I have from July on. I feel Mr. President that your re-election would be the best thing for the country and trust that things will be shaped rightly in this State, and after such shaping I believe success here will come. Yours respectfully, Amasa Thornton.[*[For 1 enc. see 4-25-04 St. Louis Globe - Democrat]*] [*F*] BOOKER T. WASHINGTON. [* see Parker, Hale Giddings- 4-26?/04*] TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE. INCORPORATED. TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA. April 25, 1904. Personal My dear Mr. President:- Your communication regarding the Negro exhibit at St. Louis has been received. The answer which you gave Hale Giddings Parker was most proper and wise. This matter has been gone over recently by a few of the best colored people and they now agree with you that it is too late to attempt to do anything in the way of an exhibit at St. Louis. A poor exhibit would be worse than none. My secretary, Mr. Scott, is now on his way to Washington to help in any way he can in regard to Dr. Crum, and he will tell you what I have done in the matter. Enclosed I return letter and newspaper clippings. Yours very truly, Booker T. Washington. President Theodore Roosevelt, White House, Washington, D. C.POSTAL TELEGRAPH-CABLE COMPANY IN CONNECTION WITH THE COMMERCIAL CABLE COMPANY. 16, W. CLARENCE H. MACKAY, President. J. O. STEVENS, Sec'y. WM. H. BAKER, V. P. & G. M. CLARENCE H. MACKAY, President. ALBERT BECK, Sec'y. GEO. G. WARD, V. P. & G. M. TELEGRAM The Postal Telegraph-Cable Company transmits and delivers this message subject to the terms and conditions printed on the back of this blank. [*WL 3 54*] Received at Postal Telegraph-Cable Co. Building 1345 Penna. Ave., Washington. B189NY.HF. 29- 656P New York.Apl,25-04. Honorable F.B.Loomis, K. st, Washn,D.C. [*1520*] Prince Hohenlohe leaves for Washington Friday morning. Four titled men and ladies in party. Can meeting president be arranged for Saturday or Sunday. Will remain Washington until Monday night. F.B. Wibourg. [*B Note Lunch Sat next*] TELEPHONE MAIN 458 - TELEGRAMS - CABLEGRAMS - MESSENGERS. [[shorthand]] CUSTOM HOUSE, SURVEYOR'S OFFICE. NEW YORK, April 25, 1904. [*Ack'd 4-26-04*] Dear Mr. Loeb: Please say to the President that, in pursuance of our conversation when I was last in Washington, as to the desirability of securing the services of Davenport, the cartoonist, for the Republican side in the pending campaign, I conferred with Cornelius N. Bliss, as he suggested, on my return, and he cordially endorsed the President's idea that Davenport's services are eminently desirable. He also thought that the best way to avail ourselves of such services, in case we could engage him, would be through The Mail and Express, and to stimulate the circulation of the paper through the organization of clubs, especially on the East Side, where there are now two hundred opposition papers circulated and read to one republican paper. Mr. Stoddard the editor of the Mail, telegraphed to Davenport, who has been on the Pacific slope delivering lectures for a month-2- or two, asking if he was open for an engagement if he should submit an offer; Davenport replied that he was open for an engagement and that he wanted to decide the matter by the time he arrived at Chicago, which would be on the 2nd of May. Mr. Bliss, Mr. Stoddard and I have discussed the matter in several meetings, and with the conclusion that it would be well for Mr. Stoddard to meet Davenport at Chicago and close the contract with him if possible and before he could reach New York, where a movement is being made to get him back into the service of the Journal. I want to report this much of progress and to learn whether we shall go ahead. It will cost about $1500 a month, and we probably would have to make the engagement to the 1st of January. The President will remember what he said to me on this subject. Please let me know what I shall do, and when I get your answer we will confer with Mr. Bliss and we will then determine what to do. Sincerely yours, J. S. C. Mr. Wm. Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Washington.[*P.F*] Surveyor's Office Custom House New York April 25. 1904 My Dear Mr. Loeb: I have learned from inside sources that a very powerful element of the Democratic Party, including Tammany Hall, & supported by the most of the malcontents among the Super millionaires - have been for ten days organizing actively for the nomination of Cleveland. On Friday & Saturday last between twelve and fifteen Democratic politicians were started out into the different states to organize this movement, Several had been started on Monday before - two going to Illinois, two to Ohio, one to Iowa, & one to California. All are supplied with money, or authorized to draw from it as needed. The Southern States are also having attention, but mainly from Washington, although in the last three or four days men have been sent directly into several of these States. Their work is to be to create Cleveland sentiment. This movement was started, in a quiet way three or four months ago. The semi-public inauguration of it now explains the origin of the democratic plan to center on Illinois, & California, & in the last month on Ohio. The plan is based on making the city vote the hope of Democratic success, on the theory that as the city voters [are] nearly all have fixed salaries or fixed wages and all consumers instead of producers they are susceptible to Free Trade & naturally opposed to Protection. I learn now that this theory has evolved by a study of Cleveland's vote in 1892, & the discovery of his strength in the cities. Therefore it was decided that as he had carried Illinois in 1872, & on electoralvote in Ohio, he could poll in the same States again, & in all States having large cities, more votes than any other Democrat. Because Ohio came to near going for him in '92, & did give him one of its Electoral votes, & because [a] it has in Cincinnati, Cleveland, Toledo, & Columbus four large cities, & because cooperative influence in the State is [tremendou] great, they decided to include it in the States to be campaigned for. They claim to have found that Cleveland has retained his strength in Ohio, Ills., and California, as well as in New York, N.J. & Ct., but admits he has lost strength in Indiana and Wisconsin. They are even trying to give themselves hope as to Massachusetts. But they are in dead earnest as to Ohio, Ills. and California. They find encouragement also as to Ohio in the fact that McKinley himself could not hold that State up to the [major] same relative majority that other States gave him. Tammany is implorable as to Parker, & in the Cleveland movement. McClellan has told several people in the last ten days that Cleveland is the only many the Democrats can elect, & that this is true because of his years of success, and his anti-Protection position, & his popularity with capital, adding that all the money that could be used would be furnished for him. The argument that is to be used to defeat Parker's nomination is that Hill would control him, & privately that Tammany would allow him to be defeated in New York. Doubtless you have learned of this days ago. I could [not] not believe till today that it was true, & so did not write you before. There are multiplying indications now that it is true, & very few indications to the contrary. Sincerely Yours, J.S.C.[*[4-25-04]*] [*Enc. in Washington, 4-25-04]*] St. Louis Daily Globe-Democrat, Thursday Morning, October 17, 1901. NEGRO AT THE WORLD'S FAIR. Hale G. Parker Urges Their Claims and Points to the Good Results—What the Negro Has Done and Is Doing —The World Should Know the Truth. At the meeting of the World's Fair committee on state and territorial exhibits Tuesday evening for special consideration of the question of a negro exhibit, Mr. Hale G. Parker, of Chicago, made a strong presentation of the claims of the race to special representation. "In considering the proposition of a separate exhibit for colored people at the great St. Louis Fair," said Mr. Parker, "three fundamental questions enter into the solution of the problem, to wit: "1. Can such an exhibit be made to result in great good to the colored people themselves? "2. Can such an exhibit be made to have a beneficial influence on public thought or opinion, or be made to have any value in history? "3. Can such an exhibit be so collected, organized and installed as to bring adequate returns in the moral and intellectual improvement of both races, and also in financial satisfaction to the generous spirit that made the exhibit possible? "You observe that an adequate answer to the first question necessarily covers the two that follow it, for the reason that it is in contemplation to attract the masses as well as the classes of the colored people here, which fact will not only favorably affect the size of the gate receipts, but also affect public opinion on the mental and industrial status of the negro. "The world's fairs in America have been exhibitions of the consummate fruit of four centuries of Anglo-Saxon civilization—the finished product of her ripest genius in the arts and sciences. The inventor, the manufacturer, the agriculturalist, the merchant, the scholar—all send their latest and best, the up-to-date product, and the up-to-date method of producing it. "The simpler steps in trade and commerce, in science and art, are in the scrap pile and the rural trade. The exhibits which now burst upon our view are the proudest triumphs of Anglo-Saxon genius. To the masses of the colored people, yet in the infancy of enterprise and education, these brilliant triumphs are simply wonderful— they delight the eye, but do not reach the soul. They are too colossal, too far away. If the negro had started with the Anglo-Saxon race in the process of evolution, h[e] would be content to come here without special provision, but the period of his evolution covers but thirty-five short years; and when the country pauses to gather strength from the achievements of the past, the negro sees but little that he has done. William T. Harris, present commissioner of education, said twenty years ago that one of the commonest and yet one of the most serious mistakes make by teachers was to place the goal, the result to be obtained, too far away from the child, and keep it constantly straining to grasp the unattainable. The result was that the child grew discouraged, and finally lapsed into indifference and inactivity, because its ambition was never gratified with that success won by the exercise of its own faculties. ----------------------------- "So with the masses of the colored people —the great exhibits have never appealed to their faculties; they were too far away. Comparatively few have ever visited these great enterprises, not altogether from a lack of means, but largely from a lack of interest. They have felt that the gigantic celebrations were not meant for them, because they could see nothing to identify themselves with them. "An exhibit by the colored people of this country, evidencing their own progress since emancipation, would bring the more complex exhibits of the great exposition closer to the negro. Through the medium of his own exhibit he would need to be led to study the exhibits of others. This will appear all the more clearly to you as you recall the fact that the negro, whether North or South, East or West, still clings to his own institutions. It is through them that he interprets the institutions of others. It is through them that he identifies himself with the great agencies that are unfolding the nation's life. The colored people standing in the inspiring presence of a negro exhibit would feel the first thrill and impulse of the mighty power about him on every hand. "Standing to-day side by side, with his brother inventor, his brother manufacturer, his brother in the republic of letters, seeing adverse conditions conquered, seeing what industry, energy, and education will accomplish, the negro soul is stirred to its depths, and to-morrow he may be found standing in front of a Corliss engine, not so much in wonder and amazement, as in study and investigation. "Expositions then would no longer dazzle and mystify, but they would interest and instruct the negro. I speak particularly on behalf of the middle and lower classes of our people, who have never had any interest in great industrial enterprises. The teacher, the preacher, the lawyer, the doctor, the poet and painter have all been there, and have been lifted to higher levels of intellectual and moral life by w[h]at they saw and studied there. This time we want the bricklayer, the carpenter, the painter, the barber, the janitor, the waiter, the engineer, the porter, the farmer, the business man and artisan, all to be there by the side of their professional brethren to give the race a fresh impulse and a larger interest in the great problem of life. -------------------------- "The negro is ignorant of his own power. He has never seen a comprehensive, a truly representative exhibit of his own race. No exposition management has yet risen to the level of giving to the negro of this country an opportunity national in scope and purpose. The public at large is but poorly informed as to what the negro has actually accomplished since emancipation. In the light of a poorly informed public opinion the negro is under a cloud of great injustice. 'Tis true we had an exhibit at New Orleans about a quarter of a century ago; it did injustice to the negro of that day, for it was very meager and far away at the mouth of the Mississippi. Atlanta had a better one, but local in scope and effect. The colored exhibit at Nashville was likewise circumscribed. The Pan-American negro exhibit is a meager educational effort, a stale dish returned from Paris. "Thus we have drifted from one exposition to another, a little here and a little there, doing more injury than good. For a dozen years at least appalling charges of nameless crimes have been made against the negro with such facility and ease, and terrible death has followed the victims so swiftly and boldly that the whole race has been made to suffer in the public estimate. It has been the talk of hotels, of street corners, and of firesides. It has filled the public eye. We want to lift your eyes, the eyes of the whole world from the horrors of the burning stake to the negro at the anvil and the lathe, to the negro on his own farm and plantation, to the negro in his own grocery and store, to the negro in his splendid schools and colleges, to the negro in defense of his home, to the negro in defense of his country. "We want to fill the eyes of the world with loftier scenes of the negro's life on this continent. We want to be lifted above the clouds that now hover about us. ------------------------ "St. Louis can rise far above all other expositions in this behalf and lift us to the bar of the civilized world, where we are willing to go on trial. St. Louis stands on the borderland between the North and the South ad at the gateway to the great West. In the light of all other international fairs St. Louis stands on the vantage ground. The 'torch of intellect' which in 1903 she will hold up from this elevation will be the signal for the North to meet the rising South; for the East to meet the undeveloped West—all to clasp hands in a memorable reunion[??????????] But don't leave the negro at [h???] [???????] to come, too. We will all have a better understanding of each other when we part. The negro, through living a detached life, is no small part of out composite nationality. If you forget him he goes back to the flesh pots of Egypt and becomes a menace to republican institutions. If you remember him you will then feel a greater shock of his power in the great agencies which are giving this country a controlling influence in the sisterhood of nations. He is a skilled workman at Birmingham, at Atlanta, in the refineries of Louisiana and in all the great industries of the South and North. His educational progress is the wonder of the world. John D. Rockefeller, through his contractor, A. D. Houghton, is putting in a large heating and lighting plant for the Chicago university. All the lathes, blacksmith shops and other machinery necessary for the work are there on the grounds and are presided over by skilled colored artisans, recruited from five different states. A colored superintendent is also in evidence. Hundreds of whites and blacks have visited this 'live exhibit' on the university grounds and expressed surprise at the degree of skill in negro labor there manifest. ----------------------------- "This busy scene has changed the thoughts of hundreds of men and women. Thirty-five hundred students from all parts of the country and the world witness it daily. Colored preachers have carried the glad [news?] into their pulpits, colored clubs and societies have discussed it, and the 40,000 colored people of Cook county now feel closer to the goal, now believe more firmly in the power and wish of the race to clutch the industrial problems of our time. "In the town of Paris, Ill., a few miles out on the Big Four, lives a schoolmate of mine, a practical plumber and gas fitter, the owner and proprietor of a large, wellstocked store, the contractor for the work of putting in the plumbing and the heating plant for the courthouse of Edgar county. He is one of the best customers of the N. O. Nelson Manufacturing company. Every white man who has seen Troy Porter at his post in Paris no longer despairs of the negro as a useful member of civil society; every negro home in Paris is lit up with unfading hope for the race; the goal is at their doors —a respected colored citizen has quietly led the way into the marts of trade. "A half century ago a slave purchased his freedom in Mobile, Ala., came to a little town on the banks of the Ohio and, after following his trade as a molder for a few years, became the owner and proprietor of the Phoenix foundry, Ripley, Ohio. He manufactured threshing and mowing machines, sugar cane mills, portable and stationary steam engines, and then entered upon the manufacture and sale of four of his own patents —a tobacco screw, a steam heater, a soil pulverizer and a portable tobacco press. That foundry not only turned out machines, but also colored molders, colored finishers, colored blacksmiths, colored engineers, colored pattern makers and cupola tenders. "Every colored man who saw this enterprise and the owner in and about it saw the impassable gulf between himself and Anglo-Saxon civilization closing up. "The white man who saw it was likewise elevated. "Multiply these instances into tens, then into hundreds, then into thousands, and you will have some idea of the industrial success of the negro in this country—some idea of the quality and quantity of an exhibit that might be collected and installed here in a negro building. We want them here. We want the black brethren of the North to meet the black brethren of the South and compare notes. "We want the white brethren of the North to meet the white brethren of the South, and both walk over to the negro building and give their brother in black such a welcome that he will be bound to exclaim, 'Thank God, I, too, am an American.'"[*Sent Sen Aldrich & retnd. 4/28/04*] 117 Duane Street. New York, April 26 1904. Dear Mr. President: In reply to your suggestion it will give me pleasure to go to Washington next week, to be there say Tuesday evening, May 3rd, and to remain during Wednesday, the 4th, if that time will suit your convenience. If not, I can go the week following -- any day after [Wednesday] Monday the 9th, most convenient to yourself. Meantime I will mention that I saw Governor Murphy at the steamer just before he sailed. He is apparently disposed to accept chairmanship if it is tendered to him, but he naturally suggests the condition that our friends will cheerfully support him in his work, meaning especially, as I understood, the men relied upon so greatly in the campaigns of 1896 and 1900. It is difficult to predict just the position of some, especially those who were known as Gold Democrats, many of them looking -- although with doubt -- for a conservative nomination by the Democrats. I greatly doubt such nomination, owing to remarks that have been made to me by leading Democrats. Governor Murphy mentioned that Senator John Kean was opposed to him; I judge there is more or less feeling between the two men. Senator Dryden told me that he believed Murphy the best and most available man to be had. Mr. Root also I know approves of him. I have not accepted newspaper stories that Senator Aldrich might become Chairman. If he would take the place, he would be on many accounts the strongest man in the country. Any Chairman must have a very strong man at117 Duane Street. The President -2- Chicago as Vice Chairman. I suggested to Secretary Cortelyou that Charles H. Dawes would be a good man to on the Chicago branch of the Executive Committee - not necessarily as Vice Chairman, but he would not be amiss in that position. Of course, if the P.M.G. should retire from office, and his health permitted, he would be a better man for Chicago than any other. If Frick would take the Treasurership it would be good, or if Aldrich were to be Chairman, Murphy would be an excellent Treasurer. In either case I have favored the appointment of a committee, to be called Finance, or Advisory, or anything else, to be outside the Executive Committee, their business being simply to provide the necessary means for the proper conduct of the campaign. C.C. Harrison, of Philadelphia, should be on that Committee, with others suggested by him for that city. I would cheerfully serve as one of the New York members. I regret that it would be impossible for me to take the responsibility of the Treasurership - the place is next to Chairman and Vice Chairman in responsibility, and requires constant presence at headquarters throughout the campaign, from July 1st to November. I dislike to own that the post is beyond my power and strength. Dr. Kinnicut, my family physician, has positively prohibited me from undertaking the task, and I suppose has good reasons for so doing. At seventy-one, my age, it is necessary to trust your doctor somewhat. I have written above thoughts which are in my mind, but they may be inappropriate in the changes that occur from day to day. I will117 Duane Street. The President -2- however go to Washington at a time convenient to you as suggested above and go into matters more definitely. Sincerely yours, C. N. Bliss The President, White House, Washington.done, but, she is to be here for a while longer - Just let Mr Loeb answer this note I hate troubling you with it — Devotedly Bye [*[Anna R Cowles]*] [*Attended to*] 2.30 pm April 26 - 1904 1733 N. Street. Dearest Theodore I always hate to trouble you with people, but, some times I cannot help it, I have given a note to Mr Loeb to young Appleton Clark has married Grace Roosevelt of Poughkeepsie he only wish just to pay his respects, he has had a maddening time inalso evidently wishes to see you but he especially first to present the younger - Herbert Knox Smith's Mother is in town & also pines just to be presented to you her son is with Mr Garfield I spoke to you of him as she is an old family friend of Mills' Mother's of course I would be glad could this be having appointed him a Judge & Mr McClellan claiming the right to the appointment I only tell you this to place him a brute - Hampden Robb is in town with two daughters he has promised if possible to present the younger one to you as she is wild on the subject of - - course both in fact she265 West 40th Street New York, April 26th 1904 [*Sent Sen Aldrich & retd 4/28/04*] To his excellency Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Excitutive Mansion. Washington D.C. My Dear Sir: By a unanimous vote of the Colored Baptist Ministers' Conference of Greater New York and Vicinity of which I have the honor of being its Secretary, the conference voted that a telegram be sent3 We commended you highly for the noble part you have taken in behalf of the colored people, but are rather disgusted with the action of the Republican members of the United States Senate. If the Senate fails to confirm the nomination of Dr. Crum at this present session, I am forced to believe that there will be a general dissatisfaction among the colored people all over the States. I am yours obedient servant Rev. Edward N. McDaniels 2 to United States Senators Platt and Depew asking them to vote for the confirmation of Dr. W. D. Crum for Collector of the post of Charleston, S.C. It is distinctly understood that if the two Republican Senators from this State should fail to vote for the confirmation of Dr. Crum, the colored voters of the State of New York will vote against the nominees of the party at the coming election. If we must die, we want to die as men. [*Ack'd 4-27-04*] [*D*] [*See P.P.F.*] House of Representatives, Washington. April 26, 1904. My dear Mr. President: -- I have just received a letter from our friend Mason Mitchell, in which he states that the Consul Generalship at Teheran, Persia is vacant, and he would like very much to receive the appointment. The change of climate from Zanzibar to Persia is not as violent as you would like, but perhaps later on you can locate him in the Land of the Midnight Sun. He is a very adaptable fellow, and I think would get along well with the Persians. Hoping you may see your way clear to help him, I remain. Very truly yours, M. E. Driscoll Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States.Independent Order of B'hai Brith Office of the Executive Committee. 723 Lexington Avenue. New York. Washington, D.C. April 26, 1904. To the President, White House, Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr. President: I take great pleasure in acknowledging the receipt of your very kind and friendly letter, in which you congratulate me and the Order of B'nai B'rith, to my election as President. I am simply voicing the opinion of the said organization, and indeed of all true lovers of humanity, when I say that not only your words but your acts, give evidence that you are the worthy and patriotic representative of the American people. Let me hope and pray, for your health and happiness, to the end of doing still grander work for the welfare of the Republic. Yours very truly, Simon Holf SW/N.H.C. LODGE. CHAIRMAN. [*Gr*] Personal. UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE PHILIPPINES April 26, 1904. Dear Mr.Loeb:- I return Governor Guild's letter. He has said the same thing to me, but I do not see how it is possible for us to do more then we have done. I have already talked with the President about it,but am very glad to have seen the letter. Sincerely yours, H. C. Lodge William Loeb,Jr.,Esq. [*see Guild, Curtis Jr. 4/22/04*][*[For 2 attachments see ca.4-1904]*] [*F*] SECRETARY'S OFFICE, DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, WASHINGTON, D.C. April 26, 1904. Dear Mr. Loeb: I send you the circular issued by the General Land Office, about which I talked with Mr. Barnes today over the 'phone. In my judgment this circular ought not to have been issued without editing. It is injudicious, in that it discloses a condition of affairs which, at this juncture, can do the administration no good, but will be used to its discredit by Democratic newspapers when they get hold of it, as will inevitably be the case. When the copy of the circular was submitted to the Secretary I made these suggestions [*For 1. enclosure see Richards, 4-18-04*] to him, but we did not take the same view, and the order to print was approved. I feel that you ought to see the circular, so I send you a copy. Very truly yours, W. Scott Smith Private Secretary. Mr. William Loeb, Jr., White House.Amanda S. Muenchinger. Cable Address, "Amanda," Newport. The Muenchinger-King and Hill Top Cottages Newport, R.I. April 26, 1904. Mr. President Allow me to express my thanks for the very flattering (though uninvited) allusion to "Sir Hubert," above. Your autograph in the copy of Hunting Trips of a Ranchman, Stewart Edward returned me. I prize it most highly as well as your gracious courtesy and kindness to my boy. My earnest hope is that he may tread the path you have so strongly blazed for all American youth. Your sound counsel supported indeeds is most opportune, and we need it. May your administration be the turning point in our national career and the dry-rot be arrested. God speed and bless you in the effort. Very Respectfully yours, F. Stewart White[*ca 4-26-1904*] [*Commerce & Labor*] [*Immigration Com.*] [*HC Lodge*] Senator Lodge strongly urges the President to appoint James B. Reynolds on Immigration Commission. Senators Lodge, Dillingham, and McLaurin Congressmen Bennett, Burnett and Bartholdt have been appointed on the part of the Senate & House. Senator Lodge says Sargent & Neil ought not be put on to investigate themselves. Rep's Parson and Bennett urge appt of Rossiter because of his statistical ability.[attached to Lodge 4-26-04][*Cancelled*] [*I*] [*[ca 4-26-1904]*] The President is greatly concerned over the situation about the immigration bill. If the bill fails to pass he may have to call an extra session of Congress, which he has been very anxious to avoid. There is more than one feature of the greatest value in this bill. The real opposition against the bill is evidently simply by those who wish to throw open the doors for the admission of contract laborers to this country. The President feels most strongly, not only that there must be no weakening of the law against contract labor, but that there must be a strengthening. He feels that the proposed bill is of vital consequences to our wageworkers, especially on the Pacific slope, but also the country generally, and that to defeat the bill would be one of the most effective ways possible of attacking the American wageworker. The President is rather amused to find that the doctrine of States' rights, which has been involved so frantically to prevent any national supervision over the railroads, is now being invoked for the purpose of breaking down the contract labor law.[attached to Lodge, 4-26-04][*CA·4·26·04*] [*ENC. IN. CLARKSON TO T. R. 4·26·04*] [*AMBROSE O. NEAL, WHO DEFEATED "TEDDY'S FRIEND."*] BEAT DISCOVERER OF ROOSEVELT Joseph Murray's Ambition to Go to the National Convention and Assist in President's Renomination Frowned Upon. DISTRICT LEADER, THEN VOTERS, SAID HIM NAY. Mistake in Ballots at Primary Contest in Fourteenth Congress District Nearly Lost for Elihu Root at Same Time. The recent primary elections served to uncloak the original discoverer of President Roosevelt. This Christopher Columbus of the political arena is an active resident of Manhattan and moreover holds down the quiet and renumerative job of Deputy Commissioner of Immigration of the Port of New York. His name is Joseph Murray, and a better Republican, according to the way he tells it, never stepped in shoe leather. He claims the credit of having unearthed the President when the latter was struggling for recognition in the political world, and, taking the then untutored political embryo under his guiding wing, directed Roosevelt's footsteps toward Albany as an Assemblyman. President Roosevelt was elected and later thanked the now Deputy Commissioner of Immigration for giving him his boost in the political whirl. Since then, according again to Commissioner Murray, he and the President have slapped each other on the back in the friendliest fashion and are really the chummiest of chums. Recently Murray decided he must become a delegate to the National Republican Convention to attest his loyalty to the President. Residing in the Thirtieth Assembly District, he therefore had a quiet heart-to-heart talk with Republican Leader Ambrose O. Neal one day before the primaries and confided to him that he desired to go to the National Convention. "No" to His Aspirations. "Why?" asked Leader Neal, who had been apprised that President Roosevelt had expressed the desire that no federal official be elected as a delegate to the convention. "Why, the President and I are great old chums. I discovered 'Teddy,' and it is up to me to go to that convention," the Deputy Commissioner of Immigration is reported to have declared. "But the President has declared that he wants no office-holder elected a delegate," protested Leader Neal, who had selected his delegates to the Congress district convention. "Oh, my man, but I and the President are the best of friends! I started him for the Assembly years ago, and afterward had a say in his political career," said Murray, whose closest association with the President in latter years has been confined to a long-distance observation of the Executive's lithograph during election times. "You can't go, and that settles it," decided Leader Neal. "Do you appreciate that I am to be named the next Immigration Commissioner of the Port of New York, and that the President is my friend?" is he retort attributed to Murray. Mr. Neal said something to the effect that he needed all the Christopher Columbuses right in the election districts, to discover Republican votes, and politely asked the Deputy Commissioner if he was willing to serve as a captain. Decided to Fight Neal. "I'll fight you first," declared President-Maker Murray indignantly, and he was true to his threat—but not until he had seen "Mike" Hines, of the Second, and "Jimmie" March, with who he pleaded to be made a delegate, only to be turned down. Then came the fight against the leadership, practically, of Leader Neal. It remained for the issuance of a circular and subsequent interviews with Murray to bring out the statement stronger that he was the man who first brought Roosevelt to light—discovered his political possibilities, as it were, and insisted that he enter the political field. The rebellious circular read: "Vote the ticket headed by Joseph Murray, a resident of the Fourteenth Congressional District, a personal friend of President Roosevelt and an active, energetic worker for the Republican party at all times." That such glory should be hidden under a bushel in the Fourteenth Congressional District, erstwhile the Barge Office, was a surprise to the voters. They made inquiries and then voted. This was the result: The friend and maker of President Roosevelt got three votes in two districts, four in another and scored nineteen votes against thirty-three in his own district. Murray was beaten three to one, with the result that he will not go as a delegate to the convention which will nominate his protege, President Roosevelt, to the high office he now holds. Should Have Known Better. Murray should have known better, his friends declare. Surely he has been in politics long enough. He has held down political snaps for the past twenty-five years. He formerly had a good job in old Castle Garden, then he became an Excise Commissioner; then Assistant Custodian of the Custom House; then Custodian of the Capitol at Albany, when his "friend," the President, was Governor; then Deputy Immigration Commissioner. But the man who most regrets Murray's essay for the leadership of the Thirtieth is former War Secretary Elihu Root. The latter's name headed the list of delegates on the ticket submitted to the voters of the Fourth Election District of the Thirtieth Assembly. There were seventeen names on the list instead of sixteen. The inspectors declared all the Murray votes invalid therefore, and the former Secretary of War certainly looked sick when the decision was rendered. Fortunately, declare the Republicans of the district who still marvel at Murray's "strike out," Elihu Root's aspirations survived the ordeal. But had there been a few more such breaks not only Murray but the distinguished Mr. Root would have suffered defeat. It's a foolish thing to monkey with the machine sometimes. Why hunt for a house when you can reverse the proposition! Advertise in World Want Ads. and make your choice from the replies. Read the wants in Wednesday's morning World.[[shorthand notation]] TELEGRAM. [*[Ackd] 4/28/04*] White House, Washington. SWU. G. RA. 63-Paid 10:32 p.m. Indianapolis, Indiana, April 27,1904. Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. Am delegate-at large from Indianapolis.Convention today passed iron-clad instructions, binding me to vote for you. I suppose I shall be compelled to do it in view of the fact that the convention indorsed me for re-election. I guess that it may be that I will obey instructions and vote for your nomination also. Your name was tremendously cheered whenever mentions. Albert J. Beveridge.[*PF*] The Commercial Advertiser. Established 1787. 187 Broadway and 5 & 7 Dey Street. Editorial Department New York, April 27th, 1904. Dear Mr. President:-- The Cockran case, of which I spoke to you, was disclosed in June, 1902. Full accounts of it, that is of the charge and Cockran's answer, appeared in the Sun of June 19th and 20th. In Substance, the charge was that Cockran and other persons had organized a movement to restrain the Consolidated Gas Company from forming a trust; that after they had proceeded for a time, Cockran settled with the Consolidated Company, receiving for his services from them $700,000, and that he refused to share this fee with an attorney named Lamb whom he had employed to aid him. Like other cases of the kind, the proof is not positive that Cockran was blackmailing, but nobody at the time had any doubt as to that being exactly what he was engaged in and what he succeeded in. I have tried to obtain copies of papers of that date to send you, but cannot get any of them. I think it would be a dangerous charge to make because Cockran would deny it furiously and it could not be proved any more than Delzell's charge has been proved against him. It seems to me that the best treatment of him is to let him alone. I have said as much in to-day's paper in the article which I enclose. Yours always, J. B. Bishop. President Roosevelt.[For 1 enclosure see 4-27-04][* P.F*] No. 1 Broadway, New York. April 27, 1904. William Loeb Jr., Secretary to the President, Washington, D. C. My dear Sir: I am in receipt of yours enclosing letter in relation to Captain Gallagher. The statement as to Gallagher's being an applicant, or obtaining his position on the Staff through his own or the application of others, is a mistake, which can easily be verified by looking at the record. Captain Gallagher was taken from the line into the staff against his own protest. He proved so efficient there that when it came to appointments in the Regular Army he was made Captain and Commissary of Subsistence. He declined the appointment, but the Subsistence Department was so anxious that he should remain that as an inducement for him to stay in the staff the Adjutant General wired him at Manila that they would place him at the head of all the volunteer appointments of that rank in the Regular Army, and finally induced him to remain in the staff department, and he served through Cuba, the Philippines and China. When he returned and the Secretary of War made up the General Staff, I have no personal knowledge of how that staff was selected, and no knowledge of Gallagher's even seeking a place in it. He certainly never spoke to me in relation to the matter. The fact is Gallagher is a very superior officer, to which fact everyone he ever served under will testify, and this has given him the position he holds today. However, every one of the officers Senator Proctor names as having received promotion from the staff are very able and distinguished men, and no doubt would have received promotion whether they had served in the staff or in the line. It is possible that a greater proportion of promotions have been made from the staff than from the line, which is natural. My experience in war was that we selected the very ablest officers we could find for staff duty, and I suppose that is the case now. Very truly yours, Grenville M DodgeBRITISH EMBASSY, WASHINGTON. [[shorthand]] 27th April 1904 Dear Mr. Loeb Admiral Sir Cyprian Bridge, lately in command of our fleet on the China Station, is here on his wayto England - remaining until tomorrow. If the President would cease to see him, and can spare the time, Jim Cyprian would Feel highly honoured. May I ask whether you could mention his name to Mr Roosevelt? I remain yours sincerely HM Durand Jim Cyprian is staying at the Raleigh -[*F*] Office of Assistant Treasurer U. S., PERSONAL New York, N. Y., April 27, 1904. Dear Mr. Loeb:- I enclose herewith a slip from a Frankfort paper giving an interview had with Mr. Jacob Schiff in that city on the situation in the United States. The Associated Press cabled that part of the interview relating to the financial situation but omitted the political part. Messrs. Kuhn, Loeb & Co. made an effort to get the Associated Press here yesterday to send it out but they were unwilling to do so as they were loath to be accused of taking side politically. Thinking however that the President would enjoy reading it and to know how outspoken Mr. Schiff is in his expression in his behalf, I enclose it herewith. The Mail last night and the Tribune had references to it. Very truly yours, Hamilton Fish To Col. William Loeb, Secretary &c., White House, Washington, D. C.[For 1 enclosure see 4-13-04][*CF*] [*Private*] EMITTE SPIRITUM TUUM Balto, Apl 27, 1904. My Dear Mr. President: In reply to your esteemed favor I beg to say that when I signed the petition in favor of Philippine Independence, I was largely influenced by a declaration ascribed to Gov. Taft when Governor of the Islands that their future independence would be assured. Nor did I sign the paper except with the understanding that their independence would be concededonly when the government & the authorities in the Islands thought that they would be ripe for the concession. I should deeply regret to do anything that would in the smallest way embarrass you in your delicate task & formidable burden of maintaining peace & order in those Islands. Very Sincerely Yours J. Card. Gibbons Theodore Roosevelt President. P. S. I have cabled & written to Bishop Hendrick enclosing the correspondence & informing him of your efforts in his behalf.Ackd 4/29/04 2603 Prairie Ave Chicago April 27-1904 My Dear Mr President: I have been to Indianapolis for several days. Among others I saw Mr. Malatt the banker and railroad man and my Uncle Harry McGrain of Corydon. Mr Malott says you will be elected, he understands the issue, - National supremacy as againstState sovereignty. This is the way the New York Sun seems to want it, and we can "go to the country" on that proposition out here. Mr Malotts bank the Indiana National has always I believe been rated in the first 20 of the National banks. His influence is very great at home and in the East. My Uncle was elected one of the delegates from his district the 3d to the National Convention. He said I should tell you that he was for whoever you wanted for Vice President and would not commit himself to any one until the last minute as it might be that you may have a choice. He also said he would advise his associate to adopt the same course. Very Faithfully Yours Otto Gresham[*Ack'd 4/27/04*] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. April 27,1904. Dear Mr.Loeb: I enclose herewith a list of the party accompanying Prince Hohenlohe. The entire party is in this country [] as the guests of Mr. and Mrs.Frank Wiborg of Cincinnati, friends of mine of long standing - Mrs. Wiborg being a niece of the late General Sherman. The Hohenlohes and the Ratibors are cousins of the German Empress. They are to reach here Friday afternoon or evening and I understood the President to say that they would be invited to lunch on Saturday. They have had no communication whatever with the German Ambassador and have not informed him that they are in the country. Buton yesterday he asked me to communicate with them and to say that he desired to give a dinner in their honor on Saturday night. I have done so and they have accepted his invitation. It is not quite decided yet whether the German Ambassador will present them to the President or whether I will. I think at least they ought to call at the White House and leave their cards before going there to lunch. Of course as they are to arrive so late on Friday it would hardly give them time to call at the White House before hand except by way of leaving cards. Very sincerely yours, Francis R Loomis. Hon.William Loeb Jr., Secretary to the President.[*C[?]*] NAVY DEPARTMENT, M. WASHINGTON, APRIL 27, 1904. Dear Mr. Loeb: I return herewith the letter of Hon. Robert [*B*]R.Roosevelt addressed to the President, in reference to the case against Paymaster Biscoe. Very truly yours, M Moody Hon. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. [*see Roosevelt, Robert Barnwell 1904, Jan 4, " April 25 June 11 July 1 Navy-Dept.*][*F*] April 27, 1904 57 FIFTH AVENUE. My Dear Mr President Let me present to you Mr Eugene L Burke. He is Chairman of the House Committee of the Democratic Club of which I have the honor to be a member & we have had many a pleasantmeeting & good dinner together. Affectionately Rob B Roosevelt[?] V.V.N. Ranch Bovina Texas Wednesday Apr 27th 1904 My dear Colonel; I thank you very much for your kind invitation to visit the White House, and will take pleasure in accepting it after the Chicago Convention. I suppose Col. Lyon has told you that I am a delegate to this Convention. I have up a 3 to 1 bet, with a Democrat, that you will be nominated there - it look like easy money to me. Trusting that I willwin the money and thanking you again for the invitation I am Very Sincerely Yours W. S. Simpsona singular and subtle charm, the full extent of which is only realized after one has been with him for some time. He and Daisy always hit it off wonderfully together. I thought much of you at the time of the accident to the "Missouri", which was of course specially brought home to you and I see that it has had the unfortunate effect of producing a movement in Congress, together with the disasters to the Russian vessels against our building further battle [*Ack'd 5-6-04*] April 27 1904 Dear Mr President, I hope I may be the first to give you a piece of pleasant news: viz: that John Morley has decided that he cannot resist the honor and pleasure of paying you a visit and he proposes to do so some time, I think, in November. Ever since you gave me the message for him, I have been "at him" gently from time to time and last Sunday Daisy and I motored down to Wimbledon to see him in his new home, to which he has just added a fine large library. He then told us that he had pretty well made up his mind to go, as he could not resist so great an honor as [to] staying with the President and especially such a President as yourself. He will write to you himself in a few days, I think. He wants to combine a function to which Carnegie has often bidden him at Pittsburg and is waiting to see that great man before settling dates. He seems really much touched at you having invited him to the White House and you will find him quite delightful possessed as he is withships or indeed going on with your admirable projects for increasing the Navy, any stoppage which I should deeply deplore. We get little or no news from the Seat of war and my impression is that the Japs are finding the Russians on land much more difficult to deal with than at Sea. But of course we may hearsome startling news soon. We are looking forward soon to news from Jack of his visit to you which he doubtless greatly enjoyed. It was most good of you & Mrs. Roosevelt to give him so much pleasure. Yours Very Sincerely Henry White I rejoice that all seems to be going so well for you politically.at the convenience of your Excellency I am Sir Your most obedient servant Edward D. Winslow [*Winslow, Edward Delbert Union League Chicago*] [*Ackd 4/27/04*] THE SHOREHAM WASHINGTON D.C. JOHN T. DEVINE To His Excellency Apl 29 - 1904 Hono Theodore Roosevelt Sir: At our presentation this morning through the courtesy of Senator Proctor we were unable to unfold the plans we have, to induce every Swede in New York State, exercise his franchise in your favor. We would. Mrs Winslow and myself ask the favor of a private talk of some 15 minutesMr. Cowles says Sir Cyprian Bridge, Admiral, who has been in command of British Asiatic Squadron is on his way home and is in city for a day. He is an old friend [of] Capt. Cowles. The British Ambassador may write asking the President to receive him. Mr. Cowles wishes the President to know this. 4-27-1904.4-28 By telephone: [Comr] - Chamberlain says Congress has just passed the bill providing for a commission to examine into merchant marine matters. As Senator Frye, who has always had charge of shipping matters, was inadvertently not con- sulted, and (Mr. Chamberlain thinks) has felt a little hurt in consequence, Mr. Chamberlain suggests that it would be well to ask the Senator to serve on the commission. 4-27-1904 - 10 p.m. [*[Enclosed in Bishop, 4-27-04]*] THE GLOBE 6 The Globe and Commercial Advertiser. 1797-ESTABLISHED-1904 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------- PUBLISHED EVERY EVENING, EXCEPT SUNDAY, By The COMMERCIAL ADVERTISER ASSOCIATION. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------- NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 27, 1904. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------- PUBLICATION OFFICE, 137 Broadway. BRANCH OFFICES: Uptown, 3 W. 29th St., [???] [???th] Ave., 1364 Broadway, and 1353 Broadway. WASHINGTON: Western Union Building. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: $3.00 Three months .75 1.50 One month .80 [?] is not responsible for manuscript which is not the name and address accompanied by of The day amply vindicated, and a body of undisputed facts gathered which make clearer than ever before the duty of the country. A PITIFUL EXHIBIT. What does Congressman Dalzell of Pennsylvania think he is trying to do in his present assaults upon Bourke Cockran? It is impossible to answer that question by examining his speeches, for they give no clue to the mystery. He has made a charge against Mr. Cockran which, if proved, would be as damaging to the national committee of Mr. Dalzell's party as it would be to Mr. Cockran. If the latter took money for his speeches in advocacy of Mr. McKinley in 1896, the Republican national committee gave him that money. One side of such a bargain is no better and no worse than the other side. The only way by which the charge can be proved is by the production of vouchers or committee records, and Mr. Dalzell, if he took the trouble to think at all before he made his charge, must have realized that no such proof as that would be forthcoming. The net result of the shindy thus far is, as Mr Cockran himself said yesterday, to exalt him from the newest and humblest member of the House to the dignity of a political issue. The eyes of the nation have been drawn to him through Mr. Dalzell's utterly fatuous assaults upon him, and he is, of for the moment, the towering figure of our political life. He has the advantage of Mr. Dalzell in many ways, but chiefly in holding the bluffing aide of the controversy, and it would be difficult to imagine a controversy which contained greater opportunities for an experienced bluffer than it is Mr. Cockran's fortune to possess in this one. He is having the time of his life with it for [?] he been granted a finer field for the display of his powers. The net result of the shindy thus far is, as Mr. Cockran himself said yesterday, to exalt him from the newest and humblest member of the House to the dignity of a political issue. The eyes of the nation have been drawn to him through Mr. Dalzell's utterly fatuous assaults upon him, and he is, for the moment, the towering figure of our political life. He has the advantage of Mr. Dalzell in many ways, but chiefly in holding the bluffing side of the controversy, and it would be difficult to imagine a controversy which contained greater opportunities for an experienced bluffer than it is Mr. Cockran's fortune to possess in this one. He is having the time of his life with it for rarely has he been granted a finer field for the display of his powers. We have had these partisan wrangles in the closing days of every session that has preceded immediately a presidential election; but rarely have they been so one-sided as in this instance. Mr. Cockran has not only displayed his own rare gifts as a sonorous and voluble orator, but he has brought out the oratorial and intellectual weakness of the Republican side with a startling clearness. Not only has that side no hardened rough-and-ready debater who is a match for Mr. Cockran, but it apparently has no leader on the floor who can prevent foolish exhibitions from being made, or who is able to demolish a partisan harangue with a sentence or a phrase. If Mr. Cannon had not been put in the speaker's chair, or if the late Thomas B. Reed were still in the House, Mr. Cockran's proud prancing would be far less unrestrained than it is. A stinging taunt from Reed would have an extremely quieting effect upon his demeanor. The same effect would be easily produced by Mr. Cannon were he on the floor. Nothing surpassing the quietus he put upon the debate on the "sacrilege to Lucy Hayes's sideboard" has ever been witnessed in the House. It will be remembered that it was charged that in renovating the White House that sideboard had gone first to an auction room, ad subsequently to a barroom. There was no truth whatever in the charge, for there was no such sideboard, but the Democrats were making the most of it, when "Uncle Joe" Cannon took a hand in the game. Rising and speaking with portentous solemnity on the question of John Adams the presidential family washing was hung to dry on a clothesline in the East Room. Throwing up his hands, and rolling his eyes in horror, he asked in a truly awful voice: "Where is that clothesline now?" A question like that asked of Mr. Cockran in one of his flights would keep him quiet for a considerable period.